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THE GUICOWAR r 
 
 AND 
 
 HIS RELATIONS WITH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT, 
 
 EY 
 
 LIEUT. COLONEL B. WALLACE, 
 
 RESIDENT AT BARODA. 
 
 PRINTED AT THE 
 
 EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, BYCULLA, 
 
 1863. 
 
DS4-S5" 
 
THE GUICOWAR 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FROM A.D. 1/05 TO A.D. 1/31, FROM THE FIRST 
 INCURSIONS OF THE MAHRATTAS INTO GUZERAT 
 TO THE BATTLE OF DUBHOEE. 
 
 THE history of the first incursions of the Mahrattas 
 into Guzerat is veiled in obscurity. That province, 
 still wealthy, though distracted by the selfish quarrels 
 of the imperial local functionaries and the rapid 
 degradation of the imperial power, was infested by 
 their roving parties for many years before any perma- 
 nent occupation was effected. 
 
 So early as A.D. 1705, the Emperor Aurungzeb 
 received reports that the Mahrattas 
 
 A.D. 170D. , ^T i i i 
 
 had crossed the Nerbudda in great 
 force, and extended their ravages into the heart of 
 Malwa; that Berar and Khandeish were overrun ; that 
 fifteen thousand of their horse had broken into Guzerat 
 and defeated the troops of the assembled Foujdars; and 
 that nothing appeared but the bodies of slaughtered 
 soldiers, houseless ryots, and the ripened fields either 
 in flames or under devastation. 
 
 Azim Shah was in consequence despatched to 
 Ahmedabad with a considerable fqrce, to take on him- 
 self the government and protection of Guzerat. 
 
 513090 
 
* A* c. 1 * *o' % * - S *** * 
 
 About the year A.D. 1712, a rich caravan of trea- 
 sure, &;c. escorted by a body of troops 
 commanded by Mahomed Ibrahim 
 Tebreezee, was attacked on its route from Surat to 
 Aurungabad ; the escort was entirely destroyed, and 
 the caravan pillaged. This robbery was the deed of a 
 Mahratta freebooter by name Khundey Rao Dhabary, 
 who had for years subsisted his followers by raids into 
 Guzerat, and even into the peninsula of Kattywar, but 
 who had been obliged of late to suspend his operations 
 in that province by the energy of the new Soobedar, 
 Davood Khan, who had been t transferred from the 
 Deccan and entrusted with the defence of that pro- 
 vince. Khundey Rao therefore had established him- 
 self in the fastnesses of the Rajpeepla country, whence 
 this was his first exploit. 
 
 Such an officer as Davood Khan (who possessed 
 remarkable personal prowess, and was a just and ener- 
 getic administrator,) might have secured the tran- 
 quillity of Guzerat had he been allowed to devote 
 himself exclusively to that duty ; but the miserable 
 intrigues of the imperial court sent him on a service 
 which cost him his life, and the State an admirable 
 viceroy. 
 
 Syud Hoossein Ali Khan had been appointed viceroy 
 
 of the Deccan by the Emperor Fee- 
 
 rokshere, who at the same time sent 
 
 private orders to Davood Khan to oppose him ; he did 
 
 so, but without success, and was slain in an action 
 
 fought in Malwa, where he died as became a gallant 
 
 soldier. 
 
The new viceroy directed his first efforts to crush the 
 Mahratta robber horde, which had effectually closed 
 the communication between the Deccan and Surat, 
 which was at that time the chief commercial emporium 
 on the western coast, and additionally important to a 
 Mahomedan Government as the port where the faith- 
 ful of Hindoostan embarked on their pilgrimages to 
 Mecca. 
 
 Khundey Rao Dhabary had established a chain of 
 posts along this route, and exacted Chouth, or one- 
 fourth of the property of all travellers who were not 
 provided with his pass-ports. Hoossein Ali Khan 
 equipped a force of eight thousand men to destroy 
 this robber-chief, but it was utterly defeated, the 
 commander slain, arid the troops stripped even of their 
 clothes. 
 
 Irritated by this ignominious reverse, the viceroy 
 deputed Maokoob Sing his own Deewan, and Cfcun- 
 derseri Jadao to avenge it ; but Khundey Rao, unit- 
 ing his own followers with the army of the Mahratta 
 Suolushkur, quitted his retreat and advanced to meet 
 the Moghuls. A battle was fought near Ahmed- 
 nuggur, and though both parties claimed the advan- 
 tage, the Moghuls retreated to Aurungabad. 
 
 The Dhabary went after these great successes to pay 
 his respects to his sovereign the Shao Raja at Saltara, 
 and was rewarded by the title of Senaputtee. 
 
 Syud Hoossein Ali Khan had found it necessary or 
 prudent to enter into engagements with the Mahrattas, 
 which were repudiated by the emperor, in consequence 
 of which the viceroy determined to march on Delhi ; 
 
the Peishwa Ballajec Wiswanath and the new Sena- 
 puttee engaging to aid him with a large body of 
 troops, on condition that the exactions they had made 
 in Malwa and Guzerat should be justified by an impe- 
 rial firman. 
 
 The confederates succeeded in their objects, the 
 Emperor Feerokshere was put to 
 death by the Syud, and Mahomed 
 Shah elevated to the throne in his place, and the 
 Mahrattas obtained three firmans for the Chouth, 
 Surdeshmookhee, and Swuraje of the Deccan ; but it 
 does not appear that their right to levy tribute from 
 Malwa and Guzerat was confirmed on this occasion : 
 but Khundey Rao Dhabary received from the Raja 
 of Sattara authority to levy the admitted dues of his 
 government in Buglana, as well as the tribute esta- 
 blished by usage from Guzerat. 
 
 d 
 
 Tf> return to the imperial city, the ruling faction at 
 court was anxious to remove out of the way a very 
 powerful and influential noble, austere, profound, and 
 dangerous, by name Cheyn Koolich Khan, and he 
 was accordingly appointed viceroy of Malwa. Con- 
 scious of the incurable weakness of the empire, he 
 immediately set about strengthening himself. Some 
 Mahratta chiefs attached themselves to him, and he 
 advanced with the intention of subverting the imperial 
 authority in the Deccan, and founding an independent 
 kingdom. 
 
 The Sattara Raja Shao sent troops to the imperial 
 camp under the command of the Senaputtee, and a 
 battle took place at Balapoor, in which the imperialists 
 
were defeated by Cheyn Koolich Khan, whom we 
 must henceforth designate by his better known title of 
 Nizam -ool-Moolk. 
 
 Syud Hoossein AH Khan, with the emperor in 
 person, then took the field ; the former was murdered 
 en route, the latter returned to Delhi, where a revolu- 
 tion destroyed the faction of the Syuds. Nizam-ool- 
 Moolk became vizier, and Hyder Kuli Khan was 
 appointed viceroy of Guzerat. 
 
 It was at the battle of Balapoor, where Mahratta 
 had fought against Mahratta, that 
 the Guicowar family first rose out of 
 its obscurity. Dummajee Guicowar, with several of 
 his sons, had long been faithful followers of Khundey 
 Rao Dhabary, arid he had so distinguished himself in 
 this action, that the Senaputtee presented him to 
 Raja Shao with the warmest commendations, and 
 procured his appointment as second in command of 
 the army under himself, with the title of Shurnsher 
 Bahadoor. 
 
 The Senaputtee and his lieutenant did not survive 
 their return from this campaign more than a few 
 months ; their comrade Ballajee Peishwa also died 
 about the same time. 
 
 Trimbuck Rao Dhabary succeeded his father as 
 Senaputtee, Peelajee the son of Jingoojee succeeded his 
 uncle Dummajee Guicowar, and Bajee Rao became 
 Peishwa in room of his father Ballajee. 
 
 Nizam-ool-Moolk on assuming the post of vizier, 
 
 endeavoured to effect some reform at 
 1722. 
 
 the Court of Delhi, but the emperor 
 
6 
 
 was not only fond of that mirth and festivity which 
 was natural to his youth, but was weak in mind and 
 dissolute in conduct. 
 
 The lofty austerity of Nizam-ool-Moolk was dis- 
 agreeable to the emperor and his courtiers ; prompt at 
 every base and unpatriotic intrigue, they soon devised 
 a scheme for ridding themselves of his presence. 
 Hyder Kuli Khan, the viceroy of Guzerat, had com- 
 mitted some irregularities in his government, and was 
 threatened by the courtiers with the displeasure of the 
 vizier, and working on the passions of both parties, 
 inflamed them to the utmost. Hyder Kuli Khan 
 committed additional acts of disrespect and disobe- 
 dience, and the vizier was encouraged to proceed in 
 person to supersede and punish him for his conduct. 
 He readily undertook the task, and it was hoped that 
 this service would keep him long employed at a 
 distance from the court, and that he might fall a 
 victim, to the chances of war. 
 
 Thus a second time in a few years the government 
 of Guzerat was weakened by the selfish intrigues of 
 the courtiers at Delhi, and the foundations of the 
 throne sapped at the same time. 
 
 Hyder Kuli Khan was a brave and able soldier, and 
 he had a well-appointed army ; but he was no match 
 for Nizam-ool-Moolk, who, sending emissaries among 
 his troops, seduced the greater part of them to desert, 
 which made such an impression on Hyder Kuli, that 
 he feigned insanity and fled in dismay to Delhi, even 
 before the vizier had set foot in his province. 
 
 Nizam-ool-Moolk halted at Oujein, where he received 
 
the homage and submission of the principal officers of 
 Guzerat, who flocked thither for the purpose. 
 
 All his arrangements for the future management of 
 Guzerat were made at Oujein, and as he never lost an 
 opportunity of increasing his personal resources, and 
 of maintaining adherents arid informers of what was 
 passing in the countries under his government, he set 
 aside and entrusted to his own servants the districts of 
 Dholka, Broach, Jumbooseer, Mukboolabad, and 
 Bulsar, as his personal jagheer, giving them entire 
 revenue and police authority within their respective 
 boundaries according to the usage in Guzerat. 
 
 He appointed his uncle, Hamid Khan, his deputy 
 in the viceroyalty of Guzerat, and his cousin, Azim- 
 oollah Khan, his deputy in Malvva, and then returned 
 to Delhi. 
 
 He was, however, so disagreeable to the emperor, 
 that after a time he gladly accepted 
 the office of Wukeel-i-Mootluq, or 
 general deputy of the empire, and resigned the office 
 of vizier; and in the month of October 1723, on 
 pretence of going on a hunting expedition, he left 
 Delhi for ever, and though he always professed 
 obedience to the emperor even when in arms against 
 him, Mzam-ool-Moolk became wholly independent, 
 and Guzerat, with the countries south of the Nerbudda, 
 the conquest of which . had engaged the Moghul 
 princes in much more than a century of war, were 
 virtually lost for ever to the throne of Delhi. 
 
 While these events were passing, Bajee Rao Peishwa 
 had been extending the Mahratta encroachments in 
 Khandeish and Malwa, though not without serious 
 
8 
 
 opposition; and it was about this time that the 
 ancestors of the families of Sindia and Holkar came 
 into notice. The latter was a silledar, who commanded 
 a small party of his own horse ; he had hitherto served 
 under Kantajee Cuddurn Banday, one of the Shao 
 Raja's officers ; the former was a younger member of 
 the family of the Patells of Kunnurkheir, near Sattara, 
 and he was now a common trooper in the Peishwa's 
 own Pagah of horse. 
 
 Another officer who obtained distinction at this 
 period was Oodajee Powar Wiswas Rao, an active 
 partizan, and employed by the Raja Shao on various 
 duties. Like other experienced leaders, he preferred 
 remote enterprizes. and calculated on the greatest 
 advantage in places where he was least expected. He 
 made incursions into Guzerat and Malwa, plundered 
 the former as far as Lunawara, and found the latter 
 province so denuded of troops that he was able to 
 remain there some time, intimating to his prince that 
 if supported he would collect the Chouth and Surdesh- 
 mookee in every direction. He had established 
 himself at Dhar, but was dislodged from it again by 
 Raja Geerdhur Bahadoor, a Nagur Brahmin of Guze- 
 rat, who was appointed Soobedar of the province of 
 Malwa, and who was one great obstacle to the 
 Mahrattas getting a firm footing there till more than 
 ten years after the accession Qf Bajee Rao Peishwa. 
 
 About the year 1725 the emperor, in order Jto 
 
 reduce the power of Nizam-ool- 
 
 Moolk, had issued a firman depriving 
 
 him of the governments of Guzerat and Malwa. To 
 
 the latter he appointed, as abovementioned, Geerdhur 
 
Bahadoor, and to the former a nobleman who had 
 previously been viceroy of Cabool, by name Surbu- 
 lund Khan. 
 
 Surbulund Khan managed his province by his 
 deputy, Shujaet Khan, the Foujdar of Surat, and 
 Nizam-ool-Moolk's deputy, Hamid Khan, was unable 
 to prevent him from occupying the capital ; never- 
 theless he determined not to relinquish his charge 
 without a struggle, and with that view he repaired to 
 Dohud, and invited KantajeeCuddum Banday to join 
 him on promise of receiving the Chouth. This offer 
 was readily embraced, and the confederates advanced 
 to Kuppurwunj, where Hamid Khan, having friends 
 at Ahmedabad, procured correct intelligence of Shujaet 
 Khan's movements, watched his opportunity, and 
 attacked, defeated, and slew him a few miles from the 
 capital, where, his authority was in consequence again 
 acknowledged. 
 
 On hearing of this disaster, Roostum AH Khan, the 
 brother of Shujaet Khan, who had just gained some 
 advantages over Peelajee Guicowar in the neighbour- 
 hood of Surat, made a truce with his opponent, and 
 invited him to join his forces in an attack on Hamid 
 Khan. Peelajee had been already in treaty with the 
 emissaries of Nizam -ool-Moolk to assist his uncle 
 Hamid Khan, but he accepted the overtures of Roostum 
 Ali with the full intention of acting eventually as his 
 interests should dictate. He accompanied Roostum 
 Ali towards Ahmedabad, and the allies had a skirmish 
 with Hamid Khan at Arass, where Roostum Ali's 
 artillery drove the enemy back ; but by this time 
 Peelajee had made his bargain with Hamid Khan, 
 
10 
 
 and perfidiously urged Roostum AH to press on the 
 retreating enemy, leaving his artillery to the care of 'a 
 party in the rear. Roostum Ali fell into the trap. 
 Peelajee overturned the gun-carriages and joined in 
 attacking his ally, who defended himself with resolution, 
 
 until his reduced numbers showed 
 1725. 
 
 him the impossibility of extrication, 
 
 when he stabbed himself to the heart, to avoid the 
 ignominous treatment he feared to meet with if he 
 became a prisoner. 
 
 Peelajee's treachery was rewarded by an equal share 
 of the Chouth with Kantajee Cuddum Banday, and 
 both in conjunction proceeded to levy their assign- 
 ments ; but the division of the money led to perpetual 
 disputes, in addition to which Peelajee, as the 
 lieutenant of the Senaputtee, claimed a precedence, 
 which Kantajee, as the immediate officer of the Raja 
 of Sattara, scornfully denied. For some time these 
 dissensions only caused their demands to fall with 
 heavier weight on the unfortunate towns and villages, 
 until on their approach to Cambay, when they began, 
 as usual, to burn the suburbs to intimidate the 
 inhabitants. The chief men of the town, aware of the 
 ill -blood existing in the Mahratta camp, affected to 
 consider Kantajee as the superior, and sent messengers 
 to Peelajee hinting to him this circumstance, and 
 offering him Rs. 20,000 to leave the place. Peelajee, 
 exasperated at the slight, confined the messenger ; 
 Kantajee insisted on his being released ; and both 
 parties turned their arms against each other. After a 
 sharp conflict within sight of the walls, Peelajee was 
 worsted, and retired to Mahtur, a town near Kaira, 
 
11 
 
 and the contribution was levied by the victor from 
 Cambay, including a- sum of Rs. 5,000 from the 
 English factory, notwithstanding the Agents of the 
 Company pleaded exemption in consequence of the 
 privileges assured to them by " the sow* Roger," as 
 they called the Sattara Raja, but at which " the armed 
 villains,", as Mr. Innes, Chief of the Factory, called 
 them in the bitterness of his heart, " only laughed." 
 
 Hamid Khan, foreseeing the evil consequences of 
 these quarrels among his allies, persuaded them to 
 sign an agreement, by which the Chouth east of the 
 Myhee was assigned to Peelajee, and that west of that 
 river to Kantajee. Having done this, as the season 
 was drawing to a close, Peelajee retired to- his strong- 
 hold at Songhur in the southern hills, and Kantajee to 
 a jagheer he possessed in Khandeish. 
 
 The Court of Delhi, alarmed at the disasters which 
 had befallen their local representatives in Guzerat, 
 urgently called on Surbulund Khan to proceed in 
 person to suppress the formidable rebellion of Hamid 
 Khan. Every facility was afforded him, and as he 
 was an excellent and popular officer, a large army was 
 soon assembled under his command, and though he 
 was delayed some time by the professed intention of 
 the emperor to take the field in person, he at last pro- 
 ceeded on his route to Ahmedabad. Nizam-ool-Moolk, 
 aware of the abilities of the new viceroy, wrote to his 
 uncle to resign the government with "a good grace, but 
 Hamid Khan determined to hold out to the last in 
 hope of effectual assistance from his Mahratta allies. 
 
 * NOTE." Shao Raja." 
 
12 
 
 Surbulund Khan advanced, but the Mahrattas did 
 not make their appearance, and Hamid Khan, leaving 
 a weak garrison in Ahmedabad, fell back on Mehmoo- 
 dabad. At that place he heard 'that they were in 
 motion, that they had crossed the Mahee. As soon as 
 they joined him he turned back to Ahmedabad, but 
 only to hear that his garrison had been overpowered 
 and forced out of the city by a party within the walls, 
 on which he left the city behind him, and took up a 
 position at the Shahee Baug, a royal garden two miles 
 distant from it, on the same day that Surbulund 's 
 advanced guard reached Adawlej. This party, however, 
 hearing that some of the carriages of the artillery of 
 their main body had broken down, and that they were 
 therefore more distant from their own support than 
 they had contemplated, and that Hamid Khan with 
 all his force was in their immediate front, began to 
 entrench themselves. This timidity gave heart to the 
 Mahrattas, and Hamid Khan, watching their humour, 
 led them on at once to the attack. He was entirely 
 successful, but the advantage was purchased with such 
 loss, that they would not venture on an action with 
 Surbulund's main body. 
 
 The new viceroy therefore entered Ahmedabad, and 
 the reorganization of the province was commenced with 
 more than ordinary vigour : but Hamid Khan, Peela- 
 jee, and Kantajee plundered the country on the 
 Mahratta plan during the remainder of the season, and 
 at the approach of the rains they took their annual 
 flight, which, in the language of their nation, they 
 termed " going to the white crow," alluding to a bird of 
 passage like a crow, which in some parts of the country 
 
13 
 
 comes once a year, and hence they had a phrase for a 
 defeated enemy " he is off to the white crow." 
 
 There had been many skirmishes between the 
 hostile parties during this season, and there is an 
 account given of a total defeat of the Mahratta army by 
 Nizamoodeen near Cam bay, but it is not satisfactorily 
 made out that any such decisive engagement occurred ; 
 but there is little doubt that the peaceable population 
 of Guzerat suffered more distresses than usual during 
 this year of civil war, intestine brawl, and foreign 
 invasion. 
 
 From this time forward the bands of Peelajee Guico- 
 war and Kantajee Cuddum and other marauders 
 continued to vex the unfortunate province, and 
 Surbulund Khan was unable to continue the great 
 effort by which he had gained pos- 
 session of the government, so as to 
 afford any real protection to the population. 
 
 In the year 1728 a new and even more formidable 
 visitor made his brief appearance. 
 
 It is foreign to the object of this memoir to describe 
 
 the events which led to the long rivalry 
 
 between those two eminent men, 
 
 Nizam-ool-Moolk and Bajee Rao Peishwa ; suffice it to 
 
 say, that the efforts of both to aggrandize themselves 
 
 in the Deccan brought on direct hostilities in the year 
 
 1728. 
 
 Bajee Rao was the first to take the field ; and before 
 the unwieldy Moghul army was prepared to oppose him, 
 he laid waste the district of Jaulna early in November. 
 However he was attacked by the advanced guard of 
 the enemy under Ewuz Khan, and retired skirmishing 
 
14 
 
 to the north-west. There giving out that the city of 
 Boorhanpoor should be reduced to ashes, he marched 
 rapidly on Khandeish, laying waste the country in his 
 route, but not stopping to levy contributions. The 
 Moghul army pursued in order to save Boorhanpoor, 
 but as soon as it had passed the Adjunta Ghaut with 
 all its impediments, Bajee Rao, detaching a party 
 towards Boorhanpoor to delude Nizam- ool-Moolk, 
 wheeled off with his main body to the left, and swept 
 with rapid march to Guzerat, where he not only levied 
 contributions, but caused it to be believed that he was 
 acting in support of Nizam-ool-Moolk, and against 
 Surbulund Khan. 
 
 The Nizam, after losing some time at Boorhanpoor, 
 discovered in what manner he had been deceived ; he 
 then fruitlessly followed the Peishwa for some distance, 
 and at last retraced his steps towards the Deccan with 
 the intention of destroying Poona ; but his lagging 
 steps had not reached Ahmednuggur, when Bajee Rao, 
 returning with rapid wing from Guzerat, passed the 
 Kaosarbary Ghaut, and laid waste the Nizam's jagheer 
 districts of Gundapoor and Byzapoor. The Nizam 
 crossed the Godavery to meet him, and the Peishwa, 
 after some days' skirmishing, drew him skilfully into 
 a position suitable to his purpose, set fire to the grass, 
 destroyed the forage, and effectually straitened his 
 supplies; in short, the Moghul army was reduced to 
 such a deplorable condition, that the Nizam was glad 
 to conclude a peace on terms very favourable to his 
 rival. 
 
 This was of great importance to Bajee Rao, who 
 was eager to conclude a negociation which he had 
 
15 
 
 opened with Surbulund Khan, the viceroy of Guzerat, 
 for the cession to him of theChouthandSurdeshmookhee 
 of the province which had been irregularly levied for 
 some years past by Peelajee Guicowar and Kantajee 
 Cuddum, and wliich he was desirous to secure on a 
 formal agreement with the viceroy. 
 
 Surbulund Khan had vainly struggled to protect 
 his province from the annual incursions of the 
 Mahratta freebooters, whose excesses and forced con- 
 tributions had destroyed the revenue, and reduced the 
 country year by year to a lower depth of misery. He 
 had applied in vain to Delhi for support, and he now 
 closed with the offers of Bajee Rao as the only means 
 of saving the country from absolute ruin, trusting that 
 the concessions made to the head of the Mahratta 
 state would induce him to control its inferior members. 
 
 Before he concluded the negociation, he received 
 additional evidence of the hopelessness of his condition. 
 Chimnajee Appa, the Peishwa's brother, arrived with 
 a large army, exacted a heavy contribution from 
 Pitlaud, and plundered Dholka almost under the eyes 
 of the viceroy. 
 
 Accordingly, in 1729 he granted the Surdesh- 
 mookhee, or ten per cent, of the whole 
 revenue, both on the land and cus- 
 toms, with the exceptions of the port of Surat and 
 the district around it, and the Chouth, or one- fourth of 
 the whole collections on the land and customs, excepting 
 Surat, and 5 per cent, on the revenues of the city of 
 Ahmedabad ; and he mentioned in the deeds that these 
 cessions were granted in consequence of the benefit 
 which had accrued to the state from the progress of 
 
16 
 
 improvement and general tranquillity of the Zteccan, 
 "where similar grants had been made by the Court of 
 Delhi. 
 
 The conditions of these grants were nearly similar 
 to those of the Deccan, but for the Chouth two 
 thousand five hundred horse were to be maintained 
 by the Peishwa, no more than two or three persons 
 were to be placed in each district to collect the 
 Mahratta dues, and no extra demands whatever were 
 to be made on the ryots, and every aid was to be given 
 to maintain the imperial authority ; and the Peishwa 
 was bound, on the part of Raja Shao, to prevent 
 Mahratta subjects from taking part with, or in any way 
 supporting disaffected zemindars or other disturbers of 
 the public peace, a clause which is fully explained by 
 the opposing interests of the Peishwa and the other 
 chiefs who had hitherto infested Guzerat, but which 
 was especially aimed at Peelajee Guicowar, who, as 
 the deputy of the Senaputtee, and the long connection 
 of the Dhabary family with the province and his strong- 
 hold of Songhur, which commanded the principal route 
 from the Deccan into Guzerat, exercised a peculiar 
 influence over the Bheels and Kolees of the country. 
 
 After these deeds were obtained, Bajee Rao assign- 
 ed the collection of the Mokassa and part of the 
 Surdeshmookhee to Senaputtee, but this did not 
 disarm the implacable enmity which the interference 
 of the Peishwa in his own field of operations excited in 
 the minds of Trimbuck Rao Dhabary and his deputy, 
 Peelajee Guicowar. 
 
 From the beginning of the negociation the Sena- 
 puttee intrigued with the other Mahratta chiefs, whose 
 
17 
 
 interests in Guzerat had been destroyed by what they 
 considered the usurpation of the Peishwa, and he soon 
 succeeded in placing himself at the head of a formid- 
 able confederacy, assembled a force of 35,000 men, 
 and resolved on invading the Deccan in the ensuing 
 season. 
 
 Bajee Rao was well-informed of the Senaputtee's 
 enmity and preparations, but he was not alarmed by 
 them, until he ascertained that Nizam-ool-Moolk was to 
 support him. When he had satisfied himself on this 
 point, Bajee Rao acted with his usual energy and 
 rapidity ; although he could not assemble a force of more 
 than half the number of those who served under the 
 Senaputtee, he determined to attack him in his own 
 province. He was able to prove that the Senaputtee was 
 in league with the Nizam ; he proclaimed that his 
 treasonable object was to dismember the Mahratta 
 empire, and to divide it with the Raja of Kolapore, a 
 design fatal to the nation, and in impious opposition to 
 the divine ordinances of the Shasters. 
 
 The preparations of the Nizam hastened the march 
 of Bajee Rao, but he commenced 
 negociating with the Senaputtee from 
 the day he left Poona, and he continued to do so till 
 the moment of attack. His advanced guard was attack- 
 ed by a party under Dummajee, the son of Peelajee 
 Guicowar, soon after crossing the Nerbudda, and 
 routed ; but Bajee Rao, undiscouraged, pressed 'for- 
 ward, and he determined, contrary to his usual tactics, 
 and now that he was about to engage his own country- 
 men, to close with them directly the armies came into 
 presence. 
 3 
 
18 
 
 His own troops, though numerically far inferior, were 
 veterans the old Pagah Horse and some of the best 
 of the Mahratta Munkurrees and he felt no hesita- 
 tion in launching them at the new levies and discordant 
 materials of the Senaputtee's army. 
 
 With the Senaputtee were the Guicowars, the Cud- 
 dum Bandays, Oodajee and Annnnd Rao Powar of 
 Dhar, Chimnajee Punt, Koer Bahadoor, and many 
 other free companions. Their army was broken at the 
 first shock, arid Kantajee Cuddum Banday went off 
 with the fugitives, leaving the old retainers of Khun- 
 dey Rao Dhabary to defend his son ; they contested 
 the field with great obstinacy. Bajee Rao was on horse- 
 back, and exerted himself with all the energy so great 
 an occasion demanded. Trirnbuk Rao Dhabary was on 
 an elephant, and when he found his troops giving 
 way, he ordered the animals' legs to be chained together. 
 The result of the day was still doubtful, when Trimbuk 
 Rao, in the act of drawing his bow, was struck by 
 a random ball from a matchlock, and his death decided 
 the victory in favour of Bajee Rao. 
 
 In this battle, which was fought on the 1st April 
 1731, Jowjee Dhabary, Muloojee Powar, and one of 
 the sons of Peelajee Guicowar, were killed with the 
 Senaputtee ; Oodajee Powar, Chimnajee Punt were 
 taken prisoners ; Anund Rao Powar, Peelajee Guico- 
 war, and Koer Bahadoor, were wounded, but made 
 their escape. It was fought between Dubhoee and Ba- 
 roda, both of which places were in the hands of Peela- 
 ( jee Guicowar, though the latter was shortly after 
 taken from him by the Moghuls. 
 

 19 
 
 A treaty was concluded between the Peishwa and the 
 family of the Dhabary. The young Eshwunt Rao was 
 allowed to succeed his father as Senaputtee, but as he 
 was too young to take the management on himself, his 
 mother Oomabye officiated as Regent. Peelajee Gui- 
 cowar was confirmed at Mootalig with an additional 
 title of Senakhas Kheyl. It was stipulated that in Gu- 
 zerat the Senaputtee was to have the exclusive manage- 
 ment of the Mahratta interests, paying half of the re- 
 venue through the Peishwa to the state, and he was 
 to account to the government for all contributions 
 levied from countries not mentioned in the deeds given 
 under the authority of Surbulund Khan, after deduct- 
 ing his expenses. 
 
 The cession of Chouth and Surdeshmookhee to the 
 Peishwa was highly disapproved of at the Court of 
 Delhi, and though no attempt had been made to 
 support Surbulund Khan, or to avert the disgrace and 
 calamity he foretold, he was made responsible for all, 
 and superseded in favour of Abhye Sing, Raja of 
 Marwar. 
 
20 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM THE BATTLE OF DUBHOEE TO THE DEATH OF 
 DUMMAJEE GUICOWAR. 
 
 ABHYE SING, the Rhatore sovereign of Marwar, was 
 unable to retrieve the fortunes of the 
 A.D. 1/31 to Moghuls ; on the contrary, he did 
 that which not only threw the coun- 
 try into greater temporary disorder, but destroyed the 
 chances of an accommodation with the Mahrattas. 
 
 Peelajee Guicowarhad made himself popular among 
 the talookdars or petty land -owners in the province ; 
 he had also much influence with the Kolees and war- 
 like classes. Finding that the grant of Chouth and 
 Surdeshmookhee made by Surbulund Khan was not 
 ratified at Delhi, he made open war on the imperial 
 officers, defeated them in the field, and occupied many 
 of the principal towns. 
 
 Abhye Sing felt that the personal qualities of Peelajee 
 made him especially formidable, and he sent agents 
 for the ostensible purpose of discussing the prelimi- 
 naries of peace ; they were admitted to frequent 
 interviews with Peelajee at the village of Dankore, 
 half way between Baroda and Ahmedabad.' On one 
 occasion they sat in conference with him till evening, 
 when they took their leave. One of their number, 
 
21 
 
 however, making as if he had forgotten something, re- 
 entered, and while affecting to whisper in |Peelajee's 
 ear, stabbed him to the heart. The assassin was killed 
 on the spot, the other agents escaped ; but this base 
 and treacherous act only roused the adherents of the 
 deceased chief to more daring enterprises. 
 
 Dilla Dessaye of Paclra, an intimate friend of Peelajee, 
 excited -the turbulent Kolees of the country to open 
 insurrection, and when troops were despatched to quell 
 it, and thereby the towns denuded of troops, he urged 
 Mahadjee Guicowar (the brother of Peelajee), who 
 was then at Jumbooseer, to make an attack on Baroda. 
 It was entirely successful, and thence- 
 forth Baroda became the capital of 
 the Guicowar kingdom. 
 
 In the mean time Dummajee Guicowar advanced from 
 Songhur, with a large force, regularly reducing the 
 country as he advanced. Abhye Sing made energetic 
 efforts to stem the torrent, but Dummajee, by making 
 incursions into Marwar, so threatened hisown dominion's, 
 that he was obliged to leave the city of Ahmedabad 
 to a deputy, and return to Joudpoor to protect them. 
 He was shortly after formally removed by the Court of 
 Delhi from the government of Guzerat, which was 
 entrusted to Nujeeb-ud-Dowla Momin Khan. 
 
 Abhye Sing, during his short tenure, of office, had 
 provided for two of his younger brothers, by obtaining 
 for them a grant of the principality of Edur, a small 
 state which had been for time immemorial an 
 independent one, on the north-east frontier of the 
 province. During these years of anarchy, they con- 
 solidated their power there, and the fiimily is remark- 
 
22 
 
 able as the last which has effected a settlement by 
 conquest in Guzerat. 
 
 It was in A.D. 1733 also that Mulhar Rao Holkar, 
 under the guidance of Kantajee Cuddum Banda}% 
 made a marauding excursion into the province from 
 Malwa, plundered several towns, such as Edur and 
 Pahlunpoor, and after riding to the banks of the 
 Bunass, returned as suddenly as he came. 
 
 In conformity with the now common practice, Abhye 
 Sing's deputy (Rutton Sing Bunda- 
 ree) refused to give up the city of 
 Ahmedabad to the new viceroy, who was obliged to 
 have recourse to Dummajee Guicowar for assistance. A 
 friendship was struck up, they exchanged turbans in 
 token of brotherly regard, and a body of Mahratta 
 troops, under an officer named Rungajee, was sent to 
 expel Rutton Sing. This was effected on the 20th 
 May 1737, and the confederates divided the authority 
 of the city between them. 
 
 Dummajee continued for several years to collect his 
 tribute from all parts of Guzerat, making an annual 
 incursion into Kattywar for the same purpose, in 
 imitation of the old Moolukguree progresses of the 
 imperial officers, and probably under the sanction of 
 Momin Khan. 
 
 In A.D. 1742, not unmindful of the old feud with 
 the Peishwa, Dummajee made an incursion into Malwa, 
 for the purpose of checking the advance of Bajee Rao, 
 who was then advancing to the eastward to curb the 
 ambition of Raghojee Bhonsla, as he had curbed that 
 of the Senaputtee in Guzerat; the movement was 
 merely a -demonstration, and led to no hostilities. 
 
23 
 
 In February 1743, Momin Khan died, and Abdool 
 Uzeez Khan, then in the Deccan, was nominated 
 by the Court of Delhi to succeed. He collected a few 
 thousand men, and had advanced as far as Unkheshwur, 
 near Broach, to assume the government, when Dum- 
 majee Guicowar fell upon and utterly destroyed him 
 and his party. 
 
 The next viceroy appointed was Fukhir-ud-Dowla. 
 He arrived from Delhi in 1744, when Dummajee 
 was absent at Sattara, whither he had gone to 
 strengthen Raghojee Bhonsla and his party against 
 the preponderance of Ballajee, the son of Bajee Rao 
 Peis'hwa. 
 
 Rungajee refused to allow Fukhir-ud-Dowla to 
 enter Ahmedabad, but Khundey Rao Guicowar, the 
 brother of Dummajee, acting in his brother's absence, 
 recalled Rungajee, and put an agent of his own in 
 Ahmedabad; he also gave some support to Fukhir- 
 ud-Dowla. Dummajee, however, speedily returning, 
 dissolved this connection, refused to acknowledge the 
 new viceroy, ^nd supported the brother and the son of 
 liis friend Momin Khan in the government (though it 
 was now merely nominal) of the province. 
 
 Dummajee, however, behaved with prudence and 
 generosity to his brother Khundey Rao ; he bestowed 
 on him the fort of Boorsud, and the valuable district 
 of Neriad, and appointed him his deputy at Baroda, 
 and during his life he maintained over all the members 
 of his family that ascendency which was necessary for 
 the consolidation of his power. 
 
 The town of Broach was at this time held by an 
 -officer named Abdoola Beg, in the name and in behalf 
 
24 
 
 of Nizam -ool-Moolk, who had usurped it as his 
 personal jagheer during his viceroyalty. 
 
 The city of Surat was torn by the intestine 
 struggles of several competitors for power, and 
 Kedarjee Guicowar, a cousin of Dummajee, was 
 invited by one of them to render his assistance, with 
 promise of a gratuity of three lacs of rupees. The 
 object having been gained, however, without his inter- 
 vention, the promised reward was withheld, on which 
 he began to plunder the country in the vicinity, and 
 was finally bought of! by the cession of one-third of 
 the revenue of the city. 
 
 In the year 1751, another effort was made to throw 
 
 -; off the supremacy of the Peishwa. 
 
 Tarabye, the widow of the Shao Raja, 
 
 obtained possession of the person of the young Raja 
 
 Ram, and taking advantage of Ballajee Peishwa's 
 
 absence in the south, where he had proceeded to 
 
 oppose Sulabut Jung, she sent to Dummajee to 
 
 come to Sattara and rescue the state from the power of 
 
 the Brahmins. 
 
 Dummajee marched from Songhur by the Salpee 
 Ghaut, dispersed the troops which the Peishwa's 
 officers brought to oppose him, and effected a junction 
 with Tarabye. Balajee acted on this emergency with 
 all the vigour of his father ; lie hastened back with his 
 army, covered nearly 400 miles in 13 days, and arrived 
 in time to arrest the danger. Negociations were 
 opened with Dummajee, troops were collected in his 
 rear to cut off his retreat. The Peishwa solemnly 
 promised to accede to the terms proposed, and 
 Dummajee was entrapped into encamping in his 
 
25 
 
 neighbourhood for the convenience of personal com- 
 munication ; the mask was then thrown off, Dummaje.e 
 was made a prisoner, and his camp treacherously 
 surprised and plundered. 
 
 The Peishwa then demanded the payment of all 
 arrears on account of the tribute of Guzerat, and a 
 cession of a large part of the territory Dummajee had 
 acquired. It was in vain the latter protested that he 
 was only the Mootaliq of the Senaputtee. t Orders were 
 sent privately to seize the members of his and the 
 Dhabary's family, then residing at Tullygaum, and 
 imprison them iu the fort of Songhur, and Dummajee 
 himself was confined at Poonatill such time as the Peish- 
 wa could turn his attention to the affairs of Guzerat. 
 
 In the following year, Dummajee was bound by the 
 
 strongest securities to pay 15 lacs of 
 
 rupees on account of the arrears, 
 
 which was not immoderate ; but he only experienced 
 
 this lenity on paying a bribe of a lac of rupees, which 
 
 was divided between the Peishwa's wife and his cousin 
 
 Sedasheo Rao Bhow. 
 
 A bond was also exacted for an equal partition both 
 of the territory already acquired by Dummajee, and of 
 all future conquests. He was to maintain ten thousand 
 horse to assist the Peishwa when required, and to pay, 
 as deputy of the Senaputtee, a tribute of five lacs and 
 twenty-five thousand rupees, and to contribute a 
 certain sum for the support of the Sattara Raja's 
 establishment. On executing this he was released 
 from close restraint, but still kept a prisoner at large* 
 until a convenient time for fulfilling these conditions 
 should present itself. 
 4 
 
. 26 
 
 The Peishwa had been desirous for some time of 
 obtaining exclusive possession of Surat, which was in 
 those days the great commercial port of the Western 
 Coast. He had sent his brother Rugonath Rao there 
 in A.D. ]751, but had been obliged to recall him 
 before his purpose had been effected. In A.D. 1755, 
 he was able to depute him to complete those greater 
 and more general schemes which the treaty with 
 Dummajee had rendered practicable, and which were 
 of more importance than the acquisition of any single 
 city, however valuable. 
 
 Rugonath Rao and Dummajee Guicowar therefore 
 now united their forces, and set themselves to complete 
 the reduction of the province of Guzerat. 
 
 During Dummajee's long imprisonment in the 
 Deccan, some changes had taken place there to the 
 detriment of the Mahratta interests. 
 
 The brother of the deceased viceroy, Momin Khan, 
 had appointed to the charge of the Moghul quarter of 
 of the city a person named Juwan Murd Khan Babi. 
 
 As several branches of the Babi family still hold 
 considerable estates in Guzerat, it may be as well to 
 say something of their family history in this place. 
 
 About A.B. 1659 or 1663 a person of the name of 
 Sher Khan was Jemedar or Foujdar of the district called 
 the Chowaul. His grandson, Mohamed Khan Jehan, 
 was appointed Foujdar of Rhadunpoorin A.D. 1715 (?). 
 Either this person or his son received the agnomen 
 of Juwan Murd Khan from the viceroy of Guzerat 
 (this giving and changing of names seems to have been 
 not uncommon, and causes great confusion in the 
 family histories of Mahomedan families), and a grant in 
 
27 
 
 jagheer of Radhunpoor, Surnmee, Moujpoor, Thuraud, 
 Therwara, and Waraee, which was again confirmed in 
 the second year of the reign of Mohamed Shah, viz. 
 about A.D. 1722. 
 
 Juwan Murd Khan was a distinguished character 
 during the next 40 years of this disturbed period. He 
 held in farm the districts north of Ahmedabad, and we 
 find him engaged in A.D. 1733 in hostilities with 
 the Rhatore Princes of Edur. While he was besieging 
 that town, the incursion of Holkar took place, which 
 has been mentioned above. On that occasion he was 
 surrounded by Holkar and the Edur troops, which had 
 coalesced; he only bought himself off by payment of a 
 heavy fine, giving up his brother, Zarawar Khan, as a 
 hostage for the same. 
 
 A few years after he prevailed on the Edur chiefs to 
 join him in opposing the progress of the Mahrattas. 
 Rai Sing marched with such force as he could collect, 
 but was drawn into an ambuscade near Boorsud, and 
 surrounded. Taking advantage of his absence, the 
 tribe of Rehwar Rajpoots attacked Edur. Annund 
 Sing had his horse killed under him ; orie of his cava- 
 liers offered to take this prince up behind him on his 
 own horse, and carry him. out of the melee. This, 
 however, Rhatore pride forbade, and Annund Sing, 
 turning on his foes, perished sword in hand. Rai Sing, 
 by the connivance of a Hindoostanee officer in Dum- 
 raajee's army, made his escape, and recovered Edur 
 about A.D. 1740. 
 
 Juwan Murd Khan was appointed, as stated above, 
 to the charge of the Moghul quarter of the city of 
 Ahmedabad, but he usurped the whole authority, 
 
28 
 
 allowing only Dummajee's officers to collect his dues. 
 When the combined forces of Rugonath Rao and 
 Dummajee were approaching Ahmedabad, he was at 
 Pahlunpoor, but, hastening back, he prepared for and 
 maintained the defence with great resolution. 
 
 Wittul Sewdeo, the ancestor of the Vinchoor 
 Jagheerdars, greatly distinguished himself during the 
 siege, as did Naroo Shunkur, the engineer who built 
 the strong fortress of Malligaum, in Khandeish, and 
 Juwan Murd Khan was obliged to capitulate. 
 
 He did so, however, on receiving from the Peishwa 
 a written agreement to leave him in quiet possession 
 as jagheer of the districts of Putton, Burnuggur, 
 Summee, Moujpoor, Beesnuggur, Kuraud, Kheraloo, 
 Ehadunpoor, Therwara, and Beejapoor, all the districts 
 which he had hitherto held in farm or in jagheer. 
 
 The city of Ahmedabad was thus finally taken 
 possession of by the Mahrattas in 
 April 1755, and the imperial autho- 
 rity in the province, which had for some time been 
 nominal, was entirely subverted. The family of the 
 last viceroy, Fidau-ud-Din, the brother, and Moh- 
 tuffir Khan, the son of Momin Khan, retired to 
 Cambay, where they were allowed to establish 
 themselves. The revenue of Ahmedabad was divided 
 between Duromajee and the- Peishwa, but, with the 
 exception of one gateway, the city was held by the 
 troops of the latter. 
 
 When the combined troops were advancing on 
 Ahmedabad, Rugonath Rao is said to have invited 
 Rai Sing, the Edur prince, to join them, and on his 
 doing so, received him honourably. After the capture 
 
29 
 
 of the city, Rai Sing was requested to attend a grand 
 durbar held to celebrate the occasion ; he stipulated 
 that he should not be expected to salute Rugonath Rao 
 as a prince, though he would make him the due 
 obeisance as a Brahmin, in return for which Rugonath 
 Rao should bestow on him his Ashirwad or blessing. 
 This was agreed to, but on the meeting taking place 
 in this manner, Rugonath Rao paused, and with all 
 the chiefs and nobles about him, asked Rai Sing what 
 he would bestow on the Brahmin in .return "for the 
 priestly benediction. The proud Rhatore, thus caught 
 in a trap, replied, that he bestowed on him all his 
 principality. Rugonath Rao accepted the districts 
 of Perhantej, Beejapoor, half of Morassa, half of Bayer, 
 half of Hursole, and relinquished the remainder. - 
 
 Such is the tale by which Rajpoot pride conceals 
 the more prosaic account of a compulsory relinquish - 
 ment of possessions which had been but lately acquired 
 out of the imperial dominions, and which Rugonath 
 Rao resumed as the successor of the imperial power. 
 
 Rugonath Rao left at Ahmedabad an officer named 
 Sreeput Rao as his representative; took leave of 
 Dummajee at Baroda, and proceeded to Hindoostan. 
 
 To form an idea of the revolution thus caused in 
 Guzerat, it is necessary to turn to the agreement which 
 had been drawn up to define the actual and prospective 
 rights of the Peishwa and Guicowar in A.D. 1751-2. 
 
 The actual rights south of the Nerbudda, in what 
 was designated Surat Attaveesy, Rajwara Mahal, con- 
 sisted of the Jumma, Swuraj, and Moghulaee of 28 
 districts, besides the duties from Veara, and five districts 
 beyond the Taptee north. 
 
30 
 
 The jurnma was estimated at Kupees 1 0,1 8,000 ; the 
 swuraj at Rupees 8,58,000 ; and the moghulaee at 
 Rupees 1,60,000. 
 
 The rights between the Nerbudda and the Myhee 
 were the jumma and duties of seven districts, amounting 
 to Rupees 9,05,000. 
 
 The rights north of the Myhee were the jumma 
 and duties of the half share already possessed by 
 Dummajee in the city of Ahmedabad with the district 
 contiguous, valued atone lac of rupees, and the jumma 
 and duties of what were called the Rastee Mahal, viz, 
 half Pitlaud, Dholka, Mahtur, Neriad, Muhoonda, 
 in all Rupees 8,50,000. 
 
 The swuraj seems to have been the amount set 
 apart for the Raja of Sattara, that being the name given 
 originally to the territories acquired by Sivajee. The 
 moghulaee was the revenue set apart for the protection 
 of trade by the person who held the office of admiral 
 of the empire, and to which dignity was attached the 
 castle of Surat. This the Peishwa intended to secure 
 for himself hereafter; there remained, therefore, 
 Rupees 27,73,000 to be divided between the Peishwa 
 and the Guicowar, after deducting territory, equal to 
 Rupees 3,00,500, for the support of the Guicowar 
 family. 
 
 The revenue which had been acquired by the 
 Mahrattas in Guzerat hitherto, excluding the tribute 
 from the chiefs, did not amount to more than 
 Rupees 36,31, 000. 
 
 There were, however, nine remaining mahals, the 
 names of which suggest the future plans and prospects 
 of the confederates : they were Mohun, Qohilwar, the 
 
31 
 
 
 
 whole of Joonaghur and Sorut, Islarnntiggur, alias 
 Nowanuggur, Soomee, Rajwara, Kutch Bhooj, the 
 Indus and Tatta, Jhutwara, Sawulpoor, Dwarka, Prant- 
 kabee, and Daunta ; in short, their ambition pointed to 
 the acquisition of the whole of. the western portion of 
 the upper peninsula of India, including the 1 valley of 
 the lower Indus.* 
 
 The English had for many years possessed trading 
 stations, called factories, at Cam bay, Broach, and 
 especially at Surat, and under a firman dated 25th June 
 1667, they held, by the favour of the court of Delhi, 
 certain commercial privileges, which the local governor 
 at Surat evinced a constant inclination to infringe. 
 The Seedees of Jingeera held the office of admirals of 
 the Moghul empire, and in virtue thereof had posses- 
 sion of the castle of Surat, with certain revenues attached 
 for the purpose of protecting trade ; they, however, 
 being essentially pirates themselves, very soon began 
 to abuse their position, instead of honestly performing 
 its duties. 
 
 There were at Surat about this time three or four 
 conflicting authorities besides the agerut of Dummajee 
 Guicowar, who collected his master's one-third of the 
 revenue without doing anything to maintain order. 
 There was Musaood Khan, the Seedee admiral, there 
 was Sufdur Khan and Paris Khan, and Syud Moin- 
 oodeen Khan, alias Mia Atchund, who was a partizan 
 of the English. 
 
 In A.D. 1752 the English resolved to resist the 
 lawless oppression of the local authorities, and a 
 conflict took place, which, for the time, secured the 
 observance of the imperial firman in favour of the 
 
32 
 
 
 
 English, to whom were refunded two lacs of rupees 
 for the losses they had suffered ; but this money was 
 levied on the mercantile classes by additional taxation : 
 there was no security against a recurrence of the evils 
 complained of. 
 
 Governor Bouchier, of Bombay, had for some time 
 endeavoured to induce the Peishwa tojoin in restoring* 
 order at Surat, and had not Rugonath Rao been called 
 away on other duty, a joint expedition would probably 
 have been fitted out for that purpose in A.JD. 1751. 
 
 The Peishwa, however, made proposals in A.D. 
 1755 to settle Surat and to reduce the pirate Angria. 
 The latter object was effected ; but as to the former, he 
 was not only lukewarm, but intending to effect the 
 reduction of Surat alone, and for his own benefit, he 
 made a threatening demonstration against Bombay, 
 when that Government was preparing an expedition to 
 act without him, which was the cause of its being for 
 the time abandoned. 
 
 The plan thus postponed was, however, carried out 
 by the English some years later. In March 1758 a 
 convention wa entered into between the Bombay 
 Government and Faris Khan, for the purpose of putting 
 the latter in exclusive possession of the government of 
 the city, while the Englfsh were to hold the castle, 
 with its contingent revenues. The interests of 
 Dummajee Guicowar were, however, to be in no way 
 meddled with. 
 
 An expedition was prepared at Bombay, and sailed 
 in March 1759. On the very day of the assault on 
 the castle, another convention was drawn up. Mia 
 Atchund was thereby installed as governor, while 
 
33 
 
 Paris Khan took a lower place as his deputy; the 
 castle was taken, the Seedees expelled, and the English 
 took possession of their office and its attendant 
 revenues. 
 
 The proceedings of the confederates were duly re- 
 ported to the Court of Delhi, and graciously sanctioned 
 after the event." A few years after, in A.D. 1763, on 
 Mia AtcluimFs death, his son was appointed (by the 
 English, and without the formality of any reference to 
 the emperor,) Nuwab of Surat, under the title of 
 Meer Hafiz-ood-deen-Ahmed Khan Bahadoor. 
 
 Dummajee Guicowar commanded his own contingent 
 in the disastrous battle of Paniput, fought on the 7th 
 January 1761, and acquitted himself with credit. His 
 horse supported the advance of the infantry of the 
 Mnhratta army under the command of Ibrahim Khan 
 Gardee, which defeated the opposite wing of the 
 Afghans, and Dummajee was one of the few chiefs of 
 the highest rank who returned in safety to their 
 homes after that fatal battle. 
 
 During the remaining years of his life, Dummajee 
 continued to enlarge and consolidate his' territories. He 
 dispossessed Juwan Murd Khan of nearly the whole of 
 the districts he had retained in northern Guzerat, 
 leaving him only his older jagheer of Summee Rridhun- 
 poor and dependencies. He reduced the Rhatore 
 princes of Edur to the station of tributaries, made repeat- 
 ed progresses into Kattywar, when he made some solid 
 acquisitions besides exacting tribute, and, in fine, estab- 
 lished himself as a sovereign power of the first class. 
 
 His connection with Rugonath Rao was unfortunate 
 for his family. He sided with him during his dissensions 
 5 +- 
 
34 
 
 with the young Peishwa Madhow Rao, and when 
 many of the Mahratta chiefs deserted Rugonath Rao 
 and went over to Nizam Ali, Dummajee brought a 
 body of his own troops to his assistance, and on the 
 outbreak of hostilities, he, with Mulhar Rao Holkar, 
 ravaged the provinces of Berar and Aurungabad, and 
 at the battle uf Taindulza( Rakisbone, on the Godavery), 
 where iNizam Ali was defeated (through the charac- 
 teristic treachery of Junojee Blionsla,) his prime 
 minister, Raja Pertabwant, was slain by one of 
 Dummajee's troopers. 
 
 In A.D. 1763, while Ilugonath Rao held for a short 
 time the reins of the administration, he appointed 
 Ramchunder Jadow to the office of Senaputtee, but 
 without attaching to the office any authority in 
 Guzerat. 
 
 The last days of Dummajee Guico war's long dis- 
 ^gg tinguished and victorious career were 
 
 clouded by the disaster which befel 
 his ally, Rugonath Rao. Matters had come to such 
 a pass between him and his nephew, the Peishwa 
 Madhow Rao, that hostilities were unavoidable. Dum- 
 majee sent his son Govind Rao with a body of troops 
 to the assistance of the uncle, but they were defeated 
 near Dhoorup, in the Chandore hills, and both taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 Dummajee's death occurring at this crisis was 
 peculiarly unfortunate, as it led to a civil war for 
 the succession, the origin and progress of which 
 will be the subject of the next Chapter. 
 
35 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF DUMMAJEE GUICOWAR TO THE 
 FIRST TREATY BETWEEN THE ENGLISH AND 
 FUTTEH SING. 
 
 DUMMAJEE GUICOWAR had three lawful wives : first 
 Munoobye, the mother of Govind 
 
 1775 17 ' Rao; second, Kaseebye, the mother 
 
 of Syajee Rao and Futteh Sing ; third, 
 
 Gungabye, the mother of Peelajee Rao, Manajee Rao, 
 
 and Morar Rao. 
 
 Syajee Rao, however, not Govind Rao, was the 
 eldest-born son, and he, being of feeble character, sub- 
 mitted to the management of his uterine brother, 
 Futteh Sing, a man of energy and talent, who, being 
 on the spot at Dummajee's death, placed his brother 
 on the throne, and assumed the regency. 
 
 By engaging to pay a fine of 23 lacs of rupees for 
 his late delinquency, a Nuzerana of 21 lacs, and other 
 exactions, amounting in all to 50i lacs of rupees, by 
 promising also an annual tribute of Rupees 7,79,000, 
 and to maintain three thousand horse at Poona for the 
 service of the Peishwa in peace, and four thousand in 
 
36 
 
 time of war, Govind Rao, on the other hand, received 
 the investiture of his father's dominions. 
 
 Futteh Sing, however, came in person to Poona and 
 procured a reversal of this decision ; the respected and 
 virtuous Ram Shastree having finally declared in 
 favour of the claim of the eldest-born, Syajee Rao : 
 but Futteh Sing determined to strengthen himself not 
 only against Govind Rao, but the Peishwa also. He 
 therefore succeeded not only in withdrawing his con- 
 tingent from Poona, by paying an annual subsidy 
 in lieu thereof, on the plea that he required it to 
 protect himself from Govind Rao's attempts, but he 
 made overtures to the Bombay Government for an 
 alliance (in A.D. 1772) which were not at that time 
 accepted. 
 
 In the mean time, the Bombay Government had 
 come into collision with the Nawab of Broach, and an 
 expedition was sent against him, which took the town 
 by assault on the 18th November 1772, the same 
 day that Madhow Rao Peishwa died. 
 
 Permission had been granted by the Peishwa for 
 the residence of an English envoy at Poona, and Mr. 
 Mostyn arrived there a few days before Madhow Rao's 
 death. At his first interview with the young 
 Narain Rao, a discussion took place relative to an 
 exchange or equivalent for Broach, but nothing was 
 suggested that could lead to the most important object 
 of his mission, which \vas the acquisition of the fort 
 of Bassein and the islands of Salsette, Kenery, Hog 
 Inland, Elephanta, and Caranpi, which were required 
 to secure Bombay against any enterprize by European- 
 powers, 
 
37 
 
 Narain Rao was murdered in the following year, 
 and as his uncle's (Rugonath Rao's) death was also 
 rumoured, though falsely, the Bombay Government 
 concluded that the family of the Peishwas, with which 
 alone they had treaties, was extinct, and they deter- 
 mined without any scruple to take forcible possession 
 of Salsette : but the council of ministers at Poona, 
 having the support of the ex-Peishwa's widow, who 
 was enceinte, and who was afterwards delivered of a son, 
 ejected Rugonath Rao, who was odious to most of 
 the Mahratta chiefs, and deeply implicated in the mur- 
 der of iS'arain Rao. 
 
 Rugonath Rao (whom we shall henceforth call by 
 his familiar name of Ragoba) proceeded to Indore, 
 hoping to be joined by Holkarand Scindia, and thence 
 made overtures to Mr. Mostyn to assist him in getting 
 possession of the Peishwa's office, "asking for a great 
 deal of money and great many troops" ; but he refused 
 to give up Salsette and Bassein, and offered instead 
 possessions of much greater value in Guzerat. 
 
 It now became known that the Portuguese had 
 appeared on the coast with a powerful armament, intend- 
 ing to recover Salsette and Bassein from the JVhhrattas, 
 and the situation became critical. The Bombay 
 Government intrigued with the Mahratta commandant 
 of the fort of Tanna to sell his charge. Governor 
 Hornby offered him one lac of rupees, but he demand- 
 ed two lacs and sixty thousand. While this negocia- 
 tion was going on, it became known to the council 
 of ministers at Poona, and reinforcements were 
 sent down, which prevented the meditated act of 
 treachery. 
 
38 
 
 The Bombay Government at all risks resolved to 
 anticipate the Portuguese; a force was sent, which 
 stormed the fort of Tanna with considerable loss, 27th 
 December 1774, and reduced the Island of Salsette in 
 a few days after. 
 
 In the mean time, Ragoba was deserted by Scindia 
 and Holkar, and a force being despatched from Poona 
 against him, he took refuge in Guzerat, arriving at 
 Baroda on the 3rd January 1775. In the day of his 
 power he had reversed the decision which had assigned 
 the throne to Syajee Rao, and had allowed Govind 
 Rao to depart for the purpose of wresting the control 
 of the administration from Futteh Sing : he now found 
 his protege besieging Baroda. 
 
 Ragoba's first act was to communicate with Mr. 
 
 o 
 
 Gam bier, the chief of the Surat Factory, and after 
 some delay, owing to the capture of his agent Nourut- 
 tundas by a detachment of Futteh Sing's troops, 
 a treaty of sixteen articles was concluded. By this 
 treaty all preceding engagements between theMahrattas 
 and the British were confirmed. The Bombay Go- 
 vernment engaged to send 500 Europeans and 1,000 
 native soldiers, with artillery, immediately, and to 
 increase the force to 3,000 men, for the purpose of 
 assisting Ragoba against the Poona Government; and 
 Ragoba ceded Bassein, Salsette, Caranja, Elephanta, and 
 Hog Island, besides the districts of Jumbooseer and 
 Oorpar,and Rupees 75,000 annually from the Peishwa's 
 share of Occliseer, and engaged to procure from the 
 Guicowar a grant of his share of the revenues of 
 Broach in town and country, while for the payment 
 
39 
 
 of the promised troops, he assigned the remainder of 
 the Peishwa's share of Occliseer, the districts of 
 Ahmode, Hansote, and Veersal. 
 
 The Bombay Government acted with great promp- 
 titude ; even before the treaty was signed, they had 
 despatched a force of one thousand five hundred men 
 tinder Colonel Keatinge, to the assistance of Kauoba in 
 February 1775, but when the expedition anchored off 
 the bar of the Taptee, Colonel Keatinge ascertained 
 that his ally had been already defeated, and was then 
 a friendless refugee at Surat. 
 
 The Poona army, under Hurry Punt Phurkay, 
 accompanied by divisions from the armies of Holkar 
 and Scindia had entered Guzerat, and obliged Ragoba 
 and Govind Rao to raise the siege of Baroda and retire 
 northward behind the river JVIyhee. On the 17th 
 February, the Poona army crossed the river in three 
 divisions at Wassud. While Ragoba was endeavour- 
 ing to check the advance on his centre, and before 
 Govind Rao and Khundey Rao Guicowar's troops, 
 which were encamped in his rear, could come down to 
 his support, he found himself outflanked; a body of 
 newly enlisted Arabs took that opportunity to demand 
 their pay, and refused to fight. Manajee Scindia 
 Phakray and Sukaram Hurry, two of his best officers, 
 were wounded, a terrible confusion followed ; and 
 Ragoba fled precipitately with about 1000 horse to 
 Cam bay. 
 
 The Nuwab of that place, who had before intended 
 to join him, was now apprehensive of the consequences 
 of even giving him an asylum. Ragoba therefore 
 
40 
 
 applied to Mr. C. Malet, chief of the English Factory, 
 who had only heard by common rumour of the nego- 
 ciations between him and the Bombay Government, 
 but readily assisted him to Bhownuggur, where he 
 took ship for Surat. There, on the 6th March, he and 
 Mr. Gambier signed the treaty, which thirteen months 
 later was approved by the Court of Directors. 
 
 Colonel Keatinge, on meeting the forlorn Ragoba at 
 Surat, congratulated the Governor of Bombay on the 
 circumstance of finding the ex-Peishwa now entirely 
 dependent upon him; arid Mr. Hornby seems to have 
 had entire confidence that his 1,500 men would van- 
 quish the whole Mahratta army, and accordingly 
 directed the expedition to proceed to Cambay, and form 
 a junction with the defeated fragments of Ragoba's 
 troops. 
 
 The instructions given to Colonel Keatinge were far 
 from precise, and almost exclusively military. The 
 object of the expedition was " the assistance of Ragoba 
 against all his enemies, the ministerial party and their 
 adherents to move with his army, and to do every- 
 thing for bringing the war to a happy and speedy 
 issue that Ragoba might desire, and that Colonel 
 Keatinge might think the force under his command 
 able to effect." He was not authorised to act in any 
 political capacity ; but in an evil hour, he enteredin to 
 a correspondence with Futteh Sing Guicowar,.with 
 the simple expectation of inducing him to desert his 
 own party. 
 
 Colonel Keatinge had no knowledge of Futteh Sing ; 
 no overtures had been made to him, his force had 
 
41 
 
 achieved nothing to make it an object of apprehen- 
 sion or respect, and nothing was to be expected, 
 under such circumstances, from negotiating with a 
 
 ' r* o 
 
 Mahratta but humiliation and ultimate disappoint- 
 ment. 
 
 His troops, however, were increased by reinforce- 
 ments to 2,500 men, and on the 19th April he march- 
 ed eleven miles to Dumruj, where he effected a junc- 
 tion with Ragoba's defeated troops. 
 
 The commanders Manajee Phakray and Sukaram 
 Hurry were officers of reputation, and faithful to 
 Ragoba's cause ; but their own followers, amounting 
 to six or eight thousand, were without pay, mutinous, 
 and clamorous ; the whole multitude which assembled 
 in their camp, estimated at upwards of twenty thou- 
 sand men, were worse than useless. Colonel Keatinge, 
 pleased with the formidable spectacle which the tents, 
 and flags, and crowd of a Mahratta camp present, 
 congratulated himself and the presidency on their pros- 
 pects ; but in the same despatch earnestly solicited a 
 supply of treasure, and informed the Government of 
 his having advanced what he could from his military 
 chest, that the spirit of such an army might not be 
 damped. 
 
 The Poona Government had succeeded in detaching 
 Khundey Rao Guicowar from the cause of Ragoba, 
 but its force was considerably weakened by the return 
 of Holkar and Scindia with about 12,000 horse to 
 Malwa, for reasons which are nowhere satisfacto- 
 rily shown. Ragoba's party interpreted their depar- 
 6 H- 
 
42 
 
 ture as a secession in his favour, and it probably did 
 proceed (on the part of Scindia) from his being called 
 upon by Sukaram Bappoo to account for arrears due to 
 the Peishwa, a circumstance to which may be attributed 
 the enmity which subsisted between Mahadojee Scindia 
 and Sukaram even after this period, but cculd have 
 occasioned no material alteration in Scindia's policy, 
 as both Scindia and Holkar were at Poona a few 
 months afterwards. It was, however, confidently 
 asserted by Ragoba's party that Scindia intended to 
 join them, and that Holkar would never act against 
 Mahadojee Scindia. The whole Poona army under 
 Hurry Pnnt, when joined by Futteh Sing, amounted 
 to about 25,000 men, of which 5,000 \vere infantry. 
 Hurry Punt, in permitting the crowd to assemble about 
 Ragoba at such a distance from the capital, after the 
 season when the revenues were collected, and when 
 the rains might be expected in the course of six weeks, 
 acted more judiciously than if he had harassed his 
 own troops to prevent the junction of his enemies. 
 On the 23rd of April, the army of Ragoba, the 
 strength of which lay in the British detachment, 
 moved from Dumruj to Wusura, and thence to 
 the River Saburmattee. It then moved northwards 
 towards Kaira, but did not reach Mahtur, a village 30 
 miles north of Cambay, until the 3rd May. This 
 inactivity, in the first instance, was unavoidable, the 
 reinforcements had not arrived, and the commissariat of 
 the Bombay troops was extremely defective; the delay 
 in advancing was attributed to the numerous carts, bag- 
 gage, and bazaar, but, no doubt, was partly owing to 
 the want of arrangement on the part of the commanding 
 
43 
 
 officer, and, above all, to the indecision of Ragoba, who 
 was inclined to proceed to Ahmedabad, and remain in 
 Guzerat during the monsoon; but the Bombay Govern- 
 ment disapproved of this intention, and strongly 
 recommended him to push on to Poona at once. Before 
 the army arrived at Mahtur, they had two partial 
 actions with Hurry Punt : the first took place on the 
 28th April, at the village of Mosaumbee, and was 
 entirely maintained by the English detachment with 
 very trifling loss ; the second was four days afterwards, 
 when 50 or 60 of Ragoba's soldiers were killed or 
 wounded, a loss which dispirited them ever after : but 
 the enemy experienced a much greater, having made 
 an attempt on the left of the English line, where they 
 met with a severe repulse. Colonel Keatinge at length, 
 by positive orders from Bombay, prevailed on Ragobu 
 to change the direction of his route, and proceed 
 towards Poona. They accordingly moved on the 5th, 
 and before they reached Neriad on the 8th, were again 
 8th Mav twice opposed : once in the mode 
 
 usual for Mahratta horse, and a 
 second time in the same manner, but supported by some 
 pieces of cannon. As Neriad was a considerable town 
 in possession of Khundey Rao Guicowar, Ragoba, 
 to punish his defection and administer to his own 
 necessities, imposed a contribution of 60,000 Rupees, 
 but after wasting one week, he could only collect 
 14th May. 40,000. On the 14th the army crept 
 
 forward three miles further to the 
 westward, and expected to have a decisive action at the 
 Myhee, as it was known in the Mahratta camp that 
 Hurry Punt Phurkay had received orders from Poona 
 
44 
 
 to attack Ragoba in case he should attempt to cross 
 the river. Colonel Keatinge in the mean time had con- 
 tinued his correspondence with the Guicowar, 
 and although aware that it had been discovered by 
 Hurry Punt Phurkay from the first, he still persuaded 
 himself that he should be able to bringover Futteh Sing. 
 He even signed a treaty on the 22nd of April, 
 secret as he supposed, and as Futteh Sing pretended, 
 and sent an agent, Lieutenant George Lovibond, to 
 the camp of Futteh Sing, for the purpose of having it 
 ratified. 
 
 The agent was very grossly insulted, and the mis- 
 sion must have furnished a suhject for ridicule in every 
 Mahratta ballad and news-letter of the day; but 
 Colonel Keatinge knew so little of the people, as to be 
 insensible of the derision to which his notable diplo- 
 macy exposed him. The circumstances of the mission 
 are too characteristic to be passed over : Lieutenant 
 Lovibond, attended by the agent of Futteh Sing, 
 was carried to the camp of Hurry Punt, and on 
 expressing his surprise at being brought there, was 
 merely told that his master had joined. During the 
 evening some inferior people about Hurry Punt and 
 Futteh Sing were sent to visit the British envoy. 
 Early next morning the agent told Mr. Lovibond 
 that a tent was pitched for his reception, where he 
 must meet Futteh Sing and his minister to execute 
 the treaty. 
 
 In this tent he was kept the whole day, not without 
 expressing his impatience, but Mr. Lovibond, by not 
 bursting into a passion, which would be expected 
 
45 
 
 in a European, probably disappointed them of half 
 their mirth. At last, at five o'clock in the evening, 
 a single horseman road up to the door of the tent, and 
 desired the gentleman to follow the army. On his 
 complying, the palanquin in which he travelled was 
 surrounded by a party of Hurry Punt's horse, and he 
 was thus exposed as a prisoner to their whole army. 
 At this time the agent of Futteh Sing coming up with 
 much seeming concern, confirmed the truth of his be- 
 ing a prisoner, and earnestly begged of him to save 
 his master by destroying the treaty and his other 
 credentials. The good-natured Englishman contrived 
 to do this most effectually, and after the horsemen 
 had brought him to the middle of Futteh Sing's 
 camp bazaar they rode off, and there left him. The 
 agent immediately urged him not to lose an oppor- 
 tunity so favourable, but to follow him. He was then 
 carried to the tent of the minister, where, after one 
 hour, carne Futteh Sing himself. He expressed great 
 gratitude for the precaution Mr. Lovibond had taken 
 in his favour by destroying the treaty, which he begged 
 to excuse himself for renewing at that time, owing to 
 the vigilance of Hurry Punt, and the other great 
 officers. The envoy of Colonel Keatinge, after having 
 thus furnished subject for what would, if well told, 
 occasion as much laughter to Mahrattas as the story 
 of the "Sleeper awakened" to Arabs, was escorted back 
 to the British camp. There are certain kinds of ridicule 
 which are peculiarly national, and the full force of this 
 imposture, practised by two personages in such high 
 authority as Futteh Sing and Hurry Punt Phurkay, 
 would probably, from its seeming puerility, be at that 
 
46 
 
 time little understood, except by Mahrattas; but the 
 Bombay Government in their judgment disapproved 
 of Colonel Keatinge's proceedings, and ordered Mr. 
 Mostyn to join his army for the purpose of trans- 
 acting its political affairs. The troops, however, had 
 advanced too far from Cambay, through a hostile 
 country, to enable Mr. Mostyn to overtake them. 
 The army, after passing Neriad, continued their inarch 
 towards the Myhee, and arrived at Nappar on the 
 
 17th. From Neriad their route lay 
 17th May. . , , . . , , . , 
 
 through a highly cultivated country, 
 
 along a narrow, deep, sandy road, which only admits 
 one cart abreast, being enclosed on both sides by 
 high milk-bush hedges. 
 
 Numerous topes or groves appear in every direction ; 
 the country on both sides is generally a succession of 
 enclosed fields, the borders of which are lined by 
 stately trees, such as the mountain neem, the tamarind, 
 the moura, and the mango. After passing Nappar 
 about a mile and a-lialf, the country opens on a fine 
 plain interspersed with trees, extending from Arass to 
 near the banks of the river, which are broken by 
 extensive and deep ravines. 
 
 Ragoba's horse, after their first unfortunate skirmish, 
 instead of acting on the flanks and guarding the 
 baggage, used constantly to intermix with it, and with 
 the characteristic feeling of Mahrattas depressed by 
 previous discomfiture, on occasions of the smallest 
 danger crowded for safety towards the British detach- 
 ment. Colonel Keatinge, at Ragoba's request, in order 
 
47 
 
 to give them a little confidence, had formed two 
 guards, consisting each of two hundred rank and file, 
 100 Europeans, and 100 Native infantry, supported by 
 two guns. One of these guards was posted in the rear, 
 and one on the reverse flank of the whole army ; the 
 front and rear of the British detachment were com- 
 posed of European Grenadiers, and the orders were 
 that in case of an attack on the flank, the rear-guard 
 should move to its support, whilst the division of 
 grenadiers occupied their place; but in case the attack 
 should be made on the rear-guard, the division of 
 grenadiers should fall back and join it. On the 
 
 morning of the 18th of May, when 
 ^ marcuin g in. this order towards the 
 
 Myhee, about a mile and a-half from 
 Nappar, a small cannonade from six guns suddenly 
 opened on their rear from behind a grove on the left 
 side of the road, where a large body of the enemy were 
 advancing. Colonel Keatinge immediately halted the 
 line, rode back, found Captain Myers, who commanded 
 the division of grenadiers, moving according to the 
 instructions, and having ordered down another gun 
 and a howitzer, soon silenced the artillery of the enemy, 
 and drove back the advancing body. Two of the 
 enemy's cannon were not withdrawn with the rest, 
 and Captain Myers, with some other officers, 
 proposed "having a dash at their guns/' to which 
 Colonel Keatinge assented, and sent for the other 
 company of grenadiers. The object of attack 
 was in an enclosed field, the road to which 
 was of the same kind as that already described. 
 
48 
 
 between two high milk-bush hedges. As soon as both 
 companies of grenadiers were formed with the rear- 
 guard, they were directed to advance with order and 
 regularity, an injunction which Colonel Keatinge 
 found it necessary to repeat. Captain Myers, however, 
 again quickened his pace, until he got near the guns. 
 He then halted, and had just formed for the attack, 
 when a body of the enemy's horse charged him, but, 
 being supported by the artillery, which Colonel 
 Keatinge directed in person, th \y were driven back 
 with great slaughter. The division had re-formed to 
 prosecute their object, when another charge, more des- 
 perate than the first, was again made and repulsed, 
 though many of the grenadiers were cut down, and 
 among the rest the gallant Captains Myers and Serle. 
 This was certainly the crisis which generally gains 
 or loses an action. Colonel Keatinge performed the 
 duty of a good captain of artillery, but as a com- 
 mander he neglected to support his exhausted men with 
 fresh troops. The Mahrattas took advantage of the 
 oversight, placed two elephants to block up the nar- 
 row road, and being encouraged by a treacherous car- 
 coon in Ragoba's army, charged the rear of the division, 
 thus completely cut off from the main body; but the 
 troops, as yet undismayed, facing about, attacked and 
 routed them. By this time the Arabs and Sindians 
 in Ragoba's army were advancing in their irregular 
 manner, and Ragoba's horse, by capering about between 
 the advanced body and the British line, occasioned 
 infinite confusion, and could scarcely be distinguished 
 from the enemy, who for a moment seemed to have 
 
49 
 
 relinquished the attack, when suddenly one of the 
 companies of European grenadiers, without any ap- 
 parent reason, went to the right about, arid retreated 
 at a quick pace. This retrograde movement, as was 
 afterwards discovered by a court of inquiry, was partly 
 the fault of their officer, whose word of command to 
 face to the right, for the purpose of retiring, was 
 mistaken for right-about-face. Without orders from 
 Colonel Keatinge the retreat was, at all events, inex- 
 cusable, and, as might have been expected, was attended 
 with disastrous consequences. The sepoys immediately 
 fancied themselves defeated ; they also turned, and the 
 rest of the Europeans followed their example. Some 
 order was preserved until they gained the milk- bush 
 hedges, when, in spite of all exertions, they broke their 
 ranks and ran towards the line in the greatest confusion, 
 whilst the enemy came amongst them sword in hand, 
 and made great slaughter. 
 
 Colonel Keatinge in vain attempted to rally the 
 grenadiers. These men, who had a few minutes before 
 fought with all the ardour and constancy of British troops, 
 now fled disgracefully ; but the support of the line, and 
 the fire of the whole artillery within 40yards. again drove 
 back the Mahrattas, who finally sustained a severe de- 
 feat. Such was the battle of Arass ; and notwithstand- 
 ing the circumstances attending it, which are quoted 
 .principally from the candid narrative of Colonel Keat- 
 inge, it is a victory recorded by the best of testimony 
 theenemy in terms highly creditable : but it was dearly 
 purchased. The loss on the part of Colonel Keatinge'* 
 detachment amounted to 222 men, of whom 86 were 
 7 -H 
 
50 
 
 Europeans, and 1 1 of them officers. Colonel Keatinge 
 29th Ma at arl> i ve d at Broach on the 29th May, 
 Broach. where he deposited his wounded. On 
 
 the 8th June he again marched, in- 
 tending to cross the Nerbudda; but as 
 the proposed ford was found impracticable, the army on 
 
 10th June ^ e ^^ move( ^ U P tne r i yer towards 
 Bowpeer. After a march of about 20 
 miles, at 5 o'clock in the evening, Colonel Keatinge 
 received intelligence that Hurry Punt was still on the 
 north side of the river, about 8 or 10 miles further on. 
 Having now less respect for his enemy, and having found 
 the simple secret in Mahratta warfare of always being 
 the first to attack, Colonel Keatinge resolved on mov- 
 ing forward as soon as he had allowed his men some 
 refreshment.. Accordingly he was again in motion 
 before one o'clock in the morning, but the troops of 
 Ragoba, like their ill-omened master, whose presence 
 seemed to blight the fairest prospect in every affair 
 in which he was engaged, on this occasion for the 
 first time since their former slight check, stimu- 
 lated by the hope of plunder, and elated by having 
 received a little pay part of a lac of rupees advanced to 
 Kagoba by the Broach factory showed an inclination 
 to advance, crowded the road, broke through Colonel 
 Keatinge's line of march in several places, and at last 
 obliged him to halt till daylight. The enemy therefore 
 saw him long before he could get near, struck their camp 
 in the greatest confusion, threw their guns into the river, 
 sent their heavy baggage across the Nerbudda, and 
 retreated along the north bank, with the loss of an 
 elephant and a few camels, which were plundered by 
 
51 
 
 Ragoba's horse. Colonel Keatinge's intention of pro- 
 ceeding to the southward, according to repeated orders 
 from Bombay, was now set aside for many judicious 
 military reasons urged by Ragoba, of which the Go- 
 vernment afterwards approved, and it was therefore 
 determined to retire to Dubhoee, 19 miles south-east 
 of Baroda, whilst Ragoba's troops were encamped at 
 Balapoor, a village on the River Dadhur between 
 these places. Colonel Keatinge then proposed to the 
 Bombay Government, at the repeated solicitation of 
 Govind Rao Guicowar, to reduce Baroda as soon as 
 the monsoon abated, to which they assented. 
 
 In the mean time, preparations were in progress at 
 the Presidency for the purpose of reinforcing Colonel 
 Keatinge's detachment, replenishing their ammuni- 
 tion, and completing their stores. Futteh Sing was 
 now in earnest in his desire to enter into a treaty with 
 Ragoba, and Colonel Keatinge, foreseeing more advan- 
 tage to the cause by admitting his overtures than by 
 reducing him, recommended to Ragoba the conclusion 
 of such an agreement as might reconcile Govind Rao to 
 the measure, secure the alliance of Futteh Sing, and 
 insure relief to Ragoba's urgent necessities by a supply 
 of treasure. Futteh Sing agreed to furnish 3,000 horse 
 to be at all times kept at Ragoba's service ; but, if re- 
 quired, 2,000 more were to be provided, for which 
 pay was to be allowed. A jagheer of three lacs, which 
 Futteh Sing, by his agreement with Mahadeo RaoBullal, 
 was bound to reserve in Guzerat for his brother Govind 
 Rao, was no longer required ; but in lieu of it Ragoba 
 agreed to bestow a jagheer of ten lacs on Govind Rao 
 
52 
 
 in the Deccan ; 26 lacs of rupees were to be paid to 
 Ragoba in 61 days; and the East India Company, 
 as guarantees and negotiators between the parties, 
 were to receive the Guicowar's share of the revenue 
 in Broach, and several villages in perpetuity, estimated 
 at Rupees 2,13,000. This pacification, effected 
 through Colonel Keatinge's management, was, as 
 circumstances then stood, politic ; for although Govind 
 Rao afterwards seceded from the agreement, he decla- 
 ed himself satisfied at the time. 
 
53 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 FROM THE ANNULMENT OF THE FIRST TREATY 
 WITH FUTTEH SING, TO THE ANNULMENT OF 
 THE SECOND TREATY WITH FUTTEH SING, FROM 
 A.D. 1775 TO 1780. 
 
 THE proceedings narrated in the preceding Chapter 
 
 were disavowed by the Supreme 
 A.D. 1775. ^ /. 
 
 (jrovernment as "impolitic, dan- 
 gerous, unauthorised, and unjust," and Lieutenant 
 Colonel John Upton was deputed by Mr. Hastings as 
 Envoy to the Government of Poona, to conclude a 
 treaty of peace. He arrived at Poorundhur on the 28th 
 December, and opened the negotiations which termi- 
 nated in the treaty of that name. 
 
 The Poona ministers, finding that there was a dif- 
 ference of opinion between the Bombay and Supreme 
 Governments, thought to take advantage of it, and as- 
 sumed a tone of menace of demand, which speedily led 
 Colonel Upton to report the failure of his mission. No 
 sooner had he done this, however, than the ministers 
 reversed their tactics, agreed to the greater part of 
 Colonel Upton's original proposals, in a few days the 
 treaty was arranged, and on the 1st March 1776 
 signed. 
 
54 
 
 The Poona Government relinquished all claims on 
 the revenue of the city and adjoining territory of 
 Broach, producing three lacs of rupees, by way of 
 showing " its friendship to the English Company." 
 
 The cessions exacted from Futteh Sing were to be 
 restored to him, provided it could be proved that he 
 had no power to make such alienations. 
 
 The treaty between Ragoba and the Bombay 
 Government was annulled. 
 
 That Government was outrageous at this destruction 
 of all its hopes, and though the treaty forbade its giving 
 any protection to Ragoba, he was granted an asylum 
 at Surat, and subsequently in Bombay, on the plea 
 that honour forbade his being surrendered to the mercy 
 of his foes. 
 
 Some modification of Mr. Hastings' views led to the 
 recall of Colonel Upton, and in A.D. 1777 the Bom- 
 bay Government was allowed to select Mr. Mostyn as 
 his successor. He repaired immediately to Poona to 
 adjust the details of the treaty. 
 
 The article which related to Futteh Sing Guicowar 
 had been artfully framed by the 
 Poona ministers to induce him 
 to declare not only his dependence on the Peishwa, 
 but his inability to make any grant without the per- 
 mission of the chief of the Mahrattas ; but while Futteh 
 Sing readily admitted his feudal dependence, he 
 claimed the restoration of his grant to the Company 
 on other grounds, viz. that Ragoba had failed to 
 perform his part of the agreement. These and other 
 points served to prolong the discussion until February 
 1778, when Futteh Sing, having paid off his arrears of 
 
55 
 
 tribute, presented one lac of rupees to the ministers, 
 and five lacs of rupees to the State; received his 
 investiture as Senakhaskel, and Govind Rao Guicowar's 
 pretensions were finally set aside. 
 
 At this time dissensions broke out among the Poona 
 ministers, of whom the most able and distinguished 
 was Naiia Furnaveez. He headed a party hostile 
 to the English, and the other party made overtures to 
 Ragoba. Nana Furnaveez patronised an adventurer 
 who had made his way to Poona, and who pretended 
 to be an authorised French emissary. 
 
 The Bombay Government being convinced there- 
 from of Nana Furnaveez's deter- 
 mined hostility, resolved to crush 
 his plans before they had been matured, by putting 
 Ragoba into the regency during the minority of the 
 young Peishwa Mahadeo Rao Narain. In the in- 
 terim, however, Ragoba's party at Poona was dissolv- 
 ed by the ascendency of Nana Furnaveez, aided by 
 Mahadjee Scindia ; but being now supported by the 
 Supreme Government with six battalions of sepoys, 
 and some cavalry and artillery, despatched overland 
 from Bengal, the Bombay Council put in motion, 
 on the 23rd November 1778, a force, under the 
 command of Colonel Egerton, to conduct Ragoba 
 to Poona. 
 
 This expedition was most disastrous. After reaching 
 the Bhore Ghaut, Colonel Egerton wasted eleven 
 days in reaching Karlee, eight miles distant, and thereby 
 allowed time for the whole Mahrattaarmy to envelope 
 him. After many attacks had been repulsed by the 
 English, they advanced to Tullygaum, on the 9th 
 
56 
 
 January 1779. The village had been destroyed by 
 the Mahrattas, and Colonel Egerton, instead of pushing 
 on to the capital, now only 18 miles distant, halted, 
 became alarmed at this show of determination, and 
 then commenced a retreat. Harassed on all sides, 
 the force fell back on \Yurgaum, where, despairing of 
 ever reaching Bombay, a disgraceful convention was 
 concluded with the enemy. 
 
 Ragoba surrendered himself to Mahadjee Scindia, 
 
 to whom, for his good offices, it 
 
 was -agreed to cede Broach; and 
 
 a present of Rupees 40,000 was made to his servants. 
 
 It was also settled that all the acquisitions gained 
 
 from the Mahrattas should be restored, and the status 
 
 of A.D. 1773 conceded. An order was written on the 
 
 ground to countermand the advance of the Bengal 
 
 column, and two gentlemen were delivered over to 
 
 Scindia for the due fulfilment of these stipulations. 
 
 The English Force was then allowed to return 
 without molestation to Bombay. 
 
 The Government of that Presidency was now 
 reduced to a situation of great distress. Its measures 
 had been imprudent in themselves; they had been ill- 
 concerted and badly executed ; its policy had been 
 narrow and influenced by personal and local feelings; 
 it had been directed to secure exclusive advantages for 
 the Bombay Presidency : the spirit of mere commercial 
 adventurers had ruled at the council table. 
 
 Governor Hornby, however, boldly repudiated the 
 disgraceful articles of the Wurgaum convention. lie 
 denied that it possessed any power to bind the Govern- 
 ment; but in the hope of detaching Scindia from the 
 
57 
 
 Poona Government, he determined to surrender what 
 had been promised to him. 
 
 The Bengal Troops, under General Goddard, reach- 
 ed Surat, after some difficulties, 
 on the 26th February 1779 ; but 
 the Bombay Government had now discovered that 
 Mahadjee Scindia evinced none of those favourable 
 intentions which had been fondly anticipated, and it 
 was committed as a principal to a war with the whole 
 Mahratta nation without funds, and with its only 
 possible ally a prisoner in the hands of the enemy. 
 Governor Hornby in this crisis proposed to contract a 
 treaty with Futteh Sing Guicowar on the terms sug- 
 gested by him in A.D. 1772 ; to release him from all 
 dependence on the Poona Government ; to reconcile 
 him with Govind Rao, and to conquer the Peishwa's 
 share of Guzerat. 
 
 In this emergency, the conduct of the Bengal Go- 
 vernment was admirable. On hearing the disastrous 
 news of the Wurgaum convention, its first efforts were 
 directed to increase its military resources. Mr. Hastings 
 marked, with his well-deserved applause, General God- 
 dard's bold and successful march across the Peninsula of 
 India ; and with respect to the Bombay Government, he 
 said, "To mark our want of confidence in them by 
 any public act would weaken theirs in us ; to load them 
 with harsh and unoperating reproaches, would indispose 
 them to our authority * * : let us excite them to exert 
 themselves for the retrieval of their past misfortunes, 
 and arm them with means adequate to that end, re- 
 stricting their powers when the object is determinate, 
 8 
 
58 
 
 and permitting a more liberal extension of them in 
 cases which are too variable and uncertain for positive 
 injunction." 
 
 General Goddard was furnished with powers to 
 negotiate a peace with the Poona Government on the 
 basis of the treaty of Poorundhur, but with an addi- 
 tional article excluding the French from forming any 
 establishments in the Mahratta territory. If such a 
 peace could not be obtained, he was allowed, if he 
 thought proper, to adopt Mr. Hornby's plan of an 
 alliance with Futteh Sing. In this case, he was to be 
 guided by the instructions of the Bombay Govern- 
 ment, but no pledge was to be given of reconciling 
 the domestic differences in the Guicowar family, arid 
 Futteh Sing was to be dealt with as the only acknow- 
 ledged head of the state. 
 
 The Governor General admitted the propriety of 
 giving up Broach to Mahadjee Scindia. 
 
 The custody of Ragoba had been entrusted to that 
 chief ; a jagheer had been assigned to him in Bundel- 
 kund, and as he was journeying thither under an 
 escort hardly more numerous than his own personal 
 adherents, he suddenly attacked and dispersed it, and 
 fled with all speed to Broach, where he was received a 
 somewhat unwelcome guest by the English, and a 
 monthly stipend of 50,000 rupees allotted to him. 
 General Goddard, however, wisely avoided entering 
 into any engagements with a man who was now 
 understood to be not only unfortunate, but generally 
 unpopular with his own nation. 
 
 The negotiation with the Poona Government 
 languished for several months, but towards the close 
 

 59 
 
 of the monsoon, when General Goddard demanded 
 explicit answers, he received one even sooner than he 
 expected. Nana Furnaveez demanded the evacuation 
 of Salsette and the surrender of Ragoba as necessary 
 preliminaries, and about the same time it was reported 
 that a confederacy had been formed of the Mahrattas, 
 the Nizam, and Hyder Ali, to attack the English 
 simultaneously in all the three Presidencies. 
 
 General Goddard delayed giving an immediate 
 answer to the Poona Government, but went in person 
 to Bombay to urge the greatest despatch in sending 
 reinforcements to his army ; and then, returning to 
 Surat, he dismissed the agents of Nana Furnaveez, 
 and opened a correspondence with Futteh Sing. The 
 Guicowar prince not unnaturally showed a disposition 
 to procrastinate, and on New Year's Day 1780, General 
 Goddard crossed the River Taptee ; took up a battering 
 train and stores, which had been sent thither for him 
 by sea, and advanced on the town of Dubhoee, then 
 held for the Peishwa by a garrison of about 2000 
 men. 
 
 As the force advanced, the English chiefs of Surat 
 
 and Broach occupied the Peish- 
 1780. , ,. , . , r . , . 
 
 wa s districts with irregular 
 
 levies, and on the 18th January Dubhoee was 
 summoned. The Brahmin commandant answered by 
 a vaunting discharge of matchlocks which he kept up 
 all day, only wounding one individual in the British 
 force. 
 
 By daybreak of the 20th, a battery of three 
 18-pounders was ready to open within 200 yards of 
 the town, when it was found that the enemy had 
 
60 
 
 evacuated it in the night. Dubhoee was then occupied, 
 and Mr. James Forbes, of the Civil Service, placed in 
 charge of the new acquisition. 
 
 Futteh Sing was now prepared to negotiate in 
 earnest ; and a treaty, offensive and defensive, was sign- 
 ed on the 26th January at the village of Kandeela, 
 near Dubhoee. 
 
 Its provisions were as follows : The province north 
 of the River Myhee, including the Peishwa's share, 
 was to be given up to Futteh Sing, and in place 
 thereof, he ceded his share of the districts south of the 
 River Taptee, called the Surat Attaveesee, his share 
 of Broach city and district, and the pergunna of 
 Sinnore to the British Government. 
 
 The tribute payable by Futteh Sing to the Peishwa 
 was to be withheld (at least during the war), and he 
 was to send 3000 horse to join General Goddard's 
 army. 
 
 The treaty was defensive against all foreign enemies, 
 and offensive against the Peishwa. 
 
 The contracting parties were to hold sole and distinct 
 authority over their own share of the province, 
 independent of each other. 
 
 The treaty was signed by General Goddard, and 
 witnessed by his Adjutant and Quartermaster General ; 
 the counterpart was signed by Futteh Sing, by his 
 minister, Govind Gopal, and his nephew (by marriage) 
 Rolajee Scindia : it was never formally ratified by the 
 Governor General, but it was approved by him. 
 
 General Goddard arrived before the walls of Ahme- 
 dabad on the 10th February. The Brahmin who 
 commanded made the usual response when a firm 
 
61 
 
 resistance is intended, viz. that he was willing to 
 surrender, but desired a little time to persuade his 
 garrison (consisting of 6000 Arabs and Sindees, and 
 2000 Mahratta horse) to do so. 
 
 On the next day some of the British soldiers ven- 
 turing too near the walls suffered for their temerity, 
 and Lieutenant Colonel Parker, the second in com- 
 mand, was wounded. On the 12th, the breaching 
 battery opened fire, and a practicable breach was 
 declared the following evening. 
 
 The assault was delayed for a day, in hope that the 
 garrison would save the city the horrors of a storm by 
 marching out; but being disappointed in this, the storm- 
 ing party, composed of volunteers from the Bombay 
 European Regiment, headed by Serjeant Rudge, was 
 formed on the morning of the 15th, and after a short 
 but determined struggle on the breach, which cost the 
 defenders 300 men, the city was taken. 
 
 Ahmedabad had hardly fallen, when the approach 
 of Mahadjee Scindia and Holkar at the head of 15,000 
 men (to which would be united about 7000 others, 
 then engaged in plundering the villages about 
 Broach,) was reported. 
 
 The escape of Ragoba had doubtless been concerted 
 by Mahadjee Scindia, whose interests were advanced, 
 in his opinion, by the difficulty (which would thus be 
 increased) of effecting any reconciliation between Nana 
 Furnaveez and the English, and he would thus become 
 more important to both parties. After some coolness, 
 however, between him and the ministers, Scindia had 
 consented to oppose General Goddard in Guzerat. 
 
62 
 
 The Mahratta army reached the neighbourhood of 
 Baroda on the 29th, and General Goddard crossed the 
 Myhee, at Wassud, at the same time. On his 
 advancing, Scindia retired towards Pawaghur, and 
 opened a correspondence with the General. On the 
 9th March he sent into camp the two hostages taken 
 at Wurgaum, Mr. Farmer and Lieutenant Stewart, 
 and this act of kindness was followed by the presence 
 of an agent from Scindia, who professed his master's 
 friendship for the English, and his disaffection to Nana 
 Furnaveez, from whom he had, he said, experienced 
 treachery and ingratitude. 
 
 General Goddard maintained a prudent reserve, and 
 abstained from making proposals for an alliance. He 
 reciprocated Scindia's friendly professions, declared 
 that the English only wanted what they were deter- 
 mined to obtain, namely a peace permanent and 
 honourable, and left to Scindia the task of proposing 
 what he considered mutually advantageous; but 
 feeling that his opponent wished to waste the fine 
 season in negotiation, would consent only to a three 
 days' suspension of hostilities. 
 
 On the 16th March Scindia made the following- 
 proposals : That Ragoba should retire to his jagheer 
 in Bundelkund, leaving his son, Bajee Rao, in 
 Scindia's hands, who would take him to Poona, 
 nominate him minister to the Peishwa, and conduct 
 the administration for him during his minority. 
 Beyond this he left it to the English General to pro- 
 pose what he considered advantageous for the interests 
 of his own Government. Goddard rejected these 
 proposals, and marched upon Scindia's position. 
 
63 
 
 The latter having deposited his heavy baggage 
 in the fort of Pawaghur, threw out videttes of cavalry, 
 and allowed General Goddard to encamp on the 27th 
 March within six miles of him, and in this position 
 the armies remained for a week. 
 
 On the morning of the 3rd of April, General God- 
 dard attempted to surprise the Mahrattas, but was 
 only partially successful. Scindia took up another 
 position, and followed the same tactics, but with greater 
 precautions. Another attempt was made by General 
 Goddard on the 19th April with no more success 
 than before, but these events showing that Scindia 
 was unable to stand before his army, raised his pres- 
 tige in the country, and was favourable to English 
 interests, so that he was able to detach troops for differ- 
 ent services one party under Lieutenant Welsh, of 
 the Bengal Cavalry, was sent to Surat, where a 
 Mahratta officer, Gunnesh Punt, was marauding. 
 He surprised the camp on the 23rd April, and following 
 up his success, he reduced the forts of Parnera, Bug- 
 wara, and Indergurh, near Damaun ; while another 
 detachment, under Major Forbes, routed some of 
 Scindia's troops near Sinnore, which secured the 
 tranquillity of the new acquisitions during the 
 monsoon. 
 
 Scindia, finding the English too strong for him in 
 Guzerat, returned to his own dominions, which were 
 threatened by a Bengal force under Colonel Carnac, 
 and General Goddard found himself free to carry the 
 war into the Concan. He marched for Bassein on the 
 16th October, leaving detachments sufficient to protect 
 Guzerat during his absence. 
 
64 
 
 When the war broke out between the Bombay and 
 Poona Governments, Mahadjee Scindia was employed 
 against Hyder All. In May 1778 he was called to 
 oppose the new enemy, and Hyder Ali speedily recover- 
 ed the territory which had been taken from him, and 
 his power now became such, that the Governor Gene- 
 ral considered a peace with the Mahrattas vitally neces- 
 sary for the safety of British interests, and offered the 
 following terms to the Poona Government, if the 
 Peishwa would enter into an alliance offensive and 
 defensive : 
 
 To restore all the conquests made by the English 
 since the 1st January 1779, with the exception of 
 Ahmedabad, Gwalior, and Bassein; to repudiate 
 the pretensions of Ragoba on his being assured 
 of a pension. 
 
 If this were rejected, a simple peace to be made, 
 each party retaining its acquisitions. 
 
 No answer having been made to these proposals, 
 General Goddard occupied the Bhore Ghaut, in 
 January 1781, in order to threaten Poona ; but this 
 operation was not only ineffectual but disastrous, and 
 he, with some difficulty, made his way back to 
 Bombay. 
 
 In preparation for this campaign, Futteh Sing had 
 had been called upon for a contingent, and had promis- 
 ed to send his brother Manajee with 5000 horse. On 
 this occasion, Captain Earle was appointed the first 
 Resident Agent at the Guicowar's Court, but was 
 recalled at the conclusion of the treaty of Salpee in 
 1782. 
 
65 
 
 In the year A.D. 1781, Scindia was surprised in 
 his camp by Colonel Carnac, and routed with great 
 loss near Seronge, in consequence of which he made 
 a separate peace with the British Government ; and on 
 May 1 7th of the following year, Mr. David Anderson 
 concluded the treaty of Salpee with the chiefs of 
 the Mahratta nation. 
 
 By this treaty 1st, the English resigned all the 
 conquests they had made since the treaty of Poorun- 
 dhur, with the exception of Salsette, Caranja, Hog- 
 Island, and Elephanta. 
 
 2nd. They resigned the country (valued at three 
 lacs of rupees) which the Peishwa had promised to 
 give them about Broach. 
 
 3rd. They resigned the country given them by 
 Futteh Sing Guicowar. 
 
 4th. They disavowed Ragoba on his being secured 
 a pension of Rupees 25,000 per mensem. 
 
 5th. All Mahratta claims on the city of Broach 
 were surrendered by the Poona Government. 
 
 6th. Whatever territory was possessed by Futteh 
 Sing Guicowar was to remain his " for ever on the 
 usual footing; he was to pay the usual tribute, 
 perform the usual service, and pay the usual obedience ; 
 but no demand was to be made on him for arrears." 
 
 7th. All grants in Guzerat made by Ragoba to 
 the English were to be restored. 
 
 8th. The Peishwa engaged to make Hyder Ali 
 restore whatever territory he had acquired from the 
 English or their allies. 
 
 9 
 
66 
 
 Thus, after much perturbation and oscillation, the 
 affairs of Guzerat settled down again into their former 
 condition. The English had gained nothing by their 
 alliance with Ragoba, and the Guicowar, after being 
 released from the authority of the Peishwa, and 
 after having partaken of the spoils of the war, 
 was obliged to relinquish the one, and again submit to 
 the other. 
 
 
67 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM THE DEATH OF FUTTEH SING GUICOWAR, TO 
 THE TREATY WITH ANNUND RAO GUICOWAR. 
 
 FUTTEH SING remained in undisturbed exercise of the 
 government until his death, which was caused by a 
 fall from an upper-story of his house in 1789. He is 
 always spoken of as a wise, moderate, and politic 
 prince. Circumstances did not allow him to extend the 
 possessions of his family, but he consolidated what had 
 been already acquired, both by his negotiations abroad 
 with the English and the Peishwa, and by his adminis- 
 tration at home. 
 
 On his death, his younger brother, Manajee, assumed 
 charge of the person of Syajee Rao and of the govern- 
 ment ; and though Govind Rao (who was then living 
 in obscurity near Poona, with his sons Annund Rao 
 and Kanoojee) presented a petition to the ministers to 
 be allowed to assume the regency, he succeeded (by 
 paying a large Nuzur, and promising to liquidate the 
 arrears of tribute, amounting to 36 lacs of rupees) in 
 securing the confirmation of his own appointment. 
 
 Mabadjee Scindia, however, espoused the cause of 
 Govind Rao, and his influence obtained the reversal of 
 Manajee's confirmation, on which the latter appealed 
 to the Bombay Government for protection on the 
 terms of the treaty concluded between General Goddard 
 
68 
 
 and Fut teh Sing. This was refused, as that treaty 
 had hccn annulled ; but it was suggested to the 
 Poona Government that a friendly compromise 
 should be effected : but to this Scindia and Govind 
 Rao objected. 
 
 Manajee Guicowar retained possession of the regency 
 until his death in August 1793, and this event was 
 the signal for renewed domestic dissensions, which 
 nearly caused the ruin of the family. 
 
 Govind Rao still found it difficult to obtain permis- 
 sion to leave Poona, nor was it granted till he had signed 
 an agreement confirming all former stipulations and 
 surrendering to the Peishwa his districts south of the 
 Taptee, together with his share of the customs of Surat. 
 
 This attempt to dismember the Guicowar state was 
 objected to by the Government of Bombay as a breach 
 of the treaty of Salpee. Nana Furnaveez admitted the 
 justice of the remonstrances, and the cession was 
 forgone, and on the 19th December 1793, Govind Rao 
 set out to assume his office. 
 
 It has been before stated that Govind Rao's two sons 
 were residing with him near Pooria. The eldest, Annund 
 Rao, was of feeble character ; the younger, Kanoojee, 
 the son of the Rajpootree princess of Dhurrumpoor, 
 and incapacitated by his mixed blood from succeeding 
 to the throne, was restless, bold, and energetic. 
 
 On the death of Manajee, his mother, Guzrabaee, 
 had despatched the news by an express messenger to 
 Kanoojee, inviting him to hasten and assume the re- 
 gency. On receipt of the letter, he started secretly with 
 tw r o attendants, and made his way to Uhurrumpoor. 
 Here his mother's family aided him with a retinue, 
 
G9 
 
 and at Broach he was received by Scindia's agent, 
 who supplied him with a body of Arabs; thence he 
 proceeded to Baroda, and took on himself the control 
 of the government. 
 
 Govind Rao had purchased Scindia's support by a 
 gift or promise of three lacs of rupees, and an alliance 
 between Annund Rao and Scindia's daughter. This 
 last stipulation Govind Rao fully determined to break, 
 as Scindia's family was not equal to his own. 
 
 On his arrival at Baroda, he found that Kanoojee 
 was not prepared to surrender his possession without 
 securing some advantages for himself; he sent most of 
 the retinue to meet and welcome his father, but he 
 retained an elite of 2000 Arabs and 600 Pathan horse, 
 nor would he admit Govind Rao into the fort. 
 
 Eventually, however, Govind Rao corrupted his 
 son's troops, who arrested their own master, and 
 Kanoojee was thrown into prison. 
 
 It is here necessary to go back to preceding events. 
 On the death of Dummajee Guicowar, his brother 
 Khundey Rao had sided with Govind Rao in his con- 
 tests with Futteh Sing; had aided him with men and 
 money ; had at one time driven Futteh Sing into 
 Baroda and besieged him there ; and had maintained 
 Govind Rao in his season of defeat (at Neriad), until 
 the advent of the Poona army enabled him to retire in 
 safety to Poona. 
 
 Khundey Rao died in 1785, and was succeeded in 
 his jagheer by bis son, Mulhar Rao, who hailed the 
 advent of Govind Rao to Baroda as a pledge that 
 he would be compensated for all the money his father 
 had spent in his cause ; that he would be freed from 
 
70 
 
 the annual Peislicush which Futteh Sing had exacted 
 as a punishment for his friendship for Govind Rao ; 
 and probably that he would receive some substantial 
 expression of gratitude : but it seems he looked upon 
 this as a matter of course, and did not cultivate his 
 cousin's good will by coming in person to welcome 
 him to Baroda, though summoned to do so. This con- 
 duct not only offended Govind Rao, but induced him 
 to suspect iVlulhar Rao's ambitious projects; he therefore 
 demanded the due payment of the Peishcush which 
 had fallen into arrears, on which Mulhar Rao prepared 
 for resistance. 
 
 In the meantime Kanoojee had bought over the 
 men appointed to guard him, and made his escape in a 
 female dress. He fled to the eastern hills, and, as- 
 sembling the Bheels, began to commit depredations in 
 the districts of Shunkhera and Bhadurpoor. On being 
 expelled thence, he betook himself to the Satpoora 
 hills, and hearing there that Mulhar Rao had revolted, 
 he proceeded, via Loonawara and Peetapoor, to join him 
 at Kurree ; taking, however, the precaution of obtain- 
 ing the security of Bhawan Rao ( Mulhar 's brother) 
 that he should not be treated with treachery. 
 
 Govind Rao had now arrayed against him the two 
 most turbulent and warlike members of his family, and 
 he made matters worse by a personal insult in attempt- 
 ing to waylay the bridegroom elect of Mulhar Rao's 
 daughter on his way from the Deccan. 
 
 A civil war was now inevitable. Mulhar Rao invited 
 from Joudpoor two distinguished leaders of mercenary 
 bands, and Kanoojee enlisted great numbers of adven- 
 turers; while the army of the state was put in motion 
 
71 
 
 on the other side. Sixty or seventy thousand men were 
 in arms. 
 
 Mulhar Rao took post at Adawlej, 12 miles north of 
 Ahmedabad, to cover Kurree, but the troops of 
 Govind Rao having assembled at Kaliakote, moved 
 on that town by a road which turned his right 
 flank, and Mulhar retreated in haste to place himself 
 under the guns of his fort. On the arrival of the 
 enemy's army at Kand, two miles distant, Mulhar Rao 
 drove it back to Kullole ; again it advanced, and was 
 again repulsed, losing the royal standard, and saving 
 its guns with difficulty. Although discouraged, the 
 commander took up a third position, and threw up a 
 battery of eight guns. This, however, was silenced 
 by two heavy pieces of ordnance worked under the eye 
 of a Frenchman in Mulhar Rao's service, and Mulhar 
 Rao's horse charged and drove the enemy back a 
 third time. 
 
 Force failing, recourse was had to craft. In these 
 conflicts Kanoojee had principally distinguished him- 
 self, and Mulhar Rao's jealousy was excited. Acting 
 on this, a letter was adroitly thrown in Mulhar Rao's 
 way, addressed, in Kanoojee's name, to the commander 
 of the royal army. The ruse was successful : Kanoojee 
 and Mulhar Rao quarrelled, and Kanoojee separated 
 himself; wandered about Guzerat and Mai w a for a 
 time ; returned to his old haunts in the Satpoora hills ; 
 was sought out by emissaries from Baroda, decoyed 
 thither under fair promises of liberal treatment, and 
 thrown into prison. 
 
 Mulhar Rao's mercenary allies had not joined him 
 when these events took place. They had received some 
 
72 
 
 money in advance, but on arriving at Pahlunpoor, they 
 demanded, in the true mercenary spirit, a further 
 supply, which Mulhar Rao directed them to provide 
 themselves with by putting the unfortunate town of 
 Sidpoor under contribution. 
 
 They were on their way thither for that purpose ; 
 butGovind Punt Mama, commander of the royal troops, 
 hearing that they had entered the province, marched 
 with a large body of horse to intercept them ; made 
 them believe that they were Mulhar's troops come out 
 to meet them ; attacked and dispersed them. 
 
 Mulhar Rao, finding himself deprived of the aid of 
 his allies, sent agents to sue for peace, which was 
 granted on the following terms in the year 1794 : 
 
 Mulhar Rao was allowed to retain Kurree, 
 Dehgaum, and Kupperwunje ; to pay down 50,000 
 Rupees and five lacs in five instalments; to submit 
 to a Peishcush of one lac and 15,000 rupees per 
 annum ; and to proceed in person to Baroda to 
 pay homage to Govind Rao. 
 
 Mulhar Rao remained faithful to these terms for 
 several years, and when hostilities broke out between 
 Govind Rao and Aba Shelookur, the Pcishwa's lieu- 
 tenant in the province, he brought his own contingent 
 to his cousin's forces, besieging Ahmedabad. 
 
 When Bajee Rao Peishwa succeeded his cousin, 
 Mahadeo Rao Narayen, one of his first acts was to 
 appoint his younger brother, Chimnajec Appa, to the 
 management of the state domains in Guzerat. Chim- 
 najec, being too young to proceed to Guzerat himself, 
 Nana Furnaveez was able to nominate one of his own 
 supporters, Aba Shelookur, to the ad interim appoint- 
 
73 
 
 merit. The Peishwa, to gratify his own malice, -incited 
 Govind Rao to quarrel with the new deputy, who had 
 given offence by interfering with the Guicowar's do- 
 mains. Hostilities broke out between them, which were 
 carried on at first by Aba Shelookur with vigour, but 
 eventually he was driven into and besieged in Ahmed - 
 abad and taken prisoner, on which the Peishwa 
 granted to Govind Rao a farm of the districts belong- 
 ing to the crown for five years, in consideration of au 
 annual payment of five lacs of rupees. 
 
 Govind Rao had therefore apparently much cause for 
 exultation. He had been victorious over his cousin 
 Mulhar Rao ; he had eliminated the Peishwa from the 
 province by acquiring on good terms a farm of his 
 share therein : but before the agreement was formally 
 concluded, Govind Rao died (September 1800), and 
 the hollowness of his prosperity was soon made 
 apparent. 
 
 In A.D. 1799, Governor Duncan had gone to Surat 
 to arrange the affairs of that place on the death 
 of the Nuwab. The English now being the principal 
 authority in the city, it was desirable to get rid of the 
 Guicowar's interests there, and Mr. Duncan applied 
 for a gift of the Chouth from the Guicowar. Govind 
 Rao readily assented, and was willing to add the district 
 adjacent to the city if the Peishwa's consent could be 
 obtained. Having done this, he asked for aid against 
 Aba Slielookur, which was evaded. When, therefore, 
 Aba Shelookur had been coerced without aid, the 
 Guicowar seemed to be in no haste to complete the 
 cession, and as the Peishwa also raised some objection, 
 the affair was delayed. 
 10 +- 
 
74 
 
 One of the earliest consequences of Govind Rao's 
 death was that his natural son Kanoojee emerged 
 from confinement; was consulted by his easy, feeble, 
 elder brother, Annund Rao, and in no short time 
 took possession of all the power of the state, which 
 he exercised with great arrogance towards the old 
 servants and officers as well as his own brother. So far 
 did his indiscretion carry him, that he alarmed the Arab 
 chiefs of the soldiery for their own interests ; a general 
 conspiracy was formed against him, his house was 
 surrounded at night, he was taken prisoner and carried 
 before his brother. 
 
 Annund Rao, who had been kept by Kanoojee 
 under a rigorous surveillance little short of imprison- 
 ment, reviled him in bitter terms, and took his sword 
 from him with his own hands. Kanoojee was then 
 imprisoned in the fort of Ranapoor, on the Nerbudda. 
 
 During these events, M'ulhar Rao had corresponded 
 with Annund Rao's minister, Rowjee Appajee, approv- 
 ed of the measures taken with Kanoojee, and besought 
 Rowjee's assistance in obtaining some remission of the 
 arrears still due by him to the state; but finding that 
 this was not to be expected, he opened communications 
 with other discontented members of the Guicowar's 
 family. Moreover, Gujrabye, formerly mentioned as 
 being one of the ladies of the family favourable to 
 Kanoojee, fled to Surat, where she was hospitably 
 received by the English, and whence she kept up a 
 communication with Mulhar Rao, and disturbed the 
 government of Baroda. 
 
 But the most serious feature of these complications 
 was the ascendency which the Arab soldiery had 
 
75 
 
 attained. All the places of strength in the country 
 were in their hands ; their numbers were great ; 
 their expense enormous ; they held all the gates of the 
 fort of Baroda ; they had the person of the sovereign 
 in their hands ; and they claimed arrears to the amount 
 of 25 lacs of rupees from the state. 
 
 Such was the fruit of the domestic quarrels which had 
 agitated the state since the death of DummajeeGuicowar. 
 
 Thus beset and menaced on every side, the minister 
 of Annund Rao had no difficulty in persuading his 
 master, who dreaded all these parties even more than 
 Rowjee Appajee himself, to throw himself into the 
 arms of the Bombay Government for protection, and 
 overtures were made to that effect. 
 
 The opportunity was tempting ; but Governor Dun- 
 can was not only unwilling to act boldly on his own 
 responsibility, but he was honourably desirous that 
 British intervention should not be abused to subserve 
 the objects of vengeance which Annund Rao's minis- 
 ter might entertain towards the opponents of his 
 administration. He had received no instructions from 
 the Supreme Government how to act in such an 
 emergency, and he was not fully informed on the 
 relations of the several branches of the Guico war's 
 family towards each other, nor of the character and 
 genuine sentiments of Annund Rao Guicowar. 
 
 However, Mr. Duncan resolved (on receiving the 
 formal application of the Guicowar's Government for 
 assistance) to send such a force as would, in conjunc- 
 tion with the Guicowar's army, suffice to put down 
 Mulhar Rao's rebellion, if that chief were not previ* 
 ously brought to terms by negotiation. 
 
76 
 
 While the force was embarked for Cambay, Major 
 Alexander Walker, the officer who was to command 
 it, was instructed to proceed in the first place to 
 Baroda, and make himself thoroughly acquainted 
 with the state of parties there and of the real causes of 
 the existing disturbances. 
 
 Major Walker arrived at Baroda on the 29th 
 January 1802, and left it on the 8th February for 
 Cambay, having satisfied himself that Annund Rao was 
 a weak man, though not unamiable; that he was 
 quite in the custody of his Arab troops ; that he and his 
 minister, Rowjee Appajee, had good cause to court the 
 good will and alliance of the British Government ; and 
 that they looked with confidence to it alone to 
 rescue the state from its precarious situation, and were 
 prepared to be guided by its wishes. 
 
 The force, consisting of about 1600 men, advanced 
 to Ahmedabad, where it united with the Guico war's 
 troops under Babajee, the brother of the minister; 
 it then moved towards Kurree, as Mulhar Rao, though 
 always corresponding, had made no submission. On 
 the 12th March, Mulhar Rao met Major Walker at a 
 conference, evincing, however, insincerity and distrust. 
 A similar conference took place the next day, and on 
 the 16th the force encamped at Boodasun, three 
 miles distant from Kurree. Mulhar Rao still making 
 tenders of submission, Major Walker sent Captain 
 Williams and his native secretary, Soondcrjee, to 
 confer with him. Shortly after their departure, two 
 guns were fired at the allies from Mulhar Rao's 
 artillery, and Major Walker at once moved out to 
 attack the enemy. His Guicowar allies seconded him 
 
77 
 
 so ill, that after some severe loss the British troops 
 were obliged to return to their own position ; in the 
 meanwhile, Captain Williams and Soonderjee were 
 taken prisoners by Mulhar Rao. 
 
 Hostilities were now suspended, and negotiations 
 resumed, until the arrival of Sir. W. Clarke with 
 
 reinforcements, which raised the British force to 
 
 men. Finding Mulhar Rao unreasonable in his 
 demands, the attack was made at daybreak on the 30th 
 April, and the enemy entirely defeated. 
 
 Mulhar Rao surrendered himself shortly after, and 
 waited on Governor Duncan at Cambay, where it was 
 arranged that he should reside at Neriad, part of the 
 revenues of which district was assigned for his support, 
 to the amount of one lac and 25,000 rupees. 
 
 The tranquillity of the country having been threaten- 
 ed by Gunput Rao, a descendant of Peelajee Guicowar, 
 who enjoyed the jagheers of Sunkheera and Bhadur- 
 poor, and by Morar Rao, a natural son of the late 
 Guicowar, a detachment of British troops was sent 
 against them. The fort of Sunkheera was reduced, but 
 Gunput Rao and Morar Rao escaped to Dhar, where 
 they found an asylum with the Powar family. 
 
 In the meanwhile a meeting having taken place at 
 Cambay between Governor Duncan and the minister, 
 Rowjee Appajee, who held full powers from his master, 
 a convention was signed on the 17th March 1802 (the 
 day on which the undecisive action was fought at 
 Kurree between Major Walker and Mulhar Rao), 
 which provided, first for the payment of all expenses 
 incurred, or to be incurred, on account of the military 
 intervention, the Guico war's share of the Attavcesee 
 
78 
 
 being mortgaged for the amount ; second, for the 
 maintenance of a subsidiary force of 2000 sepoys, 
 a company of European artillery, with proportion 
 of lascars, for the payment of which a cession of 
 territory was to be made when the war should be 
 concluded ; third, for the aid of the English in reducing 
 the number of the Arab troops in the Guicowar's 
 service. 
 
 On the 6th June, after the submission of Mulhar 
 Rao, the stipulations of the convention were embodied 
 in a formal treaty, and, in addition, Annund Rao 
 Guicowar ceded, as a spontaneous mark of his grati- 
 tude, the pergunna of Chicklee in full sovereignty. 
 The British Government promised its protection and 
 countenance to the Guicowar " in all public concerns 
 according to justice, and, as it may appear to be, for the 
 good of the country," respecting which, on the other 
 hand, the Guicowar was " to listen to advice." Agents 
 were to be reciprocally appointed to reside with each of 
 the contracting parties, and criminals were to be 
 reciprocally surrendered, but no frivolous charges 
 were to be preferred. 
 
 Two days after the conclusion of the treaty, Gover- 
 nor Duncan entered into the following secret compact 
 with Rowjee Appajee, the prime minister : 
 
 " It is the intention of the Government of Bombay 
 that the Deewanship of Rowjee Appajee, in the Sirkar of 
 Baroda, shall be permanent ; and that his son, brothers, 
 nephews, relations, and friends, shall be duly protected 
 and supported by the Honorable Company in their 
 just rights, and if the Guicowar Senakaskel Shurn- 
 shere Bahadoor, or anybody else, should unreason- 
 
79 
 
 ably treat them ill, or offer any undue molestation, 
 the Company will protect them by interfering in their 
 behalf. " 
 
 At the same time Rowjee Appnjee received from 
 Governor Duncan the valuable village of Bhata, in 
 the Chowrasee Pergunna, near Surat, in hereditary 
 jagheer. 
 
 On the same day (8th June 1S02) Major Alexander 
 Walker received his credentials as British Resident at 
 Baroda, in a letter addressed by Governor Duncan to 
 Annund Rao Guicowar, and accompanied by t\v -\ 
 horses, a pair of Europe pistols, and a bale of broad 
 cloth, as a present to that prince. 
 
 Major Walker's instructions were to conciliate the 
 members of the Guicowar family with their head, and 
 to assist in the reduction of the Arab force, which at 
 the time (including some Sindians and other 
 mercenaries) cost the Government three lacs of rupees 
 per mensem, and to whom twenty lacs of rupees were 
 due. Two-thirds of these troops were to be disbanded 
 as soon as it could be done with safety. 
 
81 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 FROM THE FIRST TREATY WITH ANNUND RAO 
 GUICOWAR, TO THE SECOND TREATY, FROM A.D, 
 
 1802 TO 1805, 
 
 WHILE these events were passing in Guzerat, a conflict 
 
 was in progress in the Deccan be- 
 
 A.D. 1S02. * . & 
 
 tween bcmdiaand liolkar. ihe 
 
 object of the rivals was the custody of the person of the 
 Peishwa Bajee Rao, involving the supreme control of 
 the Mahratta empire. In October 1802 this struggle 
 was decided in an action fought near Poona, in which 
 Yeshwunt Rao Holkar defeated the united armies of 
 Scindia and Bajee Rao. . 
 
 The Peishwn, who had personal cause to dread the 
 predominance of Holkar, fled to seek protection from 
 the English, and the result was the " Treaty of Bas- 
 sein," concluded on the 31st December 1802, by which 
 Bajee Rao sacrificed the independence of the empire 
 for his own personal security. 
 
 By the 10th article of this treaty, the Peishwa 
 resigned all the Mahratta claims on the city of Surat, as 
 well as certain rights in the Pergunnas of Chowrassee 
 and Chicklee, for a compensation. This, with the 
 cession by the Guicowar, left the English sole masters 
 of these districts, 
 ll 
 
82 
 
 The Peishwa also bound himself not to commit any 
 act of personal hostility against any of the principal 
 branches of the Mahratta empire, and to agree to any 
 adjustment of his disputes with any of them which the 
 English might consider right and proper. 
 
 By the 14th article he confirmed the treaty which 
 the English had lately concluded with Armund Rao 
 Guicowar, which he was assured had been meditated 
 and executed without any intention of infringing any 
 of the just rights or claims of the Poona Government ; 
 he also submitted his claims for arrears of revenue from 
 the Guicowar State to the arbitration of the English; 
 he also agreed to subsidise a British force, and made 
 the following cessions out of his share of Guzerat for 
 its payment : 
 
 Rupees 
 
 Dundooka, with Choo- 
 ra,Ranapoor&Gogo. 1,05,000 
 Cambay (tribute) . . 60,000 
 
 Parnera 27,000 
 
 Bootsur 6,200 
 
 Buwany 8,800 
 
 Bulsar 85,000 
 
 Parchole 1,07,000 
 
 Soopa 51,000 
 
 Surbhan 30,000 
 
 Walore 30,000 
 
 Bamsoo Kusba .... 7,900 
 
 Bansda (tribute) 7,000 Rs. . 12,28,000 
 
 The Honorable Court of Directors, when informed of 
 the earlier proceedings of Mr. Duncan in acquiring 
 from the Guicowar his share of the Chouth of Surat 
 and the Chowrassee, remarked that " however desir- 
 able it might have been to obtain a territory contiguous 
 
 Rupees 
 
 Dhurrumpore 9,000 
 
 Surat 42,100 
 
 Customs * 83,000 
 
 Oolpar 3,16,000 
 
 Hansote 85,000 
 
 Uccleseer 78,000 
 
 Nundary 65,000 
 
 Nakabundy of Chow- 
 rassee and Chicklee. 20,000 
 Phoolpara, Hoomaria, 
 
 Kuttargaum 5,000 
 
83 
 
 to Surat, it ought not to have been accepted at the 
 risk of incurring the imputation of a breach of faith, 
 and the consequent resentment of the Peishwa, with 
 whom we were reciprocally bound to preserve the 
 integrity of the Baroda state, and with whom our 
 interference had at a former period been successful in 
 preventing the execution of a similar project on his 
 part." The Court, however, did not carry its dis- 
 approbation to any practical results. The treaty of 
 Bassein enabled it to add, " We have, however, the 
 satisfaction to observe, by the 14th article, that the 
 Peishwa has formally recognised the treaty with Annund 
 Rao Guicowar, otherwise we should have thought it 
 incumbent on us to desire that the beforementioned 
 cessions be restored to the Guicowar Government." 
 
 It was considered advisable, in the face of the diffi- 
 culty of suppressing the Arab force in the service of 
 Annund Rao, to obtain from him another written agree- 
 ment, which not only ratified the preceding convention 
 and treaty, but renewed the acceptance of a subsidiary 
 force ; recited the intention of the Bombay Govern- 
 ment to assist him with a loan to enable him to pay 
 off and discharge a part of the Arab force ; engaged 
 him to effect that reduction within a specified time ; 
 enabled Major Walker to see that the reduction was 
 real ; pledged the aid of the English in effecting it ; 
 secured the re-payment of the loan with interest ; and 
 renewed the obligation on the English to protect 
 Rovvjee Appajee, his son and brother, his nephews 
 and relations, as well as Madheo Rao Tatia Mujmoodar, 
 even against Annund Rao himself and his successors. 
 
84 
 
 Major Walker now anxiously set himself to the task 
 of reducing the number of the Arabs ; but they, 
 seeing their danger, advanced extravagant claims for 
 arrears, made the Guicowar a prisoner in his own 
 palace, and allowed Kanoojee to escape. Mulhar 
 Rao at the same time escaped from Neriad, and 
 fled to Kattywar, where he assumed the rote of a 
 freebooter. 
 
 The contumacious conduct of the Arabs had been 
 foreseen. Annund Rao had, in the agreement above- 
 mentioned, made this formal announcement 
 
 " I am sensible that there are many evil-disposed 
 persons among the Arabs who, disregarding my legal 
 authority, have plotted against my liberty, and even 
 my life. By the favour of God they have been defeated ; 
 but should their wicked machinations at any time 
 hereafter succeed, I shall expect the English to release 
 me, and desire that any acts and deeds, although exe- 
 cuted by me in the usual form while in that state of re- 
 straint, may be considered of no validity. I desire there- 
 fore that my subjects will pay no attention to my orders 
 in this situation, but hear what Major Walker has to 
 say, strictly following his directions, and assisting him 
 in every measure that he may desire and direct for 
 restoring my person to freedom. Whoever, in short, 
 shall either bring Kanoojee into the management of 
 affairs, or shut me up in the fort of Baroda, is a rebel : 
 thus, therefore, I order all the faithful officers of 
 Government, Silledars, Sebundy, and others, on any 
 of the foregoing events occurring, to obey Major 
 Walker's orders." 
 
85 
 
 It was now necessary to recall a European regi- 
 ment to Baroda. On its arrival, 
 28th December 1802. 
 
 the fort was invested by Colo- 
 nel Woodington. After a siege of ten days, during 
 which the Arabs (fighting under cover) had killed and 
 wounded a number of their assailants, a breach was 
 made practicable, and the garrison capitulated on the 
 terms of receiving what arrears were justly due to 
 them, and quitting the country. The arrears amounted 
 to 174 lacs, on receiving which they mostly adhered 
 honourably to their terms ; but some, especially Jemedar 
 Abood, joined Kanoojee, who had been hanging about 
 the vicinity during the siege with a body of followers, 
 with which he had on one occasion defeated a detach- 
 ment of Babajee's troops. 
 
 Five days after the surrender of Baroda, Major 
 Holmes was sent in pursuit of 
 Kanoojee. He chased him up 
 and down for some time, and on the 6th February 
 1803 found him strongly posted near Sowlee. An 
 action ensued, and the Arabs were defeated. The 
 English loss was, however, very considerable, 100 
 men and 5 officers being killed and wounded. 
 
 Kanoojee remained in Guzerat about one month after 
 this, but Major Holmes again dispersed his force near 
 Kupperwunj, on which he fled to Oojein. 
 
 It is now time to return to Mulhar Rao, and to 
 trace his downfall in some detail. As connected 
 therewith, we have to relate the early career of an 
 individual who subsequently influenced the Guicowar 
 state in a considerable degree. 
 
86 
 
 Among the relations of Rowjee Appajee was one 
 Bulwunt Rao Cashee, who had charge of the treasury. 
 To him from the Deccan came his sister's son, Wittul 
 Rao Dewajee, to push his fortunes. He was first 
 employed in his uncle's office, and thence transferred 
 to the Pagah and purveyance department. 
 
 After five years, Bulwunt Rao obtained the office of 
 Mamlutdar of Beejapoor, and appointed his nephew 
 his local deputy. This charge Wittul Rao held with 
 much credit for two years, acquiring considerable 
 influence with the many petty landowners and chiefs 
 in the neighbourhood. 
 
 On the second rebellion of Mulhar Rao, when he 
 forcibly occupied the districts of Beejapoor and Bees- 
 nuggur, Wittul Rao accompanied the Guicowar com- 
 mander, Babajee, in his operations against him, and was 
 detached from Ahmedabad with a small force to recover 
 Beejapoor, which lie did in great measure by the 
 assistance of the petty chiefs, whose good will he had 
 previously acquired. 
 
 This success encouraged Wittul Rao to attempt 
 Beesnuggur, which he also recovered, arid he was dis- 
 tinguished in this service by his personal gallantry in 
 charging at the head of his own cavalry, and routing 
 the Pagah of Mulhar Rao, as well as that of Crishna 
 Rao Deshmook, an officer of rank, who had lately 
 deserted. 
 
 After the occupation of Kurree, Wittul Rao was 
 detached against Shewram Jugdesh, one of Mulhar 
 Row's adherents (who infested the country about 
 Putton), and performed the service assigned to him in 
 a creditable manner. 
 
87 
 
 In 1802 he succeeded in the delicate task of ejecting 
 from Burnuggur and Beesniig'gur the mutinous Arab 
 soldiery \vhich had occupied those places, and he was 
 in consequence appointed Mamlutdar of the latter 
 district. 
 
 Jn 1803 Wittul Rao accompanied Babajee and the 
 force which was sent to collect the Kattywar tribute, 
 arid to pursue Mulhar Rao, who was then at Drangdra 
 with a miscellaneous force of Katties, Jats, and other 
 tribes. Wittul Rao attacked them with 600 horse, and 
 dispersed them. The rebels, however, being joined by 
 JYluckoorid Rao, an illegitimate son of Govind Rao, and 
 aided by the Kusbattees of Amrolee, took possession 
 of that town, which was the centre of the Guicowar 
 power in the peninsula. 
 
 \Vittul Rao was again detached with 1000 horse. 
 He attacked and drove Mulhar Rao out rapidly ; 
 pursued him to Koonduleh, were, in another action, 
 he exhibited distinguished bravery. Thence he fol- 
 lowed the fugitive Mulhar Rao and his son into the 
 intricate and difficult country near Paulitana, where, 
 discovering their place of retreat, he came upon them, 
 and after a sharp struggle, he made them both 
 prisoners. 
 
 During the year A.D. 1803 endeavours were made 
 in various directions to prepare the way for improve- 
 ment in the administration of affairs, and agents were 
 deputed by Major Walker to obtain information of 
 the state of the country. 
 
 The mode of exacting tribute from the chiefs and 
 zemindars of Guzerat by a Moolukgeeree force, had 
 attracted the attention of the Governor General in 
 
88 
 
 1802 ; and Governor Duncan, on the 1st April 1803, 
 instructed the Resident to take the question into 
 consideration, more particularly as connected with the 
 province of Kattywar, pointing out the great advantage 
 to the tributaries of a cheerful and regular payment 
 of their stipulated tribute, and that only, thereby 
 saving themselves from the consequences of the march 
 of the Mahratta armies, both of the Peishwa and 
 Gtiieowar, through their countries. 
 
 o 
 
 Major Walker did not find the Guicowar authorities 
 very willing to accede to this proposition. Babajee, 
 the general of the Moolukgeeree force then in progress 
 through Kattywar, would have been very willing to 
 obtain the aid of a part of the subsidiary force, as the 
 presence of Mulhar Rao and Muckoond Rao with 
 their tumultuary levies in the province very much 
 impeded the collection of the tribute ; but he and his 
 brother, Rowjee Appajee, the minister, remarked that 
 it was a point of honour with the tributaries not to 
 pay until a powerful force appeared in their neigh- 
 bourhood, and they were unable to see how such 
 people could be induced by conciliation to pay cheer- 
 fully what at present they never paid, except under 
 compulsion. 
 
 Major Walker, however, deputed an agent, Shaikh 
 Moolvee Mahomed AH, with letters to the principal 
 Kattywar chiefs, with proposals to this effect, and 
 thereby made known to them (if he did no more) the 
 benevolent intentions of the English. 
 
 Early in A.D. 1803, Captain Seton was deputed in 
 the armed vessel Ternate to visit Dvvarka, and to 
 endeavour to obtain from the private chiefs of 
 
89 
 
 Okamundul (against whom some ineffectual operations 
 had been attempted by a vessel of the Royal Navy) 
 compensation for three or four lacs of rupees for injuries 
 done to merchant vessels under the British flag. 
 
 Captain Seton proceeded to Mandavie, in Cutch, 
 where he found the Rao desirous of co-operating in the 
 subjugation of the Okamundul pirates, and of being 
 entrusted with the subsequent control of the country 
 and the custody of the religious places in Beyt and 
 Dwarka ; but the exigencies of the public service did 
 not admit of any force being sent from Bombay. 
 
 In this year, with a view to the removal of separate 
 and conflictingjurisdictions, Governor Duncan moved 
 Colonel Close, the Resident at Poona, to obtain for 
 the Guicowar the permanent lease of Ahmedabad 
 from the Peishwa's government. 
 
 During a part of this year apprehensions were 
 entertained of an irruption into Guzerat of Holkar's 
 army, and the British troops were kept on the alert. 
 
 Futteh Sing, the Guicowar's younger brother, who 
 had resided for some time at Poona, returned to 
 Baroda. He had been for some time a prisoner in the 
 hands of a large body of Pathan soldiery, and the 
 Guicowar was obliged to pay a considerable sum for 
 his release. 
 
 On the 22nd March 1803, Major Walker informed 
 the Government of Bombay, that " as an unequivocal 
 instance of the Dewan's confidence and friendship, he 
 lias agreed to cede in Enam to the Company the fort 
 and territory of Kaira," and a Sunnud to that effect 
 was signed by Annund Rao Guicowar on the 3rd 
 May. 
 
 12 
 
90 
 
 On the 23rd May the minister, Rowjee Appajee, 
 adopted his nephew, Seetaram, as his heir, on which the 
 Resident apprised the officer commanding at Baroda 
 that Seetaram would be entitled to the compliment of 
 " rested arms and one ruffle." 
 
 Rowjee Appajee died on the 18th July 1803, 
 having lived long enough to be the instrument of a 
 most momentous change in the destinies of Guzerat. 
 
 His services to the British Government amounted to 
 this, that he placed in its hands the virtual sovereignty 
 of a magnificent province. His services to his 
 master were, that he released him from perils far too 
 great to have been surmounted by his feeble energies. 
 His services to the state required time for their full 
 development ; to the bold and ambitious of his country- 
 men, he must have seemed little short of a traitor, but 
 a calm and candid judgment, combined with some 
 degree of foresight, would have discerned that his 
 entire dependence on the characters of Governor 
 Duncan and of Major Walker, as types of the generosity 
 and honesty of the English nation, and his unreserved 
 subordinate co-operation in the conduct of affairs with 
 them, as well as the liberality and largeness of mind 
 with which he compensated the great services rendered 
 by them to the State, of which he was more than the 
 mere minister, did, in reality, secure for all time to 
 come, that sense of the firmness and freeness of the 
 alliance between the English and the Guico war family, 
 which has rendered it so durable, that no serious 
 apprehension of a breach therein has been possible. 
 
 At the same time the comprehensive guarantee 
 given by Governor Duncan to Rowjee Appajee's 
 
91 
 
 family, relations, friends, and dependents, was unwise, 
 and entailed much subsequent vexation and trouble 
 on both the allied powers. 
 
 On the 6th August 1803, the following letter was 
 addressed by the Honorable Major General Wellesley 
 to the officer commanding the troops in the territories 
 of Annund Rao Guicowar : 
 
 " SIR, Upon the receipt of this letter, you will be 
 so kind as to commence your operations against 
 Dowlut Rao Scindia's fort of Broach. 
 
 " You will be so kind as not to suffer these operations 
 to be interrupted by any negotiations whatever. 
 
 ' You will send the Governor of Bombay a copy 
 of the report, which you will transmit to me, of the 
 means which you will have adopted in conse- 
 quence of this order." 
 
 Broach was stormed by the British troops on the 
 29th August, and the hill fortress of Powanghur 
 was obtained by capitulation on the 17th September. 
 The former remained in the possession of the Company, 
 but the latter, with the dependent districts, were restor- 
 ed to Scindia on the peace which was completed by 
 the treaty of the 30th December 1803. 
 
 The disband ment of the Arabs had left the Guico- 
 war government unprovided with an effective military 
 force, in consequence of which the British troops had 
 been harassed in the defence of the Guicowar territory, 
 and an addition to its strength had become necessary. 
 This had been admitted by Rowjee Appajee before his 
 death, and it had been arranged to increase it. 
 
 At the close of the year 1803 much had been effected 
 for the tranquillity of the country, The rebellion of 
 
92 
 
 Mulhar Rao and Muckoond Rao Guicowar had 
 been almost suppressed ; the Arabs had been removed 
 in great measure from the country ; Annund Rao's 
 younger brother, Futteh Sing, had returned to reside 
 peaceably at Baroda ; order was being restored in the 
 districts ceded to the British Government ; Scindia's 
 interest in Guzerat had been suppressed, and a column 
 of British and Guicowar troops had advanced towards 
 the theatre of war in Central India and Hindoostan. 
 
 Kanoojee Rao, though expelled from the province, 
 still maintained a haughty and threatening attitude 
 on the eastern frontier. This member of the Guico- 
 war family felt himself equal to the task of govern- 
 ment, and he burned with indignation at the sight of a 
 British resident ruling, as it were, jointly with an usurp- 
 ing and traitorous minister, over the dominions of his 
 ancestors. In a communication to Colonel Murray, 
 commanding the forces in Guzerat, who had written 
 to counsel submission and amity with the British 
 Government, he replied in the following terms : 
 " You say that I should make friendship with the 
 English ; that I cannot expect assistance from the 
 Mahratta chiefs, who are unable to protect their 
 own territories ; and lastly, that Futteh Sing has 
 come quietly to Baroda. 
 
 " As to making friendship with the English, if you 
 (the English), acting as the faithful servants of the 
 Guicowar state, will perform the services I shall 
 prescribe, we shall be most perfect friends. What 
 does opposition avail you? If you were to under- 
 stand this, and bear me that good will which the 
 world would approve, and put those who have 
 
93 
 
 rebelled against me(Rowjee Appajee and others) 
 into my hands, all enmity would cease. 
 " You write to me, for the purpose of disheartening 
 me, that my younger brother, Futteh Sing, has 
 come to Baroda ; he is of my own kin, and if he 
 conducts the affairs of government, it will not 
 distress me." 
 
 Kanoojee's enterprizing character was also shown 
 by his proposing as an alternative that he should be 
 allowed to conquer, for his own behoof, the province 
 of Kattywar, which was in great measure independ- 
 ent ; and when that was rejected, he suggested that 
 with the aid of some British troops, he should be 
 allowed to invade Sind, to which country the ambition 
 of the Peishwa and of Dummajee Guicowar had pointed 
 many years before. All these proposals were rejected. 
 The views and policy of Governor Duncan were 
 expressed in a letter to Kanoojee's Vakeel in the follow- 
 ing terms : 
 
 " It had always been my desire to see a suitable 
 provision made for all the sons of Raja Govind 
 Rao Guicowar now in paradise, in which view I 
 fruitlessly sent, on my first proceeding to Surat, to 
 Morar Rao, intending to have procured a suitable 
 monthly allowance for him and for Muckoond Rao, 
 whose family is still maintained by the Honorable 
 Company at Surat. Notwithstanding that, for 
 these two years past he has been ( to little account 
 indeed ) in arms against us, and on the same prin- 
 ciple I would have been solicitous to provide 
 for Kanoojee, whose confidential servant, Gunnesh 
 Venayek, and relation, Gujrabaee, are at this 
 
94 
 
 moment honourably entertained at the charge of 
 the British Government." 
 
 But neither Kanoojee nor, indeed, many others could 
 read the signs of the times. 
 
 There now came up again the question of the Kat- 
 ty war Moolukgeeree. Governor Duncan had obtained 
 from the Supreme Government permission to send 1000 
 infantry and four guns to accompany Babajee's army 
 into that province, but the war with Scindia, and the 
 disturbances at Poona, had prevented this measure. 
 
 In 1804, however, peace having been declared with 
 Scindia, Governor Duncan applied to General Arthur 
 Wellesley, being the General in command of the troops, 
 to ascertain his sentiments on the subject ; and in doing 
 so, informed him that " Babajee has, without our aid, 
 proved unexpectedly able to conduct, with a certain 
 degree of success, the principal or Kattywar branch 
 of this service, making prisoners also in his progress 
 Mulhar Rao and his son, who were marauding in the 
 same country, nor has he met with any serious check 
 till his late approach to the fortress of the Nawab of 
 Joonaghur. * * * 
 
 " The extent of our interests in taking part in a 
 Moolukgeeree expedition through Kattywar may be 
 viewed as comprehending the following objects : 
 first. We shall, by joining Babajee with a con- 
 trolling force, check and diminish (by a process 
 the more easy and unobjectionable, as it is of his 
 own seeking,) the power of that officer (the brother 
 of the late Dewan Raoba), who, from being thus 
 alone in command of the most numerous part of 
 the Guicowar army, may otherwise become more 
 
95 
 
 powerful than can be, under any point of view, de- 
 sirable ; whilst lie has, on the other hand, repeatedly 
 promised to disband all his new levies of men as 
 soon as he shall have been joined by any part of 
 the subsidised British contingent. 
 
 Second. We shall see that the Moolukgeeree funds 
 are not misapplied. 
 
 Third. We shall secure the payment of our own 
 Wurrats, or assignments, on these Moolukgeeree 
 collections. 
 
 Fourth. We may, if you please, obtain some 
 possessions in Kattywar; such, for instance, as 
 Porebundur, a port on its western limits, against 
 the Raja of which we have just cause of com- 
 plaint for having seized on all the shipwrecked 
 property of the Persian Ambassador ; or we may 
 limit our operations to enforcing redress for that 
 seizure, of which that no other means will prove 
 effectual has been rendered abundantly apparent by 
 the failure of the repeated applications hitherto 
 made to that chieftain ; to which may be added 
 that he has already been detected in courting 
 several years ago a correspondence with the Govern- 
 ment of the Isle of France ; nor can we effectually 
 shut out the influence of that nation from this coast 
 of the peninsula of Kattywar, extending from Diu 
 to Jughat, unless we are in possession of one 
 harbour at least within the range of it. 
 
 Fifth. We shall be able to improve the Mooluk- 
 geeree system, so as to answer better the objects of 
 humanity and the interests of the Guicowar and 
 Peishwa's governments. 
 
96 
 
 Sixth. The beneficial interest we may thence derive 
 must favour the views of the British Government 
 in India in regard to the adjoining territory of 
 Cutch." 
 
 Major Walker submitted at the same time a plan 
 for the regulation of Katty war, as follows : 
 
 " To make a fair proposition to the states of Katty - 
 war to enter into amicable arrangements for the 
 payment of their tribute. Such of them as should 
 agree to this, and produce good security to pay 
 regularly, will receive protection and be particularly 
 cherished ; whoever shall not agree, to be chastised 
 by the joint forces of the Company and the 
 Guicowar ; conciliatory measures in all cases to 
 precede those of force. 
 
 " The Joonaghur Nawab has committed offences 
 against the Company's as well as the Guico war's 
 Government at present, by entering into hostili- 
 ties with Babajee, and formerly by plundering the 
 Company's wheat, and the properties of their 
 merchants ; he should be first attacked. In case 
 of hostilities, the Company to possess three-fourths 
 of the property found in forts captured, and all 
 conquered territory to be divided between the 
 two parties, the Company having all on the sea- 
 coast, and the Guicowar that in the interior." 
 The gross revenue of all the tributaries throughout 
 Guzerat was calculated at 68 lacs of rupees, and the 
 Peishwa and Guicowar' s tribute at 11 lacs. 
 
 The Katty Chiefs had already sought the Company's 
 protection, in order to screen themselves from the 
 violence and oppression of the more powerful chiefs, 
 
97 
 
 and to settle the amount of their tributes at their 
 original rates, which were smaller than had been 
 latterly demanded. 
 
 The account of the arrangements effected by Colonel 
 Walker in Kattywar will be found in the chronicle of 
 a future year. 
 
 The state of the Guicowar finances was carefully 
 inquired into by the Resident, and the result was that, 
 taking the account from a period previous to the 
 cessions to the Company, the revenue was estimated 
 at 64 lacs of rupees, including the confiscated posses- 
 sions of Mulhar Rao and other rebels; and of this the 
 
 following distribution was made 
 
 Rs. 
 
 For liquidation of guaranteed debt 17,00,000 
 
 Civil establishments , . 2,7 1 ,000 
 
 Guicowar family and stipends 4,23,000 
 
 Subsidiary Force. 
 
 Infantry, 3,000 men 2,88,000 
 
 Additional, 1,000 men 96,000 
 
 Cavalry, one regiment 3,00,000 
 
 Paga Horse, 1,500 men 5,40,000 
 
 Silledar, 2,500 men 6,54,000 
 
 Sirdars 1,63,850 
 
 Revenue charges 1,50,000 
 
 Subsidies to the Company 11 ,70,000 
 
 Enams. . 2,50,000 
 
 Total.. Rs. 60,05,850 
 
 Besides the guaranteed debt, 74 lacs of rupees were due 
 to the troops, &c. 
 
 On the 2nd October 1804, the Peishwa complied 
 with the request of the Guicowar to the extent of giving 
 
 13 
 
98 
 
 a lease of his share of Guzerat for ten years, at 4i Iac3 
 per annum to the Guicowar government, in the name 
 of Bhugwunt Rao Guicowar. 
 
 On the 21st April 1805, a definitive treaty was 
 concluded between the British and Guicowar govern- 
 ments, in the preamble of which were recited the 
 preceding agreements of the loth March 1802, 6th 
 June 1802, and 29th July 1802, which were to be 
 consolidated into one treaty, the terms of which were 
 (according to a written request by the minister (Rowjee 
 Appajee) to be drawn up in terms consonant to the 
 treaty of Bassein entered into with the Peishwa. 
 
 By the first article, all the stipulations of the four 
 preceding conventions were confirmed and made 
 binding for ever. 
 
 By the second, an offensive as well as defensive 
 alliance was contracted. 
 
 By the third, a subsidiary force of 3,000 regular 
 Native infantry, one company of European artillery, 
 and two companies of gun lascars, was to be stationed 
 in the Guicowar territory, and to. be supplied with the 
 necessary military equipments. 
 
 By the fourth, the subsidiary force was at all times to 
 be ready to execute services of importance, such as the 
 protection of the Guicowar's person, the chastisement 
 of rebels, and a part of it was, when the English 
 government thought such a measure necessary, to 
 proceed to Kattywar. 
 
 By the fifth, the Guicowar cedfd in perpetual sove- 
 reignty to the Honorable Company the territories as 
 
99 
 
 follows, in payment of the whole expense of the sub- 
 sidiary force : 
 
 Rupees 
 
 The Pergunna of Dholka 4,50,000 
 
 Do. Neriad 1,75,000 
 
 Do. Beejapoor 1,30,000 
 
 Do. Mahtur 1,30,000 
 
 Do. Mahoonda 1,10,000 
 
 The Suppa of Kurree 25,000 
 
 The Kim Kuthodra 50,000 
 
 Wurrat on Kattywar 1,00,000 
 
 Rs. . 11,70,000 
 
 By Article 6, the previous gifts of Chowrassee Chic- 
 klee, Surat Chouth, and Kaira, were confirmed to the 
 Honorable Company in perpetual sovereignty. 
 
 By Article 7, the following assignments were made for 
 the payment of advance of money by the Honorable 
 Company, or by bankers under its guarantee : 
 
 Rupees 
 
 Pergunna of Baroda 6,00,000 
 
 Do. Pitland 3,00,000 
 
 Do. Korul 25,000 
 
 Do. Kurree 1,50,000 
 
 Do. Rajpeepla 45,000 
 
 Do. Ahmedabad 1,00,000 
 
 The Customs of Baroda 75,000 
 
 Rs.. 12,95,000 
 
 The advances for the first Loan were . . Rs. 23,25,447 3 96 
 Do. second Loan . 18,13,284 2 66 
 
 Total.. Rs. 41,38,732 2 62 
 
100 
 
 By Article 8, articles for the use of the subsidiary 
 force were exempted from duty, and articles for the 
 private use of the Guicowar, his family, and his 
 minister were to be purchased in Bombay or Surat, and 
 sent thence free of duties. 
 
 By Article 9, the Guicowar engaged not to take in 
 his service any European or American, nor any Native 
 subject of the Honorable Company, without consent ; 
 and on the other, the latter agreed to do the 
 same as regarded Guicowar servants, dependants, or 
 slaves. 
 
 By Article 10, the Guicowar promised to aggress on 
 no power whatever, and to submit his disputes with 
 such to the Honorable Company. 
 
 By Article 11, he submitted his unfinished pecuniary 
 transactions with the Peishwa to the adjustment of 
 the Honorable Company. 
 
 By Article 12, it was arranged that in case of 
 foreign war, the subsidiary force should be put in 
 motion with the reserve of one battalion to remain 
 near the Guicowar, and the Guicowar troops should 
 also move to the frontier of Guzerat. 
 
 By Article 13, a pension was promised for Kan- 
 noojee should he submit himself. 
 
 By Article 14, the Guicowar engaged to supply 
 such quantities of grain and bullock-carriage as his 
 territory could supply ; to attend the subsidiary force 
 when it took the field, the British Government defray- 
 ing the expense thereof. 
 
101 
 
 By Article 15, the Guicowar consented that the 
 subsidiary force might be used to quell disturbances 
 in the British districts, and in case of its being- 
 inconvenient in the event of disturbances in parts of 
 Guicowar districts to send the subsidiary there, some 
 other portion of the British troops should be sent. 
 
 By Article 16, pecuniary defaulters and refugees, 
 against whom either Government had just claims, 
 were to be mutually surrendered. 
 
 By Article 17, a commercial treaty was promised. 
 
 
 
103 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 COLONEL WALKER'S SETTLEMENT OF KATTYWAll 
 IN A.D. 1807. 
 
 EARLY in the year 1807 it became apparent that 
 Seetaram, the adopted heir (and successor in the 
 Dewanship) of Rowjee Appajee, was incompetent to sus- 
 tain the office of minister. He proved himself not only 
 feeble, but ill-disposed to carry out the financial reforms 
 so vitally necessary for the welfare of the State. On 
 being pressed by Major Walker to do that which his 
 sovereign had bound himself to do, he had had 
 recourse to his uncle Babajee in the preceding July, 
 admitting his own deficiencies, and entreating him to 
 supply them from his own vigour and experience, and 
 to come to Baroda for that purpose. The Maharaja 
 also invited Babajee, and as the affairs of the Mooluk- 
 geeree service in Kattywar admitted of his temporary 
 absence, Major Walker joined in the invitation. 
 
 But Babajee's arrival, and the honours with which 
 he was received, aroused the jealousy of Seetaram, who 
 absented himself from the deliberations of the durbar, 
 and threw obstacles in the way of forming the cabinet 
 which was resolved on for the constitutional administra- 
 tion of affairs, and for which a precedent existed in the 
 forms of the Guicowar system of government. 
 
104 
 
 Nevertheless, the cabinet was formed by degrees ; 
 first Babajee was installed in an office, the duty of which 
 was the preparation of public documents founded on 
 the minutes of the minister, and sanctioned by the 
 seal of the sovereign ; and subsequently (when the 
 feebleness and vacillation of Annund Rao had shown 
 the necessity of the measure) Fatten Sing Guicowar, 
 the heir presumptive, was introduced, and after his 
 formal installation by his brother, the investiga- 
 tion and arrangement of the finances were vigorously 
 carried on. 
 
 Seetaram (who it soon appeared had squandered and 
 misapplied the revenues without even the formality of 
 his sovereign's consent) put into practice all the arti- 
 fices of a weak and short-sighted man to disturb these 
 arrangements. He sent his brother on an embassy to 
 Mr. Duncan ; he procured from the imbecile Annund 
 Rao a secret letter to the Governor denouncing the 
 very proceedings in which he had been an open and 
 apparently willing party; and, uniting with profligate 
 and mean adventurers, entrapped Annund Rao under 
 false pretences into visiting his house in a suspicious 
 manner, in order to promulgate a notion that the 
 sovereign was really, though secretty, opposed to the 
 Cabinet. 
 
 These intrigues however, were firmly, yet gently, 
 foiled ; the cabinet was assembled, and such progress 
 made in the reforms that Major Walker was able, in 
 the month of June, to leave Baroda for the scene of 
 his beneficent labours in Kattywar. 
 
 Previous to his departure, the Peishwa was gratified 
 by the liberation of Aba Shelookur, who had been taken 
 
105 
 
 prisoner by the Guicowar as previously related, the 
 ex-Soobah being surrendered to the British Govern- 
 ment, in order that due precautions might be taken 
 against his again disturbing the peace of Guzerat ; 
 overtures were also received from Kanoojee Guicowar 
 (who had been thus long a guest with Holkar), which 
 promised a peaceable settlement of his affairs. 
 
 A detachment of British troops having been ordered 
 to rendezvous at Gootoo, in the territory of Moorvee 
 (whither also the Guicowar force, under Wittul Rao 
 Deevanjee, was directed to march), Major Walker 
 proceeded to join them. 
 
 Before leaving Baroda, however, he again put on 
 record, in a letter to the Government of Bombay, dated 
 15th March 1807, the object of the expedition, viz. to 
 obtain engagements from the several chiefs of the penin- 
 sula for the regular payment of an equitable annual 
 amount of tribute to the Guicowar Government, without 
 the necessity for the periodical advance of a predatory 
 army to enforce payment (under the guarantee of the 
 Company), leaving the chiefs in possession of all the 
 rights of internal sovereignty to which they were 
 entitled. 
 
 The following letters were addressed to the Chiefs of 
 Kattywar by the British and Guicowar Governments 
 respectively on this occasion : 
 
 English version of a Circular Letter to the Chieftains 
 of Kattywar from the Honorable East India 
 Company. 
 A. G. 
 
 " The attention and views of the Honorable the 
 East India Company being ever directed to the preser- 
 
 14 
 
106 
 
 vation of peace and amity among the talookdars and 
 zemindars of the country of Kattywar, and to the 
 increase of their prosperity and happiness, they cannot 
 observe, without sentiments of grief and regret, the 
 distracted and ruined state of the fertile provinces of 
 Kattywar, Soruth, Jhalawar, &c. 
 
 " Independent of internal dissensions, which are 
 always ruinous, this fine province is annually 
 exposed to the predatory incursions of an army, which 
 makes a circuit of the country to collect the Mooluk- 
 geeree, by which the labours of the husbandman 
 are suspended, and cultivation and population, the only 
 true sources of riches to the prince, and happiness to 
 the people, decrease. 
 
 " This is a truth so self-evident, that what occasion 
 can there be to prove it by argument ? 
 
 "As the payment of the Moolukgeeree Jummabundy 
 is a just demand which the Guicowar Government have 
 against the Chieftains of Kattywar, the amount should 
 be ascertained and determined by an equitable arrange- 
 ment, and paid without demur, and without requiring 
 the annual presence of an army to enforce the payment 
 of a sum which it is impossible to resist with effect. 
 
 " The advantages of an arrangement of this nature 
 are so numerous and apparent, that it is surprising that 
 the Chieftains of Kattywar have not of their own accord 
 solicited a settlement, which would relieve their country 
 from the annual presence of an army, whose arrival 
 affects their honour, their independence, and their ease ; 
 and, what ought to be of greater consequence to every 
 
107 
 
 prince, the happiness and comfort of the people whom 
 they govern. 
 
 " Of what avail can be resistance against the power- 
 ful army of the Guicowar Government, the allies of 
 the English ? It only exposes weakness, and subjects 
 the party to an increased assessment as a fine for 
 contumacy. 
 
 " These arguments cannot fail to make an adequate 
 and proper impression upon your intelligent mind, and 
 induce you to accede to the invitation which, from the 
 sincere regard and attention of the Honorable Company 
 to the welfare and interests of their neighbours, is now 
 made to you. 
 
 " Accordingly, you will no doubt have heard that the 
 victorious army of the Honorable Company is now 
 approaching to that quarter in company with that of the 
 Guicowar. Their intention is to effect a permanent and 
 amicable adjustment of the Guicowar Moolukgeeree 
 tribute, which they earnestly desire to see fixed and 
 determined on principles of moderation and justice ; 
 and, at the same time, to see that country relieved from 
 the advance of an army which, however friendly, must 
 always occasion detriment. 
 
 " It is therefore hoped and expected that, duly weigh- 
 ing and considering these important circumstances, and 
 seriously reflecting upon the advantages which are 
 now held out to you, you will send a Vakeel to the 
 camp fully empowered to adjust a permanent settlement 
 for the payment of the Guicowar Jummabundy, and 
 arrange the securities." 
 
108 
 
 Circular address from the Guicowar Government to 
 the Chieftains of Kattywar. 
 
 A. a 
 
 " As the Sirkar's troops yearly visit the country of 
 Kattywar for the purpose of collecting the Mooluk- 
 geeree Jummabundy and other arrangements, when the 
 irregularities of the troops are the occasion of injury to 
 the country, and the state of warfare injurious to its sub- 
 jects ; and as the demands of the Sirkar are ultimately 
 obtained by forcible means, to the detriment of the pro- 
 vince, wherefore, in consideration thereof, it is the 
 pleasure of the Sirkar : 
 
 " That from the ensuing era 1864, all talookars do 
 depute their vakeels to the camp to adjust the custo- 
 mary settlement for the Jummabundy, securities, and 
 other arrangements, &c. By this measure, the annual 
 approach of this army being no longer necessary, the 
 country is relieved from its consequent ills, and left to 
 the perfect enjoyment of tranquillity and peace. In 
 further object thereof, the Sirkar's troops and those of 
 
 the Honorable Company have proceeded to ( ) 
 
 in your country, to which place to send your agent, 
 instructed to meet the wishes of the Sirkar, is in every 
 manner desirable and proper. Any delay in this 
 measure on your part will incur the Sirkar's displeasure; 
 hence, in whatever way you are to act, give it all due 
 consideration. 
 
 " Meeting the wishes of the Sirkar will be laudable, 
 whereas a contrary demeanour will, be assured, 
 avail nothing." 
 
109 
 
 The province to "which the attention of Major Walker 
 was now turned may be roughly estimated as contain- 
 ing a surface of 22,000 square miles ; its population was 
 calculated by him at 1,975,900 souls, exclusive of the 
 thinly-peopled districts of Okamundul, Babriawar, and 
 Jafferabad. At a subsequent period (A.D. 1831), a rough 
 census of the peninsula (minus Jafferabad and Oka- 
 mundul) showed the population to be 1,759,277, and 
 further inquiries reduced this estimate to 1,475,685 
 souls under the following provinces : 
 
 I. Jhalawar 210,325 
 
 II. Kattywar 189,840 
 
 III. Mutchoo Kanta 28,749 
 
 IV. Hallar 358,560 
 
 V. Soruth 320,820 
 
 VI. Burda . . 49,980 
 
 VII. Gohilwar 247,981 
 
 VIII. Oondsurveya 11,373 
 
 IX. Babriawar (including Jafferabad), . 18,468 
 
 X. Okamundul 12,590 
 
 1,448,686 
 
 All these estimates were, however, only approxima- 
 tions to the truth as near as the imperfect means of 
 inquiry permitted. 
 
 The population was composed of all the various races 
 common to Guzerat. 
 
 The proprietors or petty sovereigns were mostly 
 Rajpoots, with astounding pedigrees. There were 
 Jetwas drawing their origin from an ancestor begotten 
 by the monkey god Hunooman of an alligator ! There 
 were Choorasamas, Solunkees, Walas, Jhalas, Purmars, 
 
110 
 
 Goliils, and besides these pure (?) races, there were. 
 Kattees, Juts, Jarejas, Kolies, and Mahomedans. 
 
 As detailed statements of the several chiefs who 
 responded to Major Walker's invitation are to be found 
 in the printed records of Government, it is only 
 necessary in this place to give an abstract of them, 
 together with some explanations. 
 
 The division of Jhalawar, so called from its being the 
 seat of the Jhala Rajpoots, comprised the possessions 
 of 53 different chiefs, from the Raja of Drangdra (the 
 head of the tribe) to the smallest proprietor of a single 
 village. 
 
 The gross revenue estimated at a subsequent period 
 
 was Rupees , and the tribute acknowledged 
 
 and settled in perpetuity amounted to Rupees 2,83,253 
 per annum. 
 
 The points most worthy of remark which presented 
 themselves to Major Walker while he was negotiating 
 the settlement of the division of Jhalawar (and which 
 were common to the whole peninsula) were the 
 minute sub-division of property among the Bhyad or 
 clansmen of the chief ; and the numerous instances in 
 which this, combined with the strong hereditary feel- 
 ing of individual independence, had tended to the 
 creation of separate jurisdictions : the greater chiefs 
 repudiated all responsibility for their Bhyad, and the 
 country was overspread with a multitude of persons 
 who submitted to no law but that of physical force. 
 
 In the next place he found the country so scourged 
 by the forays of Katties, Juts, Meanas, and the robbers 
 
Ill 
 
 of Waghur in Cutch, that the husbandmen followed 
 the plough with arms at hand, and kept watchmen 
 perched on towers or tall trees to warn them of the 
 approach of marauders. These raids were a perpetual 
 cause of disquiet, even more injurious to general pros- 
 perity than the periodical incursions of the Mahrattas, 
 or those of the Joonaghur Nawab and the Chief of 
 Nowanuggur. 
 
 This division was a level plain, with little or no 
 timber. The soil partly sandy and partly [black 
 alluvium; the water far from abundant, and much 
 of it brackish ; the principal product was wheat. 
 
 The next division was that of Kattywar, occupying 
 the central part of the peninsula, and so named from 
 the ' Katty,' a pastoral people, whose habits were war- 
 like and predatory. Averse to agriculture, hardy, 
 hospitable, and difficult of control, they were evidently 
 a northern race (probably Scythian), as was shown by 
 their stature, features, and frequent blue and grey eyes. 
 The sun was their chief deity. They had gained their 
 possessions chiefly in the general anarchy which 
 accompanied the decline of the Mahomedan power. 
 
 The list of tributaries in this division showed 104 
 separate jurisdictions, but of these 38 were united in 
 the person of the Guicowar himself; eight under the 
 chief of Jhusdun ; seven under the Chief of Nowanug- 
 gur ; two under Dessayes ; and the remainder under 
 Katty proprietors. 
 
 The gross revenue was calculated at Rupees , 
 
 and the tribute amounted to Rupees 28,021-12-5, 
 
112 
 
 In this division lay the largest part of the territorial 
 acquisitions of the Guicowars. Amrellee, the principal 
 town, was obtained very shortly after their first appear- 
 ance in the peninsula, having been ceded by a grantee 
 of Sha MahomedBegra in return for protection from the 
 surrounding Katties. The district of Damnuggur 
 (formerly Chobaria) had been given as a dower by the 
 Chief of Lathee to his daughter on her marriage with 
 Dummajee Guicowar, and other acquisitions were, from 
 time to time, made from the Katties, who, in their turn, 
 had come to be oppressed by the neighbouring chiefs, 
 and were unable to maintain the population of their 
 villages in security. 
 
 The division was well-watered, and a great part of 
 it richer in natural gifts than any in the peninsula. 
 
 Next in order came the division of Muchoo Kanta, 
 bordering on the Runn, which separates Kattywar 
 from Kutch. The Jarejas from the latter country had 
 intruded themselves into this district, having received 
 a grant of it from the Emperor Akbar as a reward for 
 their treachery towards Moozuffer, king of Guzerat, 
 when he had been expelled from Ahmedabad. The 
 whole of it was divided between the families of Moorvee 
 and Mallia ; the former having a population of 24,784 
 souls, a revenue of Rupees 85,000, and being assessed 
 for a tribute of Rupees 50,000 ; the latter, a population 
 of 4,800 souls, and a revenue of Rupees 22,000. 
 
 On Colonel Walker's arrival in this neighbourhood, 
 he found a feud raging between the Chiefs of Moorvee 
 and Mallia, owing to the treacherous seizure of the 
 
113 
 
 latter by him of Moorvee at an entertainment. Dur- 
 ing his confinement, his Meana followers (a fierce 
 race which had emigrated from Sind) ravaged the 
 Moorvee territory from the protection of the strong fort 
 of Mallia ; but the interference of the Guico war officer, 
 Babajee (after his troops also had laid the Moorvee 
 territory waste for three years), procured the surrender 
 to him of the captive chief, and an alliance with 
 Moorvee for the purpose of the reduction 'of the fort of 
 Mallia. This, however, Babajee was unable to effect, and 
 after a time the prisoner was released on giving securities 
 for the payment of a contribution towards the arrears 
 due by Moorvee, and for the expenses of the troops. 
 
 Colonel Walker with much difficulty obtained a 
 remission of part of the Guicowar claims on the Moor- 
 vee Chief, and fixed his future tribute. 
 
 With regard to Mallia, which little state "was exactly 
 on land what piratical states are at sea," no demand 
 was raised for tribute at that time, but arrangements 
 were made for payment of certain expenses which the 
 Guicowar Government had been put to, and security 
 was taken for the future control of the chief and his 
 Meana followers. 
 
 The name of this district denoted that it occupied a 
 valley of the River Mutchoo, the waters of which 
 were brackish. The country, just raised above the 
 neighbouring Runn, had some of its characteristics, 
 viz. flat and waste plains devoid of wood, but the soil 
 was fertile to a very high degree under cultivation. 
 
 The next division was that of Hallar, which, begin- 
 ning from the western boundary of Mutchoo Kanta, 
 
 15 
 
114 
 
 stretched along the shores of the Gulf of Kutch to 
 Okamundul. In its depth the division included Raj- 
 cote, Soondul, and Sirdhar; it was plentifully watered 
 with delicious rivulets ; the soil towards the coast was 
 rich, black loam, and that inland high and gravelly. 
 
 The proprietors, with one or two exceptions, were 
 of the Jareja race, and the number of separate tributes 
 was 32. 
 
 The principal of them was the Jam of Nowanuggur, 
 whose ancestor had passed over from Kutch, and 
 founded that town in A.D. 1442. In the year A.D. 
 1758, the Jam Laka had raised to supreme power a 
 menial servant, named Meroo (Khawas), who eventu- 
 ally threw his master into close imprisonment, and as 
 he was childless, forced him to adopt two boys procured 
 by himself: the one (subsequently Jam Jesajee) the 
 son of a Pinjara, or cotton-cleaner ; the other (Suttajee) 
 of the Khawas caste. They were both adopted on the 
 same day, and though the circumstances were no- 
 torious, no objection was made by the Bhyad to their 
 succeeding Jam Laka, who died shortly after, leaving 
 Meroo Khawas exercising all power as regent. 
 
 During his administration, he reduced the territory 
 of the Okamundul chiefs to the limits of the peninsula 
 of that name; he made numerous and destructive 
 incursions into the division of Katty war, and founded 
 some Moolukgeeree tributes, which were subsequently 
 extended. 
 
 Jam Jesajee made one unsuccessful effort to escape 
 from the power of his regent, and thenceforward sub- 
 mitted to him to the close of Meroo's life, which 
 occurred in A.D. 1800, previous to which, however, he 
 
115 
 
 obtained for his family the districts of Jooria Bunder, 
 Balumba, and Amrun. 
 
 On Colonel Walker's arrival in the vicinity, he found 
 that Jam Jesajee had long been odious by the oppres- 
 sion of his Bhyad, and by encroachments on his 
 neighbours, by which he had enlarged his dominions, 
 and kept the country in inquietude and alarm. 
 
 The public law of the province had been infringed 
 by him just before, when he had treacherously usurped 
 from the Chief of Poorbunder the fort of Kundorna, by 
 tampering with its Meckranee garrison. The regulation 
 was that when the Guicowar's Moolukgeeree force was 
 in motion, all other troops should return within their 
 respective territories ; but the Jam had not only seized 
 Kundorna, but had sent a force to support his usurpation. 
 
 Though summoned several times, he refused to restore 
 his recent acquisition, and on the approach of the allied 
 troops, shut himself up in Nowanuggur ; but Kundorna 
 was captured, and eventually he was obliged to yield. 
 
 Nearly all the Jam's Bhyad were at this time in 
 a state of rebellion, and such was the anarchy that 
 prevailed in Hallar, that the force in its march from 
 Kundorna to Rajcote passed 30 towns and villages 
 which had been recently laid waste and plundered (those 
 which had been previously depopulated were more 
 numerous). The chiefs were reduced to poverty, and 
 supported themselves, without shame, by open robbery. 
 
 The tributaries of Hallar amounted to 35, but of 
 these four were included under Nowanuggur. The 
 revenue was estimated at 12 lacs and 12,000 rupees, 
 and the tribute was fixed at 3 lacs and 1,598 rupees. 
 
116 
 
 The next division of the province was Soruth. This 
 had been the nucleus of the far more extended posses- 
 sion of the Choorasamas, who, from the forts of Geernar 
 and Joonaghur, controlled the greater part of the 
 peninsula, and made themselves feared, if not respected, 
 in the adjacent continent of Guzerat, the kings of which 
 conducted several expeditions against them with only 
 partial success. 
 
 Muhrnood Shah Beghura, however, in the year A.r>. 
 1476-77 suppressed their sovereignty, and made Soruth 
 a Mahomedan dependency, the governors of which 
 collected the royal revenues from the peninsula at the 
 head of a Moolukgeeree force. 
 
 During the decadence of the imperial authority, 
 Shere Khan, acaaetof the Babi family, was invited by 
 the Governor of Soruth to assist him in maintaining 
 order in the province, and Shere Khan speedily con- 
 verted his official post into an hereditary principality. 
 
 When the Mahrattas succeeded to the sovereignty 
 of Guzerat, they determined on reducing the power of 
 the Babi, and in the treaty of partition between the 
 Peishwaand theGuicowar, dated A.r>. 1752, the con- 
 quest of three portions of the peninsula was to be the 
 joint labour and reward of the contracting parties, 
 viz.: \st, Shree Jugut Dwarkai, i. e. Okamundul ; 
 2nd, tlie city of Joonaghur, with its dependencies ; 
 3?*t/, Diu Bunder, or the Island of Diu. These projects 
 were not, however, fully carried out, and the Nawab 
 (as he now styled himself) of Joonaghur, though 
 obliged to pay tribute, and to surrender part of his 
 acquisitions, retained his independence, and even, in a 
 reduced form, his Moolukgeeree rights, though he waa 
 
117 
 
 compelled to abstain from the exercise of them when 
 the Guicovvar army was in the field for the same 
 purpose. 
 
 The Babi family soon degenerated, fell under the 
 control of its ministers, and a long period of anarchy, 
 treachery, bloodshed, and murder, disgraced its 
 annals. 
 
 When Colonel Walker arrived in Kattywar, the 
 Nawab had no regular minister; the person (Rewa- 
 shunker) who officiated in that department was a 
 Nagur Brahmin, a dependent of the Guicowar 
 government, who owed his appointment and support 
 to Babajee, and the Nawab himself was in person so 
 corpulent as to be unfit for the active duties of life, 
 " cunning, cowardly, jealous, and avaricious, and with- 
 out one virtue to counterbalance his rices." 
 
 No opposition was made to Colonel Walker's 
 arrangements in this quarter, and the Nawab agreed to 
 accept the mediation of the Honorable Company and 
 the Guicowar for the settlement of his Moolukgeeree 
 claims on the other chiefs on the same principles as 
 those of the Guicowar. 
 
 The revenue of the division of Soruth was estimated 
 at 6 lacs and 77,500 rupees, and the tribute fixed at 
 Rupees 1,08,209. 
 
 Independent of the Nawab and his relation (the 
 Chief of Bantwa), there was only one tributary in this 
 division, a family of Mahomedan Sepoys, called Sela, 
 located at Amrapoor. 
 
 Among the dependencies of Soruth was the Pergunna 
 of Korinar, half of which had been ceded to the Mahrat- 
 tas on their first entry into the country for the support 
 
118 
 
 of a post they established at Mool Dvvarka. One of 
 the Nawab's ministers expelled the Guicowar's agent 
 subsequently, but he was eventually reinstated. The 
 whole revenue of Korinar did not exceed 20,000, and 
 the Guicowar Government usually farmed its share for 
 Rupees 8,000. 
 
 Another dependency was Babriawar, a tract of 
 uncultivated country. The Mahratta collections from 
 it were small arid always precarious. 
 
 The port of Babriawar, called Jafferabad, was 
 governed by Seedees connected with those of the 
 Malabar Coast. There were five villages attached to it ; 
 it paid no tribute, and owned no external authority. 
 
 The next division was that of Burda, the seat of the 
 Jetwas, who formerly had had possession of the whole 
 northern coast of the province, till driven out by the 
 Jarejas and others. The head of the tribe was the 
 Rana of Poorbunder ; this family had been the prey of 
 all its neighbours; it was harassed by forced exac- 
 tions by the Mahrattas, by the Nawab of Joonaghur, 
 the Jam of Nowanuggur, the Babi of Bantwa, and 
 even the Kusbattee Sepoys of Mangrole, in Soruth. 
 
 A short time previous to Colonel Walker's arrival, 
 the Chief of Poorbunder had been dethroned on 
 account of partial insanity, and his son set up in his 
 stead. In the disturbance of this event, the Jam of 
 Nowanuggur had, as before-mentioned, obtained 
 possession of the fort of Kundorna. 
 
 The Rana entered with alacrity into the new arrange- 
 ments, and for the aid rendered in the restoration of 
 
119 
 
 Kundorna, presented, according to custom, a Nuzurana 
 of Rupees 20,000 to the Guicowar. 
 
 As the question of Nuzurana came to be sub- 
 sequently discussed by the two governments, Colonel 
 Walker's remarks may be here usefully transcribed: 
 
 " When the Guicowar Government is obliged to use 
 its power and resources in support of a dependent 
 chieftain, it invariably expects and receives a grati- 
 fication from that dependent. 
 
 " On this occasion, I saw no reason for discontinuing 
 a salutary and useful practice, which, when confined to 
 the effectual punishment of guilt, or pursued for the 
 redress of wrongs, affords security against imprudence 
 and violence, and limits the intervention of the 
 superior state to cases of necessity only. I shall have 
 the honour to transmit a separate report of this article, 
 as well as of several others, under the head of Nuzu- 
 rana, or Asswanee Babut, which do not appertain to 
 the regular and fixed revenue. The articles are of 
 uncertain amount and indefinite in their nature, and 
 cannot be precisely ascertained till the completion of 
 the service. They are small contributions, which, in 
 general, each talooka pays on the settlement of the 
 revenue, and in most instances heretofore have been 
 appropriated to private purposes, but on the present 
 service will be brought to the public account. It is 
 however, to be remarked that, in consequence of their 
 perpetual engagements, the states ofKattywar are 
 tenceforward released from these irregular exactions, 
 ind this is one of the immediate advantages which 
 result to the chiefs from the establishment of the 
 present system." 
 
120 
 
 The division of Burda included one tributary only, 
 viz. Poorbunder. The revenue was two lacs and 
 50,000, and the tribute was fixed at Rupees 
 30,203. 
 
 The last division of the province was Gohilwar, 
 the seat of the Gohil Rajpoots, who had obtained a 
 settlement in the peninsula under the Choorasama 
 dynasty, with which they intermarried. The Chiefs of 
 Bhownuggur, Lathee, and Palitana, were the three 
 representatives of the tribe. The two latter had been 
 gradually declining, while the former had been 
 increasing in wealth and power. 
 
 The immediate predecessor of the Lathee chief 
 had given a daughter in marriage to Dummajee 
 Guicowar, and with her, as a dower, the district of 
 Chobana (the name of which was changed to Dam- 
 nuggur). On that occasion, the Lathee Gohils were 
 exempted from the payment of tribute, and only 
 required to make a yearly Nuzurana of a " horse." By 
 this connection, the Lathee family obtained the support 
 and protection of the Guicowar, which probably 
 prevented their destruction. 
 
 By the operation of similar causes, and by many 
 imprudent acts of aggression on his neighbours, Oomer- 
 jee, the Chief of Palitana, had been obliged a few 
 years before to solicit the support of the Guicowar, 
 and his territories were then in a state of complete 
 subjection to that government. His extravagance and 
 imprudence reduced the Palitana chief to the necessity 
 of mortgaging many of his villages, and the enemies 
 
121 
 
 he had provoked deprived him of others : the tran- 
 quillity of his district was maintained by a Guicowar 
 Thanna in his capital. 
 
 The Bhownuggur family, on the contrary, had ex- 
 tended its possessions on all sides, and had particularly 
 devoted itself to the encouragement of commerce, which 
 early brought it into friendly relations with the Honor- 
 able Company. 
 
 The Gohil chiefs entered with readiness into the 
 arrangements, one peculiarity being that the Honor- 
 able Company, to which the Bhownuggur tribute had 
 been ceded in part payment of the subsidiary force, 
 became security for that chief, while the Guicowar 
 became security for Lathee. 
 
 The revenue was estimated at Rupees , and 
 the tribute of this division fixed at Rupees 1,07,168. 
 
 Imbedded in Gohilwar was the small district of 
 Oondsurweya, in which nearly all the remaining 
 proprietors of the Choorasama tribe had found refuge. 
 These small Surweya clans (33 in number) possessed 
 an aggregate revenue of Rupees , and their 
 
 tribute amounted to Rupees ; no permanent 
 
 settlement was made with these chiefs by Colonel 
 Walker on this occasion. Neither was any set- 
 tlement made of Okamundul, in which were the holy 
 Hindoo shrines of Dwarka and Beyt. This small penin- 
 sula was held by tribes of Wadhel Rajpoots and Wa-* 
 ghairs, who mainly depended for their support on the 
 plunder of pilgrims resorting to the shrines, and on 
 their piratical enterprizes. Some attempt was made 
 to procure compensation from them for the plunder 
 16 
 
122 
 
 of British vessels, but Colonel Walker returned 
 re infecta to Baroda. 
 
 The total amount of tribute thus permanently fixed 
 and accepted by the Guicowar and the chiefs was 
 Sicca Rupees 11,83,643-13-11, the larger portion of 
 which the Guicowar received only in his capacity of 
 farmer on behalf of the Peishwa. 
 
 Colonel Walker's reputation as a statesman and 
 philanthropist rests mainly on the success of his labours 
 on behalf of the Chiefs of Kattywar, and his initia- 
 tion of measures for the suppression of infanticide in 
 that province. Circumstances have given prominence 
 to these incidents in his career; but enough has not been 
 known of his earlier relations to the Guicowar govern- 
 ment, and of the means whereby he gained that ascen- 
 dency in the Baroda durbar, which rendered possible 
 the intervention of the Honorable Company as arbitrators 
 in the peninsula, and facilitated these reforms, which 
 have reflected so much honour on the British name. 
 
 Nor has anything like the due meed of popular 
 admiration been paid to Colonel Walker's chief, 
 Governor Duncan, from whom he received the leading 
 idea of his policy, who encouraged and powerfully 
 seconded his exertions, both by the wisdom of his counsel, 
 and his own singular influence over the native mind. 
 
 Governor Duncan also impressed on the apt and 
 congenial mind of his agent those principles of conser- 
 vative regard for prescriptive rights, that moderation, 
 that politic deference to the rank and dignity, and 
 that benevolent courtesy towards the personal feelings 
 of the reigning prince and the members of his family 
 
123 
 
 that caused the revolution which placed the Guicowar 
 state under the tutelage of the Honorable Company, to 
 be conducted with the general acquiescence of parties 
 at the time, and which has left so little of bitter 
 recollection behind it. 
 
 Prudent, patient, and painstaking, Colonel Walker 
 appears never to have been seduced into the error 
 (which his great personal influence might have almost 
 excused) of taking too large, too active, or too promi- 
 nent part in the administration of which he was in 
 fact the soul. On the death of Rowjee Appajee, 
 whose power over Annund Rao Guicowar was bound- 
 less, he was content to allow his feeble and incapable 
 successor to blunder on for a time without interference, 
 while he strengthened his own influence over Annund 
 Rao, and waited for the co-operation of Babajee. 
 With Babajee and Annund on the side of reform, he 
 proved to Seetaram how unessential he was to the 
 administration ; and when Seetaram, through the aid 
 of base adventurers, regained for a while the ear of his 
 weak and vacillating master, he was able to bring 
 against this feeble coalition the authority of Babajee, 
 of the heir presumptive, and above all of the Raja's 
 favourite wife, Tuckutbaee. 
 
 Thus swaying all parties by turns, and having his 
 eye steadily fixed on whatever was for the mutual 
 advantage of the protecting and protected governments, 
 understanding also that, rightly considered, their 
 interest could not be at variance, seeking even occa- 
 sions of more closely identifying them, Colonel 
 Walker succeeded in carrying every point with the 
 Guicowar government, because he was always able 
 
124 
 
 to vindicate his disinterestedness, and that, of the chief 
 whom he represented ; he obtained great advantages 
 for the Company, but secured in return at least equal 
 advantages for the Guicowar. 
 
 In the matter of the Kattywar Moolukgeeree, it had 
 been demanded by Rowjee Appajee in his first negoti- 
 ations with Governor Duncan in person, that a part (one 
 regiment) of the proposed subsidiary force should 
 accompany the Moolukgeeree expeditions of the 
 Guicowar. This application was made when the 
 prospects of the state were gloomy indeed, when 
 Mulhar Rao and Kanojee Guicowar were at the head 
 of numerous troops in open war against it, and when 
 the Arabs were dissatisfied, suspicious, and suspected. 
 
 This application was unpleasing to the Government 
 of Bombay, as the " general idea of a Moolukgeeree 
 expedition was repugnant to our habits and senti- 
 ments but ; it was difficult to relieve ourselves of an 
 engagement which was consistent with justice and 
 policy." 
 
 The Honorable Company was particularly interest- 
 ed in the Guicowar obtaining his full Moolukgeeree 
 revenues, and there were contingent advantages to be 
 expected in the event of the Guicowar's authority being 
 more firmly established in Kattywar. Very shortly 
 after the question arose, the Supreme Government also 
 expressed an opinion, that if an amicable arrangement 
 could be made with the several chieftains of the 
 peninsula, it would solve all difficulty with respect to 
 the employment of the subsidiary force on this duty. 
 
 In the mean time, the dangers which had threatened 
 the Guicowar state passed away, and its own Mooluk- 
 
125 
 
 geeree force had been found equal to the collection of 
 the tribute. Though without the intervention of a third 
 party, to which both the Guicowar and his tributaries 
 could look with respect and confidence, it was not 
 likely that the latter would bind themselves to pay 
 quietly and for ever what they at present considered it 
 a point of honour only to pay on the compulsion of an 
 overwhelming force. 
 
 Nevertheless, no objection being made by the 
 Guicowar to a perpetual settlement, it was found on 
 experiment that the chiefs were willing to contract one ; 
 indeed, no boon so great has been offered to the weak by 
 the strong as was offered under Colonel Walker's auspices 
 to the states of Kattywar. His picture of the state 
 of the country shows how great it must have been to 
 them ; for irregular and inefficient as the Moolukgeeree 
 force of the Guicowar might be in the eyes of British 
 officers, it was quite powerful enough to crush all 
 opposition in the field, and the most powerful chief 
 was not safe from it, except for a time, behind the 
 walls of his fort, and there he lay helpless to preserve 
 his territory from annual ravage and plunder till he 
 submitted to terms. The first chief in the province 
 (Joonaghur) had a servant of the Guicowar Govern- 
 ment for his minister, and had just been fined by it 
 for moving his own Moolukgeeree force, while others 
 owed the comparative tranquillity of their estates to 
 military occupation by its troops ; it would be a mis- 
 take therefore to suppose that it was too weak to realise 
 its tribute when Colonel Walker arrived with a Bri- 
 tish detachment in the peninsula. It was strong enough 
 for all purposes of violent aggression, but it was 
 
126 
 
 incapable of effecting a permanent settlement, which 
 required confidence in its steady adherence to its 
 engagements. The remarkable facility with which this 
 revolution was effected in Kattywar, was owing to the 
 prestige for good faith and moderation, which the 
 Company had acquired through the Governor of 
 Bombay and his representative in Guzerat. 
 
 The measures of Colonel Walker during this service 
 were characterised by his habitual prudence and 
 moderation. Satisfied with the principle of a perma- 
 nent settlement and its contingent advantages to the 
 chiefs of security in their possessions, without any 
 future additional demands on the part of the Guicowar, 
 he allowed the details to be carried out with as little 
 direct interference on his part as possible. He thus 
 soothed the pride of the Guicowar commander, Wittul 
 Rao Dewanjee, and enlisted his cordial co-operation 
 in the good work. For example : 
 
 When the Katty chiefs of Cheetul, Jaitpoor, and 
 others had applied in 1804 for the protection of the 
 Honorable Company, through Colonel Walker's 
 agent in Babajee's camp, he informed the Bombay 
 Government that it would be useful to improve the 
 connection, " and this may be done without exciting 
 the jealousy of the Guicowar Government, provided 
 we show them clearly that we shall respect their 
 (i. e. the Guicowar's Government) rights." The reply 
 of the Bombay Government was couched in a term 
 of extreme reserve as to entering into any engage- 
 ments with those or other chiefs which could give 
 umbrage to our ally. 
 
127 
 
 Again, the security bond taken from each of the 
 Kattywar chiefs, who were parties to the perpetual 
 settlement, and which provided (so far as any written 
 documents could do so) for the peace and order of 
 the country by abjuring all private wars, &c., was 
 drawn up in the name of the Guicowar only, as was 
 the bond of perpetual settlement of the tribute ; and in 
 restoring by force to the Chief of Poorbunder the fort 
 of Kundorna, Colonel Walker justified his interference, 
 not on recondite political principles, not by the 
 assertion of the rights of a lord paramount over his 
 tributaries, nor by any theory of the Guicowar's 
 sovereign powers, but strictly because the Jam had 
 infringed a regulation of the public law of the province, 
 in marching his troops into the territory of Poorbun- 
 der when the Moolukgeeree force was in the field ; 
 and had not the Jam been besotted by pride and 
 rejected all overtures, he would have allowed the Chief 
 of Poorbunder to re-purchase the restoration of Kun- 
 dorna, rather than have used force on behalf of one 
 chief against another. And finally, as we have seen, 
 he did not object to the gift of a Nuzurana to the 
 Guico\var government by Poorbunder for the service 
 performed, rather than pretermit an ancient custom. 
 
 The chiefs who were invited to enter into the per- 
 petual settlement were the following : Limree, Wud- 
 wan, Drangdra, Saeela, Choora, Moolee, Soodamra, 
 Dandulpoor, Wancaneer, Bhownuggur, Wulwa, 
 Lathee, Dywanee, Moorvee, Balebha, Malia, Derole, 
 Kursir, Nowanuggur, Poorbunber, Batwa, Joonaghur, 
 Goondul, Dhorajee, Jetpoor, Rajcote, Kotiadah, Sirdar, 
 Rajpoora, Jhusdun : only 29 chieftains in all. 
 
128 
 
 On arriving in the peninsula, however, Colonel 
 Walker found that these principal chiefs by no means 
 consented to be responsible for the tribute of their 
 Bhyad, nor of some of their subordinates, and therefore 
 the list of those who ultimately became parties to the 
 new settlement, included a vast number of additional 
 names. There is nothing to show that either the 
 Government of Bombay or Colonel Walker anticipated 
 the complications that subsequently arose in conse- 
 quence of thus stereotyping the accidental and uncertain 
 independence of this host of petty sovereigns ; indeed, 
 the question which lay before Colonel Walker to solve 
 was not one of jurisdiction, nor, perhaps, could that 
 question have been solved at all at that time. 
 
 The following was the nature of the engagements 
 entered into by the chiefs. First each individual 
 tributary signed a document in these terms : 
 
 " The armies of the Honorable Company and 
 Guicowar having come into this country with a 
 view to effect a permanent and equitable adjust- 
 ment for the country of Katty war and its Bhoomias, 
 Grassias, Kattys, and Ryots, and that their revenues 
 should continue to be paid at Baroda, I have, of my 
 own free will and consent, engaged, and do by this 
 writing engage, for the above talooka, its perpetual 
 Jummabundy and Khurajat, as per bond separately 
 executed, as given when the armies used to arrive 
 in the country. This, however, being attended 
 with great detriment to the country, and disturbing 
 the tranquillity of the Ryots (and being convinced 
 
129 
 
 that the above arrangement provides for my benefit), 
 the Jumma of the above talooka and its Khurajat 
 shall each succeeding year be settled at Baroda 
 according to the bond, by sending an agent for that 
 purpose, nor shall any deviation take place in this 
 respect. 
 
 " I do therefore, for myself, my sons, grandsons, 
 from generation to generation, and my successors, 
 engage to the above purpose, and for any deviation 
 therein they become responsible to Government 
 Bahanduree of the Honorable Company." 
 
 The above was signed by the chief concerned, and 
 countersigned by Colonel Walker. 
 
 This document (as apparent) only admits (and that 
 in obscure language) that the amount of tribute, as 
 agreed to by the chief in some separate bond, should 
 be considered as that chief's tribute in perpetuity. 
 
 The bond itself was as follows, executed by a 
 banker on behalf of the chief : 
 
 " That for (chief's name) of the Talooka of 
 
 I have engaged for the Jummabundy for ten years 
 to the Sirkar, being for Jummabundy and Khurajat 
 
 included, Rupees , and agreeable thereto 
 
 are the several instalments given in writing, and 
 agreeable to these instalments are the payments to be 
 made in Baroda, attending at the stated periods and 
 17 
 
130 
 
 having made the settlement thereof, then return ; 
 yet, if it so happen that any delay shall in this 
 occur, the same delay shall be made good by interest 
 for the number of days beyond the stated period of 
 instalment at 1 per cent, per month. 
 
 " The yearly Kist or bond to be rendered will be 
 
 for Rupees , particulars for which are Jum- 
 
 mabundy and Khurajat, in which will come Sooba 
 Sookree, Benee Bardaree, Nuzurana (horse), Zemin- 
 dar Sookree, Dewanjee, Dhurukdars, Shagird Pesha- 
 soot, and Chunna." 
 
 The tribute being thus fixed in perpetuity, and 
 the revenue provided for for ten years, the following 
 File Zameen, or security for behaviour, defined the 
 jurisdictional position of the chiefs. It was addressed 
 to the Guicowar : 
 To WIT : 
 
 " That I do, of my own good will, for the Talooka 
 
 of , provide perpetual and effective File 
 
 Zameen to the Sirkar of the Guicowar, and to 
 that of the Punt Prudhan or Peishwa (for the 
 two shares) being the whole of the country as 
 particulars here following : 
 
 1st. That I will not excite enmity witli any 
 other chieftain, neither entertain any Bahirwuttia, 
 or incendiary, whether Katty or Rajpoots, nor will 
 I commit any disturbance by the hands of another, 
 neither will I seize upon the land or lands of 
 another, abiding strictly to the same conduct as 
 hitherto observed ; neither will I purchase, at the 
 offer of my brethern, their villages or lands when 
 
131 
 
 they may come to sell them : all past enmities 
 or grievances to rest in oblivion. 
 
 Thieves shall not be entertained within our 
 limits. If they are permitted to remain, it shall be 
 under proper management, to prevent them from 
 committing theft in other talookas, or on the 
 highway ; that in whatever case individual or 
 individuals may be under the necessity of dispos- 
 ing of their villages or lands, in all such cases 
 the circumstance shall be reported to the Sirkar 
 previous to entering into the transaction. 
 
 2nd. No delinquent or criminal of the Sir- 
 kars of the Company Bahadoor or Senakaskel 
 Shumshere Bahadoor shall be protected or enter- 
 tained by us. 
 
 3rd. The several Mahals of the Sirkars of 
 the Peishwa, Guicowar, and the Honorable Com- 
 pany, being situated on all sides of us, in none of 
 them shall any theft or depredation be committed 
 on the highways. Passengers, merchants, and 
 others travelling shall meet with no molestation, 
 but shall be assisted with carriage, and be pro- 
 tected to the extent of our boundaries. Should 
 any merchant or other traveller suffer injury on 
 the way, the same shall be made good to him by 
 the lord of the talooka whence the thieves might 
 have come. 
 
 4M. If the lands or villages of any Zemin- 
 dars shall at present be retained forcibly, in case 
 any such possession shall have been obtained by 
 written deed from the ruined circumstances of 
 any Zemindar, the same shall be released and 
 
132 
 
 set at liberty after the forms of justice, there being 
 no claim hereafter to be entertained or made. 
 According to the above written articles, I have 
 afforded fresh (not fresh, but evcrgrecnis the meaning,) 
 security, to continue from generation to generation ; 
 and if the Sirkar's Mohsul shall come for any default, 
 such satisfaction as the Sirkar shall demand on the 
 case in point, with daily expense and Mohsul includ- 
 ed, shall be given for the same (the name of the 
 counter security) is perpetual Ar Zameen, and for 
 which this bond is rendered." 
 
 [Signature of the Chief.] 
 
 His Highness the Guicowar then addressed to each 
 of the above chiefs the following Punvana, which 
 was countersigned by Colonel Walker : 
 
 Purwana from His Highness the Guicowar. 
 To WIT : 
 
 " The agreement respecting the settlement of the 
 tribute of your talooka annually at Baroda from 
 
 the year is accepted. You are therefore to 
 
 remain satisfied and protect the district committed 
 to your charge. You will every year make payment 
 of the amount of the Jummabundy (Revenue) and 
 Khurajat (Charges) by instalments according to the 
 annexed statement, the amount of which will be 
 taken into consideration by our Government, when- 
 ever any affliction befalls your talooka. 
 
 Major Walker's guarantee is given for the 
 observance of these articles, if you abide by the terms 
 
133 
 
 specified in your engagements to settle the tribute 
 for ten years at Baroda, and after that to continue 
 the same in perpetuity in addition to the engage- 
 ments of your File and Ar Zameen : the word of 
 the Sirkar is hereby pledged. 
 
 The following is a List of the Chiefs concerned in the Perpetual 
 Settlement as they appear in Colonel Walker's several Reports. 
 
 Chieftains' Names. 
 
 Perpetual Revenue, 
 inclusive of Khurajat. 
 
 Huree Sing of Limree 
 
 Bhynd of Limree 
 
 Jhalla Khimjee of Tulsana 
 
 Tejabhaee of Wudwana 
 
 ,, Wuktajee of Dewlia 
 
 Waggie of Tavee 
 
 ,, Mooboojee of Pulalee 
 
 ,, Badgeebhaee of Geree 
 
 Dessaljee of Bhulgaum 
 
 ,, Maljee of Sumla 
 
 Gopaljee of Inkawalia 
 
 ,, Asajee of Sounkoon 
 
 ,, Akhobhaee of Karol 
 
 ,, Desuljee of Laliad 
 
 Jeegee of Kandia 
 
 ,, Wursajee of Kuntharia . , 
 
 Ramabhaee of Dherol 
 
 Jeeteejee of Wunala 
 
 ,, Bhaba of Oontree 
 
 Mooloojee and Chundajee of Bhoek . . . . 
 
 ,, Jeewanjee of Chuchana 
 
 Megobhoy of Bhutan 
 
 ,, Putthajee of Jakhun 
 
 ,, Suttajee of Kumalpoor , 
 
 ,, Ruttonjee of Chullala 
 
 Kuslajee of Kumlawa 
 
 Jhalum Sing of Wudwan 
 
 Bhyad of Wudwan 
 
 Jhalla Dajee of Wuna 
 
 ,, Huree Sing of Doodhrej 
 
 Gugajee of Kheralee 
 
 Dewee Sing of Rajpur , 
 
 Rs. qr. r. 
 
 51,931 
 
 985 
 
 1,0/8 
 
 504 
 
 335 
 
 385 
 
 1,296 
 
 1,512 
 
 1,035 
 
 1,403 
 
 5GO 
 
 758 
 
 391 
 
 870 
 
 1,610 
 
 395 
 
 428 
 
 532 
 
 1,899 
 
 343 
 
 692 
 
 261 
 
 837 
 
 1,048 
 
 788 
 
 28,331 
 
 4,011 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1,189 2 
 
 732 
 
 2,804 
 
134 
 
 Chieftains' Names. 
 
 Perpetual Revenue, 
 inclusive of Khurajat. 
 
 Jhalla Kuslajee of Gundialoo 
 
 Kesree Sing of Jumbhar 
 
 Nyajee of Jhampodhur 
 
 Seggajee of Bulloda 
 
 Mhon Sing of Wurod 
 
 Umeer Sing of Drangdra 
 
 Chunder Sing, and 16 Bhyads of Wan 
 kaneer 
 
 Wukmat Sing of Saela 
 
 Pirmar Ramabhoy and Rugabhoy of Moolee . . 
 
 Rassajee of Moonjpoor 
 
 Jhalla Hutee Sing of Choora 
 
 Dessuljee of Kurmura 
 
 Jhut Sujajee of Bujana. 
 
 Jhalla Puttojjee of Luktur 
 
 ,, Ameerjee of Kesria 
 
 Mullik Laka of Bunnode 
 
 Wukut Sing, Dessaee of Patree 
 
 Puthoojee, Kombajee, and their Brothers of 
 
 Jinjoowara 
 
 Lall Meya and Mullik Meya of Dussara 
 
 Jhareja Jehajee, and 7 Bhyads of Moorvee. . . . 
 
 Dosajee, and 4 Bhyads of Mallia .... 
 
 Rawul Wukut Sing of Bhownuggur 
 
 Gohel Muggabhoy of Wulla 
 
 Moteebhoy of Ruttonpoor 
 
 Togajee of Chumaree 
 
 Wachanee Jellajee of Gudolee 
 
 Jessajee of Dedukree 
 
 Phooljee of Ranachawada 
 
 Govindjee of Kantaria 
 
 Jussabhoy of Sonpooree 
 
 Baghabhoy of Waree 
 
 Hootabhoy of Thora 
 
 Janabhoy of Puchegaum 
 
 Vastajee of Chuturawah 
 
 Jaitabhoy of Ramanka 
 
 Wakojee of Wurod 
 
 Gohel Worsajee of Alungpoor 
 
 Woonderjee of Dholla 
 
 Soorsing of Lathee 
 
 Bawajee of Waree Lathee Bhyad 
 
 Rs. qr. r. 
 
 1,520 Q 
 
 501 
 
 148 2 
 
 512 
 
 1,553 
 
 48,909 
 
 18,809 
 
 18,782 
 
 8,908 
 
 651 
 
 151 
 
 8,615 
 
 7,502 
 
 300 
 
 2,108 
 
 5,652 
 
 12,005 
 
 14,001 
 
 60,000 
 
 74,500 
 6,722 
 762 
 777 
 171 
 280 
 260 
 196 
 350 
 300 
 275 
 2,800 
 499 
 720 
 955 
 1,254 
 330 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1,038 
 
135 
 
 Chieftains' Names. 
 
 Perpetual Revenue, 
 inclusive of Khurajat. 
 
 Dossajee of Kajureea 
 
 Dajeebhoy of Rajpeepla 
 
 Haitajee of Bajawudar 
 
 Hunoobhoy of Limra and Karapuldee 
 
 Morjee of Chubareea 
 
 Wuzajee of Wangudura 
 
 Kakabhoy and Nayajee of Gudalee 
 
 Gohel Mooloojee of Batchurwa 
 
 Khachur Watsoor of Patna 
 
 Gohel Soorsing of Verdee 
 
 Oonderjee, and 1 Bhyad of Palitana 
 
 Hallojee Surweya of Dhata 
 
 Nuwab Hamed Khan Babee Bahadoor of Soruth 
 Mooktiar Khan and Guzunpher Khan ol 
 
 Bantwa 
 
 Jeewa Letha and Futteh Khan of Amrapoor. . 
 
 Shaik Budroodeen of Mangrole , 
 
 Siddee Jacoob of Jafferabad 
 
 Dhunta Koteba, and Bhyad of Babriawar .... 
 
 Jam Jessajee of Nowamiggur 
 
 of Hureeana 
 
 of Surufdur 
 
 Jhareja Jonajee of Chanandaly , 
 
 Jam Jessajee of Bhadookeyoo Tukbooksun. . . . 
 Jharejas Jehajee and Mooljee of Kotara Na 
 
 yanee 
 
 Jhareja Runmuljee of Rajkote 
 
 Ranajee of Sirdhar 
 
 Aberajee of Lodeka 
 
 Dewajee of Paal 
 
 Dossajee of Kotareyan 
 
 Dadajee of Gowredur 
 
 Bhanjee of Gurkoo 
 
 ,, Taizajee of Veerwa 
 
 Hodajee of Mowa 
 
 Kanjee of Wudalee 
 
 Rowajee of Krangseal 
 
 Dewajee and Kooer Nathajee of Gondul 
 Doratyee 
 
 Samut Singjee of Naigne 
 
 Hatajee and Kooer Bajsajee of Kotara 
 Sangana 
 
 Rs. qr. r. 
 
 397 
 
 525 
 
 418 
 
 949 2 
 
 2,022 
 
 80 
 
 1,726 
 
 253 
 
 401 
 
 8,000 
 
 4,739 
 
 75,655 
 
 32,002 
 
 552 
 
 95,010 
 5,627 
 4,359 
 
 152 
 
 551 
 
 14,500 
 
 6,003 
 
 1,390 
 
 1,353 
 
 1,024 
 
 1,092 
 
 694 
 
 161 
 
 130 
 
 266 
 
 91 
 
 1,15,005 
 
 3,684 
 
 11,000 
 
136 
 
 Chieftains' Names. 
 
 Perpetual Revenue, 
 inclusive of Khurajat. 
 
 Jhareja Morojee of Rajpoor 
 
 Wunajee of Bharwa 
 
 Radoojee of Shapoor 
 
 Lukajee of Kandar 
 
 Khawas Sugaram of Balumba Jooria 
 
 Hirjee of Amran 
 
 Jhareja Boput Singjee of Dherol 
 
 Hatajee of Kursura 
 
 Satter Singjee of Drappa 
 
 Soorajee of Kuradee 
 
 of Veerpoor 
 
 Kurna of Satodur Wowree 
 
 Mapjee of Darede Mooleloo 
 
 Dadajee of Seesang 
 
 Kachur Bhaam of Burlee 
 
 Dasah of Kurreeana 
 
 Wadsoor of Kumbala 
 
 Malo Gowal of Huttsane 
 
 Kachur Dewdas of Neelwullah 
 
 Chowra Rana of Akcreyori 
 
 Rawut of Rypoor 
 
 Kachur Soora of Burwalah 
 
 Bhaan of Moodookah 
 
 of Sunaloo 
 
 Walla Abub and Jetsoor, &c., Daywiet and 
 Tukera of Baberachamur and Chamurde 
 
 Peeta of Kotadoo Koopanoo 
 
 Rulla and Ooga of Suntale 
 
 Rama of Sumrealoo 
 
 Manseah of Kaunpoor 
 
 Loonah of Paunchwurra 
 
 Hersoor of Balgaum 
 
 Kachur Chela of Wurjaterut , 
 
 Walla Manseah of Jessapoor 
 
 Kachur Jaita and Peeta of Bhadula 
 
 ,, Joieta of Antkote 
 
 Walla Bhoka of Chalalah 
 
 Bhoja of Jaher . 
 
 ,, Dasah of Wankeyen 
 
 Ooga of Sumudealoo , 
 
 Kumaun Iladdo of Dewla , 
 
 Walla Veekumsee of Cherka . 
 
 Rs. qr. r. 
 
 3,955 
 1,505 
 
 11,607 
 
 2,404 
 
 5,346 
 
 2,554 
 
 4,001 
 
 1,891 
 
 1,799 
 
 1,583 
 
 527 
 
 501 
 
 1,093 
 2,101 
 
 3,500 
 5,236 
 
 620 
 
 277 
 
 290 
 
 576 
 
 1,626 
 
 2,149 
 
 553 
 
137 
 
 Chieftains' Names. 
 
 Perpetual Revenue, 
 inclusive of Khurajat, 
 
 Walla Ranuk of Dharee 
 
 Dewa of Humeeghur 
 
 Raje Paal Kotelo of Ghegasurun 
 
 Walla Hursoor of Bugsurah 
 
 ,, Runuk of Wiihdhniou 
 
 Jaita and Dewa and Sadool and Verumsee 
 
 of Jetpoor 
 
 Jaita and Dewa and Sadool and Verum 
 
 see of Cheetul 
 
 Dewa of Dewuleyon 
 
 Peer Walla of Perpunyon 
 
 Walla Oghur of Mohunpoor 
 
 of Cherka 
 
 of Pansurra 
 
 Sadool of Papuleyon 
 
 Jaita of Wulaladee 
 
 Vekumsee of Gurnee 
 
 ,, of Nawaneyon 
 
 Jaita of Wandee. 
 
 of Loonkee 
 
 of Nadala 
 
 ,, of Dewelyon Mootoo 
 
 Hatteya of Torkaun 
 
 of Lahareyon 
 
 Oghur of Bheilaka 
 
 Kachur Wadsoor of Jhusdun 
 
 Bhaan of Kotie 
 
 Dasah of Koodana 
 
 Kachurs Sumalo and Jaita of Aneyalee 
 
 ,, Rana Jetsoor of Seetuleyon 
 
 Naza Ram and Hatteya of Pallyaud. . 
 Kachur Sadool of Sudamra 
 
 Godur of Dhandulpoor 
 
 Kooer Mazoor of Sejukpoor 
 
 Kachur Abul of Anundpoor 
 
 Ooner of Mewasoo 
 
 Daywiet of Chotela 
 
 ,, Veera of Sunosurah 
 
 Wago of Hurmuleyon 
 
 ,, Nazo of Beemora 
 
 Manseoh of Azamur . 
 
 Rs. qr. r. 
 
 176 
 
 727 
 
 38,253 
 
 2,501 
 
 1,161 
 
 2,941 
 
 1,484 
 
 328 
 
 192 
 
 773 
 
 993 
 
 329 
 
 168 
 
 1,399 
 
 478 
 
 1,102 
 
 525 
 
 363 
 
 447 
 
 3,544 
 
 3,610 
 
 493 
 
 435 
 
 285 
 
 110 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 202 
 
 18 
 
138 
 
 Colonel Walker deputed Soonderjee Sewjee as an 
 envoy to the piratical states of Okamundul, who had 
 up to this time maintained their independence, and 
 through his mediation, the Chiefs of Aramra and Beyt 
 engaged to relinquish the practice of piracy and all 
 claims to wrecks on their coasts, and to admit a resi- 
 dent agent of the Company. 
 
 A similar engagement was entered into by the Chief 
 of Dwarka and the Chief of Positra, and Soonderjee 
 Sewjee was appointed resident agent in Okamundul. 
 
139 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 TO THE FIRST RETIREMENT OF COLONEL WALKER 
 FROM THE OFFICE OF RESIDENT AT BARODA. 
 
 ON Colonel Walker's return from Kattywar, he again 
 
 A.D. 1808-09. to k U P tne re-organisation of 
 
 the Guicowar finances and 
 
 establishments, during which fresh causes of dissatis- 
 faction with Seetaram presented themselves. 
 
 On the 4th April 1808, Seetaram waited upon 
 Colonel Walker, apologised for his conduct during 
 the preceding fifteen months, and expressed a hope that 
 he would be received again into the confidence and 
 favour of the Government. 
 
 Major Walker replied to him in favourable terms. 
 
 Seetaram then declared that he had no disagree- 
 ment with Gungadhur Shastree, and begged to avail 
 himself of his assistance in bringing to a settlement 
 his own accounts with the state. He also requested 
 that his brother might be re-called from Bombay, on 
 the plea that he wished him to be present at the 
 ceremony of investing his son with the Jenwi, or 
 thread of his caste. 
 
 Colonel Walker the next day reported this interview 
 favourably to the Government. 
 
140 
 
 Two days after, one Hafiz Ghollam Hoossein, who 
 had been for some time suspected of criminal inten- 
 tions, and who had maintained an intimacy with the 
 family of Seetaram, suddenly absconded, but was 
 pursued and captured. 
 
 On the 9th April, Seetaram again waited on 
 Colonel Walker to explain his connection with the 
 above Hafizjee, who (he said) had been brought to 
 Baroda by Rowjee Appajee fourteen years before. He 
 trusted that an entire oblivion of this connection would 
 be extended to him (Seetaram), and he offered to 
 swear on the pagoda of Yentushwur (than which there 
 was no holier shrine), that from this date he would 
 never act in opposition to the Company's wishes, and 
 never see the face of Hafizjee again. 
 
 Major Walker, on the flight of Hafizjee, had written 
 to have Seetaram's brother detained in Bombay. On 
 the 14th April he reported that from what had been 
 gathered from Hafizjee since his apprehension, his 
 intention was to have retired to Puttun, (one of the 
 districts under the management of Seetaram), as a 
 place adapted either for carrying on a negociation with 
 Scindia, or for flight. He avowed that his purpose 
 was, if possible, to expel the English from Guzerat, 
 and that he had maintained an extensive correspon- 
 dence with views hostile to them. 
 
 Colonel Walker was not, however, of opinion that 
 Seetaram was privy to all his designs, though he 
 might have been " prevailed on to adopt such a part 
 of his pernicious counsels as the art of Hafizjee might 
 have persuaded him would restore him to his former 
 position of undivided power. 
 
141 
 
 Colonel Walker therefore still supported Seetaram's 
 former request, but on the 18th April, he received 
 from Governor Duncan a letter informing him that 
 Seetaram had written a letter charging him with 
 breach of his engagements, which he was determined 
 to submit to the Supreme Government, that Seetaram 
 might have an opportunity of substantiating his 
 accusation. 
 
 Colonel Walker then formally called on Seetaram 
 to do so, and as he was subsequently found to have 
 forwarded a similar letter direct to the Governor Gene- 
 ral, he entered into a distinct refutation of them in 
 the following words : 
 
 " The complaints of infringement of agreement which 
 Seetaram has brought forward are founded on the 10th 
 Article of the Dewanship of the 29th July 1802, where- 
 in the Honorable Company are guarantees that the De- 
 wanship shall be preserved to Rowjee Appajee, arid 
 on a private engagement with the Governor to Rowjee, 
 which promised that his engagement should be perma- 
 nent. The life and situation of Rowjee were considerably 
 endangered in his endeavours to secure the state of his 
 master from ruin and dissolution by a powerful and 
 turbulent military faction, and it was just and necessary 
 to guarantee his security ; but Seetaram should not 
 have ventured to assert that " the administration of the 
 affairs of the Guicowar state was conferred on Rowjee by 
 Annund Rao hereditarily, excluding all participation." 
 The case is that Rowjee actually never received any 
 written authority for his appointment, and (independ- 
 ent of the Daita of his office being divided) Mungul 
 Parick, the Kanjee Walla of the deceased Raja Govind 
 
142 
 
 Rao, actually possessed a greater and more uncontrolled 
 share of power than Rowjee ever pretended to exercise 
 in that Raja's reign." 
 
 " It may not be irrelevant to point out these two 
 instances of mis-statement, as the facts admit of no 
 dispute, and they destroy the conclusion which is 
 attempted to be drawn of these hereditary pretensions 
 being confirmed by treaty. The claim is founded solely 
 on the unsatisfactory manner in which the 10th Article 
 of the engagement of the 29th July 1802 has been ren- 
 dered into the Mahratta language, and Seetaram would 
 wish to construe a very equivocal expression designedly 
 introduced into the Mahratta version into a formal 
 engagement between the two governments to continue 
 the Dewanship to the descendants of Rowba. 
 
 " It may be necessary to remark that at the time 
 the engagement of the 29th July was executed, there 
 was no person attached to this Residency who pos- 
 sessed a knowledge of the Mahratta language in its 
 written character, or who was able to detect inaccu- 
 racy in a written document, and the draft of the Mah- 
 ratta version was accordingly drawn out by Gopal 
 Rao, a dependent of Rowba's. 
 
 " No sooner, however, was the unsatisfactory nature 
 of the translation discovered, then a formal intimation 
 of it was made to Seetaram, who was at the same time 
 informed that the Honorable Company's Government 
 could not conceive itself bound by his construction of a 
 condition so absurd in its consequences, and inconsis- 
 tent with the utmost latitude of our engagements 
 with the Guicowar State. Here the matter rested. I 
 was, however, much concerned to find that when 
 
143 
 
 circumstances had rendered it indispensably necessary, 
 for the welfare of the state of the Guicowar, to avail 
 ourselves of the experience and firmness of Babajee, 
 Seetaram opposed the measure, and that this op- 
 position has been attempted to be justified on the 
 plea of our measures intrenching on the engagement 
 of the 29th July. 
 
 "It would have been extremely easy to have set 
 these pretensions at rest by executing with the Gui- 
 cowar government an amended article of the engage- 
 ment of the 29th July, the two contracting parties 
 being fully at liberty to declare the terms in which 
 they understood a stipulation executed by mutual 
 agreement. 
 
 " Independent, however, of those motives of delicacy 
 and favour towards the Dewan which the Honorable 
 Company had always regarded in their intercourse at 
 Baroda, there were other causes of policy and expedi- 
 ence which rendered it desirable that this error should 
 be rectified as silently as possible, and that neither the 
 personal credit or authority or even safety of the 
 Dewan should be exposed by the public abrogation or 
 alteration of the objectionable clause." 
 
 Major Walker proceeded then to argue at consider- 
 able length, that even if Seetaram's pretensions to 
 an hereditary tenure of office were well founded, 
 still nothing had been done to infringe such an 
 engagement ; but it is unnecessary to reproduce the 
 argument, which rather weakened his first position, 
 that Seetaram had no such pretensions, than added 
 to them any weight. 
 t 
 
144 
 
 The incident is instructive, as showing the inconve- 
 nience of guarantees at all, and especially of guarantees 
 such as that which (however necessary it appeared 
 at the time) Governor Duncan had secretly given to 
 Rowjee Appajee of securing to him the permanent 
 Dewanship of an independent state, and of protecting 
 his son and all his relations for ever. 
 
 Seetaram had now already discovered his intrinsic 
 weakness, and his connection (just confessed) with 
 Hafizjee rendered him extremely submissive and com- 
 plying; so that on Colonel Walker producing before 
 him " two translates of the 10th article of the engage- 
 ment of the 29th July 1802, the one scrupulously 
 literal, and the other with the sense amended accord- 
 ing to the English copy, but the idiom preserved, the 
 insertion of either of which was left to his option," 
 Seetaram, of course, accepted whichever was agreeable 
 to Colonel Walker, and thus the affair terminated. 
 
 After several years' experience, it had been found 
 that the cessions of territory for the payment of the 
 subsidiary force did not produce the amount of revenue 
 calculated, and Colonel Walker, on the 8th July 1808, 
 informed the Government that theGuicowar had made 
 good the deficiency. 
 
 In his report dated 18th June 1804, he gave a 
 comparative statement of the estimated and the actual 
 revenue so far as was then ascertained, and he added, 
 
 N.B. The extremely defective state of the Residency records 
 is exemplified by the absence of Seetaram's original representation, 
 or any copy of it, as well as other papers connected with this affair. 
 
145 
 
 "from the Guicowar cessions must be deducted the value 
 of the Doomalla ( Jagheer) villages, amounting proba- 
 bly to half a lac of rupees." With the reservation of 
 these, there still appeared a surplus revenue, but as 
 this also disappeared under the subsequent manage- 
 ment by the officers of Government, it was necessary 
 to supply the deficit, and therefore an arrangement, 
 subsequent to, and supplementary of, the definitive 
 treaty of 1805, was made on the 18th June 1807 
 which has not been published in the Book of Treaties. 
 
 The Guicowar thus defined it in a memorandum 
 addressed to the Resident : 
 
 " For the payment of the troops Rupees 11,70,000 
 were stipulated, but a deficit has been found in the 
 districts assigned, as follows: 
 
 Districts. 
 
 Estimate. 
 
 Realisation. 
 
 Deficit. 
 
 Excess. 
 
 Dholka .... 
 
 4,50,000 
 
 Rs. a. p. 
 4,13,660 8 
 
 Rs. a. p. 
 31,389 8 
 
 Rs. a. p. 
 Nil 
 
 Kinkatodra . . 
 Lirnree 
 
 50,000 
 30 000 
 
 40,000 
 
 9,900 
 30 000 
 
 Nil 
 
 Bhownuggur 
 
 70,000 
 
 70,000 
 
 
 
 N eriad . . . 
 
 1,75,000 
 
 1,82,100 
 
 
 7,100 
 
 Mahtur . 
 
 1,30,000 
 
 1,34,000 
 
 
 4,000 
 
 Beeiapoor. 
 
 1,30,000 
 
 1,35,700 
 
 
 5,700 
 
 Muhooda . 
 
 1,10.000 
 
 1,15,313 9 
 
 
 5 313 9 
 
 Kurree.. . 
 
 25,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total. . 
 
 11,70,000 
 
 11,15,774 1 
 
 71,289 8 
 
 22,113 9 
 
 Rs. a. p. 
 Doomalla villages excepted 57,043 
 
 1,28,332 8 (} 
 Deduct excess 22, 1 1 3 9 
 
 Total deficit Rs. 1,06,218 15 
 
 19 
 
146 
 
 " To supply this deficiency, a " Warrat" for Rupees 
 50,000, belonging to Meer Kumaloodeen, has been 
 made over : Rupees 2,500 from the villages Sokra, 
 Sadra, and Mulatuj ; Rupees 1,000 from the village 
 of Hydrabad, besides whatever may be clue on account 
 of Bhownuggur and certain Doomalla villages, 
 which we shall take from the owners (giving them 
 compensation), and transfer to you, &c. &c. " 
 
 A subsequent memorandum, under date 12th July 
 1808, recorded how the above promise had been 
 redeemed : 
 
 " With reference to our agreement of the 18th June 
 1807, in which a deficit of Rupees 1,76,168-15-0 was 
 shown on account of Doomalla villages, Enams, &c., 
 the following villages are ceded to make it good. 
 
 " Revenues actually realised in A. D. 1807-08 accord- 
 ing to a memorandum received from the Resident: 
 
 Rs. a. p. 
 
 Bhownuggur 74,500 
 
 Wurrat of Meer Kumaloodeen 50,000 
 
 Sokra, Sadra, and Mulatuj . , 1,450 
 
 Hydrabad 1,000 
 
 1,26,950 
 
 " Doomalla villages released from the 
 owners, and transferred to the Company 
 at the rental of A.D. 1807-8 as follows : 
 
 Dholka Peryunna. 
 
 Bhyad 4,500 
 
 Traj 6,000 
 
 Buruj 3,150 
 
 Kurala '2,150 
 
 15,800 
 
 Carried over. . . . Us. 1,42,750 
 
147 
 
 R?. a . p. 
 Brought over. . . . R*. 1,42,750 
 
 Muhooda Pergunna. 
 
 Gorah 900 
 
 Mahtur Pergunna. 
 
 Menduj, Mullawa, Kenat, and Goradee 8,100 
 
 Juska and Goradoo .-. . . 1,150 
 
 Beejapoor Pergunna. 
 
 Kurra 4,401 
 
 Oondye 2,301 
 
 Revenues to be allotted from the year 
 A.D. 1808-9: 
 
 Runghurghat 3,750 
 
 DOOMALLA VILLAGES. 
 Mahtur Pergunna. 
 
 Anta 950 
 
 Muhooda Pergunna. 
 
 Gogluj 2,500 
 
 Sumadra 1,500 
 
 Bhemal 4,200 
 
 Peempluj 3,66615 
 
 Total Rs. 1,76,168 15 
 
 The following letter from Annund Rao Guicowar to 
 Major Walker on the same subject, and dated 26th 
 June 1808, was received :- 
 
 "As the Doomalla villages which were under the 
 Pergunna ceded inpayment of troops to the Honorable 
 Company were managed separately, the following 
 
148 
 
 arrangement has been made for the continuance of the 
 Dewusthanand other grants from the year 1808-9: 
 
 Dholka Pergunna. 
 
 Raj poora assigned to Shree Chundeshwar Mhadeo. 
 
 Arnuj assigned to Bhool Bowanee. 
 
 Naka Hungola to the fort of Kaira (the Honorable 
 
 Company). 
 
 Angra ditto ditto. 
 
 Kaira and Dadurda ditto ditto. 
 
 Rundownej ditto ditto. 
 
 Kolwar to Narayen Josee Nardeepoor. 
 Me war to Dherujram Josee. 
 
 Muhooda Pergunna. 
 
 Shastapoor to the Jasoos. 
 
 Mehmoodpoor to Untal Josee. 
 
 Kunjerry to Shree Runchorjee of Dakore. 
 These twelve villages should be continued to those 
 to whom they have been given." 
 
 The benevolent exertions of Colonel Walker for the 
 suppression of infanticide among the Jarejas com- 
 menced during his first service in Kattywar, and 
 when Soonderjee Senope was appointed the agent of 
 Government in Okamundul ; he was also entrusted with 
 the prosecution of these measures in Cutch, where 
 his influence was known to be considerable. 
 
 He was likewise directed to negotiate a claim for 3 lacs 
 of rupees compensation for piracies on British vessels 
 ly the Okamundul chiefs to be paid by annual instal- 
 ments. This, however, did not succeed, but Soonderjee 
 
149 
 
 procured the release of a number of vessels and their 
 cargoes, which had been taken by the pirates. 
 
 Colonel Walker regretted that some " vigorous and 
 decisive steps had not been taken in the earlier 
 aggressions of the Oka pirates ; but under the present 
 circumstances, the supervision of Soonderjee was pro- 
 bably the best means, short of the conquest of their 
 possessions, of regulating their future conduct." 
 
 In the month of April 1808, Canoojee Guicowar 
 submitted himself, and was allowed to reside at Padra, 
 about 10 miles west of Baroda, with an annuity of 
 Rupees 50,000 per annum. 
 
 In June of this year, the Chief of Ghorassir entered 
 into a permanent settlement of his tribute on security 
 and principles similar to those of the Chiefs of Katty- 
 war, being the first of the many tributaries not belong- 
 ing to that province who did so. It was considered 
 advantageous, as likely to induce the Mahee Kanta 
 tribes to follow his example. 
 
 On the 23rd July, Colonel Walker submitted a report 
 on the financial condition of the Guicowar state, in 
 the course of which he remarked that the expenditure 
 had been larger than the estimate, particularly in the 
 districts held by Seetaram and his family, in which the 
 profusion and abuse was greater than elsewhere. 
 
 Seetaram likewise resisted to the uttermost the 
 introduction of these reforms and checks into his 
 districts, which were considered indispensable. 
 
 The reforms were calculated to produce the following 
 results : 
 
 Henceforth the revenues of the state would be secur- 
 ed upon the responsibility of wealthy and respect- 
 
150 
 
 able shroffs ; the Mamlutdars restrained from any 
 extra disbursement beyond the fixed establishment, 
 without the previous consent of the durbar; an 
 agent on behalf of the durbar would be introduced 
 into the districts, opening a channel of communica- 
 tion between the people and the sovereign. 
 The actual result of the reforms was an increase of 
 revenue of Rupees 4,14,433-1-0, and a decrease of 
 expenditure of Rupees 2,51,852 on the estimate of the 
 current year. 
 
 The entire revenue of the Guicowar dominions in 
 this year was Rupees 65,073,563, as shown in the 
 statement appended to this Chapter. 
 
 The whole revenue was formed, a system which 
 still distinguishes the fiscal arrangements of the 
 Guicowar state. The farmers were now, however, for 
 the first time brought under the action of written 
 regulations. 
 
 The farmer was to recover all his revenue in the 
 year. All arrears and all balances due by the Ryots for 
 Tuccavi advances were to be reported to the Govern- 
 ment Superintendent. 
 
 For the expenses of each revenue district an 
 allowance was assigned. 
 
 All realisations in excess of the Jumma was to be 
 shown in the accounts. 
 
 The Government Inspector was to have access to the 
 records, and accounts were to be rendered in one month 
 after the close of the year. 
 
 Interest was to be paid by the ryots at 1 per cent, 
 per mensem, if the Jumma was not paid on the appoint- 
 ed dates. 
 
151 
 
 The former was to be credited with any loss arising 
 from public disturbances. 
 
 The object of completing a perpetual settlement with 
 the chiefs of the Mahee Kanta Moolukgeeree was 
 advanced by letters addressed to them, and answers 
 received from the following chiefs : 
 
 The Nuwab of Balasinore. 
 
 The Jemedar of Pahlunpoor. 
 
 The Raja of Edur. 
 
 The Raja of Ahmednuggur. 
 
 The Chief of Peitapoor. 
 
 The Chief of Maunsa. 
 
 In Katty war the Kattees had broken out, and perpe- 
 trated many depredations in the country as well as in 
 the districts ceded to the Honorable Company, and 
 Wittul Rao Deewanjee was directed to march against 
 them. 
 
 The Koly Chief of Amliara, in the Mahee Kanta, 
 had early in this year effectually repulsed an attack 
 made on him by the Guicowar troops aided by 
 Jalim Sing, Raja of Morassa, in person, who was killed 
 in the action. Amliara had been subsequently stormed 
 and plundered by the reinforced Guicowar troops ; but 
 the chief had remained in the fastnesses of the country, 
 and in a threatening attitude ; he now responded to the 
 offers of accommodation made to him, and gave security 
 for his future obedience and good conduct. 
 
 On the 19th December 1 808, Colonel Walker was able 
 to report a " final adjustment in behalf of all the 
 members of the Guicowar family, who have recently 
 returned from exile, and who are henceforward pro- 
 vided with an adequate provision from the durbar/' 
 
152 
 
 Muccoond Rao, an illegitimate son of Go vi rid Kao 
 Guicowar, and Morar Rao, another son by another 
 mother, were invited to Baroda through Kanoojee, and 
 received a maintenance of Rupees 5,000 and Rupees 
 4,000 respectively. 
 
 Deve and Appa Rao, the natural brothers of Mulhar 
 Rao Guicowar, also received Rupees 1,800 per annum 
 each. , 
 
 The only member of the family in exile was Gunput 
 Rao, the late Killedar of Sunkhera, who, however, 
 was in a state of mental imbecility at Dhar, his family 
 being supported at Baroda. 
 
 On the 23rd December, Colonel Walker reported 
 that in carrying out the revenue reforms which had 
 been decided on by the durbar, and communicated to 
 Government, a general change in the charges of the 
 forts and districts was contemplated, in furtherance of 
 which the districts of Puttun and Gulla were to be 
 given up by Seetaram, and Beesnuggur and Veara by 
 Babajee. 
 
 When the Choorchittees, or letters of release, were 
 demanded from Seetaram, he replied by intimating his 
 intention of renouncing charge of all his concerns, and 
 retiring to Benares. Several conferences with See- 
 taram ensued, and he finally gave the letters of release 
 for all the districts under his charge ; but when those 
 for Puttun and Ahmedabad were delivered, Seetaram's 
 agents refused obedience till the Seebundy and 
 bankers were satisfied. 
 
 Seetaram was then remonstrated with, and the most 
 unexceptionable security offered him for the payment 
 of the Seebundy, ,c., and he then gave fresh release 
 
153 
 
 letters, with many professions of sincerity. On these 
 Sunkhera was relinquished, but a fresh refusal came 
 from the agent at Ahmedabad unless the dues of the 
 Seebundy were settled on the spot. 
 
 Colonel Walker immediately ordered up the Bombay 
 European Regiment from Broach. It arrived at Baroda 
 on the 24th December, and on the 31st he was able 
 to report that his assistant, Mr. Carnac, with several 
 officers of the durbar, were to leave Baroda that day, 
 with a view to seeing Ahmedabad delivered up by 
 Seetaram's agent. 
 
 Under these circumstances, Colonel Walker still dis- 
 played his usual moderate and long-suffering spirit. 
 Protracted negotiations were conducted with Seetaram, 
 who still struggled to obtain payment without 
 inquiry to his creditors, without any reference to the 
 propriety of their demands, or providing any mode 
 for the satisfaction of counter-demands of the Govern- 
 ment on himself. Finally, 1 1 lacs of rupees were 
 borrowed by the Government to pay up and discharge 
 the Seebundy of Seetaram's districts ; accounts to be 
 settled hereafter. 
 
 Colonel Walker informed the Government that 
 Seetaram was almost always guided by the counsels 
 of his brother Succaram Chimnajee and Myput Rao 
 Kakajee, and that he himself was a weak rather than 
 a turbulent man ; and as for his eventual disposal, 
 Colonel Walker did not " deem it proper to deprive 
 him of all hope and to drive him to despair." He con- 
 ceived " it would be more consistent with the lenient 
 policy of the Honorable Company at least to keep his 
 expectations in suspense"; therefore he acceded to 
 20 
 
154 
 
 Seetaram's wish to depute an agent to plead with the 
 Governor himself. 
 
 The same month of December likewise saw the 
 termination of another difficulty which had threatened 
 the peace of Kattywar. 
 
 Futteh Mahomed, a partizan soldier, had obtained 
 possession of the person of the Rao of Kutch, and had 
 kept him in confinement while he usurped the powers 
 of Government. This man had in the previous month, 
 in concert with the Chief of Morvee, marched his troops 
 into the Hallar district of the peninsula, with the in- 
 tention of attacking Nowanuggur, while he sent an 
 expedition across the Gulf in 15 vessels, which was 
 repulsed. Colonel Walker addressed Futteh Maho- 
 med on the 5th December, expressing his astonishment 
 at this movement against a state under the protection 
 of the Honorable Company, and assured him that any 
 just demands he might have on Nowanuggur, would 
 be made good under the mediation of the Company. 
 This being conveyed to him by Soonderjee Sewjee, 
 produced the desired effect, and he returned to Cutch. 
 The district of Hallar, however, suffered considerably 
 both from foes and friends as usual. Colonel Walker 
 had doubtless peculiar satisfaction (in the early pros- 
 pect of retiring from his office as Resident) of being 
 able to report that his endeavours to eradicate the 
 practice of infanticide had already begun to bear fruit, 
 in forwarding with his letter of the 16th December 
 copy of a report from his Native agent in Kattywar 
 to that effect. [Enclosure missing.] 
 
 The story of the year 1808 may be well closed by 
 the transcript of Colonel Walker's despatch, which 
 
155 
 
 announced his approaching relinquishment of the 
 Residency, and introduced the name of his successor, 
 who subsequently became Governor of Bombay, and 
 Chairman of the East India Company : 
 
 " 1. The period having* now nearly arrived when I 
 shall request your permission to resign the situation 
 of Resident at Baroda, I deem it but an act of justice 
 to the office in which I have so long been honoured 
 with your confidence and support, to submit, with the 
 greatest deference and respect, such observations as I 
 conceive may have some weight when the choice of 
 my successor may become an object of your consi- 
 deration. 
 
 "2. During the period of seven years in which 
 I have been entrusted with the charge of the Honor- 
 able Company's interests at the Guicowar durbar, the 
 views of the Honorable Company have been directed 
 to certain objects of political advantage, having a more 
 intimate connection with the internal management of 
 the Guicowar affairs than is generally usual in political 
 residencies. 
 
 "3. Certain causes of a delicate nature called for 
 and demanded an active interference in, and vigilant 
 control over, every part of internal management, 
 without which the objects of the Honorable Company's 
 Government could scarcely have been obtained, 
 and the government of the Guicowar saved from 
 the state of anarchy and confusion with which it was 
 threatened. 
 
 " 4. The accurate knowledge which you, Honor- 
 able Sir, possess of the progress of every public 
 measure at Baroda, renders recapitulation or argument 
 
156 
 
 unnecessary. It will probably be admitted that a con- 
 siderable part of the success which has attended the 
 projects of the Honorable Company's Government in 
 Guzerat has been produced by that intimate acquaint, 
 ance with the members of the administration, and the 
 smallest affairs of the government, which a long 
 residence and constant attention could alone produce. 
 
 " 5. It is evident that the preservation of the advan- 
 tages which the Honorable Company have acquired in 
 Guzerat must be dependent, in a considerable degree, 
 on a continuation of the same conduct which acquired 
 them ; for when we reflect upon the character of each 
 individual of the administration of Annund Rao 
 Guicowar actuated by interest, enmity, and ambition, 
 their views and passions scarcely controlled by any 
 consideration but their awe of the Company's Go- 
 vernment, it would be putting too much confidence in 
 the weakness of human nature to suppose that they 
 would neglect to avail themselves of every advantage 
 which the disposition of the Rajah, or the inexperience 
 of Futteh Sing would enable them to obtain. 
 
 11 6. Hence, Honorable Sir, arises an evident neces- 
 sity of placing a control over them in the person of 
 the British agent who may have to reside at Baroda. 
 
 61 7. This control, however, from the nature of the 
 case, can only be effectually imposed by a person whose 
 previous habits and acquaintance, both with the prin- 
 ciples and progress of measures at Baroda, enable him 
 to follow and detect the acts of the administration as 
 they occur, and, by the seasonable interposition of the 
 Honorable Company's authority, check irregularities 
 as they may arise. 
 
157 
 
 "8. This will certainly require some conduct and 
 some delicacy. Giving, therefore, full weight to the 
 preceding considerations, I respectfully beg leave to 
 solicit your attention to the claims and services of Mr. 
 Carnac, the present First Assistant to this Residency. 
 
 " 9. Mr. Carnac joined me on my first arrival at 
 Baroda in 1802. He has, consequently, been present 
 and assisted in the execution of every measure of the 
 Honorable Company's Government, and I am happy, 
 on this public occasion, to acknowledge and point out 
 to the notice of the Honorable Company's Govern- 
 ment my sense of the value of that gentleman's 
 assistance and services. 
 
 " 10. The Honorable the Governor in Council has 
 upon several occasions recorded his testimony of 
 approbation on Mr. Carnac's conduct and services, and 
 the propriety and ability with which he conducted 
 the duties of the Residency during my absence in 
 Kattywar, afford him an additional claim to the notice 
 of Government. 
 
 "11. Being personally known to the Guicowar 
 family and the administration, and possessing every 
 facility of colloquial intercourse, to them he would be an 
 agent peculiarly acceptable, from their previous know- 
 ledge of his habits, character, and disposition ; while 
 his other local requirements render him in every other 
 respect an unexceptionable person to protect and pre- 
 serve the Honorable Company's interests at Baroda. 
 
 " 12. To Futteh Sing Guicowar in particular, with 
 whom Mr. Carnac has cultivated an useful acquain- 
 tance, his succession to this Residency would be 
 considered particularly gratifying. This prince has 
 
158 
 
 frequently expressed his wishes to me in favour of Mr. 
 Carnac, but more particularly in a letter to my address, 
 which the knowledge of my intended departure from 
 Baroda produced. 
 
 "13. It may also be proper to advert to the circum- 
 stances under which this gentleman joined this 
 Residency. At that time his father, Mr. Rivett, was a 
 member in the Council of the Presidency, and his 
 views were evidently directed to obtain an establish- 
 ment for his son in Guzerat, by causing him to devote 
 his time to the acquirement of that experience which 
 might eventually entitle him to the succession. It is 
 therefore but performing a pleasing part of my duty 
 in noticing Mr. Carnac's pretensions, acquired by the 
 sacrifice of several years of valuable time, under the 
 just hope that the services and situation of his father 
 would secure him the approbation and support of the 
 Honorable the Governor in Council." 
 
 Lieutenant Carnac was thereupon appointed Acting 
 Resident until further orders and until the pleasure of 
 the Court of Directors should be known, and Colonel 
 Walker gave up the charge of the Residency, and left 
 Baroda on the llth January 1809. 
 
159 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE annals of the year 1811 and 1812, which form 
 the subject of the present Chapter, include some events 
 of considerable importance in the history of the 
 province. These were hostilities against the Jam 
 of Nowanuggur ; the detection of Kanoojee Guicowar's 
 last conspiracy, and his ultimate fate ; the disputed 
 succession in the Joonaghur family ; the liquidation of 
 the pecuniary claims of the Honorable Company on 
 the Guicowar state ; and the perpetual settlement with 
 the tributaries of the Mahee Kanta Moolukgeeree. 
 
 It was early in the year 1811 that the necessity of 
 completing the arrangement initiated by Major Walker 
 for the repayment of the pecuniary claims of the Cutch 
 government on the Jam of Nowanuggur became 
 obvious. At the same time, the distracted condition 
 of Poorbunder, the disputed succession in the family 
 of Joonaghur, the renewed depredations of the Katties 
 in the Company's districts, and the occurrence of fresh 
 piracies, called for a demonstration of power, and the 
 presence of the Resident in Katty war. 
 
 Captain Carnac informed Government, on the 8th 
 August, that the turbulence and ambition of the Jam 
 would render the use of compulsion necessary to secure 
 the payment of the Cutch demands. These consisted 
 of bond debts, 5 lacs of Korees incurred for military 
 assistance rendered to the Jam in his quarrels with his 
 minister, the Khawass, with interest thereupon to the 
 
160 
 
 amount of Korees 7 lacs and 60,000, and the expenses 
 of subsequent ineffectual attempts to enforce payment 
 amounting to 6 lacs of Korees in addition : total 
 1,860,000 Korees. 
 
 The Jam not only evaded all settlement of these 
 claims, but evinced his arrogance and hostility in eject- 
 ing the agent employed in anti-infanticide inquiries 
 from his territory, and in his insolent reply to a demand 
 of satisfaction for a cowardly and savage attack on an 
 officer (Lieutenant Knight) by some of the mercena- 
 ries of his fort of Moor poor. 
 
 The Jam, in his written reply for satisfaction for this 
 outrage, merely said " This European was probably 
 walking intoxicated, and by chance a quarrel occurred 
 with a sepoy, who wounded him." The sepoy had 
 been dismissed, and the Jam offered money to Lieute- 
 nant Knight, who, though refusing it, was willing (as 
 was Major Boye, his Commanding Officer) to accept 
 the apologies of the Jam. Captain Carnac, however, 
 informed the Jam that they were insufficient, and 
 demanded the surrender of the assailants for punish- 
 ment, for the Jain's general behaviour was offensive, 
 and this was only an isolated " proof of the existence 
 of the same spirit of barbarity, the cognisance of which 
 has already been declared with a profligate effrontery." 
 
 This Jam (Jesajee) had evidently projects of asserting 
 his independence ; he had formerly and now again 
 instigated the other Kattywar chiefs to combine 
 against the paramount power at the very moment 
 when (fool as he was) that power alone stood between 
 him and an invasion by the superior forces of the 
 Cutch government. 
 
161 
 
 In Poorbuncler, Prethiraj, the son and heir of the 
 Rana had placed himself at the head of a body of 
 mercenaries, and seized on the forts Chyah and 
 Kuseevah, demanding of his father, as the price of his 
 returning to reside quietly in Poorbunder, " the pos- 
 session of one of the gates, a guard of 50 of his own 
 followers, his two principal counsellors to receive 
 salaries from the state, one of them to hold the above- 
 mentioned gate, the other to have possession of the 
 fort of Chyah, with a garrison of 50 men, to be also 
 paid by the state ; all the expenses of his household 
 to be paid monthly by the state ; an appanage, equal 
 to that of his grandfather, Lartanjee (after his abdica- 
 tion) to be granted him, and (final stroke of the scribes 
 who drew up the document) a salary granted to his 
 two secretaries." 
 
 Captain El wood, who commanded the independent 
 Company at Poorbunder, vainly endeavoured (doubt- 
 less with many apt and choice metaphors), to bring 
 Prethiraj to a sense of the extravagance of his conduct ; 
 and as the Honorable Company had a special interest 
 in the welfare of Poorbunder, a small force under 
 Colonel East was at once sent up thither, which speedily 
 extinguished Prethiraj, stormed the fort of Chyah, and 
 occupied that of Kusseerah. 
 
 The petty piratical states of Okamundul having, in 
 spite of (or in consequence of the neglect of) Soonderjee 
 Seojee, evinced a tendency to revert to their evil 
 propensities, one illustration of which was their 
 rebuilding the fort at Positra, Colonel East, on the 
 13th June 1811, proceeded thither, and dismantled it. 
 The Bombay Government had meditated placing a 
 
 21 
 
162 
 
 permanent detachment there, but Colonel East having 
 retired to Poorbunder before orders reached him, this 
 salutary measure, which would probably have led to 
 the annexation of Okamundul, and put into the posses- 
 sion of the Honorable Company the best harbour on 
 that coast, and a bridle in the jaws of all the pirates 
 that issued from the creeks of Sind and the Gulf of 
 Cutch, was not completed. 
 
 On the death of Navvab Hamid Khan, of Joonaghur, 
 his son, Behander Khan, a youth of 17 years of age, 
 was put forward in opposition to Sulabut Khan, the 
 younger, and (as was at first declared by Captain 
 Carnacand Baroda administration) legitimate son ; the 
 first was the son of a slave girl, the latter of a lady of 
 the Rhadunpoor family. 
 
 To arrange all these matters, the Bombay Govern- 
 ment sanctioned the journey of the Resident to 
 Kattywar, a considerable reinforcement was added tu 
 Colonel East's detachment, and the whole placed 
 under the command of Colonel Smith. 
 
 Futteh Sing Guicowar accompanied the Resident on 
 this occasion. 
 
 Before leaving Baroda, however, the affairs of Seeta- 
 ram, the ex-minister, demanded attention. Always 
 lax and profuse in his pecuniary affairs, Seetaram had 
 become involved in the distresses of his brother Suka- 
 ram Bapoo, who had foolishly undertaken the manage- 
 ment of the principality of Dhar, which he proceeded 
 with in the same spirit of folly in which he had 
 entered on it. A part of his troops had been raised at 
 Baroda, and now returned to demand their pay from 
 Seetaram, who had engaged them. They surrounded 
 
163 
 
 his house, and put him in Dhurna. Rupees 2,87,000 
 \vere owing, but a compromise could be effected for 
 Rupees 1,10,000 paid down; this was raised on the 
 guarantee of the Honorable Company, to be repaid by 
 instalments out of his pension : the guarantee was 
 given on 5th September 1811, and Seetaram released 
 from Dhurna; he showed his gratitude in the follow- 
 ing March. 
 
 The Sooba of Kattywar, which had hitherto been 
 held by the family of Babajee, was now conferred on 
 Wittul Rao Deewanjee. 
 
 The original treaties concluded between the Honor- 
 able Company and Annund Rao Guicowar, which had 
 hitherto been in the custody of Seetaram, were formal- 
 ly delivered to Futteh Sing Guicowar in full durbar 
 on the 21st August 1811. 
 
 The force under Colonel Smith was assembled at 
 Poorbunder, whither Captain Carnac repaired. The 
 obstinacy of the Nowanuggur chief had shown itself 
 in preparations for resistance ; in repudiating all his 
 engagements entered into with Colonel Walker ; in 
 treating with severity those of his dependents who had 
 negotiated them ; in driving the Guieowar's agents out 
 of his territory with every mark of contempt, and in 
 laying waste his own villages to impede the march of 
 the British force. 
 
 Colonel Smith moved from Poorbunder on the 17th 
 January 1812, halted on the Nowanuggur frontier 
 from the 19th to the 27th, while articles of submis- 
 sion were transmitted to the Jam for his acceptance. 
 
 Captain Carnac, in addition to these articles, had 
 recommended that, in case of continued obstinacy, the 
 
164 
 
 Guicowar should be allowed to demand a cession of a 
 moiety of the Jam's territory, arid to exercise a per- 
 manent control over the administration of that chief; 
 but the Bombay Government was not prepared to go 
 quite so far as the Resident in aggrandizing their ally, 
 and, rejecting the/0nwer proposal in toto, desired an 
 explanation of the nature and extent of the proposed 
 control. 
 
 The Jam evaded agreeing to the articles, and as 
 Lieutenant Phelan, of H. M.'s 47th, was killed while 
 out shooting in the vicinity of camp by some of the 
 Jam's people, the force again advanced, at the earnest 
 solicitations of an envoy from Nowanuggur. It then 
 halted for a day, again advanced on receiving only 
 vague assurances at second-hand, and on the 12th 
 February arrived within three miles of the town. 
 Fresh negociators then came out, and caused a delay of 
 several days, ending in Captain Carnac's mortification 
 at finding himself still met with deceit and evasion. 
 On the 16th the troops were under arms, and had 
 advanced some hundred paces, when another deputa- 
 tion was met, promising full and entire submission to 
 the demands of the allied governments. 
 
 The same game was protracted for four more days, 
 till, on the evening of the 20th, Captain Carnac limited 
 the term of grace to 3 o'clock the next morning. The 
 force at that hour took up its final position, and 
 commenced erecting batteries (not without being fired 
 upon). These were not, however, ready till the evening 
 of the 23rd ; the ultimatum was then again offered. 
 Four new. articles being added to the former, viz. 
 Is/, a permanent augmentation of tribute; 2w7, the 
 
165 
 
 cession of Serryah bunder ; 3rd, payment of a fine 
 for firing on the British troops ; 4th, the destruction 
 of the fort of Moor poor, where Lieutenant Knight had 
 been wounded, and from which the murderers of 
 Lieutenant Phelan had issued. 
 
 Having exhausted all the acts of defiance, procrasti- 
 nation, and delusion, and finding the end rapidly 
 approaching, the Jam succumbed. 
 
 The pecuniary claims of the Cutch Government 
 were then submitted to the arbitration of Captain 
 Carnac. They were fixed by him at 13 lacs of Korees, 
 or Rupees 4,33,330, which the Jam bound himself to 
 pay in five annual instalments. 
 
 The Bombay Government, on the 22nd June, ap- 
 proved of the terms offered to, and accepted by the Jam 
 (see Appendix), but desired some explanation of the 
 pecuniary arrangements, as it appeared that Captain 
 Carnac's settlement had imposed on the Jam a much 
 larger sum than Colonel Walker had at all anticipated, 
 he having stated that Korees 5,75,000 would be con- 
 sidered amply sufficient to satisfy the demands of the 
 Cutch Government, whereas Captain Carnac had 
 awarded nearly three times that amount. 
 
 Captain Carnac's views of the Joonaghur question 
 were much changed since he first reported on it. 
 
 He now doubted whether any benefit would be 
 derived from interference. Behander Khan was no 
 doubt illegitimate, but there \vere reasons for doubting 
 whether Suiabut Khan was not spurious ; the former 
 was older, had a strong party, and was in possession ; he 
 was likewise willing to gratify the Guicowar govern- 
 ment for its support, for "it was in contemplation 
 
166 
 
 after the execution of the requisite arrangements in 
 this question, the Joonaghur authorities were prepared 
 to enter on some compromise of the possession of the 
 Port of Korinar, which now belongs in equal propor- 
 tions to Joonaghur and the Guicowar Government ; 
 and also the tribute which the former levies on the 
 Guicowar fort of Umrellee and its dependencies ; the 
 constant disputes prevailing at Korinar between the 
 authorities of the respective governments, which 
 ultimately tend to general disadvantage, and to the 
 suppression of all mercantile pursuits and industry 
 among its inhabitants, render it an object to consoli- 
 date that possession. The last-mentioned claim (of 
 tribute) was renounced by the late Nawab, but the 
 deed to that effect from negligence was not executed ; 
 
 the claim itself amounting only to Rupees 
 
 annually, is of recent existence, and has not been de- 
 manded for some years." 
 
 The Government of Bombay was surprised and 
 dissatisfied with this view of the matter. Thev remarked 
 
 / 
 
 (1st June) that Captain Carnac in his first report on the 
 Joonaghur succession had not expressed any doubt at 
 all of the legitimacy of the younger son of the late 
 Nawab, and the Baroda administration had avowed its 
 intention of supporting his pretensions. In a subse- 
 quent letter similar views had been expressed, and the 
 Government had then warned the Resident not to afford 
 any countenance to the usurpation of Behander Khan, 
 but to use every advisable means of reinstating the 
 younger, and, as then supposed, legitimate son. The 
 Government also reminded Captain Carnac that he had 
 again, on a later occasion, reiterated that the Baroda 
 
167 
 
 Government was warmly interested in the claims of the 
 legitimate son, who, he had added, had a powerful 
 party in his favour. The sentiments of the Bombay 
 Government had been in perfect unison with these 
 feelings of the Baroda administration ; had concurred 
 in his support ; and expressed a pointed opinion that 
 any delay in the settlement of its affairs would tend to 
 the consolidation of the power of the usurper. 
 
 The Government was therefore concerned to find 
 that though the British force for the settlement of 
 Kattywar difficulties was in the province, the Baroda 
 administration was disposed to favour the views of the 
 usurper, and instructed the Resident to seize an early 
 opportunity of communicating to the Guicowar the 
 explicit declaration that they disavowed all connection 
 with any measure which might be constructed as 
 supporting the usurpation of Behander Khan, and 
 regretted the inefficiency and delays that had marked 
 our interposition in the settlement of this question ; 
 and, in particular, that having made a movement in 
 that direction, the Resident should have acquiesced in 
 the policy of the Guicowar Government rather than 
 enforced the rights of the legitimate heir with the aid 
 of the force then assembled in Kattywar for such very 
 purposes. 
 
 On the 20th August 1813, Captain Carnac, in reply 
 to these strictures of Government, submitted copy of 
 a report* by Captain McMurdo, his Assistant in 
 
 * Note. Portions of this despatch shown by blank lines have 
 been torn off. 
 
168 
 
 Kattywar, dated 23rd December 1812, in which that 
 Officer expressed himself in the following terms : 
 
 " The primary object which called for my attention 
 was to institute an inquiry into the right of succession 
 to the Musnud disputed by Behander Khan, the 
 illegitimate son of the late Nawab Harned Khan, and 
 Salabut Khan, his reputed son by a lawful wife, and 
 to ascertain the grounds upon which they respectively 
 founded their claims, so that no doubt should remain 
 on a subject of such importance. 
 
 " It would be superfluous to point out to your notice 
 the obstacles which naturally presented themselves to 
 a satisfactory research into a dispute of this nature, 
 and it evidently required much caution to avoid being 
 deceived by the arguments advanced by both parties, 
 and to discover the truth in the series of contradictions 
 which occurred in the course of the investigation. 
 
 " The title of this youth (Salabut Khan), you are 
 already informed, was considered by the respectable 
 people of the country, even during the life-time of 
 Hamed Khan, as an intrigue of the Zenana, and the 
 circumstances attending his adoption by the Begum 
 Kumaul Bukhtoo, you are also aware, are, at present, 
 universally acknowledged and spoken of without 
 reserve. 
 
 " To elucidate the deception of his birth, it may be 
 necessary, however, to state that the Begum, at the 
 earliest stage of her supposed pregnancy, retired from 
 Joonaghur to Kesode, where she remained quite pri- 
 vately until the time of her delivery had arrived. Of 
 three pregnant women whom she had kept with her, 
 one only was delivered of a son, which was adopted by 
 
169 
 
 the Begum, and the glad tidings of his birth promul- 
 gated throughout the country. 
 
 " The parents of this child are affirmed to be oil- 
 manufacturers, and although it might be difficult to 
 acquire positive proof of a transaction of so private a 
 nature, or to induce those concerned to acknowledge 
 the fraud, still, I beg leave to add, the truth of the 
 important parts of this statement has been corroborat- 
 ed by every disinterested person with whom I have 
 made it my duty to converse on the subject. 
 
 " I have the honour at the same time to transmit 
 copy and translate of the deed executed by the Begum 
 Kumaul Bukhtoo acknowledging the illegitimacy of 
 Sulabut Khan ; but as this paper has been reported to 
 have been taken from lier by force, I shall take the 
 liberty to submit what has come to my knowledge 
 
 impression may invalidate in your mind, 
 
 the authenticity of a document of the utmost conse- 
 quence to the discovery of the truth. 
 
 " A few hours before the demise of the late Nawab, 
 he recommended to Oomur Mokhasun (a Nawab 
 Jemedar who had repeatedly saved his life) and Mirza 
 Azimbeg, a Chella of his own family, to support 
 the just title of Behauder Khan, and desired them to 
 look upon him as the son of his lawful wife, and to 
 instruct him to respect Kumaul Bukhtoo as a parent. 
 Shortly after the death of Hamed Khan, this youth was 
 removed from Puttun (where he had hitherto resided 
 with his mother) and placed under the protection of 
 obedience. 
 
 " The friends of Behauder Khan were induced thus 
 to conciliate the Begum from a knowledge of the design 
 
 22 
 
170 
 
 with which she had adopted Sulabut Khan. Their 
 endeavours to blind that lady to their views by marked 
 courtesy and respect completely succeeded, and in full 
 confidence of the devotion of Behauder Khan and his 
 party to her will, at a time when she was not only free 
 from personal restraint, but in full possession of power, 
 Kumaul Bukhtoo voluntarily executed the deed in ques- 
 tion, and, at the request of Behauder Khan's friend, 
 
 rendered it more authentic by seals of 
 
 the Peer Zadas of Joonaghur, who, I beg to remark, 
 have ' pervaded the family. 
 
 " The only arguments which were adduced in favour 
 of Sulabut Khan were the ceremonies attending his 
 birth, and the assertions of the Beebee's Mehta that 
 he was the son of Hamed Khan by Kumaul Bukhtoo, 
 but the latter were unsubstantiated by any testimony, 
 and not supported by a high person of the late Nawab's 
 government or family. 
 
 " A disputed title to a government is generally 
 considered as holding forth strong encouragement for 
 individuals to advance their personal interests by sup- 
 porting with their influence the claims of one or other 
 of the competitors ; but in the case of Joonaghur, we 
 
 observe a struggle between more for 
 
 many months, without one attempt having been 
 made by either to espouse the pretensions of Sula- 
 but Khan, which, had they possessed the smallest 
 grounds of justice, would scarcely, it may be pre- 
 sumed, under such circumstances, have been so totally 
 neglected. 
 
 " The result of this part of the inquiry has been the 
 iion of the title of Sulabut Khan to the Musnud 
 
171 
 
 of Joonaghur, and I trust that, upon a due considera- 
 tion of what has been advanced, together with the cir- 
 cumstance of the late Nuwab having persisted in dis- 
 avowing the child even on his death-bed, it will appear 
 conclusive to your mind, and that of the Right Honor- 
 able the Governor in would have been 
 
 to have acknowledged a right, the legitimacy of which 
 rests upon the ipse dlxit of interested persons, and not 
 even corroborated by presumptive testimony. 
 
 " The title of Sulabut Khan having thus been set 
 aside, the next object of attention that presented itself 
 was to discover upon what grounds his rival founded 
 his pretensions to the government, and to ascertain 
 whether or not the desire of countenancing none but 
 legitimate authority would render it necessary to search 
 for a lineal descendant of Hamed Khan in another 
 branch of the family. 
 
 " The authorities of Joonaghur met our inquiries 
 on this subject by producing an attested copy of the 
 
 Khan, his heir. I am aware this 
 
 document is already in your possession, but as it is a 
 principal link in the chain of evidence submitted in 
 this report, I take the liberty to enclose translation of 
 a copy, attested by the seals of the Jemedar Oomer 
 Mokhasun. 
 
 " By the tenets of the Mahomedan law, a child 
 born of a woman of ever so mean or disreputable a 
 family is considered Hullal, or legitimate, provided the 
 ceremony of Nika has been previously performed by 
 the parties ; and in this view of the case, Behauder 
 Khan is perfectly qualified to inherit the honours of his 
 family, as it is a fact which has never been doubted that 
 
172 
 
 the late Nuwab and the mother of Behauder Khaii 
 had Kazee of Joonaghur. 
 
 " In addition to these powerful vouchers, the justice 
 of the pretensions of Behauder Khan was argued by his 
 advocates, on the grounds of precedent and established 
 usage, and they adduced in evidence the cases of 
 Hamed Khan and his father, Mohobut Khan, who 
 were both the offsprings of a similar connexion to that 
 in which Behauder Khan was born, and who, in default 
 of progeny in the established and more legitimate 
 form of wedlock, succeeded respectively to the Musnud 
 with general approbation, and whose claims were never 
 challenged by any branch of the Babi family. 
 
 61 The truth of this assertion in the 
 
 country, and does not admit of a doubt ; but as it may 
 be satisfactory to the Right Honorable the Governor in 
 Council that no evidence on a subject of such interest 
 should pass unrecorded, I beg leave to forward the 
 deposition of Runguldas Tricumdas, whose family have 
 resided in Joonaghur for many years, and who himself, 
 for a short period, administered to the affairs of go- 
 vernment during the life-time of Hamed Khan. 
 
 " The evidence adduced on this head appeared to 
 the Dewanjee and myself to establish beyond a doubt 
 the validity of the pretensions of Behauder Khan, and, 
 under that impression, he has been formally acknow- 
 ledged as heir to the Musnud of Joonaghur ; and in 
 
 concluding the only respectfully to 
 
 express a hope that the principle upon which the forego- 
 ing decisions have been formed, may be considered such 
 as to induce my superiors to extend their confirmation 
 to the propriety and justice of the measures. 
 
173 
 
 " I shall now proceed to detail for your information 
 the circumstances attending the settlement of the 
 differences that existed between the authorities of 
 Joonaghur and the Guicowar government ; but in 
 order that the motives for the acquiescence of the 
 former to demands which they rejected nine months 
 since may be more clearly understood, I shall state, as 
 concisely as possible, the situation of affairs in that 
 
 capital from non-compliance with the 
 
 wishes of Government did not proceed from any 
 established principle of opposition to legal authority, 
 but had its origin in the selfish conduct of certain indi- 
 viduals, who, in order to support their private views, 
 sacrificed the good of the state by thwarting each 
 other in every attempt made to an accommodation. 
 
 " Previous to your final departure from Kattywar, 
 proposals for an adjustment had been made to Wittul 
 Rao Dewanjee through Rugonathjee Mehta of Kotiana, 
 who, although his family still possesses the title of 
 Dewan of Joonaghur, was excluded from all share 
 in the administration some years before the late 
 
 Nawab's death perceived could not be 
 
 matured in consequence of a violent opposition to 
 the introduction of the authority of Rugonathjee's 
 family into the government. 
 
 " The leaders of the adverse party were Oomur 
 Mokhasun, the principal Arab Jemedar, and Mirza 
 Azimbeg, a Chella and confidential servant of the late 
 Nawab. The objections which these persons had to 
 the Kotiana Nuzur being placed in the management of 
 affairs, arose from the pride and ambition which have 
 long characterised that family, and from a conviction 
 
174 
 
 that their of all the ancient servants 
 
 of the government followed by the appropriation of the 
 honour and emoluments of the state to their own 
 aggrandisement, a line of conduct which has been 
 pursued by their father, and to which in the end he 
 fell a victim. 
 
 " In consequence of these dissensions among the 
 self-constituted ministers of the government, the 
 authority of Behauder, which they had unanimously 
 agreed to acknowledge, was entirely superseded, and a 
 
 Takeef placed upon the gates of the palace 
 
 Sebundy, ostensibly for arrears of the 
 
 amount of five lacs of Korees lac of rupees 
 
 due to the shroff Guicowar army for which 
 
 Oomur Mokhasun is Bhandery. 
 
 " Ragonathjee and his brother Runchorjee Mehta 
 
 had no influence in their name and 
 
 family, and a few of the inferior Sebundy Jemedars ; 
 whilst their opponents not only possessed the principal 
 gates of the town, but could at pleasure command the 
 person of Behauder Khan. Thus powerful, however, 
 they nevertheless declared their determination to form 
 no government without the sanction of the supreme 
 authority in the country, and openly (and with 
 apparent justice) accused Runchorjee and his brother 
 of having prevented the proposals casually made to 
 you at Lallwar from being matured, for the purpose 
 of furthering their own ambitious views, which would 
 have been frustrated by an arrangement at that time. 
 
 " The two parties, equally alarmed at the controlling 
 
 influence with establishing in the place, 
 
 kept up a secret communication with that officer and 
 
175 
 
 myself, whilst Behauder Khan and his mother, evi- 
 dently undecided to whose management they should 
 entrust themselves, intrigued by turns with each. The 
 principal resources of Joonaghur having been withheld 
 by the Guicowar government, it soon became apparent 
 that the period was fast approaching which would 
 terminate the disputes, and by a passive line of conduct 
 on our part, affairs would of their own accord mature 
 and enable us effectually and without trouble to secure 
 the interests, and support the authority of the Guicowar 
 government 
 
 " Accordingly, early RunchorjeeMehta 
 
 Commu conclude an arrangement in 
 
 the terms demanded by the Guicowar government, 
 and these proposals were immediately followed by 
 others of a similar nature by the Jemedar Oomur and 
 his party, with the intimation that Runchorjee had 
 procured the seal of government privately from the 
 mother of Behauder, and that his own powers had been 
 publicly authenticated in the durbar under the gua- 
 rantee of the Peerzadas, who, from the prospect of a 
 happy settlement of all disputes, were induced to 
 attend for the first time since the death of Hamed 
 Khan. 
 
 " Independently of other circumstances, a knowledge 
 that Behauder Khan had become jealous of the autho- 
 rity gave a colour of truth to the asser- 
 tion of Oomur Mokhasun regarding the illicit measures 
 by which Runchorjee had in this trans- 
 action, and combined with the tenor of a communication 
 made by that Mehta, that the sanction of Government 
 would be required to his appropriation of certain lands 
 
17G 
 
 and forts for his own benefit and security, decided the 
 Dewanjee and myself upon countenancing, though not 
 exclusively, the advances of the Sebundy. 
 
 " It may be proper in this place to remark that the 
 Kotiana Mehtas have shown themselves in several 
 instances to be decidedly inimical to the Guicowar 
 authorities in this country ; and under such circum- 
 stances, it might not be a state such as 
 
 Joonaghur. 
 
 " Oomur Mokhasun arrived in this camp early in 
 November with Kessundas and Petamber, two Kar- 
 
 barees of the government, and after 
 
 presented by the Dewanjee, but in consequence of 
 further intrigues by the Kotiana Mehtas in Joonaghur, 
 which have with difficulty been thwarted, the cus- 
 tomary deeds on the different articles were not exe- 
 cuted until my departure from Kattywar. 
 
 " Few remarks appear to be necessary to be made 
 
 on the articles of agreement. They as suggested 
 
 in your official letter to Government, under date 23rd 
 April last, for the cession of the share of Korinar and 
 the Jummabundy upon the Guicowar Mahal of 
 Umrellee and its dependencies, which latter had been 
 renounced by the late Nawab. They also embrace an 
 arrangement for the free pilgrimage to Somnath 
 
 Puttun, which lively interest with the 
 
 Guicowar government, and anxiously desired by 
 Hindoos of all classes to relieve this sacred and famous 
 place of pilgrimage from the insults of the Mahome- 
 dans, who not only sedulously obstructed their wor- 
 ship, but entered the recesses of their temples, without 
 the smallest respect to their prejudices or customs. 
 
177 
 
 "The provision made for Kumaul Bukhtoo Beebee 
 may probably be considered as amply sufficient for the 
 purpose of supporting the respectability of her rank. It 
 includes the Pergunna of Kassode, with every other 
 perquisite which she possessed during the life-time of 
 her husband, for which, as you will observe, Oomur 
 Mokhasun is Bhandary. 
 
 The Nuzurana, or customary present 
 
 much smaller in consideration of the small cession 
 and of the low state of the finances of Joonaghur than 
 otherwise, would have been admitted ; and it ought 
 not, I respectfully conceive, to be looked upon as a 
 precedent for the future. 
 
 " In your official despatch to Government dated 
 23rd April last, you transmitted a statement of the 
 revenues of Joonaghur, and the mode in which they 
 were embezzled ; but upon further investigation, it ap- 
 pears that, independent of those included in the docu- 
 ment above alluded to, there are other abuses which 
 have had their rise in the unsettled state in which 
 the government has been for the last eighteen months, 
 from which it appears conclusive that this petty chief- 
 tain cannot, of his own accord, attain any degree of 
 efficiency. 
 
 " Independent of the impolicy of countenancing the 
 dismemberment of a tributary state by a powerful 
 and lawless faction, the restoration of the legal autho- 
 rity in Joonaghur may possibly be considered on other 
 grounds to be worthy the attention of the Baroda 
 administration; and in case it maybe found expedient 
 to comply with any wishes that may be expressed by 
 Behauder Khan towards this end, it is proper you 
 234- 
 
178 
 
 should be acquainted that, in removing the Mahals from 
 their present possessors, and providing for them by 
 other means, according to the justice of their respective 
 claims, although there is every reason to suppose that 
 the influence of the Guicowar government, under the 
 able and prudent guidance of Wittul Rao Dewajee, 
 may render coercive measures unnecessary ; neverthe- 
 less, 1 would respectfully beg leave to suggest that 
 authority be delegated to the Sirsooba of Kattywar to 
 employ the means at his disposal, should their applica- 
 tion be ultimately requisite." 
 
 Poorbunder, 7th February 1813.* 
 
 Early in the year 1812, Government had desired 
 Captain Carnac to make "a full report upon the 
 effects produced, not only on the character of the chiefs 
 of Okamundul, but also on the country in general, in 
 consequence of their relinquishment of piracy, whether 
 
 * N. B. There is a peculiarity about this letter, which is a rough 
 draft (in a clerk's hand) corrected apparently by Captain McMurdo 
 by his own hand. The first date is Bhownuggur, 13th December 
 1812, but after correcting it, and striking out several paragraphs 
 not essential, that officer seems to have dated it from Poorbunder, 
 7th February 1813. It is endorsed as follows : 
 
 Letter JYom Captain McMurdo, No. 1, Joonaghur, dated 23rd 
 December 1812. Copy forwarded to Government under 20th 
 August 1813; ditto to Captain Ballantyne, 7th October 1813. 
 
179 
 
 they have resorted to commercial pursuits, or to what 
 other habits of industry, with a view to earning a live- 
 lihood ; and in consideration of the fidelity with which 
 these chieftains have observed their obligations, the 
 Government was desirous to extend every protection 
 and indulgence in their lawful pursuits, with the view 
 of converting them into useful members of society, the 
 attainment of which their exemplary conduct would 
 seem to offer a favourable presage at no distant period 
 of time." 
 
 Captain Carnac replied the Oka chiefs had certainly 
 not been concerned in any acts of piracy since 1809, but 
 that they had not shown much activity in any scheme 
 of honest industry, which was partly owing to the un- 
 grateful nature of the soil on which they were located. 
 
 The report on the arrangements proposed for the 
 extrication of the state of Poorbunder from its serious 
 financial embarrassments (dated 1st May 1812) is 
 absent from the records ; but from the remarks of the 
 Government of Bombay upon it, dated 15th July 1812, 
 it seems that the prospect was anything but encourag- 
 ing. The scheme seems, to have been to entrust the 
 whole revenue affairs to Soonderjee Sewjee for eight 
 years, by which time he engaged to liquidate the whole 
 debt. This farming system the Government observed 
 was, on general principles, objectionable in a high 
 degree, but, perhaps, on certain occasions unavoidable ; 
 therefore, " having great reliance on the rectitude of 
 principle of Soonderjee Sewjee, as well as his attach- 
 ment to Poorbunder itself, and the solicitude he must 
 feel for his own reputation," the Bombay Government 
 concurred in the proposed measures. 
 
180 
 
 It was directed, however, that Captain El wood should 
 make an annual report of the progress of Soonderjee's 
 administration. 
 
 Halajee died about this time, and his late rebellious 
 son Prethiraj, mounted the Gadee of Poorbunder. 
 
 While the Resident was absent in Kattywar, a con- 
 spiracy, organised by Kanoojee Guicowar, was nipped 
 in the bud at Baroda. That restless member of the 
 Gnicowar family, whose life had been a succession of 
 plots, rebellions, imprisonments, and escapes, deemed 
 the present conjuncture of affairs favourable for another 
 attempt. From his residence at Padra he was looking 
 out on current events with an eager eye; and able to 
 inform himself of all that was going on in the palace, 
 he marked the pecuniary distress and the discontent 
 of the ex-minister, Seetaram ; he ascertained that 
 Tuckutbye, the favourite wife of Annund Rao, was 
 dissatisfied ; he maintained correspondence with several 
 mercenary leaders out of service, and with some 
 Koly chiefs of a turbulent character, and he entered 
 into communication with the Jam of Nowanuggur, 
 who was well pleased at the prospect of such a timely 
 diversion, when he himself was threatened by the power 
 of the allied Governments. The Jam, however, had no 
 money to spare, and, perhaps, no will to spare it. The 
 absence of the Resident and a part of the subsidiary force 
 from Baroda made Kanoojee re -double his energies. 
 Tuckutbye committed herself ou paper as the wdl- 
 wisher of some movement. Seetaram listened, de- 
 clared the scheme insane, refused to join it, but 
 would not denounce it. A mouied man in Ahme- 
 dabad supplied a little money, troops were secretly 
 
181 
 
 raised, Bhatteejee, tlie chief of Arnlyara, was said 
 to be ready, the Kolees of the Mahee banks would 
 attack the town, some discontented Arabs would 
 threaten the camp and rush upon the Residency, and 
 then, alas ! just as everything was ripening, Cap- 
 tain Ballantyne, on the morning of the 2nd April, rode 
 into Padra with a body of Guicowar horse, interposed 
 between Kanoojee's residence and the quarters of his 
 followers, and sent him a message to come down. 
 Kanoojee flares up will die first, but 300 sepoys are 
 now marching into the town, and a field -piece is fol- 
 lowing close in their rear. " Save me from the Gui- 
 cowar troops ! promise me life ! give me a British 
 guard ! " and this being consented to, Kanoojee burns 
 some papers and descends, is put into a palankeen, 
 carried to Baroda, put into irons, put eventually on 
 boardship and ferried over the black water to Madras, 
 where he disappears finally from history. 
 
 The experience of a few years had proved how deep 
 and how wide was the spirit of insubordination through- 
 out the province, the rivals and greater enemies of 
 Annund Rao had been suppressed, his turbulent sol- 
 diery had been reduced in numbers and in spirit, and the 
 remainder of them were overawed by the British sub- 
 sidiary force ; the tributaries of a large province had 
 been brought to acknowledge the advantages of a 
 limited authority, but still, throughout the length and 
 breadth of the land, there existed a spirit of indepen- 
 dence, defiant, insolent, and anarchical. 
 
 Not long before Colonel Walker's departure from 
 India he had effected what may be called a reconcilia- 
 tion rather than a submission of the Koly chief of 
 
182 
 
 Amlyara (Bbatteejee) with the Guicowar. This indi- 
 vidual, occupying a village on the eastern bank of the 
 River Mheyshwah, surrounded by rocks, ravines, or a 
 thick and carefully preserved jungle (it was worth a 
 man's life to cut a stick in it), carried on an organised 
 system of robbery : scarcely removed himself above the 
 common class, save by his personal qualities, having 
 neither parentage nor feudal rank nor extensive do- 
 mains, he attracted to himself all the daring spirits of 
 the neighbourhood, exacted a share of the revenue of 
 
 O ' 
 
 every village for miles around, compelled every trader 
 or traveller to pay him toll, and, in short, was running, 
 on a smaller scale, the career of the founder of the 
 Mahratta sovereignty in Guzerat. 
 
 The story goes that on one occasion a party of strol- 
 ling players fell into the hands of Bhatteejee's marau- 
 ders, with the usual results, and they determined that 
 the sharpness of their wits should supply the weakness 
 of their hands, and procure them revenge ; and pushing 
 on to Baroda, they obtained a command to act a play 
 in the presence of Annund Rao Guicowar. They chose 
 for their subject their own recent misfortune, and when 
 the court was set, the scene opened with their party 
 toiling painfully along a wild and solitary road, cheer- 
 ing their spirits, however, with the thought that in a 
 few days they should reach the presence of that great 
 protector of the poor and munificent patron of genius, 
 the renowned king of Guzerat. Other protection they 
 had none, depending implicitly on the terrors of his 
 name. Suddenly, with horrid threatand most contume- 
 lious language, rush upon them a band of caterans and 
 proceed to strip them ; from the midst of the deep base 
 
183 
 
 notes of these misbegotten knaves rises high the shrill 
 deprecatory treble of the poor children of Thespis 
 " Duwaee, duwaee, Annund Rao Guicowar nee ! " to 
 which the rogues respond with heavier blows and grosser 
 language, not sparing even the majesty of Annund Rao 
 himself. Finding this august name thus impotent, the 
 helpless victims invoke another " Duwaee, duwaee, 
 Thakore Bliatteejeenee! " on which impressive tableau 
 the robbers drop their weapons and their abusive 
 language, refrain from ransacking their properties, 
 and with bated breath and humble apologies conduct 
 them safely through the territory of their master. 
 
 Annund Rao, enraged at this insult, questions the 
 strollers, and orders condign punishment for the 
 Amlyara robber-chief. 
 
 Whether true or false, this popular tale illustrates 
 the condition of the country, and the carelessness of 
 the Government. The fact was that the Mahrattas 
 had as yet merely over-run the province ; they had 
 adopted a revenue system which was a little better than 
 the organised and perpetual levy of military contribu- 
 tions. So long as the revenue was got in, they cared for 
 nothing further; the idea of reciprocal duties between 
 the governors and governed was far from them, nor 
 had they the merit of pride in protecting those who 
 lived under their government. In consequence, every- 
 where the indigenous chiefs of all degrees, who had 
 under the Mogul government been submissive to the 
 law as mere land-owners, began to raise their heads 
 and to usurp the functions of a government which 
 had virtually abdicated them. Feudal (even sovereign) 
 rights were revived, enlarged, and abused, and the 
 t 
 
184 
 
 village communities, finding themselves neglected and 
 unprotected by the State; loll back on tlioir anoiont 
 constitution, and thoii sprang up as so many little 
 Irilmtrary republics, having tlioir own internal eca 
 nomy, and ovon a certain foreign policy. 
 
 '\ 'hose- evils wore prominently brought to light by 
 the Collector ol'Kairaina report addressed to Ciovern- 
 inent on the eondition of the Hecjapoor Pergnnna, in 
 which he thus expressed himself: 
 
 " The experience of several successive years has 
 established beyond doubt that a great, proportion of 
 the villages in the Beejapoor IVrgnnna pay no 
 obedience to the local officers, \vhether l\uropean or 
 Native; that, they deny the right of interference on the 
 part of the Government, not admitting 1 any proees-; 
 to be served within their respective limits; that in 
 entering into engagements for the payment of their 
 revenue never according \\ithout the 
 
 o 
 
 presence of an armed foree ; finally, grantinir a trilling 
 proportion of the produce of the lauds they hold. 
 
 k * Several other heads of villages and talookdars 
 not only deny the authority and interference of 
 ( m\ eminent, but exercise a sovereign power and 
 decision on the rights, privileges, and property of the 
 Company's subjects. 
 
 "This exercise of power extends to the required 
 acknowledgment of vassalage on particular festivals, 
 ont only from their own immediate dependents, but 
 from the IMtc N of the Company's peaceable villages, 
 \\here the-e self-created lords have by treachery, 
 and injustice, e-tablislud a claim to a pro- 
 portion uf the produce, or to a commuted equivalent 
 
185 
 
 in money. They also punish all offences, whether real 
 or imaginary, within their respective possessions, both 
 by amercement and by the infliction of even capital 
 punishments, 
 
 " The evils here stated are not confined to the Bee- 
 japoor Pergunna alone, but extend to those of the 
 neighbouring districts dependant on the Guicowar, 
 where we are, perhaps, equally bound to see them 
 corrected. 
 
 " I am now writing from an excellent village which 
 has been run entirely waste by the criminal conduct of 
 the Patels, by the powerful influence they possessed 
 over the inhabitants. This conduct will occasion to the 
 Company a loss of about Rupees 4,000 in the present 
 season, and will render a considerable abatement 
 requisite for the ensuing two or three years. The 
 presence of the Patel being required, his adherents 
 discharged matchlocks in defiance at the head of the 
 Bharote, who was a man of respectability in his caste, 
 and who immediately put a period to his existence, 
 The Patel fled beyond the Company's districts, and 
 has since endeavoured, by liberal offers, to procure the 
 murder of a Brahmin belonging to the village, who 
 refrained from joining him in his criminal pursuits." 
 
 Mr. Rowles also remarked on the disorder of the 
 Guicowar districts around, and notably of the tribu- 
 tary states on the east bank of the Saburmuttee, and 
 suggested various measures of repression. 
 
 The Government of Bombay referred this report 
 to the Resident, to ascertain how far the Guicowar 
 government would co-operate in checking these evils 
 (the reply is wanting), and replied to the Collector 
 
 24 
 
186 
 
 that though the information before them as to the real 
 state of society in Guzerat might not even yet be 
 sufficient to enable them to pronounce with full con- 
 fidence and decision on the relative rights of all the 
 classes of its population, yet there could be no doubt 
 that, in so far as abuses and corruptions might, in the 
 lapse of time, have accumulated, it was consistent with 
 justice and policy to endeavour to provide against the 
 effect of those evils by a gradual amelioration, rather 
 than by any hasty or forcible means. 
 
 With reference to the non-rendering of obedience 
 by many villages, Government remarked that this was 
 probably no more than the acknowledged case in the 
 Pergunnas of Dundooka, Ranpoor, and Gogo, which, 
 constituting so extensive a feature of the general state 
 of the country, might require to be thoroughly investi- 
 gated for the purpose of developing upon what 
 principles such a slight obedience had so long continu- 
 ed to be tolerated by the Native governments that 
 preceded our own, in order that the Governor in 
 Council might clearly see his way before he proceeds 
 to those measures of vigour which may prove requisite. 
 
 The Government therefore nominated Messrs. 
 Rowles and Ironside and Lieutenant Robertson a 
 committee of inquiry, directing them to " prepare a list 
 of all the villages in the Company's pergunnas that 
 pretend to exemption from its authority (as internally 
 operative), or which, in other words, claim to be only 
 its tributaries ; and in the next place, to call on the 
 Muzmoodars and Dessayes to deliver in writing, sepa- 
 rately and without intercommunication, the most 
 authentic historical deductions of the foundation on 
 
187 
 
 which these pretensions to exemption and claims to 
 the vassalage of others on particular occasions be found 
 to depend ; tracing their rise and progress from as far 
 back as the muniments in their offices can furnish; to 
 add their own remarks, and such further historical evi- 
 dence as might be within their own reach, and close the 
 
 O ' 
 
 whole with the expression* of their own sentiments." 
 
 On the 22nd March 1812, Captain Carnac had the 
 satisfaction to announce the liquidation of the whole of 
 the pecuniary demands of the Honorable Company 
 on the state of His Highness the Guicowar ; and in 
 
 O ' 
 
 reply, the Government, in reference to the orders 
 of the Honorable Court of Directors directing- that 
 on the occurrence of this event the question of 
 gradually detaching the British authorities from that 
 intimate and internal interference in the details of the 
 Guicowar affairs, which necessity had rendered expe- 
 dient, desired that a full and accurate view of the exist- 
 ing resources of the Guicowar state should be prepar- 
 ed, as well as a statement of the existing amount of its 
 debts under the guarantee of the Honorable Company. 
 
 Captain Carnac replied, on the llth October: the 
 first point worthy of remark was that the government 
 of the Guicowar was generally one year in arrears in 
 its accounts ; its income was habitually forestalled to 
 that extent; it was always overdrawing its banker. 
 
 Next, the Guicowar debt, with and without the 
 Bhandary of the Honorable Company, would not be 
 extinguished until 1815-16, which was not quite so 
 favourable as Colonel Walker's prospective estimate 
 
 * The report, if ever made, has disappeared from the Records of 
 Government. 
 
 24 +- 
 
188 
 
 by one year, owing to causes unforeseen but explained. 
 
 Up to the close of A. D. 1811-12, the amount of the 
 Guicowar debt was Rupees 28,81,981-3-45. 
 
 The scale of public expenditure which had been 
 determined on by Colonel Walker had been adhered 
 to by the administration. 
 
 A great improvement was perceptible in the effici- 
 ency of the army. 
 
 Speaking of the administration of justice: "The 
 arrangements for introducing a system for the admin- 
 istration of justice have not been overlooked in the 
 various opportunities I have possessed of impress- 
 ing its advantages on the mind of His Highness 
 Futteh Sing. To subdue prejudice, and prevent cus- 
 toms of long existence, are difficulties which must yield 
 only to availing ourselves of the natural course of 
 events, and by applying those (?) occasions to the con- 
 viction of the mind where the defect of practices are 
 thoroughly exposed." 
 
 However, a court of justice had been established in 
 the capital, and a proposition had been made, which 
 was under consideration, for the extension of such 
 courts to the provinces. 
 
 Captain Carnac with good sense remarked " a 
 precipitate course of proceeding may, in a material 
 degree, defeat the great ends of the establishment ; as 
 if it is not adopted with the full concurrence of the 
 authorities under whose auspices it is to be maintained, 
 or if we assert our own conviction of its advantages, 
 without imparting that conviction to the Government 
 itself, the consequence may prove more in courtesy to 
 our opinion and practices than for the humane object 
 of public justice." 
 
189 
 
 Of the character of Futteh Sing Guicowar Captain 
 Carnac thus wrote : 
 
 "A lapse of four years enables me to speak of the 
 qualifications of His Highness Futteh Sing with greater 
 confidence than it was possible at a former period. His 
 Highness* age, and the inducements to which he was 
 subject by his accession to power, operated to a little 
 disadvantage at the commencement of his public career. 
 With an ingenuous mind, and inexperienced in life, the 
 insidious representation of some of his interested rela- 
 tions induced His Highness for a short time to depart 
 from that course of prudent forbearance with which 
 his mother had studiously endeavoured to impress him. 
 The influence of these relations gave a bias to extra- 
 vagance, and the reformation which was afterwards 
 produced is chiefly to be attributed to the natural good 
 sense of His Highness, and to the wholesome advice 
 both of his mother and Gungadhur Shastree. 
 
 "Since this period, the conduct of His Highness 
 has been conformable with perfect rectitude, &c. &c." 
 
 Vittoba Bhow, the minister, "though inferior to his 
 father Babajee in talent and intelligence and energy, 
 was yet attentive to his duty, and loyal to the British 
 government." 
 
 Wittul Rao Deewajee was " an able, zealous, and 
 valuable public servant." 
 
 Gungadhur Shastree "from his talents, integrity, and 
 application, had largely contributed to the reforms in 
 the government, and his merits had now expanded 
 to his having acquired in a very extraordinary degree 
 
190 
 
 the attachment and confidence of Futteh Sing and the 
 members of the Guicowar family." 
 
 The comments of the Government of Bombay 
 on this report were conveyed in a letter, dated 10th 
 April 1813. After calling for some explanations, it 
 was remarked that the revenue showed a satisfactory 
 progressive increase, being 
 
 For 1808-09 Rs. 55,47,722 
 
 1809-10 56,54,722 
 
 1810-11 56,45,022 
 
 1811-12 56,86,807 
 
 With regard to the administration of justice, it 
 was remarked that "a court of justice, if under the 
 control of the sovereign authority, which it is too likely 
 to be, will only prove, under the government of a des- 
 potic, or of a weak prince, another source of oppression 
 and of abuse which, under the cloak of a legally con- 
 stituted tribunal, might probably be practised with 
 greater success than could well be attempted by the 
 exclusive authority of the sovereign." 
 
 After expressing satisfaction at the accounts given 
 of the characters of Futteh Sing Guicowar and the 
 principal members of his administration, it was said 
 of Gungadhur Shastree " the testimonies which have 
 been borne to his merits have impressed the Govern- 
 ment with a full sense of his talents and integrity, and 
 of his attachment to British interests ; the Right 
 Honorable the Guicowar in Council (Sir Evan Nepean) 
 concurs in the policy of acquiescing in the application 
 of Futteh Sing that he might hold an ostensible 
 situation in his government." 
 
191 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 DISCUSSIONS WITH THE PEISHWA ; MURDER OF 
 GUNGADHUR SHASTREE ; TREATY OF A.D. 1817. 
 
 IN this year the first incursion of Pindarees into 
 Guzerat took place. A band of these 
 marauders issued from Candeish, and 
 after plundering the town of Nowsaree, retired with- 
 out being disturbed. 
 
 o 
 
 Acts of lawless violence on the part of the Sindee mer- 
 cenaries in the service of the Nuwab 
 of Pahlunpoor demanded the inter- 
 ference of the allied governments. The chiefs of the 
 soldiery had murdered the Nuwab Peeroze Khan, and, 
 under pretence of setting up his relative, the Khan 
 of Deesa, they kept him as a state prisoner, while the 
 widow and child of Peeroze Khan were thrown into 
 confinement, and treated with cruelty. The mercenaries 
 also insolently denied the right of the Guicowar 
 government to interfere so long as the tribute was 
 regularly paid ; a force was therefore marched to 
 Pahlunpoor, arid the faction suppressed. The Khari 
 of Deesa having none of his own, adopted the infant 
 son of Peeroze, and the interests of both families were 
 thus consolidated. The Guicowar government left a 
 guard in the town. 
 
192 
 
 At the same lime a treaty was concluded between 
 the Guicowar and the Nuwab of Rhadunpoor, by wliich 
 tlie latter acknowledged the sovereign authority of tlie 
 Baroda government, wliich, in its turn, promised pro- 
 tection from external enemies, and non-interference in 
 domestic affairs. 
 
 Captain Ballantyne reported that the Chief of 
 Drangdra had taken forcible possession of Jhoonji- 
 vara ; that the Khawas chiefs of Amrun and Jooria 
 were behaving in a disorderly and insubordinate man- 
 ner; and that those of Dwarka and Beyt had evaded 
 every attempt to induce them to a better conduct, or 
 the discharge of the Honorable Company's dues. 
 It was resolved therefore to march a part of the 
 subsidiary force into Kattywar. 
 
 And now there arose an embarrassment vexatious 
 to the British and its ally the Guicowar, and the more 
 grateful, on that account, to Bajee Rao Peishwa and 
 his advisers. 
 
 The period of the farm of the Peishwa's share of 
 Guzerat had expired in 1814, and Gungadhur Shastree 
 was deputed to Poona to negotiate a renewal of it, as 
 well as to arrange the pecuniary claims of that Go- 
 vernment on the Guicowar. The renewal of the farm 
 was refused ; Trimbucjee Dinglee was appointed 
 Soobedar ; his agents at Ahmedabad issued circulars 
 to the tributaries in Kattywar not to pay any tribute, 
 and commenced to raise levies of Arabs and other 
 mercenaries in the peninsula. 
 
 In the mean time, the Bombay Government pro- 
 secuted its intention of sending; another force into 
 
 o 
 
 Kattywar to coerce the Khawas chiefs of Jooria and 
 
193 
 
 Amrun, who had shown a rebellious spirit against the 
 Jam of Nowanuggur ; to protect Guzerat from the 
 incursions of the marauders from Waugor ; to subju- 
 gate the Okamundul chiefs, who had failed to fulfil 
 their engagements ; and eventually to exact satisfac- 
 tion for many acts of hostility from Cutch. 
 
 While these measures were in contemplation, Cap- 
 tain Ballantyne, who was at Umrellee with Wittul 
 Rao Deewajee, reported first the expected, and then 
 the actual, demise of Jam Jessajee, on the 7th August. 
 
 Suttajee, his heir presumptive, was known to be 
 spurious, and the Khawas chiefs were at hand ; some 
 apprehension might be felt of the tranquillity of the 
 succession, particularly as one of the late Jam's widows 
 declared herself pregnant. With much haste Wittul 
 Rao Deewajee despatched two Jemedars to Nowanug- 
 gur to warn the parties to keep the peace, and Captain 
 Ballantyne deputed Soonderjee Sewjee to make in- 
 quiries. Soonderjee reported that the ladies of the 
 late Jam's family were none of them pregnant, as was 
 acknowledged by the lady who had previously declar- 
 ed herself so, and who palliated her falsehood by say- 
 ing she had so written to call the immediate attention 
 of the allied governments to the state of affairs. Jam 
 Suttajee was there it was true, but his character and 
 disposition were such as to cause mature consideration 
 before acknowledging him. 
 
 Jam Suttajee himself was a kind of prisoner in 
 the hands of his Arab troops, and Jugjeewun, the 
 minister appointed by the late Jam, still administered 
 the affairs of the state. The Khawases had not come 
 to Nowanuggur ; Soonderjee Sewjee had some 
 
 25 
 
194 
 
 difficulty in getting access to him, and found him 
 very ill. 
 
 The question of the succession to Nowanuggur was 
 submitted to the Peishwa, as he had now resumed his 
 paramount rights over his Kattywar tributaries. 
 
 Despatches from Captain Carnac (lost) of the 27th 
 or 28th April 1815 determined the 
 Government to suppress the machi- 
 nations of the Khawases at once in co-operation with 
 Jam Suttajee. 
 
 The dismemberment of Jooria, Balumba, and 
 Amrun, from the Nowanuggur state had been effected 
 when Mehroo Khawas was minister of Jam Jessajee ; 
 by that cession the Jam had relieved himself from 
 Mehroo's custody, as had been fully explained in the 
 97th and following paragraphs of Colonel Walker's 
 despatch of 28th January 1808. To the ambition and 
 intrigues of Mehroo were to be attributed those pecu- 
 niary claims of Cutch on Nowanuggur, to satisfy 
 which Government had been obliged to interfere with 
 an armed force. 
 
 Heerjee Khawas, of Amrun, had also given rendez- 
 vous to the Mallia banditti, who deposited their 
 plunder with him. 
 
 When Colonel Walker made his settlement, the 
 Khawas chiefs had been acknowledged, on the con- 
 dition of good behaviour and due observance of their 
 decennial engagements. 
 
 Until the Peishwa resumed the farm of his Guzerat 
 possessions from the Guicowar, the Bombay Govern- 
 ment had no cause to complain of the Khawas chiefs ; 
 but this was no longer the case, there was every reason 
 
195 
 
 to believe that the officers of the Peishwa fomented 
 their insubordination. It was resolved, therefore, to 
 restore Jooria, Amrun, and Balumba, to Nowanuggur, 
 as well as the forts of Kundorna and Purdurree, mak- 
 ing a provision for the families of the Khawases. 
 
 The Government deemed it proper, under the alter- 
 ed relative positions of Nowanuggur and Baroda, to 
 recommend theGuicowar to relinquish the extra tribute 
 of Rs. 90,000 exacted when the British and Guicowar 
 forces reduced Nowanuggur. 
 
 The Khawases were reduced with little trouble by 
 a combined force, under the command of Colonel East, 
 during the monsoon of 1815. 
 
 The questions under discussion at Poona were, as 
 before stated, the renewal of the farm of Ahmedabad 
 and dependant districts, and the settlement of the 
 pecuniary claims of the Peishwa, which ranged over 
 the whole period since the treacherous seizure of Dum- 
 majee Guicowar by Ballajee Bajee Rao in A.D. 1751. 
 
 They amounted, according to the Peishwa's accounts, 
 which were considered in the main correct, to nearly 
 a crore of rupees ; but as the chief cause of the embar- 
 rassments of the Baroda government originated in the 
 attachment of that family to the cause of his father, 
 Ragoba, Bajee Rao, with affected generosity, agreed to 
 relinquish sixty lacs (about two-thirds of his demand); 
 but the Guicowar, setting aside any exemption as matter 
 of favour, advanced the following counter-claims. 
 
 When Dummajee was compelled to yield up half of 
 his Guzerat conquests to the Peishwa, he retained his 
 rights in Broach undivided ; but these rights had been 
 assigned by the treaty of A.D. 1775 between Ragoba 
 
196 
 
 and Govind Rao Guicowar on tlie one part, and Futteli 
 Sing and Seeajee Rao Guicowar on the other, to the 
 Honorable East India Company in perpetuity. The 
 proceedings which led to that treaty, and the treaty 
 itself, had been totally disavowed by the Supreme go- 
 vernment ; but in the treaty of Poorundhur, which 
 was negotiated in its place, the Poona government 
 relinquished " all claims on the revenue of the city and 
 adjoining territory of Broach, producing three lacs of 
 rupees, by way of showing its friendship to the Eng- 
 lish company/' the Poona government having no such 
 claims. The Bombay Government, however (partly 
 in virtue of the treaty of A.D. 1775, by which it got 
 possession, and partly in virtue of that of Poorundhur, 
 which, though annulling the previous treaty, assigned 
 away territory, which, by that annulment, properly 
 reverted to the Guicowar,) had retained, and had even 
 given away to Scindia, the town and dependant district 
 of Broach. The Guicowar, therefore, demanded from 
 the Peishwa indemnity for this unjustifiable alienation, 
 which must have amounted to about one hundred and 
 and twenty lacs of rupees. 
 
 Counter-claims were also advanced for expenses 
 incurred in reducing Aba Shelookur (the Peishwa's 
 Guzerat Sooba), which had been done at Bajee Rao's 
 personal instigation, in order to thwart Nana Furna- 
 veez, and also for the extraordinary expenses of protect- 
 ing the Peishwa's territories. 
 
 The Peishwa had no desire to bring these matters 
 to an early settlement. He was now secretly engaged 
 in a course which made it advisable to maintain not 
 only a material guarantee in Guzerat itself, but such 
 
197 
 
 a position as might enable him either to cajole and 
 purchase the support of the Guicowar, or, failing that, 
 to involve his state in confusion, and thereby distract 
 the attention and the forces of the English. While, 
 therefore, he was positive in refusing to give up his 
 territorial grasp on Ahmedabad, he amused the Gui- 
 cowar court with interminable discussions on the 
 pecuniary question. 
 
 Bappoo Myral, the Guicowar's usual agent at 
 
 Poona, a sensible, upright, cautions, observant man, 
 
 was found by the Peishwa unfit for his purposes. To 
 
 prosecute the negotiation, Gungadhur Shastree had 
 
 been added to the mission by Futteh Sing, but such 
 
 was the dread of the violent and 
 
 unprincipled character of Trimbucjee 
 
 Dengley, that the Guicowar obtained a formal guarantee 
 
 for the Shastree's safety from the British government. 
 
 The Shastree had been in early life a servant in the 
 Phurkay family, and on his arrival Bajee Rao refused 
 to see him, on the plea that Gungadhur had 
 been insolent to him in former years when residing at 
 Poona. This probably was merely a part of the drama 
 which Bajee Rao had meditated ; every difficulty was 
 thrown in the way of his negotiation, until it was 
 announced that Gungadhur Shastree was to be recalled. 
 
 To understand what followed, it must be remembered 
 that at this time Seetaram Raojee was under strict 
 surveillance at Baroda. What had passed since Raojee 
 Appajee's death appeared to him and his supporters, 
 and probably to the native community generally, 
 merely a struggle for power between Babajee and his 
 nephew, in which the former had got the ear and the 
 
198 
 
 support of the Resident. The malversations, the 
 neglect, the improvidence, the weakness, the bad faith, 
 of Seetaram, were in their minds merely subordinate 
 elements, which had not really influenced the British 
 authorities, though they were the ostensible pretext 
 for Seetaram's disgrace. Futteh Sing's exaltation to the 
 post of regent had so strengthened the administration, 
 that it had not been so necessary as before to court one 
 person who had a permanent and irresistible influence 
 over the mind of Annund Rao Guicowar, viz. his 
 favourite wife, Tuckutbye. This lady had already 
 testified her dissatisfaction by corresponding with 
 Kanoojee previous to the discovery of his treason, 
 and other ladies were also ready to aid in upset- 
 ting the administration. In the opinion of the pa- 
 triotic faction, the position to which the Guico- 
 war state had been reduced, swayed by the incessant 
 advice, and supported by the foreign arms of the Eng- 
 lish, was disgraceful, and, as exponents of their hopes 
 and feelings, two persons, Bhugwunt Rao, an illegi- 
 timate son of Govind Rao Guicowar, and Govind Rao 
 Bundoojee, an adherent of Seetaram, proceeded to 
 Poona with letters (so they said) from Annund Rao 
 Guicowar, and even Futteh Sing, complaining of the 
 degradation of their family, and the tyranny of Gun- 
 gadhur Shastree. 
 
 The rise of the interloper Gungadhur Shastree by 
 the favour of the Resident was hateful to the old ser- 
 vants of Annund Rao and Govind Rao. If he succeed- 
 ed in his mission, he would be surely the next prime 
 minister ; if he failed (and he seemed to have failed), 
 he would be recalled to Baroda ; and it was doubtful 
 
199 
 
 whether the presence of so firm an adherent of the 
 English would be more dangerous at Poona or at 
 Baroda, and his talents and information more obnoxi- 
 ous to the Peishwa or to Seetaram. 
 
 His entire annihilation was indispensable to Seeta- 
 ram's faction ; and if he could not be purchased by 
 Bajee Rao, the resources of Guzerat were lost to the 
 Peishwa's cause in the impending struggle to shake 
 off the English yoke. 
 
 When, therefore, Futteh Sing consented, at the 
 suggestion of the Bombay Government, to recall Gun- 
 gadhur from Poona, a marked change took place in 
 the behaviour of Bajee Rao to him (March J815). 
 He was induced to postpone his departure, and every 
 means employed to conciliate his regard and confi- 
 dence. His vanity (a weak point in the Shastree's 
 
 character) was assailed. He was as- 
 Grant Duff. 111.- T 
 
 sured that his integrity to his master s 
 
 interests, and the ability he had evinced in the ne- 
 gotiations and in his Baroda administration, were so 
 appreciated, that the Peishwa intended to offer him 
 the post of his own minister. Bajee Rao offered his 
 sister-in-law in marriage to the Shastree's son, and 
 acceded to an adjustment of the disputes with the 
 Guicowar by a territorial cession, on a plan suggested 
 by the Shastree (a fatal step) without consulting 
 his own government. Every arrangement was made for 
 the intended nuptials ; the Shastree was tottering on 
 the brink of ruin or of splendid success. 
 
 While these efforts were being made to seduce or 
 to ruin the Shastree, the elements of confusion were 
 busily prepared in Guzerat. 
 
200 
 
 The turbulent Jutts and Katties of Kattywar were 
 instigated to excesses in order to distract the atten- 
 tion of Colonel East's force, arid two hundred horse 
 were sent from Ahmedabad to encourage the Khawases 
 in their rebellion. 
 
 A force was equipped at Dhar (which principality 
 was under the influence of Seetaram Rowjee), but 
 instead of raising contributions on the country around, 
 it remained encamped on the frontier of Guzerat, at 
 an expense which Dhar could not possibly have sup- 
 ported, and as the plot thickened, it advanced by slow 
 -steps nearer and nearer to Baroda. 
 
 The British troops at Kaira were kept on the alert 
 by reports of the Kolies having been instigated by 
 the Peishwa's adherents to attack them in their lines 
 at night; there was a general feeling of insecurity 
 through the province, and though the rapid success 
 of Colonel East's operations in the Nowanuggur 
 territory evinced the strength of the British arms, that 
 force was far off, and could not have been concentrat- 
 ed at that season of the year under many days 
 laborious marching. 
 
 To return to Poona. The first shock to Gungadhur 
 Shastree's already insecure position was given by the 
 silence of his government respecting the arrangement* 
 which he had taken upon himself to propose to the 
 Peishwa as a solution of existing difficulties, and to 
 which the Peishwa had verbally consented. Every pre- 
 paration had been made for the nuptials of his son and 
 
 * N.B. There is the authority of Mr. Elphinstone's proclama- 
 tion that this arrangement was favourable to the Peishwa. 
 
201 
 
 of the Peishwa's sister-in-law wlien his eyes became 
 partially open to his situation. He saw he had autho- 
 rised the suspicion that he had neglected his master's 
 interests in forwarding his own ; he had also probably 
 caught a glimpse of the ulterior designs of the Peishwa, 
 and trembled at the abyss that was opening before 
 him. To lose the favour of his own prince, and to be found 
 fraternizing with one growing daily more and more 
 the object of suspicion to his still more powerful 
 patrons the English !! To break with the Peishwa, 
 whose arm was long and vengeance implacable !! The 
 dilemma was awful ! He temporized, and was lost ; 
 he suspended the celebration of the marriage, and 
 he refused to allow his wife to visit Bajee Rao's 
 palace (the scene of every foul debauchery), an offence 
 which was never forgiven in any person ; and yet 
 he followed the Peishwa on a pilgrimage to Punder- 
 poor, although his colleague, Bapoo Myral, warned 
 him of his danger, and offered, at least, to accom- 
 pany him. The infatuated man would neither listen 
 to his advice, nor allow him to be of the party. 
 He hoped to conciliate Bajee Rao, and yet to retain 
 the good opinion of his English patrons, on whose 
 guarantee for his safety, from long observation of 
 its efficacy in Guzerat, he was disposed to place too 
 entire a confidence. 
 
 At Punderpoor he dined with Bajee Rao on the 14th 
 July, and was invited by Trimbuckjee Dinglee to 
 repair to the temple in the evening to assist in some 
 ceremonies on an occasion of particular solemnity. 
 The Shastree being a little indisposed had excused 
 himself, but upon earnest and reiterated entreaties, he 
 26 
 
202 
 
 at last complied, and with a few unarmed attendants 
 proceeding to the temple performed his devotions. 
 He here had another interview with Bajee Rao, who 
 was seated in the upper story of the temple in a balcony, 
 and retired in the highest spirits from the presence 
 fascinated, as many othershad been, by the agreeable and 
 caressing manners of the prince. He retired to his doom . 
 He had scarcely proceeded three hundred yards down 
 the street, when he was set upon by assassins hired by 
 Trimbuckjee Dinglee, and nearly cut to pieces. Two 
 agents of Seetaram Rowjee were there, and pointed 
 out the person of the victim to the bravoes. Trimbuck- 
 jee subsequently confessed he had done the deed by 
 the order of his master; and beyond all cavil, it had 
 never been done had not Bajee Rao'b wishes been well 
 understood. 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone, at Bajee Rao's particular request, 
 had not accompanied him to Punderpoor, and though 
 he demanded an investigation, none ever took place. 
 
 The surrender of Trimbuckjee was demanded, re- 
 fused, evaded, till British troops being assembled at 
 Poona Bajee Rao's natural timidity prevailed. On the 
 25th September he delivered him up, and he was 
 confined in the fort of Tanna. 
 
 Information of the Shastree's murder was conveved 
 
 t/ 
 
 to Futteh Sing by Captain Carnac on the 8th August, 
 and was received by him first in blank astonishment. 
 For a few seconds he was silent, and then vehemently 
 accusing the Peishwa of the crime, he earnestly begged 
 that the British government would throw no obstacles 
 in the way of his just resentment in declaring war 
 against the Poona government. 
 
203 
 
 A few days afterwards the Dhar force occupied so 
 threatening a position that it became necessary to put 
 Seetararn under a more secure guard. The Bombay 
 government suggested that he should be entrusted to 
 their keeping either at Surat or Tanna, but to this 
 FuttehSingexhibited a marked and somewhat unexpect- 
 ed repugnance, but at last he was put under the guard 
 (in his own house) of a body of British troops. 
 
 This repugnance of Futteh Sing was not to be traced 
 to any personal partiality for Seetaram (for his feelings 
 had been of a contrary nature), but to a mixture of 
 proper pride and fear of the consequences of irritating, 
 beyond hope of remedy, a faction which had shown 
 itself so ruthless, and which had not solely external, 
 but internal support in the palace. The Kanee 
 Tukutbye and the adoptive mother (Gainabye) of 
 Bhugwunt Rao Guicowar, still at Poona, had both 
 been active in the intrigues in favour of the designs 
 of Seetaram and the Peishwa. The former, however, 
 (on letters from Annund Rao to Govind Rao Bundojee 
 and vice versa being intercepted towards the end of 
 August) retraced her steps, and in an interview with 
 the Resident gave him satisfactory assurances that 
 Annund Rao should not do any more mischief; but 
 she displayed her feelings by a bitter invective against 
 the Shastree for having been the cause of her seques- 
 tration and confinement for corresponding with 
 Kanoojee at Padra. All the ladies of the Guicowar 
 family, moreover, collectively urged on Futteh Sing 
 that it would be ignominious to surrender the son of 
 Rowjee Appajee to the English. 
 
 Bhugwunt RaoGuicowar and Govind Rao Bundoojee 
 
204 
 
 were handed over to the Guicowar in November and 
 confined in hill-forts, and Futteh Sing granted the 
 reversion of Gungadhur's office to his son. 
 
 The situation of affairs between the Guicowar and 
 the Peishwa with reference to Kattywar was very 
 much confused in consequence of the British govern- 
 ment having omitted, as it seemed, to obtain from the 
 latter any sanction to the perpetual settlement made 
 by Colonel Walker. 
 
 The memorandum drawn up by the Guicowar go- 
 vernment in A.D. 1802-3 of their respective shares, 
 both in the tribute of that province and of the Mahee 
 Kanta, calculated the Peishwa's share in Kattywar at 
 Book of Treaties, 5,38,01 9 , or rather, through an error 
 page 555. j n summing up, Rupees 4, 80,419J, 
 
 " does not appear (Mr. Chaplin says) to have been 
 acceded to or accepted, or even communicated to the 
 Peishwa till A.D. 1814-15, when the Resident presented 
 it on the agitation of the renewal of the farm of 
 Ahmedabad." 
 
 Nor were the proceedings of the British and Gui- 
 cowar governments in Kattywar communicated (at 
 least formally) to the Peishwa till A.D. 1814-15 (the 
 exact date does not appear), when Mr. Elphinstone 
 acquainted him of them in a memorandum (page 556, 
 Book of Treaties), in which he stated in general terms 
 that the allied governments had granted Kuols to the 
 Bhoomias, but as " Shreemunt Peishwa had appointed 
 another person to the office of Sirsooba, it is necessary 
 to make an arrangement for the future." He then 
 went on to say, that the " English Company had made 
 a ten years' settlement with the Bhoomias (omitting 
 
205 
 
 the fact that this was to be renewed for ever), and 
 would make the securities pay for those ten years," 
 and the Peishwa was not to interfere, nor his Sirsooba 
 to advance any other claim against them, nor exercise 
 any authority over them or their ryots. After the 
 expiration of ten years, if the tributaries would 
 not pay, the British government was " not to be re- 
 sponsible," but " the three powers may then consult 
 tog-ether, and take securities for the payment of the 
 tribute in future similar to those already taken. By 
 this arrangement the collection will be made without 
 any expense ; if this be not done, the Guicowar and 
 Peishwa should, after consulting each other, adopt 
 measures for the collection of the tribute, and should 
 bear the expense proportionately ; but if the peace 
 of Kattyvvar be disturbed, it will occasion loss to the 
 Shreemunt Peishwa as well as to the Guicowar and the 
 Honorable English Company ; therefore the tribute 
 should be levied according to the existing agreement, 
 and a greater demand should not be made ; no troops 
 should be sent into the country as long as the tribute 
 can be collected peaceably ; the ancient usages of the 
 Bhoomias, which are detailed in a separate agreement, 
 should be conformed to, and the Sirsooba should act 
 according to the communications of the Resident at 
 Baroda." 
 
 Ina letter, dated 6th March 1816, the Bombay 
 government conveyed to the Resident the commands 
 of the Governor General with respect to the expecta- 
 tion of the Baroda government of compensation and 
 satisfaction for the murder of the Shastree. It was 
 decided that the surrender of Trimbuckjee had 
 
206 
 
 relieved the Peishwa from all responsibility, and that it 
 could not be made the ground for demanding even 
 a favourable settlement of the questions pending 
 between the Guicowar and the Peishwa, for which a 
 separate negotiation might be renewed on the basis of 
 the proposition made by Gungadhur Shastree for the 
 cession of territory to the Peishwa of the value of 
 seven lacs of rupees per annum. 
 
 Further discussions were carried on through the 
 year 1816 on the Peishwa's claims, but as they ended 
 in nothing, and the knot was finally severed by the 
 sword, it is needless to detail them. 
 
 For some time past the Home government, as well 
 as that of Bombay, had been desirous, since the 
 liquidation of the debt to the Company, to withdraw 
 from that close domestic interference in the affairs of 
 the Guicowar state which events had in the first 
 instance imposed on them, and it was soon found 
 that in proportion to the intimacy of the previous 
 connection was the difficulty of relaxing it. 
 
 Anxious parents seldom perceive so early as their 
 sons the irksomeness of paternal control, and the latter 
 are sooner conscious or more ignorant of the maturity 
 of their powers; but what is true in the domestic rela- 
 tions, is much more true in those which have not the 
 prescriptive sanctity, and the reciprocal affection of the 
 family ; most of all is it to be expected when the connec- 
 tion subsists between a foreign protector and a native 
 government. The son, or the pupil, may feel that 
 his father's or tutor's views are entirely disinterested, 
 though mistaken, but in affairs of state this entire dis- 
 interestedness, though often asserted, is never believed, 
 
207 
 
 and when also a distinct price had been paid by 
 the inferior for the protection of the superior power, 
 the former is naturally inclined to consider the whole 
 matter as one of material profit and loss. 
 
 The assistance given to the Guicowar by the Honor- 
 able Company had been timely, and it had been effica- 
 cious; but no one was deceived into the idea that it 
 had been disinterested or gratuitous. The Guicowar 
 state had been the utensil of the Honorable Company ; 
 it had been embraced as an ally when required, arid 
 dismissed when no longer wanted ; treaties had been 
 made respecting it, in which it was not consulted ; 
 treaties had been made with it, which had been abro- 
 gated when it suited the Company's convenience ; 
 sometimes it had been induced to wage war with the 
 Peishwa as an independent state, and then again, on 
 the return of peace, it had been acknowledged as 
 a vassal merely of the Mahratta empire ; thus its external 
 policy had been altogether dictated. But the con- 
 stant well-meaning dictation in domestic affairs under 
 
 o 
 
 the guise of advice of the Resident, and still worse, 
 the ever-prying intermeddling action of his native 
 agent, must have been galling in the extreme to any 
 Chief of spirit, and the candid compiler must admit 
 that gradually, almost imperceptibly, the habitude of 
 advice had induced a tone more lordly, an impatience 
 more impatient, and an assumption more aggressive, 
 than in the days of Governor Duncan and Colonel 
 Walker. 
 
 When Major Carnac was consulted about the with- 
 drawal from this too intimate supervision, he found 
 many reasons why it should be continued ; at all 
 
208 
 
 events a little while longer, till the political horizon 
 was more clear. There is every reason to believe that 
 the influence of Gungadhur Shastree, who, from being 
 the English native agent, became a minister of state, 
 was justly deprecated by some, and detested by 
 others, at the court of Futteh Sing. From Major 
 Carnac's own statement (27th July 1816) he had 
 exercised a severe control over that young prince, and 
 was probably mainly valued by the Resident for doing 
 so ; but the bow of youth will not always be bent, 
 and it must have been evident to a careful observer 
 that Futteh Sing, who had now been Chief of the State 
 for several years, would seize the first opportunity to 
 emancipate himself, and indulge his ambition and his 
 passions. At this period of his life he required very 
 delicate handling, but it seems injudicious, and infers 
 a want both of foresight and insight, that at this very 
 moment the Resident should have resolved to force on 
 him a new Mentor in the person of Dhackjee Dadajee, 
 the native agent who had succeeded Gungadhur 
 Shastree. The escapades of youth, even of youthful 
 princes, are often deemed more dangerous and 
 more ominous of ultimate lapse and ruin than expe- 
 rience justifies. Futteh Sing had been largely eulo- 
 gised by Major Carnac for the qualities of his head 
 and heart, and wisdom would probably have relaxed 
 (with a watchful eye however) the reins rather than 
 drawn them closer at this period of his life. 
 
 " Late events had (Major Carnac wrote) shown an 
 increasing unwillingness on the part of Futteh Sing 
 to meet the wishes of the British government. The 
 loss of Gungadhur Shastree was not more severely felt 
 
209 
 
 by Futteh Sing in his public capacity than it was 
 (unfortunately for him) in his private life. The Shas- 
 tree was no sooner gone, than the check which he 
 (the Shastree) had placed on his natural inclinations 
 was removed, and, yielding himself up to low pleasures, 
 he cultivated the friendship and society of men noto- 
 rious for dissolute principles. He had an opportunity 
 of comparing the agreeable services of his new adhe- 
 rents with the more rigid and less palatable observances 
 of the Shastree ; he showed himself to be actuated on 
 every occasion by an antipathy to abide by the in- 
 junctions of his former invaluable preceptor. I have 
 already stated instances of backwardness in Futteh 
 Sing to meet the wishes, or obtain the approbation, of 
 the British government ; and though we can scarcely 
 complain of his conduct on these occasions beyond 
 regretting his want of discrimination, yet if they are 
 appreciated by his general conduct and disposition as 
 exemplified in the proceedings I am about to relate, 
 the Right Honorable the Governor in Council will, 
 perhaps, entertain no doubt of his having been then 
 actuated by a spirit of opposition little short of insult 
 to the British government." 
 
 Major Carnac then referred to one Bechur Mankey- 
 das, who had lent the prince money, and who, in return, 
 "threw the concerns of government into his hands," 
 and " measures were thus carried into execution 
 exceedingly injurious to the revenues of the Govern- 
 ment." The Resident expostulated and " determined 
 to persevere in lenient measures for a length of time. 
 It was also my wish to see how far it would be pos- 
 sible for Dhackjee Dadajee to bring him to a proper 
 27 
 
210 
 
 sense of his duty and dignity." When Dhackjee ar- 
 rived at Baroda, Futteh Sing being u taught to consider 
 Dhackjee as a man who would be to him another 
 Shastree," delayed and refused the ceremony of his 
 presentation, and obliged Major Carnac to tell him 
 that " he could admit of no further trifling, and that 
 he must see the new native agent the next day. As 
 I was very desirous to give a fair trial to Dhackjee to 
 acquire an influence over Futteh Sing, Dhackjee was 
 introduced at durbar the following day." At this 
 interview Major Carnac told Futteh Sing in the most 
 express terms " that he could not be allowed to employ 
 Bechur Mankeydas ; that he had with difficulty pre- 
 vailed on a most respectable native of Bombay 
 to be the channel of communication, and as he was 
 in every respect qualified to examine into minor 
 details, and to assist us both with correct information, 
 he hoped, &c. &c." 
 
 Futteh Sing was intimidated enough not to employ 
 Bechur openly, but he acted entirely by his advice ; 
 no one connected with the administration was permit- 
 ted to hold intercourse with Dhackjee, and every obstacle 
 was presented to the smallest information being ob- 
 tained by him, " and when Major Carnac remonstrated 
 and threatened, Futteh Sing said he wished to retire 
 for the present from the administration of affairs." 
 
 Futteh Sing next denied that the bankers, who 
 had advanced money to the mission on the faith 
 of the Company's government, had any claim to its 
 interference, " while Major Carnac told them that, as 
 
211 
 
 the mission was under its guarantee, the Bombay 
 government would see them indemnified." 
 
 Bechur Mankeydas was eventually sent away, but 
 " the sentiments of Futteh Sing were so changed, 
 that it was with great difficulty he would be got to 
 transact business." 
 
 In the discussions which preceded the removal of 
 Seetaram to the custody of the Bombay government, 
 the right of the latter to insist on his surrender had 
 been argued in a manner which seemed objectionable 
 to the Governor General, and the following despatch 
 laid down the relative situation of the allied powers : 
 
 To FRANCIS WARDEN, Esquire, 
 
 Chief Secretary to the Government of Bombay. 
 
 SIR, I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of 
 j'our despatches of the 15th of January and 12th of 
 February, reporting the progress and result of the 
 negotiation with Futteh Sing Guicowar relative to the 
 removal of Seetaram Rowjee from Baroda to the British 
 territories. The ultimate assent of Futteh Sing to 
 that measure has given satisfaction to the Governor 
 General in Council, and though His Lordship in Coun- 
 cil is apprehensive that Bombay is a less unexception- 
 able place for his residence than another station might 
 be, he is assured that the vigilance of the Governor in 
 Council and of the subordinate authorities will be suc- 
 cessfully exerted to prevent the occurrence of anyembar- 
 rassing consequences arising from his residence there. 
 
 2. The attention of the Governor General in 
 
212 
 
 Council has been attracted by the tenor of a part of 
 your despatches to Captain Carnac, under dates the 
 15th January and 12th of February, especially the 
 concluding paragraphs of the former one ; and I have 
 been instructed to request you to communicate to the 
 Right Honorable the Governor in Council the following 
 observations, which have occurred to the Governor 
 General in Council on the perusal of those passages. 
 
 3. In adverting to the opposition offered by Futteh 
 Sing to the removal of Seetaram Rowjee to the British 
 territories, and to the asserted right of Futteh Sing to 
 punish his own servants, it is observed that the argu- 
 ments employed in support of that right might have 
 been forcibly combated by an exposition of the nature 
 of our connection with the Baroda state, which is 
 declared to be of a peculiar character, and entirely 
 different from any of the alliances subsisting with the 
 other native powers. This observation is followed 
 by a statement of the Right Honorable the Governor 
 in Council's opinion relative to the extent of the right 
 of control over the conduct and affairs of the Guicowar 
 state acquired by the British government under the 
 operation of its Bhundary engagements with that 
 state, whence a conclusion is deduced that the Honor- 
 able Company is not only answerable for the just 
 appropriation of the resources of that government (a 
 responsibility which would necessarily involve a legi- 
 timate right to control its expenditure), but that it 
 possesses, as guardian of the Baroda state, an authority 
 over the officers entrusted with the administration of 
 the public affairs equally with the Guicowar. 
 
 4. It is with great reluctance that the Governor 
 
213 
 
 General in Council intimates even a doubt on the 
 construction given by the Governor in Council of Bom- 
 bay to an engagement of such importance as that under 
 consideration ; but His Lordship in Council is satisfied 
 that the Governor of Bombay will feel the necessity of 
 leaving no question as the correct interpretation of 
 that engagement, and will receive the observations 
 which it becomes the duty of His Lordship in Council 
 to state, in the same spirit of candour and common 
 regard for the public interests which His Lordship in 
 Council has the satisfaction to think has always mark- 
 ed the intercourse between the two governments. 
 
 5. It appears to the Governor General in Council 
 that the right of interference claimed by the Governor 
 in Council of Bombay under the Honorable Company's 
 Bhundary, would not be borne out by the equitable 
 construction of that engagement, as explained in the 
 despatch from Colonel Walker to the Government 
 of Bombay, under date the 15th of October 1805. 
 The Bhundary, it is true, gives the British govern- 
 ment a power of control over the Guicowar almost 
 unlimited in a particular direction, (that is as far as 
 applies to the purpose of securing the application of 
 those means which have been pledged for the fulfil- 
 ment of the pecuniary obligation by the Guicowar 
 to a third party), but neither that power of control, 
 nor any modified degree of it, is given by the Bhundary 
 for any other purpose; and His Lordship in Council is 
 unable to satisfy himself that the limited and specific 
 power above described could warrant our founding on it 
 a right to demand the punishment of Seetaram on the 
 assumed probability that his continuance within the 
 
214 
 
 Guicowar territories may produce disturbances, leading 
 eventually, and through various stages, to consequences 
 involving the stability of those funds pledged for 
 the payments regarding which we have given our 
 Bhundary. 
 
 6. His Lordship in Council does not mean to 
 maintain that the British government may not on a 
 particular occasion, under the power derived from the 
 Bhundary, interfere in the manner described in your 
 letter to Captain Carnac, if it were to be really evident 
 that by gross mismanagement or abuses the country 
 were going to ruin. This, however, is an extreme case, 
 and one to which Seetaram's bears no resemblance ; 
 and His Lordship in Council is thence of opinion 
 that the Bhundary does not confer on us the uniform 
 and systematic participation on the internal authority 
 of the Guicovvar's government, which appears claimed 
 in the passage <>f your letter above quoted. 
 
 7. With reference to the observation that our con- 
 nection with the Baroda state is of a peculiar character, 
 and entirely different from any of the alliances subsist- 
 ing with the other native power, I am directed to 
 observe it is the existence of the Bhundary alone that 
 constitutes that difference. The treaty itself, which 
 must be received as the interpreter of the relations 
 between the two states, is framed on the. model of the 
 treaty of Hyderabad, and if the obligation of the Bhun- 
 dary were to cease, our connection with the Guicowar 
 would not differ in principle from our subsidiary alli- 
 ance with the Nizam or the Peishwa. 
 
 8. The Governor General in Council has felt these 
 remarks on the tenor of the passages in your letters 
 
215 
 
 above referred to, to be expedient, lest your procedure 
 should rest on a disputable plea when it may found 
 itself on a position of the clearest equity. In under- 
 taking to exact due reparation for the murder of 
 Gungadhur Shastree, the British government had 
 charged itself with an interest the dearest possible to 
 the Guicowar, and the deduction is irrefragable that 
 His Highness must be understood as bound to contri- 
 bute the most active support to the British govern- 
 ment towards punishing all those engaged in that 
 nefarious transaction. The suspicion is not only 
 violent against Seetaram, but just apprehension was 
 to be entertained that his intrigues would interfere 
 further with those pending settlements once more put 
 into train under the renewed protection of the British 
 government. The latter power had thence the un- 
 doubted right in the particular case to require from 
 the court of Baroda the fullest concurrence in any 
 measures which pointed to infliction on the past 
 atrocity, or to security for the revived negotiation. 
 As this title, however, obviously arises out of the 
 nature of the special transaction and not out of the 
 terms of the Bhundary, the Governor General in 
 Council has thought it necessary to mark the dis- 
 crimination, and he assures himself that when the 
 Right Honorable the Governor in Council shall have 
 considered the distinction, his sentiments will 
 accede to it. 
 
 9. The only other point on which it appears to 
 the Governor General in Council to be necessary to 
 offer any remark is the declaration to Futteh Sing 
 prescribed in the concluding paragraph of the instruc- 
 
216 
 
 tion to the Resident at Baroda of the 15th January. 
 The necessity of such a declaration at the moment is 
 not apparent to His Lordship in Council, who is 
 apprehensive that it may prematurely lead to the agita- 
 tion of a question, the moving of which it would have 
 been desirable to retain in the hands of the British 
 government exclusively. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 (Signed) J. ADAM, 
 
 Secretary to Government. 
 
 Fort William, 16/A March 1816. 
 
 The events of the year in Kattywar comprised the 
 invasion of Cutch by a British force under the command 
 of Colonel East and the Guicowar contingent (consisting 
 of 3000 horse and foot and some guns), the conquest 
 of Okarnundul, the expulsion of Arab Sebundy from 
 Nowanuggur, and the release of the Nuwab of 
 Joonaghur from the tyranny of Oomur Mokassum. 
 
 The first occurrence does not concern the object of 
 the present memoir, excepting that it was undertaken 
 (among other reasons) in consequence of the depreda- 
 tions of Cutch subjects in the tributary states of 
 Kattywar. 
 
 The conquest of Okamundul was determined on in 
 consequence of the renewed piracies and robberies of 
 the chiefs and people as explained by the Government 
 of Bombay in the following words : 
 
 " The arrangements made by Colonel Walker on 
 
217 
 
 the 12th November 1809 having been guaranteed 
 under the Adzameen (counter-security) of the Guico- 
 war state, which affords to His Highness the right of 
 interference, and to exercise a certain degree of control 
 over the affairs of Okarmmdul, you are desired to 
 communicate to the Guicowar government the circum- 
 stances which have compelled the British government 
 to order a force to be detached from the arrny under 
 Colonel East for the purpose of obtaining possession 
 of Okamundul and its dependencies. 
 
 " The chieftains of the country have not only failed 
 in their engagements, but piracies have continued to 
 be carried on from their ports ; it becomes, therefore, 
 essentially necessary that we should introduce some 
 regular system of government within their territories, 
 and require the co-operation of the Baroda government 
 in the measure to be adopted for effecting it. 
 
 " The Governor in Council is not aware that the 
 Adzameen gives the Guicowar any right of preference 
 to the country, or that it should operate so as to 
 prevent the British government from making such ar- 
 rangements as are necessary, not only for its own inter- 
 ests, but for those of every other state in the vicinity. 
 But should the Guicowar government feel itself com- 
 petent to control the country, and His Highness be 
 disposed to hold himself answerable for the future 
 good conduct of those pirates ; engage for the liquida- 
 tion of the sums still due to the British Government, 
 and for that purpose be desirous of introducing his 
 own authority into Okamundul, the British government 
 is by no means desirous of occupying a territory far 
 28 
 
218 
 
 more likely to produce trouble than profit in the 
 management, and will readily acquiesce in any other 
 arrangement which may be more acceptable to its ally.'* 
 
 Okainundul was accordingly occupied and (with the 
 exception of Dwarka) without any semblance of op- 
 position. 
 
 For the acceptable service of releasing him from the 
 power of Oomur Mokassum, the Nawab of Joonaghur 
 agreed first to pay the expenses of the British force ; 
 second, to charge the expenses on his Moolukgeeree 
 receipts ; third, to assist with troops in the realisation 
 of his Moolukgeeree entrusted to the British govern- 
 ment; fourth, to give up his Moolukgeeree claims on 
 the Company's districts of Dhundooka, Ram poor, and 
 Gogo ; fifth, to make a territorial cession valued at 
 one lac of corees for the expenses of a British agency ; 
 sixth, to engage to keep no more Arabs, except some 
 persons named. At the same time the Nawab ap- 
 pointed Rughonath and Runchor his ministers. 
 
 The Bombay government approved of the first 
 article ; desired that the second should be modified, 
 so that the reimbursement should not be shaken by any 
 condition ; assented to the third ; declined the territorial 
 cession ; sanctioned the sixth, and, while accepting 
 the reliriquishment in its favour of the Moolukgeeree 
 rights in Gogo, Dhundooka, and Ram poor, desired 
 that Dhollera should also participate in this advantage. 
 
 The Peishwa having entrusted to the Bombay go- 
 vernment the collection of its tribute from Kattywar, 
 Captain Ballantyne was appointed to that charge and 
 applied for the aid of a force, to be furnished or paid 
 by the Peishwa for this duty, and for the protection 
 
219 
 
 of his tributaries from external violence, as the Gui- 
 cowar, having now no concern in the matter, could 
 not be expected to furnish the assistance of his troops 
 for that purpose. Some discussion having arisen about 
 this, and Captain Carnac having urged the duty of the 
 Peishwa to protect his tributaries in the same manner 
 as the Guicowar, the Bombay government in reply 
 stated its intention to detach a battalion of native 
 infantry to Katty war, as had been proposed by Colonel 
 Walker (15th May 1808), but it " was disappointed 
 that not one of the leading chieftains of the country 
 should have been induced, through the influence of 
 Captain Ballantyne's exertions in the province, sup- 
 ported by the Guicowar contingent, to fulfil the obli- 
 gations of his engagement. It was expected that the 
 chief of Nowanuggur at least, who has so repeatedly 
 experienced the efforts of our power, would have set 
 an example of punctuality in the payment of his 
 tribute. It appeared that the policy of the British and 
 Guicowar governments had been to exclude the 
 Peishwa from all interference in its internal affairs, 
 and the latter had therefore a right to expect that 
 those parties should guarantee to him the receipt of 
 his tribute without expense, and, therefore, the addition 
 of the aforesaid battalion of native infantry to the Gui- 
 cowar force already in the country ought to suffice." 
 
 The Government likewise (5th September 1816) 
 had mooted the question of the tributaries doing 
 something to protect themselves by " the organization 
 of a plan of internal police, which it was concluded 
 might be generally established throughout the province, 
 as neither the British nor the Guicowar government 
 
220 
 
 can, under existing engagements, provide for a protec- 
 tion of tin's description." 
 
 The escape of Trimbukjee Dinglee, the countenance 
 afforded him by his master, and the 
 intrigues of Bajee Rao, produced 
 the Treaty of Foona dated 13th June 1817. 
 
 By the 4th article, the Peishwa bound himself 
 neither to maintain at any foreign court, nor to receive 
 at his own, any envoy or agents, and to hold no com- 
 munication with any power except through the British 
 Resident. He recognised the dissolution in form and 
 substance of the Mahratta confederacy, and renounced 
 all connection with the other Mahratta powers, whe- 
 ther arising from his former situation of executive 
 head of the Mahratta empire, or from any other cause ; 
 he also pledged himself to advance no claims on the 
 lands of Sindia, Holkar, Bhonsla, or Guicowar. 
 
 By the 5th article he specially renounced all future 
 demands on the Guicowar, either pecuniary or for 
 supremacy or other cause, and agreed for an annual 
 payment of four lacs of rupees to relinquish all claims 
 for pecuniary arrears. 
 
 By the 7th article he ceded territory to the Honor- 
 able Company, including all his rights and territories 
 in Guzerat, with the exception of Ahmedabad, Orpar, 
 and the annual payment from the Guicowar. 
 
 By the 5th article he granted a perpetual farm of 
 Ahmedabad and its dependencies (except the tribute 
 of Kattywar ceded to the Company by the 7th article) 
 to the Guicowar and his successors for 4 lacs of 
 rupees per annum. 
 
221 
 
 The sunnud for the farm was dated 19th September 
 1817, and stated that as the sum of four lacs and a-half 
 of rupees annually accruing from the districts had, 
 together with the Government authority over it, been 
 ceded to the British government on account of military 
 expenses, "you will continue to pay the sum of four 
 lacs and a-half of rupees annually, and obtaining a 
 receipt for the same, act in concurrence with the British 
 government." 
 
 This treaty was followed up by another between 
 the Honorable Company and His Highness the 
 Guicowar, dated 6th November 1817, which was styled 
 Supplemental to the treaty of 1805. 
 
 By the 1st article the Guicowar subsidized an addi- 
 tional force of one battalion of native infantry of not 
 less than one thousand men and two regiments of 
 native cavalry of the same strength as the cavalry 
 regiment belonging to the Poona subsidiary force.* 
 
 By the 2nd article the subsidiary force was to be 
 at all times ready to perform the former services, and 
 with the exception of one regiment of infantry all 
 might be marched against an enemy beyond the Gui- 
 cowar dominions. This force was therefore now fixed at 
 four regiments of infantry at 1000, or five regiments of 
 800 strong, two regiments of native cavalry (1000 men), 
 one company of European artillery, with proportion of 
 gun lascars, with necessary ordnance and other stores. 
 
 By the 3rd article the Guicowar ceded all the 
 rights acquired by the perpetual farm of Ahmedabad 
 
 * The cavalry regiment of the Poona subsidiary was of the same 
 strength as that of Hyderabad, which (page 408, Book of Treaties) 
 was 500 strong. 
 
222 
 
 in perpetuity to the Company for the regular payment 
 of the augmented subsidiary force. 
 
 By article four the Pergunnas of Dubhoee, Bhadur- 
 poor, and Sowlee, belonging to the Honorable Com- 
 pany, were exchanged for the Guicowar's share of the 
 city of Ahmedabad and a portion of the Pergurma of 
 Pitlaud, the Guicowar retaining his fort or Havelee 
 and the dependant district of Duskrohee. 
 
 By the 5th article, in consideration of advantages 
 in the above exchange accruing to the Guicowar, he 
 agreed to assign territory near Surat or in Pitlaud in 
 exchange for the Moghulaee claims of the Company 
 in the Surat Attaveesee. 
 
 By the 6th article, the Pergunna of Beejapoor was 
 exchanged for other districts " of equal produce, parti- 
 cularised in a separate list annexed" (page 173, Book 
 of Treaties). The 8th article assigned to the Guico- 
 war the provinces of Okamundul and the Island of 
 Beyt, with all the rights of sovereignty thereof, and 
 all the forts they contained. 
 
 By article 8 the Guicowar bound himself to main- 
 tain a body of 3000 effective cavalry, " to conform to 
 the advice and suggestions of the British government 
 relative to the formation and equipment of the contin- 
 gent of horse, its regular monthly payment, the 
 condition of its arms and accoutrements, according to 
 the customs of the Guicowar government." Its muster 
 to be taken " at the time of its payment, on the day of 
 the new moon of every month, by the Guicowar 
 government and the Resident," or, if the force be 
 detached from Baroda on service, by the British and 
 Guicowar officers on the spot. 
 
223 
 
 Article 9 provided that offenders taking- refuge in 
 the jurisdiction of either party should be surrendered 
 on demand. 
 
 Article 10 confirmed all the articles of the Treaty 
 of 1805 " not contrary to the present engagement." 
 
 Article 11 provided that the supplemental treaty 
 should be binding when ratified by the Governor 
 General. It was ratified on 12th March 1818. 
 
 An additional article was subsequently affixed to 
 this treaty on the 2nd October 1818, by which, in 
 lieu of the cession specified in the 4th article of the 
 treaty in exchange for the districts of Dubhoee, Bha- 
 durpoor, and Sowlee, it was determined to assign the 
 Honorable Company the Guicowar's Duskrohee, in- 
 clusive of Dornalla and Inam assignments, with the 
 Havelee in the city, and the Kusba of Mota, and the 
 Pergunna of Tarkeesur in the Surat Attaveesee as 
 specified in the annexed detailed account of territories 
 and rights so exchanged (page 174, Book of Treaties) ; 
 also the Guicowar rights in the Kusba of Omrut 
 were exchanged for the Company's rights in the Kusba 
 of Pitlaud. The additional article was ratified by the 
 Governor General on the 28th November 1818, and 
 thus the Peishwa was extruded from Guzerat. 
 
 SCHEDULE B. 
 
 Of the funds assigned, and territories ceded, in 
 perpetual sovereignty by His Highness Anriund Rao 
 Guicowar Senakaskhel Shumshere Bahadoor to the 
 Honorable English East India Company, under the 
 
224 
 
 supplemental Treaty dated 6th November 1817 (cor- 
 responding with 25th Zilhuj 1232, or Sumvut 1873, in 
 the month of Ashvin) in order to provide for the 
 regular payment of the additional troops subsidised. 
 
 Districts composing the perpetual farm of Ahmeda- 
 bad, ceded and accepted at nett Rupees 12,61,969-2-50 
 subject to all the conditions of the farm : 
 
 Half of the city of Ahmedabad " 
 
 Peishwa's Duskrohee Pergunna 
 
 Veerungaum 
 
 Purantej,and Peishwa's share in Harsool 
 and Morassa Punchrnahals, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 . Nett Rupees. 
 
 Mehmoodabad . . > 
 
 Aleena, or otherwise Thamna . . 
 
 Thasra 
 
 Antrolee 
 
 Balasinor and Veerpoor 
 
 Half of the town and Pergunna of 
 Pitlaud 
 
 Dated Baroda, the 1st Zilhuj Soorsun tessa Ushur 
 Myatyne Wu Uluf, 2nd October 1818. 
 
 This is completed. 
 
225 
 
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 Or Statement of Districts, wit 
 > DR. of tl 
 
 To Vijapoor and Tuppa Sumaoo of K 
 
 }> JJ 
 Bahadurpoor 
 
 Saolee 
 Moglaee dues of the Surat Attave 
 To amount of Killedaree Babuthe 
 the Kaira Collector from the Jagl 
 Sundhana, Antrolee, and Wasna 
 Tol, which was not deducted fro 
 at which these villages were ceded 
 
 aDie company 
 To amount of Sydpoor villag 
 the Guicowar Government wi 
 krohee E 
 Proportion of increase of 20,000 on 
 56,000 Rupees of Duskrohee, 
 as explained by the 17th para- 
 graph of a letter of the 15th 
 June 1818 , 
 
 To amount of Dhurmadao Lungur, 1 
 of the Ahmedabad Duskrohee 
 Kusba Town of Petlaud, and Sayer 
 
 To Balance to be made up to the Gi 
 transfer of the village in Petlaud or t 
 veesee. 
 
226 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 FROM THE TREATY OF A.D. 1817 TO THE HONORABLE 
 M. ELPHINSTONE'S VISIT TO BARODA, A.D. 1821. 
 
 A LETTER from Captain Elwood at Poorbunder, 
 
 1821 dated 13th March 1818 announced 
 to the Resident that the Waghers of 
 Okamundul had revolted against the Guicowar autho- 
 rity, had already plundered some places, and threatened 
 Dvvarka. 
 
 On the 20th May, Captain Ballautyne wrote that 
 the rebels had been too successful in their resistance 
 to the Guicowar troops to admit the hope of an early 
 settlement. 
 
 The Guicowar government aided in the Pindaree 
 war by a large contingent of cavalry sent into Malwa, 
 and placed all its resources so cordially and unreserv- 
 edly at the disposal of the British government in the 
 war with the Peishwa, as to call forth repeated expres- 
 sions of its satisfaction. 
 
 Futteh Sing Guicowar died after a short illness on 
 the evening of the 23rd August, on which occasion 
 
227 
 
 the following proclamation was published in the Bom- 
 bay Cowrie?- on Wednesday, 1st September: 
 
 "The Right Honorable the Governor in Council has 
 received, with feelings of unfeigned regret, intelligence 
 of the death of His Highness Futteh Sing Rao, 
 Guicowar at Baroda, on the evening of the 23rd of 
 last month, after an illness of five days. 
 
 " As a mark of respect for the character of a prince 
 who had ever manifested the strongest attachment to 
 the British government, the Governor in Council is 
 pleased to direct that the flag be hoisted half-mast 
 high on the flagstaff in the garrison to-morrow at sun- 
 rise, and that minute guns, to the mumber of 2(>, the 
 age of His late Highness, be at the same time fired 
 from Hornby's battery." 
 
 The death of Futteh Sing brought out three 
 claimants for the regency : the son of Tuckutbye, an 
 adopted son of the widow of Futteh Sing, named Go- 
 vind Rao ; and Seeajee Rao Guicowar. The preten- 
 sions of the two former were obviously defective, Tuc- 
 kutbye not being, according to Mahratta law and pre- 
 cedent, a legal wife, and Futteh Sing's adopted son 
 incapable of succeeding while any members of the 
 Guicowar family of full blood were to be found. Never- 
 theless some opposition was shown both by the ladies 
 and the ministers. This, however, was overcome by 
 Major Carnac's tact and resolution, and Seeajee Rao's 
 character, disposition, and capacity being favourably 
 spoken of by him, he was invested by Annund Rao 
 with all the powers of his predecessor. 
 
228 
 
 The dissensions in the palace, and the strong party 
 which had resisted Syajee Rao's ad- 
 vancement to the regency, and which 
 still put forward the claims of Govind Rao* to the 
 reversion of the throne itself, induced Syajee to look 
 around for support. As Witoba Bhow, the minister 
 (son of Babajee), had opposed him, he became anxious 
 for the return to Baroda of Seetaram, and expressed 
 much discontent when this request was refused by the 
 Bombay government. For the present he was allowed, 
 however, to entrust the State seal to Seetaram's son. 
 At the same time he cast his eyes on Dhackjee Da- 
 dajee, the native agent, and requested that he might 
 be transferred to his service, hoping that he would 
 bring with him an influence with the Resident, and 
 that " his unassuming disposition" would make him a 
 pliant and obedient servant ; for the young prince 
 had already shown a strength of will, combined with 
 a love of power, which had been long wanting in 
 those members of his family who had ruled the state. 
 
 This application was granted, and the native agent, 
 like his predecessor, passed into the Guicowar's 
 service. 
 
 Captain Carnac reported very favourably of the 
 progress made in reducing the debt this year, and the 
 government was equally gratified ; but when the 
 
 * NOTE. Govind Rao was the son of Gunput Rao Guicowar, On 
 Futteh Sing's death his widow Radhabye had threatened to become 
 Suttee, and was distracted from that act by being allowed to adopt a 
 son. It was, however, declared at the time by Captain Carnac, and 
 subsequently by the Bombay government, that this was not to give 
 the boy any claim whatever to the succession which he did not 
 possess before. 
 
229 
 
 Resident pointed out that Syajee expected, according 
 to the 8th article of the late treaty, to participate in 
 the conquests made in the late war in reward of his 
 co-operation, pointing out that one regiment of infantry, 
 two regiments of cavalry of the subsidiary force had 
 for some time been serving in Malwa, as well as a 
 large body of his own horse, at a very heavy expense, 
 though the war was over ; the Government of Bombay 
 replied that, " though the fullest acknowledgments were 
 due to the Guicowar for the fidelity and attachment 
 he has evinced for the British interests, and the 
 promptitude with whichhehas co-operated in promoting 
 the general objects of the alliance, it must, at the same 
 time, be recollected that the Baroda state has fully 
 participated in these advantages, and in that security 
 which have resulted from the successful termination 
 of the late contest, advantages which must have con- 
 tributed in a powerful degree to enable it, while it 
 conformed/ to the stipulations of the existing treaties, 
 to prosecute those economical arrangements which 
 have brought its finances to so prosperous a condition. 
 This observation equally applies to the notice that has 
 been taken of the expenses incurred by the Guicowar 
 by the employment of a contingent of horse in Malwa, 
 exclusive entirely of the sum contributed by His High- 
 nesss annually in payment of subsidy. That expense 
 the Guicowar must in a very considerable degree have 
 incurred under any circumstances, even if his troops 
 had not been employed in Malwa. It will not be 
 denied that the security of His Highness' territory is 
 not as effectually provided for as if they were stationed 
 within the limits of the Guicowar territorv, nor can 
 
230 
 
 it be urged that the British government does not bear 
 more than its full share of the expense which is indis- 
 pensable to the consolidation of those arrangements 
 which the Supreme government is maturing with 
 views not limited to its own interests, but embracing 
 those of His Highness, and of the petty states on the 
 frontiers of Guzerat, which have suffered so much 
 from the effects of the disorganised state in which 
 they have been unfortunately so long involved. 
 
 " A just consideration to the liberal policy by which 
 His Lordship in Council is guided, will, the Governor 
 in Council is confident, satisfy the Baroda government 
 that the force which it is bound to maintain cannot be 
 more advantageously employed for its own interest 
 than in Malwa ; and whilst the Guicowar has no 
 occasion, as appears to the Governor in Council, to 
 supply its place by any augmentation of its military 
 establishment for the internal tranquillity of its terri- 
 tories, the permanency of its employment in an 
 advanced position ought to be an object rather to be 
 desired than otherwise, since it so completely protects 
 His Highness' possessions against external attack." 
 
 Syajee Rao, however, was not satisfied with this 
 reasoning, and his counter-arguments will be found in 
 the following letter from the Resident, dated 24th 
 June 1819: 
 
 To WILLIAM NEWNHAM, Esquire, 
 
 Acting Chief Secretary, Bombay. 
 
 SIR, At some of the interviews I have had with 
 His Highness Syajee Rao, after the transaction of the 
 business upon which I was engaged, he has often 
 
231 
 
 introduced the subject of his zealous and faithful co-ope- 
 ration with us during the campaign of 1817 and 1818, 
 and noticed the services he is still rendering by the 
 employment of a great proportion of his subsidiary 
 in Malwa, and a considerable body of his own horse 
 and foot; and asked me whether the British govern- 
 ment intended him to share in any of the territory 
 acquired, in return for the value of his co-operation, and 
 as some compensation for the great expense his govern- 
 ment had been subjected to. His Highness further 
 remarked, territory was obtained by the Nizam and 
 Salabut Khan of Ellichpoor. I told His Highness 
 that I was not aware of any partition of territory hav- 
 ing taken place, and having received the reply of Mr. 
 Secretary Newnham to Captain Carnac's despatch of 
 the 22nd of February 1819, the concluding paragraphs 
 of which relate to those subjects, I made use of them 
 as arguments to convince His Highness that he had 
 most essentially benefited by the arrangements that 
 had taken place from the improved security and tran- 
 quillity of his territories; and that although he had 
 been exposed to an increased expense, still such would 
 have been unavoidable for the protection of his in- 
 terests generally. To this and other arguments His 
 Highness replied by urging on my attention the 8th 
 article of the treaty, by which the Honorable Company 
 had bound themselves to take into consideration the 
 pretensions of the Guicowar government to benefit by 
 any future partition of territory acquired in foreign 
 wars, and intimated his anxiety that I would make 
 known these wishes and expectations ,to the Right 
 Honorable the Governor. 
 
232 
 
 His Highness' pretensions to consideration seems, 
 if admitted, to rest on the last treaty with the British 
 government being concluded so late as the 6th of 
 November 1817. No benefit or advantage the Guicowar 
 state did acquire by the treaty of Poona on the 13th 
 of June 1815 preceding, can be calculated on as result- 
 ing to them from the subsequent war. If, therefore, 
 His Highness' government have any claim to the 
 benefits held out in the 8th article of the late treaty, 
 or any just pretensions to participate in the conquests 
 acquired and obtained in which their troops were 
 employed, or in the general conquests throughout 
 the war, it is on these grounds it is entitled to 
 consideration. 
 
 It is true an exemption of four lacs of rupees of tribute 
 has been obtained, but this is urged to be unequal to the 
 just expectations the Guicowar had reason to indulge 
 and doubts are started. How far such a claim could 
 have been enforced after the rupture which took place 
 between the Peishwa, the British and their allies (of 
 which the Guicowar had become one), His Highness 
 considers the tribute to have actually ceased from the 
 date of the rupture. The aid or force contributed by 
 the Guicowar, and available to the general objects of 
 the war, may be calculated, exclusive of the subsidiary 
 force, which amounts to Rupees 24, 3 1, 969-3- 50, at the 
 sum of Rupees 15,31,995-2-64 annually, making a 
 total of Rupees 39,63,935-1-54. 
 
 I have, &c. 
 
 Baroda, 24 th June 1819. 
 
233 
 
 The widows of Futteh Sing and adherents of Govind 
 Rao, after considerable dissension in the palace with 
 Syajee Rao, sent Vakeels to Bombay to induce the 
 Government to interfere in their behalf. It appeared 
 that when Govind Rao's adoption was consented to 
 by Captain Carnac, a memorandum had been drawn 
 up under his orders fixing pecuniary allowances to be 
 granted to the ladies and Govind Rao, by consent of 
 Syajee, arid attached thereto was a proviso that 
 Govind Rao was not entitled through his adoption to 
 any rights or pretensions to the succession. The 
 ladies had refused to accept the memorandum with 
 this proviso annexed, and Syajee in consequence stop- 
 ped their allowances, and subjected them to various 
 mortifications. In the mean time Captain Carnac had 
 gone away, but Mr. Williams, his Assistant and locum 
 tenens, was cognisant of all the circumstances, and was 
 disposed to relinquish the proviso ; but in an interview 
 with Syajee he was induced by the " earnestness 
 and ability with which the Guicowar discussed the 
 question" to change his mind. 
 
 The Government of Bombay, however, out of re- 
 spect to the memory of Futteh Sing pressed the matter 
 upon the Guicowar, assuring him that the British 
 government so completely acknowledged the prior 
 claims of himself and his children to the succession, that 
 he ought not to feel any anxiety on the subject ; and 
 requested that he would waive the proviso to which 
 the ladies of Futteh Sing's family were so averse. 
 But though this request was preferred in a letter from 
 the Governor himself, Syajee on receiving and perus- 
 ing it, declared with much firmness that though 
 30 
 
234 
 
 desirous of always meeting the wishes of the British 
 government, this was a matter of deep personal con- 
 cern, and that he would take the matter into his own 
 consideration. It was abundantly clear that the 
 young prince was of a very different metal to any of 
 his later predecessors.* 
 
 In this year Annund Rao Guicowar died, and Syajee 
 ascended the Gaddee of his own right. 
 
 Following the example of the widows of Futteh 
 Sing, Tuckutbye, the widow of Annund Rao Guicowar, 
 sent for Mr. Williams, the Acting Resident, and sub- 
 sequently communicated to him, through another 
 channel, such preposterous assertions and pretensions 
 on behalf of herself and her two children, that he 
 recommended her for her own sake and theirs not to 
 allow His Highness Syajee Rao to come to a know- 
 ledge of them, as they would doubtless greatly irritate 
 him ; and that if she put her threats (of committing 
 herself and her children to the flames) into execution, 
 she would be committing a most heinous crime, and 
 that he conceived neither His Highness nor the 
 Resident would be at all affected by it. Mr. Williams 
 added, " Tuckutbye no doubt thought that by following 
 the example of Radhabye, the widow of the late 
 Futteh Sing, who after his death declared her inten- 
 tion of becoming Suttee, that she could, by threatening 
 to destroy herself and children, engage me to listen to 
 
 * N.B. It is some excuse for Syajee's pertinacity that the 
 Vakeels of the ladies in their memorandum to the Governor admit 
 that in the course of the dispute they had used the following 
 language : " We are not servants, neither strangers, or relations, 
 but master of the Guicowar territory and estate." 
 
235 
 
 her unreasonable expectations. As from various rea- 
 sons I am fully convinced it never was the serious 
 intention of Radhabye to devote herself to the flames, 
 so am I equally certain that Tnckutbye has not the 
 remotest idea of doing any injury either to herself or 
 children, but that her threats are only made with the 
 desire of exciting our compassion, and as a plausible 
 cover to unfounded pretensions on her part." 
 
 This was, in fact, proved to be the case. At the 
 same time Mr. Williams reported " His Highness 
 Syajee has unadvisedly allowed himself to be alarmed 
 by threats of assassination, and never ventures out of 
 his house without being attended with a numerous 
 retinue well armed.' 
 
 On the 1st November 1819, the Honorable Mr. 
 Elphinstone became Governor of Bombay. 
 
 The condition of the petty states of Kattywar had 
 been for some time past deteriorating, and on a review 
 of the effects that had flowed from the arrangements 
 formed under the agency of Colonel Walker, the Go- 
 vernment was satisfied of the necessity of instituting 
 the fullest inquiry into the causes which had led to 
 their being unable to fulfil their tribute engagements, 
 and appointed Captain Barnwall to make the necessary 
 investigation into the state of the chiefs now tributary 
 to the British government. 
 
 One of the topics of inquiry was the share of tribute 
 properly due to the British government (Peishwa's 
 share), since in Colonel Walker's arrangements the 
 
236 
 
 whole tribute (Rupees 9,79,882-2-0) was made pay- 
 able to the Guicowar both for himself and for the 
 Peishwa's share which he farmed. 
 
 The next point was the settlement of the tribute of 
 those villages which had been waste in Colonel 
 Walker's time or in such a state of insubordination as 
 to preclude the usual arrangements. 
 
 Another was to examine and report upon the 
 Guicowar's claim for Ghasdana as separate from the 
 Jumma on the tributaries of the Peishwa, which 
 seemed at variance with the partition treaty between 
 these two powers. Captain Barn wall was also to 
 ascertain whether the Peishwa had any similar claims 
 on the Guicowar tributaries, in order that, if so, some 
 arrangement might be made to supersede this divided 
 authority by rendering the different states tributary to 
 one or the other government exclusively. 
 
 Captain Barn wall was also to ascertain whether the 
 tributaries had paid either to the Peishwa or Guicowar 
 any sums in excess of Colonel Walker's settlement, 
 and to state his opinion on the validity of such excess 
 exactions. 
 
 His attention was finally to be directed " to the 
 existing condition of the several chieftains, the causes 
 that may have led to their decline, and the measure 
 that may be best adopted to retrieve the prosperity of 
 their principalities consistently with a just regard to 
 the obligations of the engagements contracted by 
 Colonel Walker to respect the integrity of their 
 dominions and their independency." 
 
 Preparatory to noticing the results of Captain Barn- 
 wall's mission, it may be instructive to turn to another 
 
237 
 
 quarter where inquiries of a similar nature were forced 
 upon the Government with regard to one of the 
 Guicowar's exclusive tributaries. 
 
 The system pursued by the Guicowar administra- 
 tion in its dealings with the tributary states could not 
 probably be more thoroughly understood than by a 
 study of its connection with Rajpeepla. At the same 
 time will be apparent how a somewhat too great 
 readiness to assent to the schemes of the administra- 
 tion without sufficient inquiry gave opportunity for 
 abuses which led eventually to the entire transfer of 
 the control over the tributaries from the Guicowar to 
 the British government. 
 
 The early policy of the British government had 
 been to consolidate the authority of the Guicowar 
 Durbar over all these States, in the hope that their own 
 amicable influence with the former would facilitate the 
 complete settlement of the country through its means. 
 
 By degrees, however, the British government was 
 obliged to come more and more into the fore ground ; 
 its territorial acquisitions suffered from the bad govern- 
 ment of some of these tributaries, and the govern- 
 ment became both more sensitive and more sensible of 
 the fact that this misgovernment was sometimes the 
 result of the radical vices of the Guicowar system. 
 
 The Guicowar government, like other native 
 states, made no pretensions to disinterestedness in its 
 dealings with its tributaries ; it did not (at least from 
 the time of British intervention) wantonly attack their 
 independence, but whenever they fell into difficulties 
 or domestic dissensions, it made a point of profiting 
 by them ; and in this, during Colonel Walker's admi- 
 
238 
 
 nistration in some few instances, and during Captain 
 Carnac's administration much more frequently arid 
 freely, it was supported, until at length, a short time 
 before Mr. Elphinstone's governorship, this tendency 
 attracted the attention of the Government of Bombay. 
 
 The territory of Rajpeepla (speaking generally) 
 occupied the thickly wooded uplands which looked 
 down on the northern part of the Surat and the 
 southern part of the Broach Zillahs, and which stretch- 
 ed from the Taptee to the Nerbudda; the Rajas 
 levied Giras, either as black -mail or as quit-rent, for 
 former territorial possessions which had been taken 
 from them, and their Bheel subjects robbed with more 
 or less activity the villages of the plain. 
 
 The chiefs of Rajpeepla were originally of the Pur- 
 mar stock, whose seat of government had been Oujein, 
 and who were so widely spread over India as to sug- 
 gest the flattering mot of the bards : " The world is the 
 Purmars" ;but after some generations, the dynasty shift- 
 ed (through a daughter of the family who married 
 the chief of the island of Perim) into the Gohil tribe. 
 
 In the year 1805, Colonel Walker reported that 
 Ajubsing, the Raja of Rajpeepla, had died two years 
 before, leaving two sons and one daughter, the eldest 
 Ramsing, by one wife, and the younger Nharsing, and 
 his sister, by a wife who survived him. 
 
 Ruttonbye, the sister, was married to the Raja of 
 Chota Oodeypoor. Ruttonbye, who had, inconsequence 
 of Ajubsing's imbecility, first made her own brother, 
 and then Barudsing, the brother of the Oodeypoor 
 chief, Deewan of the state, held the control. 
 
 Barudsing had assisted Kanojee Guicowar in his 
 
239 
 
 rebellion, and during his absence on this service the 
 Arab Sebundy confined Ruttonbye, and put Ramsing 
 on the Gaddee. On this event, her son Nharsing, who 
 was blind, fled to Mandwee. 
 
 In 1805 the rights of the Guicowar government in 
 Rajpeepla consisted of its Ghasdana and one -half the 
 Jummabundy. There was also a Nuzurana (Colonel 
 Walker wrote) which ought to be paid on the accession 
 to the Gaddee, but which was withheld by Ramsing. 
 
 In this state of affairs both Barudsing and Nhar- 
 sing made offers to purchase the aid of the Guicowar 
 government, which, however, was not obtained. 
 Barudsing then gained over Ramsing's Arabs, and 
 seized on Rajpeepla. 
 
 The Guicowar sent troops to Roond, on the Ner- 
 budda, to protect his territories, and both parties ap- 
 pealed to his arbitration. In conjunction with the 
 Resident, His Highness decided in favour of Ramsing, 
 who was put again in possession of Rajpeepla, pro- 
 mising to pay a Nuzurana of one lac of rupees, and 
 signing a stipulation for the punctual payment of 
 Rupees 20,000 per annum Ghasdana. It seems also 
 to have been agreed that Guicowar troops should tem- 
 porarily occupy the station of Gurdeshwar, command- 
 ing a ford on the Nerbudda. The occupation was 
 maintained, however, after Ramsing had desired its 
 discontinuance, and the post was attacked by his 
 orders in 1808 and carried. On this, recourse was 
 again had to Colonel Walker's advice, and an accommo- 
 dation was effected, by which Ramsing gave security 
 for the payment of Rupees 30,000 of his former Nuzu- 
 rana still due, for two years arrears of Ghasdana 
 
240 
 
 Rupees 40,000, a balance of Rupees 23,000 Jumma- 
 bundy, and a sum of Rupees 1 7,500 for buildings, &c. 
 erected by the Guicowar at Gurdeshwar, which post 
 was restored to him. 
 
 On this occasion Ramsing executed a perpetual 
 Filejamine bond, and received the guarantee of the 
 British government in the same manner as the chiefs 
 of Kattywar and the Mahee Kanta. 
 
 This arrangement was very much approved by the 
 Government (Minute, 22nd September 1808). 
 
 Two years later (7th May 1810) Captain Carnac 
 reported new arrangements in consequence of the ad- 
 diction of Ramsing to the " inordinate use of intoxi- 
 cating drugs and thence resulting insanity." 
 
 " The asylum which the criminal Grassias belonging 
 to the Attaveesee Mahals have found in Rajpeepla, the 
 misery and confusion which the inhabitants have 
 endured from the absence of any appeal for the redress 
 of grievances, and the distresses suffered by the chief 
 and his family, have been the powerful motives which 
 instigate the Guicowar government to invest Purtab 
 Sing, the son of Ramsing, with the authority of his 
 
 N. B. It is noteworthy that in the stmnud granted to Ramsing by 
 the Guicowar on this occasion, an article (six) was inserted to 
 the following purport : 
 
 "Purtab Sing (be was a mere child) being your son, therefore let 
 his expenses be settled through Myral Narain* according to similar 
 usages with reference to his actual expenditure ; and this arrange- 
 ment to be perpetual." 
 
 * N.B. Myral Narain at this time held several functions. 
 He was the Guicowar's representative and farmer of his share of the 
 Jummabundy, and he was also the Raja's banker. 
 
241 
 
 father. This measure has met with the approbation 
 of all parties who have an interest in it." 
 
 The Guicowar government, according to Captain 
 Carnac, " earnestly solicited the annexation of the 
 Company's guarantee to this arrangement." 
 
 Such was the ostentatious object of Purtab Sing's 
 investiture. Ram Sing must have been in extremis 
 when this despatch was written ; he died three days 
 after (10th May 1810). The object of the haste and 
 eagerness to carry this measure is now obvious enough. 
 
 It is remarkable that in this letter Captain Carnac 
 gave a version of a part of Colonel Walker's preceding 
 arrangement different from that recorded by Colonel 
 Walker himself. He wrote that the Ghasdana of Ru- 
 pees 20,000, which Colonel Walker had merely men- 
 tioned as being more regularly secured, was, in fact, 
 doubled, viz. Rupees 20,000 annually, instead of bien- 
 nially, and he quoted the cession of Gurdeshwur to the 
 Guicowar as perpetual, instead of temporary. 
 
 The Government of Bombay, in their reply of the 
 17th May 1810, sanctioned the arrangement without 
 any notice of the above discrepancies, but called for some 
 information respecting a debt said to be due to Myral 
 Narain by the Rajpeepla state, as also a description of 
 the person Kissendas Buckshee, with whose concur- 
 rence Purtab Sing was to conduct all affairs, and the 
 age of Purtab Sing himself, after which an ultimate 
 resolution would be come to as to the Bhandary. 
 
 It does not appear whether Captain Carnac ever 
 furnished this information. 
 
 On the 3rd March 1811, Captain Ballantyne, then 
 in charge of the Residency, reported that Khar Sing, 
 
 31 
 
242 
 
 aided by Jeevva Wusawa, had taken up arms to support 
 his claims to the Gaddee ; that the Baroda administra- 
 tion had despatched troops under Ameen Jemedar to 
 aid Purtab Sing ; and that little inconvenience was anti- 
 cipated from such attempts of Nhar Sing, which, from 
 their frequency, " were familiar and unimportant."!! 
 
 Nhar Sing was defeated by Ameen Jemedar. About 
 this time Major Williams, the Surveyor General, visited 
 Rajpeepla in the course of his tour, and presented 
 Purtab Sing with a horse, value Rupees 1,000, " in con- 
 sideration of his superior rank, and the extent, impor- 
 tance, and independence of his state," for which he was 
 censured by Government as likely to cause a false im- 
 pression of its independence, whereas it had been tribu- 
 tary to the Guicowar long before the Honorable Com- 
 pany's connection with the latter; but the Bombay 
 government nevertheless desired the Resident to report 
 on the real state of dependency of the Rajpeepla 
 chieftains on the Guicowar state. 
 
 A report on this subject was made by Captain 
 Carnac on the 3rd August 181 1, in which it is incident- 
 ally mentioned that the Company's Bandary had not 
 been given to the succession of Purtab Sing, and that 
 the parties were less anxious for it (Purtab Sing being 
 now considered firm in his seat). 
 
 In 18 13 one Nurseedutt, an agent of Nhar Sing, made 
 application to the Government of Bom bay for the restora- 
 tion of his master to the Gaddee of Rajpeepla as his 
 right, on the ground that Purtab Sing was spurious, and 
 that he had been set aside by the Guicowar govern- 
 ment for a bribe of one lac and fifty thousand rupees, 
 and perpetual cession of Gurdeshwur, and he promised 
 
243 
 
 to pay the British government an annual sum of 
 rupees sixty thousand if he were restored. 
 
 The proposal was negatived, as the state was tribu- 
 tary to the Guicowar. 
 
 Again Nurseedutt requested that the protection of 
 the Resident should be extended to him while he 
 should be at Baroda urging his master's lawful claims, 
 and Captain Carnac was informed that his report on 
 the subject was awaited before granting the agent 
 permission to proceed to Baroda. In the interim, other 
 applications of the same kind were made, to which the 
 Government refused to accede. 
 
 Apparently driven to desperation by these reiterated 
 refusals, Nhar Sing or his adherents attacked and plun- 
 dered the Company's village of Singhpoor, in the 
 Broach Zillah. Other excesses followed. The Guico- 
 war government was called upon to restore order : a 
 force was deputed for this purpose, and the result was 
 unqualified failure ; the administration of Purtab Sing 
 had proved unable to suppress or even to mitigate 
 the disorders produced by Nhar Sing's rebellion. At 
 length, in August 1815, Wittoba Bhow, the Prime 
 Minister, proceeded thither. He arranged with the 
 contending parties (Purtab Sing and Nhar Sing) after 
 relieving them from the control of their respective 
 mercenary troops, that the administration of Rajpeepla 
 affairs should be undertaken by the Guicowar until 
 he had reimbursed himself for the expenses incurred 
 in reducing the turbulent troops and bringing the 
 country into order ; that Purtab Sing and Nhar Sing 
 should submit their pretensions to the decision 
 of a respectable Punchayet after the expiration of 
 
244 
 
 two years, receiving a suitable maintenance in the 
 interval. 
 
 Affairs remained in this state for several years. 
 On 24th May 1819 the Acting Resident, Mr. Williams, 
 reported that no steps had been taken to bring the 
 dispute between Nhar Sing and Purtab Sing to an 
 arbitration, as the mother of His Highness Syajee Rao 
 was known to have espoused the cause of the latter 
 through the intrigues of Wittul Rao Bhow, the 
 Minister, who was also connected with some of the 
 creditors of the Rajpeepla state, and who had his own 
 reasons for keeping the administration thereof in his 
 own hands. 
 
 Mr. Williams suggested that he should be empower- 
 ed by Government to proceed in the investigation of 
 the dispute, premising that from the inquiries he had 
 already made, and the documents which had been 
 presented to him by Nhar Sing, he was led to view his 
 pretensions in the most favourable light. 
 
 In reply, the Governor of Bombay (Sir Evan 
 Nepean) directed the Resident to undertake the inves- 
 tigation. This was, however, really done by Mr. 
 Williams' Assistant (Mr. J. P. Willoughby), who, after 
 a laborious and searching examination, reported that 
 Purtab Sing had been purchased, when an infant, by 
 Sooruzkoer, the wife of Ram Sing, from a Rajpoot, by 
 name Jye Sing Runna, of Sutteesuna, through the 
 agency of Sooruzkoer's father, the chief of Mandwa. 
 
 About this time Mr. Elphinstone, the Governor of 
 Bombay, visited Baroda. 
 
 After his departure, and by his desire, the Resident 
 opened a discussion with His Highness Syajee on the 
 
245 
 
 subject, and it was arranged that on a set day the 
 agents of both parties should produce whatever they 
 had to say against the investigation and decision of 
 Mr Willoughby. 
 
 In the interim, it was found that agents of the 
 durbar were tampering with the witnesses who had 
 appeared before Mr. Willoughby. A written remon- 
 strance against such conduct was presented to the 
 Guicowar in durbar. When the parties were con- 
 fronted, Purtab Sing's agents stated that their objec- 
 tions to the decision of Mr. Willoughby were not yet 
 prepared, though they had presented a paper on the 
 same subject to the Governor. An application was 
 then made for a Vakeel to plead Purtab Sing's cause, 
 which was agreed to, and he was introduced ; it was 
 then fixed that the final hearing should be taken on 
 the 2nd May. 
 
 On 2nd May the Resident waited on His Highness, 
 who received him with a gloomy and sullen air, and 
 when, after a short time, the Resident asked whether 
 Purtab Sing's Vakeel was in attendance, he said he did 
 not know, and added that the Resident " had accused 
 him of tampering with the witnesses, and he must 
 know on what authority he had done so before he 
 proceeded further." The object of His Highness was 
 evidently to prevent any final hearing of the case. 
 After much unavailing discussion, the Resident caused 
 a memorandum to be drawn up on the spot of the 
 cause which impeded the inquiry, and Syajee admitted 
 it to be correct. At the same instant His Highness 
 gave a memorandum which had been prepared, deny- 
 ing that he, or any one by his authority, had tampered 
 
246 
 
 with the witnesses, and said that if the Resident would 
 withdraw his memorandum, he would allow the 
 Vakeel to be called in. 
 
 The Resident agreed ; but the Guicowar evaded to 
 call him in (wishing the Resident to do so) for a con- 
 siderable time. The Vakeel had prepared no memo- 
 randum, and acted in the same evasive manner as His 
 Highness. The Resident, however, having elicited an 
 admission that the Vakeel had seen all the papers on 
 the subject, informed Syajee that he had nothing fur- 
 ther to ask, and took his leave. 
 
 The Resident was directed in reply (7th May 1821) 
 to expostulate with Syajee Rao, and endeavour to pur- 
 suade him to come to a speedy decision, and on the 9th 
 August His Highness decided that Nhar Sing's claim 
 was established, but that in consequence of his 
 blindness, his only son Vereesal should be invested 
 with the sovereignty ; and he was accordingly so 
 invested by His Highness the Guicowar, in pre- 
 sence of the Resident and Captain Barnwall, in Sep- 
 tember 1821. 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone had expressed a doubt (2nd August 
 1821, No. 1039), of the competency of the British go- 
 vernment to apply any remedy to the affairs of Raj peepla, 
 for " it was intended when the Honorable the Govern- 
 or was first at Baroda, to include Rajpeepla in our 
 arrangements regarding the Guicowar tributaries, and 
 the only reason why that state was not named was that 
 you conceived it included in another part of the 
 engagement." 
 
 The Resident in his interview with the Guicowar, which 
 preceded the investiture of Vereesal in the following 
 
247 
 
 month, took care to insist on the fact of the Rajpeepla 
 state being included in Mr. Elphinstone's arrangements, 
 and this was riot contested by the Guicowar or his 
 Ministers, and Mr. Williams reported in addition (21st 
 September, No. 195), that he perfectly recollected 
 having told the Honorable the Governor that he con- 
 sidered Rajpeepla to be included in the Mahee Kanta 
 arrangements, and his having given such an assurance 
 was the sole cause of that petty state not being specifi- 
 cally placed under our control by a separate engage- 
 ment. Mr. Williams added, " I find also in the Dustoor- 
 ool-Umul it is considered as appertaining to the 
 division of Mahee Kanta." 
 
 There was some inconsistency under these circum- 
 stances in soliciting the Guicowar's decision on the 
 succession, and in having Vereesal's ceremony of inves- 
 titure performed by Syajee in his own durbar, though 
 the former might have been explained by the cause 
 having arisen before Mr. Elphinstone's visit ; the latter 
 act was not so to be explained. 
 
 However, the Guicowar having surrendered the 
 management of Rajpeepla to the British government, 
 Mr. Willoughby was directed to proceed thither to 
 inquire into the tribute demands of the Guicowar, the 
 amount of the Rajpeepla debt, both to the Guicowar 
 and private persons, the resources of the state, and a 
 variety of other matters, all which was done with 
 characteristic, conscientious, and exhaustive assiduity 
 and ability. It was then proved, as might have been 
 expected, that during the period that the Guicowar 
 government had had exclusive management of the 
 country, the debt had increased rather than decreased, 
 
248 
 
 while the people had been subjected to too much 
 oppression and extortion. 
 
 Mr. Willoughby's reports having been forwarded by 
 the Resident to Government in great measure with- 
 out any observations of his own, the following instruc- 
 tive remarks were communicated to him : 
 
 " Although Mr. Willoughby's reports are full and 
 clear, they are drawn up from information obtained in 
 Rajpeepla, and, consequently, the facts and arguments 
 are, with a few exceptions, unfavourable to the 
 Guicowar's claims on that petty state. Before Govern- 
 ment can pronounce on such a statement, it is necessary 
 that it should be informed of the arguments brought 
 forward by the Guicowar, and of your own opinion, as 
 well as on the justice of each demand, as on the degree 
 of interest with which it is regarded by the Guicowar, 
 and the means that may present themselves for effect- 
 ing an accommodation without prejudice to the rights 
 of either party. 
 
 " The Governor in Council is particularly desirous 
 of impressing this on you, as it applies equally to 
 discussions with the Chiefs of Kattywar and Mahee 
 Kanta, and generally to all affairs of a similar nature 
 in which the Guicowar state may be engaged. The 
 Governor in Council observes that it may sometimes 
 be inexpedient to mention a demand at all to the 
 Guicowar, but that when a case is likely to be decided 
 against him, it is indispensable to hear the arguments on 
 his side before finally pronouncing on the question." 
 
 After calling for some information from the Guico- 
 war Durbar respecting items of tribute which Mr. 
 Willoughby had reasoned against, the despatch went 
 
249 
 
 on u It is to be feared that the arguments drawn 
 from the inability of the state of Rajpeepla to have long 
 borne the exactions lately imposed on it will have little 
 effect in reconciling the Guicowar to the loss of the 
 profit he derived from them. It is the invariable policy 
 of Mahratta states to impose a tribute on their weak 
 neighbours, and to increase it till they swallow up the 
 whole territory from which it is drawn The Gui- 
 cowar must, therefore, have viewed the embarrassment 
 of Rajpeepla with satisfaction, and must have been the 
 more displeased at our interference, from its depriving 
 him of an object of which the attainment was so near." 
 
 Such a system, and the unfortunate result of such 
 a system in irritating the minds of the chiefs and 
 retarding the progress of order and prosperity, was 
 not the necessary consequence of the British relations 
 with the Guicowar, but as the latter administration 
 held the initiative, it could embroil the affairs of any 
 state subject to such domestic dissensions, and render 
 confusion worse confounded under the pretence of 
 stepping in to protect its own interests. The case of 
 Rajpeepla proved that under lax supervision by the 
 Resident, the administration could for years pervert 
 justice, and commit much oppression under the veil of 
 its prerogative. 
 
 To deprive it of this prerogative was the political 
 problem of the day, and for this purpose a sugges- 
 tion was thrown out in a letter, No. 107, dated 17th 
 January 1820, to the Acting Resident, in the following 
 words : 
 
 " The Governor in Council is anxious that your 
 earliest attention should be bestowed on the affairs of 
 
 32 
 
250 
 
 Kattywar. It is to be apprehended that the plan sug- 
 gested in my letter to you of the 18th of last month can- 
 not be effectual as far as affects the Guicowar tributaries, 
 unless the Guicowar's army be removed from that 
 province. The best arrangement probably would be for 
 us to pay the Guicowar his tribute without his having 
 any connection with the tributaries. This proposition 
 would no doubt be very distasteful to him, as lessening 
 his consequence, his patronage, and his undue exac- 
 tions. The same objection does not apply to a cession 
 of territory in exchange for his rights in Kattywar." 
 
 The negotiation which followed will be best related 
 in the language of the Honorable the Governor him- 
 self in the next Chapter, 
 
251 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 SETTLEMENT EFFECTED BY THE HONORABLE M. 
 ELPIIINSTONE IN HIS VISITS TO THE GUICOWAR 
 COURT IN A.D. 1820 AND 1821. 
 
 Minute by the Honorable M. Elphimtone, dated 
 April 18th, 1820. 
 
 1. I have the honour to lay before the Board an 
 outline of my proceedings at Baroda, which I hope will 
 be found to accord with the views of the other members 
 of the Government. 
 
 2. I recommend that a letter to the Guicowar 
 government be drafted from this minute, and that a 
 copy of that letter be sent to the Resident in Baroda 
 for future reference. 
 
 3 . At my first interview on business, which took place 
 
 at the residency on the day after my 
 
 Settlement of , T . -i L c\ ,1 ,1 
 
 the Governor. arrival, I intimated to Syajee that the 
 
 necessity for our retaining the manage- 
 ment of his government in our own hands had ceased 
 with the life of the prince whose natural defects first 
 occasioned it, and that the British government was 
 now desirous of entrusting him with the entire adminis- 
 tration of his own affairs, provided he could satisfy it 
 
252 
 
 that the engagements into which it had entered would 
 be strictly fulfilled. I explained that those engage- 
 ments were 
 
 4. 1st, our guarantee of the allowances of his 
 ministers. 
 
 5. 2nd, that of his agreements with his tribu- 
 taries ; and 
 
 6. 3rd, that of his bargains with bankers ; that 
 the two first required no interference in the details of 
 his government ; that the last might also be secured 
 without interference if he would set aside such a sum 
 for the payment of his debts as might be deemed 
 sufficient by his creditors, and assign such funds for the 
 supply of it as might afford them full satisfaction. If 
 he did this, I said nothing would be necessary on our 
 part beyond that occasional advice which the nature of 
 our alliance must ever render necessary, and our inter- 
 position in such extreme cases as might threaten the 
 ruin of the state. If he could not make this arrange- 
 ment, I observed that his expenses must still be liable 
 to the close inspection of the Resident, but that even 
 then the whole of the government should be in his 
 hands, and the Resident would only control what he 
 formerly used to administer. 
 
 7. At this and at subsequent meetings I explained 
 to him in detail the limits of his own authority and 
 the Resident's interference ; that all foreign inter- 
 course was to be exclusively in the hands of the Bri- 
 tish government ; that our control over his transactions 
 with his tributaries was to be exercised up to the letter 
 of our engagements, the degree in which it had hitherto 
 been exerted having been found inadequate to secure 
 
253 
 
 the fulfilment of our promises; that in internal affairs 
 he was to govern by himself, but that the Resident 
 was to be made acquainted with the plan of finance 
 he intended to adopt for each year, to have access to 
 his accounts whenever he thought it necessary, and to 
 offer his advice whenever the system was likely to be 
 deranged. I repeatedly impressed on Syajee that this 
 right to advise was inherent in the British government 
 from the nature of the alliance, and that it never would 
 be offered but for his own good. 
 
 8. To conclude, I endeavoured to fix on Syajee's 
 memory that his success in his connection with us 
 depended 1st, on his payment of his debts, and fulfil- 
 ment of our engagements ; 2nd, on his being not only 
 friendly, but open and sincere in all dealings with the 
 British government ; and Srdly, on his abstaining from 
 any intercourse with foreign states, which of itself 
 would amount to dissolution of our alliance. 
 
 9. Syajee received my first communication of the 
 intention of entrusting to him the full administration 
 of his government with great joy, but without any 
 appearance of surprise. He made repeated and solemn 
 promises of adhering to all the rules laid down for 
 him ; said he owed his musnud and his state (its 
 existence) to the British government, and that he 
 would not on any account dispense with the advice of 
 the Resident, even if he himself should be disposed to 
 withhold it ; but he particularly requested that all 
 representations should be made to him in private, and 
 that all acts of his government should emanate direct- 
 ly from himself. On one occasion (at the next meet- 
 ing after the rejection of Seetaram for minister), His 
 
254 
 
 Highness showed a greater degree of jealousy, was 
 desirous that his management of his finances should 
 be taken on trust, and that the Resident should be 
 content with seeing the accounts once a year at the 
 durbar ; but on this plan being objected to, he at once 
 recurred to that explained in the last paragraph, which 
 accordingly is to be considered as in force hencefor- 
 ward. Syajee was very anxious that I should give 
 him a writing fixing the limits of his own and the 
 Resident's authority, to which I willingly agreed, 
 having always intended to take this method of secur- 
 ing that clear understanding by both parties on which 
 so much depended : a copy of that writing is an- 
 nexed. I had at first drawn up a larger paper, 
 explaining the grounds of our former interference 
 and present forbearance ; but Syajee being desirous of 
 a more simple note of our future relations, I drew up 
 the present one. 
 
 10. As the introduction of Syajee's direct adminis- 
 tration depended on the security to be afforded for the 
 payment of the debts of the state, I early found it 
 necessary to examine the condition of the Guicowar's 
 affairs, and here I unexpectedly met with the principal 
 difficulty in effecting the arrangement desired. The 
 latest official information I possessed (Captain Car- 
 nac's letter, dated February 14th 1819,) gave reason 
 to expect that there would be a surplus by the end of 
 that year ; but, in fact, the Guicowar is in debt to an 
 amount exceeding a crore of rupees, a statement of 
 which is annexed (B). The intricate nature of the 
 Guicowar's accounts led me to request that those now 
 at Bombay should be submitted to the Accountant 
 
255 
 
 General, and he will probably be able to account for 
 the difference between our expectations and the reality. 
 I shall only say that it appears to have originated 
 partly in the receipts of the two last years having- fallen 
 short of Captain Carnac's estimate, while the disburse- 
 ments exceeded it, and partly to the practice which 
 had long obtained of omitting certain debts in the 
 annual accounts of the Guicowar government, which 
 that government is nevertheless under the necessity of 
 discharging. It became the principal object of my 
 attention to put these debts in such a train of liquida- 
 tion as should be satisfactory to the bankers, to whom 
 we had guaranteed the payment of them ; and this 
 was peculiarly necessary, as some of the troops were five 
 years, and almost all near three years, in arrears, and 
 no money could be procured from the bankers who 
 usually supplied it. The chief causes of this pressure 
 were the excess of expense, and the failure of revenue 
 during the last year; the reduction of interest from 12 
 per cent, to 9, which rendered it difficult to raise mo- 
 ney ; perhaps the large share taken by the Minister, 
 Dhakjee Dadajee, in his character of banker in the 
 financial transactions of the government which in- 
 duced the other bankers to hold back ; and, finally, the 
 uncertainty that prevailed by what minister, and even 
 by what government, the Guicowar affairs were to be 
 hereafter conducted. 
 
 11. The plan which was the most desirable for the 
 future was to raise a loan at the present rate of interest 
 (9 per cent.) to the whole amount of the debts, so that 
 the troops might no longer be in arrears, nor the 
 revenue anticipated, and that the expensive establish- 
 
256 
 
 ment of the Potedaree might be done away ; but this 
 was too obviously against the interest of the bankers to 
 be agreed to, even if it were certain that they could 
 provide so large a sum as was required for this loan. 
 The plan proposed to me by the Guicowar therefore was 
 to raise three distinct loans; the first one of 50,00,000 
 Rupees, to be paid by an assignment on the revenue of 12 
 lacs a year ; the second a distinct loan for the Katty war 
 debts of 20,00,000 Rupees, to be paid at the rate of 3 
 lacs a year by an assignment on the revenue of that 
 province ; and the 3rd loan of 30 lacs, for the purpose 
 of paying the expenses of the current year and satis- 
 fying some other demands, which loan was to be paid 
 in full by an assignment on the revenue of next year. 
 This last loan is called the Potedaree loan. The 
 interest on all these loans was to be 10 Rupees 8 annas 
 per cent., but there was to be a premium at different 
 rates on all, and other charges as shown in the annexed 
 paper (C). The worst part of this loan is the system 
 of anticipation, which is here called Potedaree. The 
 payment of the 15 lacs towards defraying the two 
 first loans, and that of 30 to pay the Potedaree loan, 
 consuming almost the whole of the net revenue of the 
 state, it is necessary every year to contract a new 
 loan. The terms on which this has hitherto been done 
 are shown in the annexed paper (D),by which it appears 
 that the profit to the bankers is always 3J per cent, 
 above the nominal interest, although the banker, from 
 his receiving assignments on the revenue of the next 
 year at the moment when he advances the money, runs 
 little or no risk of loss. Another great defect in the 
 plan of the present loan is that it does not provide for 
 
257 
 
 the pay of the greater part of the army beyond the 
 end of last year (ending in June 1819), thus leaving 
 those troops a year in arrears, and in reality reducing 
 their pay by the exact amount of the discount which 
 they are obliged to pay to the bankers who advance 
 them money for their subsistence, receiving assignments 
 on their pay. Both of these abuses have, however, sub- 
 sisted from the earliest times of the Guicowar finance, 
 and were of necessity allowed to remain at the time of 
 Colonel Walker's reform, and the loan just described 
 was not assented to by the bankers without long alter- 
 cation. The Guico war's first plan was to set aside no 
 more than 12 lacs for the payment of his debts, and 
 the bankers at first insisted on 18 lacs, but the present 
 sum of 15 was at last agreed to, and is, I think, quite 
 as much as the Guicowar will be able to make good. 
 The bankers at first insisted on 12 per cent., to which 
 Syajee was disposed to agree, but they at length 
 agreed to take 10^, which is still very favourable for 
 them. 1 was desirous that the Guicowar, after satisfying 
 me that he should be able to set aside as great an an- 
 nual sum for the payment of his debt as had been usual 
 in Colonel Walker's time, should be left in the manage- 
 ment of his country without coming to any immediate 
 settlement with the bankers, and should allow me time 
 to consult the financial officers at Bombay on the pos- 
 sibility of raising a loan on better terms; but to this 
 Syajee showed the greatest repugnance. He considered 
 it as rendering his emancipation uncertain, and he also 
 stated that the terms of the present loan were more 
 favourable than any before obtained, except Dhackjee's 
 loan of 9 per cent., which was for a small sum, and 
 
 33 
 
258 
 
 had failed ; that the bankers had with difficulty been 
 brought to agree to it, and that if he should now 
 hesitate to close with them, they would probably refuse 
 their aid if ultimately required, or, at least, raise their 
 demands ; and that the chance of getting better terms, 
 or any terms, by referring to Bombay was uncertain, 
 and he therefore begged that I would not object to his 
 closing with this loan. The terms in the annexed 
 paper (C) w r ere therefore agreed to. 
 
 12. The delay in the payment of the money ad- 
 vanced by Sir John Malcolm appeared so little incon- 
 venient, especially when bankers security and interest 
 was offered, that I was unwilling to delay the adjustment 
 of the loan by refusing my consent to it. The last 
 article but one requiring Dhackjee Dadajee to give up 
 his share in the Potedarree was much more difficult of 
 adjustment. 
 
 13. Although this person had at first obtained the 
 whole Potedarree, and afterwards admitted the banker, 
 who was formerly Potedar, as a partner, yet the 
 name of this banker alone appears in the agreement 
 with the Guicowar, and Dhackjee's title is founded on a 
 separate agreement with the banker. When he was 
 called on to give up his share, he refused, saying that 
 he was ready to fulfil the conditions of the engage- 
 ment ; that the Potedarree was not given him as a 
 boon, but as part of an agreement by which the Gui- 
 cowar was the principal gainer, inasmuch as it reduced 
 the interest of his debt from 12 per cent, to 9; and 
 that it was unreasonable to expect him to give up a 
 great and certain profit merely because it suited the 
 convenience of the Government to remove him. He 
 
259 
 
 even said that he would undertake that his holding 
 the Potedarree should be no obstacle to the conclusion 
 of the loan, for that he would produce bankers who 
 should complete it on the present terms. To this 
 offer I thought it reasonable to accede, but Syajee 
 declared that he should never feel secure while 
 Dhackjee was at Baroda, and that if he took a share 
 in the loan or Potedarree, he must conduct it by 
 deputy. This Dhackjee refused, but offered to sell 
 his share of the Potedarree to some other banker- 
 Syajee was disposed to agree to this, but seemed more 
 anxious to be the purchaser himself, and after a great 
 deal of discussion, 1,95,000 Rupees was settled as the 
 price, being a sum which Syajee and the minister said 
 they could depend on instantly receiving from any 
 banker to whom they should give the office. Among 
 the arguments brought forward to induce Dhackjee to 
 give up his share was the assertion that lie had not 
 fulfilled his agreement ; for instead of paying money 
 to bankers, who had Government drafts on him, he, by 
 his influence, induced them to be content with receiv- 
 ing credit for the amount in his books, by which 
 means it often happened that the soldiery, whose 
 drafts they were in the habit of discounting, were 
 reduced to extremity from the want of funds produced 
 by this system. Dhackjee said this was entirely 
 owing to the failure of the Government in performing 
 its engagements, having paid the Potedars 27 lacs, 
 when they had advanced 42. When accused of 
 undue profits and exactions, Dhackjee called fur proofs, 
 and when reminded of what he owed to the Guicowar 
 government, which had given him an estate of 30,000 
 
260 
 
 Rupees for this very service of reducing the interest, 
 he said that he was very grateful for the grant, and 
 that it might be thought his services had been over- 
 rewarded, but still the grant was on account of the 
 past, and was not given to make him renounce an 
 advantage which, he submitted, was his undoubted 
 right, and not a matter of favour. He repeatedly 
 declared that he had every wish to accommodate the 
 Guicowar, that he was ashamed to give so much 
 trouble as he did, and that he was ready to obey any 
 directions that I might give him ; but that he stated 
 what he conceived to be his right, and hoped it would 
 not be taken amiss. The following, therefore, are the 
 terms concluded with Dhackjee : That he is to leave 
 Baroda, and relinquish all share in the Potedarree, 
 receiving 1,75,000 Rupees in exchange; that his 
 allowances as Minister are ceased from the date of his 
 removal ; and that he is to retain his Enam villages. 
 This point being settled, no further obstacle remained 
 to the adjustment of the loan, which was accordingly 
 concluded with six of the principal bankers of Baroda, 
 and to which I directed the Acting Resident to affix 
 the guarantee of the British government, as far as 
 engaging to procure the fulfilment of the terms by the 
 Guicowar, which the bankers admitted was all they 
 conceived to be implied by the term Bhandary. 
 
 14. While this loan was negotiating, I took pains 
 to satisfy myself of the Guicowar's ability to make good 
 his engagements. Great reductions had already been 
 made in his establishment in the course of the last year ; 
 and after setting aside many plans of reduction which 
 appeared exceptionable or unlikely to be realised, the 
 
261 
 
 annexed estimate of receipts and expenses (E) was 
 made out, which leaves 15,00,000 Rupees for the 
 payment of debts, after allowing two lacs for contin- 
 gencies. The receipts are taken at 68,50,000 Rupees, 
 the average of 12 years, to which has been 
 added 1,25,000, being the amount of a new imposi- 
 tion, which was laid on in Dhackjee's time as a 
 premium to himself for becoming security for the 
 payment of the revenue by the farmers, but which 
 will now be carried to the Guicowar's account. The 
 only reductions that appear at first sight objection- 
 able are that of a lac and some thousand rupees in 
 the Sebundees, and that of a similar sum in the expenses 
 of collections, here termed Malet Muzoor. The 
 first throws some military persons out of employ, but 
 they are chiefly Sindees and other foreigners, and as 
 they were only raised during the war, they must pos- 
 sess the same means of subsistence as formerly. The 
 second, by throwing more of the expenses of collection 
 on the farmers of the revenue, lessens their profits, 
 and may ultimately fall on the cultivators, but the 
 assessment is not believed to be heavy, as the Guicowar 
 country is flourishing, and the former abuses in the 
 ministry were all of such a nature as to secure favour- 
 able times to the farmers. Among the retrenchments 
 proposed by Syajee was that of striking off" a third of 
 the allowances of his ministers, but it appeared that 
 all the great ones were guaranteed by the British 
 government, and that retrenching those of less allow- 
 ances would not pay by the saving for the odium it 
 would occasion. The allowance of the children of 
 Gungadhur Shastree was the only one to which neither 
 
262 
 
 objection applied, and to have retrenched from them 
 alone could not have been reconciled with a just sense 
 of the service and misfortune of their father. Syajee 
 proposed reducing the whole expense of his fleet ; and 
 as none had been required in former times, I did not 
 think it necessary to object. He proposed reducing 
 all allowances to English gentlemen and to persons 
 under the Resident's protection. To the first I 
 thought it absolutely necessary towards preserving 
 Syajee's confidence in our disinterestedness to accede 
 at once, but there was not one of the others who had 
 just claims on the State for the pension he received. 
 The European gentlemen were Mr. Richards, who 
 commands a body of horse stationed at Pahlunpoor, and 
 has a salary of 600 Rupees a month ; Mr. Handly, who 
 has a small command in Okamundel, on a salary of 
 something less than 400 Rupees; the Surgeon to the 
 Residency, who has 500 Rupees ; and the Surgeon in 
 Kattywar, who has 300, both for attending the natives 
 and for vaccinating. The two first allowances do not 
 seem unreasonable for the duty, and the two last are 
 so necessary, that, I think, they ought to be made up 
 by the British government. The Surgeon to the 
 Residency, at all events, ought to be allowed at least 
 300 Rupees for his civil duties, besides the allowance 
 of a vaccinator in addition to his present allowances. 
 Even this bears no comparison with those of a Surgeon 
 at any other Political Residency in India. The Surgeon 
 in Kattywar ought to have at least the vaccinating 
 allowance in addition to his military allowances. It 
 appeared to me that the requisite reduction in the 
 army might be made without any diminution in its 
 
263 
 
 numbers, and with an increase in its efficiency by 
 equalising the rates of pay, and introducing such 
 regulation as should prevent money being drawn for 
 troops that were not actually employed ; but it soon 
 appeared that this was a difficult and delicate task. 
 The abuses in the army are almost inherent in its 
 nature, and are not to be removed without a sort of 
 revolution, not only in the army, but in the State. As 
 there are few Jagheers in the Guicowar's territory, the 
 income of his chiefs is almost entirely derived from 
 their military pay and perquisites, which again are 
 connected with the superior rates of pay to the men 
 belonging to the greater Sirdars, and to the loose sys- 
 tem of muster in use in this state. Even if it were desir- 
 able to introduce a system of muster, there is no way 
 in which it can be done with any prospect of success, 
 unless by subjecting it to the control of European 
 officers, which would be more unpopular than any 
 part of our former interference, and most probably not 
 effectual after all. For these reasons, I have acquiesced 
 in the plan of reduction proposed by the Guicowar, 
 and I think it a very great advantage that it is his own 
 plan, and, therefore, that he enters on it with good will, 
 and feels his credit concerned in its success. I have 
 not failed to impress upon His Highness in the strong- 
 est manner the necessity of a strict adherence to the 
 plan he has now laid down, the wealth and indepen- 
 dence to which he may raise himself by order and 
 economy, and the absolute necessity of our again resum- 
 ing our old administration of his government, if his 
 arrangements for satisfying his creditors should en- 
 tirely fail ; and I forcibly pointed out to him the 
 
264 
 
 irksomeness and disgrace of the renewal of such a 
 system, after he should once have been put in posses- 
 sion of all the powers of his own government. 
 
 15. The accomplishment of his Highness' plan 
 must greatly depend on his choice of a Minister, and 
 I am sorry to say that his arrangements in this parti- 
 cular are not so satisfactory as might have been wished. 
 At my first interview with Syajee Rao, I introduced 
 the subject of Dhackjee Dadajee, and requested His 
 Highness to inform me of his real wishes, past and pre- 
 sent, in regard to that person. His Highness replied by 
 saying that he could not enter on this subject without 
 exposing himself to enmity, and that he must first insist 
 on my promising that he should not suffer for any opin- 
 ion he might give. He expressed his confidence in and 
 regard for Mr. Williams, and his desire that he might 
 succeed to the Residency at Baroda ; and on my refus- 
 ing to give any promise on that subject, he said that 
 Dhackjee possessed considerable influence with Captain 
 Carnac, and might possibly injure him in that gentle- 
 man's estimation ; that I must, therefore, give him a 
 solemn promise that I would listen to no stories to his 
 disadvantage, but would inform him of anything that 
 was said against him, and receive his explanation before 
 I acted. I agreed to give this promise after premising 
 that with a state which should enter into plots against 
 the British government, it might be necessary to take 
 decisive measures without communicating with it ; but 
 that if he were faithful to his alliance, he might depend 
 on it I should never act on any information against him 
 until he had an opportunity of defending himself. 1 
 likewise explained to him that his apprehensions from 
 
265 
 
 the supposed influence of Dhackjee with tlie Resident 
 were quite unfounded, and after many assurances of the 
 same nature, he said that he was extremely anxious to 
 remove that person from his service. He said that 
 Dhackjee had been of use in securing his succession, 
 and had held out great hopes to him at first, but had 
 afterwards betrayed him ; and he entered into some 
 details to show that this minister had been guilty of 
 rapacity and fraud. He endeavoured at a subsequent 
 meeting to explain away the word betrayed, but he 
 still said that Dhackjee had paid him much attention, 
 and made him many promises, until he obtained his 
 appointment, after which he entirely changed his 
 conduct towards him. 
 
 16. Dhackjee's own account is that Syajee was 
 first pleased with his exertions in resisting the claims 
 of Bulwunt Rao, and of the adopted child of Futteh 
 Sing, and for occasioning a reduction in the interest 
 of the debts from 12 per cent, to 9 ; and that he was 
 afterwards disgusted with his want of power to make 
 Mr. Williams recede from his engagements with 
 Tucketbye, or from his determination not to consent 
 to Syajee's retaining the farm of Kurree in his own 
 hands. Both Syajee and Dhackjee most explicitly 
 deny that any influence was used by the British Resi- 
 dent to procure the nomination of the latter person. 
 
 17. When the Guicowar's resolution to dismiss 
 him was communicated to Dhackjee, he first said that 
 the Guicowar had addressed a letter to the Resident 
 placing the permanence of his appointment under the 
 guarantee of the British government ; and on my 
 pointing out that the guarantee had never been granted, 
 
 34 
 
266 
 
 and never would have been, he said that he had 
 given up his employment at Bombay to come hither, 
 and that he had hoped, as guarantees were usual, that 
 his would have been granted ; that he was a British 
 subject, and depended on me for procuring him such 
 a compensation from the Guicowar as he was in 
 justice entitled to. The Guicowar's proposal regard- 
 ing him to Mr. Williams was that he should give 
 up his pecuniary allowances, amounting to 30,000 
 Rupees. Before I could decide on the equitableness 
 of this offer, it was necessary to make some inquiry 
 into Dhackjee's alleged merits, and into the offences 
 of which he was accused. Of the former it is obvious 
 that Dhackjee had no merit in supporting Syajee, 
 whom the British government had from the first 
 determined to acknowledge. His claims for obtaining 
 a reduction of the interest, although disputed by Syajee 
 Rao, appears better founded ; for it seems he certainly 
 stood forward, and by threats of bringing money from 
 some of our principal cities at 9 per cent., obliged 
 the bankers to lend their money at that rate. The 
 charges against him are unsupported by proof, and 
 are not implausibly answered. The first is for 
 exacting a sum, amounting to a lac and a-half of 
 rupees a year from the farmers of the revenue for 
 being security to the Guicowar for their making good 
 their payments. This, says Syajee, was a bribe under 
 another name, and led to connivance at all sorts of 
 abuses and malversations on the part of the farmers. To 
 this Dhackjee replied that security was always given 
 by bankers, and that it was not unusual for the minister 
 to have a share in it; that Gungadhur Shastree 
 
267 
 
 \vas a partner in the house of Hurry Bugty, which was 
 one of the principal securities for farmers, and that 
 the present Minister (Vittul Rao Bhow) was himself 
 a great farmer ; that, at any rate, his connivance could 
 have done no harm, as he had only been minister for five 
 months. He was, in the second place, accused of allow- 
 ing a large remission in the last year's revenue from 
 corrupt motives; he answered that it was well known 
 the season was unfavourable, as would appear from the 
 collection of such of the Company's districts as produced 
 cotton. His irregularities as Potedar, which have been 
 described above, were next alluded to, with the addi- 
 tion that he took advantage of his situation to intercept 
 money which ought to have gone to private bankers, 
 and applied it to objects which he ought, as Potedar, to 
 have met from his own funds ; and on his answering 
 that the irregularities of the Potedarree were owing to 
 the want of punct ual payment in the Government, Syajee 
 Rao inquired who was answerable for that ? as he, being 
 native agent to the Residency, was perfect master of the 
 State, and could manage it as he pleased. To this 
 Dhackjee replied that the failure of the crops and the 
 extra expenses were contingencies beyond his control. 
 The last charge against him is for a bribe from the 
 bankers at some former period, and of this Syajee 
 desired to postpone bringing his proofs till he should 
 be more prepared. Assuming Dhackjee's innocence, 
 as nothing was proved to the contrary, it appeared to 
 me sufficient to allow him for life the 30,000 Rupees 
 which the Guicowar proposed to give him in perpe- 
 tuity ; but as it appeared that this was no part of his 
 allowances, but a grant of the kind so well known 
 
268 
 
 under the name of Enam, \vhich is universally con- 
 sidered equal to private property, and never confiscat- 
 ed but for crimes against the State, I could not but 
 withdraw my recommendation that it should be inter- 
 fered with, and it is now settled that Dhackjee is to 
 keep it, but with no guarantee on the part of the 
 British government. 
 
 ly. Dhackjee's removal being effected, the next 
 question was \\lio was to be his successor. I remind- 
 ed Syajee at my first meeting of the objections of 
 the British government to Seetaram ; but neverthe- 
 less, at a subsequent interview, he proposed that very 
 individual, supporting his recommendation with allu- 
 sions to the magnanimity of forgiving his offences, and 
 the high claims of his adoptive father on the gratitude 
 of the Guicdwar government. I renewed my objec- 
 tion, on the ground of the original incapacity which 
 procured Seetaram's removal, but still more on that 
 of his intrigues with foreign powers, and his acts against 
 the alliance. I reminded His Highness that he had 
 sent an avowed and accredited agent (Govind Kao 
 Bundoojee) to Poona to interest the Peishwa in his 
 own behalf, to induce that Prince to embarrass the 
 existing administration. at first, by refusing to come 
 to any compromise about the Guicowar's debts, and 
 latterly by setting up a pretender to the musnud of 
 Buroda, and preferring a claim to jurisdiction and 
 sovereignty over the Guicowar family. These intri- 
 gues, I said, led to the murder of the Shastree, and 
 ultimately to the downfall of the Peishwa. I said 
 that if Seetaram were not directly implicated in the 
 first of these transactions, he certainly was the original 
 
2G9 
 
 occasion of it ; and to conclude, whatever might have 
 been his former character, he had now been too long 
 placed in opposition to the British government, and 
 connected with its enemies, for us to have the 
 least confidence in him. Syajee did not deny 
 any of the facts I had brought forward, but still urged 
 that Seetaram should be taken on trial, as he was 
 now improved by age and corrected by misfortune ; 
 but on my declaring that his government was in no 
 state for experiments, that with every talent in his 
 minister, and every confidence on the part of the 
 British government, he would find his task difficult, 
 and without those aids impracticable, he agreed to 
 give up Seetaram, and requested Mr. Williams and 
 me to suggest some other person. This was, of course, 
 refused, although supported by repeated requests on 
 the part of Syajee. during which that, prince said that 
 there were only four persons who had claims to the 
 ministry : Seetaram, whom we rejected ; the Shas- 
 tree's children, who were infants; Dhaekjee, who 
 was just dismissed ; and Wittul Rao Bhow, Dhackjee's 
 nominial associate, in whom he had no confidence, 
 arid whom (he might have added) he had accused to 
 Mr. Williams of plotting to set aside his title to the 
 musnud. At length he proposed Wittul Rao 
 Dewanjee, the Subedar of Kattywar, in which I readily 
 concurred, both as he is the fittest man in the state 
 for such an appointment, and as his removal from 
 Kattywar would take away one of the principal obsta- 
 cles to the sort of settlement we desired in that pro- 
 vince., Syajee afterwards mentioned his design of 
 retaining the present Minister as colleague to the 
 
270 
 
 Dewanjee as he had been to Dhackjee, hy which means 
 he should keep both in order, and would be 
 able to give his confidence to whatever best 
 deserved it. In this also I concurred. The Dewan- 
 jee's allowances, and the title of his office, were 
 discussed, and it was agreed that he was to be 
 invested and presented to me next day ; Syajee at 
 the same time exacting a promise that we were not to 
 remove him without a fault, and that if he gave us 
 ground of offence, he was not to be removed directly, 
 but by an application to Syajee. In granting this 
 promise, as on other occasions, I said that the British 
 government would, of course, always expect him to 
 attend to its objections to any obnoxious minister ; but 
 I added that, except Seetaram, I could think of no 
 man in his dominions to whom I should object. Next 
 day was the occasion when he discovered so much 
 jealousy as before noticed. Some conversation had 
 taken place, before he, in a very indirect and uncandid 
 manner, disclosed his intention of retaining Wittul 
 Rao Bliow, attempting to make it appear that this 
 was the arrangement which he had from the first pro- 
 posed. I agreed to the change, as Wittul Rao is in 
 himself really unexceptionable; but I stated to Syajee 
 that this naming a person in whom he had no confi- 
 dence, his ostensible minister, led me to fear that he in- 
 tended to have a more confidential one behind the 
 curtain. I warned him of the bad consequences of such 
 a system ; said I would much rather have Seetaram 
 as public minister than a secret adviser ; and that, 
 besides my objections to that person, such a system 
 of imposition would at once destroy all confidence 
 
271 
 
 between the Governments., without which nothing can 
 go on. 
 
 19. Syajee pretended that he had nointentionof con- 
 sulting Seetaram, and asked if there were any objec- 
 tions to his seeing him in public. I replied that there 
 was none, either in public or private, as I relied on His 
 Highness for following the plan he promised to adhere 
 to ; but that if he did otherwise, he might depend on 
 it I should soon discover it, and that the result would 
 be the loss of that confidence from which he was about 
 to derive so much benefit. Syajee renewed his protesta- 
 tions, and then said he intended to be minister himself; 
 on which I told him that, without personal attention 
 and labour on his part, his government could never be 
 well administered ; but that he must have some minis- 
 ter to conduct the details, and to be responsible for 
 such duties as required more experience and more 
 habitual attention than he could possibly be possessed 
 of: if he did not select a fit person for this duty, the 
 course of events would throw it into the hands of an 
 unfit one. Syajee agreed to this ; said he would have 
 the Bhow for his minister at present, but that he 
 would exercise a constant control over him, and bring 
 in the Dewanjee if he found the other did not succeed. 
 Syajee concluded by expressing a wish that Wittul 
 Punt Bhow should never visit the Residency without 
 his leave, as he found that a minister who once estab- 
 lished himself there was not easily dislodged ; and 
 likewise that none of his ministers should be sent for 
 to the Resident except through him. These requests 
 were cheerfully acceded to, but it was pointed out to 
 His Highness that he must go ou with perfect cordia- 
 
272 
 
 lity with the Resident, as any distrust or reserve 
 towards him would tend more than anything else to 
 bring things back to their old state. Whether the 
 appointment of Wittnl Rao Bhow was suggested by 
 Seetararn, who would see the impossibility of preserv- 
 ing a secret influence if the Dewanjce were minister, 
 or whether it is the effect of a bribe to Syajee himself, 
 it is unfortunate, not only as shutting the fittest man 
 in the country out of the ministry, but by the weak- 
 ness that must arise from the want of cordiality be- 
 tween the minister and the prince. I nevertheless 
 am of opinion that any interference on our part would 
 in the end injure the party we wish to serve, and that 
 as the object of our guarantees will be secured by 
 separate arrangements, it is better to leave the Guico- 
 war to learn wisdom by experience, than to endeavour 
 to force him into a path in which we could never 
 oblige him to walk with cheerfulness. 
 
 o 
 
 20. After everything was settled regarding the 
 ministry, I received a visit from Seetaram Rovvjee, 
 who entered into a statement, the tendency of which 
 was to make it appear that he had been displaced from 
 the ministry by the artifices of Gungadhur Shastree,and 
 th?it he had never since done anything to forfeit the 
 confidence of the British government. He admitted 
 that he had communicated with the Peishwa through 
 Govind Rao Bundoojee, but he solemnly protested that 
 he had done so at the pressing solicitation of that 
 prince, who had invited Bundoojee from his retreat in 
 Salsette with fair offers of procuring the restoration of 
 Seetaram to power; and he declared that his commu- 
 nications with the Peishwa never had any other object 
 
273 
 
 than his restoration. In reply, I recapitulated the 
 effects of Bundoojee's intrigues terminating in the 
 murder of the Shastrec, and the downfall of the 
 Peishwa; and observed, that although I acquitted him 
 of direct concern in the atrocious part of those transac- 
 tions, I could not hold him exempted from serious 
 blame for the part which he avowed, or from suspicion 
 of a share in the further intrigues of Ins acknowledged 
 Vakeel, for the purpose of obstructing the Guicowar's 
 negotiations and shaking his alliance with the Com- 
 pany. I ended by saying that the British government 
 had no wish to notice this conduct any further, and I 
 should not have mentioned it now, but to explain the 
 reasons for which I never could have sufficient con- 
 fidence in him to agree to his being minister. 
 
 21. It was to be expected that the Guicowar 
 would be reluctant to agree to the plan that we 
 thought requisite for protecting his tributaries from 
 undue exactions, but all that I learned at Baroda 
 strengthened my conviction of the necessity of such 
 an arrangement. 
 
 There seems to be but one opinion among all the 
 gentlemen who have had opportunities of judging 
 on the alteration in the state of Kattywar since our 
 troops first entered that province. All agree that it lias 
 declined from a state of high prosperity to one of 
 extreme misery ; that the spirit of the people is entirely 
 broken, and that they are no longer capable of defend- 
 ing themselves against the Khoshas and other invaders 
 whom they formerly were always able to repel. This 
 unfortunate change is no doubt chiefly to be ascribed 
 to the famine and pestilence which raged in Kattywar 
 35 
 
274 
 
 about 1813. The exactions of Babajee in the three years 
 preceding Colonel Walker's settlement must also have 
 sown the seeds of the decline of the province ; but it 
 seems also to be the general opinion that the encroach- 
 ment and extortions of the Guicowar's officers since the 
 settlement have contributed their share to the ruin of 
 Kattywar. These exactions appear to have been made 
 under pretence of interest on the arrears of the tribute, 
 and of presents and fees to the officers employed, and 
 the encroachments which are represented (by Captain 
 Barnwall in particular) as still more injurious are stated 
 by him to have been effected by introducing a crea- 
 ture of the Dewanjee (the Guicowar's commander) into 
 the office of minister to each of the chiefs. By this 
 plan some hopes of relief from pressing demands of 
 tribute were held out to them, but in the end the 
 Dewanjee, or his dependants, and the new minister 
 preyed upon the Zemindaree at their own discretion. 
 If it were desirable to restore things to their ancient 
 footing, which seems more than doubtful in the 
 present state of the surrounding country, it is now 
 impracticable, and there remains no alternative but to 
 bestow effectually on our part that protection which the 
 Zemindars are no longer capable of affording to them- 
 selves. In Mahee Kanta the case is in many respects 
 different. Our guarantee, though promised by the 
 Assistant deputed to that district in 1811, was not 
 confirmed till very lately, and as it was only binding 
 for a period of 10 years, we had the choice of receding 
 from it if we thought proper. It, however, appeared 
 to me much more desirable to render it perpetual. As 
 long as the Guicowar kept a force in Muhec Kunta the 
 
275 
 
 country was in a state of constant irritation, and our 
 neighbouring districts suffered from the depredations 
 of rebels and outlaws. Since the force was withdrawn 
 in consequence of Mr. Williams arranging that the 
 tribute should be paid at Baroda, the country has been 
 in comparative tranquillity, and the Guicowar's tribute 
 is likely to be realised without either expense or diffi- 
 culty. The position of Mahee Kanta, which stretches 
 along our frontier for an extent of near 100 miles, 
 renders its tranquillity an object of great interest 
 to us, and as we are already bound to assist the 
 Guicowar against rebellious tributaries, it is desirable 
 that we should have the means of preventing any of 
 them from being driven into rebellion. 
 
 23. I therefore proposed to Syajee Rao that we 
 should collect his tribute both in Kattywar and Mahee 
 Kanta ; that he should engage to have no concern with 
 the tributaries, unless we should call for his aid. Al- 
 lowances are made by these agreements for defalcation 
 in the revenue from natural causes, and for expenses in- 
 curred in reducing refractory Zemindars. 1 did not think 
 it worth while to insert any stipulation for the payment 
 of the ordinary expense of management, because it has 
 hitherto cost nothing, and because such a condition 
 would have secured the Guicowar's rejection of the 
 proposal, which was already not improbable. These 
 objections were that the transfer of the exercise of this 
 part of his rights to the Company lessened his impor- 
 tance, and even occasioned a risk of ultimately losing 
 him the rights themselves. This last, indeed, appears 
 to be. the real cause of his repugnance, as he probably 
 entertains fears that the British government may wish 
 
270 
 
 to profit by the transactions with the tributaries from 
 which they wish to exclude him. I endeavoured to 
 facilitate the attainment of His Highness' consent by 
 pointing out the saving that would accrue from his 
 withdrawing his army out of Kattywar, but I found 
 this was really among the obstacles to my success, for 
 Syajee had been persuaded by those who were gainers 
 by that expenditure to consider it as of importance to 
 his consequence, and he would only agree to abstain 
 from sending troops into the lands of the Zemindars 
 on condition that he should be allowed to keep up 
 both them and his civil establishment within his own 
 immediate possessions in the Peninsula of Kattywar. 
 To this I agreed, because it did not affect the object of 
 protecting the tributaries, and because I thought the 
 Guicowar would of himself discontinue the establish- 
 ment when he found it an useless expense, neither 
 tending to keep up his power over the Zemindars, nor 
 required to check any plan on our part of diminishing 
 his influence. The plan will hereafter be for the 
 Zemindars to pay their tribute at Umreliec and Baroda 
 without any further intercourse with the Guicowar 
 government. In minor cases of failure, we may, if 
 we please, employ the Guicowar's troops to enforce 
 payment (though I should not think such a measure 
 desirable), and in important cases, when our troops 
 may act against them, we may levy the extra expense 
 from the refractory tributary himself. An assistant 
 of the Baroda Residency may be employed to superin- 
 tend these arrangements, and no officer can have 
 greater experience in this duty than Captain Ballantyne, 
 who is already employed in this manner in Kattywar. 
 
277 
 
 I am not, however, of opinion that any additional 
 Hilary which that officer may be entitled to should be 
 granted at the Guicowar's expense; but a demand, 
 however just, would always appear unreasonable to 
 His Highness, and in this case in particular, when the 
 employment of an European officer rather than a Native 
 is in opposition to his own declared sentiments. A 
 translation of a writing given to me by the Guicowar, 
 fixing his future relation to the tributaries in Katty- 
 war and Mahee Kanta, accompanies the minute. The 
 Resident at Baroda should be called on for a paper 
 of minor demands relating to Kattywar, which the 
 Guicowar presented with my answers. This paper 
 being only furnished on the day I left Baroda, I could 
 not obtain a translation. 
 
 24. Before 1 conclude, it is proper that I should 
 say something of the effects of our past measures on 
 the Guicowar 's country, and of the prospects held out 
 by the present. 
 
 25. There can be no doubt that the effect of our 
 connection with the Guicowar has hitherto been 
 extremely favourable. Our interference must have 
 caused much annoyance, and the rule of our Native 
 agent much more ; but these were compensated even 
 to the Court, by their deliverance from the dominion 
 of the Arabs, by the order introduced into their 
 finance, and by the safety and tranquillity of their 
 capital and country. Except in Kattywar, the people 
 gained still more by the absence of all violence, either 
 foreign or domestic, and from the check imposed by 
 our Resident on the tyranny of the officers of the 
 Guicowar government. It is not to be expected that 
 
278 
 
 things will go on quite as well hereafter, and in 
 points where we are immediately concerned, the 
 transfer of direct authority from our own hands to those 
 of others will doubtless be much felt ; but judging 
 from the present state of things in Guzerat, and 
 from the character of Syajee (who, considering his 
 total inexperience, is remarkably far from want of 
 talents or of application to business), I should hope that 
 his administration will not be inferior to that of most 
 Indian princes. In respect to fidelity to his alliance, 
 he lias at present neither motive nor inclination to 
 take any step hostile to the British government, and 
 it is to be expected that his release from all vexatious 
 interference, and the marked line drawn between him 
 and the British authorities, will prevent any of those 
 misunderstandings in which a disposition to such 
 conduct is most likely to originate. Much will depend 
 on Syajee's advisers, and much on the talents and 
 temper of the Resident. Every man connected with 
 the Residency must lose some portion of power or 
 consequence by our retiring from the administration 
 of the Guicowar's government, and every one will be 
 ready to misrepresent the Guicowar, and to foment 
 disputes between him and the Resident. On the 
 other hand, Syajee Rao, though at present more open 
 and more tractable than is usual with independent 
 Native princes, is not unlikely to give offence hereafter 
 by his jealousy of his authority, and he is not above 
 the practice of evasion and double dealing, which 
 tends more than anything else to increase every 
 misunderstanding. It will therefore require con- 
 siderable effort on the part of the Resident io avoid 
 
279 
 
 over interference and irritation on the one hand, and 
 on the other, entire neglect of the Guicowar's proceed- 
 ings, which in the end would be as injurious as the 
 opposite error. 
 
 2G. I retain my opinion as to the necessity of the 
 Resident being provided with a Native agent whose 
 salary should be on a liberal scale, but 1 am more than 
 ever impressed with the necessity of his managing all 
 business of importance by direct intercourse with the 
 Guicowar, and excluding his agent from everything like 
 political ascendency at the durbar. For this purpose, 
 I have requested Mr. Williams to conduct all the busi- 
 ness himself for such a period at least as may be 
 necessary to give him a complete and intimate know- 
 ledge of all details, and may show the people about 
 the durbar that even in them he is capable of 
 understanding any complaint, and, consequently, is 
 entirely above the control of the Native agent. 
 Whoever is appointed to this last office should be 
 named by the Resident without reference, and should 
 only be known to Government by his pay being 
 charged with the rest of the Resident's establishment. 
 
 27. There are a few points not immediately con- 
 nected with the general settlement of the Guicowar's 
 government which I have reserved to mention 
 separately. 
 
 28. I found Syajee Rao very anxious to obtain 
 possession of the treasure of Annund Rao, and as he 
 had agreed to the provision promised to Tuckutbye, 
 there was no longer any reason for withholding it. 
 I therefore requested him to take possession, and de- 
 puted Captain Ballantyne at the same time to take 
 
280 
 
 an inventory of the whole property, to call on Tuckut- 
 bye for a list of such property as she considered to 
 belong to her, explaining- to her that everything 
 which she could prove to be her own should be restor- 
 ed to her. Tuckutbye at first said it was all her 
 own, being the savings of Annund Rao out of his per- 
 sonal allowance, and that she would die rather than 
 permit any of it to be removed. Finding this made 
 no alteration in the decision announced to her, she 
 afterwards gave her consent to the removal of the trea- 
 sure, but the door of the treasury was now beset by 
 some troops formerly in the immediate service of the 
 late Result Sing, who refused to allow it to be removed 
 until their arrears were settled. Their clamours were 
 at length quieted by Captain Ballantyne, who showed 
 great temper and firmness as well in his transactions 
 with them as in those with Tuckutbye, and an 
 inventory was made out by the Guicowar minister 
 and the Bye's agent. Many articles were recognised to 
 be part of the jewels belonging to Manajee Guicowar, 
 the fourth prince counting back from Syajee, which 
 is sufficient to disprove the assertion that the whole 
 was collected by Annund Rao. Tuckutbye having 
 furnished a list of the property she claimed, and 
 Syajee having promised to restore it if proved to be 
 hers, the treasure was made over to his officers and 
 removed to his palace. 
 
 29. I may observe that Bulwunt Rao, the son of 
 Annund Rao by Tuckutbye, showed a disposition on 
 several occasions to make himself appear independent 
 of Syajee, absenting himself from that Prince's public 
 interviews with me, though sent for, wishing to visit 
 
281 
 
 me separately, and without Syajee's leave, and 
 inviting me to an entertainment at his own house 
 in the same manner as had been done by the Raja. 
 These attempts I decidedly discouraged, but otherwise 
 treated Bulwunt Rao with attention. 
 
 30. The settlement with the family of Futteh Sing 
 was mentioned at my first interview. On this head 
 Syajee showed considerable anxiety and impatience 
 for a decision, a feeling which the circumstances of 
 the case rendered very natural. 
 
 31. The widow of his elder brother had been 
 permitted by the British Resident to adopt a son on 
 the express condition of that son renouncing all right 
 to the musnud derived from such adoption. Without 
 this renunciation, the adoption would have given to the 
 adopted son an undoubted right to succeed to the 
 musnud in preference to Syajee himself. The adoption 
 had been completed, but no written acknowledgment 
 of the condition had yet been obtained from the relations 
 of the adopted son. They were therefore at liberty 
 to say, and actually did say, that they had never 
 heard of the condition, and that they conceived the 
 adopted son to have succeeded to all the rights of his 
 deceased father. To guard against such a preten- 
 sion, a paper had been drawn up, and signed by 
 Captain Carnac (who, as the person who permitted 
 the adoption, must best have known the terms on 
 which permission was granted), by which the relations 
 of the adopted son renounced all title derived from 
 the adoption to succeed to the musnud. This paper 
 the family refused to recognise, and the British govern- 
 ment solicited His Highness to acquiesce in the refusal. 
 
 36 
 
282 
 
 These proceedings obviously throw considerable doubt 
 over Syajee's title to the musnud. The mere omission 
 of so important a part of the agreement in the 
 written instrument could not but give rise to doubts ; 
 but striking it out after it had been inserted by the 
 Guicowar and signed by the Resident, amounted to a 
 virtual abandonment of the condition which it contain- 
 ed, and left the adopted son in possession of all his 
 rights as much as if the renunciation had never been 
 mentioned. It is true that the Resident was autho- 
 rised to assure Syajee that the British government 
 considered the adopted son to have renounced 
 his title, and Syajee, from his confidence in our 
 power and good faith, might feel secure that the 
 claim of the adopted son was not likely ever to 
 operate to his own exclusion from the musnud ; 
 but he could not fail to be conscious of the defect 
 in his title, and to be apprehensive of the ad- 
 vantage that might be taken of it under any future 
 change of circumstances. It therefore seemed to me 
 essential, towards securing Syajee's right, that the 
 family of Futteh Sing should, on the part of the 
 adopted son, recognise, in the most unequivocal manner, 
 the paper which had been signed by Captain Carnac, 
 and I was happy in being able to effect this without 
 inconsistency with the orders of the late Government, 
 as this is the course which Government had directed 
 to be adopted in case any decided opposition were 
 offered by Syajee to the other plan which it had 
 proposed. I therefore communicated to the family 
 of Futteh Sing the view I had taken of the subject, 
 and I had several interviews with Dadjce Gooroor, the 
 
283 
 
 brother of Futteh Sing's wife ; Captain Ballantyne 
 likewise had several interviews with the ladies them- 
 selves. Throughout the whole of these meetings, 
 they mentioned the right of the adopted child to 
 succeed to Futteh Sing's rights in preference to Syajee ; 
 they quoted numerous examples of successions to 
 governments transmitted by adoption, and appealed 
 to me whether I had ever heard of an imperfect or 
 conditional adoption like that now proposed. Dadjee 
 Gooroor receded from this high ground so far as to 
 allow Syajee to govern during his life-time, but insist- 
 ed on the boy's recovering his rights on Syajee's 
 demise. On my alluding to the condition annexed 
 by Captain Carnac to the adoption, Dadjee Gooroor 
 denied that the ladies had ever heard of it, or that 
 they would ever have consented to it, if they had heard 
 of it. To this I replied that Captain Carnac could 
 have given his consent on no other terms, and that 
 if he had agreed to an adoption which should supersede 
 Syajee's rights, it could never have been confirmed 
 either by the Guicowar or the British government. 
 
 32. The wife of Futteh Sing on this renewed her 
 threats of putting an end to her life, but as this could 
 not influence me to allow Syajee's succession to be 
 disputed, she next talked of following me to Bombay, 
 and never quitting me till her object was gained. On 
 my repeatedly explaining that a refusal to perform 
 the condition annexed by Captain Carnac to our 
 guarantee destroyed the guarantee itself, the rest of 
 the family gave up the boy's claims, and agreed to 
 accept an allowance on the proposed terms; but the 
 mother of the boy adhered to the last to her refusal 
 
284 
 
 of consent to the renunciation of all claim from the 
 adoption, and in consequence I formally announced 
 to Syajee, in writing, that our guarantee was at an end. 
 I at the same time recommended him to give to each 
 member of the family separately the allowance origi- 
 nally proposed for that individual on his or her 
 admitting that the adoption gave the boy no title 
 to the musnud. 
 
 33. It is to be observed that the family of Futteh 
 Fide G Sing during the whole of this 
 
 discussion never showed the least 
 anxiety about the right of the adopted boy to succeed 
 by his birth independent of the adoption ; and when 
 it was mentioned to them by Captain Ballantyne, 
 they paid no attention to it, but recurred to their former 
 demands. Syajee, on the other hand, insisted that 
 this natural right was destroyed by the adoption, but I 
 explained both to him and to the Byes that this 
 question was open to the decision of Hindoo law, and 
 was in no wise affected by the renunciation. 
 
 34. The Guicowar presented me with a paper 
 
 containing several demands of his 
 Claims advanced . ,1 /-, 
 
 by the Guicowar. government against the Company, 
 
 which I promised should be 
 investigated. The principal was the claim to Ghas- 
 danna both in Kattywar and in our other possessions 
 in Guzerat. This, he said, was an ancient source of 
 revenue which had fallen to the Guicowar's share in 
 the partition of Guzerat. He said that it was the 
 part due from Kattywar only which was renounced 
 by a treaty with the Peishwa, and even that, 
 lie said, had regularly been collected, notwithstanding 
 
285 
 
 the treaty, for the last 50 years. I assured him 
 that if he could prove that, he should receive his due, 
 and that he might depend on it all his claims would 
 be treated with strict justice. 
 
 35. Syajee repeatedly entreated me, in the most 
 earnest terms, to grant a provision in his native 
 country to his brother-in-law, a Sirdar named 
 Dhybar, who has lost his Jagheer in the Deccan. This 
 wish I promised to consider. 
 
 36. I cannot conclude without recording my 
 approbation of the zealous and able assistance I receiv- 
 ed from Mr. Williams in all my transactions at 
 Barocla. Mr. Williams has been so fortunate as to 
 gain Syajee's confidence, and as he takes a liberal and 
 correct view of the relation between the Prince and 
 the Company, I hope that, as far as depends on him, 
 the new arrangements will go on well. I also received 
 much assistance from Captain Ballantyne, and from 
 Captain Barnwallon the subject ofKattywar, and from 
 Captain Reynolds, of the Commissariat, in arranging 
 the Guicowar's accounts. 
 
 P.S. When I was about to leave Baroda, I receiv- 
 ed from Syajee four charges, of which a translation 
 is annexed, against Dhackjee, which I left to Mr. 
 Williams to examine. On my return, I found Dhackjee 
 admitted the charges, and justified his acting as he 
 did by the consent of Government at the time of his 
 appointment. I told him that the expression which 
 he quoted gave no such authority ; that his profits had 
 been enormous ; that 1 doubted the legality of his 
 taking mpney while Native agent ; and that if it were 
 
286 
 
 1 legal, he must expect to refund. Mr. Williams will 
 report on this subject in detail. 
 
 I found on iy return that the British guards had 
 been withdrawn from the town and palace, and I 
 directed those in the fort of Hurree to be likewise 
 withdrawn as soon as I found there was no military 
 object in retaining them. 
 
 At the Guicowar's request, I directed Mr. "Williams 
 to issue a short proclamation announcing His High- 
 ness having entered on the administration of his own 
 government ; a copy of the draft is annexed. 
 
 A. 
 
 Subslance of a Letter fram the HONORABLE M. ELPHIN- 
 STONE, Governor of Bombay, to His HIGHNESS 
 SYAJEE RAO GUICOWAR, dated April 3rd, 1820, 
 answering to 17 th Jumandce-ool-Aber, Arabic 
 year 1220, and to Chuitru Wud 4th, September 
 1876. 
 
 Since my arrival at Baroda we have had many 
 interviews, at which, besides increasing the former 
 friendship by personal intercourse, we have had 
 various conferences regarding the manner in which 
 you are to be vested with the administration of your 
 own government. For the better remembering of the 
 points settled, I now commit them to writing. 
 
 All foreign affairs are to remain as hitherto under 
 the exclusive management of the British government. 
 
287 
 
 With regard to the internal affairs, your Highness 
 is to to be unrestrained, provided you fulfil your 
 engagements to the bankers of which the British 
 government is guarantee. The Resident is, however, 
 to be made acquainted with the plan of finance which 
 your Highness shall determine on at the commence- 
 ment of each year. He is to have access to the 
 accounts whenever he requires it, and is to be con- 
 sulted before any new expenses of magnitude are 
 incurred. 
 
 The guarantees of the British government to minis- 
 ters and other individuals must be scrupulously 
 observed. 
 
 Your Highness to choose your own minister, but 
 to consult the British government before you appoint 
 him. 
 
 The identity of interests of the two states will render 
 it necessary for the British government to offer its 
 advice whenever any emergency occurs ; but it will 
 not interpose in ordinary details, nor will its Native 
 agent take a share, as formerly, in the Guicowar 
 government. 
 
 This letter is written in the spirit of entire friendship 
 and good-will towards your state, and I look to 
 hear henceforward of your increasing prosperity and 
 reputation. 
 
 [List 
 
288 
 
 B. 
 
 List of Debts owing by the Guicowar State. 
 
 Rs. q. rs. 
 
 To Hurry Bhuktee Parukh on 
 
 account of money advanced for 
 
 the expenses of the Hindoo year 
 
 1875, A.D. 1818-19 13,65,275 2 87 
 
 For the expenses of the current 
 
 year 10,00,000 
 
 On account of the expedition 
 
 against the Khosas 2,00,000 
 
 To Ruttonjee Candas 78,016 2 69 
 
 To the bankers who advanced 
 
 money for the payment of the 
 
 troops in Malwa 13,08,344 2 
 
 To Sir J. Malcolm on the same 
 
 account 14,00,000 
 
 Arrears due to troops for 1874-5. 25,40,709 2 31 
 An old debt not included in the 
 
 Company's guarantee 3,88,852 3 94 
 
 Ruttonjee Manickchund on ac- 
 count of advances to the local 
 
 Government in Kattywar .... 11,34,054 3 75 
 Ruttonjee Dhackjee on the same 
 
 account 2,60,542 3 75 
 
 Arrears of the troops employed in 
 
 Kattywar for five years 5,25,000 
 
 Carried over Rs. 1 ,02,00,797 1 3 1 
 
289 
 
 Rs. q. IS. 
 
 Brought over Rs. 1,02,00,797 1 31 
 
 To bankers who advanced money 
 
 for the expenses incurred in 
 
 Rajpeepla 1,08,000 
 
 To arrears of troops employed in 
 
 Rajpeepla for three years .... 4,57,500 
 
 Total Rs. U)7^,~297 1 31 
 
 (Signed) J. P. WILLOUGHBY. 
 
 Memorandum of Sums due by the Guicowar to the 
 Parukh (bankers) and Forces, year Isreen My- 
 
 aniyn Ouluf (A,D. 1819-20). 
 
 Rs. q. rs. 
 
 To Hurry Bhugtee ........... 13,65,275 2 87! 
 
 Ruttonjee Candas .......... 78,016 3 68| 
 
 Parukhs of Malwa .......... 13,08,344 2 
 
 On account of notes for the 
 forces, &c. 
 
 A note.. 23,40,709 2 31J 
 Ditto . . 2,00,000 
 
 --- 25,40,709 2 31 
 Note given in the present year on the 
 Parukhs, viz. : 
 On account of 
 
 Khosas ____ 2,00,000 
 
 Do. of lastyear. 10,00,000 
 
 - --- 12,00,000 
 
 Amount due to Sir John Malcolm. 14,00,000 
 
 78,9^346 ~~ 
 
 Carried over ____ Rs. 78,92,346 2 
 37 
 
290 
 
 Its. q. rs. 
 
 Brought over Rs. 78,92,346 2 87 
 
 Unguaranteed debt 3,88,852 3 93f 
 
 On account of Rajpeepla, viz. 
 due to Parukhs 
 
 (bankers) 1,08,000 
 
 Ditto to Sebun- 
 
 dees 4,57,500 
 
 5,65,500 
 
 On account of Kattywar. 
 Due to Parukhs 
 Ruttonjee Manick- 
 
 chund II ,34,054 3 75 
 
 Ruttonjee Dhack- 
 
 jee 2,60,542 3 75 
 
 Sebundees for five 
 
 years 5,25,000 
 
 19,19,597 3 50 
 
 Rupees 1,07,66,297 2 31 
 
 A true translation. 
 
 (Signed) J. TAYLOR, 
 
 Depy. Secy. & Trans., Office of Country Corre- 
 spondence. 
 
 Memorandum of the terms of the Loan to be advanced 
 by the Parukhs (Bankers') year 1876 (A.L>. 1820). 
 
 1st. For the payment of a loan On account of the loan 
 
 of fifty lacs of rupees, let Wurats of fifty lacs of rupees 
 
 (assignments in the revenue) to the "Wurats to the amount of 
 
 amount of fifteen lacs of rupees be twelve lacs of rupees will 
 
 given annually. continue to be given. 
 
291 
 
 For the payment of the running 
 loan of thfrty lacs of rupees, let 
 Wurats of thirty lacs of rupees be 
 given annually, and if there he any 
 deficiency, we shall take credit for it 
 in the loan. 
 
 1st. We shall receive net interest 
 at 14 annas per cent., without allow- 
 ing any abatement on account of 
 Munotee (premium). For the loan of 
 fifty lacs of rupees at 3 per cent. 
 Ditto for the running loan of thirty 
 lacs of rupees, at 2 per cent. 
 
 1. The Potadaree (discount on 
 payments) we shall receive at two 
 and a-half per cent., and we shall pay 
 one per cent, and a-quarter to the 
 Sirkar. 
 
 1. We shall receive the one 
 month's credit, &c. on the Sirkar's 
 Chittees (or notes) according to 
 custom. 
 
 1. Sirpaos (or honorary dress) 
 shall be given to the Sait and 
 Goomashtas agreeably to custom. 
 
 1. Notes exceeding the stipulated 
 loan are not to be issued (we) shall 
 not pay the amount. 
 
 1. The separate loan for the 
 Silladars, which it has been usual 
 to effect, shall not be allowed. 
 
 The sum of forty-two lacs of 
 rupees due to the late Potadar Hur- 
 ry Bhugtee to be discharged with 
 
 In regard to the running 
 loan of thirty lacs of rupees, 
 it is agreed that, after pay- 
 ing the balance of the last 
 loan with interest, another 
 loan shall be made, and 
 thus to go on annually. 
 
 Interest will be given and 
 received at the said rate. 
 
 Will be paid at the said 
 rate. 
 
 To be paid and received 
 agreeably to former usage. 
 
 To be received according 
 to custom. 
 
 They will be given accord- 
 ing to custom. 
 
 If notes to the amount of 
 two and a-half or three lacs 
 of rupees beyond the loan 
 be issued, you are to accept 
 them. 
 
 No separate loan to be 
 opened. 
 
 After deducting the Wu- 
 rat collections from the 
 arrears, the balance, with 
 
292 
 
 interest. If any deficiency occur in 
 the Wurat collections, we shall take 
 credit in the new loan. 
 
 1. The amount due to General 
 Malcolm, which is included in the 
 loan, shall be paid in twelve months 
 from this date. 
 
 1. The sums due on account of the 
 late loan, effected without guarantee, 
 are to he discharged with interest. 
 
 interest, shall be discharged 
 by giving credit in the 
 loan. 
 
 To be paid at the stipu- 
 lated time with such interest 
 as shall be demanded. 
 
 The amount of the loan 
 without guarantee is credit- 
 ed in the Sirkar, according 
 to which they shall be in- 
 cluded in the loan. 
 
 On settling according to 
 what is right the papers 
 shall be given up. 
 
 The guarantee shall 
 obtained and given. 
 
 be 
 
 1 . The amount due to the Parukhs 
 on account of the Potadaree of Mal- 
 wa, and of the Hoozoor (Baroda), 
 shall be discharged, and the paper 
 executed in partnership by Hurry 
 Bhugtee and Dhackjee Dadajee, and 
 also the writing of Ruttonjee Canda?, 
 along with the Kattywar and other 
 writings, shall be given up. 
 
 1. For the performance of the 
 foregoing articles the Honorable 
 Company's guarantee shall be given. 
 
 1. The account of both loans 
 shall be made out in twelve months, 
 and the running loan of thirty lacs 
 of rupees shall be discharged every 
 year, after which we shall enter into 
 a (new) loan to the same amount on 
 account of the Hoozoor. (Baroda) 
 Potadaree. 
 
 A true translation. 
 
 (Signed) J. TAYLOR, 
 
 Depy. Secy. & Trans., Office of Country Corre- 
 spondence 
 
 The account shall be 
 made in the manner desired. 
 
293 
 
 Memorandum granted to Hurry Bhugtee, Myral 
 Narayen, Samul Bcchur, Khooshalchund A m- 
 baeedas, Munyul Suktddas, and RuUonjee Can- 
 das, Parukhs (BanJicrs), containing articles of 
 agreement for a running Loan on the Potadaree 
 account, year Soorsun Isretn Myantyn Ouluf 
 (A.D. 1819-20). 
 
 1. For the payment of the forces, &c. thirty lacs 
 (30,00,001) shall be received from you annually, 
 according to your shares, viz. : 
 
 Rupees. 
 Hurry Bhugtee, Parukh, a share of five 
 
 annas 9,37,501 
 
 Myral Narayen, Parukh, a share of five 
 
 annas 9,37,500 
 
 Samul Bechur, Parukh, a share of one anna 
 
 and a-half 2,81,250 
 
 Khooshalchund Ambaeedas, Parukh, a 
 
 share of one anna and a-half 2,81,250 
 
 Mungul Sukhidas, Parukh, a share of one 
 
 anna and a-half 2,8 1 ,250 
 
 Ruttonjee Candas, Parukh, a share of one 
 
 anna and a-half 2,81,250 
 
 30,00,001 
 
 For the payment of the above running loan, Wurats 
 (drafts) to the amount of thirty lacs will be annually 
 given on the revenue of different Mahals (districts). 
 
294 
 
 2. Interest and Munotee (premium), viz. : 
 
 ]. Munotee (premium) at two per cent, will be 
 credited at the end of the year for the notes which 
 will be given annually. 
 
 1. The account of interest of 14 annas per cent, 
 will be annually made out ; also on deducting the inter- 
 est of the amount of collections, the net interest will 
 be paid without any abatement. 
 
 1. From the Potadaree notes, two and a-half per 
 cent, shall be deducted, and one and a-quarter per 
 cent, shall be paid to the Sirkar. 
 
 1. For the payment of this loan with interest, 
 Wurats (drafts) will be annually granted on different 
 Mahals, &c. On granting Wurats, if any balance 
 remain it will be credited in the new loan, and thus 
 payment will be made. 
 
 1. Notes to the amount of two lacs and a-half, or 
 three lacs of rupees exceeding the loan, must be 
 accepted. 
 
 1. One month's credit shall be allowed on the 
 notes according to former practice. Altogether seven 
 articles have been settled, which the Sirkar will fulfil, 
 and for the fulfilment of which the Honorable Company 
 is guarantee. 
 
 Dated 15th Jamadce-oola-Khir, corresponding 
 with the 31 st March 1820. 
 
 A true translation. 
 (Signed) J. TAYLOR, 
 
 Depy. Secy. & Trans., Office of Country Corre- 
 spondence. 
 
295 
 
 D. (L.S.J 
 
 Translation of an Agreement entered into by Syajee 
 Rao Guicowar Senakhaskhel Shumshere, with 
 Hurry JBhugtce, Myral Narayen, Samul Bechur, 
 Khooshalchund Ainbaeedas, Mungul Sitkhidas, 
 and Ruttonjee Candas, Parukhs (bankers), Soor- 
 sun Isreen Myantyn Oohtf ( A.D. 1819-20.) 
 
 A loan of 50,00,001 Rupees has been received 
 from yon on account of Potadar of Hoozoor (Baroda) 
 and of Malwa, as well as for liquidating the debt to Sir 
 John Malcolm, and for the payment of the amount 
 due to the forces, &c. 
 
 The amount has been fixed according to original 
 shares, but payment shall be made agreeably to the 
 dates of the notes, which will be given by the Sirkar, 
 and the account will be made out in the same 
 
 manner : 
 
 Rupees. 
 Hurry Bhugtee, Parukh, a share of five 
 
 annas 15,62,50 1 
 
 Myral Narayen, Parukh, a share of five 
 
 annas 15,62,500 
 
 Samul Bechur, Parukh, a share of one 
 
 anna and a-half 4,68,750 
 
 Khooshalchund Ambaeedas, Parukh, a share 
 
 of one anna and a-half 4,68,750 
 
 Carried over Rs. 40,62,501 
 
290 
 
 Brought over Rs. 40,62,601 
 
 Mungul Sukliidas, Parukh, a share of one 
 
 anna and a-half 4,68,750 
 
 Ruttonjee Candas, Parukh, a share of one 
 
 anna and a-half 4,68,750 
 
 Mtmotee (premium) and Sirpao (honorary 
 dress), viz. 
 
 Munotee at 3 percent 1,50,000 
 
 Sirpao, viz. : 
 
 To the Sait 30,000 
 
 Gomashtas 20,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 2,00,000 
 
 Besides the following item, net interest at 
 14 annas per cent, will be allowed, and 
 no abatement demanded. 
 
 52,00,001 
 
 For the payment of this, Wurats (drafts) will be 
 granted from the year 1877 (A.D. 1821) on various 
 districts, viz. : 
 
 Rupees. 
 On the Purounria of Baroda 2,00,001 
 
 Ditto ditto of Petlaud 3,00,000 
 
 On the province of Surat Uttaveesee and 
 
 its districts 6,00,000 
 
 On the Purgunna of Kurree 50,000 
 
 Ditto ditto of Putim 50,000 
 
 12,00,001 
 
297 
 
 Thus the sum of fifty-two lacs of rupees has been 
 received as a loan, and an item concerning the interest 
 thereof is mentioned above, and until the whole is 
 paid off with interest, wurats to the amount of twelve 
 lacs of rupees are allowed from the ensuing year on 
 different districts. These wurats will be granted 
 annually. There is a separate memorandum contain- 
 ing articles of agreements which shall be performed, 
 and for the performance of which the Honorable 
 Company is guarantee. 
 
 Dated 1 5th Jumadee-oola-Khir, corresponding with 
 the 3lst March 1820. 
 
 A true translation. 
 
 (Signed) J. TAYLOR, 
 
 Depy. Secy. & Trans., Office of Country Corre- 
 spondence. 
 
 E. 
 
 Estimate (of the Receipts and Expenditure) for the 
 ensuing 1877 (A.D. 1821). 
 
 RECEIPTS. 
 
 Rs. q. rs. 
 
 Total, about 68,50,000 
 
 Also ] ,25,000 
 
 Also 30,000 
 
 1,55,000 
 
 Expenses reduced 1,05,000 
 
 71,10,000 
 Deduct the amount appropriated for 
 
 the reduction of debts 15,00,000 
 
 Balance, about 56,10,000 
 
 38 
 
298 
 
 The particulars of the Expenditure, viz. : 
 
 Rs. q. rs. 
 
 Horse 6,41,250 1 
 
 Silledars 10,40,000 
 
 Sebundee 7,88,476 3 
 
 Charges in the Mahal 6,53,000 
 
 Private expenses of the Sircar 50,000 
 
 Charges at the Bhundra (a place 
 where some widows of the family 
 
 reside) 44,300 
 
 Futteh Sing Rao Guicowar 27,155 
 
 Ladies of the family 3,76,218 
 
 Moodeekhana (provision department). 4,50,000 
 
 Jamdarkhana (wardrobe department). 1,25,000 
 
 Camel Establishment 5,000 
 
 Artillery 63,000 
 
 Arsenal 27,000 
 
 Mulhar Rao Guicowar 34,600 
 
 Kanojee Rao Guicowar 24,000 
 
 Elephant Establishment 10,000 
 
 Furashkhana (Carpet, &c. store- 
 room) 5,000 
 
 Building 50,000 
 
 Gardens 7,000 
 
 Wunchutra (places at which travellers 
 and others are supplied gratuitously 
 
 with victuals) 36,000 
 
 Religious and charitable donations. . 50,000 
 
 Charges for Priests 10,000 
 
 Carried over .... Rs. 45,16,999 4 
 
299 
 
 Rs. q. rs. 
 
 Brought over Rs. 45,16,999 4 
 
 Villages granted as Doomallee 3,89,000 
 
 Khatkliurch (deficiency) 1,08,000 
 
 Mukoondrad 9,000 
 
 Sundries 2,58,000 
 
 To Weddings and other 
 
 ceremonies 2,00,000 
 
 4,58,000 
 
 Poona charges 4,000 
 
 Expedition charges, viz : 
 
 A Malwa 75,000 
 
 On account of Khosas 
 
 (banditti) 50,000 
 
 1,25,000 
 
 Rupees 56,10,000 
 
 A true translation. 
 
 (Signed) J. TAYLOR, 
 
 Depy. Secy. & Trans., Office of Country Corre- 
 spondence 
 
300 
 
 c. 
 
 Translation of a Paper containing the Terms pro- 
 posed by the Bankers, with the Answers returned 
 by the Guicowar Government. 
 
 1st. Parukhs (the Bankers) agree 
 to make a loan of fifty lacs, provided 
 they receive fifteen lacs of Wurats 
 (assignments on the revenue) an- 
 nually. 
 
 2nd. To make a loan of thirty lacs, 
 its discharge to be arranged annually, 
 and what shall remain to be carried 
 to account in the next year's loan. 
 
 3rd. The interest to be at fourteen 
 annas, and no abatement to be made. 
 
 4th. Munotee (premium) on the 
 loan for fifty lacs to be at 3 per cent., 
 and on the thirty lacs at 2 Rupees an- 
 nually, and discount on all payments. 
 
 5th. The Potadaree discount on 
 nil payments at 2^ per cent, to be 
 equally divided between the Govern- 
 ment and bankers. 
 
 6th. The Chittees (drafts) of the 
 Sircar to be paid after one month's 
 sight according to custom. 
 
 7th. Serpao (an honorary dress) 
 to the Sait and Goomastahs to be 
 given. 
 
 8th. The loan being made, beyond 
 it no Chittee (draft) to be given. 
 
 The Sircar agrees to give 
 twelve lacs annually. 
 
 Sircar agrees. 
 
 The Sircar agrees to give 
 and take fourteen annas 
 respectively. 
 
 4th. Sircar agrees. 
 
 5th. Sircar agrees. 
 
 6th. Sircar agrees. 
 
 7th. According to cus- 
 tom, 
 
 8th. Sircar say from 
 2,50,000 to 3,00,000 be- 
 yond, must be allowed. 
 
301 
 
 9th. Silledars loan not to be made 
 separately. 
 
 1 Otli. Tlie arrears of Potadars to be 
 discharged from the present loan to 
 be paid by Wurats ; what is recovered 
 to be deducted. 
 
 llth. What is owing to Sir John 
 Malcolm Saheb to be paid in one 
 year. 
 
 The debts due in this Bhandary 
 are to be paid with interest from the 
 present loan. 
 
 What is due on account of the 
 Malwa Potadaree and on the Baroda 
 Potadar to be discharged, and Hurry 
 Bhugtee and Dhackjee Dadajee, who 
 have a partnership agreement, and 
 the one which is written, Ruttonjee 
 Candas, for Kattywar, to be given up. 
 
 To the foregoing articles the Com- 
 pany's Bhandary to be affixed. 
 
 9th. Sircar agrees. 
 
 lOth. Sircar say they have 
 given Wurats (assignments 
 on the revenue), and deduct- 
 ing which a discharge of 
 the rest with interest will 
 take place. 
 
 llth. Sircar agree, and 
 the interest which may be 
 settled by Sir John Malcolm 
 to be given. 
 
 Sircar will give the prin- 
 cipal, but no interest. 
 
 Sircar says that an ar- 
 rangement will be made con- 
 formably to justice. 
 
 Sircar agrees to procure 
 
 it. 
 
 (Signed) J. P. WILLOUGHBY, 
 
 Acting Resident. 
 
 Note. This paper was furnished me by the Resi- 
 dent at Baroda. It appears to have been made hastily, 
 perhaps by a native, in consequence of the hurry of 
 my departure. The agreements actually signed will 
 be transmitted in due course by the Resident. In the 
 mean time this paper shows the terms. 
 
 (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. 
 
302 
 
 D. 
 
 Translation of the Potadaree agreement with Hurry 
 Bhuktee^ dated Soomas A sir Meyatecn Wuluf 
 (A.D. 1815). 
 
 To you is given by tins Government the business 
 of the Potadaree from the year 1873 to the year 1878, 
 *. e. for five years. The articles for the agreement of 
 which are as follows : 
 
 1. The revenue of the mahals will be paid to you, 
 and orders for defraying the expenses of Government 
 will be drawn upon you, which orders must be brought 
 to account. 
 
 2. The stipulation for interest and Munotee is as 
 follows : 
 
 Interest for all sums received from the revenues 
 is to be credited to the account of Government at the 
 rate of three-quarters per cent, per mensem, and the 
 same rate will be paid to you for all sums advanced 
 by you on account of Government. 
 
 For all orders of Government paid by you, Munotee 
 (or a premium) of two per cent, will be allowed. 
 
 3. The Potadaree (which is to be deducted from 
 all drafts drawn upon you) is fixed at 2 per cent., 
 half of which is to be credited to the Government, and 
 half to be kept by yourself. 
 
 4. The probable amount of the money which will 
 be required by Government is to be estimated, but 
 you are not to object to advance from five to seven 
 lacs beyond the annual estimate. 
 
303 
 
 5. The interest was formerly fixed at one per cent, 
 per mensem, but it is now reduced to three-quarters 
 per cent. It is therefore stipulated that no further 
 reduction shall take place during the term this agree- 
 ment is binding. 
 
 The above five articles has been agreed to by Go- 
 vernment, and the account is to be made up at the 
 end of every year, and Wurats will be given to you 
 in discharge of the balance for which the Company's 
 Bhandary is given. 
 
 True translation. 
 (Signed) J. P. WILLOUGHBY, 
 
 Assistant in Charge. 
 24th January 1820. 
 
 N. B. The Kattywar or Malwa agreements are the same, with 
 the exception that the rate of interest for the latter is 12 instead 
 of 9 per cent, per annum. 
 
 True copy. 
 
 (Signed) J. P. WILLOUGHBY, 
 
 Assistant to the Resident. 
 
304 
 
 E. 
 
 An Estimate of the Receipts and Expenses of the 
 year 1877. 
 
 The total revenue 68,50,000 
 
 To this add * J, 25,000 
 
 t 30,000 
 
 1,55,000 
 
 ^Expense reduced 
 
 Mahal Muscoor , . 1,05,000 
 
 Total.. 71,10,000 
 From this is to be paid 15,00,000 
 
 The remainder 56,10,000 
 
 Pagah 6,41,250i 
 
 Silledar 10,40,000 
 
 Sebundee 7,88,476| 
 
 Mahal Muscoor 6,53,000 
 
 Khasgee expenses of Syajee Rao 50,000 
 
 Tuckutbye and widows 44,300 
 
 Futteh Sing Rao's family 27,155 
 
 On account of the expense of the ladies of 
 
 the family 3,76,218 
 
 * This is the new sum levied by Dhackjee. 
 
 f I think this is an addition expected this year from the farmers 
 of the Baroda Pergunna. 
 
 % This is a saving of the expenses of collection by which the 
 net revenues is increased. 
 
 This is the sum set aside for the reduction of the debt, M. 
 ELPHINSTONE. 
 
305 
 
 Rupees. 
 
 Modeekhana 4,50,000 
 
 Jamaharkhana 1 ,25,000 
 
 OuthKurch , ... . 5,000 
 
 Topkhana 63,000 
 
 Gunjkhana 27,000 
 
 Mulhar Rao Guicowar 34,600 
 
 Kanojee Rao 24,000 
 
 Fe'elkhana 10,000 
 
 Furashkhana ; 5.000 
 
 Imarut Kurch 50,000 
 
 Gardens 7,000 
 
 Anachatra 3 36,000 
 
 Dhurmadao 50,000 
 
 Mercian Kurch 10,000 
 
 Doomallagaum 3,98,000 
 
 Kot Kurch 1,08,000 
 
 Moorar Rao . 9,000 
 
 Kirkool Kurch 
 
 2,58,000 
 For marriages, deaths, &c. 2,00,000 
 
 4,58,000 
 
 Poona charges v , . . . 4,000 
 
 Swarree Kurch 
 
 MrJwa Babut 75,000 
 
 Khosas 50,000 
 
 1,25000 
 
 Total 56,10,000 
 
 (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. 
 
 39 
 
306 
 
 [I regret extremely the imperfection of these papers, 
 furnished in great haste by the Acting Resident. I 
 recommend that gentleman should be called on for 
 the enclosures B, C, D, E, in the original Muratha, 
 together with accurate translation.] 
 
 (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. 
 
 F. 
 
 Translation of a Memorandum under the Seal of His 
 Highness Syajee Rao Guicowar. 
 
 With a view to the tranquillity of the country, and 
 to the peaceable realisation of His Highness the 
 Guicowar's tribute from Kattywar and Mahee Karita, 
 it is agreed that His Highness Syajee Rao Guicowar 
 shall send no troops into the lands of the Zemindars, 
 in either of those tracts, without the consent of the 
 British government, and shall make no demand on 
 any Zemindar or other person of those provinces 
 except through the medium of the British govern- 
 ment. The British government engages to procure 
 payment of the Guicowar's tribute free of expense 
 to His Highness, agreeably to the principles of the 
 settlement made with the Zemindars of Kattywar 
 and Mahee Kanta respectively in the year 1807-8 
 (answering to Sumbul 1864) and in 1811-12 (an- 
 swering to Sumbul 1868). ' 
 
 If any great expense be produced by the refractory 
 conduct of the Zemindars, the British government 
 
307 
 
 shall be at liberty to levy that amount and no more 
 from the Zemindars resisting. 
 
 Executed on the 4th of Chuitru V/ud, answering to 
 Jumadee-ool- Akher 1220 Fuslee, and to April 
 3rd, A.D. 1820. 
 
 G. 
 
 Translation of a Letter to Syajee Rao Guicowar, 
 Senakhaskhel Shumshere Bahadoor from the 
 Honorable MOUNTSTUART ELPIIINSTONE,. Governor 
 of Bombay. 
 
 A. a 
 
 On the death of the late Futteh Sing Rao 
 Guicowar, for the purpose of quieting the minds 
 of his wives and family it was agreed by Captain 
 Carnac, Resident at Baroda, that a child should be 
 adopted, but that the said child was to have no claim 
 whatever to the government ; and it was agreed, 
 under the guarantee of the British government, that 
 the family should receive a provision from the Gui- 
 cowar government ; but as they now refuse to abide 
 by these arrangements, the guarantee promised by the 
 Resident is hereby annulled. 
 
 3rd April 1 820, or 1 7th Jumadee-ool- A kher, or Sum- 
 vut 1876, Chuitru Wud 4th. 
 
 H. 
 
 Dhackjee received 2,75,000 Rupees from the Gui 
 eowar as brokerage (Dullalee) in 1873. In 
 
308 
 
 report this was accounted for by charging 2,30,000 
 Rupees as outstanding in Mahee Kanta, and 45,000 
 as paid into the treasury. 
 
 2. Rupees 4,00,000 were due to the Pagadars at 
 the time of Colonel Walker's settlement; they got 
 nothing till the settlement in 1873. when it was settled 
 they should be content with 2,1 1 ,000. Of this Dhack- 
 jee kept 1,90,000 to himself, charging 1,80,000 as 
 paid to Futteh Sing's creditors, who are to this day 
 unpaid, and 10,000 to some other account. 
 
 3. Colonel Walker fixed eight annas a year as 
 commission for being security for revenue (Haume) ; 
 Dhackjee used to take arbitrarily as far as two per 
 cent., so that in three years, when his whole receipts 
 should have been 25,000 a year, or 75,000 in all, 
 he took 3,00,000. 
 
 4. In 1873 Dhackjee charged two per cent, 
 premium (Munotee) on a sum of 23,00,000 to 
 bankers, although he had assignments (Barouts) for 
 the amount, and was not to pay the bankers until it 
 was realised. He has not as yet given his partner 
 in the Potadarree credit for his share of this sum. 
 
 I. 
 
 The infirmity of the late Annund Rao having made 
 it necessary to provide other means for the regulation 
 of his country, a commission was instituted under the 
 direction of the British Resident, which managed all 
 affairs during the life-time of His late Highness. 
 
309 
 
 The accession of His Highness Syajee Rao, a 
 prince of full age and acknowledged ability, i^ender- 
 ing this arrangement no longer necessary, the govern- 
 ment will henceforward be conducted by His High- 
 ness in person, and all complaints and representations 
 are henceforward to be addressed to him. 
 
 April 7th, 1820. 
 
 No. 690A. of 1820. 
 
 To 
 
 JAMES WILLIAMS, Esq., 
 ^ Acting Resident at Baroda. 
 
 POLITICAL DEPARTMENT. 
 SIR, 
 
 1. You are already acquainted with the principles 
 of the late measures at Baroda, and the enclosed copy 
 of a despatch from this Government to that of Bengal 
 will serve as a record of those principles, and of the 
 proceedings founded on them. 
 
 2. You will henceforward abstain from all inter- 
 ference in the internal affairs of the Guicowar govern- 
 ment, except in such cases as will hereafter be pointed 
 out, The control hitherto exercised by the Residents, 
 and the practice of receiving complaints in all cases 
 of abuses under the Guicowar government, is to be 
 discontinued, except in cases where our guarantee has 
 
310 
 
 been afforded to the party suffering, or where the 
 party ^nay be so far a dependent of the Government 
 as to justify interference, even a,t courts where we 
 never had enjoyed any control. 
 
 3. You will afford your advice to the Gtiicowar 
 in cases where the line of conduct adopted by the 
 prince seems likely to be attended with very serious 
 injury to his state ; but it is desirable that you should 
 avoid interfering in common cases of mal-administra- 
 tions, as more will be lost by destroying the feeling 
 in the Guicowar that the success of his affairs depends 
 on his own exertions than will be gained by remedies 
 applied to partial evils. 
 
 4. On occasions where it is necessary to advise, 
 you should be careful to give it in the least offensive 
 manner, and with perfect freedom and candoufc. It 
 should be given with such privacy as to make the 
 conduct suggested appear to originate with the Gui- 
 cowar himself; and on all occasions you should spare 
 no pains to conciliate the confidence and good- 
 will of the Guicowar, as well as to uphold the charac- 
 ter of his administration in the eyes of his subjects. 
 
 5. It will be peculiarly incumbent on you to 
 offer advice in cases where the finances are likely to 
 be deranged and the Guicowar's power of fulfilling 
 his engagements to the bankers impaired. To guard 
 against this, you must frequently inspect the accounts, 
 and take measures to prevent any new expenses being 
 incurred without your knowledge, for which purpose 
 you must be particularly on your guard against 
 separate accounts and clandestine terms, by which 
 
311 
 
 the Guicowar may increase the disorder of his finances 
 without appearing to depart at all from his 
 engagements. 
 
 6. It will be necessary, in the first instance, 
 to see that the money now raised is disposed of in 
 the manner agreed on, and that the reductions lately 
 conceded are actually carried into immediate effect. 
 You will report the progress of those reductions. You 
 are to take immediate measures for obtaining the 
 security of bankers for the sum to be repaid to Sir 
 John Malcolm, according to the Guicowar's agree- 
 ment, concerting with Sir John Malcolm the most 
 effectual means for securing the pay and regular 
 muster of the contingent in Malwa, as promised by 
 Syajee Rao on the Governor's last interview with 
 him. ^ 
 
 7. You will observe and report on the progress 
 of Syajee Rao in the exercise of his present functions, 
 his principal agents and advisers, and the general 
 character of his government, both for intentions 
 and ability ; you are to keep the control of the tribu- 
 taries, and to employ Captain Ballantyne on this duty, 
 to provide that officer with instructions, and to send 
 a copy to Government. 
 
 8. Further instructions will be sent to you regard- 
 ing the Guicowar tributaries in Kattywar when 
 Captain Barnwall's reports on those with which he 
 is employed shall have been received. The tributaries 
 in Mahee Kanta may remain on the same footing 
 as at present, as long as they pay their tribute regu- 
 larly at Baroda and do not plunder the country. 
 
312 
 
 Should they be guilty of the least irregularity, prompt 
 examples should be made by detachments of the 
 subsidiary force. 
 
 9. When tribute is withheld, it will generally be 
 expedient to enforce the payment by the employment 
 of British troops rather than of the Guicowar's. Care 
 must be taken in all transactions with the tributaries 
 to maintain the Guicowar's nominal superiority, and 
 the remembrance that his rights still exist, no less than 
 to prevent any interference by his officers contrary to 
 the present agreement. The Zemindars should pay 
 their tribute into a treasury of the Guicowar's when- 
 ever it can conveniently be done. 
 
 10. You will furnish a copy and translation of the 
 papers of demands presented by the Guicowar relative 
 to the tributaries and of the Governor's replies. 
 
 11. A complete list of all the tributaries who are 
 included in the late agreement as belonging to Katty- 
 war and Mahee Kanta is to be forwarded immediately ; 
 it ought to be authenticated by the Guicowar or his 
 minister to prevent future disputes. Great care must 
 be taken to keep the accounts of the tribute clearly, 
 and to have the means of satisfying the Guicowar when- 
 ever there may be a failure of the tribute. 
 
 12. Captain Ballantyne is allowed to draw the 
 salary of a Collector, being Rupees J, 333-1-33 per 
 month, which is to be inclusive of what he receives 
 as First Assistant at Baroda, making an addition of 
 Rupees 183-1-33; and to charge for his establishment 
 and travelling expenses on honour, in which the Go- 
 vernor in Council confidently relies on that officer's 
 observing every degree of economy. 
 
313 
 
 13. -You are to retain the conduct of all foreign 
 affair*. No communications should be permitted 
 between the Guicowar and any foreign state, except 
 such as may at present be kept upon occasions of 
 mere ceremony. 
 
 14. The nominal relation between the Gui- 
 cowar and the Raja of Sattara may, perhaps, lead to 
 a wish to open some communication between the 
 Courts. This should be, by all means, discountenanced, 
 and the Guicowar ought to be encouraged to 
 assume the title of Raja, and the style of an 
 independent prince. This, however, should be done 
 with prudence, as a display of solicitude on the part 
 of the British Government would at least lessen the 
 Guicowar's anxiety about titles, which he would feel 
 were within his reach. In addition to these general 
 instructions, there are some affairs now in progress, or 
 lately concluded, on which it is desirable that the wishes 
 of Government should be communicated to you. 
 
 15. The guarantee to Tucketbye is to be 
 scrupulously observed, and her claims to part of the 
 treasure possessed by the late Annund Rao to be 
 immediately investigated ; but while the British 
 Government protects the Bye from wrong on the part 
 of Syajee, it is equally incumbent on it to discourage 
 all attempts on the part of that lady, or of her son, 
 to assume a tone of independence of the established 
 government. 
 
 16. The family of Futteh Sing Rao having 
 rejected the conditions attached to the guarantee of 
 the British Government, when promised to them by 
 
 40 
 
314 
 
 Captain Carnac, have no longer any claim on our 
 interference. You are, however, to remind the Gui- 
 cowar that the Governor in Council expects that he 
 will grant the allowances originally intended to the 
 elder Bye, to Docljee Gooroore, and to any other of 
 the family who may have agreed to accept it on the 
 original condition before the Governor left Baroda. 
 The renunciation of the adopted child must, however, 
 be introduced into any grant that is made to them, 
 as it was into that signed by Captain Carnac. 
 
 17. It is proper here to observe that the renun- 
 ciation alluded to is meant to be confined to the 
 rights which might have been acquired by the 
 adoption, and not to extend to those derived by 
 Govind Rao from his birth ; the effects of the adoption 
 on which are left entirely to the operation of the 
 Hindoo law of Divebaby, and are not at all affected 
 by the present renunciation. 
 
 18. You will have received and forwarded to 
 Government the written defence which Dhackjee 
 Dadajee promised to furnish regarding the charges 
 of embezzlement and corruption brought against him 
 by Syajee. If the defence has not been given in, 
 you will call on Dhackjee for it ; and if he fail to deliver 
 it, you should report what has passed without wait- 
 ing longer. 
 
 19. The removal of the guards at Baroda is ap- 
 proved ; those at Kurree will likewise have been re- 
 moved. The allowances of the officers commanding 
 those guards to cease from the end of the month when 
 the guards were relieved. 
 
315 
 
 20. You will transmit the original and translation 
 of the paper of claims on the British government, pre- 
 sented to the Governor by Syajee Rao while at Baroda. 
 You will also be pleased to report your opinion on 
 each, after communicating with the local officers of the 
 Honorable Company's government, to whose districts 
 the claims refer. 
 
 21. You will report the salary you think neces- 
 sary for a native Agent under the present change of 
 circumstances. 
 
 22. The appointment of such an officer is not 
 urgent at present, as all the details of the system will 
 for a time require your personal attention. 
 
 23. Great temper and address will be required for 
 a long time, to guard, on the one hand, against the 
 effects of the discontent of our own dependents who 
 lose influence by the change, and on the other, against 
 the inexperience of the Guicowar, and his probable 
 propensity to push his newly acquired independence 
 beyond the bounds prescribed. 
 
 24. Government, however, relies on your zeal and 
 ability for obviating these difficulties, and for retaining 
 the confidence of Syajee, which you at present so 
 fortunately possess. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c., 
 
 (Signed) F. WARDEN, 
 
 Chief Secretary. 
 Bombay Castle, 3rd May 1820. 
 
316 
 
 No. 690 OF 1820. 
 
 POLITICAL DEPARTMENT. 
 
 To C. T. METCALFE, Esq., 
 
 Secretary in the Secret &; Political 
 
 Departments at Fort William, 
 
 SIR, With reference to my despatch dated the 17th 
 January last, I have now the honour to transmit to 
 you, for the purpose of being laid before His Excel- 
 lency the Most Noble the Governor General in Coun- 
 cil, the inclosed copy of a Minute by the Honorable 
 the Governor, dated the 18th of last month, containing 
 on outline of his proceedings at Baroda, with its 
 several accompaniments, and of the instructions 
 which have been written under this date to the Acting 
 Resident at Baroda, for his guidance, in which the 
 extent of interference to be in future exercised in 
 the affairs of the Guicowar government is defined, 
 and general rules laid down for conducting hence- 
 forward the whole of our relations with that govern- 
 ment. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 (Signed) F. WARDEN, 
 
 Chief Secretary. 
 Bombay Castle, 3rd May 1820. 
 
317 
 
 To F. WARDEN, Esq., 
 
 Chief Secretary at Bombay. 
 
 POLITICAL DEPARTMENT. 
 
 SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt 
 of your despatch, No. 690, of the present year. 
 
 2. The Governor General in Council cordially 
 concurs in the principles established by the Honorable 
 the Governor in Council for the future management of 
 our relations with the Guicowar State, and, with a 
 single exception, in the arrangements prescribed in 
 conformity to those principles. 
 
 3. The only point on which His Lordship enter- 
 tains doubt is with regard to the provision settled on 
 Dhackjee Dad^jee. His Lordship is not satisfied 
 that that person is deserving of any provision. It 
 appears that further complaints have been brought 
 forward against him which are still under investi- 
 gation, and His Lordship concludes that if the 
 result shall tend to confirm the presumptive evidence 
 of misconduct already existing against him, he will 
 be deemed unworthy of the provision at present 
 assigned to him. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 (Signed) C. T. METCALFE, 
 
 Chief Secretary to Government. 
 Fort William, 17 th June 1820. 
 
318 
 
 MINUTE. 
 
 The Governor General to be informed in explanation 
 that no provision was assigned to Dhackjee Dadajee at 
 the late settlement with the Guicowar. He had for- 
 merly received a grant of land in Enam ; and as grants 
 of that sort are seldom resumed, except in cases of 
 treason, he was allowed to retain what he had acquired. 
 He retains it, however, during the pleasure of the 
 Guicowar only, there being no guarantee on the part 
 of the British government. 
 
 This last observation should also be communicated 
 to the Resident at Baroda, to be impressed by him on 
 the Guicowar and Dhackjee, whenever occasion shall 
 offer for doing so, without appearing to recommend 
 the resumption of the Enam, on which the Guicowar 
 must form his own judgment, uninfluenced by the 
 British government. 
 
 (Signed) M. ELPHINSTONE. 
 
 G. L. PRENDERGAST. 
 
 No. 1132 OF 1820. 
 To C. T. METCALFE, Esq., 
 
 Secretary in the Secret & Political 
 
 Departments, Fort William. 
 
 SIR, I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt 
 of your letter of the 17th of last month, conveying 
 the concurrence of the Supreme government on the 
 line of policy to be in future observed towards the 
 Court of Baroda. 
 
 2. With respect to Dhackjee Dadajee, the Honor- 
 able the Governor in Council directs me to acquaint 
 
319 
 
 yon, for the information of His Lordship in Council, 
 that no provision was assigned to that Native at the 
 late settlement with the Guicowar. 
 
 3. Dhackjee had formerly received a grant of land 
 in Enam, and as grants of that nature are seldom resum- 
 ed except in cases of treason, he was allowed to retain 
 what he had acquired; he enjoys it, however, during 
 the pleasure of the Guicowar only, there being no 
 guarantee on the part of the British government. 
 
 4. This last observation has been communicated 
 to the Acting Resident at Baroda, to be impressed 
 by him on the Guicowar and on Dhackjee Dadajee, 
 whenever occasion shall offer for doing so without 
 appearing to recommend the resumption of the 
 Enam, on which the Guicowar must form his own 
 judgment, uninfluenced by the British government. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 (Signed) F. WARDEN, 
 
 Chief Secretary. 
 Bombay Castle, 20th July 1820. 
 
 Minute by the Honorable M. Elphinstone. 
 The full and able report of the Acting- Resident* 
 leaves me little to say on the subject of Baroda. I 
 was met soon after I re-crossed the Runn by Meer 
 Surfraz Ali on the part of His Highness the Guicowar, 
 and accompanied by him and by Ameen Jummadar 
 till my arrival at the capital, where I was received with 
 every mark of kindness and cordiality. 
 
 * A report by Mr. Norris, Acting Resident, dated 24th March 
 1821, which does not seem of sufficient interest to preserve. 
 
320 
 
 The conduct of Syajee Rao, and the general admi- 
 nistration of his government, have heen much better 
 than I anticipated when I was last at Baroda, and I 
 think there is every reason to hope that he will continue 
 to behave with the same prudence that he has hitherto 
 evinced. 
 
 The first aspect of the Guicowar's finances was, 
 however, far from pleasing. Surfraz Ali informed me, 
 when he joined me, that an additional debt of 20 lacs 
 of rupees had been discovered subsequent to the settle- 
 ment in April last. I at first suspected these debts 
 to be fictitious, and designed to enable His Highness 
 to transfer to his private fund all the extra revenue 
 which he last year derived by the recoveries from 
 Dhackjee and by other means; but I found that they 
 were really in existence (though they had not been 
 known to the Guicowar ministers), and that His High- 
 ness had brought all his extra receipts fairly to ac- 
 count. In addition to this unforeseen increase of debt, 
 I found the revenue estimated for the present year had 
 fallen short of the calculation made last year by one 
 lac, and that the expenses had exceeded the estimate 
 by two lacs ; but both of these bad appearances were of 
 a temporary nature, the falling off of the revenue being 
 owing to the grant of leases at a low, but increasing 
 rent, and the excess of charges to some delay that had 
 taken place in reducing the army, arid to some expenses 
 incident to the reduction. Next year the revenue will 
 be equal to that anticipated, and the expenses will be 
 within the estimate. In the mean time, the Guicowar 
 has been able to pay 25 lacs to his creditors instead of 
 the 15 he promised. The least satisfactory part of the 
 
321 
 
 Guicowar's financial transactions is the irregular pay- 
 ment of the army, which is shown by Mr. Norris's 
 report to be nearly inseparable from the present plan 
 of anticipating the revenue by means of a Potadar and 
 a running loan. The remedy would be to incur an 
 addition to the permanent debt sufficient to clear off 
 the amount of the running loan; but to do this would 
 require from 30 to 35 lacs of rupees, to discharge 
 which on the present plan would require an additional 
 saving of 9,00,000 ; and even if this sum could be pro- 
 vided, the bankers would scarcely agree to a loan so 
 destructive of their present profits. The Guicowar 
 himself also has an unaccountable reluctance to in- 
 terfere with the profits of the bankers, and a fixed 
 repugnance to borrowing from any but his own subjects. 
 I had received Mr. Norris's letter and Mr. Willoughhy's 
 report on the affair of Rajpeepla before I arrived at 
 Baroda; and as I was impressed with a conviction of 
 the justice of Nar Sing's claim, I communicated that 
 opinion to Syajee Rao. His Highness requested me 
 to hear the statements of the parties, and as their 
 observations on the evidence had not yet been heard, 
 I thought it reasonable to agree. The discussions 
 which followed lasted till the evening of the last day I 
 was at Baroda, when I broke them off for want of 
 further time, observing to Syajee Rao that nothing 
 had appeared to shake my belief in Nar Sing's claim ; 
 that the parties must, however, be heard out as we 
 had begun ; that if anything was brought forward by 
 Purtab Sing to overturn the mass of evidence against 
 him, I should still give up my opinion, but if no such 
 evidence appeared, I expected that His Highness 
 41 
 
322 
 
 would assist in supporting the juster claim. I took 
 the same opportunity of discussing the affair of Cam- 
 bay. I found that His Highness, though he acquiesced 
 in Mr. Norris's decision, that he should receive only 
 4,200 Rupees per annum for the future, was very far 
 from considering that award as doing full justice to 
 the claims of his government, and that he still insisted 
 on his right to retain the whole of the collections from 
 the Nawab's villages in lieu of the arrears due since 
 Colonel Walker stopped the levy of the tribute. 
 
 The following is a very brief account of the claim. 
 Four payments only are on record, and these are 
 admitted by the Nuwab, but he alleges that they were 
 not a regular tribute, but mere forcible extortions. 
 Force is the ground of almost all tribute paid to the 
 Mahrattas, and, perhaps, to all powers in Asia. The 
 only question, therefore, is whether the payments 
 were mere occasional contributions, or whether they 
 assumed the character of a regular tribute. This 
 question seems to be set at rest by the enclosure, 
 No. 4, to Colonel Walker's letter of July 20th 1808 ; 
 a copy of that paper is annexed. 
 
 The paper is addressed by the Mahrattas to the 
 Nuwab, but it is evidently called for by the Nuwab, 
 to whom security is furnished for the punctual observ- 
 ance of the promises it contains. 
 
 After reading that paper, and considering the 
 relative situation of the parties, it cannot be doubted 
 that the tribute would have continued to be paid, and 
 would probably have increased like those of all the 
 other Mahornedan and Hindoo princes within reach 
 of the Mahrattas, if its progress had not been arrested 
 
323 
 
 by the interposition of the British government. It 
 remains therefore to ascertain the extent of our 
 right to interfere, and manner in which we did so. 
 It seems highly improbable that the Guicowar, when 
 he concluded his treaty with us, contemplated any 
 diminution of his demand from Cambay, and it is 
 certain that Colonel Walker had no such view of the 
 subject ; for in offering his mediation to the Nuwab, 
 he recognises the principle of a tribute, though he 
 offers to settle any difference that may have arisen 
 regarding it. In consequence of this mediation, and 
 of a similar promise from Colonel Walker to the 
 Guicowar, that prince's force was withdrawn ; but as 
 soon as the danger was removed, the Nuwab Became 
 careless about any further proceedings, and allowed 
 the discussion to lie over, notwithstanding the frequent 
 expostulations of Colonel Walker. The obvious injustice 
 of our allowing the Nuwab to put off a settlement of 
 demands, which we restrained the Guicowar from 
 enforcing, at last, led to very peremptory demands by 
 our Government, mid clear explanations that unless 
 they were complied with, we should no longer inter- 
 fere to prevent the Guico war's taking his own 
 measures. The Nuwab continued obstinate, and a 
 certain number of his villages were seized by the Gui- 
 cowar with the concurrence of the British government. 
 When it was thought that a sufficient sum had been 
 realised to satisfy the Guicowar's demands, the villages 
 were restored, but the Nuwab now pleads that more 
 than sufficient has been taken, and desires the remain- 
 der to be restored. It appears inconsistent for us, at 
 this period, to dispute the Guicowar's claim in toto, 
 
324 
 
 but the amount remains to be settled. The Nuwab still 
 denies thejusticeof theclaim, but says that for peace sake, 
 he will give up a sum sufficient to afford 4,200 Rupees a 
 year, though he alleges that Captain Carnac gave him 
 hopes of a settlement for 2,500 Rupees. This must have 
 been before the business had been rendered difficult by 
 the Nuwab'sobstinacy ; for, after the villages were seized, 
 Captain Carnac records his opinion that the amount 
 should be about 5,000 Rupees. The Guicowar, on the 
 Other hand, appeals to the enclosed paper in proof of his 
 title to 25,000 Rupees a year. The least he will admit 
 to be his due is 10,000 Rupees, and he asserts that 
 CaptainCarnac promised him 5,000 Rupees. Healso ex- 
 claims against the hardship of being obliged to refund 
 any part of a sum levied with the consent of the Resi- 
 dent, but he has agreed at length to take 4,200 Rupees, 
 and likewise to refund as much of his collections as 
 may remain after paying the arrears at that rate, and 
 providing for the future payments. The sum to be 
 refunded cannot at once be ascertained, but it will 
 probably be about a lac of rupees, and it must be paid 
 gradually, as the whole of the Guico war's probable 
 income is already allotted to the discharge of debts. 
 Considering all things, and especially the Nuwab's 
 long rejection of our interposition, and the consequent 
 admission by our Government of the Guicowar's right 
 to seize his villages, I cannot but think that prince very 
 fortunate in recovering those lands, and still more in 
 obtaining the repayment of any part of the produce. 
 Camp Shaunpoor, April 16th, 1821. 
 
S25 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 DISPUTES BETWEEN SYAJEE RAO GUICOWAR AND 
 THE RESIDENCY RESPECTING THE SEPTENNIAL 
 LEASE, AND WITTUL RAO DEWANJEE, PREVIOUS 
 TO MR. ELPHINSTONE'S DEPARTURE FROM BOM- 
 BAY. 
 
 THE affairs of the Guicowar state, conducted accord - 
 A.D. 1&21 to i n g to the settlement effected and 
 
 the principles laid down by the 
 Honorable Mr. Elphinstone, presented but little worthy 
 of notice for several years. 
 
 The character of Syajee Rao, however, developed 
 itself more and more in its greed of money and its min- 
 gled duplicity, obstinacy, and timidity. The pecuniary 
 embarrassments of the State increased in an equal 
 ratio with the private accumulations of the prince, and 
 the prospect of clearing off those debts, for which the 
 State creditors held the guarantee of the British govern- 
 ment, became more and more uncertain and remote. 
 
 The result is shown in the following extracts from 
 a despatch by the Resident (Mr. Williams), dated 31st 
 May 1827, when he was in Bombay : 
 
 1. " I now transmit statements of the Guicowar 
 finances, drawn out according to the usual forms for the 
 yearsof Sumvut 1881 (1824-25) and 1882 (1825-26). 
 
326 
 
 As far as I am competent to judge, the accounts ren- 
 dered by this Government from which they have been 
 framed seem to be tolerably correct. It must be admit- 
 ted that, contrasting the present statements with the 
 estimates of the Honorable the Governor in Sumvut 
 1877 (1820-21), the result is by no means satisfactory, 
 a considerable declension in the revenue appears, met 
 by no corresponding reduction in the expenditure, 
 which, on the contrary, has rather increased. All these 
 items of decreased resources and excess charges will 
 
 o 
 
 be found explained in the sequel of this despatch. I 
 also forward the estimates for 1883 (1826-27) Sumvut, 
 framed as directed. 
 
 2 "I may remark that no great deviation from 
 the scale of expense fixed by the Honorable the Go- 
 vernor seems to have taken place until the year 1880 
 (1823-24), when from various causes reported to 
 Government, the finances became much embarrassed 
 and gradually approaching a crisis, notwithstanding 
 the aid obtained by the relinquishment of the kists by 
 the bankers for one year, and the public functionaries 
 resigning one-third of their emoluments, and the 
 raising of new loans at a lower rate of interest ; and 
 nothing short of a thorough reform in all branches of 
 the expenditure, and a different arrangement for the 
 payment of the Military and establishments, conjoined 
 with the introduction of a new system for the collec- 
 tion of the revenues, could enable His Highness to 
 fulfil his engagements with the creditors of the State, 
 who possessed the guarantee of the British govern- 
 ment. It became, therefore, my duty to urge seriously 
 upon the attention of His Highness the necessity of 
 
327 
 
 his arriving- at a speedy decision upon the subject, 
 unless he would consent to pay off a portion of the 
 debts from his private treasury, which he could easily 
 afford to do. This he at once declined, and in pre- 
 ference proposed to cut down the charges to the stand- 
 ard fixed by the Honorable the Governor, and to make 
 sundry alterations in the mode of collecting the revenues 
 if I would assist him with advice (as without my 
 aid he could not effect anything), to which I willingly 
 consented, and had many and various conferences 
 with His Highness and his minister, both at the palace 
 arid at the residency, as to the nature of the reforms, 
 and the manner of carrying them into effect. At length 
 it was determined that every reduction in the ex- 
 penses should take place consistent with the respect- 
 ability of the Government arid the efficiency of the 
 army and establishments, and that the districts should 
 be farmed for seven years to respectable bankers and 
 zemindars, under certain agreements entered into by 
 them providing against oppression of the ryots and 
 embezzlement of the revenue. 
 
 3. " All these have, with the full knowledge, con- 
 currence, and consent of His Highness, through the 
 able and zealous exertions of the minister, been carried 
 into complete effect. Unexceptionable security has 
 been afforded by the farmers of revenue, the troops 
 and establishments receive regular pay, and many 
 other improvements in the administration of the go- 
 vernment have been introduced, all of which will be 
 fully detailed in a subsequent part of this despatch for 
 the satisfaction of the Honorable the Governor in 
 Council, who will observe that lhave in this procedure 
 
328 
 
 acted under the authority expressed in the 3rd and 6th 
 paragraphs of the Mooktiarnarna, or paper, given to His 
 Highness in 1820, and that intimated in the conclud- 
 ing paragraph of the Chief Secretary's letter, dated the 
 10th December 1820, in counselling the Raja to make 
 this reform, and assisting him in the completion 
 thereof. Had I been aware that this course of pro- 
 ceeding would have been liable to misconception, I 
 should daily have troubled Government with the 
 details. I desire nothing more than that a competent 
 judge should proceed to Baroda and personally satisfy 
 himself by communicating with the prince that all has 
 been done in concurrence with him, and nothing 
 contrary to his wish, save when our guarantee came 
 in the way. The principal cause of the tedious delay 
 in getting through the reforms (nearly 14 months) 
 has arisen from the circumstance of doing nothing 
 without His Highness' full assent, privately and pub- 
 licly, and the necessity for going through all the 
 accounts of the districts, army and all establishments, 
 item by item, all of which are translated." After de- 
 scribing the steady increase of debt, and the disorgani- 
 zation of the army and establishments from want of 
 pay, the Resident proceeded as follows: 
 
 " Much of this disorder is attributable to the grasp- 
 ing disposition of His Highnes^' mother (Gynabye) 
 then alive, and who was, in fact, the ruler of the State. 
 She and her son considered their Khangee Dowlut, 
 or personal acquisitions, as totally distinct from that 
 of the ^ircaree Dowlut, or public money, and for the 
 sake of amassing wealth by the receipt of presents for 
 appointments from farmers, for remission of revenue, 
 
329 
 
 from offenders for crimes, they utterly neglected the 
 state, and would not allow the minister to offer any 
 advice, or to have any concern in the management. 
 
 As long as our guarantee was not violated, or any 
 marked defalcation of the revenue experienced, or 
 any extreme complaint of the people heard, I did not 
 think it necessary to interfere further than disapprov- 
 ing, whenever I had an opportunity, of their conduct. 
 I was always met by fair words and promises. 
 Latterly His Highness, through his love of money, 
 fell into the hands of low and interested advisers, 
 and then complaints became daily more frequent. 
 On applying to the minister to aid in giving 
 his advice on the subject to EJis Highness and his 
 mother, he very candidly told me that it was very 
 right and proper in me to have such ideas, and incul- 
 cate upon His Highness the necessity of altering his 
 conduct, and where he had found opportunity, he had 
 at some risk given his opinion; but to expect him, 
 in virtue of his situation as minister, to remonstrate 
 with His Highness or his mother, as I seemed to con- 
 ceive he ought, was entirely out of the question, since 
 he held his appointment solely at His Highness' plea- 
 sure, and knew that Government would not support 
 him, and he was a servant of the Guicowar state, and 
 should he displease them, that the consequence would 
 be he would suffer in many ways, which I could know 
 nothing of, and be at last dismissed, and that, in fact, 
 he did not feel secure in his situation ; but if I chose 
 to take the odium of insisting upon a reform upon 
 myself, and should obtain His Highness' sanction 
 to his affording aid and information, he would 
 
 42 
 
330 
 
 gladly assist with all his power, as he knew perfectly 
 well that without a radical change of system, in a very 
 few years some more disagreeable alternative would be 
 resorted to by the British government, bound as they 
 were by treaty to aid the Rajah with advice, and the 
 guarantee of so many transactions of this government. 
 
 As I had previously represented to Government the 
 state of affairs at Baroda (vide despatches of the 5th 
 May 1823 and 5th August 1824), and was convinced 
 that unless prompt measures were adopted, the arrange- 
 ments of the Honorable the Governor would fail, and 
 ruinous consequences follow ; by the minister's advice 
 1 drew out a paper detailing all the events of the last 
 three or four years, pointing out the evil results of his 
 conduct, reminding him of the heavy debts, and sug- 
 gested his applying part of his private acquisitions to 
 the liquidation of the heavy demands against the go- 
 vernment ; but His Highness, though he fairly admitted 
 all I had said was true, would not for a moment listen 
 to giving up any of his own money, but said lie would 
 punctually consult with the minister upon some plan 
 for extricating himself from these embarrassments; 
 and promised a total change of conduct with so much 
 apparent sincerity, that 1 believed him, and did not 
 press the subject upon him for a considerable period, 
 wishing that the prince himself should originate the 
 reform. Subsequently, finding the difficulties increase, 
 arid His Highness, under pretence himself of examin- 
 ing into abuses and ascertaining his actual receipts and 
 expenditure, was merely protracting the day of reform, 
 and hoping to make something by the investigation, I 
 had determined to report to Government and ask for 
 
331 
 
 orders to speak more plainly, when it fortunately hap- 
 pened that His Highness' mother (Gynabhye) died. 
 After the days of mourning were over, His Highness 
 paid me a visit at the Residency, and said that he 
 had lost his only friend and counsellor in his mother, 
 and that I must supply her place in giving him good 
 advice, but to do it privately, that his reputation 
 might not suffer. I, of course, willingly acceded, and 
 begged him immediately to devise any plan for the 
 improvement of his resources and reduction of expenses, 
 and I would then be able to form some opinion. After 
 a long conference, I found that His Highness had not 
 any idea of doing anything beyond the usual mode of 
 changing the farmers, subjecting them to Tukreer (or 
 investigation of accounts) in the hope of receiving the 
 usual douceurs and annual farms without any attempt 
 at an alteration in the system of management, and 
 fresh loans, and not willing to advance a rupee of his 
 own money, as he conceives it, though it is chiefly 
 derived from the receipts which ought to have been 
 applied to the discharge of his debts, for the payment 
 of which the British government are responsible. His 
 Highness, by the advice of Wittoba Bhow, one of the 
 ministers of the old school, and others, proposed that 
 no system of collection should be framed for the dis- 
 tricts, neither should they be farmed, and that he 
 would engage, in the course of two or three years, to 
 collect from the districts 22 or more lacs of rupees, 
 and in the meantime a loan to be raised to that 
 amount, for the payment of which these receipts would 
 be assigned. On strict inquiry, I found that this was to 
 be accomplished by His Highness holding the Mahals 
 
332 
 
 Khangee, or assigned to his favourites, subjecting the 
 farmers to Tukreer, by ' Dundfurie ' and other modes 
 of exactions, but as the bankers would not advance a 
 stiver without my guarantee, he was obliged to ask 
 me, and I declined immediately being a party to so 
 impolitic and cruel a procedure. After many confer- 
 ences tending to the same result, at last I told His 
 Highness that it was useless any longer procrastinat- 
 ing ; that the period for making the annual report 
 was approaching; that the last exhibited a most un- 
 favourable account of his affairs, and that this would 
 be still worse, and, on my own account I should be 
 obliged to represent everything that had taken place 
 during His Highness' ' Mooktaree,' or absolute man- 
 agement. His Highness assured me of his desire to do 
 anything I expected ; and as a proof of his inclination 
 to do well, and confidence in me, that he had since 
 his last interview dismissed a confidential attendant of 
 his, whose rapacity and bad conduct was notorious 
 in his mother's time, and certainly a change for the 
 better took place after the man's departure. At length 
 His Highness told me if I would pledge myself not 
 to touch his unauthorised gains that he would give his 
 minister power to act as he and I liked without 
 reference to himself, as he was sure that I should 
 consider his interests as if they were my own. I told 
 His Highness that really it was not in my power to 
 give any such pledge, I did not know how far it would 
 be necessary to call upon him ; that I must consult my 
 own Government first, and that I did not require him 
 to give his minister any such power, but merely to 
 employ him instead of favourites, and himself actively 
 
333 
 
 to superintend the measures. One reason for not 
 accepting the offer was the knowledge I possessed from 
 authentic sources that it could be proved His 
 
 Highness had 41,00,000 and 
 
 Fr i?easur n Dd **'* u P wards of l mbiic money in his 
 
 15,00,000 of Rupees, possession. I do not include 
 
 and Ins Jamdarkhana, or what was 
 
 40,00,000 of Jewels. giyen him ou ^nnund Rao's 
 
 This is death but mone y actual] y 
 
 known from the jeweller received m various ways impro- 
 who valued them. perly since the engagement of 
 
 1878-1820. His Highness was 
 
 most urgent and unpleasantly imploring in his entrea- 
 ties that I would not communicate to the Honorable 
 the Governor what had passed, and that 1 would not 
 recommend any demands to be made for this 
 money, telling me that he always considered me as his 
 brother ; that he had trusted me more than his own 
 family, and would not desist till he extorted the promise 
 that if an arrangement could be made satisfactorily 
 to the bankers and my government, and the good of 
 the country, I would then recommend that his 
 gains should not be touched ; and finding that I would 
 make no other promise, said, if I would agree to 
 endeavour with the Dewanjee to make the reforms 
 without trenching upon his private funds, he would 
 place implicit reliance upon me, and place the whole 
 management in my hands. Relying upon the minister's 
 assistance, I accepted the offer, and the result will now 
 be reported. His minister daily almost came to the 
 Residency. I had offered to transact business at the 
 palace, but fortunately His Highness, who has become 
 
334 
 
 rather fond of amusements of late, I found very adverse 
 to this plan, as it would, he said, be showing every- 
 body that the Resident was doing his duty like the 
 periods of Colonel Walker and Captain Carnac, and 
 substituted another arrangement which, although it 
 occasioned vexatious delay, yet, upon the whole, was 
 more satisfactory to all parties. The minister (ac- 
 companied by a confidential Carcoon of His Highness 
 always), the officers of Government, with the bankers 
 and farmers, attended at the Hesidency, where the 
 whole business was first conducted and prepared. He 
 then in the evening repaired to the palace and reported 
 progress, and sometimes brought back His Highness 7 
 dissent, especially where any reform touched his rela- 
 tions, or where it was found necessary to abolish his 
 private receipts from the Mahals ; in the end he usually 
 yielded when shown that no other remedy could be 
 devised (and that we had only the object in view of 
 bringing the finances into order) but to pay the money 
 required himself to the bankers. My principal diffi- 
 culty, however, arose from the anomalous situation of 
 the minister, who, though appointed by His Highness, 
 and approved by our Government, according to the 
 5th paragraph of the paper of Mooktaree, yet does not 
 possess in common with the other functionaries our 
 guarantee, so that he has the hard task to play of 
 pleasing His Highness and conducting himself so as 
 to merit our support ; his conduct in assisting me with 
 advice and information has brought down upon him 
 a host of enemies, persons whose interests have been 
 affected, many of them connected with and favourites 
 of His Highness, who, though now delighted at the 
 
335 
 
 manner in which the settlement of the debts and the 
 arrangements of the districts, &c. have been made 
 without calling upon him for any refunding, yet is 
 dissatisfied at losing the annual bribes and douceurs, &c. 
 amounting (I speak within bounds) to more than five 
 lacs a year, and possibly he will be rather dissatisfied 
 with the minister. I have constantly inculcated on the 
 Dewanjee the necessity of casting away all care for the 
 intrigues of the discontented, and to consider that in 
 
 o 
 
 acting zealously for the interests of his master, he will 
 best deserve the support of the British government, 
 but am not able entirely to assure him. I will give 
 one instance of the difficulties the minister and myself 
 had to contend with, though supported by His Highness 
 ostensibly. While occupied in going through the 
 accounts, it was thought advisable to ask His Highness 
 to send letters, with a Jassood, to each district to sum- 
 mon the Dessaees and Zemindars with their Waselaut 
 paper and accounts to Baroda in order to compare 
 them with those of the Mamlutdars or farmers ; but 
 these latter following the old system were enabled, by 
 conciliating His Highness and immediate dependants, 
 to frustrate this intention, and days elapsed without 
 any appearance of the books or Zemindars, and as the 
 Mergsal (5th June) or year of account was approaching 
 fast, there was no time to be lost, and informing His 
 Highness of the circumstance, who expressed great 
 regret, it was resolved not to wait longer, but to expe- 
 dite the arrangements, and the farmers came to a 
 composition at length for the Waselaut or accounts of 
 collection for past years ; and many of them were 
 obliged to receive remission from having shown that 
 they had paid sums to Hrs Highness." 
 
330 
 
 14. "The manner in which the Mahals have been 
 settled, the agreement with the farmers, will be found 
 in the paper marked A, No. 1. It is sufficient here to 
 state that the whole of the districts have been farmed 
 for seven years, and afford a fair prospect of extricating the 
 state in the same period from all its embarrassments." 
 
 ' When the farmers, previous to waiting upon His 
 Highness, attended at the Residency to agree to receive 
 the Kallumbundy, or 2 1 articles of agreement, from the 
 minister, they expressed some anxiety, grounded on past 
 experience, that Government would not abide by their 
 engagements, arid that they would still be subject to 
 removal, to pay Sookree and Furmash from the dis- 
 tricts, and were most anxious to receive a guarantee 
 from the Residency. This, however, though convinced 
 of the utility, it was not in my power to grant, especi- 
 ally without reference to the Honorable the Governor 
 in Council, so that they were told if anything of the 
 kind was attempted, or they felt themselves insecure, to 
 represent their case to the minister and His Highness, 
 (I may here observe that His Highness has issued a 
 proclamation that all petitions and complaints are to 
 be written on stamp paper and sent to the durbar. 
 The reason for this was to do away with any impression 
 of the Resident's interference that none should come to 
 the Residency on the internal affair of the government), 
 and failing in redress there, that they might then 
 appeal to the Residency. This was told them on the 
 grounds of these farmers being chiefly the bankers 
 who possess our guarantee for the payment of the loans, 
 the instalments of which were provided for out of the 
 amount of their districts to be cleared in full in the 
 course of seven years, and, of course, any interruption in 
 
337 
 
 the management of the districts would affect the 
 stability of the plan for relieving the state from 
 its embarrassments, and consequently involve a breach 
 of the guarantee to the bankers." 
 
 On the 10th May a hoojrah, or confidential mes- 
 senger, who had brought a complimentary letter from 
 Syajee to Mr. El phi n stone, informed him that His 
 Highness earnestly desired a personal interview, as his 
 whole government had been usurped by the minister 
 Witt ul Rao, and suggested that His Highness should 
 be written to to open his mind. 
 
 This, however, Mr. Elphinstone at once divined to 
 be an intrigue to make the Governor appear as if in- 
 viting the Guicowar to complain, though (he added) 
 " it might come from Syajee, though seemingly so 
 absurd in a prince in his situation." 
 
 Accordingly a letter was addressed to His Highness 
 and transmitted to the Assistant Resident (Mr. Wil- 
 loughby) to be safely conveyed into the Guicowar's 
 own hands. The letter was in the following terms : 
 
 " Lugajee and Yemajee, your Highness' hoojrahs, 
 whom your Highness had lately the goodness to send 
 to me on an occasion of congratulation, have since in- 
 formed me verbally that they were charged by your 
 Highness with a message to me expressing the strongest 
 desire for a meeting as indispensable to relieve your 
 Highness from many difficulties, and in particular to 
 restore you to the free exercise of your authority by 
 which they represented you as deprived. 
 
 ct This message is so inconsistent with your Highness' 
 
 43 
 
338 
 
 real situation in the uncontrolled administration of 
 your own government, it seems so obviously impossible 
 to effect any arrangement your Highness may de- 
 sire without avowed public proceedings, and there 
 seems so little reason why your Highness should not 
 openly mention any cause of dissatisfaction which it 
 was in the power of this government to remove, that 
 I am strongly inclined to doubt the authenticity of 
 the message. As, however, it is brought by your 
 accredited messengers, I think it necessary to notice it 
 so far as to afford your Highness an opportunity of 
 saying whether it really comes from you, and of explain- 
 ing frankly any circumstance in which my advice or 
 intervention can be of use to you." 
 
 The letter was received by Mr. Willoughby on the 
 23rd, and presented to Syajee Rao the next clay. 
 
 Syajee Rao replied to this communication by two 
 letters, one in Persian and one in Mahratta, dated 
 respectively 29th and 28th May, asserting that he was 
 altogether opposed to the septennial leases ; that they 
 had been forced upon him by the joint pressure of the 
 minister Wittul Rao Dewajee and the Resident and 
 his native agent (Sarabhai) ; that under this influence 
 he was powerless, and that he had gone two or four 
 times to the Residency, but a meeting (with the Resi- 
 dent) could not be effected. He concluded by saying 
 .he was " a tree planted by the hands of the Governor, 
 and requested lie would come and make any such 
 arrangement as may appear preferable." 
 
 These letters were referred to the Resident (who was 
 still in Bombay) for his explanation as connected with 
 his previously quoted report, particularly as regarded 
 
339 
 
 the refusal of an interview with the Guicowar, and the 
 result appeared in the following : 
 
 Letter from the Honorable the Governor to His 
 Highness the Guicowar, dated ]Qlh July 1827. 
 
 I have received your Highness' letters, and have 
 perused them with all the attention that is due to the 
 importance of the subject, and to my friendship for 
 your Highness. 
 
 " The result of the most careful reflection on the 
 facts stated by your Highness is a conviction that mat- 
 ters have been much misrepresented to your High- 
 ness, and that most of the difficulties with which you 
 have been led to suppose that you are surrounded, will 
 disappear the moment your Highness examine them. 
 
 " Your Highness is pleased to say that your minister 
 Wittul Rao Dewanjee has conspired with the Resident 
 to place your Highness under a restraint differing 
 little from that of a prison. 
 
 " The first of these circumstances strikes me with 
 much surprise. When I last had the honour to see your 
 Highness, the Dewanjee was one of three ministers 
 among whom your Highness shared your confidence, 
 Wittul Rao Bhaoo and Meer Sirafrauz Ali being the 
 other two. If you have since been pleased to confer 
 your confidence exclusively on him, it must be well 
 known both to your Highness and to all your court 
 that its continuance depends entirely on your Highness' 
 pleasure, and that if you should think proper to 
 remove the minister from his office, there is nothing 
 to prevent your reducing him in a single moment, 
 to a private station. 
 
340 
 
 '" On the other hand, it is not easy to think what 
 motive the Resident could have for entering into a 
 plot wiih the minister, and for exposing himself to the 
 responsibility which he must incur to his own govern- 
 ment, were it even suspected that he had a share in so 
 iniquitous a transaction. 
 
 " Your Highness mentions the difficulty of com- 
 municating your situation because all letters must go 
 through the Resident. It certainly has been usual for 
 convenience that all correspondence should go 
 through the Resident, who could not well negotiate 
 on subjects on which he was only partially informed, 
 but the Resident would never for a moment hesitate 
 to forward any letter your Highness might send 
 through him, however contrary to his own views. If 
 he did so, your Highness could at all times forward 
 letters either by a vakeel sent for the purpose to the 
 Residency, or through hoojrahs, as your Highness has 
 actually done, or by means of ordinary messengers. 
 It was not even necessary that your Highness should 
 offer your letter to the Resident in the first instance. 
 The other modes of communication were always open. 
 
 " These circumstances will probably on reflection 
 incline your Highness to doubt the existence of a 
 conspiracy, and the objects ascribed to those concerned, 
 are, moreover, of a nature to afford of themselves great 
 reason for rejecting the supposition, since they are 
 all such as can be easily explained without supposing 
 any design in the least hostile to your Highness. The 
 whole of the measures complained of appear to have 
 originated with the Resident, arid the Dewanjee 
 appears to have had no further concern in them than 
 
341 
 
 that of discussing with the Resident, in conformity 
 with your Highness' commands, the means that ought 
 to be adopted for securing the payments guaranteed by 
 the Company. 
 
 " Your Highness will remember that in 1820, when 
 it was wished that your Highness should be uncon- 
 strained in your own affairs, a sum of money was 
 required to enable you to commence on the new plan 
 and to carry on your government. This sum was 
 lent by the bankers under a promise guaranteed by the 
 British government that they were to receive punctu- 
 ally a payment of Rs. 15,00,000 a year. Various 
 alterations were afterwards made with a view to 
 lightening the interest, but the stipulated payments 
 continued to be made till Sumvut 1 88 1 , when it became 
 impracticable to continue them. It then became 
 indispensable to enter on some new arrangement for 
 providing the stipulated payments. The principal fail- 
 ing seemed to be in the receipts ; the expenses being 
 much more consistent with the scale which your 
 Highness had fixed for them in A.D. 1^20. To this 
 point therefore the Resident's attention was principal- 
 ly directed, and as much of the falling off seemed 
 owing to the usual bad effects of annual farms, which 
 experience has led us to think the very worst mode 
 possible of collecting the revenue, it was suggested to 
 him from this government to recommend to your 
 Highness (if you should be so inclined) to grant per- 
 manent leases to respectable men, who would then 
 have an interest in the prosperity of the country. 
 
 "Your Highness being at first averse to this arrange- 
 ment, the Resident states that he informed you 
 
342 
 
 that there was no other mode of making a settlement, 
 unless your Highness would pay a large portion of 
 the guaranteed debt out of the treasure which he repre- 
 sented your Highness to have accumulated by means 
 of private (Khangee) collections from the country. 
 
 This appears to explain the demand mentioned by 
 your Highness for Rs. 50,00,000 Whether the 
 Resident ever directed the Dewanjee to lay before 
 your Highness the certainty of your being deprived of 
 the management of your country if the bankers 
 were not satisfied is of little consequence ; for your 
 Highness must recollect that I again and again 
 impressed on you that if from whatever cause the 
 arrangements made for ensuring the stipulated pay- 
 ments were to fail, it would be absolutely necessary for 
 the Company once more to take the entire manage- 
 ment of your country into its own hands, and that 
 this government would not have the least choice in 
 adopting that measure. If the Resident or the 
 Dewanjee drew your Highness' attention to this pros- 
 pect, they did no more than what furnished a proof of 
 sincere interest in your welfare. 
 
 " Your Highness states that the leases are on un- 
 favourable terms, and occasion you a loss of 50,00,000 
 Rs. I have not yet had the accounts so fully 
 examined as to be able to pronounce on them in a 
 financial point of view, but I cannot help observing that 
 the sums stipulated for the Mahals (58 lacs of rupees 
 and upwards) is as much as your Highness pointed 
 out to me as the highest possible produce in 1820, and 
 is much more than ever has been received from them 
 since. I observe also that the farmers are mostly 
 
343 
 
 respectable men, most of them the bankers by whom 
 the loan was advanced, who are most interested in the 
 good management of the country, and least likely from 
 other causes to fail in their engagements. I must beg 
 therefore for further explanation of the manner in 
 which a loss of 50 lacs is occasioned. 
 
 " But even if the leases are of most unexceptionable 
 description, it is still certain that if your Highness is 
 opposed to them they will fail. If it is known that 
 your Highness is adverse to the farmers, all persons 
 will withhold their payments. If it is seen that you 
 renounce all interest in the protection of the ryots, the 
 farmers will retaliate for their opposition by oppression 
 and extortion, and in a short period it will be necessary 
 to give up the present plan, and to resort to the one 
 of direct interference by the British government, which 
 I so often mentioned at Baroda. This plan, however, 
 will be quite as unwelcome and inconvenient to the 
 British government as to your Highness, and I there- 
 fore earnestly hope that by cordially exerting yourself 
 in forwarding the success of the leases and other reforms 
 now in progress, you will avert all necessity for such 
 an event. 
 
 " If any other plan seems better to your Highness 
 than the present, you will no doubt point it out, but 
 it must be of a permanent nature, and not merely 
 calculated to pacify the bankers for one year. If you 
 can point out no other plan, I doubt not you will cor- 
 dially co-operate in the present one. 
 
 " As no plan that is laid down can succeed without 
 confidence between your Highness, your minister, and 
 the Resident, I am induced to say a few words on the 
 conduct of the present occupants of those offices. 
 
344 
 
 " The Resident is well known to your Highness as 
 one of your oldest and most tried friends. In this 
 instance, he laid himself open to the censure of this 
 government in permitting any private (Khangee) 
 collections (even for a year), while the sums promised 
 to the bankers remained unpaid, arid he appears to 
 have interfered with your Highness in no shape beyond 
 what was necessary to secure the guaranteed payments. 
 He seems, indeed, to have spared no pains to reduce the 
 interest on your debts, and to put your affairs into such 
 a state as might save you from embarrassment. 
 
 " The minister appears to have been sent by your 
 Highness to concert a plan with the Resident for the 
 fulfilment of your engagements. When so sent, he had 
 no choice but to give his full assistance to the Resi- 
 dent. Had he done otherwise, the Resident would 
 have applied to your Highness to appoint some other 
 person more disposed to promote the settlement, or else 
 to take the affairs into your own hands. The minister 
 would thus have suffered merited disgrace, and your 
 Highness' affairs would have stood still. 
 
 " By an opposite course, Wittul Rao has effected 
 a settlement which will keep off the necessity of the 
 Company's interference, and in a few years will render 
 you master of your whole revenue. If in doing this 
 he has made many enemies, and has given many 
 openings for injuring him to those who before were 
 desirous of his fall, it is to your Highness that he 
 must look for protection and reward. It also rests 
 with your Highness to retain or dismiss him from his 
 office ; but before you change, it is necessary to remem- 
 ber the task your minister has to perform. He must 
 
345 
 
 indispensably provide for the payment of your instal- 
 ments to the bankers, and to do this he must disregard 
 all private interests, and must often insist on measures 
 that are even disagreeable to your Highness ; such a 
 person is difficult to find. If you prefer a minister 
 who shall comply with all your wishes, remove every 
 difficulty, and repel every disagreeable proposal, such 
 a person may easily be found, but at the end of a 
 year the bankers will be unpaid, and then neither the 
 minister, nor your Highness, nor this government 
 will be able for a moment to postpone the necessity 
 of placing your whole government under strict control 
 and supervision. 
 
 " I write in this manner to your Highness with the 
 more freedom because I shall have left India before 
 anything further is to be discussed, and your Highness 
 therefore need attach no more weight to my advice 
 than it appears to you to deserve. It is, however, the 
 result of sincere friendship and good will, and 1 
 trust may be received accordingly/' 
 
 This was represented to Syajee Rao by Mr. Wil- 
 loughby, and His Highness " appeared chagrined and 
 disappointed at its perusal/*' Subsequently, Mr. Wil- 
 loughby learnt that " immediately after my departure 
 His Highness held a long and private conference with 
 Veneeram and Bhow Pooranick, who had been sum- 
 moned to the palace for this purpose previous to my 
 visit. The result of this conference remains to be 
 ascertained, though I greatly apprehend the influence 
 they maintain over His Highness' mind will annul the 
 salutary effect, which the friendly letter from the 
 Honorable the Governor might otherwise have been 
 
 44 
 
348 
 
 expected to produce. Within the last few days 1 have 
 learnt that an honorary guard has been assigned by 
 His Highness to Veneeram, the vakeel, a most decisive 
 proof that his pernicious influence is still augmenting. 
 / really conceive it to be a question well deserving the 
 consideration of the Honorable the Governor in Council 
 whether I should not be empowered, from a regard to 
 the interests and welfare of His Highness, to urge on 
 his attention the expediency of dismissing this corrupt 
 man from his counsels and confidence." Mr. Willoughby 
 also proceeded to state that he had received a message 
 from Wittul Rao Dewajee, stating his apprehensions 
 of personal danger from his enemies (Syajee Rao 
 included). 
 
 During these months, the letters of the Acting Resi- 
 dent are occupied with details of " the intrigues and 
 conspiracy " carried on by Syajee against his minister, 
 and the septennial lease, with descriptions of the agents 
 and sub-agents who surrounded the prince ; another 
 native agent (Baba Mahratta) was dismissed for 
 having secretly visited the palace, and charges of bri- 
 bery were trumped up on the other side against one 
 of the Residency servants, by name Sarabhai. 
 
 All these circumstances had their absorbing interest 
 at the time, but on retrospect have little bearing on the 
 real question at issue. The British government had a 
 clear right to see its guarantee to the bankers respected, 
 and to that end to demand from the Guicowar govern- 
 ment the payment of fifteen lacs of rupees per annum 
 till the debt was cleared off. The Resident had, it is 
 true, with infinite labour constructed a plan which he 
 hoped would secure that result by giving a septennial 
 
347 
 
 Farm of a portion of the Guicowar territory. To this 
 SyMJee Rao had given his consent and subsequently 
 withdrawn it, and lie had treated as an enemy the 
 Resident's fellow-workman, Wittul Rao Dewnjee, his 
 own minister. 
 
 This was the simple state of the case. The Resi- 
 dent's disinterested labour and real anxiety to introduce 
 certain reforms without hurting Syajee's independence, 
 or even touching bis secret and irregular gains, were 
 entirely unappreciated by him, nor did he hesitate to 
 calumniate tbe officer (Mr. Williams), whom he had 
 repeatedly almost grovelled before in transports of 
 professed friendship and regard. 
 
 The Resident's scheme very probably was the best. 
 that Syajee could have adopted, and Wittul Rao 
 Dewajee may have been as pure and disinterested as 
 the Resident himself; still the fact remained that the 
 scheme could not be enforced against Syajee's will and 
 pleasure, nor could he be prevented at any time from 
 infringing each and all of its terms; neither could 
 Wittul Rao Dewajee be supported as minister against 
 his consent so long as the British government consider- 
 ed Syajee independent in his domestic government. 
 
 At a comparatively early period, Mr Elphinstone 
 directed the Acting Resident (Mr. Williams being still 
 in Bombay) to be informed of his entire approbation 
 of the zeal and intelligence with which he had acted, 
 and his general assent to the conclusions he had come 
 to in regard to the general scope of the intrigues he 
 described, "though, as the information has been derived 
 from secret sources, any proceedings against indivi- 
 duals should be adopted with great caution ; most of 
 
348 
 
 them being subjects and servants of the Guicowar. no 
 measures with regard to them are necessary, no re- 
 monstrance should be made to the Guicowar on the 
 subject of his communications with the Native agent, 
 and all censure of His Highness, which is not indis- 
 pensably necessary to prevent future ill consequences, 
 should obviously be avoided." 
 
 On the 9th August, the Acting Resident forwarded 
 Syajee Rao's reply to the Governor's letter, the perusal 
 of which had apparently " caused him chagrin and 
 disappointment." This reply consisted of a public 
 letter dictated (as Mr. Willoughby stated) by His. 
 Highness to Wittul Rao, arid a private letter which the 
 minister had not been allowed to see. 
 
 " T have only to add by this opportunity (said Mr. 
 Willoughby) that my predictions respecting the pro- 
 bable effects of the Governor's friendly letter appear 
 likely to be fully verified. From the interpretation 
 given to it by His Highness' ill-advisers, he appears the 
 more determined to give himself up to their wicked 
 and interested counsels; they have seized with avidity 
 that part of the despatch wherein His Highness is in : 
 formed the dismission of the present minister is solely 
 dependent on his own will and pleasure, This appears 
 to have completely neutralized the other parts of the 
 letter, and the exertions of the minister's numerous 
 enemies are now redoubled to effect his removal. / 
 cannot avoid the remark that, if successful, the effects 
 will be injurious to the character and fame of the Bri- 
 tish government, since it will be notorious that his dis- 
 grace can only be attributed to his supporting the 
 
349 
 
 views of the British representative with the consent of 
 his own prince." 
 
 To this \fr. Elphinstpne replied, on the 17th 
 August, " all experience has shown the impossibility of 
 supporting a minister in his employment against the 
 will of his master, without so effectually limiting the 
 power of the latter as to leave him a mere pageant. 
 Such a course, therefore, can never be resorted to except 
 when there are just grounds For temporarily depriving 
 a prince of the exercise of his sovereignty. If the 
 policy of this case were at all doubtful, the line to be 
 pursued by the British government would be fixed by 
 the repeated declarations, both verbal and written, 
 which have been made to the Guicowar that he would 
 be allowed to choose his own minister, subject only to a 
 power in the British government to object to any 
 person with whom it had grounds of dissatisfaction. 
 These promises to the Guicowar could not but have been 
 well known to the Dewanjee, who was at Baroda, and 
 in His Highness' confidence when the present system 
 was settled, and who must have seen the Governor's 
 letter to Syajee on his being entrusted with the adminis- 
 tration of the Guicowar government. 
 
 " No plan therefore which is inconsistent with the 
 letter of these engagements can now be for a moment 
 entertained. If the Guicowar, after directing his 
 minister to concert a plan with the Resident for the 
 administration of the government, should dismiss him 
 for obeying his orders, the act, however worthy of 
 reprobation, would authorize no departure from our 
 promises. If His Highness, in spite of the advice 
 which is offered to him by the British government, 
 
350 
 
 should persevere in conduct which before long must 
 lead to our assuming the entire control of his finances* 
 the consequence must rest with himself, the letter and 
 spirit of our engagements preventing any more effec- 
 tual interference at this stage." 
 
 Syajee Rao, on the 9th August, transmitted in the 
 same manner a confidential rejoinder to the letter from 
 the Governor, in the following terms : 
 
 " I had the pleasure of receiving your kind letter of 
 
 the 15th Zilhuj (10th July), 
 
 "This appears to be a Qn fa 9fa f Moh 
 misconstruction of what 
 
 was written about the three (3rd August), and was much 
 
 ministers appointed fjr- gratified by its perusa l and 
 
 merly by the Guicowar and t J 
 
 an allusion to the present that which is hinted at; that 
 
 ne * /c- n w TT w ] " s to sav > that though 1 chose 
 (Signed) W. IT. w. . . 
 
 p. s. three ministers, yet these 
 
 foolish, bad, and unpleasant 
 
 circumstances have been occasioned by my own 
 (imprudent) confidence is true and correct. You, 
 Honorable Sir, are, however, well acquainted with the 
 people of these days who offer wheat for sale, and give 
 larley in its stead; they deceive mankind in the first 
 instance by sweet words, but in the end they sting like 
 scorpions. You, Honorable Sir, are well experienced 
 in worldly affairs, and it is therefore unnecessary to 
 enlarge on this subject. Please God, on our meeting 
 every particular will be made known to you, and that 
 which is false and calumnious will become apparent, 
 and you will become completely satisfied. 
 
 " Further, there is no doubt but that it has been usual 
 for all correspondence to go through the Resident, but 
 
351 
 
 by reason of perplexity, considering you, Honorable 
 Sir, as my intimate friend, I brought my situation to 
 your notice privately, thinking that this would become 
 known to no one. Had this not been the case, I should 
 have addressed you through the Resident in the usual 
 official manner. In fact, the Resident up to the present 
 time has rendered me much aid and assistance, and he 
 has preserved my affairs as yet without their undergo- 
 ing any change (for the worse). Had this not been the 
 case, God knows what my situation might have been 
 reduced to ; even at the present moment, evil-intentioned 
 and foolish persons have estranged the Resident from 
 me ; for, should they hear a single word from me, they 
 exaggerate it into a hundred improper things, and tell 
 them to the Resident. These discussions can never be 
 settled, Honorable Sir, except by your honouring this 
 place with your presence, nor can the differences exist- 
 ing (between the Guicowar and Resident) be removed 
 except by your presence. In any event, it will become 
 necessary fur you yourself, Honorable Sir, to settle 
 this affair, and there is no other remedy. As to the 
 Resident's arrangement, good; but as you have been 
 always so kindly disposed to me, I am greatly perplex- 
 ed at your now leaving me with my affairs in such an 
 unsettled state. A person who has been publicly 
 favoured with your favour and countenance, naturally 
 expects a continuance of them. I have never done 
 anything contrary to the wishes of the Resident. I 
 request yon, Honorable Sir, kindly to adopt such 
 measures as may be most for my advantage. I ad- 
 dressed you previously so fully, solely because I trusted 
 greatly to your friendship, and that none of my affairs 
 
352 
 
 might be concealed from you. Sir, it is a well known 
 proverb " Do not pull down those you have raised." 
 In short, I trust that, of your great kindness, you will 
 shortly, before you leave this country, pay me a visit, 
 and by your presence change my dismal chamber into 
 a rose garden, and restore my eyes dim from care to 
 
 their original brightness, that 
 
 JXL&& wJwri" all my objects may be attained, 
 ten to His Highness hoping and my friendship with the 
 %&?! Resident be restored to its for- 
 the present, he would give mer footing. The reason for 
 
 th Vsigned)' w. H. w. m } r constantly pressing you to 
 P. s. honour me with a visit, is that 
 the plan which you have hint- 
 ed at I have already formed in my own mind, with 
 which also you, Sir, will be pleased, and which will 
 tend, to your renown, as well as to my dignity and 
 welfare. r lhis, however, can never be accomplished 
 
 without vour coming. 
 
 .. 
 
 " I am very hopeful that on the meeting you will 
 approve of it and be well pleased, and that I also shall 
 accomplish my own wishes. The reason why this 
 course is necessary cannot be committed to writing, 
 but can only be explained in a personal conference. 
 Should you not come, then the reproach of whatever 
 befalls me in future will rest with you, Sir. I have 
 written all this to you, Sir, considering you as my 
 friend, and as one interested in my affairs. It would 
 be useless to write more, &c. &c. &c." 
 
 Syajee Rao, under the guidance of Veneeram and 
 his clique, now entered on a course of bribery, remit- 
 ting considerable sums of money to Bombay to fur- 
 
353 
 
 ther their ends. In illustration of their proceedings 
 the following intercepted letter from Veneeram to his 
 agent was laid before the Governor, by Mr. Williams, 
 on the 22nd August : 
 
 Purport of a Letter from Veneeram, Vukeel, to Mohun- 
 das Kulliandas. 
 
 " You have purchased goods, for their price have re- 
 quested money, and have written in detail that if it is 
 not speedily sent the owners of the goods will alter their 
 minds, and the goods purchased will slip out of our 
 hands. This has been understood. To-morrow a reply 
 to it shall be sent, and now five hoondies are enclosed, 
 three of them on Ahraedabad ; (having sold, you 
 will realise their amount,) and two hoondies are on 
 Bombay ; by the hands of other persons, or by 
 you yourself, in any way you choose, realise the 
 money ; from hence whatever was thought proper I 
 have sent you; send a receipt for the same. The 
 other letters enclosed in your three letters have 
 been received, one written on the 14th of Jesth 
 Shood by your own hand, the second the 3rd of 
 Jesth Vud also by your hand, and the third by 
 the hand of Keshowrao written on the 2nd of Jesth 
 Vud ; in this manner have letters been received. The 
 The Guicowar. letters of my Seth you have delivered 
 The Governor. to your Seth, upon which the Seth be- 
 The Resident. came angry with his own Goomastha, 
 The Acting Re- who threw the blame upon the 
 Baroda Goomastha, and got him- 
 self out of the scrape ; and your Seth became angry on 
 
 45 
 
354 
 
 the little Goomastha, and wrote a letter to him, and 
 those people will have suspicious fear of my Seth, but 
 he will in all ways be a match for them. You must be 
 careful in this matter ; this has been fully understood. 
 
 But before your Seth's letter arrived to 
 Acting uesident. ^ ' 
 
 the (.roomastna, once the Goomastha 
 
 came and spoke somewhat admonitory ; now he says 
 
 nothing, and is silent with the Moo- 
 Native Agent. ? 
 
 neem, and melancholy appears on his 
 
 countenance ; but he does not disclose his thoughts, and 
 we have shown your letters to our Seth, and have given 
 him confidence, and he has oirded up his loins for 
 disputation. In case any should come to speak, he will 
 reply that I will not give any answer except to the 
 Seth himself; in this manner he will speak. He has no 
 fear now, but it is necessary to do the business in a 
 way it may speedily be got through (because Sethjee 
 
 will be going home) according to the 
 The Governor. 
 
 wishes or us all ; difficulty in that case 
 
 will be experienced in getting through the work ; there- 
 fore do the thing quickly, and so that 
 iS boih ihe Goomasthas should be sent 
 away from hence and others be sent. 
 
 This is most necessary, and the Nathgar also be sent, in 
 
 this way hour by hour is Se/A's pray- 
 The GuicovTar. * . J 
 
 er, and I have written it to you. 
 
 You have also written that "every day what is going on 
 must be written/' whatever docs occur will be written. 
 You have further written that " the friends have met 
 together, and therefore with me his mind is altered, and 
 near him the men of the opposite party are going" ; you 
 have written the particulars of this. To-morrow I will 
 
355 
 
 send you a separate reply, which alone keep in your 
 heart, and do not make others acquainted therewith. 
 The letter of Dhudhohye has been received, the copy of 
 it for your perusal is enclosed in the Seth's letter, arid 
 from that theMutlub-i-Room, and Shaulnoonia,will he 
 known, and whatever you have done let me know, 
 and be cautious in this great business. We have 
 placed our heads in your guidance, and the bad 
 intentions whatever come into my mind, and the ill-will 
 I have, or mischief in respect to any one's business, I 
 shall write you, and am not separate from you, and 
 according to your orders 1 am acting, nothing beyond 
 will be done ; in this you must understand everything. 
 The letters you sent with the letter have been received; 
 the letter of Hunoomanjee has come to hand, two let- 
 ters of Gungathur Palunderhave been sent to his home, 
 and the Rajah's letter also, and letter for his son and 
 uncle also according to the above detail they came. 
 Delay occurred in writing to you on account of the great 
 difficulty of obtaining money, and why should I write 
 an empty answer, and during some days I had fear and 
 did not write, and then angry letters came from you 
 and my illness increased, and I was distressed and fit to 
 leave the world ; this was the cause of the delay." 
 
 Mr. Williams having in his letter abovementioned 
 made use of the following expressions ; 
 
 " Should His Highness persist in the present course, 
 and displace, and, perhaps, tacitly encourage, the assas- 
 sination of the minister, the credit of the British go- 
 vernment must suffer, and their representative, at 
 whose earnest and reiterated entreaties and advice the 
 minister embarked in so arduous and dangerous an 
 
356 
 
 undertaking, cannot be expected to retain much weight 
 at a court where his influence can be destroyed, and 
 his actions misrepresented by a low cabal, in place of 
 meeting with the merited reward it was natural the 
 minister should look forward to, and which the Re- 
 sident always held out to him as an incentive to 
 perform his duty, the fruit of his labours, and the 
 result of his confidence in the Resident's assurances 
 will be dismissal and disgrace." 
 
 The Governor replied that " whatever support you 
 may have promised to the minister it must doubtless 
 have been such as could be afforded consistently with 
 our well known pledge to the Guicowar, that he was 
 to choose his own ministers, subject to the approval 
 of the British government." 
 
 On the 20th August, Mr. Willoughby forwarded 
 another confidential letter from Syajee Hao to the 
 Governor, to which the following reply was given : 
 
 " I have had the honour to receive your Highness' 
 two letters, dated August 19th. 
 
 " In the plan there stated, your Highness proposes 
 to defray your fixed expenses by a running loan with- 
 out guarantee, and to discharge the amount of the 
 great loan in two years by drafts on your revenues. 
 Nothing can be more desirable than that your High* 
 ness should at once extinguish your guaranteed debt, 
 and thus remove the necessity of any interference be- 
 tween your Highness and your creditors; but to effect 
 it in the gradual manner you propose, retaining the 
 guarantee for a short time while you increase the sti- 
 pulations guaranteed, appears to require much con- 
 sideration. The plan proposed will require that your 
 
357 
 
 Highness should pay instalments of 45 lacs instead of 
 15, an arrangement to the performance of which the 
 British government obviously cannot pledge itself with- 
 out very full explanations with the bankers to whom 
 the bhandery is to be given. Your Highness is there- 
 fore requested to lay open the particulars of your de- 
 sign to the Acting' Resident, who has instructions to 
 consult the bankers as to their disposition to enter into 
 this new arrangement, and to afford you every assistance 
 in effecting the measure. 
 
 " Your Highness does not state how the plan which 
 you propose is to effect the septennial leases, but it is 
 necessary to say that the British government can con- 
 cur in no plan by which those leases are to be set aside 
 without the consent of the holders, unless they are 
 clearly proved to have failed in their part of the 
 agreement. 
 
 " Your Highness in one part of your letter adverts 
 to the necessity of your being left without interference, 
 but it seems impossible to devise any plan by which 
 interference can be dispensed with as long as any part 
 of the guaranteed debt remains unpaid. 
 
 " The free consent of the bankers to give up the 
 guarantee or the full discharge of the debt to them 
 can alone release this government from the necessity 
 of a close supervision of your Highness' affairs. Any 
 great change such as you propose must rather increase 
 the necessity, since it is evident that the failure in pay- 
 ing one instalment when they come to be of such 
 magnitude would render it imperative on the Bri- 
 tish government to take the exclusive management of 
 
358 
 
 your Highness' finances on itself until the debt was 
 discharged. 
 
 " One plan only can release your Highness from all 
 interference, which is the discharge of the whole of your 
 debt, or the consent of the bankers to give up the gua- 
 rantee. I press this with more confidence on your 
 Highness, because I am led to believe that, from the 
 state of your Highness 1 treasury, the continuance of the 
 debts which occasion so much uneasiness is in a great 
 measure voluntary. If a pecuniary payment would at 
 once relieve you from the situation which is so unplea- 
 sent to you, it is unnecessary to say how well it would 
 be so employed, or to point out the ease with ivhich it 
 would be replaced by the savings of your revenue when 
 you were no longer burdened with debt or with the pay- 
 ment of interest. 
 
 " In conclusion, I must beg to suggest to your 
 Highness the advantage of returning to the former prac- 
 tice of communicating the contents of your letters to 
 the Acting Resident. It might be convenient to your 
 Highness for a time to forbear that practice, but it 
 cannot be continued when detailed negotiations are to 
 be commenced, or even if it were not otherwise objec- 
 tionable. 
 
 " For further particulars I beg to refer your High- 
 ness to Mr. Willoughby, who possesses my full confi- 
 dence, F; and who has been informed of the views and 
 intentions of this government on all the points under 
 discussion." 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone's declaration that " the septennial 
 leases^could not now be set aside without the consent 
 of the holders, unless they were clearly proved to have 
 
359 
 
 failed in their part of the agreement" sent Syyjee on a 
 new series of misrepresentations, in order to invalidate 
 the proceedings which had led to the grant of the 
 leases. They were thus replied to by the Governor on 
 the 10th September: 
 
 " I have had the honour to receive your Highness' 
 letter dated 28th August. 
 
 " Your Highness is pleased in the enclosed memo- 
 randum to state certain objections to the late arrange- 
 ments, on which I shall now beg leave to remark. 
 
 " Your Highness states that the two ministers 
 (karbarees) had, without taking your orders, granted 
 pensions and other provisions to their own dependents 
 to the extent of 15,000 or 20,000 Rupees. 
 
 " Any grants of this sort made without your High- 
 ness' knowledge are void, and it would be a source of 
 much surprise to this government to find that the 
 Resident had any share in such a transaction. It is 
 my firm belief that your Highness, on inquiry, will 
 find that part of the report unfounded, but I must beg- 
 that your Highness will have the goodness to state 
 the instances of such grants by the Resident. I can- 
 not, indeed, sufficiently call your Highness* attention to 
 the letter I had the honour to write to you before your 
 first written statement was received, in which is point- 
 ed out to you in strong terms the necessity of an open 
 and avowed statement of the causes of your High- 
 ness' dissatisfaction. I hope therefore that you will 
 in all cases clearly state the particulars of any point 
 that is offensive to you, so as to admit of its being 
 inquired into. 
 
360 
 
 " The grant of these allowances, however, admitting 
 it to have been ever so culpable, does not appear at all 
 connected with the arrangement of your finances. If 
 these allowances were to be retrenched, the arrange- 
 ments would remain unaltered. 
 
 " The increased allowance to the minister is in exact- 
 ly the same predicament. It was reported by the 
 Resident to have been freely granted by your Highness, 
 and the amount fixed by yourself. If, however, it was 
 otherwise, or if your Highness now wishes for any 
 other reason to resume it, there is no obstacle ; it has 
 110 connection with the financial arrangements. 
 
 " The same remark applies to the exchange of the 
 village with Sarabhaee, the Residency moonshee, which 
 your Highness conceives to occasion a loss of 3 or 
 4,000 Rupees. I do not suppose that any objection 
 would be made to the exchange being cancelled, or to 
 the terms being settled by a fresh inquiry, but this 
 question seems to have no connection whatever with 
 the new system. 
 
 "Your Highness states that the dependents of both 
 "karbarees" (by which your Highness probably means 
 the Resident and the minister) have given farms to 
 their own dependents, and that they have given them 
 on unfavourable terms. 
 
 " The farms seem chiefly to have been given to the 
 bankers who advanced the loan, but if any have been 
 given improperly in any respect, if you will be pleased 
 to state the particulars, they will immediately be en- 
 quired into. 
 
 "With respect to the terms, your Highness observes 
 that it has been usual for all loss to be borne by the 
 
361 
 
 farmer, and all profit to go to the Government. Such 
 a system could not possibly be acted on without ruin 
 either to the farmer or the ryots, and if it has been 
 enforced, no other reason need to be looked for to 
 explain the decline into which your Highness* revenue 
 has fallen : nothing but lono* leases or most indulgent 
 
 7 C5 O O 
 
 direct (Arnanee) management can possibly restore it 
 to prosperity. 
 
 " I must observe that it would have been better if 
 these objections had been urged at the numerous con- 
 ferences which took place before the farms were con- 
 cluded. Now that the farms are granted, and deeds 
 given to the farmers, it seems impossible for your High- 
 ness to revoke them, unless you can show that they 
 were granted unknown to you." 
 
 The Resident having, on the $9th August, remon- 
 strated with much freedom on the forbearance with 
 which the Guicowar and his advisers were treated by 
 government, the following sentiments of the Governor 
 were communicated to him on the 7ih September : 
 
 " I am directed to acknowledge the receipt of your 
 letter, dated the 29th ultimo, on the late intrigues 
 at Baroda, and to communicate the sentiments of the 
 Governor in Council thereon. 
 
 2. " The government is entitled to expect from 
 every Resident the most una vowed communication of 
 his sentiments on all measures connected with the court 
 at which he resides ; it is therefore far from the inten- 
 tion of the Governor in Council to object to the free- 
 dom with which your opinion is expressed respecting 
 the line of conduct which it is his intention to pursue, 
 46 
 
362 
 
 but as your letter contains many expressions of disap- 
 pointment at the situation in which you are likely to be 
 placed, the Governor in Council finds himself obliged 
 to advert to those complaints before he enters on the 
 general question. 
 
 3. " The grounds of complaint are that the assur- 
 ances given by you to the minister and to the farmers are 
 not fulfilled ; that the .Guicowar's evil counsellors, by 
 whom you have been opposed, are permitted to remain 
 about His Highness ; and that some of those persons 
 have been allowed with impunity to attack your charac- 
 ter and that of the Residency. 
 
 4. " With regard to promises to the minister, you 
 are so well acquainted with the repugnance of an ad- 
 ministration forced on the Guicowar to the Governor in 
 Council's notions of expediency, even if there were no 
 question of right, that the Governor in Council can- 
 not suppose you ever gave any encouragement to an ex- 
 pectation that such support would be afforded. If, 
 however, you had conceived that you were authorised 
 by any unforeseen circumstance to hold forth that ex- 
 pectation, so great a departure from an ordinary policy 
 ought to have been reported without delay. An oppor- 
 tunity would then have been afforded for the Governor 
 in Council to repeat his determination on this point, 
 and the minister would have been apprised of the real 
 sentiments of the government before he had taken any 
 step under the expectation at first impressed on him. 
 The same observation applies in a less degree to any 
 guarantee to the farmers of the districts. Had the 
 Governor in Council been consulted before such guar- 
 antee was given, it would probably have been directed 
 
363 
 
 to be withheld. In no circumstances would it have 
 been granted without full knowledge that such was the 
 sincere and earnest wish of the Guicowar. 
 
 5. " But the whole arrangement, with all the great 
 changes it introduced, and the objections raised to them 
 by the Guicowar, were unknown to the government 
 until everything had been definitively settled arid put 
 beyond the possibility of recall. 
 
 6. "The Governor in Council is fully sensible of 
 the zeal which induced you to push this arduous settle- 
 ment through all the difficulties opposed to you, and he 
 is well aware that you were influenced in deferring all 
 reports to government by a laudable wish to oblige 
 the Guicowar, and by a belief that the fear of being 
 called on to account for his secret collections was suffi- 
 cient to ensure his sincere co-operation. 
 
 7. " In this conviction the Governor in Council is 
 disposed to take the most favourable view of the embar- 
 rassment which your over reliance on this prince's ac- 
 quiescence may occasion both to yourself and to govern- 
 ment ; but he cannot encourage the expectation that you 
 are now to be relieved from the ill consequences of 
 these embarrassments by a total change in the principles 
 of the government, and that the measures which you 
 consider yourself bound to support are to be carried 
 through by the Governor in Council without regard 
 either to his own policy or to the rights of the allies. 
 
 8. " The above reasoning is pursued, on the sup- 
 position that a promise of support against the Guicowar 
 has been given by you, and relied on by the minister, 
 but the Governor in Council is by no means of 
 opinion that this is actually the case, There is no 
 
364 
 
 appearance of any such assurance on your part, and 
 the minister was much too well acquainted with our 
 policy to take one for granted without clearing up 
 the doubts which he could not but have entertained. 
 Nor does ; ny i romi>e appear to have been held out 
 to the fanners of the revenue beyond what it may still 
 be possible, without the violation of any principle, to 
 fulfil. 
 
 9. " However disngreeable, therefore, it may be to 
 the Resident to see those who-acted with him out of 
 favour, there seems to be nothing in the situation which 
 
 o 
 
 must not be expected by any minister at the court 
 of a prince who still possesses the smallest shadow of 
 independence. 
 
 10. "I now come to the second point complained 
 of, that the Guicowar is allowed to retain his evil 
 counsellors, on which I am first directed to observe 
 that, in general, the forcible removal of what are call- 
 ed evil counsellors appears to the Governor in Coun- 
 cil to be the least advisable manner of overcoming 
 opposition at the court of a native prince. In the 
 majority of cases, these supposed counsellors are only 
 the instruments of the prince's pre-conceived designs 
 or wishes, and the removal of one set has no effect but 
 to raise up another still more hostile, and at the same 
 time to create distrust on the part of the prince, who 
 conceives, with some reason, that it is designed to 
 surround him with creatures of the more powerful 
 government, and to deprive him of all means of inde- 
 pendent action or even of uninfluenced information. 
 The case of Rama Wagh affords an exemplification 
 of the consequences just stated. 
 
265 
 
 11. "When the counsels of a particular individual 
 are likely to bring about a war or a dissolution of an 
 alliance, every risk must be run to avert a calamity 
 which cannot be remedied if it be suffered to occur; 
 but when the point in agitation is only the adoption 
 of one or other plan of internal administration, free 
 discussion is not only safe but desirable. The British 
 government possesses the right (if absolutely necessary 
 for the fulfilment of its engagements; to interfere in 
 the Guicowar's government even to a greater extent 
 than appointing the minister. Tin's right has been often 
 impressed on the Guicowar, and never more strongly 
 than in the Governor's last letter. While this know- 
 ledge of the result of wrong measures exi>ts > the Gni- 
 cowar may safely be left, to the full examination of all 
 that promise him relief from the parts of the system 
 that are most unpleasant to linn. 
 
 12. " It is unnecessary to say that the above ob- 
 servations against the forcible removal of evil coun- 
 sellors are no bar to the employment of persuasion 
 for the exclusion of particular individuals when op- 
 position to their measures is not found sufficient, still 
 less do they preclude a refusal on the part of the Re- 
 sident to receive or transact business with persons of 
 notoriously bad character. 
 
 13. "Your remarks on the persons who have been 
 concerned in attacks on you stand on entirely different 
 grounds. If the Governor in Council could establish 
 that any of those aspersions were set on foot by per- 
 sons about the Guicowar, he would be fully entitled to 
 insist on their dismission. The present information, 
 however, does not enable the Governor in Council to 
 
366 
 
 bring home such a charge to any of the Guico war's 
 advisers : it is only of attacks made by individuals of 
 this description that the Governor in Council thinks it 
 expedient to take notice. The consequences of giving 
 a personal turn to a dispute between the Guicowar 
 and the Resident at his court are too obvious to re- 
 quire any explanation of the reasons for not noticing 
 those attacks of which His Highness was himself the 
 channel. 
 
 14. " I now proceed to inform you of the measures 
 which it is the intention of the Governor in Council to 
 pursue in respect to the subjects that have been dis- 
 cussed in this letter. 
 
 15. Ci It will be the Governor in Council's wish to 
 afford the minister every support that can be derived 
 from pointing out his fitness for his present employ- 
 ment, and the many advantages that will result from 
 retaining him in his post, together with the confidence 
 and satisfaction that such a resolution will afford to 
 the British government ; but all these recommenda- 
 tions must be made with a perfect understanding on 
 the part of Syajee that he is in no danger if he stands 
 out against them, either from the open resistance of 
 the British government to the appointment of another 
 minister, or from any systematic counteraction to his 
 future measures. 
 
 16. "With regard to the farmers, unless the Gui- 
 cowar can show that the leases were granted (as he has 
 intimated) by his minister without his sanction (a point 
 on the fallacy of which the Governor in Council enter- 
 tains little doubt), the Governor in Council will consider 
 them as still binding; on His Highness ; and although 
 
3G7 
 
 he will not interfere in all the details of them as if they 
 had been guaranteed, he certainly will afford no aid or 
 countenance to any project of the Guicowar, by which 
 the faith which he has pledged to those engagements 
 shall be in any respect disturbed. 
 
 17. " It is certainly highly desirable that the Gui- 
 cowar's wisli of paying off the guaranteed debt should, 
 if possible, be accomplished; but if that should prove 
 hopeless, it will probably be necessary to adhere to 
 the present one in all particulars. 
 
 18. " The Guicowar's plan will appear from the 
 enclosed letter from His Highness, and the Governor 
 in Council's views on all points not already noticed will 
 appear in the reply. 
 
 19. " With regard to the native agent, should the 
 Guicowar ever entertain the thought of taking him 
 into his service, he might be prevented under the 9th 
 Article of the Treaty (since it appears the native agent 
 is a native of the British territories). The obvious 
 ground of the unfriendliness of his entertaining a ser- 
 vant discharged for infidelity to his employer furnishes, 
 however, a more natural and more eligible objection, 
 
 20. " The allusion to the golden cup in your letter 
 has, with some difficulty, been cleared up. It appears 
 that Beneeram, though a total stranger, sent some sort 
 of a cup, with a syphon, as a present to the Governor 
 (in 1825), which was directed to be returned with a 
 letter from the Persian Secretary, declining it in concise 
 but civil terms." 
 
 In order to give a clear view of the policy of go- 
 vernment in this crisis, the following extracts from 
 
368 
 
 despatches dated 7th September, No. 1122 B, may also 
 be profitably quoted : 
 
 3. " On delivering the letters from the Honorable 
 the Governor, you will request His Highness to peruse 
 them at his leisure, assuring him that you will be 
 prepared to enter on the most cordial and confidential 
 consultation with him on the means of releasing him 
 from his guaranteed debt. It is desirable that you 
 should express your willingness to carry on this 
 consultation with His Highness' alone, or in the 
 presence of such other persons as he may select for 
 the occasion ; and you should endeavour by all 
 means to convince him of the reality of your wish 
 to assist him, and, as far as possible, to remove any 
 di Acuities that may lie in the way of the arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 4. " Your first business will be to receive the details 
 of El is Highness' proposed arrangement, and you will 
 t.ike every opening th.it occurs to press the expediency 
 of &n immediate settlement of the guaranteed debt. 
 
 5. "Should that, however, be hopeless, your 
 attention should be directed lo shortening the period 
 of the guarantee in the manner proposed by His 
 Highness. 
 
 (>. " The first point to attend to is, how far the 
 plan will be consistent with the rights of those 
 concerned. 
 
 7. " It seems to have been considered on former 
 occasions by the bankers that the Guicowar was 
 entitled to discharge the whole of his debts to them 
 whenever he found it convenient; but it does not 
 
369 
 
 follow that the terms at present agreed on can be 
 altered as long as the agreement itself subsists. 
 It would therefore be necessary to obtain the consent 
 of the bankers before the plan of payment in two 
 years (or any other of the same nature) was sub- 
 stituted for the seven years loan. 
 
 8. " As, however, the measures connected with the 
 repayment would probably open a more profitable 
 employment for the money, it is not likely that 
 the bankers will object to either of the schemes. 
 
 9. " It will next be necessary to see how far the 
 Guicowar is likely to be able to make good his 
 payments, since it would be impossible to guarantee 
 a plan that did not hold out a good prospect of 
 success. That his revenues would enable him to pay 
 45 lacs a year if he borrowed all that was required 
 for his expenses, will scarcely admit of a doubt, but 
 it seems questionable whether he will be so sure of 
 regular advances as to enable him to carry on his 
 government without encroaching on the revenues 
 which will have been set aside for the payment 
 of his debts. It is probable that his establishments, 
 especially his army, would be allowed to run into 
 arrears; and if this was likely to be carried to such 
 an extent as to occasion confusion in the government, 
 it would be an inseparable objection to the plan, but 
 as long as the arrears are not likely to exceed those 
 which have been always usual until the last reform, 
 there seems no reason why they should be an obstacle 
 to a settlement otherwise so much desired. 
 
 10. " It is scarcely necessary to say that no 
 arrangement can be concurred in that displaces 
 
 47 
 
370 
 
 farmers without their consent as long as they adhere 
 to their engagements. 
 
 11. "The necessity of great pecuniary payments 
 on the plan of immediately extinguishing the gua- 
 ranteed debt, together with the number of persons 
 whose consent is to be obtained, appears at first 
 sight to render the attempt hopeless, but the com- 
 mand of ready money which His Highness possesses, 
 the means he has of raising the interest of his loans 
 from the low rate to which the Resident has reduced 
 it, and the profit likely to arise to the monied classes 
 by a revenue system entirely free from our control, 
 afford no unreasonable expectation that His Highness' 
 plan may be realized. 
 
 12. " Even if it should fail, the cordial assistance 
 afforded by the British government in endeavouring 
 to bring it about will help to convince the Guicowar 
 of the impossibility of effecting any better arrange- 
 ment than that already in force, and may secure (what 
 by any other means would certainly be unattainable) 
 his cordial co-operation in the fulfilment of his subsist- 
 ing engagements." 
 
 The Acting Resident having also remonstrated against 
 the policy of Government in regard to the Minister of 
 His Highness the Guicowar, Mr. Elphinstone's senti- 
 ments were conveyed to him also on the 8th October, 
 in the following terms : 
 
 3. " On the first of these subjects, the Governor in 
 Council is of opinion that the personal guarantee to the 
 Dewanjee which was given by Colonel Walker should 
 be fully attended to. He is not, however, inclined 
 to attach much consequence to its existence, as he 
 
371 
 
 conceives that the circumstances of the present case 
 would alone entitle the British government to interfere 
 in favour of the Dewanjee if any attempt should hereafter 
 be made to oppress him for his share in the reform. 
 Its interposition, however, would in neither case go be- 
 yond insisting on fair inquiry, and would not bar any 
 just claim which the Guicowar might be able to sub- 
 stantiate to the satisfaction of the British government. 
 
 4. " The Governor in Council is also of opinion 
 that if the present discussion should terminate in the 
 Minister's dismission from office, the British govern- 
 ment will be justified in stipulating for a liberal provi- 
 sion for him during his life, or until he shall again be 
 called into employment. 
 
 5. " As there appears to be no immediate prospect 
 of this question being agitated, it is unnecessary at 
 this period to go further into particulars ; but I am 
 directed to observe that before any demand is made on 
 the Guicowar, the amount of the allowance proposed 
 should be stated to the Governor in Council for his 
 consideration. 
 
 6. " I am directed in this place to advert to a pas- 
 sage in the 14th paragraph of your letter, in which you 
 say of the minister, ' that anything like neutrality on 
 our part will seal his fate and (in the hope that Govern- 
 ment will pardon my freedom, 1 must add) involve its 
 own honour and reputation.' If this assertion be 
 founded on anything beyond your own general notions 
 of the maxims which ought to guide the conduct of 
 States towards their allies, it will be necessary to enter 
 into an inquiry as to the means by which the honour 
 of the Government has come to be compromised. 
 
372 
 
 7. " The only pledge of which the Governor in 
 Council is aware is his own repeated promise that the 
 British government would never interfere in the Gui- 
 cowar's choice of a minister, except by objecting to the 
 appointment of an obnoxious individual. If any ground 
 has since been given for opposite expectations, instead 
 of entitling the giver to support in his proceedings, it 
 would expose him to the strongest censure of the 
 Government, whose avowed policy he had deranged 
 by his unjustifiable preference of his individual views 
 of expediency. 
 
 8. " With respect to the Guicowar's proposed plan, 
 the possible failure in effecting it was fully within the 
 view of Government when the last instructions were 
 written, and a favourable result was expected from the 
 failure if so managed as to convince the Guicowar of 
 the necessity of reverting to the plan lately framed by 
 the Resident in consequence of the impossibility of 
 finding any other to substitute for it." 
 
 On the 3rd October Syajee addressed the Go- 
 vernor a letter, forwarded through the Acting Resident, 
 in which he endeavoured to make it appear that the 
 guaranteed creditors were willing to accede to his scheme 
 for clearing off the debt in two years, leaving it to 
 be inferred that their subsequent refusal to do so was 
 due to the encouragement of the Acting Resident, 
 whom he also accused of incivility in respect to the 
 Dussera procession, at the same time explaining that 
 by the expression " the two Ministers or Karbarees" 
 in a former letter he did not allude to Mr. Williams, 
 " who was to him as a brother" but to the native 
 agent, Sarabhai. 
 
373 
 
 The Acting Resident at the same time reported that 
 His Highness had intimidated the guaranteed creditors 
 to coerce them into his plans, and had ordered them not 
 to go to the Residency to consult with the British re- 
 presentative. These letters drew forth the last letter of 
 the series from Mr. Elphinstone to Syajee, which 
 is as follows : " I have had the honour to receive 
 your Highness' letter of the 3rd October. 
 
 " 1 have from the first had the honour of informing 
 your Highness that the possibility of this Govern- 
 ment's consenting to the plan of discharging your 
 Highness' debts in two years depended entirely on 
 the free consent of the bankers. Until it is absolutely 
 certain that their consent is voluntary, and that no 
 sort of restraint, direct or indirect, is put upon them, 
 it is impossible for the British government to 
 recede in the smallest particular from the promises 
 it has given them. I was therefore much surprized 
 to learn from the report of the Acting Resident that 
 your Highness was averse to the attendance of the 
 bankers at the Residency. The free intercourse 
 of all persons whatever with the Residency has 
 ever been insisted on as an inseparable consequence 
 of the existence of friendship between the States. 
 The intercourse of persons who are guaranteed is 
 still more necessary, since any measure that prevents 
 their making representations of any departure from 
 the guaranteed terms, is itself a violation of the 
 guarantee. With respect to the bankers in particular, 
 they are your Highness' subjects, and it was their 
 sense of their dependence on your government that 
 induced them to solicit the security of the British 
 
374 
 
 government. If they are to be prevented going to the 
 Residency, and are to be called on by their sovereign 
 to renounce the guarantee, the British Resident sit- 
 ting by and recommending compliance, \vhat can they 
 understand but that they are abandoned, and that both 
 States are combined to compel them to resign the pledge 
 that had been given to them ? Under this impression, 
 instructions were sent to the Acting Resident to enter 
 on explanations with your Highness to the effect above 
 stated, and then to send for the bankers in a body 
 and separately, and to explain to them that the plan 
 proposed by your Highness was very acceptable to the 
 British government, and appeared to be very bent- ficial 
 to the interests of all parties; but that as the former 
 arrangement had received the guarantee of the British 
 government, it rested entirely with them to adhere to 
 it or to make the proposed alteration according to their 
 own free and unbiassed opinion of what was best for 
 their interest, and that if they had the least objection 
 to giving up the former guarantee, they might depend 
 on the faith of the British government for supporting 
 them as effectually as it ever had done. 
 
 " If the result of this communication should be to 
 satisfy this government that the renunciation of the 
 former guarantee by the bankers is perfectly voluntary, 
 the new plan can be proceeded with ; but as long as 
 there is the smallest doubt of the real wishes of the 
 bankers, your Highness must perceive that the faith of 
 the British government compels it to object to the 
 slightest departure from the engagement which it is 
 pledged to maintain, 
 
 "Your Highness mentions that the Acting Resident 
 
375 
 
 objected to attend at the Dussera or to send the troops. 
 There appears to have been some mistake about the 
 last circumstance, as the attendance of the troops was 
 never objected to. With respect to the Acting Re- 
 sident's absence, if it was owing to the invitation 
 not having been sent by a person of sufficient rank, 
 your Highness must perceive that it was not inconsis- 
 tent with established custom (maamool). 
 
 61 It gives me great satisfaction to learn that I mis- 
 understood your Highness in supposing that you intend- 
 ed to reflect on the Resident under the phrase of ' the 
 two Ministers.' I perceive with pleasure that your 
 Highness is now more sensible of the merits of that 
 gentleman's conduct, and of the goodness of his inten- 
 tions towards you. I must, however, observe that in 
 your earlier letters your Highness (deceived, as I must 
 still suppose, by the misrepresentations of interested 
 persons) was led to countenance many charges against 
 the Resident which do not appear to have been well 
 founded. I forbear to remark on those charges until 
 time should be afforded for bringing forward proof, and 
 as the Resident himself is most desirous to avoid every 
 proceeding that can disturb the good understanding 
 betweenyour Highness and him, I should, if I consulted 
 his wishes, still abstain from all mention of those im- 
 putations; but as such charges against its Minister are 
 in fact injurious to the government, I feel myself called 
 on to point them out to your Highness, and the more 
 because I am persuaded that a renewal of such proceed- 
 ings would have the most pernicious effect both on the 
 character of your government, and on your personal 
 peace and comfort. 
 
376 
 
 " Your Highness is pleased to say that you are 
 under the influence of no advisers, My favourable 
 opinion of your Highness' own wisdom and honour 
 compels me to think otherwise ; but of this I am certain, 
 that many of the measures which your government has 
 of late pursued are entirely inconsistent with your 
 former practice, and must before long involve you in 
 inextricable difficulties of all descriptions. 
 
 " It is by removing the persons in whom the present 
 intrigues have originated, and by renewing your confi- 
 dence in the approved zeal and friendship of the Resi- 
 dent, and by no other means, that your Highness can 
 hope to escape from the embarrassments with which 
 you are surrounded. 
 
 " Mr. Williams will leave this in a few days, and 
 will repair at" his earliest convenience to Baroda, when 
 I shall take an opportunity of again addressing your 
 Highness." 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone embarked at Bombay on the 27th 
 (28th) November, and Sir John Malcolm assumed the 
 government. 
 
377 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 RUPTURE WITH THE GUICOWAR. 
 
 THE departure of Mr. Elphinstone was almost 
 coincident with the open breach between Syajee Rao 
 and the Government of Bombay. 
 
 On the 8th November, the Acting Resident had 
 reported that the Maharaja had announced to him 
 in a personal interview his intention of paying off 
 the guaranteed debt at once, and when told that he 
 could not do so without the consent of the bankers, 
 he insisted that such was not necessary as the Govern- 
 or had sanctioned his doing so. On the 20th of the 
 same month Syajee Rao called on the Acting Resident 
 and reported his intention ; he also communicated it 
 in writing. 
 
 On the 4th December, it appeared that measures 
 were in progress to abrogate the existing banking 
 system (which had been conducted by the firm of 
 Hurry Bhugtee, under a guarantee given by the 
 Resident in A.D. 1810), and two days after Syajee 
 Rao began to draw cheques on other bankers, and 
 to assign revenue for the payment of these drafts. 
 
 48 
 
378 
 
 These proceedings were met by expostulation and 
 protest; first private and personal, then in writing-, 
 and lastly, by a message sent through a servant of the 
 Durbar, warning the Guicowar that no business 
 would be transacted with him while he continued 
 in his present course. 
 
 In the interim Mr. Williams, the Resident, had 
 been directed to return to Baroda. He had reached 
 Surat, when, hearing of what had occurred, he halted, 
 and despatched an expostulatory letter to Syajee Rao, 
 but the Governor directed him to proceed with all 
 expedition, to seek an early interview with the Guico- 
 war, and inform him that if he persisted in this con- 
 duct for another month, it would be necessary for 
 the British government to vindicate its obligations 
 to those holding its guarantee, by taking possession, for 
 a period, of the countries assigned to his creditor?, 
 or by applying, as the interest of a loan raised to 
 discharge the debts, the amount of tributes received on 
 account of the Guicowar's state. 
 
 With respect to the Minister, Wittul Rao Dewajee, 
 it was declared that though Government could not in- 
 sist on any particular person as the Minister of the state, 
 yetthat Syajee's employment of one in whom confidence 
 could be felt would be considered a pledge of his sin- 
 cerity, while his giving his continued confidence to 
 the evil advisers about him would perpetuate doubts 
 of his future intentions. Having made these commu- 
 nications to His Highness, the Resident was directed 
 to withdraw from all intercourse with him until 
 satisfaction had been given. 
 
379 
 
 Both the Resident and his Assistant had been eagerly 
 urging on the Government a more severe and rigorous 
 mode of dealing with Syajee Rao, and the former now 
 noticing " the lenient and forbearing" conduct pursu- 
 ed, stated that " much disorder was soon to be ex- 
 pected when the people of Guzerat take up the idea 
 that the Guicowar is relieved from all his Bandree ob- 
 ligations, and find that all who have directly or in- 
 directly been useful to the allied interests are subjected 
 to the weight of his displeasure/' To this it was re- 
 plied that " the Government did not concur in his con- 
 clusions ; that the position of affairs rendered it the 
 more to be regretted that the Resident had halted at 
 Surat ; that while the proceedings of Government were 
 grounded on the principles stated, it could be of little- 
 consequence what ideas the people of Guzerat (by whom 
 it is concluded the monied men are meant) formed 
 of its conduct. They would judge the question as it 
 affected their own interest, and as their profits depend- 
 ed on the continuance of the bandree loans, they must 
 be alarmed at every effort the British government 
 made to free itself from those embarrassing engage- 
 ments." 
 
 It may not be unprofitable to pause here, and pass 
 in rapid review the causes of the crisis at which the 
 affairs of the Guicowar government had arrived. 
 
 Both the Governments had the same object in view, 
 viz. to release themselves from the trammels of the 
 guaranteed debt. It must therefore be considered a very 
 curious as well as unfortunate state of things that neither 
 party could free itself even by paying up the whole of 
 the pecuniary demands of the guaranteed creditors. 
 
380 
 
 The debt incurred under British guarantee had been 
 constantly reported by the Residents to be on the 
 verge of liquidation, but the accomplishment of these 
 promises had been still and still deferred because fresh 
 loans had been necessary to defray the current ex- 
 penses of the State; what was paid with one hand was 
 borrowed with the other. 
 
 When therefore the failure of the arrangements 
 sanctioned by Mr. Elphinstone in A.D. 1820-21 be~ 
 came apparent, Syajee Rao acquiesced in the finan- 
 cial scheme got up at the Residency (of which the 
 great feature was a septennial lease of his domi- 
 nions), as the only 'mode of satisfying the British govern- 
 ment, short of parting with a portion of his private 
 treasure. 
 
 Subsequently, however, he would seem to have 
 become alarmed at the prospect of so long a severance 
 of his territory from his own control, and the pro- 
 bability of his secret appropriations of revenue being 
 suspended, for though the guarantee of the British 
 government had not been attached to the lease, and, 
 indeed, it had not been conscious of the progress of 
 the measure till it was concluded, and would most 
 probably not have sanctioned it contrary to Syajee 
 Rao's wishes, yet it felt itself so far committed as 
 to demand the upholding of the lease when it found 
 that the measure had been matured and brought into 
 operation with the consent, or, at all events, without 
 the declared objection of Syajee Rao. 
 
 Under these circumstances, he began to misrepresent 
 the nature of his connection with the measure and 
 
381 
 
 even to make groundless charges against the Resident, 
 which only served to expose his duplicity, and to 
 irritate the British representatives, and when this course 
 proved unavailing, he propounded a scheme for 
 engaging the creditors to surrender their guarantee 
 on receiving the liquidation of their pecuniary de- 
 mands in two years, and when this failed, owing to 
 the refusal of the creditors, he fell back on the 
 sacrifice of his private treasure, and engaged to pay 
 them all off at once. Here again he was informed by 
 the Acting Resident that the consent of his creditors was 
 still necessary, and that in consequence of his having 
 put a pressure upon them to induce them to consent 
 to his former proposition, there was now no chance 
 of their consenting to relinquish the protection of the 
 British government one hour sooner than they could 
 help, and that as this was continued to them so long 
 as money was due to them, they would not agree to 
 any proposal which, by the total liquidation of their 
 claims, would release the British government from the 
 duty of protecting them. 
 
 Syajee Rao, however, was determined to release him- 
 self at as early a date as possible ; but to do this it was 
 necessary- to cut off the stream of new guaranteed debt 
 which ever postponed the possibility of his liberation ; 
 and with this view he closed his account with the 
 guaranteed bankers, and obtained the funds he needed 
 from other capitalists on his own private security. 
 Here again, however, he was told a guarantee had been 
 given to Hurry Bhugtee, by which that firm had the 
 monopoly of advancing money to the state for ever, 
 so that he was again infringing a guarantee. 
 
382 
 
 Syajee Rao now became perfectly reckless, violated 
 the guarantee in several other cases, and behaved gene- 
 rally in an insolent, litigious, and aggravating manner. 
 
 The result was the following Proclamation, and the 
 adoption of measures to carry it into effect : 
 
 " PROCLAMATION. 
 "Bombay Castle, 2&th March 1828. 
 
 "Whereas His Highness Syajee Rao Guicowar, un- 
 mindful of the friendship which has so long existed 
 between the British government and the State of 
 Baroda, and disregarding the repeated and solemn 
 remonstrances which have been made to him by the 
 British representative at his court, has, under the in- 
 fluence of wicked and designing persons, openly and 
 deliberately violated engagements which had been con- 
 cluded for the sole benefit of his state with His High- 
 ness' full knowledge and concurrence, and sanctioned 
 by the guarantee of the British government ; and where- 
 as all endeavours to persuade His Highness of the 
 danger to which he was exposing himself by persevering 
 in such conduct have failed of producing the desired 
 effect, the Governor in Council has at length been 
 reluctantly compelled to adopt decisive measufes for the 
 vindication of its violated faith and insulted honour, 
 and to take into its own hands the means of 
 providing for the full and satisfactory repayment of all 
 claims, for the liquidation of which the British 
 government are guarantee. 
 
 " The conduct of His Highness Synjee Rao Guicowar 
 would have fully justified the British government in 
 declaring existing treaties at an end, and in treating 
 
383 
 
 him as in a state of open hostility with the British 
 government ; but having no views of aggrandizement 
 or self-interest, and being solely desirous to uphold 
 the integrity of its faith, it has determined to limit 
 itself to the most moderate course it could adopt 
 consistently with the claims of those it has guaran- 
 teed, not that the conduct of His Highness entitles him 
 individually to consideration, but because the British 
 government is anxious to evince its regard and con- 
 sideration for the Guicowar family. Acting upon this 
 principle, the Governor in Council limits himself to 
 the measure of placing under temporary seques- 
 tration the following resources and territories of the 
 Guicowar state, viz. : 
 
 Purgunna Pitlaud. 
 Ditto Byeel. 
 Ditto Kuree. 
 
 Ditto Dubhoy and Bhadurpoor. 
 Ditto Sinn ore. 
 
 Ditto Amrolee, Damnuggur, &c. &c. 
 Tuppa Seeanuggur. 
 Tribute of Katteewar. 
 Ditto of Mahee Caunta. 
 Ditto of Rewa Caunta. 
 Ditto ofRajpeepla. 
 Ditto of Oodeypoor. 
 Tributary villages of Sunkheira. 
 " The Governor in Council deems it necessary to de- 
 clare, in the most explicit manner, that the only object of 
 such sequestration is to enable the British government 
 to satisfy the just demands of the creditors who hold 
 
384 
 
 its guarantee under the septennial arrangements con- 
 cluded by His Highness in 1826. 
 
 " The occupation of the territory included in this 
 sequestration being considered only temporary, as 
 little change as possible will be made in its administra- 
 tion, it being intended to restore the territory as soon 
 as the purposes for which it is assumed have been ful- 
 filled. The British government, notwithstanding the 
 conduct of His Highness Syajee Rao, has too great a 
 regard for the family of the Guicowar and the ties 
 of friendship which have so long bound the two States, 
 to contemplate the permanent alienation of one beegah 
 of its dominions. 
 
 " The above sequestration has in view only the ful- 
 filment of the pecuniary engagements made with the 
 bankers under the guarantee of the British govern- 
 ment, but when that object shall have been attained, 
 it will remain for the British government to consider 
 of the reparation which may be due to itself for the 
 expenses to which it has been exposed by the conduct 
 of His Highness, and to take ample security against 
 any future violation by that Prince, either of the terms 
 of its treaties with the Guicowar state, or the pledges 
 and guarantees it has given to individuals. 
 
 " This Proclamation is therefore promulgated for 
 general information, in order that the motives and 
 intentions of the British government may be fully 
 understood." 
 
 At the same time, the septennial lease was cancelled 
 by the British government. 
 
 With regard to Wittul Rao Dewajee, the British 
 guarantee was extended to himself and family and 
 
385 
 
 property, and a pension, similar to that granted to 
 guaranteed ministers, was to be secured for him. More- 
 over, as the Kattywar districts had been formerly in 
 his charge, and had been brought by his management 
 to their present state of prosperity, and had in the sep- 
 tennial leases been assigned to him, he was to retain 
 them on the same terms if he pleased under British 
 guarantee (as an exception from the general rule in 
 his favour). Beyond this, his tenure of certain villages 
 held in jagheer in Kattywar was also to be placed 
 under the British government, in order " to show the 
 country at large the sense entertained of the merits and 
 integrity of Wittul Rao Dewajee, and the manner in 
 which such services are rewarded." 
 
 All this was communicated in writing to Syajee 
 Rao, and he was also informed generally that he would 
 be called upon to maintain his contingent of horse on 
 a better footing, to enter into a commercial treaty, 
 and to reform his coinage. 
 
 It was a curious circumstance that, in the height of 
 these dissensions, Syajee Rao invited the Resident to 
 be present at the investiture of an adopted son of the 
 moojumdar of the state, curious, because he was suf- 
 fering from the consequences of British guarantees, and 
 here by refusing to allow of the adoption, or by making 
 it conditional on the resignation of the guarantee, one 
 of these troublesome engagements would have been 
 annulled. 
 
 Tine measures of the Bombay government were 
 generally and cordially approved by the Government of 
 India, " it being particularly satisfactory to learn that 
 you feel at liberty to abandon the septennial leases, 
 
 49 
 
386 
 
 which we cannot but regard as pregnant in an eminent 
 degree with mischief and embarrassment both to the 
 sovereign of Baroda and the British government."* 
 
 Wittul Rao Dewajee became now openly the servant 
 of the British government, and was formally invested 
 with the management of the sequestrated districts, a 
 measure which ensured the unappeasable detestation 
 of him by his late master. 
 
 In the course of the year 1829, serious dissensions 
 broke out between the Guicowar and Govind Rao, the 
 adopted son of the deceased Futteh Sing Guicowar; the 
 nature and scope of these dissensions may be best un- 
 derstood from the following letter and enclosures. 
 
 To THOMAS WILLIAMSON, Esq. 
 
 Baroda Residency, 20th November 1829. 
 
 SIR, I have the honour to forward copies, with trans- 
 lations annexed, of a yad addressed to me by His High- 
 ness the Guicowar, with my reply, the subject-matter 
 being the anxiety manifested by His Highness on the 
 14th instant to proceed to extremities with his relation 
 Govind Rao Guicowar, and to devolve the odium and 
 dishonour of such violence (following so much previous 
 irritating injustice) upon the British government. I 
 have felt obliged to accompany the translation of His 
 Highness' memorandum with marginal notes, to which 
 I beg particularly to solicit the attention of Government. 
 
 2. The measure to which the Honorable the 
 
 * The question cannot but arise : had the Septennial Leases 
 been abandoned before the rupture with the Guicowar, would there 
 have been any rupture at all 1 
 
387 
 
 Governor in Council has been reluctantly compelled to 
 resort, by His Highness' repeated infraction of solemn 
 treaties, will prepare Government for believing that no 
 reliance can be ventured upon his word or promises 
 when no penalty attaches to the breach of this obser- 
 vance; no part of his engagements to His Highness the 
 late Futteh Sing's family was observed, but his jealousy 
 of Govind Rao Guicowar, and anxiety for his destruction 
 were brought to a crisis by an indirect overture made 
 from the Gwalior durbar to negotiate a marriage 
 betwixt the young prince, who through His High- 
 ness' systematic neglect, remains unmarried, and one 
 of the young females of the Scindia family. 
 
 3. The prospect of so powerful an alliance for tlie 
 object of his peculiar jealousy was the sole cause of 
 the harshness with which the young prince was treated 
 by His Highness, arid by which he was driven (after 
 incessant fruitless appeals to government) gradually 
 step by step, to his present course, which, however ill 
 advised it may appear, seems as far as can be judged 
 from the character of His Highness' instruments and 
 advisers, the only course by which he could have 
 escaped assassination or imprisonment. 
 
 4. I hope to be favoured with instructions for my 
 future guidance i n reply to my report by express on 
 the 15th instant, at which period I was under the 
 greatest apprehension of a very calamitous collision of 
 the two factions ; the termination of which it is im- 
 possible to conjecture, as His Highness' troops are in 
 no degree to be relied upon, and I fear an indiscrimi- 
 nate plunder of the city would be the sole object of 
 both parties. 
 
388 
 
 TRANSLATION of Memorandum addressed to tie Resi- 
 dent by His Highness the Guicowar, dated Novem- 
 ber 14th, received on the 15^/t, 1829. 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (1) Secret assassination 
 was attempted on Govind Rao, 
 and he hired a few additional 
 men for self-protection. 
 
 (2) Chettun Sing bribed 
 Dillawer Khan to poison Go- 
 vind Guicowar, who being de- 
 tected in his attempt, confessed 
 his crime and the seducer to 
 it. At the period the jassoos 
 alluded to intruded himself 
 amongst Govind Guicowar'a 
 people, and was seized on its 
 appearing he was party to a 
 plot for Govind Guicowar' s de- 
 struction. 
 
 (3) Govind Rao's people 
 declare that they have in no 
 respect interfered with the dis- 
 tribution of grain as charity. 
 His Highness ordered the daily 
 donation to be suspended, the 
 assertion here made is false. 
 
 AFTER COMPLIMENTS. 
 
 You are aware of the disor- 
 derly conduct of Govind Rao 
 Guicowar, and of his residing in 
 the house of Colonel Ballantyne, 
 and of his having erected his 
 standard, and of his collecting 
 (1) troops, and of his having 
 seized the Sirkar (2) jassoos and 
 occupied the temple of Kyda- 
 reishwur with a guard, so that 
 the avenues to the temple are u n- 
 approachable, whence the daily 
 distribution of food to Brahmins 
 is no longer practicable, and the 
 daily offerings to the god are in- 
 terrupted, as no one is permit- 
 ted ingress or (3) egress to the 
 temple ; and the sirkar ryuts 
 on passing over the bridge are 
 arrested. Such is the state of 
 affairs, and the extent to which 
 Govind Rao Guicowar has car- 
 ried his excesses, on all which 
 in each stage of the proceeding 
 this sirkar has not failed to 
 make perpetual representations 
 to the Resident, and also for- 
 warded letters to the Honorable 
 the Governor ; but notwith- 
 standing all this, the British 
 power has not been interposed 
 to suppress the seditiousness of 
 Goviud Rao Guicowar, nor to 
 
389 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (4) The sowar went into 
 the city on private affairs, and 
 was attacked by II is Highness' 
 horsemen, and drew his sword 
 in his defence and fled. The 
 exaggeration of thestory betrays 
 its falsehood ; a single individu- 
 al cannot be believed to have 
 incurred the hazards here stated 
 to be braved by the party com- 
 plained of. When the horseman 
 had fled, His Highness' people 
 seized four of Govind Guico- 
 war's sepoys, who were quietly 
 procuring food in the bazar ; 
 and another, whose wife having 
 died in the city was employed in 
 her funeral, was seized, and the 
 corpse left on the road : these 
 facts are notorious. 
 
 (5) The chebootra and 
 temple of Sooruj Narayen are 
 within a hundred yards of the 
 Residency buildings, the rear 
 of the latter adjoining the gar- 
 den ; yet, notwithstanding the 
 stress laid by His Highness re- 
 specting his apprehensions lest 
 in case of his attack on Govind 
 Guicowar the Residency estab- 
 lishment might suffer, he took 
 the very step with which he 
 falsely charged Govind Guico- 
 war, availing himself of the 
 Residency for a protection to 
 his troops, which Govind Rao 
 did not do, and lodged upwards 
 of 150 men in the temple, aud 
 
 expel him from his position 
 near the Residency a neglect 
 of our wishes incompatible with 
 the close alliance hitherto unit- 
 ing the two states. (4) The 
 present object is to bring toyour 
 notice that yesterday one of 
 Govind Guicowar' s horsemen 
 entered the city, and proceeding 
 to the house of Zamin Meeah 
 Jemedar, there gave vent to his 
 passion in coarse abuse of the 
 Jemedar, and though request- 
 ed by the Jemedar to cease 
 and withdraw, he refused and 
 persisted in his abuse. Thereon 
 the Jemedar ordered his sepoys 
 to drive him away, who pro- 
 ceeding to obey their master, 
 the horseman drew his sword 
 and rushed upon them, and the 
 sepoys opposed. Thereon the 
 horseman turned about and de- 
 parted from the city with drawn 
 sword in hand. Afterthis Govind 
 Guicowar's people advanced and 
 surrounded the chebootra (5) 
 of the Poora, which was no 
 sooner known to us, than we re- 
 ported to you that Govind 
 Guicowar had surrounded the 
 chebootra, and that his people 
 were insulting the servants of 
 the sirkar, and that they were 
 advancing to the temple of 
 Sooruj Narayen, and that you 
 were requested by us to inter- 
 fere and check him, and that we 
 
390 
 
 made great parade during these 
 two days in supplying them 
 with ammunition, as if for im- 
 mediate action, and took out 
 guns from the arsenal and col- 
 lected masses of troops in the 
 city. The proceedings at the 
 temple were visible from the Re- 
 sidency, and we were eye-wit- 
 nesses that Govind Guicowar's 
 people were not advanced until 
 every thing seemed ready for the 
 attack on them. It is a noto- 
 rious fact that His Highness' 
 people were on this occasion the 
 assailants. 
 
 (6) I had no object but to 
 prevent what would certainly 
 have caused much bloodshed 
 and plunder of unoffending peo- 
 ple, as His Highness, instead of 
 flank movements againstGovind 
 Guicowar, selected the main 
 street of the city in which to 
 attack him. The subsequent 
 misrepresentations require little 
 comment; theobservation would 
 never have been made, unless 
 His Highness had addressed me 
 first (vide my report by express 
 of the 15th instant). 
 
 (7) The whole sedition was 
 created by His Highness' machi- 
 nations against the honour of his 
 late brother's family, and his 
 jealousy of Govind Guicowar's 
 royal birth ; he seduced him 
 to quit his family and remove 
 
 wished you should be informed 
 of the disorders in progress. To 
 which you replied that there 
 remained no opening for your 
 mediation, but that, as respect- 
 ed the tumult then complained 
 of, the report which had reach- 
 ed you led you to believe that 
 our people were chiefly to blame 
 for the occasioning of it, and 
 that we were to blame for ad- 
 vancing parties upon the temple 
 of Sooruj Narayen and the che- 
 bootra ; that, as the Governor 
 was now so soon to be here, we 
 might wait for his arrival, and 
 that our bringing matters to 
 extremities now did not appear 
 (6) respectful to the Governor. 
 On receiving this reply, the kar- 
 koon observed that Govind Gui- 
 cowar's people were near the 
 chebootra, and we expected you 
 forthwith to remove them, to 
 which you answered that, if we 
 would withdraw the parties we 
 had advanced against Govind 
 Guicowar, then you would 
 request him to withdraw his 
 advanced parties also. Such was 
 the conversation, and the kar- 
 koon thereon reported it to us. 
 
 We were astonished beyond 
 measure at receiving this mes- 
 sage ; for whereas Gov ind Gui- 
 cowar (7) during six raonths 
 has been conducting himself 
 seditiously, occupying a house 
 
391 
 
 to the palace ; when there, deni- 
 ed him any means of provision, 
 and advised him to remove from 
 the city and occupy a position 
 near the tomb of his adoptive 
 father. His Highness expected 
 to he ahle to irritate the boy into 
 sedition, and to fix the disgrace 
 and cruelty of his destruction 
 upon the British government. 
 The sedition was created by His 
 Highness' own intrigue for the 
 removal of a rival. 
 
 (8) This assertion is false ; 
 the outrages above complained 
 of have been duly reported to 
 Government. 
 
 (9) I beg to refer govern- 
 ment to my several reports in 
 answer to the unjust inuendo 
 contained in this paragraph. 
 
 in the vicinity of the Residency, 
 and has killed a servant of the 
 sircar, and wounded several, and 
 prevented the sirkar sowaries, 
 and put a stop to the charities 
 to Brahmins, and blocked up 
 all approaches to the temple of 
 Kydareishwur, and seized the 
 sirkar jassoos and kept him con- 
 fined, and placed a guard over 
 the karkoon (8) of the Kyda- 
 reishwur, and inflicted many in- 
 juries on the sirkar ryuts, yet 
 that, whilst during the progress 
 of so many acts of insubordi- 
 nation, we remained passive, 
 in every instance laying our 
 complaints before you, yet 
 that still you affect to say that 
 our people are to blame for 
 the tumult now in progress. 
 It is well known to you as it 
 is to all the world, that our 
 people from the first to this 
 moment have never in any 
 one instance been the aggres- 
 sors. 
 
 Further, as respects your as- 
 sertion that it is not (9) res- 
 pectful to bring matters to ex- 
 tremities, now that the Gover- 
 nor is so soon expected, we re- 
 ply that, if the Governor were 
 in any way implicated as the 
 originator of this sedition, then 
 we might be thought disres- 
 pectful if we took measures for 
 suppressing it ; but we rely too 
 
392 
 
 (10) The assertion here 
 made is not true. No step has 
 heen taken by Govind Guico- 
 war hut what was requisite for 
 self-preservation. 
 
 (11) When the Honorable 
 Mr. Elphinstone was at Baroda, 
 he declined interfering in the 
 domestic feuds of the Guicowar 
 family ; but, at His Highness' 
 earnest request in 1826, a set- 
 tlement of the claims of Futteh 
 Sing's family was made through 
 this office, and highly approv- 
 ed by government ; but His 
 Highness has not kept one 
 of all the promises he made to 
 the family through the media- 
 tion of this office, nor forborne 
 hisacts to irritate them intosedi- 
 tious reference to the Residency, 
 himself showing the example 
 by perpetually advancing frivo- 
 lous complaints and demands 
 against them. 
 
 implicitly on the friendship 
 uniting the two states, to sup- 
 pose that the Governor has 
 any personal share in these 
 tumults, and we have unceas- 
 ingly reported all that has 
 occurred for the information 
 of the Governor, whilst Govind 
 Guicowar has not (10) spared 
 any effort to disgrace us and 
 insult our servants ; and daily 
 tramples on our authority 
 and ill-treats our subjects. 
 Under all these circumstances, 
 how can our declining to wait 
 for the Governor's arrival be 
 considered disrespectful ? You 
 forget that the Honorable Go- 
 vernor Elphinstone prohibited 
 your (11) interference in this 
 case, and strictly cautioned you 
 to remain neuter; notwithstand- 
 ing this, we reported every oc- 
 currence to the Honorable the 
 Governor and to you ; yet you 
 have not put a stop to Govind 
 Guicovvar's excesses, and now 
 those excesses are daily increas- 
 ing, so that, unless you in- 
 stantly take the matter in hand 
 and disperse Govind Guico- 
 war ? s followers, and release 
 the sirkar's servants he holds 
 in confinement, it is impossible 
 for us to abstain any longer 
 from the exertion of our own 
 authority. You will no doubt 
 throw the blame of whatever 
 
393 
 
 (12) The tone assumed in 
 this paragraph can scarcely fail 
 to be offensive to Government, 
 My reply abstains from any com- 
 ment; briefly observing that the 
 power to act ever has been and 
 is still in His Highness' power, 
 and that the British govern- 
 ment has stood neuter; but that 
 the disgrace of murder, should 
 50 
 
 occurs on this sirkar, therefore 
 we remind you that when 
 Govind Guicowar assembled 
 thousands of followers and 
 killed one of owr servants, and 
 took up a position near the 
 Residency, thereon you made 
 no observation whatsoever ; 
 but when we advanced our 
 parties, then you called upon 
 us to withdraw them as a pre- 
 liminary step before you would 
 take any measures to check 
 Govind Guicowar. If .this be 
 your desire to see us insulted 
 in everything, and our subjects 
 abused, your conduct is un- 
 becoming and oppressive, and 
 the Governor will easily judge 
 whether our conduct has been 
 disrespectful, and where the 
 fault lies ; and it is desirable 
 you should strictly re-examine 
 the facts now referred to, and 
 give an explicit answer to our 
 demand, now peremptorily re- 
 peated, that you will forthwith 
 insist on Govind Guicowar 
 disbanding his followers, or 
 that you will call in the British 
 troops and suppress him and 
 deliver him a prisoner into our 
 hands. On this subject we will 
 no longer remain content with 
 evasive answers (12) ; for if you 
 do not forthwith consent to 
 compel Govind Guicowar to 
 disband his followers, or sup- 
 
394 
 
 His Highness* next of kin, Go- 
 vind Guicowar be killed, or the 
 injury to the city of Baroda 
 likely to occur, should be upon 
 His Highness, and not on the 
 British authorities. 
 
 pross him by British force, and 
 place his person at our disposal, 
 then we will undertake what 
 is due to our own honour as a 
 last resource, which we have 
 no longer the power to avoid. 
 
 TRANSLATION of reply to the above Memorandum, 
 addressed to His Highness the Guicowar by the 
 Resident, dated November \lth, 1829. 
 
 AFTER COMPLIMENTS. 
 
 I received your Highness' Memorandum respect- 
 ing the affairs of Govind Rao Guicowar, dated 
 November 14th, upon the 15th ; and your short note, 
 requiring immediate answer to the above, dated on 
 the 15th, reached me yesterday. Your Highness 
 is aware that he (your nearest relation) being without 
 means of subsistence, from your Highness not furnish- 
 inghim the income you promised through the mediation 
 of the British government to grant him, proceeded 
 from his family abode to your palace. At that period 
 had your Highness done to the prince justice, and 
 sent for the other members of his family and 
 complied \vith the requests which you are pledged 
 to meet, no part of these tumults would ever have 
 occurred ; and, in every view of the case it seems 
 to me that the whole of these disorders can be attri- 
 buted only to yourself; the true history is known 
 to all. The authentic documents which were inter- 
 
395 
 
 changed when the Bombay government, at your 
 earnest entreaties, directed the Resident to negotiate 
 a settlement for His Highness the late Futteh Sing, 
 your elder brother's family, are at hand for exami- 
 nation ; the agreement you then made you have 
 violated in every point for -which it provided, hence 
 it would be impossible for the Resident again to 
 mediate on your behalf, and it remains fur you to 
 act as you think fit. This was unequivocally declared 
 to you from the outset of this disorder, and you 
 have accordingly done whatever you pleased without 
 remonstrance or remark from this office. This being 
 the case, the attempts to fix a cause of complaint 
 against me, which form the sole object of your 
 memorandum, are utterly groundless. On the 13th 
 instant the noise of a tumult reached me, and, whilst it 
 was still heard, your Highness' karkoon came to me 
 with a message, to which I replied in terms that I 
 feel satisfied will meet the approbation of my own 
 Government. All else that is contained in your me- 
 morandum, and your mode of commenting on my 
 observations, are unbecoming your Highness' high 
 dignity, and the two propositions you peremptorily 
 demand my compliance with, are made in the face 
 of my repeated assertions that such, or anything 
 like them, exceeded the powers vested in me by rny 
 instructions from Government ; whilst only one point 
 is clearly proved by your memorandum, that your 
 sole object is to throw the odium of this transaction 
 upon the Bombay government, and to push matters 
 to extremities against your nearest relation ; in this 
 your power remains unopposed, but should your 
 
396 
 
 disposition lead you to such steps, the burthen of 
 any crime that may be committed, and the disgrace 
 and responsibility for any injury that may befall the 
 unoffending subjects, lie altogether upon your High- 
 ness. Let me, however, earnestly entreat your High- 
 ness to consider seriously on the consequences of such 
 measures before you proceed to carry them into 
 execution. 
 
 It may be briefly noticed, that eventually Govind Rao 
 Guico war's conduct appeared so reprehensible, that he 
 was removed from Baroda, and was sent to reside on 
 a pension, first at Surat, and afterwards at Ahmed- 
 abad. 
 
 Among other causes of complaint against Syajee 
 was the irregular payment of the body of 3,000 horse 
 which he was obliged by treaty to maintain in an 
 efficient state. 
 
 In the year 1830 therefore, additional districts were 
 sequestered for this object, and Ameen-oo-deenHoossain 
 Khan was appointed by the Government to command 
 the contingent. A number of the Guicowar's pagah- 
 dars refusing to submit to his orders at Sadra, a detach- 
 ment of troops was sent for, and they and their fol- 
 lowers expelled. 
 
 At the same time Government directed the Resident 
 " to maintain a scrupulous kindness of manner towards 
 Syajee, to forbear cautiously from every word and 
 act that could offend or irritate, and to seize every 
 opportunity of conciliation. 
 
 " The Resident was to be free of access to all who 
 might desire to see him, but he was to take no notice 
 of any of Syajee's proceedings which might be reported 
 
397 
 
 to him, unless expressed in overt acts of hostility. The 
 Resident was not to employ newswriters or secret in- 
 formers as long as there was no alarm for the public 
 peace. 
 
 " The Government was aware that a very powerful, 
 though erroneous, motive of action with Syajee had 
 been that Wittul Rao Dewajee, with the principal 
 holders of the British guarantee, and Sarabbai, the na- 
 tive Agent, had formed a conspiracy against him ; that 
 they proposed to elevate Govind Rao, and that their 
 plans were approved of by the Residency. This im- 
 pression it was certain was very prevalent throughout 
 Guzerat and Kattywar." 
 
 Government was conscious that it would add to the 
 irritation of Syajee to put the sequestered Mahals under 
 Wittul Rao, but he was the only person competent to 
 manage them ; he was, however, to be fully instructed 
 in the policy of government to restore the districts 
 finally to the Guicowar. 
 
 At the same time a great change in the adminis- 
 tration of political affairs was proposed by Sir John 
 Malcolm, in a minute dated . 
 
 The Governor reasoned from his own large and 
 long experience "that the location of an officer of 
 Government at the capital of a prince, the existence of 
 a large native establishment attached to such officer, 
 the employment of newsmongers and spies, though 
 necessary in the progress of the British government to 
 supreme power in India, was pregnant with incon- 
 veniences and dangers, and had ceased to be necessary 
 when the British supremacy was established. 
 
398 
 
 " The Guicowar had never shown the least desire to 
 contest or deny that supremacy, Guzerat was occupied 
 by British troops, and those of the Baroda state were 
 more ready to obey the former than the latter power." 
 Under such circumstances, " what call was there for a 
 continual watch over his actions and wretched counsels. 
 
 " The reclamation of Syajee to an exercise of his 
 power, which would be in accordance with the spirit 
 as well as the letter of the alliance, was very improbable ; 
 but after what had passed, it appeared to the Gover- 
 nor even impossible if the Residency were maintained 
 at Baroda. 
 
 " The position of the Resident at Baroda, and the 
 minute interference with the affairs of the Guicowar 
 state, which was the natural result of the relations be- 
 tween it and the British government, had called into 
 being a succession of native agents, to whose corrupt 
 and interested motives were ascribed, and no doubt 
 with justice, an ample share of those intrigues and 
 misunderstandings which had so long embarrassed 
 the alliance." 
 
 The Governor was decidedly of opinion that " hence- 
 forth there should be no native servant at the Resi- 
 dency of a grade to give him the appearance of any 
 influence. None were required but clerks and account- 
 ants, and all newsmongers and informers should be 
 discouraged. The British government had no designs 
 which required concealment, secrecy and a minute 
 knowledge of the actions and sentiments of the Gui- 
 cowar might occasionally be useful, but never in a 
 degree to counterbalance the evil effects of the system. 
 
399 
 
 " The representatives of Government were not to be 
 blamed, under the circumstances in which the Baroda 
 Residency was placed, for the manner in which they 
 had endeavoured to fulfil their duties, but they had 
 failed in doing more than establishing guilt in a prince 
 whom it was the earnest desire of Government to re- 
 claim ; the Governor had found him in a state of mind 
 which had frustrated his efforts to win him. Much of 
 this failure was due to the personal character of Syajee, 
 acting under deluded hopes, wished by superstition 
 and stimulated by avarice ; but these powerful motives 
 would have failed to impel Syajee to the hazards he 
 had, even had he not been alarmed by the real or sup- 
 posed machinations of his enemies." 
 
 The Governor therefore proposed a course "which 
 would dispense with that vigilance which some deemed 
 essential, but the absence of which would remove those 
 causes of alarm, disgust, and discontent which called 
 for a constant and degrading interference." 
 
 The abolition of the Residency at Baroda, and the 
 transfer of communications with the Guicowar to an 
 officer styled Political and Judicial Commissioner for 
 Guzerat, with his head quarters at Ahmedabad, were 
 therefore resolved on, and effected under the sanction 
 of the Government of India in the course of the year. 
 
 On the 21st March 1831 the Earl of Clare suc- 
 ceeded Sir John Malcolm in the government of 
 Bombay. 
 
 On the 19th April 1831, Government constituted 
 a high Criminal Court of Justice in Kattywar, to be 
 presided over by the Political Commissioner, for the 
 trial of capital offences in cases where the chiefs were 
 
400 
 
 too wenk to inflict the needful penalties from fear of 
 reprisals by their turbulent subjects. This act was based 
 on the general rights of the paramount power, the 
 precedent of occasional judicial acts by former govern- 
 ments, and the necessity of preserving the peace in the 
 peninsula. 
 
 On the 16th February (1831) the Political Com- 
 missioner reported an abortive conspiracy at Baroda 
 to dethrone Syajee. It was said that Syajee's relatives, 
 and even some of his wives ("fearing lest his policy 
 towards the British government should cause the 
 downfall of the state") had plotted to seize his person 
 and confine him, to visit with condign punishment 
 Syajee's favourites and advisers, and, in case of his still 
 refusing to adopt their policy, to proclaim his son 
 Gunput Rao in his stead. The plot was discovered, and 
 the conspirators arrested and the ringleaders were 
 executed. 
 
 In the course of this year Wittul Rao Dewajee died. 
 
401 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 LORD CLARE'S ARRANGEMENTS AT BARODA AND 
 IN KATTYWAR. 
 
 the 21st October 1830 an important change took 
 1830 32 pl ace in the position of the Guicowar 
 subsidiary force. The troops in 
 Guzerat were combined under the designation of " the 
 Northern Division of the Army," and the ' Subsidiary* 
 as a separate command was abolished. 
 
 The duties of the General Commanding the 
 Northern Division, as regarded the Subsidiary, were con- 
 fined to receiving the returns, and all arrangements 
 connected with their efficiency and discipline; but no 
 movement was to be made of any part of this force 
 without the concurrence of the Resident or Political 
 Commissioner, who was to retain the same power over 
 it wherever stationed, as before. 
 
 In this year the practice of interchanging presents 
 was also abolished. 
 
 On the establishment of the Political Commissioner- 
 ship, the Political Agencies at Pahlunpoor and the 
 Mahee Kanta were abolished. The Political Agency in 
 Kattywar was placed under the supervision of the 
 Commissioner, and officers were placed in charge of 
 51 
 
402 
 
 each of the three divisions of the Guicowar con- 
 tingent. 
 
 The Earl of Clare assumed the government of 
 Bombay on the 21st March 1831. 
 
 One of his first measures was the constitution of a 
 Court of Criminal Justice in Kattywar; the causes and 
 objects of this measure will be found detailed in the 
 following letter : 
 
 No. 549 of 1831. 
 
 POLITICAL DEPARTMENT. 
 To the POLITICAL COMMISSIONER for GUZERAT. 
 
 Bombay Castle, 19th April 183L 
 
 SIR, I am directed by the Right Honorable the 
 Governor in Council to communicate to you the fol- 
 lowing observations and instructions as to the course to 
 be pursued for administering the province of Kattywar, 
 and for providing a mode of judicial procedure in the 
 case of crimes committed by petty independent chiefs 
 upon one another, or individuals too strong or influen- 
 tial to be punished by a chief. 
 
 2. On our first interference in 1807-8 Lieutenant 
 Colonel Walker promulgated, by an address to the 
 chiefs, the objects we had in view, and proclaimed 
 that this was confined to the settlement of the regular 
 payment of their tribute; that no encroachment on 
 their landed rights or their independence was contem- 
 plated, and that the state of possession and power, as> 
 
403 
 
 it then existed, was to be guaranteed ; and at the same 
 time both the British and Guicowar governments con- 
 curred in the policy of abstaining from a spirit of 
 aggrandizement, and from every encroachment on the 
 rights or possessions of the chiefs. 
 
 3. On the faith of these assurances the chiefs 
 entered into the measures suggested to them by agree- 
 ing to pay a fixed sum annually as hitherto, and also 
 passed a security-bond to abstain from any violent 
 attacks on each other; to afford compensation each 
 for the acts of his own subjects for all injuries sustain- 
 ed by any chief or any of his subjects; to be respon- 
 sible for criminals taking shelter within his possessions ; 
 and also for preventing banditti passing through their 
 districts to plunder other territories. 
 
 4. We placed ourselves as the guarantee between 
 the several states for the due fulfilment of the above 
 conditions, and are therefore when appealed to bound 
 to enforce them. 
 
 5. Had the chiefs of the several petty states been 
 capable of fulfilling their obligations the embarrass- 
 ments that are now experienced would not exist ; for 
 in the event supposed they would suffice to maintain 
 the internal peace of the peninsula, and by their doing 
 so we should have no difficulty in securing its general 
 tranquillity and security; but some of the links which 
 united the system being now withdrawn by the weak- 
 ness of several of the chiefs, the means of our doing so is 
 impaired to a degree that renders the attempts to 
 punish banditti often fruitless and unavailing. 
 
 6. A remedy for this evil is a subject which has 
 received the most serious consideration of His Lord- 
 
404 
 
 ship in Council. Tlie condition of at least two-thirds 
 of the petty states disables them from punishing cri- 
 minals, as such a proceeding would be immediately fol- 
 lowed by barbarous acts of retaliation on the part of the 
 criminal or his tribe, against which the chiefs are too 
 weak to protect themselves. This occasions a great 
 proportion of delinquents to escape; and it is in vain 
 under present circumstances for many of these petty 
 states to call upon each other to fulfil their obligations 
 of faith to preserve the public peace when it is clear 
 their doing so would in many cases subject their terri- 
 tories to plunder in a degree that would incapacitate 
 them from paying their tribute. On the other hand 
 to take advantage of their weakness for assuming 
 possession of their estates, on the grounds that they 
 have forfeited them by being incapable to perform the 
 duties incumbent on them, would be adverse to the 
 spirit of our guarantee; while to render the weak 
 among them in such cases dependent on a chief who 
 had power sufficient to aid them in fulfilling their 
 obligations to the British government would be sub- 
 versive of their independence ; nevertheless one or 
 other of these measures must be sooner or later adopt- 
 ed ; or in virtue of our paramount control we must 
 exercise a general criminal jurisdiction throughout the 
 territories of these states, or in all cases where it 
 is indispensable to do so, either from the weakness or 
 incompetency of its native chiefs, to exercise that 
 authority in a manner that will ensure the public 
 peace. 
 
 7. The necessity of our exercising criminal juris- 
 diction in the cases alluded to arises out of the pecu- 
 
405 
 
 liarity of our relations with these states, the obligation 
 of our guarantee engagements, and the urgency of the 
 occasions. It is also a power which was exercised by our 
 predecessors as lords paramount whenever the preser- 
 vation of the public peace demanded it. 
 
 8. It appears on distinct evidence that in various 
 cases preceding governments often summoned and 
 punished the subjects of petty chiefs in Kattywar 
 when it became a measure of policy to do so without 
 calling upon the chief for that purpose ; and in all 
 these cases the criminals when brought before the 
 subah, as representative of the paramount sovereign, 
 were examined and punished, if guilty, by his own 
 servants or officers, by which means many of those 
 petty feuds which have their origin in a spirit of 
 revenge and retaliation were avoided. 
 
 9. Alluding to the undefined nature of the power 
 exercised by our predecessors in Kattywar, the Honora- 
 ble the Court of Directors stated in their letter in the 
 Political Department, under date the 15th Sep- 
 tember 1824, paragraph 72 : 
 
 " In your 49th paragraph Colonel Walker's opinion 
 that the chiefs were otherwise independent, though 
 paying a forced tribute, is questioned, and an inquiry 
 is intimated into the general rights of the British and 
 Guicowar governments over the chiefs of Kattywar. 
 It can scarcely be doubted, however, that the rights 
 of the Mahratta governments were whatever they found 
 it convenient to claim and had power to enforce. 
 The right of preserving the peace of the country (which 
 you assumed in paragraph 48) appears here to be 
 questionable, and is made to rest on questionable 
 
406 
 
 precedents. If Colonel Walker acted on a supposed 
 right, he did not thereby make it a real one. But it 
 is at least doubtful if the Mahratta governments in 
 point of fact ever claimed more than tribute. There 
 is no evidence that they ever interfered to main- 
 tain the peace of the country, or that they ever seques- 
 tered talooks for arrears of tribute. The proposed 
 inquiry must therefore necessarily resolve itself into 
 this, whether we have derived from them the right of 
 doing the precise things which they did and nothing 
 more, or the right of directing the same general power 
 to different specific objects according to the difference 
 of our policy." 
 
 10. The paramount control over these countries 
 must, the Right Honorable the Governor in Council 
 conceives, carry with it a power sufficient to fulfil the 
 guarantees, and to maintain the general peace of the 
 peninsula of Kattywar; and it appears quite evident 
 that we can only do so by acting in those instances as our 
 predecessors did. 'Their interference to punish out- 
 rages committed by outlaws and insurgents, which the 
 injured parties had not power to do, formed a part of 
 the existing usages of the country that we guaranteed, 
 and to adopt another course appears contrary to the 
 letter and spirit of our engagements. 
 
 11. While a regard to our public faith recom- 
 mends to us the following steps of our predecessors, 
 there are undoubtedly considerations arising out of a 
 strict construction of these tenures which must render 
 our exercise of such a power by no means free from 
 objection. 
 
407 
 
 12. These considerations probably did not occur 
 when our guarantee was pledged, and the chiefs con- 
 curred in our arrangements under an expecta- 
 tion, without doubt, that we should act in the 
 same manner as their former superiors had done ; 
 besides they were at that period used to the rule of 
 native princes, and in their ignorance never could have 
 anticipated that they were entering into engagements 
 which would subject them to forfeiture of their 
 lands, to which they are now liable for the non-perfor- 
 mance of engagements which, from the actual condi- 
 tion of their power, they may be and many of them 
 are unable to perform. Of this His Lordship in 
 Council is convinced that if we do not interpose our 
 authority more than we have hitherto done to ter- 
 minate the recurring outrages against the public peace, 
 this country will either remain infested as at present 
 by plunderers, or chief by chief will fall into the vortex 
 of our ordinary rule an event much to be depre- 
 cated as it will in every view, financial and political, 
 be attended with evils: the system in its commence- 
 ment will inspire alarm, and we shall have impressions 
 of our meditated encroachments spread along the 
 whole of our western frontier, where, from the nature 
 of the soil and the population, it is most essential we 
 should be regarded as protectors and supporters of 
 chiefs, who enjoy their power from, perhaps, an older 
 line of ancestry than any in India. 
 
 13. There is no escape from such a consequence 
 that His Lordship in Council can contemplate, unless 
 we either abandon Kattywar to anarchy, or introduce 
 a special authority suited to our obligations, to the 
 
408 
 
 actual condition of the country, and to the usages and 
 character of its inhabitants. 
 
 14. The Right Honorable the Governor in Coun- 
 cil has therefore resolved to authorize the direct inter- 
 ference of the British government in the administration 
 of criminal justice in Kattywar, and is accordingly 
 pleased to direct that you visit Kattywar twice annually, 
 when all criminals who may have been guilty of 
 capital crimes, such as robbery and murder in the 
 territories of those petty states in which the chiefs 
 may be too weak to punish them, will be tried and 
 acquitted or sentenced by a court in which you are 
 to preside, aided by the Political Agent, who has been 
 placed under your general authority, and three or four 
 chiefs as assessors, submittng for the confirmation of 
 Government all such sentences as may be capital. 
 
 15. The late Governor (Sir John Malcolm) when 
 in Kattywar had much communication upon the 
 subject of a trial of- this description with the Acting 
 Political Agent (Mr. Blane) and with natives the 
 most conversant in the habits and actual situation of 
 that country, and found all of the same opinion upon 
 this point, which they deemed quite essential to the 
 preservation of peace and order, and agreed with him 
 that without some such arrangements we could not 
 fulfil our guarantee of preserving the peace of the 
 country, or promote its general improvement. It 
 would no doubt add greatly to our influence and 
 power, but that is desirable as long as it does not; 
 supersede the authority of the princes and chiefs 
 of Kattywar in their internal administration. 
 
409 
 
 16. In submitting to you the above observations, 
 the Right Honorable tha Governor in Council requests 
 that you will favor him at an early period with a report 
 specifying the details of the system, the introduction of 
 which is now sanctioned, and the effects of its opera- 
 tion as regards the feelings of the chieftains, and the 
 state of crime in the peninsula. 
 
 Towards the end of the year 1831, the Governor 
 passed several days at Baroda, en route, to Ajmere, to 
 meet the Governor General (Lord W. Bentinck). The 
 following Minutes, dated 3rd December 1831 and 18th 
 January 1832, describe the impressions with which 
 Lord Clare proceeded to the negociation with Syajee 
 Rao which followed. 
 
 MINUTE, dated 3rd December 18.31, by the EARL OF 
 
 CLARE. 
 
 The Board is aware that, in consequence of an ur- 
 gent request made by His Highness the Guicowar, I 
 consented to make a visit to his capital on my way to 
 Ajmeer, and 1 accordingly remained at Baroda six days, 
 during which time I had three public and as many 
 private interviews with His Highness, and though, 
 as might be expected, nothing definitive or con- 
 clusive was done at them, still, upon the whole, 
 they were satisfactory, and I should hope may prove 
 a prelude to a better understanding between the two 
 governments. 
 
410 
 
 My chief object in passing (necessarily hastily) 
 through Baroda, was to hear in person what His High- 
 ness had to say and to propose in regard to those 
 questions which have led to the sequestration of his 
 territories; and I conceive I acted in the spirit of the 
 instructions lately received from the Honorable Court, 
 to try and re-establish an amicable understanding 
 with the Guicowar, by meeting and treating that prince 
 with the utmost distinction and consideration. I ac- 
 cordingly exchanged presents with him, paid him and 
 received from him visits of ceremony, and did all in 
 my power to show him and his subjects, that though 
 the British government had been driven to harsh 
 measures towards him, I was actuated by a friendly 
 feeling for a native state (the only one be it always 
 remembered of the Mahratta powers which has on the 
 most trying occasions been invariably steady in its 
 alliance with the Honorable Company). I had besides 
 another object in view. I wished under any cir- 
 cumstances to effect a personal reconciliation between 
 the heads of the two governments, for though I can- 
 not pretend to know anything of native courts, I am 
 quite sure mankind is mankind from China to Peru, 
 actuated by the same or nearly the same feelings, pas- 
 sions, and prejudices, and that it would be quite use- 
 less to attempt to begin a negotiation (supposing a 
 favourable opportunity for negotiation to arrive during 
 the time of my filling my present situation) without, 
 from the first interview I had with the Guicowar, 
 showing a disposition on my part to treat him with 
 the utmost attention and respect, and to listen patiently 
 to all he had to say. 
 
411 
 
 The Board is aware that two sequestrations have 
 taken place, one on account of the debt due to certain 
 bankers for the payment of which we are guarantee, 
 and one to secure the regular payment of the con- 
 tingent of 3,000 horse. 
 
 In respect to the first sequestration, His Highness 
 spoke a good deal about his adherence to his obliga- 
 tions, and the hardship of our interference, which, 
 however, he distinctly acknowledged our right to 
 exercise had he broken faith with his creditors ; so 
 much had already passed between the Government, 
 Syajee, and the Resident on this question, I thought 
 it unnecessary to enter into it, further than to tell His 
 Highness in a general way that, had the obligations 
 been maintained on his part, Government would not 
 have taken the measures he alluded to. 
 
 On this topic His Highness spoke with considerable 
 warmth, dwelt particularly on the loss he sustained 
 from the sequestration, which increased every day, and 
 expressed his readiness to pay whatever balance was due 
 to the bankers. I told him that the first thing to 
 be done was the preparation of the accounts of the 
 sequestration, and as he affirmed that none had been 
 rendered him, I assured him I should make inquiries at, 
 Ahmedabad, and take care that they were sent to him 
 while I should be prepared to attend to any observa- 
 tions he had to offer upon them. Till then, however, 
 I told him I could not inform him further of my 
 views about the payment of the loan, which he must 
 know, involved a great and long agitated question, 
 which required arid should receive, the fullest con- 
 sideration from me. 
 
412 
 
 The Guicowar at one of our interviews complained 
 loudly of the way in which certain individuals, who 
 have our personal guarantee had abused it, and treated 
 him, making use of the British name to annoy and 
 vex their sovereign, and he asked me what, under such 
 circumstances, I would have him do. I told His High- 
 ness it was quite impossible for me to explain to him 
 generally what line of conduct I would have him pur- 
 sue, but that he might rest assured I would do all in my 
 power to uphold his authority over his own subjects; but 
 that, unless I knew the circumstances of each particular 
 case, I could not give him any decided opinion. He 
 then alluded to the case of the pretender Govind Rao, 
 who, having got together a band of mercenaries from 
 a house close to the late British Residency, had for 
 months set his authority at defiance in his own capital. 
 1 told him I regretted the circumstance as much as he 
 did ; that the conduct of Govind Rao could not be 
 justified, and that Sir John Malcolm on his arrival at 
 Baroda in 1830 had at once sent away the pretender 
 Govind Rao, and had restored the tranquillity of the 
 capital. The Guicowar then said to me, ' Has not 
 Govind Rao from his misconduct now forfeited your 
 guarantee ? " To this I replied that, until I inquired 
 further into the circumstances of the case from Mr. 
 Williams, I could give no decided answer. 
 
 His Highness complained much of the contingent 
 being taken out of his hands, saying, it had been kept 
 up by him as regularly in respect to pay and equip- 
 ment as had been usual in former times. If it was so 
 inefficient as it had been represented to be, " how 
 happened it," said His Highness, ' that it invariably 
 
413 
 
 merited the approbation of the former Residents, Colonel 
 Walker and Major Carnac ; " and as an evidence of 
 its efficiency and fidelity to the British government, 
 he appealed to the services it had performed in the 
 field when it co-operated with our troops in Kattywar, 
 Malwa, and other occasions. During our interview 
 His Highness usually spoke in a cool and easy way, 
 hut when the contingent was alluded to, which he called 
 his " Fouz" or army, his countenance became animated, 
 and the tone of his voice loud and earnest. He dwelt 
 upon the heavy expense which the present arrange- 
 ment entailed upon him, and he begged me to remem- 
 ber that, in addition to the troops we had employed, 
 he had to secure a provision for the numbers who for- 
 merly belonged to this force, but had lately taken their 
 discharge, or, as he expressed it, been driven by violence 
 from its ranks. The number who adhered to him were, 
 he said, very considerable, and he solicited me to ask 
 them if they had not been always satisfied with his 
 conduct towards them. In conclusion, His Highness 
 observed that, if we were riot satisfied with the manner 
 in which he had kept up the contingent, he was pre- 
 pared to adopt some other plan, and would, if we 
 wished it, pay them regularly every month. 
 
 Syajee continually referred to the treaty, contending 
 he had not violated it, and complaining of the hard- 
 ship of treating him as if he had done so. I gave 
 him the same general kind of answer to his questions 
 regarding the loan, as I did those that related to 
 the horse, telling him that I had come to Baroda 
 merely at his request, and that I could not enter 
 minutely into questions that would require so much 
 
414 
 
 time to discuss during so short a visit ; but he might 
 rest assured that I was determined to hear everything 
 he had to say, to inquire fully into his representations, 
 and to see that the terms of the treaty were fulfilled 
 by the British government. He would fain have had 
 more specific answers, but appeared very well satis- 
 fied with what I said ; manifested a good humour, which, 
 from all I can learn, he is too often a stranger to, and 
 expressed himself much pleased with the manner in 
 which I received him, which I, of course, desired to be 
 as kind and conciliatory as possible. 
 
 In proof of his good feeling, I may mention an oc- 
 currence which happened the day but one before I left 
 Baroda, which afforded me a good deal of pleasure. I 
 allude to the release of Jhan Mahomed, jemedar, one 
 of the principal officers of the contingent, and a sirdar 
 of rank, who had been placed in confinement by Syajee 
 (as I think has been reported to Government by Mr. 
 Williams), during a visit to his friends at Baroda. 
 Jhan Mahomed had resorted in vain to every means 
 of obtaining his liberty, and had even induced the 
 Political Commissioner's representative (Captain Ire- 
 dell) to intercede with His Highness in his behalf. 
 The jemedar made daily representations to me, which 
 I steadily refused to listen to (conceiving that I ought 
 not to interfere between the Guicowar and his subjects), 
 when I ascertained that His Highness, thinking that 
 his release would be agreeable to me, had, of his own 
 accord, removed the guard placed over the jemedar's 
 house, and I instructed Lieutenant Colonel Bin-ford to 
 use his best endeavours to induce His Highness to 
 allow him to return to the contingent. 
 
415 
 
 I circulate with tins Minute a translation of the 
 memorandum which the Guicowar sent to me on the 
 <!ay of my arrival at Baroda. 
 
 (Signed) CLARE. 
 
 J. ROMER. 
 
 W. NEWNIIAM. 
 
 J. SUTHERLAND. 
 
 Camp Mahnoodabad, 3rd December 1831. 
 
 MINUTE, dated ISth January 1832. 
 
 As on my return to Baroda the Guicowar will cer- 
 tainly require a definitive answer from me to his offer 
 to pay the bankers and to have his districts restored 
 to him, I am anxious to learn the sentiments of my 
 colleagues on the subject before my next interview with 
 His Highness. 
 
 It is unnecessary for me to state how very desirable 
 it is to restore a good understanding with the Gui- 
 cowar, for, independent of the unfavourable impression 
 against us, which our apparently harsh measures have 
 made on the minds of every native, I am afraid that 
 no party lias been or is ever likely to be benefited by 
 them. 
 
 When the first sequestration was made in March 
 1 828, it was calculated that in five years the debt would 
 be liquidated. It now appears by Mr. Williams' cal- 
 culations that we have no hope of paying it off for five 
 
410 
 
 years more, and I confess, judging from past expe- 
 rience, I have little hope, under the present system, of 
 its being paid off so soon. 
 
 In the mean time nothing can be more disadvan- 
 tageous to the British government, to the Guicowar, 
 and the population of the districts, than the present 
 state of affairs ; as the country de jure belongs to the 
 Guicowar, but is de facto ours, it is difficult to say under 
 what code of laws it is governed. Its lawful sovereign 
 having protested against the sequestration, will not, 
 perhaps cannot, interfere to punish criminals living 
 within the districts which have been taken from him ; 
 and, according to our Regulations, it does not appear 
 to me that they are amenable to our courts, so that, 
 there is, I may almost say, a general immunity of 
 crime throughout them, generating as a necessary 
 consequence an unbounded licence, which, unless 
 speedily checked, will eventually demoralize the 
 whole population, and the contagion of it will infallibly 
 extend into the Company's territory. 
 
 In addition to this enormous evil, the inhabitants do 
 not know to whom they belong whether they are the 
 subjects of the British government or of the Guicowar, 
 and one of them said very truly not long since to an 
 officer in our service, " we have a tank on one side of 
 us, and a well on the other, and we are sure to fall 
 into one or the other." This gives a very good de- 
 scription of their actual condition, and of the state of 
 uncertainty in which they are placed ; but it is one 
 from which 1 hope, for the sake of the welfare of this 
 fine country, they will be soon relieved. 
 
417 
 
 Very many, indeed, I believe I may say the major- 
 ity, of the inhabitants would be very glad to learn that 
 we had permanently taken possession of the districts ; 
 for our rule and our system are in Guzerat incomparably 
 better than any, even the best native rule in India ; but 
 as there is no intention whatever, and never was, of 
 adding to our territory one beegah belonging to the 
 Guicowar, the sooner we can restore the sequestrated 
 districts (British faith to every individual being kept 
 inviolate), the better it will be for the British name 
 and for the whole of Guzerat. 
 
 When I was at Ahrnedabad, the Political Commis- 
 sioner brought to me by my desire the principal shroffs, 
 and I put the question to them whether it would not 
 be much more for their advantage to receive their 
 money from the Guicowar, to be reconciled to their 
 sovereign, and to return to their native city, Baroda, 
 than to remain in their present situation at variance 
 with the Guicowar, until we had been enabled to pay 
 the amount due. They all admitted the pecuniary loss 
 they sustained living away from Baroda, and that they 
 would be very glad to receive their money and to 
 return there, provided they could be secured against 
 ill-treatment from His Highness. I informed them 
 
 o 
 
 that, at all events after they had been paid by 
 the British government or by the Guicowar, no one 
 who had not a personal bhandaree would have 
 any claim on us; but I assured them all (though with- 
 out making any engagement) 1 would at all times, now 
 and hereafter, use my good offices with the Guicowar 
 to treat them all with the utmost consideration : be- 
 sides, I remarked to them, His Highness was an able 
 
 53 
 
418 
 
 and politic prince, and knew very well it was not his 
 interest to alienate some of his wealthiest subjects, whose 
 presence at Baroda would he of such benefit to the 
 capital. The interview was a very satisfactory one. 
 My object was not to bind the bankers on a sudden to 
 any specific engagement ; that would, I conceive, have 
 been unwise and unfair on my part; but I was anxious 
 to learn from a personal conference with them what 
 was their real disposition on the subject, and I am 
 happy to say they appeared to me to be not only not 
 disinclined to receive their money whenever it shall be 
 offered to them, but that they tire convinced whenever 
 a satisfactory settlement can be made, they must be in 
 a better situation than they are in now at Ahmedabad. 
 Mr. Williams told me that the manager of one of the 
 
 o 
 
 great firms, that of Hurry Bucktee, told him they were 
 ruined living away from Baroda, where they had private 
 claims on individuals amounting to, I think he said, 
 near twenty or thirty lacs of Rupees, not one pice of 
 which could they now recover. I am anxious to call 
 the attention of the Board to the feelings and wishes 
 of the bankers, as certainly, from what I had heard, 
 I believed before I saw them they would not willingly 
 receive their money, even if it were offered to them. 
 My next step was to call on the Political Commissioner 
 for a copy cf the agreement with the bankers, in order 
 that I might ascertain whether there was anything in 
 it which made it imperative on the British government 
 not to pay them before a certain time. 
 
 I have accordingly read again and again the engage- 
 ments with attention, and it is my opinion there is no 
 stipulation whatever in it which can be construed into 
 
419 
 
 an agreement that the money shall not be paid off till 
 seven years from November 1826. The paper enclo- 
 sure (B., No. 2) states that the sum borrowed shall 
 be paid year by year, so that in the said seven years 
 the loan and interest thereon may be liquidated ; but 
 not one word is said that the whole shall not be liqui- 
 dated before the expiration of seven years. There is a 
 clear engagement that the money shall be repaid within 
 seven years, and we are bound to see that engagement 
 fulfilled'; but surely, if it had been intended that the 
 debt should only be paid off by annual instalments, as is 
 always usual in such cases, it would have been so spe- 
 cified. But that no such stipulation was even contem- 
 plated, is I think quite evident from Mr. Elphinstone's 
 letter dated September 8th, 1827,theyearafterthe money 
 was borrowed, in which (I circulated the copy of the 
 letter and the translated copy) he states, addressing the 
 Guicowar: " But the way to abolish all chance of inter- 
 ference will be at once to pay off the debt." I think 
 therefore, even supposing any objection to be started by 
 the bankers, I have a right to say to them, " No, I do not 
 see it written in your bond," and in the course of their 
 conference with me they never alluded to such a stipu- 
 lation. 
 
 It seems to me therefore, from the best consideration 
 that I have been enabled to give the subject, the ques- 
 tion (supposing the Guicowar ready to pay the money, 
 which he says he is) resolved itself purely into a ques- 
 tion of account, and I have now to consider what are the 
 demands we have against him. 
 
 o 
 
 According to Mr. Williams' statement of the debt 
 originally guaranteed, there will be up to 1831-32, that 
 
420 
 
 is, to the end of the fourth year since the fresh seques- 
 tration, a balance due to the bankers amounting to Rs. 
 32,25,109-0-3. The accounts of the two first years 
 are before the Board. Why the accounts of the third 
 year have not been long since furnished I cannot say. 
 Be this however as it may, I have desired the Political 
 Commissioner to send them in without delay, and to 
 furnish a copy to the Guicowar for his information, 
 explaining to His Highness the causes of the large 
 deduction from the receipts, and showing the actual 
 cost of management, of which he complains so much, 
 and, I fear, so justly; and to accompany the whole 
 with an estimate of the total amount of debt which 
 he (Mr. Williams) expects will be liquidated up to 
 March next; and I have desired that a duplicate of 
 the account sent to the Guicowar may also be sent 
 to me. 
 
 I do not anticipate any objection on the part of 
 His Highness to the amount of the original guaran- 
 teed debt. That, I understand he has always admitted ; 
 but I must be prepared for many objections to the 
 expenses incurred, and, as the sequestration of his 
 territory was forced on the British government by 
 the non-fulfilment of his engagements, 1 do not con- 
 ceive the Guicowar has any right to say it would have 
 produced more had it been left with him ; for, as we 
 did not wish to occupy it, so, under the circum- 
 stances of the sequestration, we have, perhaps, made 
 as much of it as the uncertain nature of our rule 
 permitted us to make. There are, however, certain 
 other claims of a different nature, some guaranteed 
 and some unguaranteed, which must be settled. 
 
421 
 
 In the first place, I am of opinion that all unguar- 
 anteed claims must be struck out of the account, as 
 we are not called upon to insist on their payment. 
 
 There are five principal heads of charge against 
 the Guicowar, which, as far as I can learn, were not 
 taken into calculation at the time of the first seques- 
 tration, besides some others of minor importance, all 
 of which must be settled before the districts seques- 
 tered can be restored, for it is my opinion that if 
 possible we should not leave any one cause for dispute 
 or discussion hereafter, in order that having once got 
 rid of all bhandaree engagements, we should never 
 again be driven to -take possession of another beegah 
 of the Guicowar's dominions. 
 
 The first and heaviest item is the claim of the firm 
 of Hurry Bhucktee for old arrears, amounting to up- 
 wards of 40 lacs, but which Mr. Williams calculates 
 may be reduced to one half. Upon reading some of the 
 papers, it seems to me very extraordinary that when 
 Mr. Elphinstone, in the year 18*20, raised the three 
 loans to free the Guicowar's government from its em- 
 barrassment, this claim was not then made. It 
 appears to have been purposely kept back by an under- 
 standing between the Guicowar and the firm ; and upon 
 looking closely into the nature of our bhandarees, it 
 appears to me that, according to thaterms of it, we are 
 merely bound, as Mr. Williams expresses it, to see 
 <' that all old demands shall be fairly adjusted." All 
 then that we are pledged to do is to see a fair settle- 
 ment of the claim. I think therefore it will be suffi- 
 cient that 1 should insist on His Highness submitting 
 the adjustment of his claim to a punchayet of the 
 
422 
 
 respectable bankers at Baroda, and that both parties 
 should bind themselves to abide by their award, or to 
 such other mode of settlement as rnay be agreed on 
 by both parties. 
 
 The next item of charge is the claim of Bulwunt 
 Rao Guicowar, which we are also pledged to see adjust- 
 ed, and I propose to pursue the same course respecting 
 this demand on tlie Guicowar, amounting to upwards 
 of 10 lacs of Rupees. 
 
 The third item is the claim made by the farmers 
 of the septennial leases for losses, amounting, according 
 to Mr. Williams' letter, 9th December 1831, to upwards 
 of twenty lacs, under two different, heads. As we 
 guaranteed the leases, and afterwards made the farmers 
 give them up, we are bound to see that they shall not 
 lose by their bargain ; but they must prove what they 
 have really lost, and agree to abide by the award of a 
 punchayet, or by some other fair mode of determining 
 the amount of their loss. 
 
 The fourth item is a charge for expenses incurred in 
 taking possession of the sequestered districts. I will 
 not here stop to inquire whether there was any neces- 
 sity for assembling a large military force for that 
 purpose, wlien there was no appearance of resistance. 
 As a measure of precaution it was probably justified, 
 and the charge unfortunately is very considerable, 
 amounting to upwards of five lacs of rupees by Mr. 
 Williams' account, to which must be added, I believe, 
 a large sum for expenses incurred since that account 
 was made up, and here arises a question which I find 
 some difficulty in deciding. 
 
423 
 
 I do not think the Guicowar should be allowed 
 to object to the charge incurred for taking Military 
 possession of his territory, nor, perhaps, to the expense 
 of keeping our troops in it for a year subsequent 
 to the sequestration; but I have considerable doubts 
 whether we have any right to make the Guicowar pay 
 any further expense on the head for batta to the 
 troops, or other charges incurred, beyond probably the 
 salary given to the two British officers commanding 
 the sequestered districts north and south of Baroda, 
 whose presence may be required, considering the 
 anomalous character of our rule over them, for main- 
 taining the peace of the country. 
 
 I confess I have strong doubts whether we can fairly 
 make the Guicowar pay any part of the expense of 
 our regular troops, employed in his districts beyond the 
 time, when it was quite manifest there was no inten- 
 tion on the part of His Highness to resist our occupa- 
 tion of them ; and if 1 allow a year since March 1828, 
 I think I may state with confidence that from March 18*29 
 our troops could not have been required in those dis- 
 tricts for any other purposes than were required of them 
 previous to the first sequestration, and that bein^ the 
 case, on what plea can we charge the Guicowar with the 
 cost of keeping them there ? 
 
 By treaty the Guicowar ceded to us territory for the 
 payment of a subsidiary force; by treaty we bound 
 him to maintain, in a state of efficiency, 3,000 horse, to 
 act when required with the subsidiary force ; and hav- 
 ing taken the contingent horse from him, I conceive 
 we are bound to keep the country in a state of tran- 
 quillity without any further demand of a military 
 
424 
 
 nature on the Guicowar, unless it can be proved he has 
 attempted to resist our measures. 
 
 I shall be extremely glad to learn the sentiments of 
 my colleagues on this and on every other question con- 
 nected with the several points to which I have directed 
 their attention, for the charge of the troops ever since 
 March 1829 must be considerable, and if it can be fairly 
 charged from that time to the day when we shall re- 
 store his districts to the Guicowar, the demand must 
 undoubtedly be insisted on ; but if, on the other hand, 
 it shall appear that the charge from that time is not a 
 necessary consequence of the sequestration, the British 
 name requires that no part of it shall be borne by the 
 Guicowar, and in considering this part of the question, 
 I must call the attention of my colleagues to this fact, 
 that we have had near 400 of the contingent horse do- 
 ing duty at Kaira and Ahmedabad at the Guicowar's 
 expense, and had they been employed under the two 
 British officers in command of the districts north and 
 south of Baroda, I have strong doubts whether any 
 necessity would have existed for keeping out, at all 
 events, so great a number of our regular troops. Can 
 we, therefore, acting on principles of good faith, make 
 the Guicowar pay his own horse for doing duty in our 
 districts, and also charge him with the expenses of our 
 regular troops employed in his sequestered territory ? 
 
 The fifth item of charge is a nemnook of about 
 Rs. 60,000 per annum, besides a pagah of 110 horse, 
 guaranteed by Sir John Malcolm in February 1830, to 
 the late Vittul Rao Dewajee and his adopted sou. 
 
 I beg to call the particular attention of the Board to 
 this charge. It appears that Mr. Elphinstone, so late 
 
425 
 
 as September 1827, informed the Guicowar by letter 
 that he might reduce Vittul Rao's salary, as it did not 
 concern the British government, and at a time when 
 our relations with the Guicowar government were on 
 a far more friendly footing than they were in 1830 
 when his successor granted it. 
 
 I do not think the services and good conduct of the 
 late Vittul Rao bear at all upon the question of our 
 right of forcing the Guicowar to give him and his 
 family such an enormous income. Being the stronger 
 power, we can undoubtedly oblige the Guicowar to 
 obey our orders ; but, unless might can be called right, 
 I cannot understand how we can with justice force 
 him to pay the nemnook to this family. I shall cer- 
 tainly do my best to induce the Guicowar to give his 
 consent, but as he has invariably called Vittul Rao a 
 traitor, I believe he would rather do anything than 
 sanction the grant which was made to him without his 
 concurrence, and in the event of his refusal, are we, with 
 the strong arm of power, to force him to acquiesce 
 in it ? or is the account of the nemnook with the pagah 
 of horse, little less than a lac of rupees annually, to be 
 charged to the British government ? I consider this 
 question to be one of the most embarrassing which 
 government has to decide ; and I am astonished that my 
 predecessor could have involved us in such an engage- 
 ment to the adopted son and family of the late Vittul 
 Rao ; for, even supposing his services to the Guicowar 
 government were ten times greater than Sir John 
 Malcolm has stated them to be, why was the British 
 government called upon to reward those services by 
 guaranteeing such an income for ever to his adopted 
 
 54 
 
426 
 
 son and his heirs ? I wish to see the reasons (if any) on 
 record which induced Sir John Malcolm to commit the 
 British government. If I am to argue the question on 
 the broad principle of justice, I am bound to say that 
 Sir John Malcolm having committed the British go- 
 vernment, the British faith must be kept inviolate ; 
 but that if the Guicowar refuses his consent, we cannot 
 force him to comply, and the amount must be a charge 
 against us, and referred for final decision to the Honor- 
 able Court. The letter above alluded to from Mr. 
 Elphinstone was sent to me by the Guicowar. I shall 
 ask to see the original when I go to Baroda, and I have 
 sent to the office of the Persian Secretary in Bombay 
 for a copy of it, if it shall prove to be genuine. 
 
 The other claims against the Guicowar are of a 
 less important nature, and may, I imagine, be settled 
 without any difficulty. 
 
 I have stated fully to the Board all that occurs 
 to me on this part of the subject, and I will now 
 proceed to state the course which I propose to pursue 
 when I go to Baroda. 
 
 Assuming that the- Guicowar is ready to pay the 
 demands we have against him, and that there is no 
 objection to discharge them at once, I propose to 
 accept his offer, and to give him back his districts 
 whenever he shall have satisfied the claims, the pay- 
 ment of which we have guaranteed ; and I shall 
 think myself fairly entitled to call upon His Highness 
 to give a general indemnity for the past to the bank- 
 ers and others who, since the misunderstanding 
 arose between the two governments, have remained 
 with us, and I shall put before the Guicowar in the 
 
427 
 
 strongest light the wise policy (as the basis of a good 
 understanding) of drawing a veil over the past, and 
 that the welfare and prosperity of his fine country, and 
 the happiness of his subjects, require that there 
 should be on all sides a general and cordial recon- 
 ciliation. 
 
 It is impossible for me to say whether I shall be 
 enabled to do even any thing towards the attainment 
 of tins most desirable object ; but, at all events, I think 
 our good name in the country requires that we should 
 endeavour to, if possible, bear those persons harmless 
 who have preferred our service to that of the Guico- 
 war, whether they have or have not a personal bhan- 
 dery from us. 
 
 The next subject to which I beg to call the atten- 
 tion of the Board, and on which I am anxious to 
 learn the sentiments of my colleagues, is the very 
 embarrassing question of the second sequestration of 
 the Guicowar's districts in March 1830, a proceeding 
 which, in the letter from the Honorable Court, dated 
 the 4th September 1831, is thus described : " A seques- 
 tration continued from year to year is practically a for- 
 cible appropriation of the sequestered districts in the 
 most disadvantageous manner, for it must keep alive a 
 feeling of irritation in the Guicowar government, and 
 at the same time affords no means of giving a stable 
 administration to the people/' 
 
 In these sentiments of the Honorable Court I fully 
 concur, and my late tour through the sequestered dis- 
 tricts has quite convinced me that they were dictated 
 by sound policy and a thorough knowledge of all the 
 mischief of the measure so justly condemned at home 
 
428 
 
 in the 6th paragraph of the despatch quoted above. It is, 
 however, very easy to see and to lament the evil, but it 
 by no means follows it is so easy to escape from it. 
 
 By a treaty, dated the 6th November 1817, the 
 Guicowar is bound to maintain 3,000 horse in an 
 efficient state and fit for service, and if he does so, by 
 treaty we cannot keep forcible possession of his territory. 
 Now the question arises, as the stipulations of that 
 treaty it is alleged have never been observed by His 
 Highness (and of this fact, I believe, there is abundant 
 proof), how are we to act to enforce a due observance 
 of it in future ? 
 
 If we keep possession of certain districts to cover the 
 expense of the contingent horse, we shall entail upon 
 the country all the evils so well and forcibly described 
 in the paragraph I have quoted from the letter of the 
 Honorable Court ; and if, on the other hand, depending 
 on the Guicowar's word, we give up his districts, I am 
 afraid the experience of the past tells us, in the words 
 of my predecessor in his note on the subject to the 
 Guicowar, " that promises made and broken so often re- 
 garding this contingent can no longer meet attention," 
 and that we have no reasonable expectation of seeing 
 this force in an efficient state of the payment and 
 formation, if it is left altogether to His Highness. 
 
 I assume, therefore, that the former infraction of 
 the treaty by the Guicowar gives us, according to the 
 stipulations of the treaty, a clear right to take effec- 
 tual measure to secure the regular performance of 
 it in future, before we consent to give back the seques- 
 tered districts. 
 
429 
 
 It is my intention, in the first place, in obedience 
 to the orders of the Court, to try and induce the 
 Guicowar to cede territory for the payment of 2,000 
 horse, and thus relieve His Highness from one-third 
 of the expense he ought to incur. This will be beyond 
 a doubt the most desirable settlement of the question 
 for both governments; but I confess I have little 
 expectation of inducing the Guicowar to consent to 
 it. He considers the contingent as his army, and, 
 independent of the reluctance all natives feel to cede 
 territory, his pride will probably prevent him from 
 abandoning all control over two-thirds of his armed 
 force, even though he will have the undivided 
 command of the remaining third without any 
 interference from us. As, however, the boon 
 offered is a very great one, and as, in addition to it, 
 we propose to effect a saving to the Guicowar from 
 the 720 Molikguerry horse, for Kattywar, Rewakanta 
 and Mahikanta of 265 horse, possibly his love of 
 money, and his extreme anxiety to get back his dis- 
 tricts, may induce the Guicowar to accept the 
 terms offered to him, and in this event we must 
 consider what districts we shall require His Highness 
 to cede in addition to his share of the Kattywar tri- 
 butes, which, according to the orders of the Honorable 
 Court, are, in the first place to be taken. On this sub- 
 ject I will consult the Political Commissioner, and 
 report what he says to the Board. 
 
 If the Guicowar shall prove obstinate, and shall 
 refuse to cede any portion of his territory, we must, 
 I think, require him to give the security of some 
 substantial bankers at Baroda for the regular monthly 
 
430 
 
 payment and equipment of the horse according to the 
 treaty, and certain regulations must be issued which 
 the Guicowar must bind himself to observe to secure 
 the future efficiency of the contingent. To the 
 subject of the contingent and to the way in which it 
 is raised, I propose shortly calling the attention of the 
 Board, and stating to them how I consider it may be 
 made a more efficient force than it is at present or 
 than it ever will be, if the present system shall be 
 continued. 
 
 I have stated at, I fear, great length my views and 
 opinions on the various topics connected with our 
 present relation with the Guicowar, and I trust to have 
 the advantage of the advice and experience of my col- 
 leagues before I shall begin the discussion with His 
 Highness. I cannot hope to settle in a moment such a 
 complicated question, nor am I at all sure that I shall 
 find His Highness inclined to listen to reason when I 
 begin to enter into a detailed statement of the whole 
 question in dispute between the two governments. 
 It is not my intention to attempt to do anything in a 
 hurry, or if the Guicowar refuses my proposal, to give 
 up the business without again and again attempting to 
 bring matters to a favourable conclusion, by putting 
 everything before him in the fairest and most concilia- 
 tory manner ; but as I cannot pretend to know how an 
 obstinate and possibly misguided native prince should 
 be managed, I confess I shall begin the negotiation 
 with very great doubts of being enabled to bring it 
 to a favourable conclusion ; but, in obedience to the 
 orders I have received to attempt to restore an amicable 
 understanding between the two governments, I will 
 
431 
 
 certainly make the attempt, being quite convinced that 
 although the severe measures to which my predecessor 
 was driven were probably at the time absolutely neces- 
 sary, they have entailed the most disastrous conse- 
 quences on this fine country, from which it is our duty 
 to relieve it with the least possible delay. 
 
 CLARE. 
 Camp Ajmeer, ISth January 1832. 
 
 MINUTE by the Honorable Mr. SUTHERLAND, 
 
 Consultation, 2nd May, No. 1403. 
 
 Bombay, 6th February 1832. 
 
 The subject of the Right Honorable President's Mi- 
 nute, of the 18th ultimo, from Ajmeer, on the affairs of 
 the Baroda state, is of the utmost importance, and 
 is to me the most serious that can engage the at- 
 tention of this Government. The lamentable embar- 
 rassment into which the two Governments have fallen 
 is disadvantageous to the character of each, and, more- 
 over, involves the happiness of the population of ex- 
 tensive districts. I am quite aware that this unfortu- 
 nate state of things entirely proceeded from the perverse 
 disposition of a prince, who with his family, owes every- 
 thing to the British government ; gratitude and honour 
 appear to be unknown to him, and it is now only, after 
 having felt the full force of the chastisement which 
 circumstances led us to inflict on him, and which set 
 almost to his resources and power, that he is found 
 
432 
 
 repentant, and, so far as present professions are to 
 be relied on, would retrace his steps. 
 
 The tone of the Guicowar's mind, which has hitherto 
 resisted all endeavours to bring him to reason, must 
 now be chastised, and induce him to bend to proposi- 
 tions calculated to restore to him his country and benefit 
 himself and his people. I am therefore sanguine of the 
 success of His Lordship, in the accomplishment of the 
 object he has in view; for, as no period could be better 
 fitted than the present, there could be no authority 
 better calculated to undertake the unravelment of such 
 confusion as his Lordship. I hail therefore with great 
 satisfaction the opportunity that has enabled the Gui- 
 cowar to invite His Lordship to a personal interview 
 at his capital, and consider His Lordship's call to 
 Ajmeer to be most fortunate, if unattended with any 
 other public advantage, than overcoming difficulties, 
 to a fair settlement of differences that have accumulated 
 for years past. 
 
 It will be unnecessary for me to look further into the 
 subject at this time, than to state my opinion on the 
 several points referred to us ; 1 shall therefore confine 
 myself to so doing. 
 
 It appears to me undeniable that years must elapse 
 before hope can be held out of extricating the two 
 governments by a maintenance of the present arrange- 
 ment, and on every account it will be better for all con- 
 cerned, to adjust differences, and restore the country 
 under sequestration as soon as possible on the principles 
 laid down by His Lordship. 
 
 As the arrangement was for the benefit of the Gui- 
 cowar, to which the bankers merely lent their assist- 
 
433 
 
 ance as money-lenders, I do not apprehend that British 
 faith would be compromised by repaying to them 
 the full amount of what may be due to them before 
 the period on which the septennial leases would have 
 expired, particularly as already three leases have 
 given way to a different arrangement, so that part 
 of the engagement having been broken, there can be 
 no reason for considering so much as remains to be 
 dependent on the terms of the leases in regard to time. 
 I consider what remains to be purely a matter of 
 money dealing, wherein there was no specific stipu- 
 lation that the several sums should not be repaid at 
 any previous period when funds became available 
 for this purpose. If the leases were infringed on any 
 principle, it was that the British government should 
 see the bankers paid within the term named in them. 
 This only they would have a right to demand on the 
 expiration of the seven years, and as it is clear that 
 what the leases under all circumstances were not 
 calculated to effect, the present arrangement is far 
 less able to do, so that on the expiration of seven years, 
 the payment of the balance of debt would necessarily 
 fall on the British government as guarantee ; it is 
 therefore fair and just, without involving our faith 
 in any way, that we should make the best of the 
 arrangements we can to save us from this. 
 
 No time could be better than the present for the 
 bankers to make concessions favourable to the Guico- 
 war's views. If even they could stand upon this ground, 
 their future interests would necessarily be benefited 
 by so doing, particularly as the personal influence of 
 the Governor in their behalf would be of great import- 
 55 
 
434 
 
 ance in settling their right with the Guieowar ; and 
 if ever they imagined that they possessed the right 
 to have the debts paid in regard to time, under the 
 terms of the leases, they must have felt the good policy 
 of refraining from this when friendly negotiations were 
 on foot, with a view to annihilate the embarrassment 
 between the states. Their declaration therefore to 
 the Governor at Ahmedabad must allay all doubts 
 on this head. 
 
 I concur generally in the view taken by His Lord- 
 ship on the several items of account. The fourth how- 
 ever should, I think, include every charge that we 
 have been at, save on account of troops that composed 
 any portion of theBaroda subsidiary force, because addi- 
 tional charge on their account would be a double charge, 
 for the Guicowar, by cession of territory, already pays 
 for the maintenance of this force in a state of equip- 
 ment for service on the highest scale. It is true the 
 prince of the country by his acts occasioned these 
 measures, and put us to expenses more than ordinary, 
 but as we are paid for extraordinary expenses, we 
 ought to put up with the loss occasioned to us, in 
 like manner, as if the subsidiary force was turned 
 against a foreign enemy of the Guicowar. 
 
 Mr. Newnham has put in a statement showing an 
 excess, for the past five years, in favour of our manage- 
 ment of the cessions made to us to support the subsidiary 
 force. On this I have to remark that I doubt whether 
 all charges of management are brought to bear; the 
 cessions now form a part of our empire, and being 
 incorporated with it, it is obvious that a correct view 
 could not be taken of this without vast trouble. It is 
 
435 
 
 not military charges within tli^ range of the subsidiary 
 force and local civil charges alone that should be 
 introduced into such a statement, for these are not 
 the only charges, a proportion cf the expense of 
 military, judicial, and revenue establishments that con- 
 trol these cessions should form a part, and if I am 
 correct in this, instead of the large balance exhibited 
 in favour, such a statement would show a very different 
 result. 
 
 It is, however, sufficient for the remarks I have 
 already made, without going into detail, that we are 
 by treaty bound to maintain the subsidiary force of 
 certain efficiency to be ready to act on all occasions with- 
 out further call on the Guicowar, and as the treaties 
 between us are still in force, nothing more can be now 
 claimed as a military charge beyond such part of our 
 ordinary force as may have been employed in the se- 
 questration, which should be repaid. 
 
 The fifth charge is one in which I conceive much 
 delicacy should be exercised, and we, as it appears to 
 me, are placed in an awkward predicament. If Vittul 
 Hao had lived until now, we should, under the guar- 
 antee in his favour, have to see him established in what 
 he previously held, but not in the last augmentation, 
 as it was not acknowledged by the Guicowar. This 
 conclusion I came to, from the fact being established 
 that he is of the family of Rowjee Appa, to whom and 
 his relations the Honorable Company's guarantee was 
 extended by a formal instrument of June 1809, and 
 noticed in the 10th article of the agreement between 
 the Guicowar and the Governor of Bombay, of the 
 month following, and this right was formally admitted 
 
436 
 
 by Government in 1829, as will appear from the copies 
 of papers annexed to this minute. 
 
 Thus far there would prohably be little difficulty in 
 leading the Guicowar to confirm his former acts in 
 favour of Vittul Rao, but the whole aspect of this 
 affair is changed by the death of Vittul Rao, leaving 
 an adopted son whom the late government has form- 
 ally recognised as the heir of his adopted father, and 
 renewed in his favour as complete a guarantee as ever 
 his father could have enjoyed. 
 
 The awkwardness of our position proceeds from the 
 light in which the Guicowar may be led to view this act 
 of the British government, to which he was no party. 
 If a simple adoption under the law is binding on the 
 Guicowar, there will be no difficulty in my view of the 
 case; but if, on the contrary, as we know to exist in the 
 Deccan, the previous consent of the Guicowar was 
 necessary to validate the solemn act of adoption, and to 
 establish the adopted as the heir of Vittul Rao, we shall 
 be at the mercy of the Guicowar ; for if he declines to 
 recognise the act, it will devolve on the British govern- 
 ment, in support of its guarantee to the adopted son, 
 to maintain him in rights equal to what his father 
 would have enjoyed, and at our own expense. 
 
 The untoward circumstances in which Vittul Rao was 
 placed should, however, be allowed great weight, for it 
 islo be presumed, had he been on terms with his prince, 
 the adoption would have taken place as a matter of 
 course. . On this ground therefore the British govern- 
 ment might insist on the recognition of the adoption, 
 so far as usage of the Guicowar state may admit, and 
 the difficulty may thus be conquered, but if the adop- 
 
437 
 
 tion is not according to prevailing rules, and the 
 Guicowar cannot be brought to terms, I do not see 
 that we can force him. 
 
 Indeed, it appears that we are bound by every tie of 
 good feeling arid honour to see that the adopted son 
 does not suffer. 
 
 All other points, as well as what relates to the second 
 sequestration, have rny full concurrence, and I sub- 
 scribe to the views taken of them by -the Governor. I 
 have only now to express my fervent h-ope that His 
 Lordship will meet with success in the arduous under- 
 taking he has before him, being fully prersuaded that 
 the matter is in hands from which the very best results 
 may be confidently anticipated. 
 
 (Signed) J. SUTHERLAND. 
 
 MINUTE. 
 
 Settlement of disputes by the EARL OF CLARE with 
 
 SYAJEE RAO GUICOWAR. 
 Consultation, 2nd May, No. 1516. 
 
 Surat, llth April 1832. 
 
 So much has been written and said on the subject 
 of our relations with the Guicowar, that it is not my 
 intention at present to do more than to state, as briefly 
 as I can, the result of my late visit to Baroda. Those 
 who desire to refer to the past may search our records 
 for an account of the origin and progress of the inti- 
 mate connection between the British government and 
 the state of Baroda, from the time when we liberated 
 the Guicowar family from its pecuniary difficulties, 
 and from its state of thraldom under the Arab merce- 
 
438 
 
 uaries, to the period in 1828 and 1830, when all 
 friendly intercourse was interrupted between the two 
 governments. For my part, I have no wish to refer 
 to the past, unless it shall be necessary to do so in or- 
 der that I may learn a lesson to guide me in my fu- 
 ture conduct; and as in my discussions at Baroda with 
 the Guicowar I was determined to avoid, and did as 
 much as possible avoid, any recurrence to those events 
 which had produced such deplorable results, so, on the 
 present occasion, I shall adopt the same course, and 
 drawing a veil over the past, simply state the measures 
 which I felt myself authorised to adopt. 
 
 2. In my Minute of December 3rd, last year, I 
 stated to the Board what occurred in the course of 
 my first visit to Baroda on my way to Ajmere, and in 
 my Minute of the 18th of last January, I explained 
 the general view which I took of the whole question, 
 and the principles on which I proposed to act, and it 
 is impossible for me to express to the Board the grati- 
 fication experienced by me when I found tliat I was 
 unanimously supported by my colleagues, and that 
 there was the most cordial concurrence in opinion 
 amongst us all as to the course to be pursued. I felt 
 that I understood my colleagues, and that my col- 
 leagues understood me, and I returned to Baroda 
 with the conviction that I carried with me the undi- 
 vided support of the Government in the measures which 
 I proposed to adopt, and for my instructions in the 
 difficult task I had to perform I had the able despatch 
 of the Honorable Court, bearing date the 4th Sep- 
 tember 1830. So instructed, therefore, and so sup- 
 ported, I had, I confess, some hopes (though with many 
 
439 
 
 doubts on my nihul) that, by the blessing of Provi- 
 dence, I might be enabled, in obedience to my orders, 
 to effect something towards a restoration of a good 
 understanding between the British government and 
 His Highness the Guicowar, and it will be for my 
 colleagues and my superiors to judge how far I 
 have succeeded. 
 
 3. In my first visit to Baroda last November, I found 
 the Guicowar, after all that had happened, impressed 
 with the idea, I need not say how falsely, that the 
 British government had treated him with the greatest 
 indignity, and all that I could then do was to try and 
 remove this impression from bis mind. Whether I 
 succeeded or not I cannot say, but certainly I found 
 the tone of his complaints considerably lowered when 
 I visited Baroda for the second time last month; and, 
 difficult as I then found it to induce His Highness to 
 listen at all to reason, I believe the difficulties would 
 have been ten times greater had I attempted to discuss 
 in detail with the Guicowar last November the various 
 points in dispute between the two states, before I had 
 effected something like a personal reconciliation be- 
 tween the heads of the two governments. I say this, 
 in order that iny colleagues may understand why I 
 did not attempt to do more in the course of the week 
 I passed at Baroda last November, when I considered 
 it would have been, for the reason I have stated, prema- 
 ture in me to have opened my views to His Highness. 
 
 4. From what I saw of the Guicowar last Novem- 
 ber, and as well as I could judge of his character from 
 all I had heard of it from others, I determined on my re- 
 turn to Baroda not to attempt to carry matters with what 
 
440 
 
 is called a high hand, first, because the sic volo sic 
 jiibeo way, I was convinced, would not succeed with this 
 very obstinate native prince, and because I was of 
 opinion that, being the stronger power, it was more be- 
 coming in me (acting in the spirit of the instruction 
 of the Honorable Court) to begin the negotiation on 
 terms of perfect reciprocity, giving way where I con- 
 ceived His Highness had reason, but steadily insisting 
 at all times on the performance of everything which 
 I thought the British government had a right to claim 
 from His Highness. 
 
 5. I derived all the advantage which I expected to 
 derive from the course I pursued ; for with the exception 
 of one day, from the 2*2nd March to the 6th April, His 
 Highness and I parted in perfect good humour, and 
 unreasonable and difficult to manage as I found the 
 Guicowar, I must say that I cannot consider him quite 
 as much infatuated as I have heard him represented. 
 Like all natives, he does not pay much regard to truth, 
 being little struck with the beauty and simplicity of 
 her charms, but I cannot say that I found him insensi- 
 ble to a plain, honest, and frank line of conduct. He 
 is very obstinate and full of suspicions, but he gave 
 way at last, and I really believe almost trusted me. He 
 is notoriously avaricious, but he has produced twenty- 
 five lacs of his private treasure, and he has made a large 
 sacrifice in deposit of his idol (money) rather than cede 
 one beegah of jus dominions. I should say therefore 
 that, though the faults of his character infinitely pre- 
 dominate over its virtues, our old ally is, for a native 
 prince, beyond all comparison better conducted, both 
 
44) 
 
 as a man and as a ruler over his people, than the 
 majority of native chiefs in India. I know all that 
 has been written and said against him, and at the 
 time, I make no doubt, with truth and justice; but, 
 though it was not to be expected that the Guicowar 
 would become suddenly a good and virtuous man, I 
 believe he has profited by adversity, and he has been 
 taught a lesson which he is not likely to forget. At 
 all events, I feel myself bound to judge of the tree by 
 the fruits it has produced, and I confess I feel obliged 
 to His Highness for the part he has acted ; for, had 
 he refused to pay the bankers, and to settle the other 
 claims guaranteed by the British government, and 
 had he also refused to come to a reasonable settlement 
 respecting the contingent horse, the relations of the 
 British government with the Guicowar must have 
 continued in their late unsatisfactory state, producing, 
 as the Board well know r s from documents on record, 
 results equally annoying and vexatious to ourselves, the 
 Guicowar, arid to the subjects of both governments. 
 I have thought it right to say so much either in favour 
 or in extenuation of the character of His Highness the 
 Guicowar as it may be taken; but I by no means wish 
 to be understood as conveying to my colleagues rny 
 belief that, because 1 have found His Highness less 
 unreasonable than I expected to find him, and be- 
 cause I left matters at Baroda, I think, I may say, 
 in a rather better state than I found them in, I am 
 inclined to suppose either that the Guicowar's cha- 
 vacten has been altogether changed for the better', 
 or that I rely on the certainty that there will be no 
 future interruption to the good understanding which 
 56 
 
442 
 
 I believe now exists between the two states. I think 
 any good which may be expected to be derived here- 
 after from the present settlement which I have made, 
 must in a great measure depend on the way in which 
 we look after and treat our old ally, the Guicowar. 
 We must cultivate his friendship by every means in 
 our power ; we must prevent those who have our 
 bhanderies, and unfortunately the number of persons 
 (seventy) is very considerable, from putting our power 
 in motion improperly ; and though it will be ut- 
 terly impossible to abstain from all interference with 
 His Highness, we must still interfere with great cau- 
 tion, and never allow him to suppose that we support 
 any party amongst his subjects against him. On the 
 other hand, we must take care that he shall not mo- 
 lest any person who has legitimate claims for pro- 
 tection on the British government, nor allow him to 
 presume too much on our support and favour, and to 
 extort money from those who, during the late disputes, 
 have been attached to us. The card which we have 
 to play is one of difficulty and delicacy, but as both 
 governments have learned something from past expe- 
 rience, I really hope and believe that there is little, 
 if any, chance of the relations of the two Governments 
 being involved in such a state of embarrassment and con- 
 fusion as caused the sequestration of the Guicowar's do- 
 minions in 1828 and 1830, and changed our connection 
 with the Baroda durbar from a state of firm friend- 
 ship, founded on the basis of mutual benefits received 
 and conferred for a very long period, into one which, 
 judging from the documents on record, I do not think 
 I am in error, when I call it a state of almost mutual 
 
443 
 
 enmity, and most certainly of bad feeling on both 
 sides. 
 
 6. That my colleagues may fully understand all 
 that passed between His Highness the Guicowar and 
 myself during the many interviews I had with His 
 Highness, I circulate a memorandum which I drew up 
 of the discussion of each day. It is not my intention 
 or wish to have it recorded, as I do not consider 
 such a paper, written necessarily in a hurry, is worth 
 being placed on record, but I have given it in as 1 
 wrote it each day, without any correction ; and in the 
 state in which I present it, I think it will serve to 
 give the Board a pretty accurate idea of the progress of 
 the negotiation from the beginning to the end, I also 
 for the same purpose circulate a memorandum of the 
 conferences by the Political Commissioner; and, as I 
 never read his account until after I had left Baroda, 
 the Board and the authorities at home will be enabled, 
 by a comparison of both, to form a correct judgment 
 of all that passed between His Highness the Guicowar 
 and myself. 
 
 7. The subjects in dispute which I had to settle 
 when I returned last month to Baroda, may be classed 
 under three heads : 
 
 Firstly. The debt due to the bankers which was 
 guaranteed by the British government. 
 
 Secondly, Many other claims on the Guicowar state, 
 some of very old standing, and the adjustment of which 
 was guaranteed by the British government. 
 
 Thirdly. A settlement with the Guicowar for the 
 future punctual payment of the 3,000 contingent horse 
 
444 
 
 according to the 8th article of the supplement to the 
 definitive treaty, bearing date the 6th November 1817. 
 
 8. It was quite evident from what passed between 
 flis Highness the Guicowar and the Political Commis- 
 sioner before my arrival at Baroda, and from what His 
 Highness said to me every day after my arrival, that 
 he expected, having paid the banker's debt, I should be 
 satisfied with a vague assurance on his part that he 
 would settle the other claims, as well as with his pro- 
 mise hereafter punctually to fulfil all the obligations of 
 the 8th article of the treaty, and I trust my colleagues 
 will not think, after the experience of past transactions 
 with His Highness, I acted harshly in requiring on the 
 part of the British government some assurance more 
 binding on His Highness than his mere word. 
 
 9. I found the bankers, as I expected would be the 
 case from the conference I had with them at Ahmeda- 
 bad, quite ready to take from His Highness the amount 
 due to them, and equally ready to release us, when paid, 
 from our guarantee; and as His Highness said he was 
 quite prepared to pay them, I thought it far better to 
 let the parties settle the business between them in their 
 own way, without any interference on the part of the 
 British government. It was accordingly arranged 
 between the Guicowar and the bankers to, I believe, 
 their mutual satisfaction, and I have reason to know 
 that to effect it His Highness produced fifteen lacs of 
 his private treasure. With the details however of the 
 arrangement I had nothing to say, and accordingly I 
 asked no questions and testified no curiosity on the 
 subject ; but when I was informed it was finally com- 
 
445 
 
 pleted, I summoned the bankers before me (His High- 
 ness not being present), and I asked them if a fair and 
 satisfactory payment of the debt due to them had been 
 made by the Guicowar, and with their free consent. 
 They all replied in the affirmative. I then asked them if 
 they released the Company from this guarantee ; they 
 again replied in the affirmative, and last I asked them if 
 they had any other claim whatever of a pecuniary nature 
 on the- British government, they said none whatever, 
 and all that they required was a fair settlement of their 
 account under the septennial engagements. On the 
 day when the deeds bearing the guarantee of the 
 Honorable Company were cancelled in presence of His- 
 Highness, I asked them all again the same questions, 
 an 1 I received the same answers. I trust therefore my 
 colleagues will be satisfied that I took due precautions 
 to be quite sure that the bankers had not been forced 
 by the Guicowar into any settlement prejudicial to 
 their interest. The truth is, I believe, they were all 
 extremely glad to get back to Baroda, and to be re- 
 qonciled to their sovereign, particularly when I told 
 them that the British government would always pro- 
 tect those who had been induced to enter into engage- 
 ments depending on our faith, and that the Guicowar 
 had solemnly promised me not to molest any person 
 for the part he had taken in past transactions. I was 
 much struck with the apparent ease and facility with 
 which His Highness and the bankers settled this old 
 debt, which has been for so many years a source of 
 annoyance and vexation to the British government, 
 and I cannot help congratulating the Board on our 
 having got rid of it for ever. 
 
446 
 
 10. 1 found, in the interviews I had with the Gui- 
 cowar and the bankers, that the plan which I proposed 
 of settling most of the other guaranteed claims, viz. 
 the account under the septennial leases between His 
 Highness and the bankers Bulwuntrao's and Hurry 
 Bhukty's old claims, and others by a punchayut, 
 would not have been agreeable to the parties concern- 
 ed, as such a mode of settlement was not according 
 to the custom of the country. That being the case, 
 I did not insist on it, and though it would to me have 
 been very satisfactory had I been able to have induced 
 all the parties concerned to agree to some defined 
 mode of settlement before my departure from Baroda, 
 I finally acceded to the engagement made with me by 
 the Guicowar to settle them all within the year to the 
 satisfaction of the British government, and I trust all 
 these old claims w r ill be finally and fairly adjusted 
 within that time. The settlement of many of them 
 will require an examination on both sides of old and 
 intricate accounts; and I thought it far better to leave 
 them to settle the several claims in their own way, 
 than to interpose the authority of the British govern- 
 ment to effect a settlement in a way which would be more 
 agreeable to us. But I am clearly of opinion we shall 
 be fully justified at the close of the year, to take upon 
 ourselves the settlement of any one dispute which 
 shall not, at that time, have been adjusted. 
 
 11. These two points having been concluded, I 
 sent a note to His Highness the Guicowar, saying I 
 would give directions that certain of his districts should, 
 within fifteen days from that date, be restored to him, 
 keeping the tributes which we collect for His High- 
 
447 
 
 ness and four other purgunnas for the payment of the 
 3,000 contingent horse* 
 
 12. I now proceed to explain the settlement I 
 have made to secure (I hope) Government from future 
 annoyance and dispute \vith the Guicowar on the 
 subject of it. 
 
 13. After I had given the despatch of the Honor- 
 able Court, dated the 4th September 1830, my full con- 
 sideration, I felt quite sure that, though the principle of 
 the second sequestration was condemned at home, no 
 latitude was left to me, and it was imperative on me not 
 to allow the treaty, by which his Highness was bound 
 to keep up in a state of efficiency 3,000 horse at the 
 disposal of the British government, to be imperfectly 
 executed ; I was allowed to commute it fora cession of 
 territory sufficient to enable the British government 
 to maintain 2,000 horse, but I was not instructed to 
 restore the districts on any other terms. I began the 
 discussion therefore with the Guicowar, knowing that 
 the Honorable Court was well aware of all the evils 
 arising from the sequestration of 1830, but that, failing 
 in my endeavours to procure a cession of territory,! must, 
 either continue the sequestration, and thus perpetuate, 
 perhaps ad infinitum, the evils consequent upon it 
 described so well and forcibly in the letter of the 4th 
 September 1830 from the Honorable Court, or I must, 
 on the responsibility of Government, take such measures 
 as I conceived would secure almost to a certainty the 
 future fulfilments of the treaty of November 1817 by the 
 Guicowar. My colleagues concurred in the view which 
 I took of the subject ; and when I explain to the Board 
 the security which I have accepted, I hope they will 
 
448 
 
 be satisfied that I have not abused the confidence 
 they placed on me, and I trust our superiors will also 
 be satisfied that, as I could not obtain the cession of 
 territory, I took the next best measure in my power 
 to meet the object they have in view that of restor- 
 ing a good understanding with the Guicowar, and at 
 the same time securing, as far as I was able to secure it, 
 the future efficiency of the 3,000 contingent horse, 
 the maintenance of which force in its present form 
 under the Guicowar, or of a force inferior in numbers 
 but of superior efficiency, under our immediate 
 authority, is, I have no hesitation in saying it, 
 absolutely necessary for the preservation of tranquillity 
 in Guzerat. 
 
 14. During these interviews with the Guicowar, 
 finding I could not induce him to pledge himself to do 
 more than to say he would fulfil the obligations of the 
 treaty, and not thinking his verbal assurance sufficient, 
 I proposed three plans to him, with any one of which 
 I assured him the British government would be satis- 
 fied, viz. either a cession of territory to maintain 2,000 
 horse, and a consequent saving to His Highness of 
 one-third of the expense of the contingent, with a re- 
 lease from us of the obligations of so much of the treaty, 
 or to take His Highness' written promise that he 
 would in future punctually fulfil the obligations of the 
 treaty, any failure on the part of His Highness (of 
 which the British government was alone to be the 
 judge) to be immediately followed by a cession of terri- 
 tory from His Highness to pay 2,000 horse ; or to assign 
 districts to bankers, and to take their security, on a 
 penalty of forfeiting to the British government one 
 
449 
 
 lac of rupees annually, in the event of their failing 
 in their engagement, that the troops should be regu- 
 larly paid every month according to treaty ; and I 
 solemnly assured His Highness that we did not desire 
 to possess a bcegah of his dominions, and that in the 
 offers I had made him (any one of which I conceived it 
 would he for his advantage to accept), all I wanted was 
 security to the British government against future viola- 
 tions of the treaty, and to avoid future disputes with 
 His Highness on the subject of it. 
 
 15. The Guicowar objected to all these plans. He 
 would not hear of ceding territory to the possession of 
 which he, like all natives, attaches the greatest import- 
 ance, territory being, in fact, of consequence in their 
 eyes. 
 
 16. He also strongly objected to agree even to an 
 eventual cession if he failed in fulfilling the obligations 
 of the treaty ; for he very naturally remarked that a 
 hostile Governor or a hostile Resident might lay hold 
 of pretended infractions of the treaty, and then he 
 would lose his mahals, to which he seemed evidently 
 inclined to cling with peculiar fondness. 
 
 17. Neither would His Highness consent to give 
 the security of substantial bankers at Baroda for the 
 future punctual payment of the contingent, as he con- 
 sidered it derogatory to a sovereign to offer the securi- 
 ty of his subjects. 
 
 18. The Guicowar at last voluntarily, andlconfess 
 to my great surprise, proposed the arrangement to which 
 I have agreed, viz. that His Highness should punctually 
 fulfil all the obligations of the treaty, and deposit ten 
 lacs of rupees in cash with the Government, as a fund 
 
 57 
 
450 
 
 from which the troops were to be paid, if he, on his 
 part, failed to pay them regularly every month ; and he 
 has hound himself always to make good the amount 
 so taken from the ten lacs, so that there shall be a 
 continual deposit of ten lacs in cash in the hands of 
 Government. 
 
 19. As I considered, on a full consideration of the 
 subject, the arrangement to be unobjectionable, and as 
 it had the advantage (in my opinion no slight one) of 
 coming direct from His Highness, and that, in his view 
 of the question, it was by far the most satisfactory one 
 for him to make, I did not feel myself authorized 
 (security for the payment of the troops being all that 
 I required) to refuse it, because I felt sure that the 
 Guicowar, acknowledging the obligation of the treaty, 
 binding himself to fulfil them, and tendering the secu- 
 rity of a large sum in deposit from his private treasure 
 to guard against any violation of his engagement, I 
 had no right to exact more from him than I was fairly 
 entitled to demand, to secure in future the perform- 
 ance of the obligations of the treaty, which is as binding 
 on the British government as it is on the Guicowar. 
 
 20. Had I been able to have induced His Highness 
 to cede territory for the payment of the 2,000 horse, 
 I make no doubt the arrangement would have been 
 far more advantageous to the British government and 
 personally to the Guicowar, as by it he would have 
 been saved from one-third of the expense of the 3,000 
 contingent horse. But, I confess, I think the present 
 arrangement far better for the Guicowar state. By it 
 the money raised from the people for the pay of the horse 
 will be given only to the subjects of His Highness, to 
 
451 
 
 the manifest advantage of his sirdars and dependants, 
 who will have command of the horse, and enjoy all 
 the benefits belonging to their several pagas. Besides, 
 this force, which is considered by the sovereign and 
 his subjects as their army, will remain in the service 
 of the Guicowar, though at the disposal of the British 
 government, and his Highness will have all the patron- 
 age and the power which such a force must necessarily 
 give to him. If, on the other hand, two-thirds of it 
 had been handed over to a stranger, it would have been 
 constituted in a totally different manner; for to make 
 it really efficient under our direct authority, we must 
 have dismissed the whole of the men, and raised a 
 new force, like the Poona Irregular Horse, thus 
 throwing out of employment and depriving of subsist- 
 ence a great many respectable sirdars and subjects of 
 the Guicowar. I have no doubt therefore, that for 
 the good of his people His Highness has decided well 
 and wisely, and though I may wish he had come to a 
 different conclusion, I cannot consider his deposit of 
 ten lacs, without interest, as at all prejudicial to him- 
 self, inasmuch as it will be quite as productive to the 
 Guicowar in the custody of Government, as in the 
 vaults under his palace ; and by means of it His High- 
 ness has got back the whole of his districts, and without 
 any real sacrifice on his part. I beg to refer the Board 
 to a memorandum on the subject at the end of this 
 minute, which was drawn up at my desire by Mr. 
 Williams. 
 
 21. Having made this settlement, which I hope will 
 be approved by the Board, Government must take care 
 that the British officers attached to each portion of the 
 
452 
 
 contingent shall attend strictly to the monthly muster 
 of the men, and to their equipment. Such attention 
 on their part, with friendly advice and suggestions to 
 His Highness by the Political Commissioner, will, I 
 hope, induce hereafter both the prince and his officers 
 to take a pride in the contingent horse, and to make 
 it that which it ought to be made, a really efficient force, 
 equally required for the protection of His Highness' 
 districts as it is for maintaining the general tranquillity 
 of Guzerat 
 
 22. One subject I have allowed to lie over, and 
 that is the nemnook of the late Wittul Rao Devvanjee, 
 to which I have in my former minute alluded. I beg 
 to refer the Board to the memorandum of the con- 
 ferences at Baroda for an account of what passed on 
 the subject. I found, as I expected, the Guicowar quite 
 determined never to acknowledge the grant, and it is 
 my decided opinion that, had I insisted on his sanc- 
 tion of this nemnook as a sine qua ?wn, the whole ne- 
 gotiation would have failed, His Highness being quite 
 resolved, unless forced to do so, never to acknowledge 
 the validity of Sir John Malcolm's guarantee in 1830 
 to Wittul Rao. If, when the districts shall be handed 
 over to the Guicowar, His Highness thinks proper to 
 resume the villages, and to stop payment of the Wur- 
 rats, the amount must be paid to the adopted son of 
 the late Wittul Rao by Government until we shall 
 receive an answer on the subject from the Honorable 
 Court. If confirmed at home, I have informed His 
 Highness he must ratify it, in which case any sums 
 paid by us will be a charge against the Guicowar, 
 which can be paid at any time from His Highness' 
 
453 
 
 share of the Katty war tribute ; but if, on the other hand, 
 the Honorable Court shall decide that Sir John Malcolm 
 exceeded his powers when he guaranteed the nemnook 
 in 1830, every rupee which has been paid by us from 
 the sequestered districts must, in my opinion, be repaid 
 to His Highness, and the nemnook, including the Kat- 
 ty war villages (which however, are not, I think, guar- 
 anteed) amounts, I am sorry to say, to one lac and 
 thirty-four thousand rupees annually. 
 
 23. The question which the Honorable Court will 
 have to decide is a very simple one. Had Sir John 
 Malcolm any right to guarantee the nemnook to Wit- 
 tul Rao without the consent of the Guicowar ; had 
 he also any right to allow him to adopt a son, to re- 
 cognize the adoption, and to guarantee the nemnook 
 to the adopted son without the usual payment of 
 nuzzerana to the native prince, at whose expense the 
 nemnook was to be paid, and without even asking his 
 consent. 
 
 24. If the late Wittul Rao deserved well of His 
 Highness, and His Highness afterwards thought pro- 
 per to quarrel with him and to stop his nemnook, 
 surely we had no right to interfere between them, 
 and to give Wittul Rao this vast allowance at the 
 expense of the Guicowar, because we happened to 
 have a good opinion of him, and, I think, I am 
 clearly borne out in my view of the case by Mr. 
 Elphinstone's letter, dated the 10th of September 
 1827, to the Guicowar; and whether the allowances of 
 the ministers which he told His Highness he might 
 resume were those granted to Wittul Rao in 1821 or 
 1827 is immaterial, as he tells him the ministers' allow- 
 
454 
 
 ances are unconfirmed if unsanetioned by the two 
 Governments ; and if Mr. Elpliinstone thought the 
 sanction of both Governments necessary in 1820, surely 
 it was equally necessary in 1830. 
 
 25. If Sir John Malcolm desired to reward Wittul 
 Rao for the part he had acted, and for the services he 
 had performed, he might have granted him a nemnook 
 payable from our treasury, and subject to the sanction of 
 the Honorable Court; but upon what principle can we 
 compel the Guicowar to recognize the grant to a man 
 whom he considers a traitor, and to oblige him to 
 give it to his adopted son, of whom he says he knows 
 nothing, as the adoption wants that which is absolute- 
 ly required in a native state to make it valid the 
 consent of the sovereign. I should also like to know 
 why was the adoption guaranteed without the usual 
 nuzzerana. Volumes have gone home to the Honorable 
 Court on this very subject, and the principle on which, 
 as a financial measure, it has been advocated, is the 
 large revenue which we shall derive from nuzzerana 
 on succession; why therefore are we to deprive the 
 Guicowar of the same profit, which we in similar cases 
 propose to secure to ourselves ? Had the late Wittul 
 Rao enjoyed the utmost favour of his sovereign, and 
 had he asked His Highness' permission to adopt a son, 
 he must have purchased it by a nuzzerana of three or 
 four lacs of rupees. When I was at Baroda, I saw the 
 adopted son of one of the Guicowar's hereditary minis- 
 ters in attendance, and I was informed that two lacs of 
 Rupees had been paid to His Highness to sanction his 
 adoption, and it is said that a wealthy banker at 
 Baroda is shortly about to purchase the same favour by 
 
455 
 
 a nuzzeruna to His Highness of no less a sum than five 
 lacs of rupees. When therefore all these circumstances 
 are considered, I trust the Board will be satisfied that 
 I have acted right in the course which I have pursued, 
 and with a due regard to the high character for justice 
 arid good faith of the Honorable Company. 
 
 26. I beg that every paper or record which bears 
 at all upon the case of the late Dewanjee, with 
 a summary of the proceedings relating to the grant to 
 him of the villages in Katty war, may be sent to 
 the Honorable Court. 
 
 27. I did not think it advisable to have any dis- 
 cussion with the Guicowar on the subject of a com- 
 mercial treaty between the two states. That and other 
 measures for the mutual advantage of both Govern- 
 ments I have postponed until my next visit to 
 Baroda, conceiving it would be premature at present 
 to discuss such matters with His Highness. 
 
 28. I have left the Political Commissioner at 
 Baroda, where he will remain until he has settled the 
 accounts of the sequestration with His Highness, and 
 arranged for the future settlement of the unadjusted 
 claims. I have informed Mr. Williams that it is my 
 wish that His Highness should settle them all himself, 
 conceiving it far better that we should interfere as 
 little as possible between him and his subjects, but to 
 give His Highness every assistance in his power; and 
 I circulate the directions which I have given to the 
 Political Commissioner on some points, which, I think, 
 required an immediate decision. 
 
 29. 1 have stated to the Board at I fear great 
 length all that I have clone, and I hope they will ap- 
 
456 
 
 prove of my conduct, and at all events give me credit 
 for not having lowered the character of the British 
 government at Baroda. 
 
 30. I cannot conclude this minute without express- 
 ing to the Board the deep sense which I entertain of the 
 services hoth of the Political Commissioner and of Mr. 
 Williamson: their conduct throughout this negotia- 
 tion is beyond all praise, and I have no hesitation in 
 saying that to their cordial, zealous, and valuable as- 
 sistance I am indebted for the successful issue of my 
 visit to Baroda ; and I therefore feel it due to them 
 both to propose that the thanks of Government maybe 
 given to them for their able, zealous, and skilful con- 
 duct in the late negotiation with His Highness the 
 Guicowar. 
 
 31. That the Honorable Court may be fully in 
 possession of the real difficulties and embarrassment to 
 Government consequent upon our management of the 
 sequestered districts, I beg that all the accounts fur- 
 nished to Government by the Political Commissioner, 
 with all letters to him on the subject of their manage- 
 ment, and his replies, both before and during the progress 
 of my late tour, may be sent home with the despatch, 
 giving an account to the Honorable Court of all that 
 has been done at Baroda ; and I wish copies of this 
 minute to be sent to the Honorable Court, and to 
 the Governor General. His Lordship should also have 
 copies of the yads interchanged between His High- 
 ness the Guicowar and myself. 
 
 (Signed) CLARE. 
 
 C. HALKETT. 
 
 Surat, April \\tli, 1832. 
 
457 
 
 CONSULTATION, 2ND MAY, No. 1517. 
 
 Although on my first arrival in India I declined re- 
 cording my sentiments touching the Baroda negotia- 
 tions, I cannot now refrain from expressing my satis- 
 faction at the successful termination of our Right 
 Honorable President's exertions. 
 
 Time alone of course can prove the permanent nature 
 of the treaty now concluded ; but if the Guicowar keeps 
 his faith, which he must now have had ample personal 
 proof it is his interest to do, I think His Lordship 
 merits the gratitude of this government and of the 
 Honorable Court for having released us and them from 
 so long pending and vexatious a connection with the 
 Guicowar state ; for though unversed in the tortuous 
 feeling of Indian durbars, 1 think I can perceive the 
 difficulties he must have had to encounter, and the 
 approbation he merits for having surmounted them. 
 
 (Signed) HALKETT. 
 Nou-Parell, April lltk. 
 
 CONSULTATION, 2ND MAY, No. 1518. 
 
 When the box with the Governor's private letters 
 to the Chief Secretary passed me this morning, I did 
 not observe the minute of the Commander in Chief of 
 this date, which has since been brought to my notice 
 by the Chief Secretary ; and though I should in ordi- 
 nary circumstances have abstained from offering my 
 opinion until the papers were officially before us, yet 
 58 
 
458 
 
 I avail myself, with great pleasure and satisfaction, 
 of the opportunity His Excellency has thus afforded 
 me of tendering my warmest congratulations to our 
 Right Honorable President on the great success which 
 has attended his negotiations at Baroda, which will re- 
 dound as much to his own individual honour, as it 
 will reflect credit on his administration of this govern- 
 ment, and cannot fail to prove a source of satisfaction 
 to all parties interested. 
 
 Any remarks which occur to me when the details are 
 before us, will be submitted in future minutes. 
 
 (Signed) WILLIAM NEWNHAM. 
 Belvidere, 11 th April. 
 
 CONSULTATION, 2ND MAY, No. 1519. 
 
 The intelligence communicated in the papers in cir- 
 culation this day, exhibiting the satisfactory termination 
 of the perplexing difficulties which involved the har- 
 mony between the British and Guicovvar states, has 
 given me most unmingled satisfaction. 
 
 It is to the able and talented nobleman at the head 
 of the administration of this Presidency, who, in person, 
 conducted at the Guico war's capital the anxious and 
 laborious negotiation, that we are indebted for such 
 signal success ; a success in its results honourable to our 
 national character, and highly promotive of the true 
 interests of the two states as well as of his subjects. 
 
459 
 
 I beg to tender to His Lordship my very hearty 
 gratulation in having so completely overcome every 
 difficulty in his arduous undertaking. His Lordship 
 must ever reflect on the event with pleasure, being 
 fraught with incalculable benefits to all concerned ; and 
 I am sure the authorities at home, in the spirit of jus- 
 tice that guides them, will feel deeply thankful for hav- 
 ing brought the matter to so very just and honourable 
 a close. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES SUTHERLAND. 
 
 CONSULTATION, 2ND MAY, No. 1520. 
 
 I have read the minutes of my colleagues with 
 feelings of the greatest pleasure, and I trust that the 
 favourable opinion which they have been so good as to 
 express of my conduct in the late negotiations at Ba- 
 roda, will be confirmed by the perusal of the official 
 documents which I circulate this day. 
 
 (Signed) CLARE. 
 
460 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER. 
 
 ON THE BARODA GUARANTEES. COMPILED BY CAP- 
 TAIN L. C. CARTON, ASSISTANT RESIDENT. 
 
 THE object of the present Chapter is to trace the 
 connection of the British government with certain 
 subjects of the Guicowar, to whom its bhandery or 
 guarantee has been at various times given. The 
 word bhandery is derived by Colonel Walker from 
 two Sanscrit words " Bahee " a hand, and " Dherdlaa" 
 to seize. The English word that most closely ap- 
 proaches its meaning is guarantee, though that by no 
 means gives a clear idea of the expression " bhandery >y 
 as it existed in Guzerat at the commencement of the 
 present century. 
 
 At that period such a general feeling of insecurity 
 pervaded all classes of society, that scarcely any trans- 
 action of importance between man and man could bo 
 commenced or carried through without the assistance 
 of a third pay, who guaranteed that the stipulated 
 terms should be acted up to; amongst the Rajpoot and 
 Cooly Grassias, Bhats or Charuns were invariably the 
 guarantees in all their dealings with their subjects. 
 Were a loan to be negotiated with a soucar, or a lease 
 to be drawn out with a tenant, a Bhat or Charun became 
 responsible that the Grassia would fulfil his engagement. 
 
4G1 
 
 If one of the brotherhood, labouring under a real or 
 fancied grievance, raised the standard of revolt, and 
 began to hurry the country, a reconciliation could 
 only be effected by a bhat giving him security that 
 he should not be molested on making his submission, 
 and a safe conduct on his guarantee to come and go 
 without molestation while the negotiations for his 
 re-settlement were pending ; further than this no res- 
 pectable trader would venture to establish himself 
 in a foreign jurisdiction, unless he received good secu- 
 rity that he would not be oppressed or ill-treated ; 
 and, as a general rule, no one who had business with 
 any chief, whether it were a patel about the affairs 
 of his village, a foreigner who wanted to settle, a 
 cultivator summoned to the capital, or a travelling 
 merchant who had valuable wares to dispose of, would 
 venture to place himself within his power, until he 
 obtained good security that he would not be molested 
 during his sojourn, and would be permitted to depart 
 when his business was concluded. 
 
 At the period referred to above, the system of bhan- 
 dery was in full force at the Baroda court. It is 
 quite irreconcilable with our ideas that a government 
 should be able to exist, whose every administrative act 
 had to be guaranteed by one of its own subjects, be- 
 fore it could be carried into effect, and whose subjects 
 could, by becoming its guarantees, have sufficient in* 
 fluence to compel it to act up to its engagements, yet 
 such was the case at Baroda, and at that time the very 
 existence of the government depended on the system. 
 
 The death of Govind Rao Guicowar in 1800 AD., 
 and the subsequent struggles of his sons and relations 
 
462 
 
 for the succession, were the immediate causes of a more 
 extended interference than we had hitherto exercised in 
 the internal affairs of the Baroda state. Raojee Ap- 
 pajee, the minister of the rightful sovereign Annund 
 Rao, courted our assistance in men and money to sup- 
 port his master's rights ; this was granted. Major 
 Walker was appointed Resident at the court of His 
 Highness the Guicowar, and British troops were placed 
 at his disposal to assist Annund Rao in his endeavour 
 to consolidate his power. These effects were success- 
 ful; but in addition to outward and avowed enemies, 
 another power, an imperium in imperio, had arisen in 
 the state, which threatened it with dissolution. A 
 body of mercenary Arabs had become all powerful. 
 For 40 years previously their chief jemadars had exer- 
 cised a great ascendancy over the government, but 
 about the year 1801-2 their influence had so increased, 
 that the entire administration of the state was in their 
 hands. Annund Rao Guicowar was confined in his 
 own palace by them ; they held the gates of the 
 city of Baroda; Barsud, Sunkeira, and other 
 places were in their power ; they were more 
 formidable from the positions they held, and the 
 influence they had gained, than from their numbers, 
 for even with a subsidiary force of 900 Purdasee or 
 Hindoostanee sepoys, they did not muster 2,000 men 
 in all. If the Baroda state were to be preserved in the 
 hands of the reigning family, it was absolutely neces- 
 sary that this element of danger should be removed. 
 It was entirely out of the power of the Guicowar or his 
 minister to get rid of them ; their pay was heavily in 
 arrears ; the bankers of the town would not advance 
 
463 
 
 a penny to assist the state ; they held the town and 
 person of the Guicowar in their hands, and for the 
 moment were masters of the situation. Under these 
 circumstances, Raojee Appajee pursued the wisest course 
 open to him. He met the Governor of Bombay, Mr. 
 Duncan, at Cambay, and there, on the 15th March 
 1802, a convention was entered into, in which it was 
 stipulated that the Guicowar should maintain a subsi- 
 diary force of about 2,000 sepoys, one company of 
 European artillery, and two companies of lascars, on 
 condition that it should be employed for the reduction 
 of the Arabs. On the 6th June of the same year, a 
 treaty was concluded between the same parties, in 
 which, in addition to the above stipulations, it was 
 agreed that the Honorable Company should extend some 
 pecuniary assistance to the Guicowar state, with the view 
 of effecting a reduction in the number of the Arab force. 
 On the 29th July in the same year, Annund Rao 
 ratified the stipulations entered into by his minister 
 Raojee Appajee, in a fresh agreement drawn up be- 
 tween himself and the Resident, Colonel Walker, pro- 
 mising to reduce the Arabs to the number entertained 
 formerly by Futteh Sing, and giving the Resident the 
 right of inquiring into the accounts, and of taking the 
 muster of the troops. 
 
 In the meanwhile negotiations were proceeding with 
 the jemadars of the seburidy, to procure, if possible, their 
 peaceable exit from the country. Their pay was heavily 
 in arrears, the debts due to the Arabs alone amounting 
 to 33 lakhs of rupees, while the current military expenses 
 exceeded the annual revenue by above 10 lakhs. To add 
 to the difficulties, the revenues for the year were already 
 
464 
 
 mortgaged, the credit of the Guicowar government 
 was so low, that it was impossible to negotiate a loan 
 without good security, and the mercenaries whom it 
 was desired to get rid of were deeply pledged in bhan- 
 dery engagements on account of loans already advanc- 
 ed to the state. It was therefore determined to pro- 
 vide the necessary funds by a loan of 20 lakhs of 
 rupees, half of which was to be raised in Bombay, 
 and the other half contributed by the leading Baroda 
 bankers on the bhandery of the British government ; 
 two European houses at the Presidency furnished 
 drafts for 10 lakhs, and on their receipt in June 1802, 
 the Arab jemadars were informed that their reduction 
 had been resolved on, they apparently acquiesced in 
 the decision. At the last moment, however, the Baro- 
 da bankers withdrew from their engagements, and 
 refused even to negotiate the Bombay drafts, and, by 
 the month of August, the attitude of the Arabs had 
 become so threatening, that an additional British regi- 
 ment was added to the Baroda force. This was further 
 increased in November by another regiment. During 
 the intermediate period, a protracted negotiation was 
 carried on with the jemadars for their peaceable 
 evacuation of the city. They were informed that all 
 their just claims should be satisfied and all their 
 arrears of pay liquidated ; but that in consequence 
 of their treacherous and insubordinate behaviour they 
 would not be permitted to remain any longer 
 in the service of the Baroda durbar. It be- 
 came before long apparent that they did not intend 
 to agree to these terms, and had resolved to keep pos- 
 session of the city. By permission of the QUicowar, 
 
465 
 
 therefore, a force was moved against Baroda, and it 
 was invested on the 1 8th December 1802. On the 
 26th idem, when the breach was reported practicable, 
 and orders for the assault had been issued, the jema- 
 dars capitulated ; they signed an agreement, in which 
 they bound themselves to evacuate the fort, to release 
 Annund Rao Guicowar, to abstain from all future in- 
 tercourse with the enemies of the Government, and to 
 quit Guzerat after their arrears of pay had been liqui- 
 dated on condition that the bhandery of the Honor- 
 able Company should be substituted for them whenever 
 it had been granted either to persons or property. 
 
 Such was the origin of most of our bhandery engage- 
 ments at Baroda, engagements which have imparted a 
 peculiar character to our intercourse with the state, and 
 have been the fertile source of so many heart burnings, 
 jealousies, and disagreements from the commencement 
 of the reign of Syajee Rao Guicowar in 1820. 
 
 At the period, however, when they were first entered 
 into, their transfer to us from the Arabs was regarded 
 as very advantageous, from the great influence they 
 secured to onr Government in Guzerat, and more par- 
 ticularly at Baroda, while, at the same time the Guico- 
 war sirdars were ''deprived of a powerful means by which 
 they derived a right of controlling their Government." 
 
 Before describing in detail the engagements we in- 
 herited from the Arabs, it will be necessary to mention 
 one or two instances in which, prior to this period, we 
 had involved ourselves as guarantees for the fulfilment 
 of stipulations entered into between the Guicowar and 
 his subjects. 
 59 
 
466 
 
 The earliest case on record is that of the Desai of 
 Nowsaree. This family possesses a purwana, granted 
 
 by Govind RaoGuicowar in 1793 
 
 No. 1. to the then Desai Munchcrjee 
 
 Desai of Nowsaree. Kursetjee, couched in the follow- 
 
 ing terms : 
 
 11 Whereas }^ou four years ago left Nowsaree, and have 
 since resided in Surat, and have now sent your agent 
 Moteeram Dyaldass, on your behalf to wait upon us 
 at Poona, and to state that you have thus absconded 
 through fear of oppression, and that you have suffered 
 great injury, through the dishonesty of your partners 
 and relations, in your lands of inheritance or purchase, 
 whereon he prays us to grant you protection, as was 
 given you by the late Futteh Sing Guicowar, under 
 the guarantee of the British government, and extend 
 the same to your family and dependants, in which case 
 you would return to Nowsaree for the prosperity of 
 your districts there, with unremitting zeal and fide- 
 lity. On this representation, we have taken into consi- 
 deration how long you have been in our service, there- 
 fore we have addressed a letter to Mr. Griffith, the 
 Chief of Surat, begging him to give you our assur- 
 ances under the guarantee of his Government for your 
 safety from oppression, as was formerly given you in the 
 name of the British government. 
 
 " We hold you in high estimation as an able and 
 zealous servant of our sirkar, nor shall you be oppress- 
 ed or your suggestions opposed without cause ; fear 
 nothing, but, relying on our solemn promises and the 
 guarantee of the British government, return to 
 your district and labour for its improvement. You 
 
467 
 
 and } r our gomashtas and families, and dependants of 
 every sort, may rest satisfied that no injustice shall 
 be practised against you. Discharge therefore your 
 duties honestly and zealously, and let your mind 
 be relieved of every apprehension. You and your 
 dependants, it is hereby solemnly promised, shall 
 suffer no injustice." 
 
 The promises contained in this purwana were re- 
 newed in A.D. 1801, in a letter from the Guicowar to 
 Mr. Seton, the Chief of Surat. This family had also 
 obtained the guarantee of the Arabs, that they should 
 not suffer imprisonment or any other indignities at the 
 hands of the Baroda government. Muncherjee Desai, 
 the head of the family, appears to have made himself 
 very useful to the British authorities at the time of 
 our first connection with Baroda, and it was probably 
 on this account that the Chief of Surat gave him our 
 guarantee against oppression. When Mr. Duncan 
 visited Surat, in A.D. 1800, in order to treat with 
 Govind Rao Guicowar for an exchange of territory 
 and the cession of the Surat Chouth, Muncherjee was 
 employed in the negotiation, and displayed great zeal 
 in our behalf. Again he was employed in the secret 
 negotiations during the year 1802 between Raojee Ap- 
 pajee, Annund Rao Guicowar, and the Bombay govern- 
 ment, which ended in the conventions and treaty 
 above alluded to. For these services he was granted 
 a pension of Rs. 200 a month by the Court of 
 Directors in the year A.D. 1817. 
 
 No interference on behalf of this guarantee was 
 exercised by us for several years. Annund Rao Gui- 
 cowar died in the year 1819. During his life-time the 
 
468 
 
 Resident at Barodu had, in consequence of the prince's 
 imbecility, exercised considerable control over the in- 
 ternal administration of the country; but when Syajee 
 Rao, his youngest brother, succeeded him, this control 
 \vasina great measure withdrawn, and he was allowed 
 to manage the domestic affairs of his state in his own 
 way, under the promise that the guarantees of the 
 British government to ministers and other individuals 
 should be scrupulously observed. 
 
 Syajee Rao was possessed of a very determined, obsti- 
 nate disposition, and it was not long before he resent- 
 ed our interference with his guaranteed subjects, and 
 came to an issue with them and us. 
 
 The Desai of Nowsaree had for a considerable pe- 
 riod been the farmer of the pergunna of that name. In 
 the year 1829, he had a difference with his immediate 
 superior, the sirsooba of the Surat attaveesee. He was 
 removed from the management, and his hereditary 
 possessions were attached until lie came to a settle- 
 ment of his accounts. He immediately appealed for 
 protection and assistance to the British government. 
 It is worthy of remark here that the original possessor 
 of the guarantee of 1 801 was by this time dead, and that 
 no mention is made in the sunnud above quoted that 
 the guarantee was hereditary, further than that the 
 bhandery had been sanctioned by the three previous 
 sovereigns, but had never been renewed by Syajee Rao. 
 Notwithstanding this however, the government of 
 Bombay took the family under its protection, and 
 when a complaint was preferred by the principal re- 
 presentative against the Guicowar government, Mr. 
 Andrew?, an Assistant to the Collector of Surat, was 
 
469 
 
 deputed in the year 1830 to inquire into and report 
 upon it. Syajee Rao was then in the height of his 
 opposition to the Government, and Mr. Andrews could 
 consequently expect, and, in fact, received but scant 
 courtesy from the sirsooba. He could obtain no ac- 
 counts or explanations from that functionary, and was 
 therefore obliged to make an ex parte investigation. 
 In an elaborate report to Government of the 20th May 
 1830, he gave a decision in favor of nearly all the 
 Desai's claims, defining his territorial rights and mo- 
 ney privileges ; and Government in their consequent 
 instructions to the Resident, directed him to intimate 
 to the Guicowar their determination to support the 
 Desai in possession of the rights he was enjoying un- 
 der our guarantee, and that until it was proved that he 
 held rights he had no title to enjoy, his present state 
 of possession could not be disturbed, and a threat 
 was held out that any damage " hitherto sustained by 
 the Desai would be considered when the penalty for 
 the other infractions of our guarantee was settled and 
 adjusted.'* The matter however remained open, and 
 was unadjusted to the year 1832, when Lord Clare 
 visited Baroda to confer with the Guicowar on all 
 points in dispute between the two Governments. The 
 matter was, however, only incidentally mentioned then, 
 and the Guicowar was contented with an assurance 
 that all outstanding claims should be settled in a 
 manner satisfactory to the British government within 
 a year. 
 
 This promise was not however kept. The Desai made 
 periodical complaints to the British government, and 
 in A.D. 1838, the district of Nowsaree was placed 
 
470 
 
 under attachment, in consequence of the persistent 
 refusal of His Highness to make any settlement of the 
 claims of the family; the Desai at the same time being 
 put in possession of his rights and privileges. In 
 January 1840, the Agent to the government at Surat, 
 who had the charge of investigating the claims made 
 by the Desai for arrears during the time his property 
 was sequestrated by the Guicowar, reported to Govern- 
 ment that they amounted to Rs. 4,32,404-1-9, of 
 which he considered Rs. 1,62,186-15-0 to be justly 
 due to him, and Government consequently ordered this 
 amount to be paid immediately out of money belong- 
 ing to the Baroda state in deposit either at Surat or 
 Baroda ; and further directed the Resident to inform 
 the Guicowar that the full amount of the Desai's claim 
 would be admitted by Government, unless the accounts 
 were produced within a month from that date. The 
 investigation was subsequently proceeded with. While 
 it was pending, the then Governor of Bombay, Sir J. 
 Carnac, visited Baroda in the early part of 1841, and 
 on the Guicowar binding himself to give credit from 
 the Katty war tribute for any amount which might be 
 due to the Desai by the durbar, the attachment on 
 Nowsaree was ordered to be removed. 
 ...In the meanwhile Mr. Elliot, the Governor's Agent 
 at Surat, proceeded with the investigation of the un- 
 settled items of the arrears claimed, and unfortunately 
 re-opened several of the points regarding the Desai's 
 territorial rights which had already been determined 
 by Mr. Andrews in 1830 in the Desai's favour, and 
 confirmed to him by Government. This course of 
 procedure occasioned fresh delays, and in March 1841 
 
471 
 
 the Guicowar, with the Resident's acquiescence, again 
 sequestrated the Desai's estates ; he appealed to Govern- 
 ment, and on their remonstrance the attachment was 
 removed. Mr. Elliot not only re-opened points that 
 were settled, but he actually awarded the Desai a sum 
 of Rs. 76,445-9-0 over and above what he claimed, by 
 misunderstanding- the instructions of Government to set- 
 tle the Desai's claims for arrears of land rent due on an 
 average of 2 or 10 years' produce, awarding the aggre- 
 gate instead of the average. The case had consequently 
 to be re-investigated, and Sir R. Arbuthnot, who had 
 succeeded Mr. Elliot, was directed by Government, on 
 the 19th September 1843, to examine and report on the 
 whole subject, and that, in consideration of the Desai 
 having been vexatiously deprived of his rights fora 
 series of years, notwithstanding the guarantee of the 
 British government, interest was to be charged on all 
 the items at the rate of 9 per cent, per annum. That 
 gentleman submitted his report to Government on the 
 loth December of the same year, giving it as his opinion 
 that the Desai was entitled to an aggregate of Rs. 
 2,44,289-3-0, of which he had already received a portion 
 of Rs. 1,20,403-9-3, leaving a balance still due to 
 him of Rs. 1,23,885-9-9. This sum the Resident was 
 desired by Government on the 23rd March 1844 to pay 
 forthwith to the Desai. On acquainting the Guicowar 
 with the result, His Highness strongly objected to the 
 decision, on the grounds that the investigation had been 
 conducted ex partc, and that the rate of interest was too 
 high. He represented that the principal of the claims 
 amounted to Rs. 80,820-7-0, and the interest to 
 Rs. 1,63,468-12-0 ; and further, that one item of 
 
472 
 
 Rs. 43,952-8-0 was claimed as interest, and interest 
 had been charged on this year by year until it amount- 
 ed to Rs. 67,622-8-0; nor was he aware, he declared, 
 on what principal amount it was claimed. This ap- 
 peal was forwarded to Government, but in reply the 
 Resident was desired, on the 24th May 1844, to forth- 
 with give effect to their former instructions, and to 
 abstain from any further discussion with His High- 
 ness on the subject. 
 
 The representatives of the Desai's family were ac- 
 cordingly summoned to Barodu and acquainted with 
 the decision of Government; but as they expressed 
 a wish to come to a private understanding with the 
 Guicowar, the matter was allowed to remain in abey- 
 ance. 
 
 On the 1 5th February 1845, the Political Commissioner 
 reported that the Desais had passed to His Highness 
 an acquittance in full of all their demands against the 
 durbar, and had acknowledged it to be correct in his 
 (the Political Commissioner's) presence. 
 
 Out of 1,760^ beegas of veehan and wujeefa land 
 to which they lay claim, they acknowledged that 75 
 belonged to the durbar. They also gave up their 
 claims to 71 i beegas of geranea land, and 101 beegas 
 called the " Coondepor Koonda," and accepted 2,159 
 beegas as all the land to which they were entitled. 
 
 His Highness the Guicowar granted hereditarily to 
 the Desais Rs. 300 per annum for a carriage and 
 mussal, Rs. 1,000 a year fora palanquin, and Rs. 250 
 yearly in lieu of land for a carkoon. 
 
 The Desais accepted Rupees 68,000 in full of 
 all pecuniary demands. In all other respects the 
 
473 
 
 arrangement entered into accorded with the decision 
 of Government. 
 
 The compromise was ratified hy the Bombay go- 
 vernment on the 22nd May 1845, and by the Court of 
 Directors in their despatch of the 29th July 1846. 
 
 On the 8th May 1854, Sir J. (then Colonel) Outram 
 submitted a report to Government on all the bhande- 
 ries then existing. He considered that our guarantee to 
 the Desai of Nowsaree was not binding, because in the 
 sunn ud granted to him there was an omission of any 
 specification as to " heirs" or " future generation," and 
 because the sunnud had to be renewed on each occa- 
 sion of three reigning Guicowars, and had not been 
 admitted during 15 years of the reign of Syajee Rao, 
 the fourth sovereign. 
 
 The Government of India, however, in their despatch 
 of the 21st January 1856, decided that this guarantee 
 was hereditary, for although no mention of heirs was 
 made in the grant, an assurance was given in here- 
 ditary property. 
 
 This family therefore enjoys to the present day the 
 privilege of appealing to the protection of the British 
 government in all questions concerning the hereditary 
 property guaranteed. 
 
 The next earliest case on record previous to our 
 acceptance of the obligations of 
 
 the Arab jernedars is that of 
 Raojee Appajee. . J . 
 
 Kaojee Appajee. 
 
 This individual was, at the commencement of the pre- 
 sent century, minister to Annund Rao Guicowar, and as 
 mentioned above was the prime mover in effecting a 
 close alliance with the British. On the 6th June 1802, 
 60 
 
474 
 
 he concluded a treaty at Cambay with Mr. Duncan, 
 the Governor of Bombay. On the same day the latter, 
 in consideration of his services, granted the dewan the 
 village of Bhata in the following terms : 
 
 " The Honorable East India Company, placing the 
 greatest reliance in the good faith and attachment of 
 Raojee Appajee, dewan of the Guicowar state, and 
 having in view to extend always their permanent pro- 
 tection to him and to his relations, have, for the pur- 
 pose of his and their abode, granted to him from the 
 beginning of the current year 1859 (June 1802), in 
 inam, for himself, his son, and their or his children 
 for ever, the village of Bhata, in the pergunna of 
 Chowrasee, to the end that, entering on the possession 
 thereof, he may appropriate its produce to his support. 
 
 (Signed) H. SHANK, 
 
 Acting Political Secretary." 
 Dated the 6tk June 1802. 
 
 Two days later, on the 8th June of the same year, 
 Mr. Duncan passed a private engagement to Raojee 
 vajee, couched as follows: 
 It is the intention of the Government of Bombay, 
 tluit the dewanship of Raojee Appajee, in the sirkar of 
 B Toda, shall be permanent, and that his sons, brothers, 
 nephews, relations, and friends shall be duly protected 
 and supported by the Honorable Company in their 
 just rights; and if the Guicowar, Sena Khaskhel Shum- 
 sheer Bahadoor, or anybody else, should unreason- 
 ably treat them ill or offer any undue molestation, the 
 
475 
 
 Company will protect them by interfering on their be- 
 half, in witness whereof I have hereunto put my 
 hand and seal at Cambay, this 8th day of June, in the 
 year of our Lord 1 802. 
 
 (Signed) J. DUNCAN/' 
 
 Mention is also made of Raojee Appajee in the 10th 
 article of the agreement concluded between the Resi- 
 dent at Baroda and Annund Rao Guicowar, dated the 
 29th July 1802, as follows : 
 
 " Tenthly. Conformably to Major Walker's sug- 
 gestions and wishes, the articles contained in this de- 
 claration were written, and to which I have given my 
 assent. But in the event of evil-disposed persons 
 attempting anything unfair or unreasonable against 
 my person, by Dewan Raojee Appajee, his sons, his 
 brothers, nephews, relations, and Mahadow Rao Tatia 
 Mujmoodar, or even should I myself or my successor 
 commit anything improper or unjust, the English 
 government shall interfere and see in either case that 
 it is settled according to equity and reason." 
 
 I have also required of Major Walker, on the part of 
 the Company, to promise that my state and govern- 
 ment shall be permanent, and descend to the lineal in- 
 heritors of the musnud, and that the dewanship shall 
 be preserved to Raojee Appajee. 
 
 Raojee Appajee died on the 8th July 1803 ; having 
 no sons, he was succeeded by his nephew Seetaram 
 Chimnajee, who had been adopted by him; he was 
 
476 
 
 formally installed as dewan on the 8th of the follow- 
 ing month. Shortly afterwards, a conspiracy in which 
 Annund Rao Guicowar himself, under the instigation of 
 his favourite wife Tukthaee, was engaged, was set on 
 foot for the overthrow of Seetaram's ministry, but the 
 latter received the support of the Resident, and about 
 800 of the conspirators were arrested. 
 
 Subsequently the Resident, Colonel Walker, pro- 
 ceeded to an investigation of the expenses of the state, 
 and to a reform of the different departments. During 
 their progress, it was discovered that Seetaram Raojee 
 was incompetent to the discharge of his duties, and it, 
 was therefore resolved that his uncle Bapoojee Appajee 
 should be called upon, in conjunction with Flitted 
 Sing Guicowar, the heir-apparent, to assist in the 
 administration. Two of the wealthiest bankers of 
 Barocla were at the same time appointed Government 
 potedars under the British guarantee. Seetaram soon 
 became jealous of the new administration : he deputed 
 his brother Succaram to Bombay to endeavour to thwart 
 the Resident, and finding this mission ineffectual, he 
 wrote letters upbraiding the Bombay and Supreme 
 governments with breaches of faith, and when called 
 upon by the Resident in April 1808 to substantiate his 
 charges, he complained that in the 8th article of the 
 agreement of the 29th July 1 802, the Company guaran- 
 teed that the dewanship should be permanent and 
 hereditary in Raojee Appajee's family, and that the 
 " administration of the affairs of the Guicowar state was 
 conferred on Raojee by Annund Rao Guicowar heredi- 
 tarily, excluding all participation." Colonel Walker, 
 in his report to Government of the 5th September 
 
477 
 
 1808, conclusively showed that Seetaram had no claim 
 to the hereditary dewanshij) ; that it was founded 
 solely on the unsatisfactory manner in which the 10th 
 article of the engagement of the 29th July 1802 had 
 been rendered into the Mahratta language ; arid that 
 Seetaram wished to construe a very equivocal expres- 
 sion designedly introduced into the Mahratta version 
 into a formal engagement between the two Govern- 
 ments to continue the dewanship to the descendants of 
 Raojee Appajee. 
 
 Directly the discrepancy was discovered it was for- 
 mally pointed out by the Resident to Seetaram, and 
 the latter was informed "that the Honorable Company 
 could not conceive itself bound by his construction of 
 a condition absurd in its consequences and inconsis- 
 tent with the utmost latitude of our engagements 
 with the Guicowar state." 
 
 Subsequently Seetaram discovered that it was no 
 use attempting to pursue the matter, so that when Col- 
 onel Walker produced before him two .Mahratta ver- 
 sions of the 10th article of the engagement of the 29th 
 July, one strictly liberal, and the other with the sense 
 amended according to the English text, but the idiom 
 preserved, and was told to select which he liked, he 
 accepted the one most agreeable to the Resident. 
 
 In the following year, A.D. 1809, the Governor of 
 Bombay formally declared to Seetaram Raojee that 
 the office of dewan was not hereditary in his family. 
 Babajee Appajee, the real minister, died on the 10th 
 November 1810, and was succeeded by his son 
 Withul Rao Babajee. In the following month Seeta- 
 ram, who was still titular minister, and possessed of 
 
478 
 
 many of the emoluments of the office, endeavoured to 
 regain his former dignity, but finding his effort fruit- 
 less, he became in 1812 party to a conspiracy set on 
 foot by Kanojee Rao Guicowar, which had for its ob- 
 ject the subversion of Annund Rao and Futteh 
 Sing's government. The plot was however discover- 
 ed, and Kanojee Rao seized by the Resident's orders 
 and transmitted to Bombay, where he was allow- 
 ed a pension as a state prisoner. In 1814, Seeta- 
 ram sent an agent to Poona to thwart Gungadhur 
 Shastree, who had proceeded on a mission to that place 
 from Baroda, under British guarantee, to attempt a 
 settlement of accounts between the Peshwa and the 
 Guicowar. Gungadhur Shastree was subsequently mur- 
 dered by the Peshwa's orders, and there was reason 
 for believing that Seetaram was fully cognizant of the 
 intended atrocity. It was also generally credited that 
 he intrigued with the Peshwa's officers at Ahmedabad 
 who were reported to be levying troops for his restora- 
 tion to office. A guard was therefore placed over his 
 house, and after the murder of Gungadhur Shastree, 
 his confinement was made still more strict. He was 
 soon after exiled to Nowsaree. 
 
 On the 21st March 1816, a new sunnud was granted 
 by Annund Rao Guicowar to Seetaram Raojee, of which 
 the following is a transcript : 
 
 " Whereas the late Raojee Appajee, father of Seeta- 
 ram Raojee, served our late father, His Highness Go- 
 vind Rao Guicowar, with undeviating zeal and fidelity 
 for many years, therefore we feel it incumbent on us 
 to provide for his family. In this feeling, our govern- 
 ment granted a nemnook of 40,000 Rs. per annum 
 
479 
 
 from the year Sumvut 1865; but as this does not appear 
 sufficient for the respectability of this family, therefore, 
 out of our high regard for the virtues of the deceased, 
 we grant Seetaram Raojee a further nemnook of 20,000 
 Rs., making the whole to be 60,000 Rs. for domestic 
 expenditure, to be annually given by this sirkar for 
 the respectability and comfort of the family. Let him 
 therefore discharge his duties to the sirkar, and enjoy 
 the above nemnook of 60,000 Rs. per annum ; and 
 whereas the said Seetaram Raojee was pledged to pay 
 the sum of 30,000 Rs. per annum to liquidate the loan 
 of 1,10,000 Rs. borrowed from the firms of Mungul 
 Sukeedass, Hurree Bhugtee, Myral Narrayen, and 
 Koosalchund Ambeydass, bankers of Baroda, yet the 
 payment of so large an instalment pressed upon his 
 resources : it is now stipulated that from the current 
 year the instalment shall be diminished to 20,000 Rs. 
 for his greater convenience. 
 
 The following are the heads under which the above 
 nemnook of 60,000 rupees per annum is to be paid : 
 
 The village of Sahdly, in the Sinnore per- 
 gunna, and Butwa, in the Ahmedabad 
 pergunna, total amount of both Rs.23,000 
 
 Honorary escort to be granted to the fa- 
 mily out of the sirkar sebundies to the 
 extent of amount of pay per annum . . 6,000 
 
 Stipend payable at the end of the year out 
 
 of the potedary former grant 11,000 
 
 Additional grant now made 20,000 
 
 Grand total Rs. 60,000" 
 
 Thus in spite of all Seetaram's misconduct and 
 
480 
 
 intrigues, both against his own and the British 
 governments, in spite too of his being exiled to Now- 
 saree, the reigning Guicowar was weak enough to grant 
 him an increase of Rs. 20,000 over and above the 
 emoluments enjoyed by his father as managing 
 minister of the state. 
 
 On Syajee Rao's accession to the throne in 1819, 
 Seetararn was at that prince's solicitation permitted 
 to return temporarily to Baroda, and finally Govern- 
 ment allowed him to remain permanently there, at the 
 earnest request of Syajee, on the understanding that he 
 was to take no part in the administration. His son 
 Narayen Rao had however, with the permission of 
 Government, been previously installed as " sicca- 
 nuwees " or holder of the Government seal attached to 
 all official papers 
 
 In the month of March 1820, Mr. Elphinstone, 
 then Governor of Bombay, visited Baroda to arrange 
 several matters with the new Guicowar. The fifth 
 subject of discussion regarded the appointment of a 
 minister. Syajee Rao was desirous of removing 
 Dackjee Dadajee, who was at that time minister, and of 
 re-appointing Seetaram as his successor. Mr. Elphin- 
 stone objected to the latter part of this proposition on 
 account of the incapacity of Seetaram for the office, his 
 known character for intrigue, and the established fact 
 that he had for so long a period placed himself in 
 opposition to the British government, and been so 
 connected with its enemies as to prevent that Govern- 
 ment from reposing any confidence in him. The Gui- 
 co\\ar then asked that he should be taken upon trial, 
 but to this request Mr. Elphinstone refused to accede. 
 
481 
 
 Seetaram Raojee died on the llth August 1823, and 
 \vassucceededin the emoluments, though not in the 
 power of the office, by his son Narayen Rao Seeta- 
 ram, who was nominally hereditary dewan of the Gui- 
 cowar state. In reporting Seetaram's death to Govern- 
 ment, Mr. Willoughby, who was then in charge of 
 the Residency, presumed that in virtue of the trea- 
 ties entered into with the Guicowar government in 
 1802 and 1805, the situation and allowances enjoyed 
 by Seetaram would devolve to his surviving son on the 
 same footing that the former held them, but that the 
 office of (t siccanuwees " was resumable at His High- 
 ness the Guicowar's pleasure. 
 
 In their reply of the 20th July 1824, Government 
 pointed out that Mr. Willoughby had omitted to advert 
 to the correspondence which took place on the subject in 
 1808, when it was formally declared to Seetaram, and 
 acknowledged by him, that the office of dewan had 
 been secured by treaty to Rovvjee Appajee, but not 
 made hereditary in the family, as the original Mah- 
 ratta version implied ; but that under all the circum- 
 stances of the .case, Government was of opinion that 
 the allowances should be continued to Seetaram's son, 
 but that the declaration of the nullity of the Mahratta 
 version, which was made to Seetaram, should be 
 repeated in the most explicit terms to his son. 
 
 Narayen Rao Seetaram died in 1837, leaving an in- 
 fant son, Gunput Rao Narayen, who died in 1842, aged 
 six years. During his lifetime he enjoyed the nem- 
 nook of Rs. 60,000 per annum, and a sum of Rs. 3,037^ 
 granted to his father in the year 1831 by Syajee, for 
 the maintenance of a paga of 15 horse. 
 61 
 
482 
 
 Narayen Rao left two widows, by name Luxmec Baec 
 ami Eesooda Baee. On the death of the son of the second 
 wife, the ladies immediately sent up a message to the 
 Resident, requesting a visit of condolence and to arrange 
 about the adoption of an heir. The Resident re- 
 fused to visit them on these terms, and Government, 
 in reply to his report on the subject, decided that it 
 would rest with His Highness the Guicowar to admit 
 or not of an adoption in this case, as His Highness 
 might see fit, but that no interference was to be exer- 
 cised by the Resident. 
 
 Previous to Gunput Rao's death. the Resident had been 
 called upon by Government to furnish a detailed report 
 on the Baroda bhanderies. On calling on the repre- 
 sentatives of the family for any sunnuds they might 
 possess, they presented Mr. Boyd with a spurious docu- 
 ment, professing to be the copy of a Mahratta letter 
 passed by Mr. Duncan in 1802 to Raojee Appajee, in 
 which it was mentioned that it was " the desire of the 
 Bombay government that the dewanguree of Baroda, 
 held by Seetaram Raojee, should be continued to his 
 posterity from generation to generation." This docu- 
 ment was evidently a forgery : Seetaram was not de- 
 wan in 1802, and the paper passed by Mr. Duncan 
 to Raojee, which has been quoted above, was in Eng- 
 lish, and quite different in the essential point of an 
 hereditary guarantee to the Mahratta version. More 
 mention will be made of this below. 
 
 The nemnook of Rs. 60,000 per annum was discon- 
 tinued by the durbar on Gun put Rao's death, and tin? 
 two widows and mother of Narayen Rao were offered by 
 
483 
 
 His Highness life-pensions of Rs. 3,000 a-piece, to- 
 gether with smaller amounts to their near relations, the 
 whole sum proposed aggregating Rs.l 1,460 per annum. 
 The elder widow, Lnxmee Baee, was not content, 
 with this; so, after requesting the Resident's interfer- 
 ence in vain, she petitioned Government that she might 
 be allowed to adopt a son, and that a sum of Rs. 14,000 
 per annum might be allowed for her expenses. It was 
 also at the same time mooted that the two villages of 
 Lad bee and Ladlee (as mentioned above in thesunnud 
 of 1 8 1 6, granted to Seetaram Raojec, Ladhee ha vingbeen 
 subsequently exchanged for Butwa) were enamee, and 
 that their proceeds should be enjoyed by the family. 
 The two first propositions were negatived by Govern- 
 ment in their letter of the 20th September 1845, but 
 petitioner was informed that the decision as regarded 
 the villages would be subsequently communicated. 
 On the 22nd May 1845, Mr. Ogilvy, who was in 
 charge of the Residency, evidently in ignorance of the 
 sunnud of 1816, gave it as his opinion that the vil- 
 lages were enarnee and the private property of the 
 family. In 1 846, Sir R. Arbuthnot submitted a report 
 on the same subject. He too was ignorant of the sunnud 
 of 1816, and gave it as his opinion that the villages were 
 granted to Raojee Appajee soon after he was appointed 
 dewan in A.D. 1793. He reported further that the 
 question was of little importance, as the villages had 
 been mortgaged to Baroda bankers, and their revenues 
 could not therefore be made available for any increase 
 of pension to the widows; and he recommended that 
 matters had better remain as they were, lest if it should 
 be insisted that the villages were granted in enam. 
 
484 
 
 the Gtiicowar might choose to withdraw the allowances 
 he had already assigned for the support of the ladies. 
 
 The claims of the widows remained unsettled till the 
 year 1850. In the meantime they sent constant peti- 
 tions to Government and the Resident, and not being 
 able to agree even amongst themselves as to what 
 arrangement of their affairs should be come to with 
 the Guicowar, they quarrelled and separated. The 
 younger widow, Eesooda Baee, died on tha 19th August 
 1850. On the 29th idem the Bombay government, 
 in forwarding a despatch from the Court of Directors 
 of the 12th June, deciding that the widow's claim to 
 the two villages was untenable, directed the Resident 
 to use his best endeavours to obtain from His Highness 
 the Guicowar some increase to the provision of Rs. 
 11,460 per annum assigned for their support. Col- 
 onel Outram. in his reply again adverted to the death 
 of the younger lady, and reported that even deduct- 
 ing her pension of Rs. 3,500, the remaining, members 
 of the family still shared a sum of Rs. 10,900 amongst 
 them, and he requested to know if under the circum- 
 stances he should press any increase of the pensions on 
 the consideration of His Highness. Government, in 
 their reply of the 9th .November, considered that the 
 sum granted was very insufficient with reference 
 to the great services performed by Raojee Appajee 
 for the British government, and directed the Resi- 
 dent to again urge the claim of the family on His 
 Highness the Guicowar, with an intimation that it 
 would redound to his credit were he to increase the 
 scanty stipend allotted for their maintenance, and that 
 the measure would be highly gratifying to the British 
 
485 
 
 government; and Government expressed a hope that 
 Ilis Highness the Guicowar would at least continue 
 the allowance which Eesooda Baee received to the sur- 
 viving members of " this greatly reduced family." 
 
 Colonel On tram, in his reply of the 14th December, 
 stated that the family were more liberally provided for 
 than he had anticipated, and that the members alto- 
 gether received Rs. 11,300 per annum in addition 
 to the rent of certain shops and produce of gardens 
 and grass lands, besides other perquisites, and trusted 
 that Government would be satisfied that due liberality 
 had been displayed towards the family. Both the 
 Government of Bombay and the Court of Directors 
 approved of the arrangement as thus reported. 
 
 In 1852, the Bombay government resolved on the 
 resumption of the village of Bhata in the Chowrasee 
 pergunna of the Surat collectorate, paying to the 
 surviving widows in equal proportion pensions equal 
 in the aggregate to the annual net proceeds of the 
 village, each share being resumed on the death of 
 the incumbent ; but subsequently modified this decision 
 so far as to resolve that no part of the allowance should 
 be resumed until the demise of all of them. The vil- 
 lage had already been held under attachment for nine 
 years previous to 1852, and after a lengthened corres- 
 pondence, the net revenues for that period, amounting 
 to Rs. 28,885-15-2, were forwarded to the Residency 
 for division among the widows. A portion of this, 
 amounting to Rs. 6,197-15-3, was credited to the 
 estate of Eesooda Baee as the share she was entitled 
 to up to the date of her death, and as her affairs were 
 very much involved, it was determined to appropriate 
 
48G 
 
 the money to the liquidation of her debts. A puncha- 
 yet accordingly assembled at the Residency in Novem- 
 ber 1855, to investigate and report on the claims 
 advanced by the creditors, and a dividend of Rs. 47-0-3 
 per cent, was ultimately sanctioned to be paid in full 
 of all demands. 
 
 Colonel Outram included the above-mentioned 
 case in liis report to Government on the bhanderies 
 of the 8th May 1854, and recommended that the 
 guarantee should be considered as lapsed on the grounds 
 that it was not hereditary, and because the family 
 had fraudulently presented a fictitious paper to Mr. 
 Boyd when he was preparing his bhandery list in 
 1840, as mentioned above. The Government of India, 
 in their reply of the 21st January 1856, decided 
 that a great fraud had been committed, and that the 
 real engagement, in which nothing was pledged to heirs 
 and successors, terminated on the death of Seetaram 
 Raojeein 1823. 
 
 This case is a good example of the many evils 
 inherent in the system of guarantee, and of the way 
 in which Government officials were wont to pro far 
 
 o 
 
 beyond the strict letter of our engagements. As long 
 as 1808 it was defined that the guarantee, as far as the 
 dewanship was concerned, was riot hereditary, and yet 
 in spite of this,and of the repeated and glaring misconduct 
 of Seetaram, his son was confirmed in the emoluments 
 of the office on his death in 1823, and these allowances 
 were continued to his grandson on his son's death. For 
 years too after the maleline was extinct, the females of the 
 family pestered Government regarding their nemnook, 
 and a vast amount of correspondence was created on 
 
487 
 
 the question between Government, the Residency, and 
 the Durbar. The matter is, however, finally disposed 
 of now, and the guarantee has lapsed. 
 
 A third case in which our guarantee was given 
 previous to the capitulation of 
 
 Mulhar^o Guicowar. the Arabs > is tllat of M ' Ilao 
 Guicowar. 
 
 Tliisindividual was first-cousin to Govind Rao Guico- 
 war, who died in A.D. 1800 in the struggles which ensu- 
 ed for succession. Mulhar Rao set himself up in oppo- 
 sition ostensibly to the minister Raojee Appajee, but in 
 reality against Annund Rao Guicowar. He took the 
 fort of Veesanuggur from Annund Rao, and as the Gui- 
 cowar was too weak to coerce him himself, he solicited 
 our interference. A force of 1,200 men was placed un- 
 der the orders of Major Walker early in 1802, and that 
 officer (who had been appointed Resident) moved at the 
 end of February of that year with a subsidiary Guicowar 
 force against Mulhar Rao. The latter feigned sub- 
 mission, but on the 4th March, when it was supposed 
 that he was treating for terms, he suddenly fired on the 
 British force, and treacherously imprisoned Captain 
 Williams and Soonderjee Sewjee, who at his request 
 had been sent to treat with him. The Baroda con- 
 tingent behaved so badly on this occasion that a rein- 
 forcement of British troops was called for. 
 
 Major Walker having been joined by two divisions 
 of troops, Mulhar Rao's force was attacked on the 
 30th April and driven with great loss into the fort 
 of Kurree. Mulhar Rao immediately released Captain 
 Williams and Soonderjee Sewjee, and on the 3rd May he 
 
488 
 
 entered the British camp and threw himself on the 
 mercy of the British. Kurree was immediately evacu- 
 ated, and Veesanuggur, Deogaum, and Kuppurwunj 
 were surrendered shortly afterwards. 
 
 Arrangements were then entered into for Mulhar 
 Rao's maintenance, and His Highness the Guicowar 
 consented, with a great deal of difficulty, to assign 
 him a Jagheer from the pergunna of Neriad. 
 
 On the 2nd June 1802, Mulhar Rao wrote as 
 follows to the Governor of Bombay : 
 
 "Having through my misfortune fallen into a war- 
 fare with the state of Baroda ? and been defeated by 
 the army of the said state, assisted by the arms of the 
 Honorable English East India Company, I surrendered 
 myself on a promise of security to my life and honour, 
 since which the government of Baroda hath, at the 
 instance of the Governor of Bombay, on the condition 
 of my sending for my family and abstaining from all 
 direct or indirect disturbance or conspiracy against 
 either state, made the following provision for me, 
 viz. that out of the pergunna of Neriad (which is 
 the ancient seat and abode of my predecessor) a jaedad 
 of a lac and a quarter of rupees be assigned and commit- 
 ted to me fur the support of me and my children, family, 
 and brothers; wherefore I agree and give in writing 
 that,exclusiveof watchmen, not to exceed 200 men, and a 
 due proportion of sebundy to make my collections, I am 
 not to entertain any troops whatever, hereby consenting 
 that the officers of the Sirkar of Baroda and of the 
 English gentlemen may at any time after ascertaining 
 the fact cause any excess in my establishment as above 
 mentioned to be dismissed. Neither am I ever to erect 
 
489 
 
 any fortification, but to demean myself, as shall my son, 
 brothers, and followers, in all respects as becomes a 
 true well-wisher of both states, without any deviation or 
 difference whatever. As my securities, in which respect 
 Major Walker, on the part of the Honorable Company, 
 and Meer Kumaloodeen Hooseinkhan, have at my in- 
 stance engaged their responsibility, and likewise under- 
 taken to be the guardians of my rights under this deed 
 and engagement; and should there prove any deficiency 
 in the jaedad of 1,25,000 Rs., those gentlemen only 
 interposing with the officers of the Baroda government 
 to cause it to be made up. Besides this, if, after experi- 
 ence had of my good behaviour and the sincerity of 
 my heart, and there thence remaining no doubts 
 respecting me, it should ever please Annund Rao Sena 
 Khasskhel Shumsher Bahadoor, with the approbation 
 of this Government, to make any increase in the present 
 provision for me, I shall have cause to be thankful 
 on that account. 5 ' 
 
 On the next day, Mulhar Rao wrote to Annund 
 Rao Guicowar : 
 
 " After Compliments. Having been indebted to 
 you in money, and having bahanclurs or securities 
 between us, I have created a dispute with you, and after 
 entertaining forces, have taken your fort of Vesanug- 
 gur, and occasioned disturbances in your country, and 
 there ensued a battle with Babajee Appajee. 
 
 " This induced you to solicit the assistance of the 
 English Company Bahadoor. The Honorable J. Dun- 
 can, Bahadoor, proposed tome a peaceable adjustment, 
 which I did not attend to. Wherefore the English, 
 in prosecution of their support to you, have taken 
 62 
 
490 
 
 from me the fort of Kurree and all the territories be- 
 longing to me, and delivered them to your sirkar, and 
 for yourself made a provision of 1,25,000 Rs. per an- 
 num from the pergunna of Neriad, which has been 
 given me through his Honor's means, which I shall 
 accept, and, together with my son, family, and brothers, 
 will behave to you peaceably. "With regard to my 
 conduct, the Honorable the Governor hath satisfied you, 
 and according as he has thus signified, so shall we 
 conduct ourselves peaceably without deviation. This 
 jagheer, which has been given me for the maintenance 
 of my family, 1 shall enjoy and remain contented with 
 it. I have no sort of claim on you respecting my 
 former places ; but if, in conformity to my engagement, 
 I shall continue to conduct myself peaceably according 
 to the Governor's order, you will get my jaedad a little 
 increased from the sirkar. 
 
 " Major Walker, on the part of the English East 
 India Company, and Meer Kumaloodeen Hoosein Khan 
 are iny bahandurs or securities, for the purpose of 
 this writing. 
 
 (Signed) MEER KUMALOODEEN HOOSEIN KHAN, 
 
 as guarantee. 
 Major WALKER, as guarantee." 
 
 The following is the sunnud granted by Annund 
 Rao to Mulhar Rao Guicowar, on the 8th June : 
 
 "After Compliments. The following are the arti- 
 cles for the management of the villages given you from 
 the sirkar as a jagheer. The pergunna of Neriad to the 
 value of 1,25,000 Rs. for your expense and the 
 maintenance of your family, viz : 
 
491 
 
 " 1. The pergunna of Neriad shall never experience 
 any imposition of the exaction of labour, being 
 bandry, or other articles whatever. 
 
 " 2. The rule respecting hay, &c. will be continued 
 to you as it is usually observed in that pergunna. 
 
 " 3. In case of your being oppressed by the coolies 
 or meliwassees, and if you cannot overcome such dif- 
 ficulties yourself, a force shall be sent agreeably to your 
 requisition, and these evils shall be thereby removed. 
 
 " 4. Your relations and friends at Kurree shall 
 never experience any molestation, provided they con- 
 duct themselves peaceably. 
 
 " 5. You may receive from the pergunna the 
 1,25,000 Rs. in the manner directed by this deed. 
 
 "6. In case of any calamity, accident, or damage 
 falling to the pergunna, a due allowance or credit will 
 be given on examination of its accounts. The fore- 
 going six articles shall be complied with by the sirkar, 
 for which Major Walker, on the part of the English 
 East India Company, and Meer Kumaloodeen Hoosein 
 Khan Bahadoor, are given as guarantees and mediators." 
 
 The collection of the Honorable Company's share 
 of the pergunna of Neriad was at the same time 
 entrusted to Mulhar Rao, Vukutchund Kooshalchund, 
 a wealthy banker, being security for the first year. 
 
 Mulhar Rao had, however, no intention of remain- 
 ing quietly in Neriad ; he evaded sending for his family 
 from Drangdraashe had stipulated, and on the morn- 
 ing of the 4th December fled to Limree, on the borders 
 of Kattywar. The chief of that place refused to give 
 him an asylum : from thence he went to Morvee, in the 
 north of Kattywar, where he was joined by a natural 
 
492 
 
 brother, Hnnmunt Rao Guicowar (who had taken 
 refuge in Kutch), with a small body of men, and with 
 them he moved to Drangdra to assist the Desai of 
 Patree, who was being besieged in his fort by the 
 Moolukgeree Guicowar army under Babajee ; but 
 Wittul Rao Devvajee being detached against him 
 with 600 horse, an action ensued, in which Mulhar 
 Rao was defeated, and forced to retreat ; he moved 
 through Jaitpoor, Gondul, and Mangrole to Dharee, 
 and thence, with the assistance of the Cusbattees of 
 Umreilly, possessed himself of that town. Babajee 
 again detached a party of 1,000 horse under Wittul 
 Rao Dewajee against Umreilly, and Wittul Rao, in 
 spite of his inferiority of numbers, attacked and drove 
 him out of the town ; following up his victory, he 
 again attacked and defeated him near Koondla, after 
 a march of 25 miles, and nearly made him prisoner. 
 Mulhar Rao fled to Bhownuggur, and embarked on 
 board a vessel, after depositing his elephants and guns 
 with the Thakoor of the latter place. He did not how- 
 ever proceed on his voyage, but disembarking, wandered 
 into the jungly hills of Palitana, where his retreat was 
 discovered, and he and his son seized on the 2 1st 
 October 1803 by a party of Babajee's horse under 
 Wittul Rao Dewajee. They were placed in confinement 
 in Ahmedabad, and subsequently, at the interference 
 of the British Government, removed to Bombay, 
 where they were placed under the surveillance of the 
 Town Major. 
 
 On the 18th June 1807, Annund Rao concluded the fol- 
 lowing arrangement for Mulhar Rao's maintenance: 
 " Mulhar Rao excited a disturbance with this 
 
493 
 
 government, and the English government having come 
 to our assistance, caused us to give him a jagheer 
 of Rs. 1,25,000 a year in the pergunna of Neriad ; 
 afterwards Mulhar Rao joined in the disturhances of 
 the Arabs, Kanojee Rao, &c. and raised a revolt in 
 Kattywar; he was defeated, and he and Khundey Rao 
 his son were confined in Ahmedahad. The English 
 government afterwards sent for both to be imprisoned 
 in Bombay. Governor Duncan then suggested, through 
 Major Walker, that arrangement should be made for 
 their support. We therefore settled a nemnook upon 
 him and his family of Rs. 50,000 per annum, com- 
 mencing from Sumvut 1864 (A. D. 5th June 1807), as 
 per the following detail : 
 
 To Mulhar Rao himself Rs. 15,000 
 
 Khundey Rao 35,000 
 
 Total.. Rs. 50,000" 
 
 Khundey Rao died in 1812, on which occasion a 
 sum of Rs. 18,000 was deducted from the allowances 
 paid to the family; but in 1814, when a number of the 
 illegitimate branches of the family came to Baroda from 
 Bhooj, a sum of Rs. 10,000 per annum was assigned for 
 their support by Futteh Sing Guicowai', and was paid 
 through the medium of Sugoonabaee, the principal 
 concubine. She died in A.D. 1819, and a dispute arose 
 amongst the survivors regarding the equitable distribu- 
 tion of the amount. In the following month, the Resi- 
 dent was instructed to intimate to the Guicowarthe wish 
 and expectation of Government, that the money should 
 be divided in the same proportions as formerly, but that 
 it need not be paid from the Residency if such had not 
 
494 
 
 been the custom. No interference has consequently 
 been exercised regarding these pensions, and they have 
 gradually died out and been discontinued by the durbar. 
 
 Mulhar Rao, after his arrival in Bombay, led a life 
 of spendthrift sensuality. His expenditure greatly ex- 
 ceeded his income. In 1814 his debts, with interest, 
 amounted to Rs. 34,367 ; in 1817 to Rs. 43,302. The 
 Guicowar government paid in 1816 Rs. 33,285 in 
 part payment of these debts, and in the following year 
 remitted a further sum of Rs. 15,000 for the same objects, 
 intimating at the same time through the Resident its 
 inability to give any further assistance towards answer- 
 ing Mulhar Rao's extravagances. In 1818 the Bom- 
 bay Government intimated to Mulhar Rao that none 
 of his debts beyond those already authorized to be 
 liquidated would be paid, and his creditors were warn- 
 ed to the same" effect. In 1819 Mulhar Rao incurred 
 fresh debts, and some of his creditors then threatened to 
 im prison him. An appeal was made to the Guicowar, 
 but he refused to interfere. 
 
 This disreputable member of the family died on the 
 23rd May. The surviving members of his family con- 
 tinue to'draw pensions as follows from the Residency 
 
 on presenting orders from the durbar : 
 
 Per Annum. 
 
 Mhalsabaee, widow of Gunput Rao 
 
 Guicowar Rs. 1 ,200 
 
 Pritiraj Hunmunt Rao, Guicowar's 
 
 grandchild 900 
 
 Chundrabaee, Mahadeorao's daughter. ,, 900 
 
 Limbajee Rao 1,200 
 
 Total.. Rs~4~200 
 
495 
 
 These are only life pensions, and will lapse on the 
 respective deaths of the present incumbents. 
 
 We now come to the engagements entered into at 
 
 the time of the expulsion of the 
 
 . No. 4. Arabs in 1802. The bhanderies 
 
 Pecuniary advances by r , . ,. 
 
 Baroda Bankers. were of two descriptions : per- 
 
 sonal, securing protection and 
 
 freedom from molestation to banking firms or indivi- 
 duals; and for property, guaranteeing their possession 
 or the repayment of loans taken up from them by the 
 Durbar. 
 
 It was mentioned above that, in order to pay up the 
 arrears of the discharged Arabs, it was necessary to 
 advance the Durbar a loan of about 20 lacs of rupees, 
 half of the amount by the British government, and half 
 by the Baroda bankers on the guarantee of the former. 
 In December 1802 this loan was raised. Government 
 furnished 10 lacs from Bombay, and 4 shroffs, namely, 
 Hurree Bhugtee, Samul Bechur, Mungul Sukeedass, 
 and Argoonjee Nathjee Turwaree, the balance, amount- 
 ing to Rs. 12,48,000, making a total of Rs. 22,48,000. 
 For the repayment of this the revenues of portions of 
 His Highness' territory were assigned as follows : 
 
 Pergunna Baroda Rs. 6,00,000 
 
 Do. Petlad 3,00,000 
 
 Do. Ahmedabad 1,00,000 
 
 Customs of the City of Baroda 75,000 
 
 Do. Seemore or Kurree .... 1,50,000 
 
 Do. Koralee 25,000 
 
 Do. llajpeepla 45,000 
 
496 
 
 In September 1803, a further loan of Rs. 12,35,000 
 was raised under British guarantee from Kooshalchund 
 Ambeydass, to pay off expenses incurred by the British 
 government, and ready money advanced by them 
 during the war with Mulhar Rao. For the repayment 
 of this loan also certain revenues in the Surat Attave- 
 see were assigned. In October 1803, a further loan of 
 Rs. 9,23,600 was advanced under British guarantee by 
 Samul Bechur and Mungul Sukeedass for the total 
 discharge of the Arabs ; and for the repayment of this 
 sum, the same revenues were assigned as those for 
 the liquidation of the 22 lacs, to commence when the 
 latter was cleared off. 
 
 In August 1803, a sum of Rs. 8,16,750 was advanc- 
 ed by Hurree Bhugtee, Mungul Sukeedass, Samul 
 Bechur, Kooshalchund Ambeydass, Ruttonjee Khan- 
 dass, Vuckut Shashet, and Myral Narayen, to pay off 
 the arrears of the Scindee Seebundy who had establish- 
 ed a Dhurna on Raojee Appajee ; for the repayment 
 of this, certain revenues of the year 1803-4 were 
 assigned. 
 
 In the same year a warrat or order for Rs. 75,000, 
 upon the anticipated tribute from Kattywar was given 
 under the Company's guarantee to pay off the arrears 
 of Doomsay bin Alee Silladar. 
 
 A similar order for Rs. 87,500 was granted to 
 Dewaram Jewary, a Surat merchant, in liquidation of 
 a debt due to him by the Durbar. 
 
 In the same year a loan of 3 lacs of rupees was 
 advanced by Samul Bechur and Myral Narayen to 
 settle the commissariat accounts ; and for the liquida- 
 
497 
 
 tion of this, the revenues of Puttim, Veesanuggur, and 
 Wuruugg'ur for the year 1805-6 were assigned. 
 
 Thus in one year a sum of no less than Rs. ,55,85,851 , 
 exclusive of 10 lacs furnished by the British govern- 
 ment, was advanced by Baroda bankers to meet the 
 exigencies of the state, and we became answerable 
 that this large amount was duly repaid from the stipu- 
 lated revenues. 
 
 On the 26th November 1S08, the Resident reported 
 that the balance of the whole of the loans, of which the 
 the payment had been secured on the bhandery of the 
 Honorable Company, had been reduced to a sum 
 of Rs. 1*2,55,893, and that several of the loans had been 
 clearly liquidated, and the bhandery seals removed ; 
 at the same time the balance due to the British go- 
 vernment on account of loans advanced by them 
 amounted to Rs. 20,10,063. 
 
 In 1807, however, it had been found necessary to 
 raise a new loan of Rs. 71,26,733 to discharge the 
 arrears due by the state on account of military and 
 other expenses. This sum was advanced by the un- 
 dermentioned bankers: Mungui Sukeedass, Samul 
 Bechur, Arjoorijee NathjeeTirwaree, Purboodass Shet, 
 Hurry Bhugtee, and Myral Narayan. The repay- 
 ment with interest was secured by orders issued 
 under the guarantee of the Resident on the an tici [rated 
 revenues of the state to the amount of Rs. 34,63,853 
 per annum, and Major Walker expressed his firm ex- 
 pectations that six years from the date on which he 
 wrote, or in 1814, the Baroda government would find 
 itself released from debt, efficient and respectable in 
 its establishment, and in the enjoyment of a larger 
 
 63 
 
498 
 
 surplus revenue than any state in India. These anti- 
 cipations, from a variety of causes too numerous to be 
 mentioned here, were not realized. 
 
 In 1812, the Guicowar debt to the British govern- 
 ment was extinguished, and the government of Bom- 
 bay proceeded " to deliberate on the highly important 
 question of gradually detaching ourselves from that 
 intimate and internal interference in the details of 
 the Guicowar affairs" which had hitherto been 
 necessary, and, after calling for accounts and reports, 
 close the deliberation by directing the Resident to 
 give his attention to the negotiation of a commercial 
 treaty ; this was never executed. 
 
 On the 6th February 1817, Captain Carnae, in 
 reporting on the financial position of the Baroda state, 
 expressed his opinion that, notwithstanding the serious 
 disturbances which had prevailed in the country, the 
 inconveniences resulting from the Peshwa's resumptions, 
 and the extravagant expenditure on account of the 
 mission to Poona, the state might be expected to be 
 relieved of its pecuniary difficulties in the year 1819. 
 He explained that at the end of the year 1816 the liabili- 
 ties amounted to Rs. 94,19,654, but that, through the 
 influence of Dhakjee Dadajee the minister, the claims for 
 interest had been reduced to 6 per cent, per annum, 
 diminishing the debt by the sum of Hs. 39,21,963, and 
 leaving it at the amount of Rs. 54,97,690. Dhakjee 
 Dadajee, Hurree Bhugtee, and Myral Narayen also 
 became state potedars or bankers for 5 years at a 
 reduction of interest to 9 from 12 per cent, per annum. 
 These favourable anticipations were found in 1819 
 to have been delusive. Syajcc Rao had become 
 
499 
 
 indebted in a sum of 60 lacs to the potedars, and tlie 
 Resident proposed to reduce tlic annual expenses of 
 the Guicowar military establishment. r l his proposal 
 was however negatived by Government. 
 
 In 1820 Mr. Elphinstone, the Governor of Bombay, 
 visited Baroda, and in the cnurse of his conferences, 
 discovered that the total debts of the state amounted 
 to the sum of Rs. 1,07,66,297. Loans for the liqui- 
 dation of this sum were raised from six of the principal 
 bankers of Baroda under the guarantee of the British 
 government, the Guicowar engaging that they should 
 be repaid with interest at the different rates which had 
 been agreed on, in annual instalments of 15 lacs of 
 rupees. The Guicowar was at the time warned by 
 Mr. Elphinstone that if, from any cause whatever, the 
 arrangements made for ensuring the stipulated pay- 
 ments were to fail, it would be absolutely necessary 
 for the Company once more to take the entire manage- 
 ment of the country into its own hands, and that the 
 Government would not have the least choice in adopt- 
 in o- that measure. 
 
 In spite of this warning, the instalments were very 
 irregularly paid, and on the 10th September 1825 
 Mr. Willoughby, who was then in charge of the 
 Residency, reported that, notwithstanding the pay- 
 ments made, the debts of the state had increased to 
 Rs. 1,33,81,389. Mr. Williams in the following year 
 urged upon Syajee Rao retrenchment and reforms in 
 the administration, and that he should appropriate to 
 the reduction of the guaranteed loan a sum of upwards 
 of half a crore of rupees, which he was reported ta 
 have accumulated by means of private collections'. 
 
500 
 
 After considerable discussion, the Guicowar consented 
 to farm his districts in septennial leases, under the 
 British guarantee, but he soon, ns was the wont of 
 Syajee Rao, broke through his engagements, infringed 
 the leases and the guaranteed potedaree, so that Go- 
 vernment was necessitated, in order to carry out its 
 guaranteed obligations, to sequester part of His High- 
 ness' districts, which it did under the following pro- 
 clamation of the 28th March 1828:- 
 
 " Whereas His Highness Syajee Rao Guicowar, 
 unmindful of the friendship which has so long existed 
 between the British government and the state of 
 Baroda, and disregarding the repeated and solemn re- 
 monstrances which have been made to him by the 
 Briiish representative at his Court, has, under the 
 influence of wicked and designing persons, openly and 
 deliberately violated engagements which had been 
 concluded for the sole benefit of the state, with His 
 Highness' full knowledge and concurrence, and sanc- 
 tioned by the guarantee of the British government; 
 and whereas all endeavours to persuade His Highness 
 of the danger to which he was exposing himself by 
 persevering in such conduct have failed of producing 
 the desired effect, the Governor in Council has at 
 length been reluctantly compelled to adopt decisive 
 measures for the vindication of its violated faith and 
 insulted honour, and to take into his own hands the 
 means of providing for the full ond satisfactory repay- 
 ment of all claims, for the liquidation of which the 
 British government are guarantee. 
 
 "The conduct of His Highness Syajee Rao would 
 have fully justified the British government in declaring 
 
501 
 
 existing treaties at an end, and in treating him as in a 
 state of open hostility with the British government; 
 but having no views of aggrandizement or self-interest, 
 and being solely desirous to uphold the integrity of its 
 faith, it has determined to limit itself to the most 
 moderate course it could adopt consistently with the 
 claims of those it has guaranteed, not that the conduct 
 of His Highness entitles him individually to consider- 
 ation, but because the British government is anxious 
 to evince its regard and consideration for the Guicowar 
 family. 
 
 " Acting upon this principle, the Governor in Coun- 
 cil limits himself to the measure of placing under tem- 
 porary sequestration the following resources and 
 territories of the Guicowar, viz : 
 Pergunna Pitlaud. 
 Ditto Byul. 
 Ditto Kuree. 
 Ditto Dubhoy Bhadurpoor. 
 Ditto Sinnore. 
 Ditto Amrolee, Damnuggur, and Seea- 
 
 nuggur. 
 
 Tribute Katteewar. 
 Ditto Mahee Caunta. 
 Ditto Ilcwa Caunta. 
 Ditto Rnjpeepla. 
 Ditto Oodeypoor. 
 
 Ditto of Tributary Sunkheira villages. 
 " The Governor in Council deems it necessary to 
 declare, in the most explicit manner, that the only object 
 of such sequestration is to enable the British govern- 
 ment & satisfy the just demands of the creditors who 
 
502 
 
 
 
 hold its guarantee under the septennial arrangements 
 concluded by His Highness in 1820. 
 
 " The occupation of the territory included in this 
 sequestration being only temporary, as little change as 
 possible will be made in its administration, it being in- 
 tended to restore the territory as soon as the purpose 
 for which it is assumed has been fulfilled. The British 
 government, notwithstanding the conduct of His 
 Highness Syajee Rao, has too great a regard for the 
 family of theGuicowar and the ties of friendship which 
 have so long bound the two states to complete the per- 
 manent alienation of one beega of its dominions. 
 
 " The above sequestration has in view only the ful- 
 filment of the pecuniary engagement made with the 
 bankers under the guarantee of the British government; 
 but when that object has been attained, it will remain 
 for the British government to consider the reparation 
 which may be due to itself for the expenses to which it 
 has been exposed by the conduct of His Highness ; to 
 tike ample security against any future violation by 
 that prince either of the terms of the treaties with the 
 Guicowar state or the pledges and guarantees it has 
 given to individuals. 
 
 " This proclamation is therefore promulgated for 
 general information, in order that the motives of the 
 British government may be fully understood. 
 
 (Signed) JOHN MALCOLM." 
 
 In November 1831, the Resident at Baroda furnish- 
 ed Government with a statement showing that the 
 debts of the Baroda state, in which the Bombay 
 
503 
 
 government was interested, amounted to the sum of 
 Rs. 1,28,42,826, and at the same time intimated that it 
 was Syajee Rao's earnest wish that Lord Clare, \vho was 
 then Governor of Bombay, should pay His Highness a 
 visit at Baroda to settle all points in dispute. That 
 nobleman immediately complied. He paid a short 
 visit to Baroda in November 1831, and again returned 
 in March in 1832. In the conferences that followed, 
 the first subject of discussion was regarding the liqui- 
 dation of the debt clue to the bankers at Baroda under 
 the guarantee of the British government. Lord Clare 
 found that both the bankers and Syajee Rao were 
 willing to come to a settlement of their accounts, and 
 consequently thought it better to let the parties settle 
 the business between them in their own way, without 
 any interference on the part of the British government. 
 It was accordingly arranged between the Guicowar 
 and the bankers to their mutual satisfaction. In or- 
 der to make up the required sum, His Highness pro- 
 duced about 1 5 lacs of his own private treasure. When 
 the matter was arranged, the bankers, by name Gopal 
 Rao Myral, Ruttonjee Khandass, Hurree Bhugtee, and 
 Ruttonjee Manickchund, were summoned by the Go- 
 vernor, and in his presence declared that a fair 
 and satisfactory payment had been made of their gua- 
 ranteed debts ; that they released the Company from 
 their bhandery, and had no further claims of a pecu- 
 niary nature against the British government. The 
 deeds were subsequently cancelled in the presence of 
 His Highness Syajee Hao, thereby bringing to an end 
 a long continued source of irritation between the two 
 governments. 
 
e504 
 
 The first guaranteed case transferred from the A nib 
 
 No 5 jemedars to the British govern- 
 
 Khnndass Patell and ment to be noticed, is that 
 
 Bhvchund Desai. of Khandags Wagjee, Patell of 
 
 Durropoora, and Bhychund Khoosalchund, Desai of 
 Baroda. These individuals obtained in A.D. 1775 a 
 28 years' lease of the farm of the districts of Padra, 
 Baroda, and Wusravee from the Durbar. In 1794 
 A.D., Govind Rao, the reigning Guicowar, dispossessed 
 them of the management of these districts, and as was 
 usual in such cases, called upon them to render an ac- 
 count of their administration, with a view of extorting 
 a nuzzerana from them. In consequence of this de- 
 mand, they fled for refuge to the district of Jumboosur, 
 then belonging to the Peishwa, and remained there a 
 year under the protection of the Peishwa's Sursooba. 
 Finally in 1795 the Baroda government gave them a 
 safe conduct, and on their paying a nuzzerana of a 
 lac of rupees, they received a purvvana of settlement 
 from the Guicowar, in which they were granted \st 
 a permanent assignment of Rs. 1,650 per annum, on 
 the Baroda pergunna ; 2nd, they were promised a fail- 
 settlement of their accounts; 3rd, their property, of 
 which they had been dispossessed, was returned to 
 them ; 4th, their Pusaeeta lands were secured to them ; 
 5th, they received security for the peaceable enjoyment 
 of their ancient and acknowledged rights and possessions 
 in the village of Durrapoora; 6th, they were promised 
 the assistance of Government in the recovery of their 
 debts due by private individuals; 7tk, their register 
 and account books were to be restored to them ; N///, 
 ditto their property clandestinely appropriated by 
 
505 
 
 individuals as far as it could be recovered; 9th, that 
 they were to have the irrevocable security of the follow- 
 ing jemedars for themselves, their agents, and rela- 
 tions : Raja Narrayen Rao Pandry, Aemanee, Hyder, 
 and Nasir;and 10th, the parties, on making assurances 
 of their duty and loyalty to the Guicowar government, 
 were promised public employment on their faith and 
 zeal becoming apparent. Attached to the paper grant- 
 ing these terms was the following purwana by Govind 
 Rao Guicowar to the parties concerned, dated April 
 1795 :- 
 
 " In former times the Government disputed your 
 money account, and on that account you being fearful 
 left the city of Baroda. Some time after this the 
 Government issued a purwana recalling you, upon 
 which you returned and settled your account, and 
 gave you a separate memorandum containing 10 
 articles, which shall be strictly conformed to, for which 
 bhandery is given you in the name of Narrayen Rao 
 Raja Pandry, Aemanee Jemedar, Hyder Jemedar 
 and Nasir Jemedar ; after this no more notice shall be 
 taken of the former dispute, for which perpetual bhan- 
 dery is given/' 
 
 The four jemedars abovementioried affixed their 
 seals to this paper, and when three of them were dis- 
 missed in 1802-3, their seals were removed and their 
 signatures erased, and the bhandery of the Honorable 
 Company was substituted, Major Walker, the Resident, 
 affixing his seal to the document. 
 
 No further dispute took place between the durbar 
 and these individuals. In due course of time the 
 64 
 
506 
 
 Litter both died, and were succeeded by their respective 
 sons, Bapoo Bhychund and Wassunbhye Khandass, 
 and though the guarantee was not formally renewed, 
 the heirs were considered at the time to be entitled to 
 all its provisions. 
 
 In A.D. 1827, Mr. Willoughby, the Assistant in 
 charge of Baroda, made a report on the case of these 
 guarantees to the government of Bombay. He gave 
 it as his opinion, " that the engagement could not be 
 regarded as perpetual, except under certain limitations, 
 one of which was, that its continuance in some measure 
 depended on the conduct of the parties who held the 
 pledge ; and that as one of the individuals, Bapoo 
 Bhychund, had been concerned in several of the 
 intrigues that were going on in the Baroda court, he 
 considered that he had justly forfeited all claim to our 
 protection, more particularly as an impression appeared 
 to prevail at Baroda, that however exceptionable the 
 conduct of the parties holding our guarantee might be, 
 our pledges were perpetual arid irrevocable. 
 
 In their reply, Government informed the Resident 
 that, before annulling the bhandery, it would be neces- 
 sary to put the holder on his trial, and prove some act 
 of hostility against the Guicowar or British government 
 to justify such a measure, and that mere opposition to 
 a proposed improvement, even if accompanied by secret 
 conferences and intrigues, would not afford ground for 
 recalling a pledge of this nature. 
 
 In 1829, Mr. Williams, who was then Resident at 
 Baroda, furnished the family of Khandass Wagjee 
 with a copy of the purwana granted in 1795 to 
 
507 
 
 Khandass and Bhychund jointly, and attached to it the 
 following endorsement in his own handwriting : 
 
 " The family of the late Khandass Wagjee having, 
 through their present representative, by name Wassun- 
 bhye, brought to my notice that the hereditary guaran- 
 tee of the British government held by them is contained 
 in a deed bearing Colonel Walker's seal, at present in 
 the possession of Bapoo Bhychund, to whose family, in 
 common with themselves, the said guarantee was origi- 
 nally granted, and having requested an authenticated 
 copy thereof as an act of justice, and in consideration 
 of several important services performed by this family 
 and their principal goomashtas, by name Bhanabhye 
 and Kakooba Panel oorung, both at Baroda and in 
 Rajpeepla, to the advantage of the British government, 
 I have affixed the Company's seal and my signature 
 to this copy of the aforesaid guarantee taken from the 
 Residency records, and which I should regard as equally 
 valid with the original. The nature and obligations 
 of this guarantee are recorded in a report to Govern- 
 ment, dated the llth September 1827, and will be 
 found inserted in the list of guarantees granted by the 
 British government, accompanying Colonel Walker's 
 reports, dated the 29th March 1805 and 26th Novem- 
 ber 1808. It is the 9th and 43rd of the general list 
 of these obligations, compiled at a later period by 
 Mr. Willoughby, I sent to Government with my report 
 on the affairs of Baroda, dated 31st May 1827. 
 
 "I am happy to avail myself of this opportunity to 
 record the very high sense I entertain of the respect- 
 ability, merits, and services of the firm of Khandass 
 
508 
 
 Wagjee and their two principal goomashtas before 
 mentioned, and strongly recommend them to the just 
 countenance and protection of any public officer of the 
 British government who may have intercourse with 
 them, conceiving them to be highly deserving of notice 
 and support. 
 
 (Signed) J. WILLIAMS, 
 
 Resident." 
 Baroda, }5th October 1829. 
 
 This endorsement is entered at full length, in order to 
 show the fallacies that existed in those times regarding 
 our bhandery engagements, and the facilities afforded 
 by officials in renewing, and even going beyond our 
 original engagements. Mr. Williams calls this an here- 
 ditary guarantee, whereas no mention is made of heirs 
 in the purwana; and though the perpetual guarantee 
 of the Arabs is given, it can only have been meant to 
 remain in force as long as they remained in the Gui- 
 cowar service. But more of this hereafter. 
 
 In the year 1822, a potedar or banking firm, gua- 
 ranteed by the British government, was established in 
 Rajpeepla, to manage the pecuniary affairs of that state 
 in the name of Parikh Amurtaee Lulloobhai. There 
 were five shares in the establishment, two of which were 
 held by the firm of Khandass Wagjee. In 1846, the 
 Raja of Rajpeepla complained against the potedar 
 firm to the Political Agent in the Rewakanta, and 
 claimed a large sum, amounting to lacs of rupees, 
 from them. Three years subsequent to this, the Go- 
 vernment of Bombay ordered that all money transac- 
 tions with this firm should be stopped. On the 18th 
 
509 
 
 May 1850, both parties entered into an agreement to 
 settle their disputes by a punchayet, but on the members 
 not being able to agree in their decision, a paper \vas 
 passed by both parties on the 29th July of the same 
 year, agreeing to abide by the decision of the Political 
 Agent, assisted by Purshoturn Khandass and Dulput- 
 ram Nurrotum, and on the same day the claims of the 
 Raja against the firm were fixed at Rs. 40,000, and 
 a writing was then and there signed by Boodur 
 Duneshwur on the part of the Raja, and Gela Narayan 
 on the part of the potedar, that they were satisfied 
 with the result. 
 
 Major Brown, who was then Political Agent, ratified 
 this decision ; but on his death, which occurred shortly 
 afterwards, it transpired that when the claims of the 
 Raja against the potedars were about to be investigat- 
 ed by a punchayet, the potedars gave a written 
 agreement (entirely of course without Major Brown's 
 knowledge), that if the claims of the Raja should be 
 settled by the punchayet with the concurrence of the 
 Political Agent for Rs. 40,000 or less, 10,000 should 
 be paid by the former to an Agent of Duneshwur 
 Wishwanath, the Raja's minister, and that then 
 Duneshwur and the firm jointly applied to Major 
 Brown to settle the case in conjunction with two 
 people of their own choosing. These two persons 
 subsequently stated, that they had only to announce 
 an amicable settlement made by the parties, and that 
 accordingly a decision was passed on the same day 
 according to the Raja precisely Rs. 40,000. 
 
 It was subsequently discovered in 1855, that by the 
 showing of their own account books, the firm was justly 
 
510 
 
 indebted to the Raja in a sum of Rs. 1,86,442-14-3, 
 and that the members had consequently conspired with 
 the minister, by a bribe of Rs. 1 0,000, to deprive the 
 Raja of nearly a lac and a half of money. 
 
 The minister Duneshwur was removed from the 
 country, or rather was not permitted to return to it 
 from Bombay, whither he had gone to complain, and 
 the Political Agent was directed to withdraw his 
 countenance from all parties composing the late Raj- 
 peepla potedaree firm, preventing them as much as 
 possible from having any transactions in the districts 
 under his agency, and in every way marking the dis- 
 approbation with which their conduct was viewed by 
 Government ; he was also directed to recover the whole 
 sum due by the firm to the Rajpeepla state. 
 
 In 1854 Sir J. Outram, in submitting his general 
 bhandery report to the supreme government, comment- 
 ed on the joint guarantee enjoyed by the families of 
 Bhychund. He pointed out that the fraud committed 
 by the firm of Khandass Wagjee, as detailed above, 
 would of itself have deprived them of any claim to 
 consideration and protection the family might have 
 possessed on the British government ; but, independent- 
 ly of this, he considered that the guarantee should have 
 ceased on the demise of the two persons whose names 
 were given in the original sunnuds, and that the Bri- 
 tish government was not bound to continue it even 
 to their then existing families, who were not specified 
 therein, for, though Mr. Williams had pronounced 
 the guarantee perpetual, Sir James did not think 
 that the term of the sunnud warranted him to do so, and 
 although the " Chaloo" guarantee of the Arabs was 
 
511 
 
 given, this expression did not, in the Resident's opinion, 
 mean "perpetual," or as extending to future genera- 
 tions. In the preface to his report, he elaborately ar- 
 gued this question. He quite agreed with the Honorable 
 Court of Directors in their opinion, that " it was a mis- 
 conception of the original engagement made by the 
 Arab officers to construe it as an obligation binding in 
 perpetuity on the Government, because as the employ- 
 ment of those officers was in its very nature tempo- 
 rary, an engagement made by them must, as a general 
 rule, also have been intended to be temporary. He 
 went further than this, and considered that the terms of 
 the engagement construed correctly, did not imply an 
 obligation binding; with respect to posterity, and that the 
 word "chaloo," when used without the addition of words 
 signifying inheritance, does not bind the person giving 
 the guarantee to the heirs of the person to whom the 
 guarantee is given. 
 
 The Government of India, in their reply of the 21st 
 January 1856, concurred generally in these remarks, 
 and decided that this guarantee had been forfeited by 
 misconduct. It has consequently lapsed. 
 
 No. 6. The next case to be noticed is 
 
 Amrutlall Tooljaram. that of Amrutlall Tooljaram. 
 This individual was Karbaree of Aba Shelookur, who 
 held the government of Ahmedabad in 1798-99. She- 
 lookur was obnoxious both to Govind Rao Guicowar 
 and to Bajee Rao Peshwa ; was attacked and captured 
 by the former with the sanction of the latter in 1799. 
 Amrutlall appealed for protection to the Guicowar, 
 and in 1801 secured a purwana guaranteed by cer- 
 
512 
 
 tain Arab jemedars, containing the following stipula- 
 tions : 
 
 " 1. You are permitted to reside peaceably either 
 in Baroda, Ahmedabad, or any other place in the 
 Guicowar territories which you prefer, along with 
 your family, and your goomashtas Purshotum, Jeita, 
 Runchor Cobere, Seewahram, Kewulram,and Gunesh 
 Metha, in the capacity of a merchant, and none shall 
 injure you, which the Government will take care of as 
 long as you conduct yourself properly. For the due 
 performance of this article, the perpetual bhandery of 
 Government is given in the names of Ahina bin Gujee, 
 Sooltan Jafir Moobaruk bin Syud, and Mahomed 
 Abood, Arab jemedars. 
 
 " 2. The village of Mukdoompoor, in the Deishrooee 
 pergunna, in the Peshwa's share of the city of Ahmed- 
 abad, which was formerly given you in inam by the 
 comavisdar of that district, shall, according to your 
 request, still continue in your possession from sum- 
 vut 1858. 
 
 "3. The 1,400 Rs. deposited in the house of a 
 shroff at Dholka, and which was taken away by 
 Jetheebaee Guicowar, shall be deducted from the 
 money you will present to Government as a riuzzerana, 
 provided it is ascertained that the money was actually 
 taken away by Jetheebaee. 
 
 " 4. The bill of exchange drawn upon Sher Maho- 
 med of Dholka for Rs. 12,000, and which was given 
 to this Government, shall likewise be brought to ac- 
 count, if upon inquiry it is found out that that sum has 
 been recovered from Sher Mahomed ; but if the sum 
 still continues unpaid, the bill shall be returned to 
 
513 
 
 you, and a letter given to you from the Government, 
 directing him to pay you its amount, If Jetheebaee 
 Guicowar has received any part of the money, it shall 
 be deducted from the amount. 
 
 " 5. It is your request that the four horses and one 
 poney, a camel, and garee with bullocks, and one 
 garee ornamented with gold, which are now in the 
 possession of Bucha Jemedar, as well as six bundles 
 of cloth, in the possession of a person by name 
 Oopadea, together with any other articles which the 
 Government or any other person formerly took away 
 from you, shall be restored to you on proof of the 
 fact. To this request the Government consents to 
 restore you two horses and one garee with bullocks, 
 and all other articles in the possession of anybody 
 else it will order them to be returned to you. 
 
 " 6. You have made a request that the bond, which 
 Canojee Rao Guicowar formerly obtained from you, 
 should be given back to you, which shall be complied 
 with if the bond is found in the possession of 
 Government ; but should it not be discovered, a receipt 
 shall be given you for it. 
 
 " 7. You have likewise requested that the bond 
 obtained by Government from Bechur Paruck, be- 
 longing to Boodrabye, may be given back to him. 
 The Government believes that it has already been 
 returned, but if not, it shall be so. 
 
 " 8. You request that five of your domestics may be 
 taken into the service of Government, and that the 
 silver stick of your chobedar may be returned. The 
 Government consent to employ five persons belonging 
 to you in the sebundy stationed at Ahmedabad. 
 65 
 
514 
 
 " 9. You request that the Government will order 
 every body who owes you money to pay it to you ; the 
 Government consents to do so, with the exception of 
 the money levied by Seelookur, formerly comavisdar 
 of Ahmedabad. 
 
 " 10. You request that the Government, out of its 
 kindness, will restore you the jewels and ornaments 
 formerly plundered from your house, and likewise that 
 the jewels, &c. taken away by other persons may 
 be recovered from them upon your identifying them as 
 your .property. In answer to this, the Government 
 states that it did not obtain any article of jewellery ; 
 but whatever articles are proved by you to have been 
 taken away by other persons, it will cause them to be 
 restored to you. 
 
 " 1 1 . You request that in case any person hereafter 
 should come to Ahmedabad in the capacity of coma- 
 visdar on the part of the Peshwa, that person should 
 give you a purwana for your satisfaction. The Go- 
 vernment reply, should a comavisdar come in the 
 space of five years, then this Government will cause 
 him to give the purwana requested. 
 
 " 12. The Government permits you to reside in its 
 territories, and to carry on the business of a merchant 
 therein, for which bhandery is given that, if you wish 
 to proceed anywhere else, you shall be allowed to do so, 
 and shall not receive any injury from Government. 
 You must not however behave ill on account of See- 
 lookur, but carry on the business of a merchant in peace. 
 
 "13. You request that you may suffer no injury 
 from the Peshwa at Poona. The Government agrees 
 
515 
 
 never to send you there, unless it is your own pleasure 
 to go there. 
 
 tc These 13 articles have been written and shall 
 be strictly performed. The sum of money which you 
 have engaged to pay to Government as a nuzzerana 
 must be paid, and you must behave yourself properly 
 in future. The bundle of cloth belonging to you at 
 Ahmedabad, and which was taken from you, shall be 
 returned to you." 
 
 This document was signed and sealed by the four 
 jemedars above mentioned, and when they were dis- 
 missed from Baroda, their seals were erased, and the 
 seal and signature of Major Walker were affixed on 
 behalf of the Company. Umrutlall continued to re- 
 side in Ahmedabad. He died not long after, and 
 was succeeded by his only son Boolaheedass 
 Umrutlall, who also died in the year 1813, leaving a 
 widow, by name Soorujkoover. This lady lived till 
 1851, and as by the transfer of the Peshwa's share of 
 Ahmedabad she had become a British subject, the 
 guarantee had virtually lapsed, as far as the Guicowar 
 was concerned, long before her decease. 
 
 In 1849 Captain French, the Acting Resident, point- 
 ed this out to Government, and suggested that the 
 guarantee should be withdrawn. Government, however, 
 in their reply decided that the guarantee was perpetual, 
 and as Ahmedabad was specifically mentioned as one 
 of the places in which its privileges were to be enjoy- 
 ed, the residence there of a person entitled to succeed 
 to the guarantee could be no reason for its being can- 
 celled. 
 
516 
 
 In his report of 1854 to the Supreme Government, 
 Sir J. Outram mentioned that this guarantee had 
 lapsed by the death of Soorujkoover, and in elucida- 
 tion of his argument that " chaloo bhanderies" 
 granted by Arab jemedars could not be considered here- 
 ditary, he pointed out that the guarantee extended 
 not only to Umrutlall and his family, but also to six 
 of his goomashtas, each specified by name, all of whose 
 heirs would have had equal right to claim the guarantee 
 had it been so intended ; nor could it be supposed that 
 a guarantee, intended to extend to the future gua- 
 rantees of seven different families, would have been so 
 lightly given, or that the heirs of these six goomashtas 
 would have failed to claim the guarantee could it be so 
 construed. 
 
 Hj - The next on the list is the gua- 
 
 Koosalchund Ambeydass rantee to Koosalchund Am bey - 
 and Purboodass Mooljee. dass Qnd p urboodass Mooljee. 
 
 These two men were brothers, and were engaged in 
 trade at Poona. In A.D. 1795, Purboodass Mooljee 
 established a banking firm at Baroda under the title of 
 
 C3 
 
 Koosalchund Ambeydass. The latter does not appear 
 to have even visited Baroda, and died in the year 1798. 
 In the year 1801 Annund Rao Guicowar gave a per- 
 petual guarantee to the firm in the following terms : 
 " You wish to reside in Baroda to carry on the 
 business of a banker and merchant peaceably, for 
 which you wish a promise of protection from the Go- 
 vernment, and have made a representation to that effect. 
 This paper is therefore sent to you, desiring you to 
 reside, together with your family and your goomashta 
 
517 
 
 Pemanund in Baroda, and trade in peace ; and you 
 shall experience no injury either from the Government 
 or any body else. If you wish to leave Baroda to 
 proceed to any other place, you shall be allowed to do 
 so. Wherever you wish to go we will cause you to 
 arrive there. 
 
 " For the due performance of what is written above, 
 the perpetual guarantee of Meer Kemaloodin Hoosein, 
 Khan Bahadoor, of Ahea bin Nasir, and Mahomed 
 bin Ahmood, jemedars, is given to you." 
 
 Signed and sealed by the above persons. 
 
 When the two Arab jemedars were dismissed from 
 the service of the Government, their bhandery was 
 withdrawn, and that of Major Walker, on the part of 
 the Honorable Company substituted, which was con- 
 sented to by Government, dated 1803, and signed 
 and sealed by Major Walker. 
 
 Koosalchund, as above stated, died at Poona in 
 1798 without issue. Purboodass also had no children, 
 so in 1810 he and Gungabaee, the widow of Koosal- 
 chund, adopted Kesowdass, the only son of their only 
 sister. 
 
 The particulars connected with the guaranteed loans 
 lent by this firm to the durbar have already been 
 related. 
 
 Purboodass died in 1813, and four years subse- 
 quent to this his adopted son, Kesowdass, went with 
 his family to Gwalior, leaving Gungabaee, the widow 
 of Koosalchund, to conduct the business of the firm. 
 Kesowdass never returned to Baroda. After visiting 
 Gwalior he settled at Muthra, and died there in 1833, 
 leaving his widow Jumabaee childless, although she 
 
518 
 
 had had a daughter as late as the year 1 830, which died 
 in its infancy. Gungabaee also died in Baroda in the 
 year 1833. Jumabaee was therefore left sole heiress 
 of the firm, but on her return to Baroda from Muthra 
 in the year 1843, she found that Damodur, a grand- 
 nephew of Kesowdass, had taken possession of the 
 property of the firm, and refused to give her any 
 participation in the profits, on the plea that he had 
 been adopted by Gungabaee in the year 1831, by the 
 written consent of Kesowdass, and that in 1843, Syajee 
 Rao Guicowar had given him a sunnud of adoption, 
 and had confirmed him in his pretensions as sole pro- 
 prietor of the banking firm. Jumabaee immediately 
 claimed the protection and interference of the British 
 government, and a voluminous correspondence ensued. 
 Syajee Rao supported the pretensions of Damodur, as 
 he had already received a large nuzzerana on granting 
 the sunnud of adoption. 
 
 In 1848, a commission of high native legal func- 
 tionaries from the neighbouring zillahs assembled at 
 the Residency to investigate the claims of the rival 
 heirs. They decided that Damodur had no valid claims 
 at all ; they proved that he had altered the meaning 
 of a letter from Kesowdass to Gungabaee, on which he 
 asserted that the former had given his consent to the 
 adoption, and that by an ingenious substitution of letters 
 he had changed a Guzerat sentence, meaning " Fur- 
 ther know all the tidings that are written," into " and 
 the tidings about adoption as written are all under- 
 stood ;" and they conclusively proved that by Hin- 
 doo law no adoption by Gungabaee could be valid. 
 Government fully concurred in this decision, and direct- 
 
519 
 
 ed the Resident to inform His Highness the Guicowar 
 that, in their opinion, Jumabaee was the rightful heir 
 to the property of the firm, and entitled to the guarantee 
 of the British government. They commented on the 
 fraud practised by Damodur to gain his ends, and 
 considered that by this criminal conduct he had lost 
 all title to succeed at any time to the guarantee given 
 by Government to the firm. 
 
 Jumabaee had as clear a case in her favour as she 
 possibly could have ; but native-like, and acting under 
 the advice of rascally vakeels, she attempted to strength- 
 en it by forgeries. She produced a letter purporting 
 to have been written to her by Gungabaee after the 
 death of Kesowdass, stating that she had entrusted 
 the management of the firm to Damodur, but that if 
 she (Jumabaee) did not approve of this, she would 
 remove him from the management ; and she also pro- 
 duced what purports to be a deed of adoption written 
 by Kesowdass in 1832 in favour of Jugjeewun, a 
 nephew, who had since died. 
 
 In commenting on this useless piece of chicanery, 
 Government considered that Jumabaee was totally un- 
 deserving of any particular favour., and refused to 
 extend its guarantee to any adoption that might at any 
 time be made by her. This decision was upheld by the 
 Court of Directors in their despatch dated 28th Novem- 
 ber 1849, and His Highness the Guicowar delivered over 
 the property in Baroda in October 1851 to Jumabaee, 
 though under protest and solely against his will. 
 
 Jumabaee, on becoming paramount, immediately 
 sued Damodur for arrears stated to be owing to her, 
 and was allowed by the durbar to keep him in rigor- 
 
520 
 
 ous confinement in her own house for six months. 
 On this coming to the knowledge of the Resident, 
 he immediately forwarded a rigorous remonstrance to 
 the Guicowar and Jumabaee, which resulted in 
 Damodur being set at liberty, and an amicable 
 arrangement being effected between the parties, by 
 which Jurnabaee consented to give Damodur an 
 immediate sum of Rs. 2,000 per annum. 
 
 Her conduct in this matter was strongly animad- 
 verted on by Government, and she was informed that 
 the release of Damodur alone prevented their taking 
 serious notice of her conduct, and that if she wished 
 to retain the guarantee of the British government, her 
 future conduct must evince her endeavours to merit, it. 
 
 Jumabaee died a few months ago, and this bhan- 
 dery has in consequence lapsed. 
 
 The next guarantee to be no- 
 No- 8 - ticed, is that given by the Arabs 
 Shunkerjee Soonder- 01 i a TA 
 jee, Desai of Bullesur. to Shunkerjee boonderjee, Desai 
 
 of Bullesur. 
 
 Soonderjee was formerly the Desai of Bullesur, and 
 having no son, and feeling his death approaching, he 
 adopted a relative named Shunkerjee. Twenty- two 
 months after his death his widow produced a child, to 
 whom she wished that the Desai's rights should be con- 
 firmed, buton Doolubjee,Shunkerjee's father,represent- 
 ing the case at Baroda, and paying a nuzzerana of 
 Rs. 30,000, the adoption was confirmed under the 
 guarantee of certain Arab jemedars, and a sunnud, 
 underdate the 27th April 1801, was granted to Shun- 
 kerjee, of which the following is a translation : 
 
521 
 
 " Whereas you sent to Baroda your real father, by 
 name Doolubjee Kulianjee, who represented before the 
 Huzoor that Soonderjee Soorjee, Desaee of Bullesur, had 
 a son by his first wife, who died at the age of thirty 
 years. The Desaees age being between 55 and 60 years, 
 and considering that he had no son, he contracted a 
 second marriage; four or five years elapsed and no 
 offspring, he fell sick, and his life was despaired of. 
 Considering therefore that the " wuttun" would be lost 
 were he to die without heirs, four of his friends and 
 Trirnbuck Khunderow, Comavisdar of the Bullesur per- 
 gunna, residing at Nowsaree, Mooljee Govinjee, on the 
 part of Mullarjee Shet, the Umuldars of the Moog- 
 laee state, the Goomashta of Tasseedass Lalldass, 
 banker of Surat, Nanabhaee Joshe?, karbaree of Soon- 
 derjee, Kursedjee Metha, Parsee, and the mother of 
 the second wife, Goolab Desaeen, and all the vil- 
 lagers, having' assembled together, began to consider 
 that there being no son, the wuttun would be lost; 
 they therefore determined to persuade Desaee Doolub* 
 jee Kulianjee, who was of the family, and had three 
 sons, to give up one of them. Nanabhaee Joshee was 
 then sent to call Doolubjee, who accordingly came ; all 
 spoke to him on the subject. Soonderjee said that 
 his condition w r as one of difficulty; that ere long 
 his family would be extinct, therefore Doolubjee being 
 his friend, should make over to him the youngest 
 of his three sons. To this he consented in the pre- 
 sence of the Desaee (Soonderjee), the Desaeen (Soon- 
 derjee's second wife), both karbarees, and all the others, 
 in consideration of his own wife and the Desaeen beino* 
 
 o 
 
 real sisters. When this was done, there was no report 
 66 
 
522 
 
 about the Desaeen being with child. Eight days after 
 the adoption had taken place, Soonderjee Desaee died, 
 and you, the adopted son, performed the funeral ob- 
 sequies. The Desaeen had her head shaved, and 
 the neighbouring landholders, the Mandvee Kar- 
 baree, and the Karbaree of the Umuldar, on the part 
 of the Mooglaee, came and presented mourning clothes. 
 Afterwards Kursedjee Metha, the Mookhtiar Kar- 
 baree, and the Desaeen privately consulted that, 
 in adopting the son of a friend, their reputation would 
 hereafter suffer ; that as they had money, they should 
 spread some false report to the effect that she, the 
 Desaeen, was three months gone in the family way, 
 and that only six months remained, when, should she 
 bring forth a son, he would inherit the wuttun ; that in 
 that case four or five villages on account of the Desaeen - 
 geree, a house and slaves should be given to the adopt- 
 ed son. At the time of the Sooawar (a clay before the 
 birth and forty days after), the Desaeen said that the 
 child had died in the womb ; 13 months after this she 
 produced a girl ; 2:2 months had elapsed, a time which 
 was never heard of. After the birth of the daughter, 
 Kursedjee thought that the management of the wuttun 
 should be conducted in the name of her future husband, 
 and that Doolubjee Kulianjee should not be permitted to 
 interfere in any way. A complaint was made during 
 the administration of his late Highness Damajee Rao 
 Guicowar, but Kursedjee presented money and pre- 
 vented redress being given ; after that the request, was 
 once or twice made during the time of his late High- 
 ness Bawa Saheb (Govindrow Guicowar). In the year 
 A.D. 1894-95, Doolubjee complained that Kursedjee 
 
523 
 
 Mehta took away as many rupees as he pleased from 
 the mahal ; at that time the Sirkar took from him (Kur- 
 sedjee) Rs. 41,000. Kursedjee determined on marry- 
 ing the Desaeen's daughter to the son of Humeebhai 
 Soorjee, Desaee of Chicklee, and you, Shurikerjee, came 
 to the Sirkar and informed his late Highness Bawa 
 Saheh of the circumstance. Whereupon sowars and a 
 karkoon were sent to the mahal and imprisoned the 
 Desaeen, her daughter, Kursedjee, and his two sons, who 
 were brought to Baroda, and there confined ; during the 
 confinement Kursedjee died ; after that Bawa Saheb also 
 died, and Kursedjee's son spent money and com- 
 menced negotiating during the administration of His 
 late Highness Kanojee Rao Guicowar, and through the 
 agency of one Dada Parsee, he caused a sunnud to be 
 granted in the name of the son-in-law of the Dasaeen, 
 created disturbances in the rnahal, and made you, the 
 comavisdar, &c. prisoners ; the said Pestonjee Kur- 
 sedjeerMehta having appointed a new mamlutdar, man- 
 aged the affairs of the mahal, and embezzled the sum of 
 between 15 to 20,000 Rs. When this circumstance 
 became known to the sirkar, Pestonjee and the De- 
 saeen fled to Surat, taking with them all the surinjam 
 (kit), and there got the daughter married, which had 
 hitherto been prevented. Afterwards, the above-men- 
 tioned Comavisdar and yourself (Shunkerjee) were 
 released from confinement and brought to Baroda, and 
 on hearing the particulars of your case, orders were 
 issued to the effect that the sunnud, granted by the late 
 Kanojee Rao, on a misrepresentation from the Parsee, 
 was not proper; that you should therefore present a 
 nuzzerana, when an hereditary guaranteed sunnud for 
 
524 
 
 you and your heirs would be presented to you as the 
 adopted son of Soonderjee, and the nuzzerana was 
 agreed to, according to the tenor of the instructions. 
 
 " The sirkar is therefore pleased to grant this sun- 
 nud in your name, Shunkerjee Soonderjee Desaee, the 
 adopted son of Soonderjee of the pergunna above 
 mentioned ; and you are hereby authorized to enjoy 
 as an hereditary right the usual allowances appertain- 
 ing to the Desaeegiri villages, as many as there may be, 
 as also of the villages granted for the maintenance of 
 a palkee ; and you are faithfully to perform the service 
 of the sirkar; perpetual guarantee is also granted in 
 the sunnud to Doolubjee Kulianjee Desaee, that he 
 shall suffer no unjust treatment from the sirkar, and 
 you having been acknowledged as the adopted son of 
 Soonderjee Soorjee, and successor to the wuttun, and 
 having paid to the sirkar the nuzzerana of Rs. 32,000, 
 no alteration shall be made in this arrangement. For 
 the due performance of which the bhandery of Ajum 
 Meer Kumaloodeen Hoossein Khan Bahadoor, Umeen 
 Jemedar, Sooltan Jafir Jemedar, Mahomed Abood 
 Jemedar, and Mahomed Nughoor Jemedar, is given." 
 
 The seals and signatures of these jemedars are 
 attached. 
 
 When the Arab jemedars were dismissed, their seals 
 and signatures were erased, and the guarantee of the 
 British government, under the seal and signature of 
 Major Walker, was substituted, under date the 26th 
 February 1803. 
 
 Shunkerjee had not the ready money available to 
 pay the nuzzerana to the Government, and therefore 
 
525 
 
 got the firm of Kooshalchund Ambeydass to advance 
 it as a loan, depositing as a security the guaranteed 
 sunnud. This firm held the pergunna of Bullesur in 
 farm, and at the same time managed the Desaee's lands, 
 making him and the widow of his adoptive father an 
 allowance, and repaying themselves out of the proceeds 
 of the estate. 
 
 In the year A. D. 1812-13, the firm of Myral Narayen 
 ohtained the farm of the Bullesur pergunna, and took 
 charge of the Dasaee's possessions on account of Govern- 
 ment, continuing the allowance granted by Koo- 
 shalchund Ambeydass to the widow and adopted son 
 of Soonderjee. 
 
 About that time Gungadhur Shastree was all power- 
 ful at Baroda, and to him the widow of Soonderjee and 
 the husband of the child born 22 months after the De- 
 saee's death applied for possession of the Desaee's rights, 
 on the ground that the adoption was irregular. The 
 Shastree did not attempt to put them in possession of 
 their alleged right, but only made use of the inform- 
 ation to further the interests of the durbar : he 
 bought up the sunnud from Kooshalchund Ambey- 
 dass, deposited it in the durbar records, and turned a 
 deaf ear to both parties. Thenceforth the durbar and 
 the farmer shared the proceeds of the Desaee's rights, 
 for the due preservation of which the latter had receiv- 
 ed the express guarantee of the British government. 
 
 In 1823, Shunkerjee laid his case before the Resi- 
 dent, Mr. Williams, and claimed his interference. 
 Syajee Rao objected to restore the sunnud or to put 
 the Desaee in possession of his rights, on the grounds 
 that the adoption was irregular; that the sunnud had 
 
526 
 
 never been in the hands of the grantee ; that Captain 
 Carnac, the former Resident, had ordered an inquiry 
 on the subject, and that Gungadhur Shastree was our 
 agent, and could not have acted in the matter without 
 
 the knowledge and authority of the Resident. 
 
 j 
 
 In reply to these arguments, the Resident pointed out 
 that the petitioner had received the guarantee of the 
 British government on a sunnud formerly passed to 
 him under the bhandery of the Arabs ; that the sunnud 
 was valid, whether placed in the hands of the grantee 
 or his agent; that Captain Carnac had no authority to 
 make an inquiry into the validity of a sunnud which 
 had received our guarantee, and that the 4th argu- 
 ment, as regards Gungadhur Shastree, was perfectly 
 untenable. 
 
 Syajee Rao then shifted his ground, and offered to 
 restore the sunnud if the Desaee would give him a 
 nuzzerana ; but the Resident would not consent to this, 
 and threatened to report the whole matter to Govern- 
 ment, and then Syajee gave in, and handed up the 
 sunnud, which was delivered over to the Desaee. 
 
 Soonderjee remained in peaceable possession of his 
 estate for three or four years. In the year 1828, how- 
 ever, Syajee Rao gave the farm of the Surat Atavesee 
 to a person of the name of Jeewa Desaee, who was high 
 in his confidence, and this individual lost no time in 
 oppressing the Desaee. He placed his lands under 
 attachment, and imposed a fine of Rs. 1,000 on the 
 patel of his main village, which he extorted from him 
 by placing a log of wood on his stomach. 
 
 The Desaee again complained, and fresh remon- 
 strances were forwarded by the Resident to the Guico- 
 
527 
 
 war, and the matter was at the same time reported to 
 Government. In his reply, the Chief Secretary autho- 
 rised the Resident, in case Syajee did not comply with 
 his demands, to take the Desaee under the special 
 protection of the British government, and to use forci- 
 ble means, if necessary, to remove from the estates of 
 the said Desaee all persons employed by the local 
 authorities of the Guicowar government, taking care 
 that all fees and " huks/' and any arrears of tribute or 
 sallamee there might be owing to the durbar officers, 
 were duly paid before taking these steps. However, the 
 Resident was directed to communicate his instructions 
 to Syajee Rao, and to allow him an interval of ten 
 days before they were carried into execution, and at 
 the same time he was to inform His Highness that, if 
 he desired the countenance and regard of the British 
 government, he would punish with severity such of 
 his local officers as presumed to violate that faith on 
 the preservation of which the union and friendship of 
 the two states must depend. 
 
 Syajee did not deign to give any answer for fourteen 
 days to the first reference that was made to him. After 
 that interval he forwarded a letter to the Resident 
 for the Sirsooba, directing him to remove the attach- 
 ment and refund the amount extorted, but with it sent 
 a transmitting letter excusing the Sirsooba's conduct, 
 instead of punishing him as required by Government, 
 The Resident refused to act upon this, and after wait- 
 ing for another month, proceeded to act on the authority 
 delegated to him by the Government ; he refunded the 
 amount extorted from the patel from the Residency 
 treasury ; he gave a small present to jhim for the tor- 
 
528 
 
 ture he had undergone, and further gave the Desaee 
 a written acknowledgment that he was placed under 
 the special protection of the British government, and 
 furnished him with two peons from the Residency to 
 afford due publicity to his situation. 
 
 A few months afterwards, at the commencement of 
 the following year, the Desaee again complained of 
 oppression, and Syajee Rao made counter-complaints 
 that he would not obey the orders of the Sirsooba ; 
 but the Resident continued his steady protection to- 
 wards him, and it does not appear that any further 
 molestation was afforded. 
 
 In his report of 1854, Sir J. Outram gave it as his 
 opinion that this guarantee was clearly inheritable. 
 He pointed out that it differed in its constitution from 
 the other guarantees granted by the Arabs ; that not 
 merely were jemedars of Arab troops parties to the 
 original guarantee, but Arab zemindars as well, and 
 that this fact supported the assumption that, while the 
 bhandery of mere mercenaries sufficed for a temporary, 
 more permanent security was required for a pledge ex- 
 tending to future generations, and that it showed, 
 moreover, that it was as requisite for Arabs to specify 
 " heirs" when intended to extend beyond existing par- 
 ties, as it was for other classes to do so ; for in the 
 sunnud heirs from generation to generation were ex- 
 pressely mentioned in addition to the " Chaloo" bhan- 
 dery." 
 
 The Government of India concurred in this view, 
 and have decided in their despatch, No. 372, of the 
 21st January 1856, that this guarantee is permanent 
 and hereditary. 
 
529 
 
 The abovementioned are all the guarantees of a 
 permanent nature inherited from the Arabs by the 
 British government; there were others of a temporary 
 character, such as security for twelve months to the 
 persons of Hurree Pursaud Bhugwandass Desaee, for 
 fifty months to the Desaee of Veerumgaum, Dun- 
 dooka, and Ranpoor, and to the Kanoongo Sew 
 Pursad Shumboolal for the same period ; to the far- 
 mers of the Baroda mint that the farms of the town 
 should not be altered for two years, and to Shavul 
 Bechur, securing him in the management of the farm 
 of the Baroda pergunna for two years, but these need 
 not be noticed in detail. Thebhandery last mentioned, 
 to the Desaee of Bullesur, is the only one now re- 
 maining ia force of all those guaranteed by the Arabs. 
 
 The only case now remaining to be mentioned in any 
 No g way connected with these mer- 
 
 Samul Bechur and cenaries, is that of Samul Bechur 
 Mimgul Sukeedass. &nd M|mgul gukeedass. 
 
 The monetary transactions of the Arabs were con- 
 ducted through this firm, and in consequence of this, 
 on the removal of the mercenaries from Baroda, they 
 received the bhandery of the British government in 
 the terms of the following sunnud : 
 
 " This paper is given to Samul and Mtmgul Paruk, 
 on account of the Arab jemedars and sebundy. 
 
 " 1st. If any of the Arab jemedars now in the ser- 
 vice of the Government should either be dismissed by 
 the Government or leave its service of its own accord, 
 they shall be paid all arrears of pay, as well as the 
 value of all horses killed or wounded, and likewise 
 67 
 
530 
 
 money shall be given according to the usual custom to 
 the killed and wounded sebundy. 
 
 " 2nd. Samul or Mungul Paruk, and the vukeels of 
 the dismissed jemedars, as well as their attendants, 
 shall have their accounts settled in a just manner by 
 Government, for the due performance of which bhan- 
 dery may be given. 
 
 "3rd. Samul Bechur and Mungul Sukeedass for 
 whatever money they may lend to the Government, or 
 to any person in the city of Baroda or in the Guico- 
 war districts, shall have it repaid to them upon the 
 terms of the original agreement ; and whatever bhan- 
 dery is given to them by any of the Arabs, shall be 
 settled accordingly ; if there still remains any doubt, 
 the bhandery of the Honorable Company may be given 
 likewise. 
 
 " 4ctk. Both the shroffs of the jemedars who are dis- 
 missed, as well as their vukeels and attendants, &c. 
 may remain quietly wherever they please, and carry on 
 the business of merchants in peace, and the Govern- 
 ment will not in any way injure them, and let them 
 remain under the authority of this Government. If 
 there is any doubt of this, bhandery may be given. 
 
 " For the due performance of the four articles above 
 written, the bhandery of Major Walker on the part of 
 the Honorable Company is given, and therefore let the 
 Arab jemedars, &c. as well as the two shroffs, faithfully 
 serve the Government. A.D. 1802. 
 
 (Signed) MAJOR WALKER. 
 
 MEER KUMALOODEEN HOOSEINKHAN." 
 
531 
 
 This guarantee was only temporary, but Mungul 
 Sukeedass managed to secure the good will of Mr. 
 Duncan in the negotiation that took place at Cambay 
 in 1802, and was consequently granted an hereditary 
 guarantee by Major Walker, couched in the following 
 terms, and dated the 7th January 1803 : 
 
 "Whereas Mungul Sukeedass, late of Ahmedabad, 
 now residing at Baroda, hath not only given a proof 
 of his disposition to render himself worthy of the 
 Honorable English East India Company's good will 
 and protection, but has fully answered the expectations 
 entertained by the Honorable the Governor of Bombay, 
 as expressed in his certificate bearing date the 8th June 
 last, and having readily and amply contributed to- 
 wards accomplishing the Company's views in this 
 country, I do hereby declare for myself and on behalf 
 of the Honorable Company, that he is deserving of 
 their favour and protection, and that they do by these 
 presents assure and bind themselves to protect and 
 defend his house, trade, and property at this place, at 
 Ahmedabad, Dollerah, Surat, and Bombay, against 
 any unjust attack or claim from the English or Gui- 
 cowar government, and that this protection shall extend 
 to him, his wife, children, and their posterity for ever. 
 Given under my hand and the Company's seal, in 
 Baroda, the day, month, and year above written. 
 
 (Signed) A. WALKER, 
 
 Resident." 
 
 The share taken by this firm in the different guar- 
 anteed loans to the Guicowar state, and the sub- 
 sequent transactions relating to them, until their final 
 
532 
 
 extinction in A.D. 1832, have been fully related 
 above. No complaint of oppression on other grounds 
 was made by the holders of the guarantee, rior was 
 the validity of tlieir sunnuds ever called in question, 
 although the joint guarantee was only temporary, and 
 the special one to Mungul Sukeedass was granted 
 by our Government without the consent, and probably 
 without the knowledge, of the reigning Guicowar. 
 
 In 1849 Captain French, the Acting Resident at Ba- 
 roda, recommended the withdrawal of the joint guaran- 
 tee, on the ground that the original grantee had long 
 been dead. Government in their reply considered that 
 the bhandery had lapsed, but pointed out that Captain 
 French had overlooked the separate guarantee of 1803 
 to Mungul Sukeedass, quoted above, and decided 
 that as his grand-children were alive, they were clearly 
 entitled to our protection. 
 
 When the representatives of Samul Bechur learnt 
 that their guarantee was considered to have lapsed, 
 they too produced what they professed to be the copy 
 of a separate guarantee, passed to their grandfather by 
 Colonel Walker in 1803, couched in precisely the same 
 terms as that held by the heirs of Mungul Sukeedass, 
 the names only being changed; the original they aver- 
 red had been destroyed by fire years before. The case 
 was referred to the Court of Directors, who decided in 
 1851, "that the evidence of a copy not authenticated, 
 and contained only in the books of the claimant himself, 
 could not be taken as conclusive in his favour, unless 
 strong corroborative evidence could be produced." 
 The representatives of the family were allowed a year's 
 
533 
 
 time, and having failed during that period to adduce 
 any additional evidence in support of their case, it was 
 announced to them in 1853 that their bhandery had 
 lapsed. The heirs of Muiigul Sukeedass still enjoy 
 the guarantee of the British government. Sir J. 
 On tram, in his Bhandery report of 1854, pointed out 
 that the terms of the sunnud did not specify the con- 
 currence of the then Guicowar in the pledge, and that 
 it was granted as a reward for having readily and 
 amply contributed towards accomplishing the Com- 
 pany's views in Guzerat, making no mention of ser- 
 vices to the Guicowar state ; he considered therefore 
 that we possessed no legal right to interfere on behalf 
 of this family in any questions arising between them 
 and the durbar, so long as they continued subjects of 
 the Baroda state, and he thought that there was no 
 other way of keeping faith with them than by afford- 
 ing them the option of removing into British territory, 
 beyond which they should be informed that our pro- 
 tection could no longer be exerted. The Government 
 of India, however, considered that the " words of the 
 guarantee, which bind the British government to protect 
 the grantee's house at Baroda, Ahmedabad, Dollera, 
 Surat, and Bombay, against any unjust attack or claim 
 from the English or Guicowar government, are still 
 obligatory upon us, wherever the grantee may reside." 
 This guarantee is therefore perpetual as long as any 
 direct descendant of the original grantee is alive. 
 
 The bhandery next to be no- 
 
 No - 10t ticed is that enjoyed by the heirs 
 
 Soobhanjee Pol. f , , iJ i 
 
 of Soobhanjee Pol. 
 
534 
 
 The head of this family was Killedar of the fort of 
 Kaira at the commencement of the present century. 
 In 1802, the Guicowar government presented Kaira in 
 Inam to the Honorable Company, and compensated the 
 family by an assignment of four villages, the revenues 
 of which were originally estimated to be of the value of 
 Rs. 1 1,800, and were to be appropriated to himself and 
 his descendants for the maintenance of a paga of horse. 
 No traces remain of the original sunnud of 1802. It 
 appears to have been cancelled, and a fresh sunnud 
 granted in the following year, which received the 
 guarantee of Major Walker. The terms of the grant 
 are as follows : 
 
 Sunnud granted by ANNUND RAO GUICOWAR to SOOL- 
 
 BAJEE and SOOBHANJEE PoL, PAGADARS. 
 
 " The following are the particulars of your deed of 
 settlement, granted to you Soolbajee and Soobhanjee 
 Pol, this llth May 1803, by the Guicowar Sirkar : 
 
 " 1. The paga you at present command is to 
 remain in your charge as heretofore ; the paga shall 
 continue yours ; the following to be the villages whence 
 the paga shall be paid : 
 
 f Hokly Rs. 2,000 
 
 Modeh Pergunna. < Wasna. * . . J,200 
 (Seetra 1,500 
 
 4,700 
 
 ,* . fSeemadra . 1,000 
 
 Matur Pergunna, | Antrdy ^ 
 
 1,900 
 
 Pitlad Pergunna, Sundara . . 4,000 
 
 4,000 
 
 Total. Rs. 10,600 
 
535 
 
 " Of these six villages, the total produce of which is 
 estimated at Rs. 10,600, the proceeds of Antroly, or 
 900 a year, are assigned for your personal expenses, arid 
 the remaining proceeds, or 9,700 Rs., for the expenses 
 of the paga, agreeable to the custom of such establish- 
 ment. 
 
 " 2. You twoabovenamed, with your children, de- 
 pendants, carkoons, and relations, on leaving the fort 
 of Kaira, are at liberty to fix your residence wherever 
 you think proper, that fort excepted, and wherever 
 you remove to, there you shall be free from every mo- 
 lestation ; you shall on no account whatever suffer any 
 injury, so long as you chose to remain, and whenever 
 the wish to remove to your own wuttun induces you to 
 move thence, we will see you safely thither. 
 
 (l 3. Your personal property attached to the paga 
 of every possible denomination, iron or wood, cloth or 
 copper, shall be given up to you, and you are to remove 
 the same at your convenience ; but you are carefully to 
 abstain from appropriating any Sirkar accoutrements 
 or stores attached to the paga. 
 
 " 4. All the claims you advance against the peo- 
 ple of the place shall be carefully investigated and 
 equitably adjusted. 
 
 " 5. The accounts of your Karbary, Mooljee Jete- 
 dass, shall be equitably examined and adjusted. 
 
 " 6. You have hitherto discharged the duties of the 
 Killedar of the Fort of Kaira, and you may, in the 
 performance of your duties, have made yourselves 
 enemies among the Ryots or Grassias or others, these 
 
536 
 
 people shall on no account offer you any molestation. 
 Should they do so, the Sirkar will take measures for 
 your protection. Such as stated in the six paragraphs 
 are the terms of your settlement, and in perpetual 
 guarantee thereto, Major Walker the Resident pledges 
 the bhandery of the British government and Ameen 
 hin Humed Jemedar on his own account." 
 
 This document was signed and sealed by Major 
 Walker and Ameen Jemedar. 
 
 Soolbajee, one of the grantees, was uncle of Soo- 
 bhanjee the other. On the death of the former, his .son 
 Setoojee quarrelled with Soobharijee, and the paga 
 was in consequence broken up and discontinued for a 
 time. Setoojee then retired from the management, 
 which he left solely in the hands of Soobhanjee. In 
 1814, the original sunnud above quoted was cancelled, 
 and a fresh one granted exclusively in Soobhanjee's 
 name, by which arrangement the sum originally grant- 
 ed for the maintenance of the paga was reduced to Rs. 
 7,193-12-0 per annum, and a corresponding reduction 
 was made in the paga, the number of the horses being 
 fixed at 21 instead of 34. 
 
 The expense of the horses was calculated at 
 Rs. 5,250, the Pagadar's personal expenses at Rs. 1,000, 
 for Karkoons Rs. 500, and miscellaneous items 
 Rs. 443-12-0. The revenues of three villages in the 
 Baroda pergunna were assigned to meet these expenses ; 
 but as they were found to yield less than the full 
 amount of the nemnook, the Guicowar agreed to make 
 up the deficiency as far as Rs. 1,000 annually, the 
 pagadar being at the same time held accountable to 
 
537 
 
 the Guicowar for any excess over the fixed amount 
 of the nemnook that the villages might yield. 
 
 Soobhanjee Pol was of a very weak intellect, and 
 his son Gorajee, who succeeded him, and is still 
 (1861) living in possession of the paga, is almost im- 
 becile. With such materials to deal with, it may natur- 
 ally be supposed that constant violation of the bhandery 
 has taken place. Syajee Rao, in his opposition to 
 the British government, never missed an opportunity 
 of doing an injury to a guaranteed subject, and 
 this family has consequently been the occasion of 
 frequent acrimonious correspondence between the 
 Residency and the Durbar, and of endless references to 
 the Bombay and Home governments. In addition to 
 this element of discord, Gorajee's brothers and cousins 
 for several years claimed a share in the management 
 of the paga, and though their claims were always 
 ignored, they persisted in pestering succeeding Resi- 
 dents and Governors of Bombay with petitions. 
 
 The yield of the three villages assigned for the mainte- 
 nance of the paga was deficient for the four years, 
 from 1827 to 1830 inclusive, and Syajee Rao, although 
 bound by the agreement of 1814 to pay Rs. 1,000 
 annually, in such a case disbursed only Rs. 21 1-4-0 a 
 year, leaving Rs. 2,384-10-3 due to the pagadar, at 
 the same time the remonstrances of the Resident re- 
 mained unheeded and unanswered. 
 
 In 1832, Gorajee Pol entrusted the control of his 
 
 paga and the management of the villages assigned 
 
 for their support to a banker named Baba Nafra; thfs 
 
 individual first starved all the horses, then confiscated 
 
 68 
 
538 
 
 the villages without assigning any provision for the 
 support of the family, and finally by threats, but under 
 a promise that the villages should be restored to him, 
 Gorajee Pol was compelled t< sign a release in full of 
 all demands against Baba Nafra, although he had 
 objected to various items in his accounts. The paga 
 being extinct, Baba Nafra handed over the villages to 
 His Highness Syajee Rao, who appropriated them to 
 his own use. 
 
 When these circumstances were brought to the no- 
 tice of the Resident, and through him to the Govern- 
 ment of Bombay, the latter authority directed that the 
 accounts of Baba Nafra should be scrutinized through 
 the medium of the Guicowar, and that arrangements 
 should be made for the re-establishment of the paga. 
 Syajee Rao, however, espoused the cause of Baba 
 Nafra, and contended that no investigation was neces- 
 sary ; he refused to compel the banker to show his ac- 
 counts, and Government therefore ordered that the full 
 amount of the nemnook, during the two years that the 
 villages had been in Syajee Rao's immediate possession, 
 or Rs. 14,387-8-0, should be deducted from the Gui- 
 cowar tribute: with this sum the Resident, Mr. Souther- 
 land, reconstructed the paga. The Guicowar a short 
 time afterwards, in the commencement of the year 
 1840, issued orders for the release of the villages from 
 attachment, and for their being made over to the Pol 
 family, who accordingly received charge of them. 
 
 Through the intervention of the Resident, the nem- 
 nook was then entrusted to the management of the 
 firm of Khandass Wagjee of Baroda, who agreed 
 
539 
 
 to receive the revenue of the villages, and to maintain 
 the paga in a proper serviceable condition. Under 
 their hands the receipts from the villages rapidly de- 
 creased in value, so that instead of receiving the full 
 nemnook of Rs. 7,193-12-0 per annum, the pagadar 
 was credited with sums varying from Rs. 5,072-12-9 
 to Rs. 3,696-11-6; on this account, and as the Durbar 
 had formerly agreed as above stated to grant the Pol 
 family as far as Rs. 1,000 annually whenever the 
 realization from the three villages might be deficient to 
 that or a greater extent, the Acting Resident, Mr. 
 Ogilvie, called upon Syajee Rao to grant to the Pol 
 family an allowance of Rs. 1,000 per annum for the 
 years 1840 to 1844. This claim was stoutly resisted 
 by His Highness, but on the matter being referred 
 to the Bombay government, it was decided that 
 prompt measures should be adopted for securing the 
 guarantee inviolate, and that although it was then 
 too late to remedy the violation of the original guar- 
 antee, whereby the nemnook was reduced in A.D. 1814 
 from Rs. 11,800 to Rs. 7,193-12-0, His Highness the 
 Guicowar should be required to pay to the Pol family 
 the latter amount in full, with -arrears of the difference 
 between that amount and the sum the pagadar had 
 actually received. 
 
 The period of a month was allowed to Syajee Rao 
 to agree to this decision, and the Resident was desired 
 on its expiration to pay the amount due from the 
 Guicowar tribute, and to take care that with the 
 arrears the -paga was placed on an efficient footing. 
 
 Syajee Rao made every possible objection to this 
 decision ; he first pleaded that in 1827, in consequence 
 
540 
 
 of his pecuniary embarrassments, it was determined 
 through the Resident arid Minister, with the consent 
 of Mr. Elphinstone the Governor and His Highness, 
 that an amount of 6| per cent, should be deducted 
 from all paga allowances, which reduced the Pol's 
 nemnook to Rs. 6,803-10-0; that Rs. 1,000 were al- 
 lowed to make up the deficiency, making the total 
 amount to Rs. 7,806-10-0; that the villages produc- 
 ed the sum of Rs. 7,538-2-0, leaving him to make up 
 the difference of Rs. 268-8-0. It was pointed out by 
 the Resident, in reply, that the deduction of 6 per 
 cent, was for a temporary purpose, that the embarrass- 
 ment had all been subsequently cleared off, and that 
 the occasion for the deduction had therefore ceased ; he 
 also showed His Highness that he had very much over- 
 estimated the receipts from the villages. His High- 
 ness then urged that the nemnook had not been grant- 
 ed in perpetuity; but it was pointed out to him that 
 he had already admitted its permanency in continu- 
 ing it without objection to the son of the original 
 grantee. Government, in answer to his objections, in- 
 formed him that the decision was a very favourable one 
 for him, and that the 'only question to doubt was 
 whether the original guarantee for Rs. 11,800 per 
 annum should not be reverted to. Syajee Rao then 
 requested that the case might be referred to the Gover- 
 nor General for his decision, but was informed in 
 reply that, in the opinion of Government, the Pol family 
 had from the first been previously injured by the Gui- 
 cowar government, and that his Highness should at 
 least be required to act up to the conditions of the Pur- 
 wana of 1814. but that if he still delayed to acquiesce 
 
541 
 
 in this decision, Government would feel it their duty 
 to recommend to superior authority that the original 
 settlement guaranteed by Colonel Walker should be 
 reverted to. Syajee Rao still resisted the decision 
 arrived at; lie recapitulated all his arguments, and 
 pointed out that an agreement had already been come to, 
 to pay as far as Us. 1,000 per annum in lieu of 
 any deficiency in the proceeds of the villages, and 
 that he was ready to do this, deducting the usual 
 potedaree and other fees. The Government of Bom- 
 bay in the meantime had referred the matter to the 
 Government of India, which authority entirely coincid- 
 ed in the views expressed by the former. On this 
 Syajee Rao urged a new objection ; he stated that in 
 the original sunnud (all traces of which, as mentioned 
 above, have disappeared) the number of horses to be 
 maintained was fixed at 60; that when the nemnook 
 was reduced in 1803 to Rs. 7,193-12-0, the number of 
 horse was also reduced to 34, but that they were fur- 
 ther reduced on the occasion of the arrangement in 
 1814 from 34 to 21, without any corresponding de- 
 crease in the nemnook, and that if he was required to 
 pay the amount of the nemnook as fixed in 1814, the 
 Pol should be required to keep up a paga of 34 horse, 
 and hinted that Government, in threatening to revert 
 to the original nemnook of 1802 of Rs. 11,800, should 
 bear in mind that the Pol should also be required to 
 keep up no less than 60 horse. 
 
 Whilst this discussion was in progress, the matter had 
 been referred to the Court of Directors, who, in the year 
 1848, decided that the agreement of 1814 should be 
 upheld, namely that the Pol should receive the revenues 
 
542 
 
 of the three villages, and the conditional supplemen- 
 tary payment of Rs. 1,000 without deduction for fees, 
 &c. and in their transmitting letter of the 27th May 
 in the same year, the Government of Bombay directed 
 the Resident to use his utmost endeavours to prevail on 
 His Highness to abide by the terms of this decision, so 
 much more favourable to him than that adopted by the 
 Government. At length, after more correspondence 
 between the Residency and Durbar, His Highness 
 consented in June 1848, but under protest, to the 
 demands of the British government, and paid into 
 the Resident's hands the arrears due to Gorajee Pol, 
 amounting to Rs. 9,000, requesting at the same 
 time that the sum might be held in deposit, pending 
 a reconsideration of his arguments. In their reply, 
 Government stated that they saw no reason to alter 
 their sentiments so often expressed before, and directed 
 the Resident to pay the arrears to Gorajee Pol, and to 
 inform the Guicowar that his protest iiad been for- 
 warded to the Court of Directors, who, in their des- 
 patch of the 18th July 1849, confirmed the decision 
 and rejected the protest. On the 20th of the same 
 month, the Guicowar submitted a proposal to the 
 Government through the Resident, that he should be 
 permitted to resume the three villages held by the PoJ, 
 on the ground of his imbecility and inability to effect 
 any improvements, and to pay instead into the Resi- 
 dency an annual sum of Rs. 7,193-12-0, to be disburs- 
 ed through the Resident to the Pol family. Govern- 
 ment agreed to this proposition on the 25th August, 
 with the stipulation that no deductions should be made 
 on account of the depreciation of the currency Pote- 
 
543 
 
 daree or other causes. To this stipulation His High- 
 ness agreed, and the accounts of the paga and its 
 general control are still supervised by the Resident, a 
 sum of Rs. 4,000 being always retained in hand to meet 
 contingencies. 
 
 It was mentioned above that, at the close of the 
 year 1839, the management of the uemnook was en- 
 trusted to the firm of Khandass Wagjee of Baroda, 
 through the intervention of the Resident. This arrange- 
 ment continued in force until the month of October 
 1845, when, in consequence of representations made by 
 Gorajee Pol, that the firm had mismanaged the paga, 
 the Resident, Sir R. Arbuthnot, closed the accounts, 
 and a new arrangement was concluded by Gorajee Pol 
 with another banker, named Jugjeewundass Khandass, 
 under the guarantee of the Resident. In this agreement 
 it was stipulated that the banker should pay off 
 all arrears due by the Pol, amounting to Rs. 337, and 
 should maintain the paga at an expenditure of Rs. 
 5,412 per annum, and in lieu thereof should receive 
 the entire revenues of the villages, and the amount 
 of the orders due annually by the Guicowar, and that 
 this arrangement should continue in force until the 
 amount of his debt, principal and interest, had been paid 
 off. In the previous year, or A.D. 1844, the villages 
 had been leased for 7 years at Rs. 5,700 to the Patell 
 of Kaseepoor, and it was stipulated in the agreement 
 that this case was to remain in force. 
 
 In August 1 846, the Acting Resident, Mr. Andrews, 
 expressed his doubts whether this arrangement was the 
 best that could be devised for the Pol's interests ; he 
 
544 
 
 pointed out the imbecile character of the man, and 
 that the Resident, by the terms of the agreement, had 
 no power of control over the accounts, and recom- 
 mended that the amount of the nemnook should be 
 paid into the Residency Treasury, and all necessary 
 disbursements made from thence. Government, in 
 their reply of the 22nd January 1847, approved of this 
 arrangement, but doubted whether the banker, with 
 whom the above agreement had been made, would con- 
 sent to it, and directed that without his consent were 
 obtained, the British guarantee must be observed so 
 long as he adhered to the terms of the engagement. 
 
 On the 3rd July 1847, the Resident stated that the 
 affairs of the paga had fallen into great confusion, 
 owing to the gross mismanagement of the banker and 
 the pagadar, and on the 7th September of the same 
 year, he submitted a detailed report on the subject. 
 He stated that the banker had annulled the seven years' 
 leases, and at the end of two years had a claim 
 against the Pol amounting to Rs. 15,532-15-0; but 
 he pointed out that by the terms of the agreement 
 he was bound not to expend more than Rs. 5,412 
 annually on the paga, while by the terms of the lease he 
 was entitled to receive Rs. 5,700 yearly from the villages, 
 so that even deducting an advance of Rs. 337-10-7, 
 made by the banker to clear off the balance of 
 Khandass Wagjee's old account, he should have 
 shown a balance of Rs. 278-5-5 in favour of the Pol 
 at the end of the second year of his stewardship. 
 He believed at the same time that the banker had 
 purchased the Pol's connivance, by advancing to him 
 certain sums beyond the stipulated limit, but certainly 
 
545 
 
 not to the extent mentioned in the accounts. In con- 
 sequence of the gross misconduct of the banker, he 
 reported that he had taken the villages under his di- 
 rect management, and that lie intended to keep the 
 fanners of the seven years' lease to their original 
 engagement, which had been broken through between 
 them and the banker. The Government of Bombay, in 
 their reply of the 25th August 1849, approved gene- 
 rally of the Resident's proceedings ; they approved of 
 the banker being held bound by the terms of the agree- 
 ment, and of the seven years' lease being insisted on ; they 
 ordered that Rs. 278-5-5 should be carried to the Pol's 
 credit in the banker's accounts, and that no assistance 
 should be given him in recovering this amount, 
 and they directed that such arrears as could be proved 
 to have been paid by the bankers on the Pol's 
 account should be debited to the latter. Upon this 
 the Acting Resident, Captain French, reported on the 
 17th September 1849, that he had examined the 
 banker's accounts; that his whole claim against the 
 Pol amounted to Rs. 16,461-3-3; that out of this sum 
 he had expended Rs. 12,062-14-9 without authority, 
 and requested permission to disburse the balance of 
 Rs. 3,409-14-0 out of the money at the Pol's credit in 
 the Residency treasury. In their reply, Government 
 authorised him to disburse a sum of Rs. 3,327 in full 
 payment of the Pareck's claims against the paga, 
 having deducted a sum of Rs. 82, passed by Captain 
 French on account of compound interest, such 
 charges being expressly prohibited by the Court of 
 Directors. 
 
 The banker for a long time refused to accept this 
 69 
 
546 
 
 sum in full payment of his account, and requested that 
 it might be regarded as an instalment only ; he sent 
 petitions to the Supreme Government, and did all in 
 his power to obtain the full amount of his claim. At 
 length in 1858, the banker, Jugjeewundass Khandass, 
 accepted the money offered, gave a receipt in full of 
 all demands against Gorajee Pol, in which the British 
 government was in any way concerned, arid thus this 
 troublesome matter was at length brought to a con- 
 clusion. 
 
 The affairs of the Pol being now managed by the 
 Resident, the villages having been handed back to 
 His Highness the Guicowar, and the money payment 
 being regularly made from the Residency, it is to be 
 hoped that all grounds of discussion with the Durbar 
 regarding this most troublesome guarantee are per- 
 manently removed. 
 
 The guarantee granted to the firm of Hurree Bhug- 
 No n tee now comes under consider- 
 
 Becbur Samul (heir of ation. Hurree and Bhugtee 
 Hurree Bhugtee). were brotherS) the S()ns or a 
 
 Bunneea of the Veesa Loar caste, named Lukmeedas, 
 a man of moderate means, who resided in Baroda 
 during the last century. The two brothers, by their 
 industry and a combination of fortunate circumstances, 
 amassed in partnership a very large fortune, chiefly 
 arising out of their pecuniary transactions with the 
 Poona and Baroda governments. Besides these two 
 sons. Lukmeedass had a daughter, married to one 
 Bookhun who had issue three sons, Nundlall, Samul, 
 
547 
 
 and Doolub, who were brought up in the family of 
 their uncles. Bhugtee died at Baroda in A. D. 1794-95 
 without issue, leaving a widow, named Ruttonbaee. 
 Hurree died at Poona in the following year. He had 
 married two wives, by one of whom he had a daughter, 
 but they all died shortly after his decease. During 
 the life-time of the brothers, their business was carried 
 on principally at Baroda and Poona. The elder 
 brother, Bhugtee, conducted the Baroda branch, assisted 
 by his nephew Samul. The younger, Hurree, that at 
 Poona, aided by his nephew Doolub. When both 
 were dead, Bhugtee's widow became the head of the 
 firm, and as Doolub was on the spot, she appointed 
 him her deputy for carrying on the affairs of the branch 
 at Poona. He did this to her satisfaction for three 
 years, but at the end of that period he gave out that 
 he was Hurree's heir, and took possession of the 
 property at Poona. On this Ruttonbaee, accompanied 
 by her nephew Samul, proceeded to the Deccan to 
 demand from Doolub an account of his stewardship. 
 She was successful and re-obtained possession of her 
 property. On the 5th December 1803, she, with the 
 sanction of the Poona Durbar, adopted her nephew 
 Samul, who thus became sole heir to the estate of Hurree 
 and Bhugtee. She returned to Baroda in 'March 
 1806, and died there on the llth August 1808, and 
 was succeeded by her adopted son Samul Bhugtee. 
 
 Samul did not long survive his adopted mother, 
 he died at Baroda on the 5th August 1809. Being 
 childless, his widow Ucherutbaee, in conformity with 
 the wishes of her husband, expressed some time pre- 
 vious to his decease, adopted a relative named Bechur. 
 
548 
 
 A sunnud of adoption was granted to Bechur by the 
 Guicowar government on the 23rd idem. In it Be- 
 
 o 
 
 chur was not only recognised as heir to the property of 
 Hurree Bhugtee, but he was confirmed in the situation 
 held by his adoptive father of Potedar to the Go- 
 vernment. The real head of the firm however was 
 Samul's widow, between whom and the Guicowar 
 government articles of agreement, including the sun- 
 nud of adoption, were entered into on the 18th Octo- 
 ber 1809. The terms of the agreement guaranteed to 
 Ucherutbaee and her adopted son, Bechur Samul, 
 protection as the representatives of the firm of Hurree 
 Bhugtee at Baroda with Potedaree management and 
 emoluments and the possession of enam villages. To 
 this agreement the Resident, Sir J. Carnac, gave his 
 verbal assurance " that the family should be preserved 
 in the rights and privileges of the deceased Samul 
 Bhugtee during their residence in the possessions of 
 the Guicowar, subject to their own merits," and Go- 
 vernment, in receiving his report, stated that they had 
 no objection to the extent of Mr. Carnac's assurance, 
 which they considered nothing more than a virtual con- 
 tinuation of the bhandery or general protection enjoyed 
 by the deceased Samul Bhugtee. It was not, however, 
 till 1820 that the Resident endorsed this guarantee 
 of the British government to the agreement passed 
 by the Durbar. 
 
 The adoption of Bechur, and his inheritance of the 
 wealth of Samul Bhngtee, remained undisputed for 
 some years. In A.D. 1815 however, Doolub, Sarnul's 
 brother, put in a claim to be his rightful heir, and was 
 strongly supported by the Peshwa. This claim was 
 
549 
 
 negatived, but was again revived without success in 
 1827 by Dhurumdass, Doolub's son. 
 
 The pecuniary transactions of the firm of Hurree 
 Bhugtee with the Guicowar government, under the 
 guarantee of the Honorable Company, have been re- 
 lated above, and need not be further mentioned here. 
 
 Bechur Samul died on the 4th September 1845. 
 For some time previous to his death his Moonim 
 Goomashta, Baba Nafra, had conducted the affairs of 
 the bank, and on his deathbed Bechur entrusted the 
 management to this individual on behalf of his family. 
 Baba Nafra stood high in the confidence of the Guico- 
 war, but was a man of notoriously bad character. As 
 far back as 1841, the Government of Bombay had, in 
 a khurreeta to His Highness, denounced him as one of 
 two evil disposed persons whom the Durbar was ad- 
 vised not to employ. In 1843, in consequence of his 
 complicity with the Dhakjee Dadajee's affair (to be 
 noticed hereafter), Government intimated to His High- 
 ness, that the Resident had been instructed to exclude 
 Baba Nafra from the Residency as one of the parties 
 engaged in that " disgraceful transaction," and in 1837 
 he conspired to ruin Gorajee Pol as relate above. It 
 was nevertheless to such a man that Samul Bechur on 
 his deathbed entrusted the fortunes of his family. 
 
 On his death he left two widows, Mahluxmeebaee 
 and Joiteebaee. The elder had borne a son called 
 Purshotum, three years prior to her husband's death. 
 The younger, Joiteebaee, though she had not become 
 a mother, avowed herself pregnant at the date, if not 
 prior to the event, and on the 22nd December it was 
 announced that she had been delivered of a boy. 
 
550 
 
 Joiteebaee received the usual visits and presents of 
 congratulation, and the various ceremonies attendant 
 on the birth and naming of a boy were solemnized in 
 behalf of the child at the customary periods, and ac- 
 cording to the established ritual of the caste. His 
 Highness the Guicovvar honoured their solemnization 
 with his presence, and the Resident was rnvited to do 
 so, though according to his invariable custom he 
 declined to avail himself of the invitation. On the 
 13th February 1846, the child was betrothed in con- 
 formity with the usages of the caste, and the betroth- 
 ment was celebrated by a caste dinner. 
 
 For upwards of a year after the birth of Joiteebaee's 
 child, no question was made of its legitimacy, nor 
 doubt expressed regarding its paternity. It had been 
 duly acknowledged by the caste, and the elder widow 
 Mahaluxmee as the posthumous offspring of Bechur 
 Samul, and was by all regarded as being, according to 
 Hindoo custom, co-heir with Luxmeebaee'sson Pursho- 
 tumintheestateof thedeceased banker. About thecom- 
 menceinent of 1849, however, Joiteebaeehad a difference 
 with Baba Nafra; she accused him of embezzlement 
 and misappropriation of the funds of the firm, and the 
 Baba finding her troublesome, determined to effect her 
 ruin. The elder widow, Mahaluxmee, was imbecile 
 and a passive tool in his hands, and the whole of the 
 banking concern was completely under his control. 
 
 Baba Nafra conceived that the easiest way of effect- 
 ing Joiteebaee's ruin, was to get up a plausible con- 
 spiracy to the effect that her child was spurious. With 
 this view he deputed an intimate friend of his, Lulloo 
 Bhugwan, to Meetapoor, a British village in the Nur- 
 
551 
 
 read pergunna, who, with the assistance of the prin- 
 cipal inhabitants, procured a coolee, named Rugoo- 
 nath, and his wife to represent the parents, and another, 
 named 'Gooman, to pass himself off as the uncle 
 of Joiteebaee's son. 
 
 Lulloo brought these people to Baroda,and secreted 
 them in a garden belonging to Baba Nafra, and to 
 prevent any of the townspeople having access to them, 
 placed them under the care of Arab guards in the 
 Baba's pay. 
 
 After they had remained under the Arabs' surveillance 
 about seven days, Baba Nafra visited them, taking with 
 him a false deed, purporting to be an account of the 
 purchase of the child in the name of Bhanabhaee 
 (Joiteebaee's father), promising to pay annually Rs. 
 200 as long as the firm was in being. This deed was 
 written by Lulloo's son, Munsook, at the dictation of 
 Baba Nafra, and the signature of Bhanabhaee was 
 forged by Mohunlall, the Baba's private Goomashta. 
 The question of remuneration having been settled, they 
 received their instructions. In pursuance of these, they 
 proceeded to the house of Bhanabhaee and demanded 
 that the bond should be implemented, or their child 
 restored. Bhanabhaee indignantly abused them, as 
 had been expected. In conformity with their orders 
 they raised a disturbance, proclaimed their story to 
 the assembled crowd, and proceeding to the bank, they 
 produced the false deed, Lnd demanded the fulfilment 
 of its terms. Baba Nafra formally took down the 
 depositions, paid them Rs. 100, the balance professing 
 to be due to them, and dismissed them to their houses 
 after receiving back the bond. 
 
552 
 
 The sum agreed to be paid by Baba Nafta to the 
 Meetapoor villagers for this piece of villainy, amount- 
 ed to Company's Rs. 1,700; but it appears that the 
 coolies used to go to him from time to time to 'demand 
 hush money, and that in this way a considerably 
 larger amount was squandered from the bank money 
 for this purpose. 
 
 Whether the rapacity of the Meetapoor Coolies caus- 
 ed Baba Nafra to dread placing the boy in their hands, 
 lest when he ceased to meet their demands they might 
 proclaim the child's legitimacy and expose the fraud 
 to the British authorities, or from other suspicions he 
 entertained, he resolved, before many days had elapsed, 
 to find a different parentage for the child. With this 
 view, he caused a report to be circulated to the effect 
 that, when the Meetapoor Coolies demanded their boy 
 of Bhanabhaee, that individual informed them that 
 their child having died of small- pox he had been un- 
 der the necessity of purchasing another child in its 
 place. So he sent for certain Coolies of the village of 
 Ambara within the Guicowar's limits, but mortgaged 
 to the banks, and therefore to all intents and pur- 
 poses Baba Nafra's own property. The Coolies on 
 arrival at Baroda were kept in one of the Baba's garden 
 houses till his arrangements could be perfected ; the 
 delay arose from the disinclination of one Dada Meean, 
 a havildar in the employment of the firm, to join in 
 the conspiracy. This individual was placed in irons 
 and deprived of food till he agreed to depose as 
 Baba Nafra desired, that at the instigation of Joitee- 
 baee's mother, he had purchased a child from the 
 Umleeara Coolie Dullia for Rs. 100 and brought him 
 
553 
 
 by night to the house of Joiteebaee's parents. Having 
 signed this deposition, he was released, and received 
 a sum of Rs. 415. 
 
 The requisite depositions having been obtained, 
 Baba Nafra then publicly proclaimed Joiteebaee to be 
 an impostor, placed her in confinement in one of the 
 rooms of the bank, and sent off to secure her parents 
 and child ; her mother Larbaee contrived to escape, 
 but the father, Bhanabhaee, was seized and imprisoned 
 in his own house, and the child and its uncle were 
 brought away under a guard to the bank. 
 
 Next day the child's ornaments were removed, it 
 was conveyed to the garden-house where the Coolies 
 were kept, and handed over to them. At first they 
 refused to have anything to do with it, but as Dulleea 
 had received Rs. 100, and his cousin Jaria eight 
 mauncls of grain and 2 rupees in cash, they were 
 compelled to take the child to Amleara, under a guard 
 of Baba Nafra's Arabs. 
 
 The child was suffered to remain in their house for 
 two days, when by Baba Nafra's orders it was removed 
 from the dwelling of its alleged parents and placed in 
 an empty house under Arab guards. No one had 
 access to it save Dulleea's wife, who visited it thrice 
 daily to give it the breast. In about three months it 
 died suddenly after a few hours' illness, apparently 
 from cholera, which scourge was raging in the village. 
 
 In February 1849, the Acting Resident, Mr. Andrews, 
 reported to Government the version that had reached 
 him of Baba Nafra's proceedings as regarded Joiteebaee 
 and her child, and was told in reply that no notice 
 need be taken of the occurrence until a complaint was 
 70 
 
554 
 
 made by a guaranteed party. Joiteebaee did so corn- 
 plain on the 15th June and 17th August following, 
 and the Resident was called upon for a report of the 
 circumstances. The Resident (Colonel Outram) ac- 
 cordingly requested the Guicowar to institute a pun- 
 chayet for the investigation of the case, not that he 
 hoped or expected that justice would be awarded by 
 such a court, but because he knew that Joiteebaee, as 
 possessing our guarantee, possessed an ultimate right 
 of appeal to the Resident. 
 
 The punehayet did not assemble till November 1847, 
 and continued its sittings for upwards of two years ; 
 but finding that it would not make out such a case in 
 behalf of Baba Nafra (being notoriously in his favour) 
 as would stand the review of a British functionary, the 
 members abstained under false and frivolous pretexts 
 from bringing its proceedings to a conclusion. In the 
 meanwhile Colonel Outram was obliged to leave 
 through illness in September 1848. His locum tenens, 
 Captain French, arrived in the following November. 
 Without fully understanding the merits of the case, he 
 conceived a prejudice against Joiteebaee, and recom- 
 mended to Government, twelve days after his arrival, 
 and before the punchayet had closed their proceedings 
 into the allegations brought by Joiteebaee against 
 Baba Nafra, that a new punchayet should be appointed 
 to settle all matters in dispute between the two widows, 
 and that razeenamahs should be taken from both to 
 abide by the decision of the punch. Joiteebaee con- 
 sistently refused to submit to such arbitration; she 
 demanded justice against Baba Nafra, alleging what 
 was strictly true, that Baba Nafra had summoned false 
 
555 
 
 witnesses to swear that the child hitherto reputed to be 
 Joiteebaee's son had been purchased from certain Coo- 
 lies, and that under this plea he had abstracted the infant, 
 placed herself and her father under a prolonged and 
 rigorous confinement; subjected her to much personal 
 indignity; defamed her character and reduced her to 
 destitution; and she claimed, in virtue of her guarantee, 
 that the investigation should take place at the hands 
 of the British representative. In their reply of the 
 21st May 1849, Government desired Captain French 
 to inform Joiteebaee that, as she had refused to con- 
 sent to the arbitration of the dispute by a punchayet, 
 Government declined to interfere further in her behalf. 
 When Colonel Outram returned to Baroda in May 
 1850, he found that the punchayet for the investiga- 
 tion of the charges against Baba Nafra was still 
 
 o o 
 
 sitting; that Joiteebaee was still vainly petitioning 
 Government, and still refusing to submit her claims 
 on the bank to the arbitration of a punchayet. 
 
 In the following July, however, the first intimation 
 of the conspiracy above detailed was made to the 
 Resident. He immediately called upon the Guicowar 
 to arrest Baba Nafra and bring him to trial on a double 
 charge of abduction and murder, and at the same time 
 pursued the clue of the conspiracy that has been re- 
 vealed to him with most remarkable energy, ability, 
 and perseverance, and so thoroughly successful was he, 
 that in the month of September following, His High- 
 ness the Guico war's Minister publicly proclaimed that 
 Joiteebaee had been a mother ; that he was thoroughly 
 satisfied of the truth of all Joiteebaee's allegations ; 
 that the aspersions cast on her character had now been 
 
556 
 
 utterly and for ever dissipated, and he pledged himself 
 on behalf of the Guicowar that immediate steps should 
 be taken to demonstrate in a practical manner to the 
 whole city of Baroda that her honour had been fully 
 and satisfactorily vindicated. 
 
 He kept his word. A few days afterwards Joiteebaee 
 was summoned to the palace, and a dress of honour 
 conferred upon her. 
 
 The punchayet appointed for the trial of Baba Nafra 
 gave in their award in October 1850. They found 
 him guilty on the charge that " he had bribed certain 
 Coolies belonging to the village of Meetapoor falsely 
 to assert that Joiteebaee had purchased from them a 
 ooy, which she had passed off as the posthumous child 
 of her deceased husband." The 2nd charge, " that he 
 had suborned false witnesses to assert that the first spu- 
 rious child having died, Joiteebaee with like fraudu- 
 lent intent supplied its place by another boy, purchased 
 from Coolies of Amleara," the punch considered not 
 proven. They based this verdict on the difficulty 
 which they alleged they experienced in determining 
 whether or not Joiteebaee had ever had a child ; and 
 on the 3rd charge, " of forcible abduction of the child 
 and his subsequent murder," they found him guilty, 
 in a degree necessarily modified by their previous 
 finding. 
 
 The aggregate sentence awarded by His Highness 
 the Guicowar against Baba Nafra for these several 
 offences was confinement in irons for 7 years and a 
 fine of Rs. 15,500. 
 
 In reply to Colonel Outram's elaborate report on the 
 subject, Government, in their letter of the 1st Decem- 
 
557 
 
 ber 18ol, while expressing their doubts as to the 
 correctness of many of the conclusions he had arrived 
 at, refused to interfere with the sentence passed by the 
 punchayet on Baba Nafra, and decided that all claim 
 to the British guarantee on his part had been can- 
 celled by his conviction. 
 
 At the same time a scrutiny into the affairs of the 
 bank was instituted by the Resident, and a defalcation 
 to the amount of Rs. 17,05,043-1 1-9 was established 
 against Baba Nafra. He at the same time refused to 
 furnish any of the accounts of the firm. The Resident 
 therefore recommended that, in failure of his produc- 
 ing his own and his Master's accounts, Baba Nafra 
 should be required to make good the amount charged 
 against him, and that his property and that of his 
 son's subordinate banks should be sequestrated where- 
 ever it might be found ; and that in failure of the 
 defalcation being made good, the two sons of Baba 
 Nafra, who traded on the Hurree Bhugtee funds, 
 should be likewise imprisoned as debtors to the firm, 
 and that, moreover, Baba Nafra should be informed 
 that when the term of his present sentence had expir- 
 ed, he would be transferred to the debtor's jail, to 
 continue in confinement until the claims against him 
 were liquidated. Government however declined to 
 interfere in the matter ; but on a second remonstrance 
 being made by Colonel Outram, their former decision 
 was modified so far as to direct Mr. Davies, his suc- 
 cessor, to advise His Highness the Guicowar to hold 
 Baba Nafra responsible either for the production of 
 the books of the firm or for payment of the estimated 
 defalcation. 
 
558 
 
 In the course of his investigations, Colonel Outram 
 discovered that Baba Nafra had expended large sums 
 belonging to the bank in bribery : he had remitted 
 great wealth into British territory, and had even aspired 
 to bribe members of Council in Bombay. The Native 
 Agent at the Residency, Nursoo Punt, was for a long- 
 time in the Baba's pay before his treachery was even 
 suspected, and directly he was dismissed for this and 
 other misdemeanors in June 1850, Baba Nafra made 
 overtures to his successor, Soorujram. He, however, 
 had more honesty than his predecessor ; he reported 
 the matter to the Resident, and with his sanction 
 carried on the intrigue. Three days after the Baba 
 was arrested by the Durbar, on the 3rd July 1850, 
 Moteechund Heerachund, a creature of Baba Nafra's, 
 agreed to bring a sum of Rs. 20,000 to Soorujrarn's 
 house. Soorujram gave notice of this to the Resident, 
 and arrangements were made for intercepting the coin. 
 A cart containing Rs. 9,300 was seized at Sooruj ram's 
 house. Moteechund was also arrested, and confessed 
 to having a further sum of about Rs. 6,500 in his own 
 house ; this latter sum was, at Colonel Ou tram's sug- 
 gestion, seized by the Durbar, and Moteechund was 
 handed over to them for punishment. 
 
 Colonel Outram recommended that the sum thus 
 seized should be appropriated to the improvement of 
 the Baroda Cantonment; this arrangement was ulti- 
 mately sanctioned by the Government of India in 1854, 
 and the money was expended on the construction of 
 a Racket Court and public Swimming Bath. 
 
 On the 16th December 1852, Joiteebaee Seetanee 
 transmitted a memorial of her grievances to the 
 
559 
 
 Honorable the Court of Directors. She requested 
 first, that the money which she had been obliged to 
 borrow to prosecute her suit against Baba Nafra, 
 amounting to Rs. 75,000, should be paid by the firm ; 
 2ndh/ 9 she complained of her want of influence in the 
 management of the firm ; 3rdly, she demanded to be 
 allowed to adopt a son as the representative of her 
 lost child; and 4/A/y, she complained of the lenient 
 way in which Baba Nafra was treated during his 
 confinement. 
 
 This memorial was forwarded to the Resident, who, 
 in Iiis reply of the 16th December 1852, reported 
 with reference to the 1st point, that His Highness the 
 Guicowar had agreed that the sum claimed by Joitee- 
 baee should be paid to her by the firm in instalments 
 without calling upon her for any details. With refer- 
 ence to the 2nd point, the Resident reported that 
 detailed arrangements had been drawn out for the 
 maintenance of the widows ; that the elder, Mahalux- 
 mee, had consented to these arrangements, but that 
 the younger, Joiteebaee, acting under bad advice, had 
 refused to do so. 
 
 With reference to the 3rd request, he pointed out 
 that a son by the elder widow was still alive, and 
 that therefore by Hindoo Law the younger widow 
 had no right of adoption : and with reference to Baba 
 Nafra's imprisonment, he reported that His Highness 
 the Guicowar had declared that he was treated with 
 proper rigour ; but that he had no means of ascertaining 
 the accuracy or otherwise of the statement. 
 
 Joiteebaee died in 1853. 
 
560 
 
 In his Bhandery Report of 1854, Sir J. Outram 
 pointed out that the guarantee to the firm of Hurree 
 Bhugtee was not perpetual, and that it might 
 fairly have lapsed on the death of Bechur Samul in 
 1845, and that even though it had been extended to 
 his widows, yet as the protection was during " good 
 behaviour," the repeated acts of misconduct of the 
 managing Goomashta, Baba Nafra, would have been 
 sufficient to justify the withdrawal of the guarantee. 
 
 In consequence, however, of the peculiar circum- 
 stances of the case, and the certainty of ruin to which 
 the heir of Bechur Samul Purshotum would be 
 exposed were our guarantee withdrawn, he recom- 
 mended, as a special case, that the guarantee should 
 be extended to the young heir of the firm. The Go- 
 vernment of India, however, in their reply of the 21st 
 January 1856, refused to agree to this extension of 
 the guarantee. Mahaluxmee, the elder and surviving 
 widow of Bechur Samul, died on the 25th November 
 1860, and this guarantee has thereby lapsed. 
 
 No - 12 - Guarantee granted to Manick- 
 
 Manickchund ROOD- . . ._ 
 
 chund. chund Koopchund. 
 
 In 1809, Government authorised the Resident, Cap- 
 tain Carnac, to encourage the firm trading under this 
 name at Surat to settle at Baroda, by extending to it 
 the Honorable Company's bhandery. 
 
 The terms of the purwana granted are as follows : 
 
 " Purwana granted by Annund Rao Guicowar to 
 Manickchund Roopchund, a Shroff residing at Surat. 
 
561 
 
 " You wish to come to reside in Baroda to carry on 
 the business of a merchant in that place, and have 
 requested a guarantee from this Government that you 
 shall not be in any way molested or injured. 
 
 66 This purwana is given therefore to you for your 
 satisfaction ; and for its due performance the bhandery 
 of Captain Carnac, on the part of the Honorable 
 Company, is affixed to it, as well as a promise to that 
 effect from this Government. Dated Sumvut 1865, 
 Chytur Sood 7, corresponding with March 1809." 
 
 Manickchund Roopchund had been dead many 
 years prior to the date of this purwana ; but the firm 
 carried on transactions in his name at Baroda, under 
 the abovementioned guarantee, until A.D. 1849. 
 
 In that year Captain French recommended the 
 withdrawal of our bhandery, on the plea that Manick- 
 chund Roopchund had long been dead, and that the 
 heads of the firm resided at*Surat, although there was 
 a small branch bank still in Baroda. In their reply of 
 the 20th June in the same year, Government decided 
 that the guarantee had lapsed by the death of the 
 original grantee. The managing Goomashta appealed 
 against this decision, on the grounds that Manick- 
 chund Roopchund had been dead long before the date 
 of the guarantee, and that the sudden withdrawal of 
 the bhandery of the British government would have 
 the practical effect of closing its affairs, since the 
 realization of its outstanding debts would become from 
 that moment almost hopeless. Government however 
 declined to alter its decision. It was decided that the 
 guarantee was not hereditary, and that nothing had 
 
562 
 
 been brought forward to show that the firm was com- 
 posed of the individuals to whom the guarantee was 
 originally granted. 
 This bhandery has therefore lapsed since A.D. 1849. 
 
 We now come to the relation of a number of guar- 
 antees of protection and life 
 
 DowlutRaoGuicowar. P ens ins granted at various 
 times to different members of 
 the Guicowar family : first on the list is that to Dowlut 
 Rao Guicowar. 
 
 This individual was the son of Kanojee Rao, one of 
 the most intriguing and restless members of the 
 Guicowar family. 
 
 Kanojee was an illegitimate son of Govind Rao Gui- 
 cowar ; when the latter died in 1800 he was succeeded by 
 his eldest son Annund Rao. Annund Rao was imbecile, 
 and his half brother Kanojee found little difficulty in 
 deposing him : with the aid of the ministers he secured 
 his person and assumed the government in his name. 
 He however exercised his office with so great a want of 
 temper, that Rowjee Appajee deposed him after a few 
 months, and handed him over for safe custody to an 
 Arab guard at Raneapoora. When the Arabs mutinied 
 in 1802, they released Kanojee and placed themselves 
 under his orders. On a small British force marching 
 against Raneapoora, however, Kanojee and his Arabs 
 evacuated the place, and the former took refuge with 
 the Raja of Rajpeepla. 
 
 After the disbandment of the Arabs at Baroda, a 
 large party of them determined on joining Kanojee 
 
563 
 
 in breach of the capitulation they had entered into: 
 they effected their purpose, although pursued by a 
 British detachment, which dispersed ^them while en 
 route with some loss. 
 
 During the whole of 1803 Kanojee was engaged in 
 hostilities against the Guicowar government, and 
 though he met with no success, the employment of the 
 major part of the troops in the Deccan prevented those 
 left in Guzerat from gaining any decisive advantage 
 over him. He not only molested the Guicowar pos- 
 sessions, but those also of his tributaries the Rajas of 
 Doongerpoor, Loonawarra, and Barea, w.ho according- 
 ly claimed British protection, but were told in reply 
 that no troops could then be spared : a Native Agent 
 was sent to encourage them to unite against Kanojee, 
 and to offer favourable terms to that individual provid- 
 ed he submitted. He, however, treated these propo- 
 sals with scorn. He soon after>.retired to Malwa, and 
 wrote thence in 1806 to tender his submission. He 
 surrendered himself in 1808, and was allotted a 
 residence at Padra, with an annual allowance of 
 Us. 40,000. The terms of the sunnud granted to him 
 at that time by Annund Rao Guicowar under British 
 guarantee were as follows : 
 
 "It is hereby registered that we promise and pledge 
 ourselves to provide a suitable establishment and in- 
 come for you our kinsman, Kanojee Rao Guicowar, to 
 be paid by our Sirkar at the following rates per annum 
 (intercalary months in leap years not being allowed 
 as additional) : 
 
564 
 
 For yourself and Family. 
 
 Your Mother's pension and establish- 
 ment Rs. 4,000 
 
 Your personal expense ,, 32,000 
 
 Your Son's establishment .' > 4,000 
 
 Rs. 40,000 
 
 For the following individuals or your establish- 
 ment : 
 
 Suddasheo Rao Maharaj Rs. 5,000 
 
 Naojee Patel Goly 3,000 
 
 Shew Rao Suddasheo 2,000 
 
 I 
 
 Rs. 10,000 
 
 A total of fifty thousand rupees : and the same is 
 pledged to you payable yearly, and the same shall 
 accordingly be paid to you year by year by this 
 Government." 
 
 Kanojee's restless and ambitious nature would not 
 allow him to remain long in obscurity and indolence 
 at Padra; he soon began to intrigue with parties at 
 Baroda, with the view of suddenly seizing on the 
 capital; but his designs were discovered, and just as 
 he was on the point of marching on Baroda, his 
 residence was surrounded and he and his adherents 
 made prisoners. He was soon after removed as a state 
 prisoner to Madras, where he died. 
 
 His son Dowlut Rao, at the time of his capture, was 
 a boy of about 13 years of age. The nemnook of 
 Rs. 4,000 per annum assigned to him in the sunnud 
 above quoted was continued to him. As he grew 
 
565 
 
 up insanity began to develope itself : he was addicted 
 to drink, and in his cups was furious and unmanage- 
 able. This culminated in 1832 in the murder of his 
 wife, whom he suspected of carrying on a criminal 
 intrigue with one of his Carkoons. 
 
 For this act he was confined in irons for eight years. 
 He was then allowed to reside in the camp at Baroda 
 for some months under surveillance of the Residency 
 Surgeon, and on that officer's report of his quiet and 
 orderly behaviour, he was permitted to return to the 
 city and take up his residence there. 
 
 He died in 1857, and his nemnook and our guaran- 
 tee have consequently lapsed. 
 
 Morar Rao was the uncle, and 
 Mookoond Rao Guico- Mookoond Rao one of the ille- 
 
 war and Morar Rao Gui- gitimate brothers of Annund Rao 
 cowar. s^, . 
 
 uuicowar. 
 
 In the troublous times succeeding Govind'Rao's 
 death, they too took their share in opposing Annund 
 Rao's authority. 
 
 They co-operated with Mulhar Rao, and when he 
 was obliged to submit to the Guico war through the 
 intervention of a British force, as related above in the 
 sketch of Mulhar Rao's career, they fled to Sumbheira, 
 and established themselves in the fort of that town. 
 The fort was attacked and reduced by a British 
 detachment, but Mookoond and Morar managed to 
 escape, and took refuge with Bappoo Powar of Dhar, 
 and disregarding the liberal offers which Major Walker 
 was empowered to .make, they endeavoured to incite 
 
566 
 
 Powar and Sindia to hostilities against the Guicowar 
 and British Governments. 
 
 In A.D. 1808, they submitted themselves to the Dur- 
 bar, they were granted annual allowances of Rs. 5,000 
 .and Rs. 4,000 respectively, and a sunnud was granted 
 them in the following terms: 
 
 " Formerly you did not conduct yourself properly, 
 and wandered about from place to place, but now you 
 are become wiser, and wish to come into my presence. 
 The Government therefore, through kindness, gives 
 you an order to come and to conduct yourself accord- 
 ing to your wishes, and you shall not be improperly 
 treated ; for the performance of which agreement the 
 bhandery of Colonel Walker, on the part of the Honor- 
 able Company, is given to you." 
 
 Morar Rao died soon after Mookoond Rao in 
 1851, and this guarantee has therefore lapsed. 
 
 Durreabaee was one of Annund Rao Guicowar's 
 wives. On his death in 1819, 
 
 Durreab a 'eeGuicowar. a pension of Rs. 13,000 per 
 annum was settled on her and 
 her son Luximon Rao, to be continued during the 
 life of the former. The sunnud runs as follows : 
 
 "A sum of Rs. 13,000 has been hereby fixed for 
 the maintenance and support of Durreabaee. Accord- 
 ingly, as above written, an order of payment has been 
 issued from the Sirkar on the potedar, to ensure 
 which the bhandery of the British government is 
 given." 
 
567 
 
 Durreabaee died in 1845; her son Luximon Rao 
 receives a pension (unguaranteed) from the Guicowar 
 government of Rs. 6,500 per annum. The guarantee 
 lapsed on the death of Durreabaee. 
 
 Oomed Koonwurbaee is also one of Annund Rao 
 Guicowar's wives. On his death 
 
 Oomed N Koiuwurbaee. in 1819, a yearly, nemnook of 
 Rs. 9,000 was granted to her and 
 
 her son Gopal Rao, to be continued during the life of 
 the former. The draft of the sunnud' is as follows : 
 
 " This paper is given to Oomedbaee and Gopal Rao 
 Guicowar, fixing the amount of their expenses during 
 the life of Oomedbaee. 
 
 " A Chittee therefore will be given on the potedar of 
 the Sirkar for an annual nemnook of Rs. 9,000, to 
 be paid to him regularly; accordingly the above- 
 mentioned Chittee will be issued as stated before, for the 
 continuance of which the bhandery of the Honorable 
 Company is given." 
 
 The grantee* is still alive, and the bhandery is 
 therefore still in existence. 
 
 Gunput Rao Guicowar is an illegitimate son of the 
 No 17 late Annund Rao Guicowar by 
 
 Gunput Rao Guico- Kooshaba, a slave girl. On his 
 war * father's death he was allowed a 
 
 pension of Rs. 4,000 per annum. 
 
 * For further particulars of Oomedbaee sec memoir of Peelajee 
 Rao Guicowar. 
 
568 
 
 
 
 The terms of the sunnud are as follows : 
 
 " This paper is given to Gunput Rao Guicowar, son 
 of Kooshaba, fixing the sum of Rs. 4,000 for his ex- 
 penses per annum, to which effect a Chittee will be 
 granted from the Sirkar on the Potedar for the pay- 
 ment of this sum, and for the continuance of which 
 the bhandery of the British government is given, 
 detailed as above." 
 
 Gunput Rao is still alive and in the enjoyment of 
 the' nemnook. 
 
 The bhandery will cease on his death. 
 
 Futteh Sing Guicowar was a younger brother of 
 No jg Annund Rao Guicowar. He was 
 
 Family of Futteh Sing at Ppona when his father Govind 
 Rao Guicowar. 
 
 wa, jealous of British interference in Guzerat, and of 
 the part that power had taken in supporting Annund 
 Rao's right, threatened to set up Futteh Sing as a 
 competitor for the Gadee. In consequence of Annund 
 Rao's imbecility, however, the Bombay Government 
 made overtures to Futteh Sing to return to Baroda to 
 take part in the administration, but lie was detained 
 for a whole year at Poona by the Pesliwa. He was 
 then handed over to the charge of Jeswunt Rao Holkar, 
 who was exceedingly jealous of our interference in 
 Baroda affairs. Futteh Sing remained some months 
 in the custody of a body of Puthans in Holkar's 
 service, but ultimately, by promise of payment of a 
 heavy bribe, obtained his release and escaped to Baroda 
 
569 
 
 with a body pf 400 of them. A sum of Rs. 50,000 
 was settled as the ransom money, and was believed by 
 the Resident to have been paid ; but he discovered in the 
 following year that Seetaram Racjee the Minister had 
 committed a gross breach of faith and withheld the 
 ransom money ; had appropriated Rs. 12,000 to his 
 own use, and had- managed to withdraw the hostages 
 for the payment held by the Pathans. He immediately 
 did his best to repair this flagrant disgrace, but as the 
 leader of .the Pathans was still in Holkar's service, and 
 Holkar was at that time maintaining a hostile attitude, 
 the former was informed that the money would be 
 paid him when he had quitted the prince's service. 
 In 1804 Futteh Sing was made Motalik or Deputy of 
 the reigning Guicowar. His concurrence was declared 
 to be essential in all public business, and he had in 
 charge the management of the private purse of Annund 
 Rao. During the period *of his administration, the 
 Resident was virtually the manager of the state. 
 Futteh Sing was in complete subordination to him, 
 and acted on all occasions according to his advice. 
 
 Futteh Sing died on the 18th June 1818 : he left 
 three widows, Anundeebaee, Radhabaee, and Luximee- 
 baee, all of them childless. The second widow, Radha- 
 baee, wished to become a " suttee" on the funeral pyre 
 of her husband, but was deterred, by being allowed by 
 the Resident to adopt a son to inherit Futteh Sing's 
 private property. She wished much to adopt a son to 
 inherit all Futteh Sing's rights, including his rever- 
 sion of the Gadee, but this was disallowed by Major 
 Carnac. A nemnook of Rs. 93,000 was at the same 
 time allowed to the family. 
 72 
 
570 
 
 
 
 The child selected for adoption was Govind Rao, the 
 son of Gunput Rao Guicowar, who was a grandson of 
 Mallojee, the brother of Peelajee, of whom the reign- 
 ing family were direct descendants. Should therefore 
 the male issue of Peelajee fail, the descendants of 
 Gunput Rao would have the strongest claim to the 
 Gadee. 
 
 Gunput Rao had an estate assigned to him at 
 Sunkheira. He set himself up in opposition to Annund 
 Rao on that monarch's accession, and in 1802 took 
 part with his relations Morar and Mookoond Rao in 
 Mulhar Rao's rebellion. When the latter was de- 
 feated, Gunput Rao and his friends shut themselves up 
 in the fort of Sunkheira. It was invested and reduced 
 immediately after by a British force, but Gunput Rao 
 effected his escape and fled to Dhar, where he took 
 refuge with Bappoo Powar. That prince became secu- 
 rity that Gunput Rao should not be permitted to engage 
 in any intrigues against the Guicowar state, so long as 
 his asylum was respected. Gunput Rao soon after fell 
 into a state of hopeless idiotcy, but his wife and family 
 returned to Baroda, where they received a suitable 
 provision from the Durbar. 
 
 Although the ceremonies usual at adoptions were 
 not performed in Govind Rao's case, he acted as chief 
 mourner at the cremation of Futteh Sing's remains, 
 was abandoned entirely by his own mother, and receiv- 
 ed into Radhabaee's house without any opposition 
 on the part of the other widows. 
 
 Radhabaee soon after pretended that Major Carnac 
 had assured her that her son was entitled to all the 
 
571 
 
 privileges of adoption, including the succession to the 
 throne, and as she resolutely refused to withdraw his 
 pretensions, the guarantee was declared by Mr. 
 Elphinstone to have lapsed when he visited Baroda 
 in 1820. 
 
 Radhabaee continued in active opposition to Syajee, 
 brother and successor of Annund Rao, till the year 
 1826, and as she continually declared Syajee an usur- 
 per, and that her adopted son was the real heir to the 
 throne, Syajee naturally treated her with some harsh- 
 ness. Through the interposition however of Mr. 
 Williams, the Resident, a settlement was effected in 
 1826, in which, in consideration of the claims of 
 Govind Rao to the gadee being withdrawn, life-pen- 
 sionsof Rs. 10,400 and 12,400 per annum were settled 
 on Rahdabaee and Govind Rao respectively, and 
 Syajee engaged to release a number of the dependants 
 of the family whom he had at various times imprisoned. 
 
 Syajee Rao broke the engagements he had entered 
 into ; he evaded to release the prisoners ; he fomented 
 discussions between the mother and son ; he withheld 
 the payment of the guaranteed iiemnook, and finally, 
 in 1829, ordered the city guards to refuse entrance to 
 Govind Rao within the city walls. Govind Rao in the 
 mean while seeing the hostility displayed towards him, 
 gradually increased the number of his guards. On 
 the 22nd July 1829, he was riding into the city with a 
 number of retainers, when he was rudely denied en- 
 trance by the gate guard ; an affray immediately en- 
 sued ; there were casualties on both sides. Govind Rao 
 escaped unhurt and took refuge with a number of 
 retainers in a house belonging to Colonel Ballantyne, 
 
572 
 
 in the vicinity of the Residency, in which he occasion- 
 ally resided, and there barricaded himself. Syajee 
 Rao immediately begged the Resident's interference, 
 and asked him to close the road between the Resi- 
 dency and cantonment, on the plea that if he began to 
 coerce Govind Rao (the house in which he had taken 
 refuge being on that road), British subjects passing 
 between the Residency and camp might probably 
 receive some injury, in which case the Guicowar 
 would be held responsible. The Resident declined 
 any interference in the matter, and recommended 
 Syajee to effect a compromise with his relative. Syajee 
 immediately surrounded the house with about 500 
 followers and established a close blockade. Govind 
 Rao then proceeded to enlist followers for his protec- 
 tion: their numbers rapidly increased to 800 or 1,000, 
 and a collision between his men and the Guicowar 
 troops appeared to be imminent. 
 
 It has long been the custom at Baroda for the Resi- 
 dent, accompanied by a detachment of British troops, 
 to meet the Guicowar and escort him some little 
 distance when he proceeds in state through the envi- 
 rons of the city on the two festivals of Gunputtee 
 and Dussera. On the occasion of the Gunputtee, His 
 Highness, attended by a large retinue, goes from the 
 palace in the city to the Bheemnath Tank in the 
 suburbs, for the purpose of throwing a clay image of the 
 god into the water. There is an established route which 
 is always taken on these occasions, and as this passed 
 in front of Govind Rao's house, that individual 
 expressed his intention of opposing the passage of 
 the procession. 
 
573 
 
 When the usual invitation came from the Durbar 
 to the Resident, Mr. Williams mentioned what he had 
 heard of Govind Rao's intention, and suggested that 
 the procession should take some other road. Syajee 
 Rao however refused ; he said that there was only one 
 established route, arid that he would go by no other ; 
 so Mr. Williams, seeing that Syajee was endeavour- 
 ing to drag him into the quarrel, and foreseeing the 
 complications that would arise if a tumult should 
 take place on the occasion, refused to attend unless 
 the Guicowar promised to go by some other way. A 
 bitter correspondence on the part of the Durbar ensued. 
 Syajee taunted the Resident with cowardice, accused 
 him of being the cause of Govind Rao's insubordina- 
 tion, and refused to have the ceremony at all unless 
 the Resident accompanied him ; this the latter as 
 steadily refused to do under the circumstances. 
 
 The same thing occurred at the subsequent cere- 
 mony of the Dussera. 
 
 Govind Rao held out for nearly six months, and 
 though a collision appeared every day inevitable, and 
 slight skirmishes did actually take place between the 
 outposts, Syajee refrained from pushing matters to 
 extremities. He chose, in preference, to perform incan- 
 tations in the hope of Govind Rao's dying under their 
 effects, and endeavoured to procure his death both by 
 poison'and assassination. Govind Rao in the mean time 
 was at his wit's end to procure subsistence for his 
 numerous followers, and sent urgent appeals to 
 the Resident to interfere in his behalf. Matters were 
 in this state when the Governor of Bombay, Sir J. 
 Malcolm, arrived in Baroda in the commencement of 
 
574 
 
 the year 1830, and turned his early attention to the 
 case. He directed the Resident to pay up and discharge 
 the mercenaries in Govind Rao's employ, reducing 
 their demands so as if possible to fall within the limit 
 of the arrears of pension due, and that if prompt obe- 
 dience was not rendered, he was to summon a body 
 of British troops to coerce them. The Resident was 
 also directed to come to some definite arrangement 
 for the future with Govind Rao. He deputed his 
 Assistant, Dr. Kennedy (the Residency Surgeon), to 
 conduct this negociation. 
 
 Mr. Kennedy found that the claims of the merce- 
 naries amounted to Rs. 1,30,000 : he offered them 25 
 per cent, of this amount, and this offer was accepted 
 by about half the number, who were paid up and dis- 
 charged. The remainder refused to accept these terms 
 on the plea that they had pecuniary claims and family 
 ties in the city. While the negociation was still pend- 
 ing, they seized the person of Govind Rao, and threat- 
 ened to take his life if force was used against them. 
 Mr. Kennedy was then ordered to increase his offer 
 of settlement at the excess of one anna in the Rupee, 
 and ultimately bought up all the recusants at an 
 increased charge of Rs. 10,000. They took their 
 discharge and released Govind Rao, who was granted 
 a temporary asylum at the Residency. 
 
 He was removed during the same month to Surat, 
 and was allowed a sum of Rs. 30 per diem for his 
 maintenance, until some definite arrangement was 
 entered into. 
 
 In 1832 Lord Clare, who had succeeded Sir J. 
 Malcolm as Governor of Bombay, visited Baroda, and 
 
575 
 
 drew up the following agreement with the Guicowar 
 regarding future provision for Govind Rao : 
 
 " His Highness Syajee Rao Guicowar entered into 
 an agreement with the British government by the 
 advice and with the consent of Mr. Williams, Re- 
 sident at Baroda, on the 28th April 1826, by which it 
 was settled that a nemnook of Rs. 12,400 a year 
 should be paid to Govind Rao Guicowar ; wherefore 
 His Highness, after deducting what he had paid of the 
 sum up to the present time, is to pay up the remainder, 
 and in future pay the nemnook each year by giving 
 an order on his banker every six months through the 
 medium of the British government, to be cashed 
 without deducting commission or per-centage, to be 
 continued for the whole period of his life, after which 
 it will revert to the Guicowar government. 
 
 " The British government admits that Govind 
 Rao Guicowar has acted in opposition to the Gui- 
 cowar government, and that therefore he ought not 
 to be allowed to enter the Guicowar territory with- 
 out permission from the Guicowar government, but 
 that he should in consequence be compelled to reside 
 at Surat or some other place within the British terri- 
 tory calculated for his safe custody. When Futteh 
 Sing Guicowar died, his wife, Radliabaee, wished to 
 perform suttee, and for the purpose of dissuading 
 her, Govind Rao Guicowar was brought, but that 
 child has no claim whatever on the property of the 
 State. A nemnook of Rs.- 11,400 was settled on 
 Hadhabaeeon the 28rh April 1826, which must be paid 
 up to her by the Guicowar government, after deduct- ' 
 ing all that it has already paid of that amount; 
 
576 
 
 and for the future the allowance must be paid to her 
 without deduction each year, by an order on the 
 banker, to be continued for the whole period of her 
 life, and after her death it is .to revert to the Guicowar 
 government. 
 
 " Should Govind Rao or Radhabaee Guicowar 
 in future act in opposition to the Guicowar govern- 
 ment, their nemnooks will be forfeited thereby, with 
 consent of both Governments. Dated 27th March 
 1832. 
 
 " (Signed) CLARE." 
 
 In the same year Govind Rao, while at Surat, 
 detected one of his servants in an intrigue with one 
 of his female attendants, and exacted punishment 
 himself by first beating the man most cruelly and 
 then cutting off his nose and one of his ears. For 
 this offence he was fined Rs. 1,000, and was told that 
 a repetition of such misconduct would cause his 
 expulsion from British territory. His income of Rs. 
 30 per diem was about the same time reduced to 
 Rs. 20, until the debt of Rs. 25,200, due by him 
 to the British government for the arrears paid by 
 them to his mercenaries in 1830, was discharged 
 by the appropriation of the extra 10. 
 
 In the year 1833, Govind Rao was removed from 
 Surat to Ahmedabad, and was placed under the 
 surveillance of the Magistrate at the latter place. 
 
 In 1842, his debt due to the British government was 
 liquidated, and the sum of Rs. 10 per diem was still 
 continued to be deducted from his allowance to pay 
 
\j 
 
 i 
 
 577 
 
 off a large debt of Rs. 62,945 lie had contracted to 
 the firm of Hurree Bhugtee. 
 
 Radhabaee, Govind Rao's adoptive mother, died on 
 the 16th June 1846. Govind Rao, in anticipation of 
 her death, had sent his wife and family some time be- 
 fore on a visit to that lady, in order that they might 
 be on the spot to claim her property. 
 
 Immediately the news of Radhabaee's death was com- 
 municated to the Durbar, His Highness the Guicowar 
 sent a guard to take possession of her house and pro- 
 perty. In reply to the Resident's report on the subject, 
 the Bombay Government directed him to take an 
 inventory of the property, and attach his seal thereto, 
 pending decision of Government as to whom the 
 property of right belonged. The Guicowar refused to 
 allo.w any interference, but after some correspondence, 
 sent up an inventory made by his officials, which es- 
 timated the value of the property left by Radhabaee at 
 Rs. 10,230-8-0, in addition to clothing and furniture. 
 
 In the month of July of the following year (1847), 
 Government decided that they had no jurisdiction in 
 the matter, but urged the Resident to use his best 
 endeavours to obtain the property for Govind Rao. On 
 the 15th of October, however, they instructed the 
 Resident to inform the Guicowar that " the decision in 
 the case would be hereafter communicated to him." 
 In the meanwhile they referred the case to the Court 
 of Directors for instructions, and that body, in their 
 Despatch of the 15th March 1848, decided in Govind 
 Rao's favour, on the grounds that he was regularly 
 dopted, and therefore entitled under our guarantee 
 
 73 
 
578 
 
 to all the rights appertaining to an adopted son. The 
 Resident was consequently directed by the Bombay 
 Government, in their despatch of the 17th May 1848, 
 to obtain the assent of His Highness. To this 
 decision Gunput Rao Guicowar, who had succeeded 
 Syajee, yielded a most reluctant assent ; not, he 
 explained, from avaricious motives, as the amount 
 of the property was so trifling, but because he 
 feared that an admission on his part of the adoption of 
 Govind Rao being valid would be brought up at some 
 future time to bar the rights of his family to the gadee. 
 At the same time he said that the value of the proper- 
 ty belonging of right to Radhabaee only amounted to 
 about Rs. 5,000, and that as he had expended 10 or 12 
 thousand rupees on her funeral rites, her assets were 
 in reality nil. In his transmitting letter, the Resident 
 pointed out that he had no means whatever of 
 ascertaining what property Radhabaee had left, as no 
 inventory was taken at the time on the part of the 
 Residency. Government, in reply, directed that if 
 Govind Rao made any claim in excess of what the 
 Guicowar was willing to give, he should make his 
 claim good by proofs before the Resident. 
 
 While this discussion was going on, Luximee Baee, 
 the youngest widow of Fetteh Sing Guicowar, died on 
 the 24th July 1848, and Govind Rao immediately 
 put in a claim for her private property as well. 
 
 On the 28th December 1848, Captain French, the 
 Acting Resident, reported that the Guicowar was wil- 
 ling, in obedience to the orders of the Honorable Court, 
 to pay into the Treasury on Govind Rao's account a 
 
579 
 
 sum of Rs. 7,786-14-0, which he stated was the full 
 value of the private property left by Radhabaee. At 
 the same time Captain French represented his inability 
 to ascertain whether this amount was correct or not. 
 
 Government, in their reply, doubted the correctness 
 of this estimate, as they considered that a lady of 
 Radhabaee's rank must have possessed much more 
 property in jewels, &c. at her decease, and they re- 
 iterated their wish that Govind Rao should have every 
 opportunity of making good his claim to any excess 
 he might be able to prove above the amount admitted 
 by the Guicowar. 
 
 In a subsequent letter of the 18th January 1850, 
 the Government of Bombay reiterated their arguments 
 above quoted, and directed the Resident to give 
 Govind Rao Guicowar a full month's time to produce 
 lists with proofs of the property left by his mother, and 
 that should he fail at the expiration of that period 
 to produce such proofs, the Guicowar should be 
 called upon to pay in a sum of Rs. 10,000 on that 
 account. On the 10th June following, the Resident 
 reported that the Durbar had paid into the Residency 
 treasury a sum of Rs. 10,200, in accordance with the 
 wishes of the Government, and in reply to a reference 
 from Government as to the reason of paying in 
 Rs. 200 in excess of the sum demanded, the Resident 
 replied, that the Guicowar had done it to show that 
 " he did not concur in the principle upon which Govern- 
 ment had decided." 
 
 Govind Rao was entirely dissatisfied with this 
 decision, and endeavoured to obtain a revision of it; 
 
580 
 
 failing this he refused to remove his family from the 
 house occupied by Radhabaee, although frequently 
 called on to do so, and its being, moreover, represented 
 that the house was in a dilapidated condition : 
 ultimately, however, he did remove them of his own 
 accord. 
 
 With reference to Govind Rao's claim to the pro- 
 perty of the other widows of Futteh Sing, the Shastree 
 of the Sudder Adawlut gave a decision in his favour, 
 supposing that he was a really adopted son, and this 
 view was endorsed by the Government of Bombay. 
 The Guicowar however steadily refused to recognize 
 this decision : he affirmed that Govind Rao's adoption 
 was not valid, and that even if it were so, he could 
 have no claim to the property of his subjects, who 
 did not possess our guarantee. The matter was subse- 
 quently dropped by Government, and the claim was 
 not pressed on His Highness. 
 
 The adoption of Govind Rao brought nothing but 
 annoyance and distress on him during his whole life. 
 In addition to his other misfortunes, symptoms of le- 
 prosy and insanity developed themselves during his 
 residence in Ahmedabad, and in consequence of his 
 unfortunate position, he was unable to negociate 
 suitable alliances for his family of two sons and two 
 daughters, who had by 1856 grown up. 
 
 In that year his insanity developed itself in restless- 
 ness. He absconded twice from Ahmedabad ; on one 
 occasion he took forcible possession of a house in 
 Dhakore belonging to the Guicowar ; on another he 
 was arrested by the Durbar officials in Baroda, and 
 returned under a guard to Ahmedabad. 
 
581 
 
 In the following year (1857) it \vas discovered that 
 he had allowed sepoys of the garrison to visit him, 
 and had held exciting and dangerous conversation 
 with them regarding the mutinies. It was according- 
 ly considered desirable that he should be removed 
 from Ahmedabad, and the Resident, Sir R. Shakespear, 
 in anticipation of the orders of Government, handed 
 him over to the custody of the Guicowar. These pro- 
 ceedings were approved by the Supreme Government, 
 and that authority declared that his guarantee was 
 forfeited by misconduct ; the same was notified in the 
 Calcutta Gazette of 9th October 1857. 
 
 When Govind Rao's accounts were closed at the 
 Residency, a balance remained in his favour of Rs. 
 32,096-1-6; this sum was handed over to the Durbar 
 to be expended in the marriage of his children, by 
 order of the Secretary of State for India of the 20th 
 February 1859. 
 
 Govind Rao Guicowar is now in the custody of the 
 Durbar, and is well treated ; he is imbecile, has lost 
 the greater portion of his extremities from the ravages 
 of Indian leprosy, and has, in all human probability, 
 nearly come to the close of his restless and most 
 unfortunate career. 
 
 Bulwunt Rao Guicowar was a son of Annund Rao 
 No ]Q by his favourite wife Tukhtbaee. 
 
 Bulwunt Rao Guico- This lady was married to An- 
 nund Rao, but being a Rajpoot- 
 nee their issue was considered illegitimate. Bulwunt 
 Rao and his brother Pillajee lived with Tukhtbaee on 
 the pension granted to her by the state, until her 
 
582 
 
 death in 1833; when disputes having arisen between 
 the two brothers, separate Sunnuds were granted to 
 them. That to Bulwunt Rao, of the 5th February 
 1833, is to the following effect : 
 
 On the 24th day of Rubbee-ul-Akhir, in the year 
 Sumvut 1876, A.D. 1820, a yad was granted, containing 
 the nemnook for Tukhtbaee, Bulwunt Rao, and Pillajee 
 Rao Guicowar, and two other yads were written in 
 Tukhtbaee's name, under the bhandery of the Honor- 
 able Company. After the demise of Tukhtbaee, 
 disagreements having sprung up between you and 
 your brother Pillajee Rao Guicowar, you gave in a 
 Razeenamah to the Sirkar for a division of your 
 nemnooks : consequently, and as both of your nem- 
 nooks were assigned in the original yad, this yad is 
 given you for your nemnook, and the former are 
 taken by the Sirkar through the Political Commis- 
 sioner. The date from which your nemnook is to 
 continue is from 1st Ramzan, 22nd January 1833. 
 
 The Hoozurat paga under you as before is to do 
 duty according to the orders of the Sirkar. Its annual 
 nemnook, including chundee, rahtub, grass, equip- 
 ments, &c. will be paid according to the rules of the 
 Military service. 
 
 Nemnook of the Paga 
 above-mentioned for 
 Rozmurrah, Grass, 
 Equipment, &c. . . Rs. 30,000 
 
 Deduct one anna accord- 
 ing to usage in the Mi- 
 litary service . . . .Rs. 1,453 2 
 
583 
 
 Balance hitherto received Rs. 28,546 2 
 
 Add the whole amount of Chundee, 
 
 Rahtub, Mussala and as before 
 
 fixed '. Rs. 5,746 1 3 
 
 Total Rs. 34,292 3 3 
 
 Personal Nemnook, fyc. 
 
 For your personal ex- 
 penses Rs. 13,00000 
 
 Allowances for Julnib 
 
 Shagrid Paisa, at Rs. 
 
 400 per mensem . . Rs. 4,800 
 Palkee allowance for your 
 
 wife Rs. 1,000 
 
 The amount of Salabad 
 
 Babtee on account of 
 
 Gunputtee, and for 
 
 articles from shops, 
 
 Modeekhana, and for 
 
 cloth for Dussera and 
 
 Nagpunchmee from 
 
 the Sirkar's Jamdar- 
 
 khana, and also on 
 
 account of Gunjekha- 
 
 na and other articles 
 
 under the head of Sala- 
 bad Babtee, is now 
 
 fixed at Rs. 9,000 per 
 
 annum, out of which 
 half is to be paid to 
 PiUajee Rao and the 
 
584 
 
 other half to you, 
 
 which is Rs. 4,500 
 
 Amount fixed for the 
 
 Bheer of the village of 
 
 Kurrolee, which has 
 . been taken for the use 
 
 of the Sirkar's cattle 
 
 is Rs. 1,000, half of 
 
 which is to go to Pilla- 
 
 jee Rao and half to 
 
 you Rs. 500 
 
 23,800 
 
 Annual nemnook sepa- 
 rately paid to the in- 
 
 di vid uals by the Sirkar, 
 
 viz. BappoojeePowar's 
 
 nemnook as hitherto 
 
 received . . , Rs. 4,000 
 
 Khooshall Bhowanee 
 
 Putwa Rs. 2,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 Total Rs. 64,092 3 3 
 
 The payment of this amount is as follows on 
 account of -the pay, &c. to the Paga. By Domallee 
 villages, viz : 
 Produce of the village 
 
 of Wulwud. Rs. 13,000 
 
 Do. Kowur , . . . 632 1 25 
 
 Do. Morleepoor. . 500 
 
 Rs. 14,132 1 25 
 
585 
 
 By Notes 
 According to usage in 
 
 the Military service, 
 
 on account of Roz- 
 
 murah Rs. 14,414 75 
 
 On account of Grain, 
 
 Ralitub, &c. /... Rs. 5,746 1 
 
 Rs. 20,160 2 
 
 Total Rs. 34,292 3 31 J 
 
 Your personal nemnook will be paid as follows : 
 
 By Doomalla villages, inclusive of the additional 
 produce as before determined 
 Produce of the village of 
 
 Gamaita . .Rs. 7,033 3 37,} 
 
 Ditto Mandodur. 3,740 3 
 
 Rs. 10,774 2 
 By Notes 
 
 On account of the Kullal 
 Buttee (liquor shop sit- 
 uated near the Bud- 
 den), a deduction ofRs. 
 3,000has hitherto been 
 made from both your 
 nemnooks, and it is 
 now arranged that the 
 produce of the Kullal 
 74 
 
586 
 
 Buttee should be alter- 
 nately managed by 
 each of you for 5 years, 
 so that during your 
 five years' management 
 an annual deduction of 
 Rs. 3,000 will be made 
 from the Chitties which 
 you are to receive 
 for Rs. 13,026-1-624. 
 During the period of 
 Pillajee Rao Guico- 
 war's management of 
 the Kullal Buttee, you 
 will receive the full 
 amount of your Chit- 
 ties, and the deduction 
 of Rs. 3,000 will then 
 be made from his Chit- 
 ties. In this manner 
 it has been settled. 
 The amount of your 
 
 Chitties is Rs. 13,027 1 62 
 
 23,800 
 
 Total amount of nemnook. . .Rs. 58,092 3 3H 
 
 The persons who are 
 separately paid shall 
 continue to receive 
 their nemnook Chit- 
 ties, viz : 
 
587 
 
 Bapoojee Rao Powar . . Rs. 4,000 
 Khooshall Bhowanee 
 
 Putvva 2,000 
 
 6,000 
 
 Total Rs. 64,092 3 31 i 
 
 Besides you have 
 
 1. The Grass Bheers of the villages of Kohur and 
 Morleepoor. 
 
 2. The gardens of Sandeyah Koowa. 
 
 3. Three Elephants, the Rahtub for which you 
 will continue to receive from the Sirkar as usual. 
 
 After fixing the annual nemnook of Rs. 64,092- 
 3-311 for the Hoozurat paga, chundee inclusive, accord- 
 ing to usage in the Military branch of the service, as 
 well as for the disbursement of your personal allowance 
 and of others, the mode of payment is given in 
 detail, and in like manner you will continue to receive 
 the same ; besides this, the other three articles will also 
 be maintained by the Sirkar, and for the due fulfil- 
 ment of which the bhandery of the Honorable Com- 
 pany is affixed. 
 
 The bhandery of the Honorable Company is affixed 
 to this paper. 
 
 (Signed) JAMES WILLIAMS, 
 
 Political Commissioner, Guzerat. 
 Baroda, 5th February 1833. 
 
588 
 
 According to this sunnnd, therefore," a sum of Rs. 
 58,092-3-31 was fixed for the maintenance of the 
 Hoozurat Paga, entrusted to Bulwunt Rao's care, and 
 for his own private expenses, and an extra sum of 
 Rs. 6,000 was fixed for the maintenance of two of his 
 mother's dependants, Bapoojee Rao Powar and Khoo- 
 shall Bhowanee Putwa. No mention is made in it of 
 protection of any other nature than as regards the nem- 
 nook and paga, and the words " for life" are not even 
 inserted. 
 
 At the time of its being granted, Mr. Williams dis- 
 tinctly informed the grantees " that their guarantee was 
 liable on any flagrant misconduct to be withdrawn." 
 
 Bulwunt Rao was a man of dissolute, depraved, and 
 extravagant habits; he neglected his paga most shame- 
 fully ; lived riotously in Baroda on borrowed money, 
 which he had no means or intention of liquidating; 
 forwarded constantly to the Resident and Government 
 complaints of bad treatment which were entirely devoid 
 of truth ; refused to give any assistance towards the 
 unravelling of his pecuniary entanglements, and on the 
 contrary threw every obstacle he could in the way 
 when the investigation of his affairs devolved on the 
 Resident; and, in short, from the time of the guarantee 
 being granted in 1833, to his death in 1852, his bad 
 conduct was a constant source of vexation to the 
 Resident, and the cause of a most voluminous corres- 
 pondence with Government. 
 
 The three objects which called for our active inter- 
 ference in connection with this man were : 1st, his 
 dispute with the Patels of Wulwud ; 2nd, the ineffici- 
 
589 
 
 ency of his paga ; and 3rJ, the settlement of his 
 pecuniary affairs. 
 
 Wulwnd was one of the villages, assigned for the 
 maintenance of the paga, and its revenue was assessed 
 at Rs. 13,000 per annum. A dispute had existed 
 between the Patels and the family of Tukhtbaee as to the 
 respective grounds to be cultivated by each party ; since 
 1820, when this village was first assigned to them, and 
 subsequent to 1833, complaints and counter-com- 
 plaints -were preferred by Bulwunt Rao and the Patel 
 on the one side, that the grantee could not get his rights 
 of produce, and on the other of oppression and extortion. 
 At length in 1838 both parties agreed to submit their 
 differences to arbitration by a punchayet,.who decided 
 that Bulwunt Rao should pay the Patels the sum of 
 Rs. '29,476-10-0 as ready money, and that certain 
 Vechania, Geerania, and Pusaeta lands and Nurwa 
 rights, which Bulwunt jRao had unlawfully possessed 
 himself of, should be restored to the Patels. 
 
 Bulwunt Rao refused to abide by this decision, and 
 though repeatedly pressed by the Resident to do so, 
 did not give way till 1840. In that year he signed an 
 agreement with the Patels, leasing them the village 
 for a term of years at Rs. 13,000 per annum. 
 
 The paga of 93 horse which had been assigned to 
 Bulwunt Rao was attached to the MaheelCanta Political 
 Agency, its head quarters being at Sadra. As early as 
 1836 the Political Agent complained of its inefficiency, 
 and that it was perfectly useless for police purposes. In 
 the following year, Bulwunt-Rao was informed by Go- 
 vernment that if thenceforth he failed to maintain the 
 
590 
 
 paga in an efficient state, or if they again misbehaved 
 themselves, he would be held responsible. 
 
 Yearly complaints being made of the bad state of 
 the paga, Mr. Boyd, in 1841, "saw no other method 
 of securing its efficiency than by taking steps to ensure 
 ' the men receiving at least a part of their pay regularly/' 
 and to this end arranged with His Highness the Guico- 
 war to receive the " Rozee" Chitties direct from the 
 Durbar, and to send them to the superintending officer 
 instead of letting them pass through Govind Rao's 
 hands : this arrangement was sanctioned by Govern- 
 ment, and continued in force some months, when the 
 improved state of the paga and Bulwunt Rao's pledges 
 to make good the entire Rozee for the future, together 
 with an additional monthly payment of Rs. 138-8-0, 
 which was required to maintain the paga efficiently, 
 induced the Resident to release the Rozee from 
 sequestration. But the Sirdar's pledges proved good for 
 nothing. On the 25th June 1841, the Superintendent 
 of the Contingent reported that the new arrangement 
 had been carried into effect on the faith of these 
 pledges. On the 18th January 1843, however, he re- 
 ported that the extra " Rozee" had only been paid for 
 one month. On the 4th June following he wrote to the 
 same effect, and on the 18th July 1843, he reported 
 that the greatest confusion prevailed in Bulwunt Rao's 
 paga, and to an extent that if not immediately reme- 
 died, he was afraid would be almost inextricable. He 
 also said that the promised payment of Rs. 138-8-0 
 had only been made good for one month. 
 
 The pressure for the time was relieved by a remit- 
 
591 
 
 tance in April 1844, which the Assistant Resident 
 obtained from Bulwunt Rao. 
 
 In 1847, the Political Agent in the Mahee Kanta 
 reported that the pay of the paga was heavily in ar- 
 rears; that the men were in the utmost distress, and in 
 consequence insubordinate and unruly. In their reply, 
 Government on the 28th August 1847 directed the 
 sequestration of the paga. It was accordingly made 
 over to the charge of the Superintendent of the Guico- 
 war Contingent in the Mahee Kanta, and a sum of 
 Rs. 17,028 was paid (out of Govind Rao's nemnook) 
 direct by the Durbar to the Political Agent for its 
 maintenance ; but as this sum was found to be insuf- 
 ficient, a further amount of Rs. 138 per mensem was 
 paid through the' Residency, making the total amount 
 for the maintenance of the paga come to Rs. 18,684 
 per annum. 
 
 The paga remained under attachment until Bulwunt 
 Rao's death on the 1st October 1852. In 1849, the 
 Acting Resident had proposed that, as the paga would 
 revert to His Highness the Guicowar on Bulwunt 
 Rao's death, and as that individual had nothing to 
 say to its interior management, which must neces- 
 sarily take up much of the time of the Political Agent, 
 it had better be made aver at once to His High- 
 ness, the personal allowance to Bulwunt Rao being 
 still continued to him. The Bombay Government 
 sanctioned this proposal, provided Govind Rao should 
 assent to it, which of course that individual refused to 
 do. In 1852, the Court of Directors noticed this pro- 
 posal, and considered that in consequence of his 
 
592 
 
 conduct, his wishes should not be taken into consid- 
 eration. On referring the matter however to the 
 Durbar, His Highness said that he was quite satisfied 
 to leave the paga during Bulwunt Rao's life-time 
 under the superintendence of the Political Agent in 
 the Mahee Kanta. 
 
 Bulwunt Rao died a few months after, and the 
 paga then reverted to His Highness. 
 
 As early as 1839, the creditors of Bulwunt Rao 
 complained to the Resident that they were unable to 
 recover any of their claims against him. The Govern- 
 ment of Bombay on this directed that the creditors 
 should be summoned to the Residency, and that if 
 they agreed to a compromise, the Resident was to 
 submit a list of their claims and the amount for 
 which they were willing to compound. It does not 
 appear that this order was acted on, but a list of 
 debts was made out, amounting at that time to 
 Rs. 4,15,283-14-6. On the other hand, Bulwunt 
 Rao declared that he had claims against the Guicowar 
 state and individuals, amounting to- Rs. 1,84,504-7-0 
 interest and Rs. 4,84,288-8-0 ; and these claims *he 
 persistently urged, although he had not a tittle of 
 evidence to produce in his favour, and they had been 
 declared by Mr. Ogilvy, as far back as 1840, as " put 
 forth apparently from a desperate wish to forces fresh 
 arrangement of his embarrassed affairs, rather than 
 from any hope that they could be complied with." 
 This view was adopted by Government, who in 1844 
 ruled " that it was unnecessary at that distant period 
 to re-agitate any of the points embraced in Bulwunt 
 Rao's petitions. 
 

 593 
 
 Subsequent to .this, in 1846, two of Bulwunt Rao's 
 creditors preferred demands against him in petitions 
 to Government, which were directed to be investiga- 
 ted by the Resident, and awards were given in their 
 favour of Rs. 4,599 to Damodhur Kasseedass, and 455 
 to Yusoofbhai Bubbavbhai; but Bulwunt Rao paid no 
 attention to injunctions from the Residency to pay up 
 these amounts.' 
 
 In 1848, the creditors came up twice in a body to 
 the Residency to demand justice, representing that in 
 consequence of his guarantee they were unable to sue 
 Bulwunt Rao in the Durbar Courts, and could not 
 obtain redress from him by sitting in " Dhurna" on 
 him, or practising other expedients in use among 
 Native states for enforcing their demands. In reply 
 to the Resident's report of these circumstances, he was 
 instructed to consult His Highness the Guicowar'on 
 the subject. The latter however refused to interfere, 
 on the grounds of the troublesome correspondence he 
 would certainly be involved in ; and Government 
 therefore determined to interfere authoritatively in 
 the matter. 
 
 With this view they directed the Resident to allow 
 a period of one month, in which all the creditors were to 
 register their claims ; to attach the whole of Bulwunt 
 Rao's nemnook, and after setting aside sufficient for 
 his subsistence and the proper maintenance of the 
 paga, to apply the remainder to a ratable liquidation 
 of his debts, first reducing the claims to money actually 
 advanced, and giving the oldest creditors a preference. 
 
 Subsequently, on the 12th October of the same year, 
 Government directed that a sum of Rs. 12,000 per 
 75 
 
594 
 
 annum should be set apart for Bulwunt Rao's main- 
 tenance, and that the balance, after paying the autho- 
 rized paga expenses, should be set aside for the liqui- 
 dation of his debts ; and in their letter of the 7th May 
 1849, they directed that a debt of Rs. 51,082-15-3 to 
 Sam ul Bechur, which had been contracted by Bulwunt 
 Rao in 1845, with the consent of the Durbar, in 
 communication with the Resident, should be paid off 
 before the payment of the claims of other creditors 
 should commence. 
 
 On the 7th April 1849, and in subsequent letters, 
 Captain French recommended that the investigation 
 of the claims preferred by upwards of 200 creditors 
 should be submitted to a Court of Moonsiffs, alleging 
 that it was derogatory to the character of the British 
 representative to sit on the bench to investigate such 
 claims, and that neither the Resident nor his Assistant 
 had the requisite knowledge, or could devote sufficient 
 time for the prosecution of such inquiries ; but Govern- 
 ment would not sanction this suggestion, and directed 
 him to proceed with the inquiry. 
 
 In the mean while a negociation was pending with 
 the durbar for the transfer to them of Bulwunt Rao's 
 nernnook villages (which had been under attachment 
 for about a year), on the condition that a yearly pay- 
 ment should be made to the treasury on Bulwunt Rao's 
 account, of the full amount at which these villages had 
 been valued in assigning them in part payment of his 
 nemnook, and this was satisfactorily brought to a con- 
 clusion on the terms proposed on the 25th August 1849; 
 the durbar consenting to pay by half-yearly instal- 
 
595 
 
 merits the sum of Rs. 28,707-14-6 in their stead, 
 during Bulwunt Rao's life-time. 
 
 In November 1849, the Court of Directors ordered 
 that Bulwunt Rao's personal subsistence, which had 
 been fixed by the Bombay Government at Rs. 12,000 
 per annum, should be reduced one half, this step had 
 been suggested by Captain French, but had not met 
 with the approval of Government. Bulwunt Rao re- 
 monstrated against this arrangement, and forwarded 
 appeals to both the Bombay and Supreme Govern- 
 ments but without avail. 
 
 The investigation of the claims of the creditors of 
 Bulwunt Rao was commenced by the Assistant Resi- 
 dent in 1850. Ninety -six claims were registered 
 for a sum aggregating Rs. 1,07,550-1-0; of these, 77 
 were settled for a sum of Rs. 17,375-7-3. In the fol- 
 lowing year the claims against his paga for supplies 
 of grain, grass, &c. in the Sadra Bazar, amounting to 
 Rs. 12,493-10-5, were paid in full by the Political 
 Agent in the MaheeKanta out of the arrears of Rozee 
 in hand. 
 
 On the 22nd October 1852, the Resident, Mr. 
 Davies, reported that he had investigated and settled 
 251 claims in addition to those disposed of by his 
 Assistant. The claims amounted to Rs. 7,34,353-10-0, 
 of which he had admitted an aggregate of Rs. 2,20,555- 
 14-6. 
 
 To meet the payment of this large sum, it was as- 
 certained that the available assets at the time of 
 Bulwunt Rao Guicowar's death amounted to Rs. 
 69,474-14-2 ; out of this various sums were paid, such 
 as arrears of wages due to servants and sepoys, pen- 
 
596 
 
 sions to his concubines, &c. leaving a dividend of 4 
 annas and 6 pies in the rupee available for the pay- 
 merit of the creditors, and they were all subsequently 
 paid at this rate, with the exception of two, who 
 claimed to be paid in full and refused to accept of 
 any abatement. 
 
 The bhandery to Bulwunt Rao was, as above noticed, 
 granted in 1833, and from a perusal of this memoir, 
 it will be seen that he was a constant source of annoy- 
 ance to the British Government till the time of his 
 death in 1851, and that even after that date the 
 winding up of his pecuniary affairs entailed the great- 
 est trouble on all concerned. He had justly forfeited 
 his guarantee years ago by his bad behaviour, and if 
 it had lapsed in consequence of his misconduct, the 
 subsequent vexatious inquiries would have been 
 entirely avoided. 
 
 Bapoojee Rao Powar and Khooshali Bhowanee, 
 whose nemnooks of Rs. 4,000 and 2,000 respectively 
 were included in this guarantee, have been long dead, 
 and the bhandery has therefore lapsed entirely. 
 
 Peelajee Rao was a younger brother of Bulwunt 
 No 20 . Rao, and consequently a son of 
 
 Peeldjee Rao Guico- Annund Rao Guicowar by Tukt- 
 war * baee Rajpootnee. On the death 
 
 of the latter in 1833, an arrangement was come 
 to with the two brothers by Syajee Rao Guicowar 
 through the mediation of the Resident Mr. Williams, 
 as related above in Bulwunt Rao's memoir, and in 
 consequence of the differences between the two brothers, 
 
597 
 
 separate sunnucls were drawn out, assigning them 
 commands of different portions of the Huzoorat paga 
 and nemnooks for their own arid the paga's mainte- 
 nance. The sunnud granted to Bulwunt Rao has been 
 quoted at length ; that to Peelajee is almost identical 
 in words, and therefore need not be entered here ; by 
 it he was assigned Rs. 58,238-0-62^- for the support 
 of himself and paga, and as in Bulwunt Rao's case, a 
 separate provision of Rs. 6,000 per annum was made 
 for his father-in-law, Nuva Rao Deshrnook, and of 
 Rs. 2,000 for his Agent, Pamachund. 
 
 At Tukhtbaee's death Peelajee was a minor, and his 
 paga was in consequence managed by his brother Bul- 
 wunt Rap. In 1835, he incurred the enmity of 
 Veeneeram, Syajee Rao's irresponsible Minister, by 
 refusing to pay the Vukeel dustooree of 1 per cent, 
 which Syajee had assigned to him upon all nemnooks. 
 Accordingly Veeneeram, with Syajee's concurrence, 
 caused Peelajee to be seized under the pretence of se- 
 parating him from evil advisers, and handed him over 
 to Oomed Koovvurbaee (whose guarantee has been 
 noticed above) who took charge of him under the sti- 
 pulation that she was to have the entire control of his 
 nemnook. He was forced to sign a mooktearnama 
 in Oomedbaee's favour, and from that period to the day 
 of his death, three years subsequently, he lived in the 
 greatest privation and distress, so much so, that the 
 Resident was obliged to advance him a few hundred 
 rupees from the treasury shortly before his death to 
 keep him from starving. Directly Oomedbaee got 
 the management of his estate, she raised a loan of 
 Rs. 80,000 from the house of Hurree Bhugtee in Pee- 
 
598 
 
 lajee's name, and in liquidation of this sum assigned 
 the revenues of the nemnook villages enjoyed by Pee- 
 lajee. She also, through Veeneeram's influence, had 
 the half-yearly notes for Peelajee's money nemnook 
 paid to her direct from the Durbar, and this was con- 
 tinued in spite of the remonstrances of the Resident. 
 
 Out of the 80,000 Rs. raised on loan from Hurree 
 Bhugtee, the first item of expenditure was a bribe of 
 Rs. 25,000 paid to Veeneeram. Peelajee died in 
 A. D. 1838, when his estate reverted to the Durbar. 
 
 After his death, Syajee Rao at first refused to assign 
 any maintenance to his widow, but ultimately, through 
 the Resident's interference, he granted her a life-pen- 
 sion of Rs. 6,285 per annum, which however did not 
 receive the guarantee of the British government. 
 
 During Peelajee Rao's life-time, two of his followers 
 were murdered in cold blood by a Scindee Jemedar 
 named Ummoo Mean, in the service of Veeneeram, and 
 by rather a stretch of the guarantee, interference in 
 the matter was exercised by the Resident, and Syajee 
 Rao was called upon to visit the jemedar and all who 
 were concerned in the murder with " exemplary punish- 
 ment." The Guicowar however demurred to this : he 
 pleaded that these men had acted under the orders of 
 his since discarded minister Veeneeram, and hoped 
 that Government would be satisfied with his imposing 
 a fine of Rs. 12,000 on the jemedar; this request was 
 ultimately agreed to by Government. 
 
 When Bulwunt Rao's affairs were under investi- 
 gation at the Residency from 1850 to 1852, several of 
 
599 
 
 Peelajee Rao's creditors endeavoured to establish a 
 claim to share in his brother's estate, but their 
 demands were disallowed. 
 
 Nuvarao Deshmook and Panachund are both dead, 
 and this guarantee has consequently lapsed in toto. 
 
 This is the last guarantee granted to any member 
 
 N . 21. of the Guico war family. Gopal 
 
 Gopal llao Guicowar. Rao, who is still living (in 
 
 1861), is the son of Gun put 
 
 Rao Guicowar of Sunkheira, and brother of Govind 
 
 Rao, whose unfortunate career has been related above. 
 
 When Govind Rao and Gopal Rao returned with 
 their mother from Dhar, after the death of thdr 
 father, they were assigned a sum of Rs. 600 a month 
 by the durbar for their support. This was continued 
 till Futteh Sing's death ; but when his widows adopt- 
 ed Govind Rao (1819), Syajee Rao was so displeased 
 with the family, that he discontinued the payment 
 of Rs. 300 a month heretofore enjoyed by Gopal Rao, 
 then a boy of 8 or 9 years of age. 
 
 Gopal Rao consequently fell into a state of extreme 
 indigence and distress ; he became heavily involved, 
 and after petitioning Syajee Rao for years in vain, he 
 ultimately in January 1839 visited the Resident and 
 laid his distressed circumstances before him, pleading 
 that he enjoyed the guarantee of the British Govern- 
 ment on the nemnook of Rs. 600, assigned to him 
 and his brother in 1810. On examining the sunnud 
 however, Mr. Sutherland discovered that it was not 
 granted through the medium of the Resident, and 
 
600 
 
 that therefore Gopal Rao was in no way entitled to 
 his protection. He was accordingly referred to the 
 Durbar, but without success. In despair he fled 
 from Baroda clandestinely in the month of March 
 following*, and took refuge with Dhurna the Naikra 
 Chief of Sewrajpoor, a village at that time under 
 Scindia's jurisdiction, about 40 miles from Baroda. 
 There he was joined by about 200 Naikrasand Bheels, 
 and began to threaten disturbances in the neighbouring 
 Baroda districts. The Guicowar called upon the 
 Resident for aid to put down the disturbance, and in 
 reply was urged to come to a compromise with Gopal 
 Rao ; it was at the same time intimated that, as he had 
 taken refuge in Scindia's territory, no armed interfer- 
 ence could be exercised without previous permission 
 obtained from Gwalior. 
 
 Mr. Sutherland at the same time spared no pains 
 in giving Gopal Rao good advice, and sent him letters 
 which were not attended to. 
 
 After a month or two had been passed in this way? 
 the Durbar sent for Dhuma Naik to Baroda, and 
 Gopal Rao suspecting treachery (not without justice) 
 fled to Barrea. The Raja of that place, according 
 to instructions previously received from the Political 
 Agent, put him under arrest and forwarded him under 
 escort. to Baroda. 
 
 As Syajee Rao still declined paying his nemnook to 
 Gopal Rao, the Resident, with the sanction of Govern- 
 ment, assigned the latter a residence in the Baroda 
 cantonment, and informed the Durbar that he would 
 be paid his nemnook'of Rs. 300 per mensem from the 
 1st August 1839 from the Residency Treasury, until 
 
G01 
 
 Syajee consented to come to an arrangement with him. 
 On the 14th January following, Syajee intimated to 
 the Resident that he was willing to pay the stipulated 
 allowance to Gopal Rao, on his being forwarded to 
 the Durbar, and a few days later he paid up the five 
 months' arrears that had been disbursed from the 
 Residency on his account. 
 
 Mr. Sutherland suggested that a formal sunnud 
 should be drawn out in Gopal Rao's favour, but this 
 was never executed, or if executed was not submitted 
 to the Resident's inspection. 
 
 No formal guarantee has therefore* been granted in 
 Gopal Rao's favour ; but owing to the peculiar circum- 
 stances of his case, he has been considered to enjoy a 
 constructive guarantee for the due payment of his 
 nemnook. He is a quiet inoffensive man, of about 4 
 years of age, and has made no complaints of late years. 
 The guarantee will of course cease at his death. 
 
 Dhackjee Dadajee made his first appearance at Ba- 
 
 . roda in April 1816. Captain 
 
 DhackfeeD 2 a 2 dajee. (afterwards Sir J.) Carnac was 
 
 at that time Resident, and in 
 
 consequence of an intimacy which had existed for 
 many years between Dhackjee and his family (Dhack- 
 jee having been broker in the firm of which Mr. Rivett, 
 Sir James' father, was a partner since the year 1 784), 
 had invited him to fill the post of Native Agent at 
 the Residency, which had been vacant since the mur- 
 der of Gungadhur Shastree at Poona in the previous 
 76 
 
602 
 
 year. The appointment had been approved by Govern- 
 ment in consequence of Captain Carnac's recommenda- 
 tion and assurances of Dhackjee's high respectability. 
 
 Futteh Sing was at that time at the head of the 
 Council of Regency, established in consequence of the 
 imbecility of the reigning Guicowar, Annundrao ; but 
 the Resident, through his Native Agent, had in reality 
 the supreme control in all state affairs; and the Native 
 Agent was able, if he possessed the confidence of the 
 Resident, to exercise the most unbounded influence 
 over the Durbar. 
 
 Gungadhur Shastree had possessed such influence, 
 and his thraldom had been so grievously felt by 
 Futteh Sing and his Court, that the greatest appre- 
 hension and dismay were consequently experienced at 
 the approach of a stranger, avowedly the intimate and 
 confidant of the Resident. On his arrival he was pre- 
 sented to the Durbar by the Resident with every cir- 
 cumstance of state and ceremony, and was specially 
 inducted by the latter into the duties of his office. 
 He entered into these with great apparent ardour, and 
 with such success, as far as his interests were concern- 
 ed, that at the end of the year the Resident reported 
 that he had by his zeal and ability enabled him to 
 effect a remission of the debts of the state to the 
 amount of 40 lacs of Rupees. 
 
 About the same time, by the Resident's influence, 
 though much against the wish of Futteh Sing, Dhack- 
 jee, while still holding the Native Agency, was ap- 
 pointed potedar or Government banker ; that is to say, 
 he was to disburse all the current payments of the 
 
G03 
 
 state on the receipt of notes from the Durbar, and was 
 to receive interest at the rate of 9 per cent, for all 
 money so expended ; the rate of interest hitherto paid 
 to former potedars had been 12 per cent, but Dhackjee. 
 looked to be able to 'obtain at least that per-centage by 
 means of his own, while he kept the credit of reducing 
 considerably the burdens of the State. But to com- 
 mence, the potedaree business required a large com- 
 mand of ready money, and though his peculations and 
 perquisites had already been considerable, they were 
 not sufficient for the purpose. He therefore induced 
 the Resident to believe that at Syajee's earnest desire 
 he had admitted Myral Narayen and'Hurree Bhugtee 
 to a share in the concern ; the truth being that he was 
 unable to start without their aid, and that Syajee was 
 most reluctant to let him have any share in the trans- 
 actions at all. He agreed with the bankers that they 
 should put in eight lacs and a half each to commence 
 the business with; but though they complied with this 
 he did not ; at the same time he took a share in the 
 Kattiawaree potedaree with Ruttonjee Khandass, and 
 in the following yearjie obtained from the Durbar a 
 most lucrative contract for supplying the Guicowar 
 Contingent serving under Sir J. Malcolm in Malwa 
 with cash. In all these concerns he enriched himself 
 at the expense of all classes of the community; he 
 compelled the farmers of revenue to pay him a per- 
 centage for guaranteeing their payment of the re- 
 venues at a fixed date ; he carried instalments of the 
 revenue paid in by them to his own private account ; 
 he refused to cash the Durbar notes without receiving 
 a high commission ; and he managed by his influence 
 
GD4 
 
 to keep these matters from coming to the knowledge of 
 the Resident, who laboured under the delusion that 
 he was lightening the burdens of the State by his 
 honesty and application to business. 
 
 The Guicowar groaned under* the thraldom in 
 which he was held by the Native Agent ; and Syajee 
 Rao, who had succeeded his brother Futteh Sing on 
 his death in June 1818, conceived that, perhaps, the 
 best plan to buy him over to his interests would be to 
 make him his Minister. 
 
 The Resident requested the sanction of Government 
 to this arrangement, stating that such was Syajee's 
 earnest desire; although the Guicowar subsequently de- 
 clared that he could not bear the man, and had only 
 appointed him because he thought it would please 
 Captain Carnac. The Supreme Government objected 
 to Dhackjee's holding both appointments, so the latter, 
 after duly weighing all the considerations pro and con, 
 finally decided the matter by resigning the Native 
 Agency in September 1819. 
 
 On the 12th of the following month he was 
 proclaimed Minister, and the following sunnud was 
 granted to him in full Durbar, the Resident and his 
 suite being present : 
 
 " His Highness' Government gives to Dhackjee 
 Dadajee for his expenses a fixed salary this year 
 according tp which this is the annual agreement. 
 
 "The detailed statement. 
 
 <c The Enam villages granted in the Baroda per- 
 gunna : - 
 
605 
 
 The village of Mohal Rs. 9,501 
 
 Ditto of Bhaj 13,000 
 
 Ditto of For 7,500 
 
 Rs. 30,001 
 
 Ready money to be paid either by an 
 assignment on the revenues of the 
 Mahals or by an order on the 
 potedar Rs. 70,000 
 
 Total Rs. 1,00,001 
 
 The sum of rupees one lac and one is agreed to be 
 paid as a fixed salary annually, commencing from this 
 year. In this amount three villages are in the^Per- 
 gunna of Baroda, producing thirty thousand and one 
 rupees, and an assignment on the revenues of the 
 Mahals- for Rupees seventy thousand, or an order for 
 the same. The Government will, therefore, annually 
 pay Rupees one lac. Do you therefore serve the 
 state with faithfulness, trustworthiness, and sincerity. 
 
 In reporting this to Government, Mr. Williams, 
 who was at the time acting for Captain Carnac, request- 
 ed that the bhandery of the Honorable Company 
 might be affixed to this sunnud ; but Government in 
 their reply disapproved of his having been appointed 
 Minister, and in the following January recommended 
 that he should retire. Syajee, Mr. Williams reported, 
 " expressed no regret" at losing him, and no doubt 
 secretly exulted at such an unexpected termination to 
 this difficulty. Mr. Williams and His Highness mu- 
 tually agreed that as Mr. Elphinstone, the Governor 
 of Bombay, was expected so shortly at Baroda, it 
 
GOG 
 
 would be better to leave everything relating to Dhack- 
 jee's removal until his arrival. 
 
 In the following April Mr. Elphinstone settled with 
 the Guicowar that Dhackjee should retire on one-third 
 of his nernnook, or Rs. 30,000 per annum, as the 
 villages had been given to him in enam,and it was not 
 usual to resume such grants except in cases of treason. 
 
 After Mr. Elphinstone's departure, Syajee brought 
 charges against Dhackjee 1st, that he had embezzled 
 Rs. 2,75,000 under the name of brokerage ; 2nd, that 
 he had falsely entered a sum of Rs. 1,90,000 in the 
 accounts as paid to the creditors of Futteh Sing, while 
 he had appropriated that sum to his own uses ; and 
 3rd, that he had taken a commission from the farmers 
 of revenue for becoming security for the payment 
 of their instalments. 
 
 In reply, Dhackjee said that the first item had been 
 given as a reward for his services in decreasing the 
 guaranteed loan. That Futteh Sing had presented 
 him with the second as a premium for his admitting 
 Hurree Bhugtee into a share of the potedaree/ and 
 that the third was a usual custom in the Baroda Slate. 
 
 The Government of Bombay decided that he had 
 fraudulently embezzled the first two items, and that 
 Syajee Rao was fairly entitled to recover them. On the 
 third they required fuller information. 
 
 When first Dhackjee received his dismissal, Syajee was 
 very anxious for his removal from Barcda. Dhackjee 
 however pleaded that he had to settle accounts with 
 his partners in the potedaree transactions, and was 
 consequently allowed a reasonable time to do so. He 
 then exerted all his ingenuity in evading a settlement. 
 
G07 
 
 r l he Resident in vain tried to help him. He had him 
 and the bankers frequently up at the Residency, and 
 his patience must have been sorely tried by the frivo- 
 lous excuses put forth. At one time no accounts had 
 been brought ; at another the bankers refused extracts 
 to be made ; convenient deaths occurred, and during 
 the ensuing time of mourning no business could be 
 transacted. Goomashtas and accounts had to be sum- 
 moned from Malvva and Kattywar. It is most likely 
 that Dhackjee delayed in this manner in the hopes of 
 being again taken into favour ; indeed, at one time 
 
 & O ' 3 
 
 Syajee came to some secret understanding with him, 
 and to the Resident's surprise expressed a wish that 
 he should be allowed to remain at Barocla. 
 
 But avarice was Syajee's ruling passion ; and when 
 the Resident informed him of the determination of 
 Government adverted to above, that he was at liberty 
 to recover the sums it was proved that Dhackjee had 
 embezzled, his whole demeanor changed, and he was 
 again eager in his animosity against the fallen minister. 
 
 No settlement of his accounts had been made by 
 Dhackjee up to August 1820. It was then intimated 
 to him that Government had determined to withdraw 
 its protection from him on the 1st September, if he had 
 not by that time settled his accounts. Mr. Williams 
 extended this term till the 24th of the month on his 
 own responsibility, and on the accounts being still 
 unsettled, the constructive bhandery he enjoyed was 
 withdrawn. 
 
 Soon after this, a release in full of all claims, as re- 
 garded the Baroda potedaree, was passed by Dhackjee 
 
608 
 
 to the firms of Hurree Bhugtee and Myral Narayen, 
 and a similar one was granted to him by Ruttonjee 
 Khandass for his share in the Kattywar potedaree 
 transactions. 
 
 Syajee Rao about the same time resumed the enam 
 villages, and made Dhackjee Dadajee disgorge a sum 
 of Rs. 7,75,000 on account of his peculation; and to 
 enable him to do this, he allowed him to squeeze his 
 confidential Agent Oomea Shunkur. Syajee at the 
 same time managed to obtain from Dhackjee the sun- 
 nud which he had granted to him, which was duly 
 and formally cancelled. 
 
 Dhackjee then retired to Bombay arid commenced 
 a series of memorials to the Governments of Bombay and 
 Calcutta, and the Court of Directors, which only ter- 
 minated with* his death in 1846. 
 
 His appeals to the Court, backed by home influence, 
 were partially successful. In 1823, the Home Govern- 
 ment dissented entirely from the decision passed in 
 Bombay, and considered that Dhackjee was fairly 
 entitled to the enam villages, on the grounds of the 
 decision passed by Mr. Elphinstone. 
 
 The Bombay Government rejoined and adduced 
 new matter in support of their view of the case, but 
 the Court were not satisfied. A lengthened corres- 
 pondence followed, and in their despatch of the 26th 
 August 1835, they expressed themselves in the follow- 
 ing terms: 
 
 "It is our wish not to interfere between the Guico- 
 war and Dhackjee Dadajee, on account of the pecuniary 
 affairs of the latter. We think as we have always 
 
609 
 
 thought, that the enam villages ought to be restored 
 to Dhackjee Dadajee. 
 
 " We desire therefore that you will inform the Gui- 
 cowar, that we consider the faith of the British govern- 
 ment to have been so pledged to Dhackjee Dadajee in 
 the matter of the enam villages, that we feel it incum- 
 bent on us to require that. they should be immediately 
 restored to him with the arrears since they were 
 resumed. 
 
 " You will represent to the Guicowar that this 
 direction is imperative, and that if it be not immedi- 
 ately complied with on his part, the amount of the 
 arrears, and the annually accruing amount of the rent 
 of the enam villages, are to be deducted by you from 
 the Katty war and Mahee Kanta tributaries which you 
 collect on account of the Guicowar." 
 
 This communication being made to the Guicowar, 
 he naturally objected to admit that Dhackjee Dadajee 
 had any claims whatever on him. He pointed out, that 
 whatever modified bhandery he possessed had been 
 withdrawn by Government in 1821, and that therefore 
 it was most unjust to insist on -his giving up these 
 villages to Dhackjee, or on his paying up the arrears 
 from the date of their resumption. 
 
 In consequence of his opposition in the matter, and 
 the obvious sympathy in his cause displayed by the 
 Bombay Government, it was not till July 1838 that 
 the Resident, in consequence of renewed peremptory 
 orders received from the Court through the Supreme 
 Government, was directed by the latter authority to 
 carry these orders out immediately. 
 77 
 
610 
 
 In his reply, the Resident reported that the arrears 
 of the revenue of the enam villages, up to the 5th 
 June 1838 (calculating it at the full amount stated in 
 the sunnud of 1819), amounted to Rs. 5,10,017, and 
 in acknowledging his report, Government, on the 6th 
 August following, informed him that they had autho- 
 rised the Sub-Treasurer in Bombay to advance 
 Dhackjee an immediate sum of 5 lacs of rupees on that 
 account. 
 
 Syajee Rao protested' against these orders. He re- 
 fused to comply with them, or to give credit in his 
 accounts for any sum disbursed to Dhackjee. 
 
 In 1840, however, he ultimately acceded to the de- 
 mands of Government, and offered either to restore 
 the villages, or' to pay their annual value to Dhackjee. 
 This latter course was preferred by Dhackjee, in conse- 
 quence, he said, of his great age and increasing in- 
 firmities, and as an additional favour he was allowed 
 to draw the amount yearly from the General Treasury 
 at Bombay. 
 
 He was so far successful; but he had never ceased 
 in his memorials to demand the restoration of the 
 seven lacs and a half of rupees, with accruing interest, 
 that had been extorted from him by Syajee Rao in 
 1821. This claim had been uniformly negatived, and 
 in the year 1840, though he still memorialized on the 
 subject, he appears to have despaired of recovering 
 the amount through the intervention of the British 
 government. At that time, however, his friend and 
 patron, Sir James Carnac, had returned to India as 
 Governor of Bombay, and it occurred to Dhackjee 
 
611 
 
 that he might turn his intimacy with that gentleman 
 to account in obtaining money from the Guicowar. 
 Syajee Rao was then in the height of his disagree- 
 ments with the British government. Since Lord 
 Clare's visit to Baroda in 1832, demands of various sorts 
 had been accumulating agunst him, until in 1838 they 
 numbered 28. They were of various descriptions, 
 and included demands for compensation for injuries 
 inflicted on British subjects, infractions of guarantees, 
 dismissal of his minister Veneram, that the contingent 
 of 3,000 horse should be kept up in an efficient 
 manner, &c. &c.; and on His Highness' repeated* 
 refusal to come to a settlement of these demands, Go- 
 vernment determined, in 1839, to sequestrate the 
 district of Petlad, and to raise a body of horse at 
 His Highness' expense for service in Guzerat, to be 
 entirely under the control of the Resident, and to be 
 commanded by British officers. 
 
 During the year 1840. Syajee, while professing 
 submission, was endeavoring to evade compliance with 
 the demands made against him, and at the same time 
 to effect four objects of his own, which were the 
 release of Petlad from sequestration ; the avoidance 
 of the payment of the charges of the Guzerat Horse ; 
 the appointment of his own minister without reference 
 to the Resident, and the attendance of the Resident and 
 suite at the ceremonies of the Dewalee and Dussera. 
 
 In the latter part of 1840, Dhackjee Dadajee 
 opened communications with Baroda through Gopal 
 Rao Myral, one of the principal bankers there, who 
 was then high in the confidence of Syajee Rao, and 
 
612 
 
 intimated that he could, by his influence with the 
 Governor, get Sir James to accede to His Highness* 
 wishes, provided a sum of 5 lacs of rupees were placed 
 at his disposal to bribe the Governor. 
 
 This being agreed upon at Baroda, Dhackjee pro- 
 ceeded to write confidential letters to Sir James and 
 Lady Carnac, and to have several interviews with both 
 of them. In October he forwarded a letter to Sir James 
 through Lady Carnac, containing translation of letters 
 received from Baroda, and begging him, as he learnt 
 that he was about to proceed to Baroda, not to lose the 
 opportunity of his interviews with the Guicowar to 
 urge his (Dhackjee's) claims upon him privately! This 
 letter was returned unread by Sir James Carnac ; 
 but Dhackjee adroitly turned this to his advantage, 
 by representing that the amount of the bribe offered 
 for the Governor's acceptance was too small, and that 
 he required ten lacs of rupees, of which 5 were to 
 be advanced immediately. He also represented that 
 Mr. Willoughby, the Political Secretary, would re- 
 quire two lacs and a half for his connivance. Orders for 
 the amount of seven lacs and a half were accordingly, 
 about the time of the Governor's visit to Baroda in 
 January 1841, forwarded to Bombay through a person 
 named Gunputtee. In the meanwhile Sir James had 
 a series of conferences with Syajee Rao, and much to 
 that prince's disappointment, did not concede the points 
 so near to his heart. The pergunna of Petlad was re- 
 leased from attachment, and the ten lacs of rupees 
 which, since Lord Clare's visit in 1832, had been held 
 in deposit in the Bombay Treasury as a guarantee for 
 the punctual payment of the contingent horse, were 
 
613 
 
 ordered to be restored ; but His Highness was informed 
 that, in consequence of his recent misconduct, the 
 Guzerat Horse would be permanently maintained at 
 the cost of his State, and that a sum of 3 lacs of 
 rupees would be deducted yearly from the Kattywar * 
 tribute on that account ; nor was Syajee allowed to 
 appoint Gopal Row Myral as his minister. His 
 request for the attendance of the Resident and British 
 Troops at the ceremonies of the Gunputty and Dussera 
 was, moreover, disallowed the former practice being 
 maintained of meeting and saluting His Highness at 
 a point in the procession, but not of being present at 
 any of the ceremonies. 
 
 When Syajee found that Sir James had not acceded 
 to his wishes, orders were issued to stop the pay- 
 ment of the money forwarded to Bombay by Gunputtee 
 Bawa, and two of Gopal Rao's confidential agents, 
 Succaram Bawa and Ballajee Punt, were deputed to 
 Bombay to inquire into matters, and to establish a 
 branch at that place on the ten lacs of rupees which 
 were immediately on Sir James' return to Bombay to 
 be repaid from the Treasury. 
 
 Dhackjee soon managed to gain Gopal Rao MyraFs 
 agents over to his cause; he introduced them to Sir 
 James Carnac, and either succeeded in imposing on 
 them, or in seducing them, for they soon after their 
 arrival reported that affairs were all right; and on 
 their representation, five lacs of rupees were paid to 
 Dhackjee Dadajee. That individual stated that the 
 Governor was powerless in the matter, as the orders 
 regarding the horse, &c. had come from superior 
 
614 
 
 authority, but that Sir James intended to re-agitate the 
 matter at home. 
 
 But suspicions still existed a.t Baroda that all was 
 not right in Bombay; and, in consequence, the Killa- 
 dar of the city, who was a brother-in-law of Syajee's, 
 deputed an agent, named Heeralal, to make inquiries 
 at the Presidency. He soon found that none of the 
 money had reached European officials. Directly 
 Dhackjee Dadajee and Gopal Rao Myral's agent disco- 
 vered his object, they endeavoured first to gain him 
 over to their own purpose, and when this failed, they 
 got over Moteerow to swear a false debt of Rs. 12,000 
 against him under an assumed name, and on his affi- 
 davit Heeralal was arrested and placed in jail : he was 
 soon after released, as no one appeared to prosecute 
 him, and was recommended to leave Bombay directly. 
 
 Heeralal however brought an action against the 
 parties concerned for subornation of perjury, and in 
 the course of the inquiry it became evident for what 
 purpose he was sent to Bombay, and by degrees the 
 facts abovementioned were elicited. 
 
 Dhackjee Dadajee, when called upon for an expla- 
 nation, stated (when the fact that the money had been 
 paid him could be no longer concealed) that he had 
 received it in part payment of his claims against the 
 Guicowar ; but it was shown that this story was obvi- 
 ously untrue, as he could produce no documents or 
 copies of any acquittance passed by him on the subject. 
 
 The matter was referred to Syajee Rao, but he 
 steadily resisted giving any assistance. He first stated 
 that if any money had been given, it had been given 
 
615 
 
 to Gunputtee Bawa to expend in charity ; he next 
 said that he had paid it to Dhackjee in full of all 
 demands, and when it was pointed out to him that 
 the British government had steadily resisted those 
 demands, replied, that he feared Dhackjee's influence 
 would be able to reverse the decision; and, finally, he 
 avowed that he had paid the money to Dhackjee 
 " for the purpose of unduly attaining political advan- 
 tages." 
 
 In 1843, Dhackjee's and Ballajee Punt's papers 
 were seized by Government, and from these and 
 other documents which came to hand, there could 
 remain no doubt of their guilt. 
 
 On the 24th July of that year, therefore, Govern- 
 ment ordered that, in consequence of his gross mis- 
 conduct in receiving a bribe of five lacs, and his 
 explanation having been proved to be false, his name 
 should be removed from the Commission of the Peace. 
 The arrangement made for his convenience, by which 
 he was permitted to draw the rent of his enam 
 villages from the Bombay Treasury should be discon- 
 tinued ; that he should henceforth be excluded from 
 all durbars in Bombay and Baroda, and that he 
 might make such arrangements as he could for getting 
 the revenues of his enam villages from the Guicowar. 
 They made no objection to his applying to the Durbar, 
 and subsequently, on his reporting that the Guicowar 
 was willing to pay him the amount on the arrangement 
 receiving the sanction of Government, they instructed 
 the Resident to tell Syajee that he was at liberty 
 either to make over his enam villages to Dhackjee, or 
 
616 
 
 to pay him or his agents the actual amount of money 
 realized. 
 
 The Guicowar at first refused to consent to either 
 course, but ultimately agreed to pay him the actual 
 revenue of the villages for his life. In reply, Govern- 
 ment informed him that he must pay up the full reve- 
 nue of the villages as stated in the sunnud, deducting 
 only a reasonable amount for the expenses of collection. 
 This His Highness consented to do after considerable 
 discussion ; but the Court of Directors decided that 
 Dhackjee was entitled to the full revenues of the villages 
 without any deduction, and Syajee, with great reluct- 
 ance, paid the sum he had withheld on account of 
 expenses of collection, &c. 
 
 Dhackjee died on the 26th January 1846, continu- 
 ing his mania for memorializing up to the last moment ; 
 for he wrote the day before- his death to the Bombay 
 Government, hoping that they would excuse all the 
 errors he had committed, and recommended his 
 adopted son to their care. He had already in 1841 
 begged that Government would use their influence 
 for this adoption to be recognised by the Guicowar, 
 but all interference in the matter was refused. 
 
 With his death the guarantee, or rather what was 
 supposed to be his guarantee, lapsed. In spite of the 
 grant made to him in the sunnud being on account of 
 service, and as part of the emoluments of his office ; in 
 spite of his enjoying no written guarantee; in spite of 
 his villages having been resumed for 18 years; and in 
 spite of his perfidious behaviour in 1841, his nemnook 
 
617 
 
 was guaranteed to him till the day of his death, and 
 no bad conduct on his part was able to do away with 
 the impression that he was entitled to our protection. 
 
 The family of which Narayen Rao is the present re- 
 presentative, has been connected 
 Naray^n'R 2 ao'Mahadeo with the Durbar since the year 
 Muzmoodar. 1794. On Govind Rao Guico- 
 
 war's accession in that year, he appointed Mahadeo 
 Rao Gopal Muzmoodar as Record-keeper of the State, 
 and fixed his salary and emoluments at about 
 Rs. 21,000 per annum. 
 
 During the reign of Annund Rao Guicowar, son and 
 successor of Govind Rao, Kanojee Rao, his illegitimate 
 brother, usurped the government, as has been related 
 in a former part of these memoirs ; he placed the Muz- 
 moodar in confinement, and extorted a large sum of 
 money from him. On Kanojee's downfall, the Muz- 
 moodar was released and obtained the guarantee of 
 some Arab jemedars against further extortion and vio- 
 lence, which, on their expulsion, was exchanged for 
 that of the British government. 
 
 He had previous to this, on the accession of Annund 
 Rao, obtained a sunnud, guaranteeing his Muzmoo- 
 dary rights, and containing a promise to confer on him 
 a village, valued at six or seven hundred rupees per 
 annum, for the maintenance of a palanquin. This was 
 shortly afterwards followed by a formal sunnud, dated 
 13th November 1801, by Annund Rao Guicowar, 
 countersigned by the Resident, Major Walker, as gua- 
 rantee on the part of the British government, confirming 
 78 
 
618 
 
 Mahadeo Rao in all the rights secured to him by the 
 Arab jemedars, but making no allusion to the village 
 to be granted to him for the maintenance of a palan- 
 quin, which, in consequence of this omission, was 
 not included in the original bhandery granted by 
 Major Walker. 
 
 On the 7th September following, however, a sunnud 
 was prepared, conferring on the Muzmoodar the village 
 of Kohna, in the Korul pergunna, for the maintenance 
 of a palanquin, to have effect from the preceding- 
 year. 
 
 In the same year, when Annund Rao concluded his 
 treaty of the 2nd June 1802, the Muzmoodar is especi- 
 ally mentioned in the 10th Article in the following 
 terms : 
 
 " Conformably to Major Walker's suggestions and 
 wishes, the articles contained in this declaration were 
 written, and to which I have given my assent; but 
 in the event of evil-disposed persons attempting any- 
 thing unfair or unreasonable against my person, my 
 Dewan, Rowjee Appajee, his son, his brother, nephew, 
 or relations, and Mahadeo Rao Tatia Muzmoodar, or 
 even should I myself or my successors commit anything 
 improper or unjust, the English government shall 
 interfere and see in either case that it is settled 
 according to equity and reason." 
 
 Mahadeo Rao died in 1808, and was succeeded by 
 his son Succaram Mahadeo, to whom a sunnud was 
 granted in 1809 by Annund Rao Guicowar in con- 
 sideration of his father's services. This sunnud was 
 guaranteed by the British government. This document 
 
619 
 
 is of exactly the same tenor as the one granted to 
 Mahadeo Rao Gopal, with the exception, that in the 
 former a village for the maintenance of a palanquin is 
 included, without any allusion however being made to 
 the amount assigned on that account. 
 
 Succaram died in 1823, and was succeeded by his 
 son Maliadeo Rao, \vho survived only four years, having 
 himself expired in September 1827. 
 
 As there were no direct heirs to succeed, Syajee 
 Rao at first had some idea of conferring the vacant 
 office on some' other family ; in short, to sell it to the 
 highest bidder, when the mother of the deceased 
 Muzmoodar negociated to be permitted to adopt a son 
 from the relations of the family (on the payment of 
 of a large nuzzerana), in which she was finally success- 
 ful. The youth selected, by name Narayen Rao, was 
 a nephew of Mahadeo Rao, the first Muzmoodar. 
 The ceremony of adoption was performed on the 8th 
 June 1828, in the presence of Gunput Rao Guicowar, 
 the heir apparent, and was ratified on the 10th by 
 Syajee Rao in the presence of the Resident, Mr. 
 Williams. A sunnud was granted at the same time 
 to Narayen Rao with the following provisions : 
 
 " Whereas the late Mahadeo Succaram, Muzmoo- 
 dar, died in his infancy, this Government, taking the 
 circumstances of the family into consideration, per- 
 mits your adoption to supply the place of .the deceas- 
 ed as though you were his son ; therefore you are to 
 succeed to all the honours and emoluments belonging 
 to the office of Muzmoodar as held hitherto by the 
 family into which you are adopted ; that is to say, the 
 
G20 
 
 fees from land revenue and other sources, the enam 
 villages, the village for palkee allowance enjoyed by 
 your predecessors, the same without reserve devolve on 
 you, and you are to discharge your duties as honestly 
 and zealously as by them discharged ; and we pledge 
 ourselves to maintain in your favour, and in favour 
 of your heirs for ever the whole provisions stipulated 
 in the sunnud granted to your grandfather Succaram 
 Mahadeo, Muzmoodar., under the bhandery of the 
 British government, holding the said bhandery as 
 descending to you and your heirs for ever." 
 
 This sunnud received the guarantee of the Resident 
 on the 25th March 1830, in the following terms: 
 
 " In virtue of authority conveyed to me in Mr. Chief 
 Secretary Newnham's despatch of the 27th June 1828, 
 I hereby affix the guarantee of the British government, 
 securing to the adopted son the rights and privileges 
 of the deceased Muzmoodar." 
 
 When Colonel Outram wrote his Bhandery Report 
 in 1854, he gave it as his opinion that the grant to 
 the Muzmoodar, as quoted above, was consequently 
 extended to the family as long as any direct heirs 
 should exist, and this view was concurred in by the 
 Government of India in their letter of the 21st 
 January 1856. 
 
 In the commencement of 1855, His Highness the 
 Guicowar preferred a complaint against Narayen Rao 
 I.luzmoodar, for having failed during the previous 
 twenty-six years to pay Rs. 1,200 per annum to Go- 
 vernment on account of receipts from the village of 
 Kohna (which had been granted to his great-grand- 
 
621 
 
 father Mahadeo Rao in 1802, for the maintenance of 
 a palanquin), in excess of the stipulated nemnook of 
 Rs. 1,100 usually granted for that purpose; and His 
 Highness requested to be informed in what manner 
 the Durbar should proceed against the defaulter, \vho, 
 though one of their own servants, and the head of one 
 of the principal Civil offices of Government, held his 
 appointment under the guarantee of the British govern- 
 ment, and in consequence refused to attend to His 
 Highness' injunctions. 
 
 Colonel Malcolm, who was then Resident, on pro- 
 ceeding to investigate the case, found that the Durbar 
 had recovered from the Muzmoodar Rs. 14,800 between 
 the yeara 1819 and 1826, on account of revenue 
 levied in those years from the village of Kohna, in excess 
 of the stipulated nemnook of Rs. 1,100 usually granted 
 for the maintenance of a palanquin; but that sub- 
 sequent to the latter year, from the influence of the 
 Muzmoodar, who held all the official records in his 
 hands, or from the collusion of the Minister of the day, 
 he had, up to the period of the complaint, appropriated 
 the whole of the revenues, averaging from Rs. 2,300 
 to Rs. 3,000 per annum to his own purposes. 
 
 The Resident also discovered amongst the old re- 
 cords a list of Domalla villag'es, that is to say, of vil- 
 lages assigned in whole or part payment of a nemnook 
 proposed in 1802, in which the village of Kohna is 
 mentioned as valued at Rs. 1,100 per annum, and held 
 by Mahadeo Rao Gopal as a jagheer for the mainte- 
 nance of a palanquin ; and in another paper, prepared 
 in 1807, showing the impositions practised on the 
 
622 
 
 Durbar by the holders of Domalla villages, the follow- 
 ing entry was found : 
 
 u The village of Kohna, given for the maintenance 
 of a palanquin at.Rs. 1,100, yields Rs. 3,000." 
 
 The Muzmoodar, when called upon for his reply to 
 this complaint, asserted that the revenues of the whole 
 village were assigned to him by the Guicowar and 
 guaranteed by the British government for the main- 
 tenance of a palanquin, and that the sum of Rs. 
 14, 800, recovered by the Durbar between the years 
 1819 and 1826, had been extorted from him unjustly; 
 but that he had not complained for fear of irritating 
 the Guicowar, and also in the hope that he might be 
 able to negotiate for the restitution of the- money at 
 some favourable opportunity. 
 
 In submitting the case to Government, the Resident 
 reported that, from inquiries he had instituted, it was 
 certain that Rs. 1,100 per annum was the highest sum 
 ever assigned for the maintenance of a palanquin ; 
 that the Muzmoodar had fraudulently appropriated all 
 the revenues of the village in excess of that sum, and 
 that the Durbar was, in his opinion, fully entitled to 
 recover the arrears at the rate of Rs. 1,200 per annum. 
 
 His views were approved of by the Government of 
 India in their despatch of the 9th February 1855. 
 The Governor General considered that Narayen Rao 
 had been enjoying revenue to which he had no right, 
 and that the Guicowar should not be prevented by our 
 guarantee from recovering the arrears from him. 
 That the Muzmoodar's conduct was open to much 
 blame and deserved a severe rebuke, and that he was 
 
623 
 
 to be warned that any future misconduct of himself or 
 his family would subject him to the withdrawal of the 
 British guarantee. 
 
 This view of the case was upheld by the Court of 
 Directors in their despatch of the 5th March in the 
 following year. The Court, however, requested to 
 know the amount levied by the Durbar from the Muz- 
 moodar. This was reported by the Resident, on the 
 19th July following, to amount to Rs. 32,400; that 
 the Durbar, with his concurrence, had considered it 
 better to take an uniform sum of Rs. 1,200 per annum, 
 the minimum levied in former years, than to go into 
 accounts extending over many years, the sole records 
 of which were in the Muzmoodar's hands, and that the 
 Muzmoodaf had signed a bond agreeing to pay the 
 arrears by instalments of Rs. 4,000 per annum. 
 
 In the year 1S58, Sir R. Shakespear reported to 
 Government that the Guicowar and ministers com- 
 plained of the disrespectful and contumacious behavi- 
 our of Narayen Rao Muzmoodar; that he set himself 
 up in opposition to the ministers, and did not on 
 occasions of ceremony pay proper respect to his High- 
 ness; and the Resident therefore recommended, that 
 as his conduct was likely at that period to embarrass 
 the administration, his bhandery should be declared 
 forfeited in accordance with the warning already 
 conveyed to him. 
 
 This view was Approved of by the Government of 
 India, and Narayen Rao was declared, by notification 
 published in the Calcutta Gazette on the 23rd July 
 1858, V to have forfeited his bhandery through miscon- 
 duct/"' 
 
624 
 
 Narayen Rao affected not to have been made aware 
 of this decision; he refused to accept the Rs. 1,100 
 per annum offered him by the Durbar in lieu of his 
 palanquin allowance ; he sent a Vukeel to Calcutta, 
 and appealed as a guaranteed subject against the deci- 
 sion arrived at regarding his nemnook. At length 
 his Vukeel at Calcutta presented a petition to Sir J. 
 Ou tram, who declined to have anything to say to him, 
 and forwarded the document to Baroda. Narayen 
 Rao declared that the signature affixed to the petition 
 (which contained a mass of falsehood) was not his, but 
 that he had given his Agent full authority to act as he 
 liked. In consequence of this circumstance, Govern- 
 ment ruled, in their letter of the 19th August 1859, 
 that no petitions would be received by the Supreme 
 Government from Baroda subjects except through the 
 medium of the Resident. 
 
 The guarantee to the Muzmoodar's family has 
 therefore lapsed. 
 
 No 24 Bhasker Rao Wittul is the 
 
 Bhasker Rao Wittul. present representative of the 
 
 family of Babbajee Appajee. 
 
 Babbajee was the brother of Rowjee Appajee, 
 Annund Rao Guicowar's minister. Incidental mention 
 lias already been made of him in the memoir of 
 Rowjee Appajee. 
 
 When Kanojee usurped the throne of his brother 
 Annund Rao, he made Babbaj-ee his minister. After 
 his downfall, Babbajee was appointed general of the 
 Guicowar contingent, which co-operated in the opera* 
 
625 
 
 tions against Mulhar Rao in 1802, commonly called the 
 Kurree war, and lie commanded the Moolukgeeree 
 army which proceeded into Kattywar in the following- 
 year, for the purpose of collecting the tribute and in 
 pursuit of Mulhar Rao. He was successful in both 
 objects, and captured Mulhar Rao and his son, chiefly 
 through the gallantry and address of his young kins- 
 man Withul Rao. 
 
 His brother Rowjee died in 1803, and was succeeded 
 by his nephew and adopted son Seetaram Rowjee. In 
 the course of Colonel Walker's inquiries and reforms, 
 Seetaram was found utterly incompetent to perform the 
 responsible office of Minister to his imbecile master 
 Annund Rao. A council of Regency was accordingly 
 appointed in 1806, of which Futteh Sing was nominated 
 President, and Babbajee " Khasgee" or confidential 
 minister, Seetaram still remaining ostensible minister in 
 possession of all the emoluments of the office. Babba- 
 jee's name had already been included in the sunnuds 
 granted to his brother Rowjee Appajee, and in the 10th 
 article of the treaty of the 29th July 1802. On the 
 19th November 1806, however, a separate sunriud 
 was granted to him under the guarantee of the Resi- 
 dent, as follows : 
 
 " Inasmuch as you have hitherto discharged your 
 duties as a servant of the State, and moreover in the 
 settlement of the Kurree Pergunna and in the Kat- 
 tywar arrangements particularly deserved our appro- 
 bation, therefore this Government, taking your merits 
 into consideration, has appointed you to the office of 
 confidential minister, relying on your integrity and 
 79 
 
626 
 
 zeal for the due performance of all that is expected 
 from you : continue in the same course of fidelity and 
 zeal. Your stipend and emoluments of office are 
 separately registered ; these emoluments and the office 
 of confidential minister are granted as hereditary to 
 you and your family for ever, and the Honorable 
 British Government have guaranteed to you and your 
 heirs our faithful accomplishment of this our solemn 
 obligation. 
 
 " (Signed and sealed)." 
 
 "Agreeably to this sunnud in all just cases the 
 Honorable English Company's bhandery. 
 
 " (Signed) A. WALKER, Resident.' 7 
 
 On the 17th January following, Babbajee's duties 
 were defined in a memorandum of seven articles, as 
 follows : 
 
 "Whereas the Sirkar is much inconvenienced by 
 the Public Department* you, Babbajee Appajee, our 
 confidential minister, are directed to inquire into the 
 same, and the following instructions are laid down 
 for your guidance : 
 
 "1. The office of confidential minister being one 
 of great trust, you were selected for it ; but your ap- 
 pointment is in no respect to interfere with the office 
 of Dewan held by Seetaram Rowjee, who is not to lose 
 anything of what is due thereto. You are to work 
 conjointly for the public advantage. You are to draft 
 and prepare the Sirkar yads, to which our seal and 
 signature are to be attached, without which no paper 
 is to be valid as a public document : all public 
 business in all branches of the service is to be transacted 
 
627 
 
 in the Bhuddah. Let no paper be issued in the name of 
 the Sirkar without our signature. 
 
 <f 2. You are directed to examine into the total 
 receipts of the reveuue in all its branches, and set 
 aside Rs. 17,55,000 for the liquidation of the public 
 debts, and apply the remainder to providing means 
 for the suitable maintenance of our state and family, 
 that our Government may be honorably upheld and 
 the country flourish. The revenues are placed entirely 
 under your supervision, under the immediate superin- 
 tendence of the Sirkar. 
 
 "3. You are directed to make the most minute 
 inquiry into every part of the Army expenditure, 
 whether Silladar, Pagadar, or Sebundies, and their 
 arrears to this date. You are to avail yourself of the 
 means at your disposal for the discharge thereof, and 
 raise a loan for the complete payment from this date. 
 You are ordered to be careful in the selection of servants 
 for Government, entertaining none but respectable 
 and deserving men, that there may be no deficiencies 
 by fraudulent muster, but all be ready for the public 
 service when required. 
 
 " 4. It is indispensable for the public advantage 
 that you exercise a full and efficient control over all 
 the officers of Government, and that all submit to 
 your authority and guidance; therefore it is hereby 
 ordered that all Sirdars, Durrukdars, Sowkars, and 
 others of every rank, servants of Government, be placed 
 under your command. 
 
 " 5. In the management of the Mahals, you are ex- 
 pected to devote your whole attention to the improve- 
 
628 
 
 merit of resources, and you are to be cautious whom 
 you employ in the service of Government, and on no 
 account promote the worthless and inactive. 
 
 " 6. The Government of the Honorable Company 
 has ever been and ever will be the ally and support 
 of our Sirkar. Let your communications with the 
 British government be continued without interrup- 
 tion. 
 
 " 7. Such are your instructions for the administra- 
 tion of our affairs. In the faithful discharge of these 
 duties you will doubtless create for yourself many 
 enemies and raise envies and jealousies; but to assure 
 you of safety, the guarantee of the Honorable Com- 
 pany's Government is pledged on your behalf, there- 
 fore fear nothing. Discharge your duties faithfully 
 for the future, as you have hitherto done since you 
 have been in the employ of Government. 
 
 " (Signed and sealed)." 
 
 " In the course of your management in all just cases, 
 having for their object the benefit of the Guicowar Sir- 
 kar, the Honorable Company is your bhandery. 
 
 "(Signed) A. WALKER, 
 
 Resident." 
 
 Babbajee's nemnook and allowances were fixed by 
 a sunnud granted on the 9th January 1809 at Rs. 
 70,000 per annum, and an extra sum of Rs. 30,000 was 
 granted for the maintenance of a paga of 100 horse, 
 Rs. 22,900 were also granted for his karkoon establish- 
 ment, and sums were assigned in the sunnud to four 
 individuals by names as follows: 
 
6:29 
 
 1. Krishna Rao Bhugwunt Rs. 6,000 
 
 2. Withul Rao Dewajee 9,900 
 
 3. Bapshajee Damodur 3,000 
 
 4. Ramchunder Myral 4,000 
 
 Rs. 22,900 
 
 
 
 Babbajee Appujee died on the 10th November 1810. 
 He was a faithful servant of the State, and during 
 his tenure of the office recovered for it several sums that 
 had been fraudulently withheld. His rank and 
 emoluments were confirmed to his son Withul Rao 
 Babbajee by sunnud of the 10th December 1810, 
 and the paper received the bhandery of the British 
 government to be enjoyed during "good behaviour." 
 
 Withul Rao passed an uneventful life. In 1820, when 
 Dhackjee Dadajee was dismissed, Syajee, after having 
 in vain requested Mr. Elphinstone to let him nominate 
 Seetaram Rowjee as minister, took Withul Rao Bhow, 
 as he was called, on trial ; but he was before long oust- 
 ed by the superior influence of his kinsman and name- 
 sake Withul Rao Dewajee, who had been his colleague 
 in the Government. 
 
 Withul Rao Bhow died on the 6th August 1828 ; he 
 had no children, arid expressed a wish before his death 
 to adopt a relative named Bhasker Rao, a boy of 1 1 
 years of age at the time of his decease. His widow, 
 Suckoobaee, was accordingly allowed to adopt, on pay- 
 ment of a nuzzeranu of 2 lacs of rupees, and a sun- 
 nud, dated 18th August 1828, was granted to Bhasker 
 Rao, confirming him in the enjoyment of the income 
 
630 
 
 and emoluments held by his adoptive father, with the 
 exception of Rs. 8,070 per annum deducted from the 
 gross total. The sunnud was granted in the following 
 terms: 
 
 " Whereas the late Withul Rao Babbajee Khasgee- 
 wala, when suffering under severe illness and at the 
 point of death adopted you by the permission and ap- 
 probation of the Sirkar as his son, therefore he being 
 now dead, this sunnud is executed in your favour, and 
 you are hereby placed in possession of the honour and 
 emoluments of the office of Khasgeewala, in like man- 
 ner and in full enjoyment thereof as first granted to 
 your grandfather Babbajee Appajee in a memorandum 
 of 7 articles, under date 17th January 1807, and as 
 confirmed to your late father by sunnud and agreement 
 under the guarantee of the British government in 
 1810; therefore, you being thus placed in this office 
 of inheritance, see that you discharge the same honor- 
 ably and faithfully, and all the emoluments and ad- 
 vantages of office, as already enumerated in former 
 sunnuds, are hereby confirmed to you as descending to 
 you by right of inheritance, and to descend to your 
 heirs after you for ever. Such being the case, fail in 
 nothing of the important duties devolving on you, 
 and rely on the assurance of the Durbar that you and 
 your family shall suffer no injustice from us, and the 
 bhandery of the Honorable Company is pledged to 
 you as security for the faithful discharge of these our 
 engagements. 
 
 " In virtue of authority conveyed in Mr. Chief 
 Secretary Newnham's despatch, dated 21st August 
 
631 
 
 1828, I hereby affix the guarantee of the British go- 
 vernment to the sunnud granting the same privileges 
 to the adopted son as were enjoyed by the deceased 
 Withoba Bhow. 
 
 " (Signed) J. WILLIAMS, 
 
 Resident." 
 
 Young Bhasker Rao Withul soon fell into the 
 hands of bad advisers, and under their auspices 
 commenced a career of extravagance and dissipation. 
 His father had died a good deal involved, and he had 
 so increased the liabilities of the family, that in 1839 
 the Resident reported that they could not be less than 
 7 lacs of Rupees. 
 
 As a guaranteed subject, he had before this period 
 incurred the odium of Syajee Rao and his infamous 
 minister Veeneeram. In 1836, the latter commenced 
 a series of prosecutions against Bhasker Rao : he stopped 
 his nemnook and imposed a mohsul on him, under 
 the pretence of compelling his cousin and karbharee 
 Anajee Damodhur to pay a debt, but in reality because 
 Bhasker Rao had refused to pay a fee of one per cent, 
 on the nemnook he enjoyed under the guarantee of the 
 British government to the minister. On an application 
 being made to the Resident, he caused the mohsul 
 to be removed, and requested Syajee Rao to pay up 
 all arrears of the nemnook then due. 
 
 In March 1837, Ruggonath Mhyput, Bhasker Rao's 
 real father, invaded the house of the latter with a band 
 of 40 or 50 Arabs, and placed Bhasker Rao and his 
 adoptive mother in custody. His pretext for this act of 
 violence was that Bhasker Rao was suffering insult and 
 
632 
 
 deprivation of his just rights from Sukoobaee, who kept 
 the management of affairs in her own hands, and re- 
 fused to allow him the enjoyment of his nemnook, and 
 that he had consequently invited Ruggonath Rao's 
 assistance to obtain his own. Although there may 
 have been some little truth in this, as Bhasker Rao 
 had" an open rupture with his mother, a short time 
 afterwards it transpired in the course of the inquiry that 
 Ruggonath Rao had been incited to commit the act 
 by the minister Veeneeram, in revenge for Bhasker 
 Rao's continued refusal to pay the former a per-cerit- 
 age on his nemnook, and that the Arabs who were 
 participators in the outrage were at the time, or had 
 been a few days before, in the service of the minister. 
 
 Ruggonath Rao first surrounded the house with 
 Arabs, so as to prevent all communication from with- 
 out, and then proceeded to confine Bhasker Rao and 
 his mother in separate apartments. One of their 
 dependants, however, managed to elude his vigilance, 
 and escaping to the Residency made the tale known 
 there. The Resident immediately deputed a Karkoon 
 and Peons to inquire into the matter ; on their arrival 
 Ruggonath Rao withdrew with his mercenaries, and 
 Bhasker Rao and his mother were released. 
 
 On these proceedings being reported to the Bombay 
 Government, that authority expressed its indignation 
 at the infraction of the guarantee, and considered that 
 the act had taken place with the cognizance of Syajee 
 Rao. The Resident was directed to make this known 
 to His Highness, and to extend his protection to Bhas- 
 ker Rao, by furnishing him with Residency peons if 
 he required them. At the same time the Governor 
 
633 
 
 of Bombay wrote a khureeta to Bhasker Rao, assuring 
 him of the protection of the British government as 
 long as lie conducted himself with propriety. 
 
 On the strict letter of this announcement, his guar- 
 antee might have been justly forfeited in the following 
 year (1838), when he committed a diabolical piece of 
 cruelty on an unfortunate Wagree. This man, by 
 name Bhaeela Poonja, was engaged as a labourer in 
 Bhasker Rao's garden ; he was suspected of having been 
 engaged in some robbery, and was accordingly placed 
 in confinement in Bliasker Rao's house : refusing to 
 confess his guilt, it was resolved to extort a confession, 
 and with this view the unfortunate man was tied to a 
 tree, and in Bhasker Rao's presence was beaten most 
 cruelly and severely with the standing martingale 
 (made of leather, with iron rings) commonly used by 
 Ivlaratha horsemen. Still persisting in a denial of the 
 charges brought against him, he was suspended some 
 feet from the ground by a cord passing under his belly, 
 and being even then contumacious, his lacerated back 
 was sprinkled with brine. He was then cut down 
 arid removed in a state of insensibility to his cell ; no 
 one was allowed to approach him to bind up his 
 wounds or supply him with a drop of water. In the 
 morning he was found with his throat cut and a blunt 
 
 o 
 
 knife lying near him, with the intention of making 
 it appear that he had committed suicide. This, how- 
 ever, there was every reason to believe, he was quite 
 unable to effect ; and that finding he was either dead or 
 at the point of death, Bhasker Rao had caused this 
 additional atrocity to be committed to conceal as far 
 as possible his original guilt. 
 80 
 
634 
 
 In the morning he reported to the Resident that a 
 Wagree had committed suicide while in confinement in 
 his house on suspicion of having committed a robbery; 
 but on an inquiry being instituted, the above horrid 
 facts were brought to light. 
 
 Had this atrocity been perpetrated by a Sirdar of 
 equal rank to Bhasker Rao, who at the time enjoyed 
 the confidence of his sovereign, Syajee Rao would 
 probably have taken no notice of it, or would have in- 
 flicted a nominal fine if the relations of the murdered 
 man pestered him with their complaints. But Bhas- 
 ker Rao was then suffering under his displeasure and 
 the enmity of Yeeneeram ; and in consequence, when 
 the Resident applied to the Guicowar to know what 
 course he intended to adopt in the case, Syajee return- 
 ed evasive answers, until he had had time to consult 
 Veeneeram (then in Calcutta), and then apprized the 
 Resident that he had dismissed Bhasker Rao from 
 his service. 
 
 The Resident, in reply, pointed out that as Bhasker 
 Rao's nemnook was guaranteed by the British go- 
 vernment, His Highness was unable to discontinue it 
 till the sanction of that authority was obtained. On 
 the matter being referred to Bombay, and thence to 
 Calcutta, the Supreme Government directed in the 
 first instance that the case should be judicially inquired 
 into by a Commission, consisting of the Resident and 
 two members, Sirdars of His Highness' Court, of 
 equal rank with Bhasker Rao, to be nominated by 
 Syajee Rao. 
 
 The Guicowar having refused to co-operate in con- 
 stituting a tribunal for the trial of the offence with 
 
635 
 
 which Bhasker Rao was charged, and the Government 
 of India having rejected a proposition which was sub- 
 mitted to it to form a Court for his trial on its own 
 exclusive authority, it was determined to levy such a 
 fine as would adequately mark our sense of the enormi- 
 ty of the offence which he had committed. Subsequent- 
 ly, after some discussion as to the amount, it was 
 determined that a fine of Rs. 70,000, or one year's 
 income, should be levied from Bhasker Rao, of which 
 Rs. 5,000 were made over for the use of the murdered 
 man's family, and the balance to His Highness the 
 Guicowar. 
 
 The Rs. 5,000 were invested in Government paper, 
 and the interest is paid to the family half-yearly from 
 the treasury. 
 
 In 1839, Bhasker Rao and his adoptive mother 
 finally separated, and a nemnook of Rs. 5,000 was 
 assigned to the latter out of the estate of His Highness 
 the Guicowar. Mr. Boyd, however, who was Resident 
 at the time, considered that a sum of Rs. 9,000 per 
 annum would not be more than sufficient for her. 
 From the time of her separate maintenance being 
 appointed, she pestered Government and the Resident 
 continually with detailed statements of her wrongs. It 
 was finally settled in 1847, that she was not entitled 
 to more than Rs. 500 per annum. She, however, per- 
 sisted in her appeals ; she declared that Mr. Boyd had 
 promised her that the allowance of Us. 5,000 was only 
 temporary, and that when Bhasker Rao had been 
 relieved from debt, it should be raised to Rs. 9,000 a 
 year : failing, however, to produce any evidence in 
 
636 
 
 support of I.er assertion, her claim was finally negatived 
 by the Court of Directors in 1852. 
 
 Allusion has been made above to the accumulation 
 of debt under which Bhasker Rao was labouring. In 
 1841, he laid a statement of his liabilities before Mr. 
 Boyd ; they then, according to his showing, amounted 
 to Rs. 5,51,857-15-6. 
 
 His income was assumed to be Rs. 90,627-8-0, and 
 it was arranged by the Resident, in communication 
 with the Guicowar, that Rs. 45,627-8-0 should be set 
 apart for the liquidation of his debts, and Rs. 45,000 
 be assigned for his expenses, and the maintenance of 
 his mother. 
 
 Subsequently, it was discovered that his nemnook 
 being partly derived from enam villages, was less by 
 several thousand Rupees than Mr. Boyd's estimate. 
 Bhasker Rao, moreover, made frequent demands for 
 money in excess of his stipulated allowances, on account 
 of ceremonial observances on domestic events in his 
 family. Payments to individuals, moreover, were 
 made by His Highness the Guicowar, although un- 
 authorised by the Resident; from these causes, money 
 for the payment of his debts accumulated but slowly, 
 and the body of creditors were averse to make any 
 abatement of their claims, so that although Bhasker 
 Rao's affairs claimed the best attention of the various 
 Residents from 1840 to 1852, it was not till the last 
 named year that a final adjustment was made. 
 
 In June of that year, Mr. Davies, who was then 
 Resident, reported that he had disposed of 66 claims 
 agninst Bhasker Rao, aggregating with principal and 
 
637 
 
 interest Rs. 5,54,603-3-0, and that the creditors had 
 all been paid off out of the money in deposit, at the 
 rate of about 13 annas in the Rupee. His recommen- 
 dation that the attachment should be removed from 
 his estate was approved of by Government, who 
 thenceforth washed their hands of Bhasker Rao's 
 pecuniary affairs, having already given warning that 
 they would exercise no further interference in favour of 
 individuals who could be so weak as to advance him 
 money on the strength of his enjoying the protection 
 of the British government. This precaution was 
 absolutely necessary, as Mr. Davies in his report on 
 the winding up of his affairs mentioned that this in- 
 corrigible spendthrift had contracted fresh debts very 
 little short of those which it had cost the officers of 
 Government so much trouble in compounding and 
 paying off during the past twelve years. 
 
 At the time Mr. Davies was taking so much trouble 
 about this worthless individual, he was little aware that 
 Bhasker Rao was attempting to tamper with his honour, 
 and that he was actually under the impression that he 
 had, through the medium of one of the Residency 
 peons, conveyed a considerable bribe to that gentleman, 
 his object being to procure a favourable decision in 
 the cases pending against him, and on some other 
 points about which he was very anxious. These points 
 were, the release of his nemnook from attachment; 
 his family jewels which were in deposit to be restored 
 to him; to be received by the Residency Guard with 
 a ruffle of drums (an honour which had been conferred 
 on his grandfather, but had been discontinued to 
 him on account of his bad conduct, though the guard 
 
638 
 
 still turned out and presented arms to him on occasions 
 of his visiting the Residency) ; and lastly, to be restored 
 to the office of Confidential Minister held by his 
 father and grandfather. For the fulfilment of all 
 these objects of his ambition, he signed a paper, 
 agreeing to give Mr. Davies Rs. 50,000. But as the 
 Resident had only the settlement of his pecuniary 
 affairs, and on their being wound up, the estate and 
 jewels were merely released from attachment, Bhasker 
 Rao would only give Rs. 15,000, which amount he 
 believed was conveyed secretly to the Resident. 
 
 The Peon, who was believed to be the go-between, 
 was soon after convicted of sundry misdemeanors 
 and was removed by Mr. Davies from the country. 
 That gentleman soon after died, arid some three years 
 afterwards, Dhonday the Peon re-appeared in Baroda. 
 
 Soon after his arrival he presented a petition to 
 the Resident, Colonel Malcolm, complaining of the 
 conduct of one of Bhasker Rao's clerks, by name 
 Bulwunt Rao, who had conspired with him to 
 defraud Bhasker Rao of a sum of Rs. 15,000, under 
 the pretext that it was to be given as a bribe to the 
 Resident for settling the Rao's affairs; he and the 
 Carkoon having agreed to share the money between 
 them, and the Carkoon having subsequently appro- 
 priated the money to his own purposes and refused to 
 give him (the petitioner) any portion of it. 
 
 Colonel Malcolm, with the assistance of the Durbar, 
 made a full investigation of this transaction. It was 
 conclusively proved that Bhasker Rao had authorised 
 this sum to be paid away, under the idea that it was 
 
639 
 
 to be given as a bribe to Mr. Da vies ; that he had 
 affixed his signature to the agreement which he believed 
 was shown to Mr. Davies, and that he had written 
 the order to the banker. It was further proved that the 
 Carkoon had appropriated the 15,000 Rs. to himself, 
 with the exception of a sum of Rs. 3,050, which he 
 had given to Dhonday for his share in the transaction. 
 On this matter being reported to the Supreme Govern- 
 ment, the Governor General decided, in his despatch 
 of the 19th September 1855, that the charge of bribery 
 and khutput had been fully substantiated against 
 Bhasker Rao, and that the bhandery of the British 
 government should be at once and permanently with- 
 drawn from him and his family. The Resident 
 was desired to make as public as possible this mark 
 of the displeasure of the British government, and 
 a public notification of the event was accordingly 
 issued in Baroda on the 6th October 1855. 
 
 It will be remembered, that in the memorandum of 
 the nemnook assigned to Babbajee Appajee in 1809, 
 allowances were granted to four of his followers by 
 name, and a sum aggregating Rs. 22,900 was set 
 aside for their maintenance. These four persons 
 were 1, Krishna Rao Bhugwunt; 2, Wittul Rao 
 Dewajee ; 3, Babshajee Damodhur ; and 4, Ramchunder 
 Myral; and being included in the guaranteed sunnud, 
 were also supposed to enjoy the protection of the 
 British government. At the time of the withdrawal 
 of the guarantee from Bhasker Rao, Ramchunder 
 Myral was deceased without heirs, and his allowances 
 had therefore lapsed. Wittul Rao had subsequently to 
 1809 received a separate sunnud, but the representa- 
 
640 
 
 tives of Krishna Rao Bhugwunt and Babshajee Damo- 
 dhur were still in the enjoyment of their pensions. 
 
 Syajee Rao had in 1839 attempted to resume the 
 allowance drawn by Laroo Crishna, tlie son of Crish- 
 na Rao Bhugwunt, on the plea that the grant was not 
 hereditary. Subsequently, however, he agreed on the 
 remonstrance of Mr. Boyd, to continue it as long as 
 the office of Khasgeewala should be held by Babbajee 
 Appajee. 
 
 Bapshajee Damodhur, at the time the allowance of 
 Rs 3,000 was granted to him, was living in a state of 
 coparcenary with his younger brother Annajee, and 
 according to Hindoo usage shared this allowance be- 
 tween them in common with all their property. They 
 separated in 1826, and the younger brother, Annajee, 
 sued in vain during the life-time of Syajee Rao for a 
 share in the allowance. 
 
 Gunput Rao Guicowar, however, on his accession 
 in 1847, took the matter up and submitted the case to 
 a bench of shastrees, who in 1850 drew out a formal 
 decree, to the effect that the younger brother of the 
 family was entitled to a share in the hereditary pension, 
 with the proviso that the pension be divided into as 
 many shares as there were brothers when the pension 
 was acquired, and an extra share given to the original 
 acquirer beyond his equal share. In other words, 
 that Babshajee, the acquirer, was to enjoy two-thirds, 
 and Annajee, the younger brother, one-third of the 
 3,000 rupees, their descendants sharing as usual from 
 these two sources ; and this award was approved of by 
 the Bombay and Home Governments. 
 
041 
 
 The two brothers had hy this time died, the elder, 
 leaving two, and the younger one son. The sons of 
 Babshajee disputed the justice of the award, and after 
 remonstrating without effect at the Residency, wrote 
 a long appeal containing a series of mis-statements to 
 the Supreme Government a month or two before the 
 withdrawal of the guarantee from Bhasker Rao. It 
 was decided by the Supreme Government that the 
 bhandery enjoyed by the dependant lapsed at the same 
 time as that of Bhasker Rao, and the Court of Direc- 
 tors, though approving of this decision, suggested that 
 the Guicowar should be advised to continue the allow- 
 ance to Laroo Crishna, an old man who had served 
 the British government for many years, and was in 
 the receipt of a pension of Rs. 29 a month as a 
 reward. 
 
 His Highness the Guicowar offered Laroo Crishna 
 and his two brothers Rs. 1,000 each per annum for 
 life; but this offer was refused, and the question has 
 not been mooted since 1857. 
 
 This bhandery has therefore completely lapsed. 
 
 Bheema Shunker was the son of Gungadhur Shas- 
 
 No 25 tree, whose murder in the Deccan 
 
 Bheema Shunker, Moo- in 1815, while on a mission from 
 
 taliq< the Guicowar to the Peshwa's 
 
 Court under British protection, eventually led to the 
 
 downfall of the latter. 
 
 Gungadhur Shastree was originally in the service of 
 the Phurkay family in the Deccan, and was engaged 
 in the intrigues of the Peshwa's court in the early 
 81 
 
642 
 
 part of the reign of Bajee Rao, sometimes basking in 
 the favour and at others languishing under the frowns 
 of that fickle prince. 
 
 He accompanied Rowjee Appajee to Baroda in 
 Govind Rao Guicowar's reign, and when Futteh Sing 
 was appointed regent in 1803, on account of Annund 
 Rao's imbecility, Gungadhur was attached to him as 
 Secretary. 
 
 When Colonel Walker commenced in 1803 his ad- 
 ministrative reforms in the Guicowar State, Gunga- 
 dhur Shastree displayed such zeal and ability, that he 
 was appointed Native Agent at the Residency : he 
 was considered a most able and upright servant of 
 Government by Colonel Walker, who frequently 
 brought his valuable services to the notice of the Bom- 
 bay Government. 
 
 One letter of his, of the 28th August 1807, to the 
 Government of Bombay, displays so fully his estimation 
 of what Gungadhur Shastree effected, that it deserves 
 to be quoted in extenso. 
 
 " To the Honorable Jonathan Duncan, Governor 
 in Council, Bombay. 
 
 " HONORABLE SIR, It is with a considerable degree 
 of reluctance that I feel myself under the necessity of 
 submitting to your consideration some circumstances 
 connected with the situation of a zealous and valuable 
 servant of the Honorable Company. 
 
 " 2. The person to whom I allude is Gungadhur 
 Shastree, whose merits it is unnecessary in this place 
 to recapitulate. From the personal knowledge which 
 you, Honorable Sir, possess of the Native Agent, 
 
643 
 
 you would have discovered him to be a man of superior 
 education and abilities, and who possesses enlarged 
 sentiments of liberality and intelligence, which would 
 do honour to any nation. 
 
 " 3. The Shastree is, moreover, a Brahmin of 
 respectable birth and family, and accustomed from 
 his infancy to the society of the first company in the 
 Mahratta empire. 
 
 " 4. It was a man of this description which the 
 course of our policy in Guzerat required, and the 
 Honorable Company were fortunate in obtaining the 
 services of an agent who, to a zeal for their interest 
 united talents that have been faithfully exerted. 
 
 " 5. The continuation of an extensive and useful 
 intercourse for a series of years with the chief officers 
 and members of the Guicowar government and family 
 was not to be effected by the Shastree, considering the 
 rank of the parties with whom his duties obliged 
 him to associate, without incurring an expense beyond 
 his means. 
 
 " 6. The consequence of which has been a propor- 
 tionate accumulation of debt, a circumstance which I 
 can assure you, Honorable Sir, has afforded me much 
 uneasiness and anxiety. 
 
 " 7. I should not, however, have presumed to 
 have brought this subject under the notice of your 
 Honorable Board had these debts been the consequence 
 of imprudence and extravagance ; but they have 
 actually arisen out of the circumstances of his situa- 
 tion, and been the result of that zeal which has induc- 
 ed him to forego all private considerations in pursuit 
 
644 
 
 of those objects which have been entrusted to his 
 Agency to effect in the Native Durbar. 
 
 " 8. Although these objects have ever had in view 
 the immediate interests of the Honorable Company, 
 yet the benefit of the Guicowar Government has also 
 been a primary consideration. 
 
 " 9. Since the current reforms in the Guicowar 
 State have commenced in particular, the share and 
 interest which the Honorable Company have taken 
 therein, and the intimate knowledge which the Shas- 
 tree possesses of the interior details of this Government, 
 have caused his assistance to be at all times required 
 by the administration as necessary in the transaction 
 of public business. 
 
 " 10. Ever since, however, the Shastree entered 
 into the Company's service, he has been under the 
 necessity of maintaining an intercourse with the 
 members of the Raja's family and the officers of his 
 Government. 
 
 "11. His former habits of intimacy also, combined 
 with his official intercourse, involved him in expense 
 much beyond the means he possesses to defray. 
 
 " 12. A similar remark is equally, if not more 
 applicable to his family. It could not be expected 
 that the Shastree or his family should have relin- 
 quished his former society ; nor could he have per- 
 formed this sacrifice without losing the ability to 
 render his services as useful as they have been. 
 
 " 13. While however I reveal the necessities which 
 have been incurred by this faithful Agent in conse- 
 quence of his situation in the service of the Company, 
 
645 
 
 it is not clone with a view to solicit their liberality to 
 be exerted for his relief, although he gratefully ac- 
 knowledges the generosity he has already experienced. 
 
 " 14. Considering, however, that the exertions of 
 the Shastree in the service of the Company's Govern- 
 ment have ever been subservient to the chief objects of 
 our policy, the re-establishment of the efficiency of the 
 Guicowar State, and that during the course of the 
 current reforms, he has produced in many instances a 
 direct and positive saving to the Native Government 
 of very considerable sums, I am induced to express a 
 respectful hope that the Government of the Honorable 
 Company will not be disinclined to allow him to re- 
 ceive the just remuneration for services actually per- 
 formed. 
 
 " 15. During every period of the Guicowar admin- 
 istration, I have received pressing solicitations for 
 the Shastree to be permitted to receive from that Go- 
 vernment a testimony of their sense of the assistance 
 which he has afforded them or^ many occasions. 
 
 " 16. These offers have often been repeated and as 
 often rejected, nor could any motives have ever in- 
 duced the Shastree to receive this consideration, unless 
 with the concurrence of the Company's Government. 
 The period, however, has now arrived when these 
 offers need no longer be declined, and the concurrence 
 of the Honorable Company's Government will remove 
 the only objection that the measure appears liable to. 
 
 "17. The Guicowar administration have proposed 
 various ways however to discharge their sense of obliga- 
 tion, and these propositions were received with so 
 
646 
 
 much earnestness when I left Baroda, that I have been 
 at length induced to trouble you, Honorable Sir, with 
 this address. 
 
 " 18. Sometimes they have wished to give him an 
 enam village, at others to offer a sum of money ; but a 
 mode has occurred in the course of the current reforms 
 to which a preference may justly be given, as it de- 
 prives the State of nothing and only transfers to the 
 disposal of the Shastree an emolument which would 
 otherwise be derived by persons less entitled to this 
 advantage. 
 
 " 19. The customs of Native Governments allow a 
 certain per-centage or brokerage to persons who trans- 
 act any pecuniary business, or who produce to the 
 State any benefit or advantage. 
 
 " 20. By the result of the late scrutinies into the 
 accounts of the Military expenditure, a considerable 
 saving has been effected by his vigilance and inquiry, 
 and the State has derived credit in the Military depart- 
 ment for sums discharged and abatements which, but 
 for his assistance, would most probably have been 
 lost. 
 
 "21. The administration are justly desirous that 
 the brokerage of this saving should be received by 
 the person through whose medium it was effected, 
 and that the Durbar perquisites on this occasion should 
 be relinquished in his favour. 
 
 <c 22. To this proceeding I see no further objection 
 than arises from the unwillingness of the Shastree 
 to receive this mark of the Guicowar's consideration 
 of his labours in its behalf, without its receiving the 
 
647 
 
 previous concurrence of the Honorable Company's 
 Government. 
 
 " 23. It is with a view to obtain this concur- 
 rence that the preceding observations are submitted 
 to the consideration of the Honorable the Governor 
 in Council, respectfully observing that, could any 
 expression of my interest in the welfare of this valuable 
 agent add any weight to the object of this letter, it 
 should not be withheld ; but I cannot refrain from 
 observing, that theShastree has a large family to main- 
 tain and provide for, and unless under the liberal inter- 
 position of the Honorable the Governor in Council in 
 his favour, I see no mode of removing the serious diffi- 
 culties under which he labours, and which must con- 
 tinue to press for ever on the small resources he 
 possesses." 
 
 Colonel Walker's suggestion was favourably received 
 by the Bombay Government and forwarded by them 
 to the Governor General with a warm recommendation 
 that it should be adopted, mentioning at the same 
 time, that a village of the annual value of Rs. 5,000 
 had already been granted to the Shastree in enam 
 from the Chowrassy pergunna. 
 
 The Supreme Government sanctioned the proceed- 
 ing; but it does not appear to have been acted on imme- 
 diately. In November 1808, however, the Guicowar 
 wrote to Colonel Walker that, in consideration of 
 the Shastree's valuable services, by which he had 
 effected a saving of 40 lacs of rupees in one year, and 
 a reduction of expenses to the amount of 19 lacs 
 annually, he wished to reward him by a per-centage 
 
648 
 
 on the savings effected, and by giving him enam 
 villages of the annual value of Rs. 5,000 from the 
 Surat Attaveesee. Colonel Walker approved of this, 
 and two villages were consequently assigned to the 
 Shastree. 
 
 Colonel Walker was not however aware, that while he 
 was writing Gungadhur Shastree's praises and detail- 
 ing his embarrassments, that individual had entered 
 into a secret agreement with Samul Bhugtee and 
 Myral Narayen, who had been appointed potedars of 
 the State under British guarantee, whereby, on con- 
 sideration of his contributing a lac of rupees of capital, 
 he was to receive a quarter of the profits of the firm. 
 
 In 1813, Gungadhur Shastree was received into the 
 service of the Baroda Durbar while still retaining his 
 appointment of Native Agent at the Residency. The 
 principal object of his employment was to depute him 
 to the Peshwa's court at Poona for the settlement of 
 the claims of that State against the Guicowar. There 
 had been no pecuniary settlement between the two 
 States since the accession of Govind Rao Guicowar in 
 1792, and the Poona Government had been urging 
 their claims against the Guicowar from the time of 
 Govind Rao's death. These consisted of arrears on 
 account of the farm of the Peshwa's share of Guzerat, 
 of nuzzerana on the accession of Annund Rao, and 
 on account of drafts sent to balance the account at the 
 last general settlement which had been dishonored. 
 
 At an early stage of the proceedings, Bapoo Myral, 
 an intelligent upright servant of the State, had been 
 deputed to Poona to represent the Guicowar interests ; 
 
649 
 
 but no progress having been made towards effecting 
 a settlement up to the year 1813, it was arranged by 
 Futteh Sing, in concert with the Resident, Captain 
 Carnac, to give Gungadhur Shastree full powers, and 
 to send him to Poona to act conjointly with Bapoo 
 IVIyral. 
 
 A sunnud was accordingly granted to the Shastree 
 on the llth May 1813, appointing him Mootaliq or 
 Deputy at Poona, and he received instructions to 
 urge in the strongest manner the counter claims that 
 the Guicowar considered he possessed against the 
 Peshwa. 
 
 These were for the expenses incurred in reducing 
 the rebellion of Aba Shelooken the Peshwa's Sirsooba 
 at Alimedabad, and in maintaining an extraordinary 
 number of troops for the defence of the Peshwa's as 
 well as the Guicowar's possessions in Guzerat. The 
 Guicowar also claimed the arrears of the revenues of 
 Broach from the year A.D. 1775, which had come to 
 him by treaty with the Peshwa in 1757, and had been 
 presented by the Peshwa to the Company in the first- 
 mentioned year without the sanction of the Guicowar. 
 
 Another principal object of his mission was to ob- 
 tain a renewal of the lease of the Peshwa's Guzerat 
 possessions. The Guicowar had taken a farm of these 
 districts for 5 years in 1800, but a portion of them 
 having been intermediately ceded to the British Go- 
 vernment, a fresh agreement was drawn up in 1804, 
 by which a ten years' lease was granted to the Gui- 
 cowar for five lacs and a half per annum. 
 
 It was an object of anxiety to both the British and 
 Guicowar governments to obtain for the latter a per- 
 
 82 
 
650 
 
 petual lease of these districts, in order to avoid the 
 evils arising from a double government in Guzerat, 
 and at one time the Peshwa seemed inclined to accede 
 to this arrangement, but at the period of which we 
 write, he was entirely under the influence of his in- 
 famous minister Trimbuckjee Danglia. This man 
 hated the English and dreaded their ascendency, and 
 jo counteract this, he conceived the plan of opening 
 a direct communication with the Guicowar, and of 
 extricating him from the intimate connection he had 
 established with the British government, whereby he 
 might obtain increased political influence in Guzerat. 
 With this view the Peshwa had expressed a desire 
 of coming to a settlement with the Guicowar, though 
 nothing was further from his wishes. Finding that he 
 could not tamper with Bapoo Myral, he expressed a 
 desire for the presence of another agent, and Gunga- 
 dhur Shastree was accordingly sent. 
 
 Such, however, was his fear of Trimbuckjee Dang- 
 lia, that the Shastree obtained the formal guarantee 
 of the British government before he set out for 
 Poona. 
 
 On his arrival there the Peshwa refused to see him, 
 on the plea of his having been insolent to him on a 
 former occasion when in the employ of the Phurkey 
 family; but as he had in 1811 requested that the 
 Shastree might be deputed to Poona for the settle- 
 ment of these very matters, his objections were over- 
 ruled by Mr. Elphinstone the Resident. 
 
 Bajee Rao, on opening the negociations, positively 
 refused to renew the Ahmedabad lease, and in order 
 
651 
 
 to evince his determination, appointed Trirnbuckjee 
 Danglia to the Sirsoobadaree of his Guzerat posses- 
 sions. The Shastree also vainly endeavoured to effect 
 a settlement of the subjects in dispute, and therefore 
 in 1815 determined, with Mr. Elphinstone's concur- 
 rence, to return to Baroda arid leave them to the 
 arbitration of the British government. 
 
 This by no means suited the Peshwa's views, as he 
 would thereby be completely shut out from commu- 
 nication with Baroda ; he accordingly changed his 
 tactics, assailed the Shastree in his weak point vanity, 
 expressed through Trimbuckjee his admiration of 
 his talents and his wish to make him his minister, 
 offered .him his sister-in-law in marriage, and con- 
 sented to a fresh territorial arrangement in Guzerat 
 on a plan suggested by the Shastree. 
 
 The unfortunate Shastree was deceived by these 
 advances; he submitted the territorial partition for 
 the approbation of his Durbar, and in the meantime, 
 in anticipation of a favourable answer, commenced 
 the preparations for his wedding. But no answer 
 arrived, and then he began to fear that he had gone 
 too far, and that his marriage with so near a relation 
 of the Peshwa's, would make it appear that he had 
 sold his master's interests to that prince, so he 
 procrastinated and gave the Peshwa deep offence 
 by postponing the nuptials, and added a further 
 affront by refusing to allow his wife to visit at the 
 palace, knowing full well the scenes of profligacy arid 
 debauchery she would have to witness there. 
 
 This was an offence the Peshwa would never for- 
 give, and in revenge he determined that the Shastree's 
 
652 
 
 life should pay for it. With his usual crafty duplicity, 
 however, he pretended the greatest friendship for 
 his victim, and invited him in the month of July 
 1815 to attend him on a pilgrimage to the shrine of 
 Punderpoor. 
 
 It was in vain that Bapoo Myral, the Shastree's 
 colleague, warned him of the danger he incurred in 
 accompanying the Peshwa. His vanity was tickled, 
 and he conceived himself in high favour with the Prince. 
 On the 14th July he dined with the Peshwa, and 
 at night-fall proceeded to the temple at Trirnbuckjee's 
 suggestion to perform some ceremonies there. The 
 Peshwa was in an upper verandah, and treated him 
 with peculiar condescension, so much so that the 
 Shastree proceeded towards his home in the highest 
 spirits, accompanied by only a few unarmed attend- 
 ants; he had only proceeded a fe\v hundred yards, 
 when he was attacked by a band of ruffians in the pay 
 of Trimbuckjee, who immediately cut him almost in 
 pieces. 
 
 He was pointed out to the assassins by two agents 
 of Seetaram Raojee, the titular minister at Baroda, 
 who had been deprived of power in consequence of 
 his incompetence, and who hated the Shastree on 
 account of the influence he possessed. 
 
 The British Government called on the Peshwa to 
 surrender Trimbuckjee for the share he had taken in 
 the murder of an officer of such high rank who was 
 under their protection. This demand was evaded for 
 some time, until an attack was threatened on the 
 capital, when Bajee Rao reluctantly gave up his 
 favourite. 
 
653 
 
 The escape of Trimbuckjee from the Tanna Jail j 
 the demands of the British government on the Peshwa 
 for fresh concessions to the Guicowar in Guzerat con- 
 sequent on the murder of the Shastree ; and the in- 
 trigues and operations of that ill-fated prince, which led 
 to the loss of his kingdom and his surrender to Sir J. 
 Malcolm in June 1818, are too well known matters 
 of history to need recapitulation in this memoir. 
 
 The intelligence of the murder of the Shastree reached 
 Baroda on the 8th August 1815, and caused the 
 greatest excitement amongst all classes, requiring the 
 utmost attention of the Resident to prevent Futteh 
 Sing from making immediate reprisals. The Shastree's 
 family, including his three sons, Bheemashunker, Bal- 
 crustna, and Venayek, were at Poona at his death. On 
 their return to Baroda on the 5th December 1815, they 
 were received with every possible demonstration of 
 respect and sympathy. The Civil and Military author- 
 ities and troops met them about a mile from Baroda, 
 and escorted them first to Futteh Sing's palace and 
 thence to their own residence. On the following day, 
 Bheemashunker Gungadhur, the Shastree's eldest son, 
 was formally installed in his father's office of Mootaliq, 
 and an application was preferred to the Bombay and 
 thence to the Supreme Government for the Company's 
 guarantee in his favour. 
 
 A sunnud was subsequently granted him on the 
 29th July 1816, appointing him Mootaliq, and assign- 
 ing him a nemnook (independent of the villages and 
 palanquin allowance which he already enjoyed) of 
 Rs. 60,000 per annum. The Bombay Government had 
 
654 
 
 in the meanwhile sanctioned the British guarantee 
 being attached to this deed ; but for some unexplained 
 reason Captain Carnac neglected to do this, and our 
 guarantee was never formally affixed. 
 
 In 1822 the Shastree's sons incurred the displeasure 
 of the British government, by allowing and encour- 
 aging an aunt of theirs to commit Suttee, in order that 
 they might obtain possession of her property. The 
 atrocity was heightened by the fact of her being little 
 more than a child, and by their endeavouring to conceal 
 the fact from the Resident. On its being discovered, 
 however, and reported to the British government, it 
 was decided that, as a mark of the displeasure of that 
 authority, the Shastrees were not to be allowed in 
 future to visit at the Residency. 
 
 In 1827 they were concerned, with many others, in 
 the intrigues by which Syajee Rao endeavoured to oust 
 his Minister Wittul Rao Dewajee, who was supposed 
 to be upheld in his position by the Resident. 
 
 In this same year the arrangements were concluded 
 through the medium of the Resident for farming out 
 the revenues of the different mahals in septennial 
 leases, and for a reduction of the expenditure of the 
 State. It was decided to effect a retrenchment by 
 curtailing the allowances granted to various indivi- 
 duals, and the Durbar, with the sanction of the Re- 
 sident, reduced the Shastree's nemnook from Rupees 
 60,000 to 48,000, and although they appealed, the Go- 
 vernment of the day informed them that, as they did not 
 possess the Company's guarantee, the Government had 
 no right of interference, and that, considering the 
 
655 
 
 remaining allowance to be still liberal compared with 
 what was usually assigned to the descendants of 
 meritorious ministers, the Governor in Council saw 
 no ground for taking any steps in the matter. 
 
 Three years later, however, the Government, in con- 
 sequence of further appeals and consideration, came 
 to a different opinion, and resolved that the sons 
 of the late Shastree had a claim to the interference 
 of the British government for the restoration of their 
 allowances to its former amount, and directed the 
 Resident to bring the subject to the notice of the 
 Durbar whenever he considered that it had a chance 
 of being successfully received. 
 
 In October 1832, the Court of Directors expressed a 
 similar opinion. They considered the reduction of the 
 nemnook was a case justifying the interference of 
 the Bombay government, as the bhandery had been 
 virtually granted to the family, and " the services of the 
 late Shastree well deserved such a recompense at our 
 hands." In consequence of this decision, the Resident 
 was directed in May of the following year to call upon 
 the Guicowar to pay up all arrears of the nemnook 
 deducted since 1826. 
 
 Syajee Rao stoutly resisted this demand upon his 
 purse. He urged that the Shastree's sons possessed no 
 guarantee constructive or otherwise, and in 1837, for- 
 warded a khurreeta with voluminous enclosures to the 
 Court of Directors, and the Governments of India 
 and Bombay, exclaiming loudly against the injustice 
 of the decision arrived at; accusing the Shastree of 
 various acts of embezzlement and bribery during his 
 
656 
 
 administration at Baroda from 1804 to 1813, and 
 declaring that he had only been upheld through the 
 interested and false reports of Colonel Walker; he 
 considered that the Shastree's sons had already been 
 too highly rewarded, and that they were entitled to 
 no further interference on the part of the British 
 government. 
 
 The Shastrees were in the meantime by no means 
 inattentive to their own interests : they inundated the 
 Government of Bombay and the Court of Directors 
 with appeals and memorials; they complained of the 
 oppression of Veeneeram in levying a tax of one per 
 cent, oil the produce of their enam villages; and they 
 requested the interference of Government, not only as 
 regards their nem nooks, but also with respect to the 
 Sewaee or extra allowances they enjoyed in the shape 
 of wurshasun or charitable donations of Rs. 1,200 per 
 annum, jeeleeb or pay for attendants at the rate of 
 Rs. 1,500 per annum, and palanquin allowance of Rs. 
 1 ,000 every second year. 
 
 The Court of Directors in 1859 refused to interfere 
 as regards the extra nemnook, but adhered to their 
 former determination as regards the arrears, with the 
 exception that, as the nemnook had been reduced by 
 Rs. 12,000 in 1827 with the concurrence of the Resi- 
 dent, and that decision had not been reversed by the 
 Government of Bombay until 1833, it was only fair 
 that the Company should bear the loss of the interve- 
 ning years; but that from the period of the demand 
 being made on the Guicoivar in the latter year, His 
 Highness should bear the charge of the arrears. The 
 
657 
 
 Resident was accordingly directed in 1837 to commu- 
 nicate this decision to Syajee Rao, and to require his 
 compliance with it within 15 days, on pain of the 
 arrears being paid to the Shastree's sons out of the 
 Kattywar and Mahee Kanta tributes. 
 
 On Syajee Rao still withholding his consent, the 
 arrears were paid to the Shastree's family from the 
 tribute in deposit, and the nenmook of Rs. 60,000 
 was paid annually to them from the same source 
 until 1840. 
 
 On the 19th March in that year, His Highness 
 agreed to the deduction from his tribute of all sums 
 that had been paid to the family by the British Go- 
 vernment on account of their claims, and on the 21st 
 October following, he granted a sunnud in the name of 
 Bheemashunker, confirming him in his father's rights? 
 the draft of which runs as follows : 
 
 " To the famed of boundless wealth, worthy of 
 honour, and of high dignity, Bheemashunker Gunga- 
 dhur from his friend Syajee Rao Guicowar, Sena- 
 khaskul Shumsheer Bahadoor. To whom salutation. 
 Soorsun 1240, or A.D. 1840. 
 
 " In the reign of Annund Rao Guicowar, Senakhaskul 
 Bahadoor, the late Futteh Sing Rao Guicowar, who 
 was invested with full powers to carry on the Govern- 
 ment in his behalf, conferred on your late father Gun- 
 gadhur Shastree the office of Mootaliq, and on the 9th 
 Jumadee-ool-Awul, Soorsun 1213, or 12th March 
 1813, granted to him a sunnud with a schedule; there- 
 after your father was sent on the affairs of the Guicowar 
 
 Government to Poona to His Highness Punt Purdhan 
 
 83 
 
G58 
 
 (late Peshwa), with the guarantee of the British Go- 
 vernment for his personal safety, and while on that 
 duty was treacherously murdered at Punderpoor. He 
 performed faithful service to this Government, and 
 seeing that his name should he perpetuated and his 
 descendants maintained, the late Annund Rao Guicowar, 
 Senakhaskul Shumsheer Bahadoor, granted to you, as 
 the eldest son of the deceased abovenamed, a sunnud 
 with a schedule dated 3rd Rumzan, Soorsun 1217, or 
 18th July 1817. But from some omission agreeably to 
 the wishes of the Guicowar Senakhaskul Shumsheer 
 Bahadoor, as well as the British Government, the 
 bhandery of the latter was not attached thereto. On 
 this account, and your late father having lost his life 
 in the service of the Government, having previously 
 rendered much beneficial service to it, out of favour 
 towards his family this new sunnud is now conferred to 
 perpetuate to the descendants of the deceased Gun- 
 gadhur Shastree, from generation to generation, what 
 has heretofore been in force, viz : 
 
 " The allowance on account of the Mootaliq nemnook, 
 Rs. 60,000, with the enam villages of Kurrowlee 
 in the Tulna Pergunna, Segur and Sirda in the Per- 
 gunna of Bullesur, together with the Juleeb and Pal- 
 hee surinjam. The same to be enjoyed by his de- 
 scendants from generation to generation, and who are 
 to perform the duties of the office with propriety and 
 fidelity. This Government will never conduct itself 
 towards you, or your brothers, or principal carkoons, 
 in any wise contrary to what is proper. 
 
 " For the due and proper maintenance of all this, 
 the Honorable Company has given its guarantee. 
 
659 
 
 u In virtue of authority conveyed tome in paragraph 
 29 of Mr. Secretary Norris' letter to my address, dated 
 18th August 1840, I hereby affix the guarantee of 
 the British Government, securing to Bheemashunker 
 Gungadhur Shastree, and to his heirs in perpetuity, the 
 rights and privileges described and granted in the 
 sunnud, and to the heirs of Gungadhur Shastree his 
 father. 
 
 (Signed) W. S. BOYD, 
 Political Commissioner and Resident." 
 
 1th September 1840. 
 
 In the preparation of this sunnud three great 
 mistakes were committed. In the first place it was made 
 out in the name of Bheemashunker, the Shastree's 
 eldest son, instead of to the family as was intended; 
 in the next, the guarantee was given hereditarily, 
 whereas it was only intended to be a life grant to the 
 family, in consideration of the services and tragical end 
 of their father; and in the 3rd, the Sewaee nemnooks 
 of enam villages, palkee and charitable allowances, 
 &c. were included in it, although the Court of Direc- 
 tors had expressly refused to interfere as regards these 
 extra allowances in the previous year. In 1842 also 
 they again alluded to this decision, with a desire that 
 it might be enforced. When this order was made 
 known to the Shastree's family, they appealed against 
 it on the grounds that they had been verballv inform- 
 ed by Sir James Carnac, who was then Governor 
 of Bombay, that the sunnud of 1840 had been sanc- 
 tioned by the Honorable Court in March 1841. 
 
ceo 
 
 In their letter of the 15th January 1845, the Court 
 stated that this was incorrect, and that they still 
 adhered, and had clone so throughout, to their decision 
 of 1839, but that as the three enam villages were held 
 by the Shastree under a regular grant to his father 
 containing the usual words of inheritance, their pro- 
 perty in the same ought to be recognized by the 
 Guicowar, who should not be led to suppose that their 
 resumption would be approved. 
 
 In the meantime, however, the Resident, under a 
 belief that the sunnud of 1840 had really been sanc- 
 tioned without any restriction by the Court of Direc- 
 tors, made some requisitions on the Guicowar for the 
 payment to the Shastree of sums in excess of the re- 
 gular guaranteed nemnook. 
 
 These were paid under protest ; but on the resolution 
 of 1842 being made known to Syajee Rao, he stopped 
 the payment of Rs. 60,000 for two years, intimating 
 his determination of repaying himself for all the dis- 
 bursements he had made to the Shastrees, not only on 
 account of their charitable and palanquin allowances, 
 but also on account of their enam villages of Rs. 8,000 
 a year, which, as stated above, had been granted to 
 Gungadhur Shastree in perpetuity in a sunnud 
 anterior to the date of the guarantee. 
 
 This called forth an indignant remonstrance from Sir 
 R. Arbuthnot, the Resident (who had been specially 
 directed to bring the subject to the notice of Syajee 
 Rao in a courteous and unauthoritative manner). He 
 informed the Guicowar, lt that if His Highness refused 
 his consent as a mark of friendship to such a trifling 
 
CGI 
 
 but proper request, as the continuance of the honorary 
 allowance, it would be apparent that he set very little 
 value on the friendship of the British Government." 
 He concluded by observing, " If the Maharaj by his 
 own authority chooses to take the revenues of the enam 
 villages without sufficient grounds, it will be necessary 
 for him to be ready to give an answer to the English 
 Government for acting against the treaty and his en- 
 gagements, which provide that he shall not do any- 
 thing contrary to justice." The English Government 
 will never consent to the Guicowar Sirkar without 
 reason seizing the enam villages and private property 
 of any of the people who are under their guarantee, 
 should such be his intention. 
 
 The terms of this communication were condemned 
 by the Bombay Government in their letter of the 16th 
 April 1847, and they directed the Resident to in- 
 form the Guicowar that Government did not intend 
 to interfere authoritatively in the matter of the enam, 
 but that it considered His Highness to be under a 
 moral obligation to respect the formal grant of his 
 predecessor, and that it would certainly regard with 
 much disapprobation any violation of such claims. 
 
 Syajee had previous to this, in answer to the Re- 
 sident's remonstrance, sent to the Residency treasury 
 the two years' nemnook in arrears, with a request that 
 it might be held in deposit pending the reference to 
 Government, and warning the Resident that if a re- 
 fund was ordered, he should look to Government and 
 not the Shastrees for repayment. 
 
 He continued his demands fora refund of all arrears 
 of the revenues of the enam villages, in spite of the in- 
 
662 
 
 timation of Government above quoted, all through the 
 year 1847. On the 31st January, however, of the 
 following year, lie voluntarily relinquished his claims 
 to these villages, and allowed them to remain in posses- 
 sion of the family ; a sum of Rs. 34,000 was repaid to 
 the Durbar on account of the other items of the 
 Sewaee nemnook, drawn in excess of ihe Rs. 60,000, 
 and the balance was handed over to the Shastree's 
 family. Subsequently, by order of the Court of Di- 
 rectors, the amount deducted from the Shastree was 
 made up to them by the British government. 
 
 In their despatch of the 15th January 1845, the 
 Court of Directors had ruled that the guarantee to the 
 family was not hereditary, but only secured the pay- 
 ment of Rs. 60,000 per annum to Bheemashunker, 
 the eldest son of the late Shastree, as a life grant. 
 
 Up to the year 1846, the three brothers, Bheema- 
 shunker, Balcristna, and Venayek, had been living in 
 coparcenary, and the nemnook of Rs. 60,000 had been 
 thrown into the common stock to be equitably divided ; 
 but in that year they quarrelled and commenced, in 
 virtue of their guarantee, a most vaxatious series of 
 appeals and complaints to the Resident, the Bombay 
 Government, and the Court of Directors. Balcristna 
 was by far the most pertinacious. He inundated the 
 Government with a rapid succession of lengthy 
 appeals ; he requested that Government would insist 
 on his share of the nemnook being paid to him sepa- 
 rately, which was declined, the sunnud having been 
 made out in the name of his eldest brother; he de- 
 manded that the Resident and Government should 
 
063 
 
 interfere in the division of the common property, 
 which was also negatived, and would obtain for him a 
 share in the Rissala of Guzerat Horse serving in the 
 name of his brother, which Government also refused 
 to acquiesce. He first agreed to abide by the decision 
 of the private punchayet which the brothers had 
 appointed for the division of their property, and a few 
 days after, on ascertaining the decision the punch had 
 arrived at, withdrew his consent, withheld part of 
 the common family jewels, and refused to give them 
 up to his brother, to whom they had been awarded, 
 even when called upon by the Resident and Durbar to 
 do so ; and finding that he could not upset the decision 
 of the punchayet in Baroda, he filed a suit against his 
 brothers in the Supreme Court of Bombay, continu- 
 ing at the same time to pour in appeal after appeal to 
 the Government of Bombay. As he still refused to 
 abide by the decision of the punehayet, Government 
 encouraged Bheemashunker, his eldest brother, to 
 withhold the payment of his share of the nemnook 
 of Rs. 60,000 enjoyed under our guarantee. 
 
 In the commencement of 1849, Captain French, 
 the Acting Resident, reported that he had taken the 
 matter in hand himself; that the Vukeels of the three 
 brothers assembled daily at the Residency, and that 
 he hoped soon to be able to report that an amicable 
 settlement had been arrived at of all the questions in 
 dispute. Owing, however, to the litigious spirit dis- 
 played by the brothers, and especially by Balcristna, it 
 was not till nearly two years afterwards that the Re- 
 sident was able to report a final adjustment on the 
 basis of the punchayetnama drawn out in 1847, and 
 
664 
 
 even then the parties refused to sign an acquittance, 
 in consequence of a dispute relative to the partition 
 of their lease in the city of Baroda. Party walls had 
 indeed been built up, but the contingency of adding 
 on to their several portions, and in that case of being 
 obliged to interfere with those belonging to the other 
 two sharers, formed a fertile source of quarrel for 
 some months. Government however authorised the 
 Resident to refuse having any allusion made to this 
 contingency in the agreements which were to be mutu- 
 ally passed between the parties, ordering that any 
 dispute which might hereafter arise on the subject, 
 should be settled on its own merits. 
 
 Bheemashunker Gungadhur Shastree died on the 
 13th August 1851. On this event taking place, Gun- 
 put Rao Guicowar intimated to the family that the 
 office and nemnook of mootaliq had ceased, but that 
 he was willing to continue to Crishna Rao, the son of 
 Bheemashunker, an annual stipend of Rs. 18,000, and 
 to each of the brothers, Balcristna and Venayek, 
 pensions of Rs. 8,000 each, to be continued during 
 good behaviour. The two latter appealed against His 
 Highness' decision, and begged that the nemnook and 
 guarantee might be continued to them. But the 
 Court of Directors, in their despatch of the 6th April 
 1853, upheld the opinion expressed by His Highness, 
 and decided that the bhandery had lapsed. 
 
 Balcristna Gungadhur Shastree died in Baroda 
 on the 21st Novemher 1857, leaving a son behind him 
 called Gungadhur Balcristna. 
 
 When Gungadhur Shastree was murdered at Poona 
 in 1815, the British Government granted a life-pension 
 
665 
 
 of Rs. 10,000 per annum to his family. The Court 
 of Directors subsequently decided that this life-pension 
 should be continued entire to the family until all the 
 three brothers were dead, and that then, half of the 
 pension should be continued to their three nearest of 
 kin. 
 
 Since Bheemash linker's death the family has enjoy- 
 ed no guarantee. 
 
 Poonjajee Josajee was a British subject, and resided 
 
 in the year 1834 in the village 
 26 
 Poonjajee Josajee. of Ruttunpoor, in the Kaira 
 
 Collectorate. 
 
 His father was originally a subject of the Guicowar 
 state, a Grassia or landed proprietor of the village 
 of Sanjma in the Padra pergunna. He had left 
 that village and had resided for many years under 
 British jurisdiction, but he used to resort annually to 
 Sanjma to demand his girass rights. On his death 
 this custom was continued by his son Poonjajee. This 
 individual found some difficulty in obtaining his just 
 dues, and resorted to threats, and, as asserted by the 
 Guicowar people, acts of violence to enforce his claims. 
 
 In the year 1834 he went as usual to Sanjma for this 
 purpose; he was then seized and taken to Baroda, 
 where he was placed in confinement. The minister, 
 Veeneeram, was then in the height of his power; he 
 made some slight investigation into the case, found 
 Poonjajee guilty of murder and other crimes, and sen- 
 tenced him to have both his hands cut off. 
 84 
 
666 
 
 This horrid sentence was carried into effect, and 
 Poonpijee returned a cripple for life to his family at 
 Ruttunpoor. He immediately made a complaint to 
 the Collector of Kaira, and the matter was reported 
 by him to Government. 
 
 On Syajee Rao being called upon for an explanation 
 of the circumstances, he stated that Poonjajee was not 
 a British subject, that he was a girassia under his own 
 jurisdiction, and that he had received only a slight 
 punishment in proportion to the crimes he had com- 
 mitted. But the Bombay Government thought other- 
 wise. In their letter of the 19th May 1837, they gave 
 it as their opinion that a gross outrage had been com- 
 mitted ; that Poonjajee was a British subject; and 
 that it had always been the established practice, that the 
 cognizance of offences committed by British subjects 
 within the Guicowar's territory, rested with the Bri- 
 tish, and not with the Guicowar Government, and they 
 directed the Resident to call upon the Guicowar to 
 grant immediately to Poonjajee, in conpensation of 
 the irreparable wrong he had sustained, a pecuniary 
 donation and means of future support adequate to his 
 situation in life. The donation they considered should 
 be Rs. 3,000, and the pension Rs. 100 per mensem, 
 commencing from the date on which the mutilation 
 was perpetrated. 
 
 At the time this demand was made, Syajee Rao was 
 in the midst of his disagreements with the British 
 government, and reparation for this outrage was only 
 one of many claims brought against His Highness. 
 
 He distinctly refused compliance with any of the 
 demands ngninst him, and all arguments having failed, 
 
GG7 
 
 the pergunna of Pitlad, yielding an annual revenue of 
 nearly 7 lacs of Rupees, was placed under seques- 
 tration, until all the dernan-ds made against His 
 Highness should be acceded to by him. 
 
 Previous to this, in their despatch of the 29th Sep- 
 tember 1837, the Government of Bombay had modified 
 their former scheme of compensation, and had directed 
 that as Syajee Rao had refused compliance with the 
 demand, a donation af Rs. 1,000, and a monthly pen- 
 sion of Rs. 75, should be paid to Poonjajee from the 
 tribute in deposit at the Residency. 
 
 Syajee Rao gave in to the demands of the British 
 Government on the 28th November 1839. On this 
 occasion he visited the Resident, and addressing him 
 in the terms and demeanour of a suppliant, acknowledg- 
 ed that he had conducted himself improperly, beg- 
 ged for pardon, and declared that he would submit to 
 whatever the Government might demand, and that 
 he would in all matters act according to the wishes of 
 the Resident. 
 
 On the 30th March 1840 he forwarded a sunnud 
 to the Resident, made out in favour of Poonjajee, and 
 requested that the British guarantee should be affixed 
 thereto. The sunnud runs as follows : 
 " To Poonjajee Josajee. 
 
 " For your maintenance the British Government 
 has fixed you an allowance to be paid by my Govern - 
 ment ; according thereto you will receive Rs. 75 per 
 mensem, and notes for the same will be granted every 
 half year on the potedary, to be paid without deduc- 
 tion ; and to ensure the due fulfilment of this arrange- 
 
C68 
 
 merit during your life, the guarantee of the British 
 government has been conceded." 
 
 In their letter of the 18r.h August of the same year, 
 the Government of Bombay did not consider it requi- 
 site to guarantee formally Poonjajee's allowance, as the 
 same having been admitted by the Guicowar, it was 
 not likely that it would be interfered with ; but the 
 Resident was instructed to demand its continuance if 
 any obstruction should be offered. 
 
 Poonjajee enjoyed his pension without interruption 
 till his death, which occurred in 1859, when the pen- 
 sion and guarantee both lapsed. 
 
 Crishna Rao is the adopted son of Wittul Rao 
 
 Dewajee, who for nearly 30 
 Wittul Rao Dewaiee i , , 
 
 and Crishna Rao Wittul. years played such a conspicuous 
 
 part in Baroda politics. 
 
 Wittul Rao made his first appearance at Baroda in 
 A.D. 1794, when he accompanied Govind Rao Guico- 
 war from Poona, after his investiture by the Peshwa, 
 in the capacity of a dependant on his uncle Bulwunt 
 Rao Cashee, a relative of Rowjee Appajee the 
 Minister. Bulwunt Rao had charge of Govind Rao's 
 treasury, and Wittul Rao was employed at first in 
 his office, and then up to the year A.D. 1799 in the 
 Commissariat Department of the state. 
 
 In the latter year, Bulwunt Rao Cashee obtained the 
 management of the district of Beejapoor, and deputed 
 Wittul Rao to act for him. In this capacity the latter 
 evinced great talents and capacity. During the two 
 
GG9 
 
 years he remained in charge, he largely increased the 
 revenue without oppressing the ryots, and obtained 
 great influence over the Mehwassees in the district. 
 
 In 1802, Mulhar Rao. Guicowar rose in rebellion 
 against Annund Rao and Rowjee Appajee, and com- 
 menced the war by the forcible occupation of Veesul- 
 nuggur and Beejapoor. Wittul Rao Dewajee was 
 then at Baroda, and was deputed to Babbajee Appajee, 
 then at Thasra with the Guicowar army, with direc- 
 tions to oppose Mulhar Rao immediately and to reco- 
 ver Beejapoor without loss of time. Babbajee moved 
 on towards Ahmedabad, and sent Wittul Rao in ad- 
 vance with a usual force with orders to attempt the 
 recovery of Beejapoor. Wittul Rao availed himself of 
 the influence he had acquired amongst the Mehwassee 
 Thakoors, and with their assistance recovered Bee- 
 japoor. 
 
 On hearing of this success, Babbajee directed Wittul 
 Rao to proceed to Veesulnuggur and attempt the reco- 
 very of that place also. He immediately complied, 
 and raising a body of Arabs in the vicinity of Edur, 
 marched towards Veesulnuggur, engnged and routed 
 Mulhar Rao's troops for the second time, and re-ob- 
 tained possession of the town arid district. 
 
 In this engagement Wittul Rao displayed great per- 
 sonal gallantry : he charged at the head of his troops, 
 and captured two pagas of horse, one belonging 
 to Mulhar Rao Guicowar himself, and the other to 
 Crishna Rao Deshmook, who had been sent to oppose 
 Mulhar Rao but had traitorously joined him. As a 
 reward for his bravery on this occasion, the Guicowar 
 
670 
 
 Government gave Crishna Rao's paga to him under a 
 sunnud bearing date the 27th May 1802. 
 
 Subsequent to Mulhar Rao's submission in June 
 1802, one of his principal adherents, Jew ram Jugdass, 
 threatened disturbance in the Kurree and Puttun dis- 
 tricts. Wittul Rao was detached in pursuit of him with 
 a small body of troops, and soon overtook and routed 
 him ; soon after, when the Arabs mutinied, parties of 
 them took possession of the forts of Puttun, Veesul- 
 nug-gur, and Wurnuggur, and Wittul Rao was deputed 
 by Babbajee to re-obtairi possession of these places by 
 force or stratagem. He adopted the latter mode with 
 great success, and in remuneration was entrusted with 
 the rhanagement of Veesulnuggur. 
 
 In the following year Wittul Rao accompanied Bab- 
 bajee on a Moolukgeery circuit in Kattiawar. During 
 its progress Mulhar Rao broke out a second time into 
 rebellion, and absconding from Kurree, which had been 
 assigned him as a residence, he crossed into Kattiawar 
 and took up a position near Drangdra, where he was 
 joined by a number of turbulent Jhuts and other 
 tribes. 
 
 Wittul Rao was immediately detached against him 
 with a body of 600 horse, and suddenly attacking 
 Mulhar Rao, defeated him and made him retreat. 
 Mulhar Rao was, however, soon after joined by 
 Mucoond Rao, of whom mention has been made in 
 another part of this memoir, and with the assistance 
 of the Cusbattees of Umreilly, he possessed himself 
 of that town, then, as now, the capital of the Guico- 
 war's possessions in Kattiawar. 
 
071 
 
 Great alarm was manifested at Baroda on this 
 occasion, and an application was made to the British 
 Government fur aid to suppress the revolt. In 
 consequence however of the attention of that Govern- 
 ment being directed at the time to the hostile attitude 
 of many of the native states of India, the promised 
 succour was never afforded. 
 
 The Guicowar government was consequently left 
 to its own resources, and Wittul Rao was detached 
 against Urnreilly with a party of a thousand horse. 
 In spite of his inferiority in numbers to Bulwunt Rao, 
 he unhesitatingly attacked him, gained a complete 
 victory, and re-occupied Umreilly. He immediately 
 followed up his advantage, pursued Mulhar Rao's 
 retreating force, overtook him at Koondla after a 
 march of 25 miles, and completely defeated him a 
 second time. In this affair he displayed conspicuous 
 bravery, and in a personal charge at the head of a few 
 horse, nearly succeeded in capturing Mulhar Rao and 
 his son Khundy Rao. 
 
 When Babbajee received intelligence of these import- 
 ant successes, he immediately proceeded with the whole 
 of his army to Koondlah to meet the victor. The 
 meeting was conducted with great pomp and shew. 
 Wittul Rao was presented with an elephant and a 
 palanquin, and minor distinctions were conferred on 
 his companions in the field of battle. 
 
 Mulhar Rao and his son fled in the first instance to 
 Bhownuggur in the hopes of escaping by sea, but dis- 
 appointed in their intention, they returned and took 
 refuge in the hilly country in the neighbourhood of 
 
672 
 
 Palitana. Wittul Rao was again detached in pursuit. 
 Having ascertained the exact position of the rebels, 
 he dismounted, and at the head of a select party of foot, 
 attacked Mulhar Rao in the midst of the jungles, and 
 after a severe struggle took him and his son prisoners. 
 
 The intelligence of Mulhar Rao's capture was 
 communicated by Babbajee to Major Walker, who 
 acknowledged in strong terms the beneficial results 
 arising from the early suppression of rebellion of so 
 enterprising and popular a chief as Mulhar Rao. 
 
 The Guicowar army, under the command of Bab- 
 bajee, next proceeded to recover the Kattiawar tribute, 
 which, in consequence of the disturbances that arose 
 from Mulhar Rao's rebellion, had fallen greatly in 
 arrears. The Nawab of Joonaghur refused to pay his 
 quota of the tribute. Batteries were erected against the 
 fort of Bunthullee, but Babbajee having expended 
 all his ammunition, found that he was unable to reduce 
 the fort, and applied to Major Walker for assistance. 
 Pending the reference however, an amicable adjustment 
 was effected with the Nawab through the agency of 
 Wittul Rao. 
 
 The Guicowar force next proceeded against Rawul 
 Bukht Sing, the Thakoor of Bhownuggur ; a battle 
 ensued, in which Wittul Rao Dewajee was wounded, 
 but the Chief of Bhownugger being defeated, complied 
 with the demands of the Guicowar government. 
 
 In A.D. 1804-05, the Guicowar army was occupied 
 in the siege of Wudwan, and Wittul Rao was detached 
 on a Moolukgeery circuit to collect the tribute and to 
 the depredations of the Jaitpoor Katties, who, 
 
673 
 
 in concert with the Raja of Goondul, had made an 
 irruption into the Umreilly districts. He effected this 
 settlement, took security from the Katties, arid returned 
 to Wud wan. During this expedition, a celebrated 
 Katty chief, named Deela Bhaela, was plundering 
 Kattywar, and Wittul Rao, by making a forced march 
 of nearly 60 miles, surprised and defeated him. 
 
 In consequence of the talent and energy which 
 Wittul Rao had so frequently evinced in the services 
 above adverted to, the Guicowar districts in Kattywar 
 were entrusted to his charge, and on Babbajee's return 
 to Baroda in 1806-07, he was also appointed to the 
 command of the Guicowar army stationed in that 
 province. 
 
 On this occasion he was granted a sunnud, dated 2nd 
 January 1807, which conveyed to him in perpetuity 
 Rs. 325 per mensem as commander of the paga of 65 
 horse, arid Rs. 500 per mensem from the Kattywar 
 tribute. 
 
 These sums, amounting to Rs. 9,900 per annum, 
 were further secured to him in the sunnud of 1809, 
 granted to Babbajee Appajee, as mentioned in the 
 memoir of that individual; and previously to this 
 he had been included in the general guarantee 
 granted to Rowjee Appajee's relations and dependants 
 in 1802. 
 
 Wittul Rao managed the Umreilly districts until 
 the year 1826. The year previous to his taking charge 
 they had been let in farm for Rs. 12,000, but owing 
 to the measures he adopted, the revenue gradually in- 
 creased, until in 1826 they amounted to Rs. 3,54,519. 
 At that period he received the greatest credit for his 
 85 
 
674 
 
 exertions from the Durbar, Colonel Walker, and 
 others connected with the Residency ; but the acqui- 
 sitions he then made have subsequently been a fertile 
 source of complaint against the Durbar by the Gras- 
 sias and chiefs of Katty war. His system was to in- 
 corporate as much land as he possibly could in the 
 various talookas under his charge, and to obtain them 
 by every means, fair or foul, from the neighbouring 
 Grassias. He never let a chance go by ; he acquired the 
 half share in the Kareenar perguima in 1811-12 by 
 supporting the successful candidate in a disputed suc- 
 cession at Joonaghur. In the great famine which 
 devastated Kattywar during the following- year, a 
 number of Katty proprietors wrote over their lands to 
 him in perpetuity in exchange for a bare subsistence ; 
 and he even descended so far as to cause a deed to be 
 forged in his favour, purporting to be a grant from the 
 Nawab of Joonaghur of the village of Bhader in per- 
 petuity. 
 
 These facts were, however, unknown at the time; his 
 great influence prevented any complaint being made 
 against him, and the result of his policy was suffici- 
 ently dazzling to hide all defects. Umreilly rose 
 under his auspices from a small village into a large 
 walled town, with a strong inner fort, and was laid 
 out by him with considerable genius. Trade and 
 agriculture flourished under his rule, and the turbulent 
 tribes of Katties, Babreas, and Coolies, were held in 
 subjection by his energy. 
 
 In 1807, Colonel Walker proceeded to Kattywar and 
 effected his well known settlement, which provided 
 
675 
 
 for the permanent realization of the dues of the 
 Guicowar and Peshwa from that province without the 
 intervention of a Moolukgeery army. He was ac- 
 companied by a Guicowar army under the command 
 of Wittul Rao Dewajee, who gave him every assistance, 
 both as a Military commander and as manager of the 
 Umreilly districts. By his influence he kept the Gui- 
 cowar troops in good order, and allowed no plundering 
 or other breach of discipline, and received the most 
 flattering testimonials from Major Walker for the 
 manner in which he performed his onerous duties. 
 
 Major Walker writes thus to Babbajee in 1807: 
 
 " From daily intercourse and intimacy with Wittul 
 Rao, I have greater confidence in him than I ever 
 desired. By experience I now know the truth of 
 what you mentioned concerning him of your own 
 personal knowledge. He is informed on all subjects, 
 active, prudent, and able in the performance of every 
 duty." 
 
 Wittul Rao also ably seconded Colonel Walker's 
 humane efforts for the suppression of infanticide 
 amongst the Jhareja and other Rajpoots of Kattywar; 
 on this subject he wrote thus to the Governor of 
 Bombay in 1808 : 
 
 " In this and every endeavour for suppressing in- 
 fanticide, it is with great pleasure that I mention 
 the cordial and zealous assistance of Wittul Rao 
 Dewajee, the Commander of the Guicowar Army. 
 This officer, with the peculiar ardour of his character, 
 embraced every occasion of exposing the enormity of 
 
676 
 
 the crime, and of promoting by his arguments and 
 influence a detestation of the practice." 
 
 In the following year he again gained Colonel Wal- 
 ker's approbation by his cordial co-operation against 
 the fort of Diu, and in the negotiations with the 
 Cutch Durbar. 
 
 On his final departure from Baroda in 1809, Colonel 
 Walker procured from the Durbar, in recognition of the 
 services of Wittul Rao, an increase to his paga of 45 
 men, and on this occasion wrote him the following 
 farewell letter : 
 
 " I am about to leave Baroda, and although it is my 
 intention toproceed to England, I shall ever retain in my 
 heart the recollection of your friendship and courtesy. 
 I send you in token of my regard a friendly letter to 
 the Shastree which may prove beneficial. I have, in 
 conformity with your wishes, made an arrangement with 
 this Government for an increase of 45 men being made 
 to your paga, and that the Silledars who proceed to 
 Dwarka should be remitted the tax levied upon pil- 
 grims. Captain Greenwood will furnish you with full 
 particulars when he meets you. Babbnjee Appajee, 
 Bapoo, and your other friends are quite well/' 
 
 In 1812, Jam Jessajee of Nowanuggur rebelled 
 against the Guicowar government. A combined force 
 of British and Guicowar troops was sent against him 
 under the personal superintendence of Captain Carnac 
 the Resident. On this occasion Wittul Rao was very 
 useful and zealous. Again in 1815 he commanded 
 the Guicowar contingent which accompanied Captain 
 McMurdo to Cutch, on the occasion of a breach with 
 
677 
 
 that Durbar, and, as usual, his zeal and ability were 
 amply testified by that officer. 
 
 In the following year he evinced his good will to- 
 wards the British government by communicating to 
 Captain Carnac the intrigues of the Peishwa's emis- 
 saries with the Baroda Durbar, a few months previous 
 to the open declaration of hostilities by the former 
 court against the British Government. 
 
 On Babbajee's death, which occurred in 1810, 
 Wittul Rao had been confirmed as Guicowar's Sirsooba 
 in Kattywar, and on this occasion he received a per- 
 sonal allowance of Rs. 2,653 per annum on account 
 of Julleeb or maintenance of a private armed guard. 
 
 Wittul Rao remained in personal charge of Kat- 
 tywar until A. D. 1820. In that year Mr. Elphinstone 
 visited Baroda, and released the State from the in- 
 timate supervision that had been exercised over it 
 during the life-time of the imbecile Annund Rao. On 
 this occasion Syajee was told that he should nominate 
 his own Minister, but should consult the British Go- 
 vernment before appointing him. After some dis- 
 cussion, he stated his determination of taking Wittul 
 Rao Bhow, the son of Babbajee Appajee upon trial, and 
 associated with him Wittul Rao Dewajee. The latter 
 soon gained sufficient influence to oust his rival, and 
 in 1821 gained the summit of his fortunes by being 
 appointed Minister of the State. 
 
 The sunnud granted to him on the 3rd August 
 1821 runs as follows: 
 
 "You have rendered prosperous the Kattywar 
 Moolukgeery, and the districts of Umreilly, Damnug- 
 
678 
 
 gur, &c ; you have performed the service of the Go- 
 vernment to its great advantage, therefore the Sirkar is 
 pleased to appoint you Minister. You are accordingly 
 to perform your duties conformably to the orders of 
 Government. The riemnook of your expenses has been 
 given to yon in a separate paper. You are to receive, in 
 conformity thereto, year by year, generation to genera- 
 tion, and perform the service of Government faithfully 
 and to the best of your ability." 
 
 The nemnook was assigned as follows : Drafts to be 
 drawn annually upon the. undermentioned districts : < 
 
 Pergunna of Baroda Rs. 22,751 
 
 Ditto Pitlad 22,750 
 
 45,501 
 
 Enam village and Asamee 
 
 (pension) village of Kurcheea. Rs, 8,500 
 
 Hereditary Asamee paid in the 
 nemnook of Babbajee Appajee, 
 payable from the Kattywar 
 
 tribute 6,000 
 
 14,500 
 
 Total Rs. 60,001 
 
 " In this manner, altogether Rs. 60,001 annually, 
 drafts and enam village and asamee have been paid 
 for your support from the beginning of the year above- 
 mentioned. The Government will continue this every 
 year from generation to generation. You are to 
 receive as above and continue to perform the service of 
 Government with fidelity." 
 
679 
 
 In addition to this nenmook of Rs. 60,000 per an- 
 num, Wittul Rao was allowed to draw the extra items 
 of Rs. 3,900 annually on account of the command of 
 the paga of horse, and Rs. 2,625 annually on account 
 of julleeb or allowance for attendants. 
 
 The financial embarrassments of the Guicowar State 
 were the chief points to engage the minister's attention 
 on the accession to office of Wittul Rao Dewajee. 
 
 Mr. Elphinstone, on his visit to Baroda in 1820, 
 had ascertained that the debts of the State (the repay- 
 ment of which with interest has been guaranteed to the 
 Bankers by the British Government in annual instal- 
 ments of 15 lacs,) amounted to Rs. 1,07,66,297, and 
 he had warned Syajee Rao that "if from whatever cause 
 the arrangement made for the ensuring of the stipulat- 
 ed payments were to fail, it would be absolutely neces- 
 sary for the Company once more to take the entire 
 management of his country into its own hands, and that 
 this Government would not have the least choice in 
 adopting the measure." 
 
 Syajee Rao was not however a man to be led by 
 the counsels of his minister when they at all clashed 
 with his own desires, and his avaricious disposition 
 led him to hoard up large sums of money in his own 
 private treasury, in preference to applying them to the 
 liquidation of his debts ; so that, in spite of all Wittul 
 Rao's exertions, the guaranteed debt had, notwith- 
 standing intermediate payments, increased in the year 
 1825 to Rs. 1,33,81,389. 
 
 During the following year the Resident urged on 
 Syajee Rao the necessity of curtailing the expenditure, 
 
680 
 
 and the advisability of applying some of his private 
 means towards the liquidation of the guaranteed loans. 
 He also strongly recommended His Highness to sub- 
 stitute long leases for the prevailing system of annual 
 farms, and with the aid of his Assistant, Mr. Willough- 
 by, and Wittul Rao Dewajee, he, in 1827, matured a 
 plan for farming out the districts in septennial leases, 
 principally to the holders of the guaranteed loans, 
 whereby he hoped that the bankers' claims would all 
 be satisfied, and the State cleared from debt at the end 
 of seven years. 
 
 After a great deal of discussion, Syajee Rao gave a 
 reluctant consent to this arrangement. It was however 
 most distasteful to him, as it interfered with the private 
 collections he had hitherto extracted from the farmers 
 under the head of remissions of rent, and which sums 
 he had always carried to his own private account. 
 
 Up to the period of these discussions, Wittul Rao had 
 been in favour with the Guicowar; indeed,,aslateas the 
 1st April 1827, Syajee had granted him a new sunnud, 
 increasing his allowances from 60,000 to 1,05,000 Ru- 
 pees per annum in perpetuity ; but in consequence of 
 the part Wittul Rao took on this occasion in supporting 
 the views of the Resident as regards the septennial 
 leases, Syajee suddenly took a violent aversion to him, 
 refused him admittance at the Durbar, and in a letter 
 to Mr. Elphinstone of the 28th August 1 827, denounced 
 him as a traitor, and complained that, not only had the 
 septennial arrangements been concluded by the De- 
 wanjee against his will, but that he had procured for 
 Jiimself the additional allowance of Rs. 45,000, granted 
 
681 
 
 in the preceding April, without his (the Guicowar's) 
 concurrence. To this Mr. Elphinstone on the 16th of 
 the following month replied, " that the increased al- 
 lowance to the minister was reported by the Resident 
 to have been freely granted by His Highness, and the 
 amount paid by himself; if however it was otherwise, 
 or if His Highness wished for any other reason to 
 resume it, there was no obstacle." 
 
 The Guicowar upon this not only resumed the 
 original allowance, but dismissed Wittul Rao from 
 the service, in spite of the earnest endeavours of the 
 Resident to procure a reversion of his office for him. 
 
 Syajee infringed the septennial leases soon after 
 their establishment, and insisted on his right to pay 
 off the guaranteed loan in one lump and in his own 
 way. So the Bombay government, after in vain 
 endeavouring to induce him to act up to his engage- 
 ment, even going so far as to give up the septennial 
 leases, finally resolved to take into its own hands the 
 fulfilment of the obligations to which his guarantee 
 had been affixed. 
 
 A proclamation was accordingly issued on the 28th 
 March 1828, by which part of His Highness' districts, 
 producing an annual revenue of upwards of Rs. 
 28,00,000, were placed under sequestration, and their 
 revenues assigned for the liquidation of the guaranteed 
 debts. 
 
 Wittul Dewajee was placed by the Resident in 
 
 charge of these districts, with the concurrence of the 
 
 Bombay government, and Rs. 25,000 was assigned 
 
 as his yearly salary. On Sir J. Malcolm's visit to 
 
 86 
 
682 
 
 Baroda in 1830, a further sequestration of districts, 
 of the value of 5 lacs of rupees having determined 
 on, in order to provide funds for the re-organization 
 of the Guicowar contingent (Syajee having refused to 
 introduce any reforms for the purpose of increasing 
 their efficiency) ; these districts also were placed under 
 Wittul Rao's charge. 
 
 Sir J. Malcolm, even before the sequestration of 
 the districts had been determined on in March 1828, 
 had resolved on taking the Dewanjee under his protec- 
 tion, on the grounds that not only had the British Go- 
 vernment the right, but that it was also bound on every 
 principle of sound policy, first to protect him and his 
 family, and secondly to insist on a provision being as- 
 signed for his support, suitable to his former situations 
 and valuable services, and with reference to those 
 enjoyed by persons similarly situated at Baroda. The 
 Governor in Council considered that "the ingra- 
 titude of his master, his zeal for the interests of both 
 governments, and a combination of unfortunate 
 events, have occasioned to this personage humiliation 
 and disgrace when he might have expected honour and 
 reward, and it is an obligation from which the British 
 government cannot desire to escape to give to this 
 meritorious individual every personal consideration 
 and support." 
 
 Sir John Malcolm visited Baroda in the commence- 
 ment of 1830, and finding Syajee Rao in violent 
 opposition to the British government, and entirely 
 disinclined to admit that Wittul Rao had any claims on 
 him on account of his former services, or to allow him 
 any provision or support, he determined to guarantee 
 
683 
 
 him the nemnook of 60,000 Rupees granted in the 
 sunnud of 1821 on his accepting office, together with 
 the extra allowances on account of the paga and julleeb, 
 and to recognize the adoption of his nephew Crishna 
 Rao as his legal heir, notwithstanding Syajee Rao's 
 refusal to concur in such adoption. 
 
 Sir John accordingly granted Wittul Rao a sunnud, 
 under date the 8th February 1830, in the following 
 terms : 
 
 "From Sumwut 1858 up to the present day you 
 have performed eminent and faithful services for the 
 Guicowar government, and under your administration 
 the Guico war's possessions in Katty war have greatly 
 increased in revenue, extent, and population. 
 
 " Your Sookree, payable by the Zemindars of Kat- 
 tywar, was included in the permanent settlements 
 concluded by the Resident Colonel Walker, and added 
 the value of certain villages obtained by you from the 
 Ketties, and credited by you to the public account, 
 alone has caused an annual profit to the Guicowar 
 government of Rs. 80,000. 
 
 " Your fidelity and regard for the honour and inter- 
 ests of the Guicowar, and the able manner in which you 
 have discharged the several important trusts that have 
 been reposed in you, have been frequently brought to 
 the notice of the British Government by Colonel 
 Walker and the successive Residents at Baroda, and 
 other British officers, and these favourable testimonials 
 have been fully confirmed, in the opinion of the 
 Government, by more recent observations of your 
 conduct and character under circumstances of consid- 
 erable delicacy and difficulty. 
 
684 
 
 "In consideration of your meritorious exertions and 
 increasing endeavours to promote the true interests of 
 the Guicowar and his family, as well as those of the 
 two Governments jointly, you have been exalted in 
 rank, honorary distinctions have been conferred upon 
 you, and a suitable provision assigned for your support ; 
 and it is now intended that a nemnook shall be settled 
 upon you and your descendants, under the guarantee 
 of the British government, on a scale proportionate to 
 your situation and services, and corresponding to those 
 already granted to different persons at Baroda similarly 
 situated. 
 
 " A nemnook was settled upon you from generation 
 to generation under a sunnud and sicca yad issued 
 by His Highness the Guicowar, under date the 31st 
 August 1821, and an augmentation was made thereto 
 by another deed bearing date 12th April 1827. 
 
 " The Guicowar government having the power to 
 do so, has resumed the additional grant conferred upon 
 you, but your original nemnook, with your Julleeb 
 allowance of Rs. 2,655 annually, are hereby confirmed 
 to you under the guarantee of the British government, 
 on the terms set forth in the sunnud and yad of 1 821. 
 
 "In 1802 the honorary distinction of a paga of 
 65 horse was conferred upon you as a reward for your 
 personal gallantry and services against the troops of 
 Mulhar Rao, who had rebelled against the Guicowar 
 government. In 1809 this paga was augmented to 
 110 men through the medium of Colonel Walker, as 
 a testimonial of your services in Katty war under the 
 personal observation of that distinguished officer. 
 This paga is confirmed to you on its present footing, 
 
685 
 
 both as relating to nemnook and service to Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 " The nemnook now assigned to you will be paid 
 from the same sources as before fixed, but the British 
 government will reserve to itself the power, should it 
 appear expedient, to exchange the lands from whence 
 it is drawn, or to commute the money payment for 
 land, provided such exchange or commutation does 
 not diminish the amount of revenue to you or to your 
 descendants. You have adopted as your son and heir 
 Crishna Rao Wittul. This adoption should, according 
 to usage, receive the sanction of His Highness Syajee 
 Rao Guicowar, but the conduct of that prince at the 
 present period precludes hopes of that assent, and 
 renders it improper to be requested under such 
 circumstances, and considering your age and actual 
 employment, and not deeming it just or generous to 
 leave a man of your distinguished character and services 
 in doubt on a point so important to himself and family, 
 I do, in the name of the English government, confirm 
 and sanction the adoption of Crishna Rao Wittul, and 
 you are by this confirmation to deem yourself exempt 
 from any fine or nuzzerana on that account, either to the 
 Company or Guicowar governments, and further to 
 understand that your adopted child and his descendants 
 will have the same claim to the favour and protection 
 of the British government as you enjoy. The claims 
 you have preferred to lands in Kattywar will be exa- 
 mined into by me when in that province, and decided 
 upon according to the justice and merit of the case. 
 
 " (Signed) J. MALCOLM." 
 
686 
 
 The last paragraph of this sunnud shows the 
 grounds on which Sir J. Malcolm felt himself justified 
 in abrogating two of the Guicowar's most cherished 
 prerogatives, viz., the right of sanctioning an adoption 
 and of granting a large hereditary pension to one of his 
 own servants and subjects, and it must have been 
 peculiarly galling to Syajee Rao to see these prero- 
 gatives broken through in favour of a man whom he 
 had denounced as a traitor, and whom he regarded 
 with feelings of intense aversion ; and these feelings 
 must have been much heightened on Wittul Rao's 
 being placed in charge of the sequestrated district, 
 and allowed to draw this large nemnook from the 
 revenues of the same, in addition to the salary of 
 Rs. 25,000 per annum which had been assigned to 
 him in remuneration of his services as Manager. 
 
 It was on these grounds that the Court of Directors, 
 in their despatch of the 31st October 1832, deprecated 
 the selection of Wittul Rao as Manager. They 
 considered that the arrangement was injudicious, and 
 likely to exasperate Syajee Rao still more, and they 
 considered that whatever might have been his services 
 and merits, the salary fixed was too high, and that a 
 sufficient check could not be exercised over him from 
 this Residency. 
 
 In this despatch the Court mentioned incidentally 
 the guarantee that had been granted by Sir J. Malcolm 
 as a sufficient provision for the family, and though 
 they expressed no opinion on it, their mention of it 
 without disapprobation may be supposed to have 
 conveyed tacit consent to the measure. 
 
687 
 
 Wittul Rao Dewajee died in December 1830 while 
 in charge of the sequestrated districts. His brother 
 Govind Rao Dewajee was allowed by Government to 
 remain in charge of the districts on behalf of his real 
 and Wittul Rao's adoptive son Crishna Rao ; and until 
 the termination of Sir J. Malcolm's government, and 
 during the short interregnum of Sir T. Beckwith and 
 Mr. Romer, the family were allowed to draw the full 
 amount of the nemnook as guaranteed by Sir J. Mal- 
 colm, in addition to a considerable portion of the 
 Rs. 25,000 enjoyed by Wittul Rao as Manager of the 
 districts. 
 
 On Lord Clare's accession to the Government in 
 1831, however, a change occurred in our policy 
 towards the Court of Baroda. Sir J. Malcolm had 
 resorted to severe measures in order to bring Syajee to 
 reason, while Lord Clare's government had determin- 
 ed on trying the effect of conciliation. In pursuance 
 of this policy, Syajee Rao was encouraged to come to 
 terms with the holders of the guaranteed loan, and 
 the result was the presentation of an acquittance in 
 full by the bankers on Lord Clare's visit to Baroda in 
 April 1832, as related in another part of this memoir, 
 and the release of the districts from sequestration. 
 
 Lord Clare took an entirely different view of the 
 case of Wittul Rao Dewajee to that entertained by 
 Sir J. Malcolm. Before proceeding to Baroda, he 
 recorded his opinion in a Minute of the 18th 
 January 1832, in the following terms : 
 
 " I do not think the services and good conduct of 
 the late Wittul Rao bear at all upon the question of 
 
688 
 
 our right of forcing the Guicowar to give him and his 
 family such an enormous income. Being the stronger 
 power, we can undoubtedly oblige the Guicowar to 
 obey our orders, but unless might can be called right, 
 I cannot understand how we can with justice force 
 him to pay the nemnook to this family. I shall certain- 
 ly do my best to induce the Guicowar to give his con- 
 sent, but as he has invariably called Wittul Rao a 
 traitor, I believe he would rather do anything than 
 sanction the grant which was made to him without 
 his concurrence ; and in the event of his refusal, are 
 we with the strong arm of power to force him to ac- 
 quiesce in it? or is the amount of the nemnook (with 
 the paga of horse little less than a lac of Rupees annu- 
 ally) to be charged to the British government ? I 
 consider this question to be one of the most embarras- 
 sing which Government has to decide; and I am as- 
 tonished that my predecessor should have involved us 
 in such an engagement to the adopted son and family of 
 the late Wittul Rao ; for even supposing his services to 
 the Guicowar Government were ten times greater than 
 Sir J. Malcolm has stated them to be, why was the 
 British Government called upon to reward those ser- 
 vices by guaranteeing such an income for ever to his 
 adopted son and heirs ? I wish to see the reason, if 
 any on record, which induced Sir J. Malcolm to 
 commit the British government. If I am to argue the 
 question on the broad principles of justice, I am 
 bound to say that Sir J. Malcolm, having committed 
 the British government, the British faith must be 
 kept inviolate, but that if the Guicowar refuses his 
 consent, we cannot force him to comply, and the 
 
689 
 
 amount must be a charge against us, and referred for 
 final decision to the Honorable Court. 
 
 These sentiments were concurred in generally by 
 Lord Clare's colleagues, and acted on at his interviews 
 with the Guicowar. Syajee Rao steadily refused to 
 recognize the adoption of the sunnud granted by SirJ. 
 Malcolm, and when the sequestration was released, he 
 resumed the enam village of Kurcheea, and the pro- 
 duce of those in Kattiawar, which Sir J. Malcolm had 
 determined to be the private property of the late 
 Dewan ; he also confiscated the whole of Wittul Rao 
 Dewajee's private property, and discontinued the pay- 
 ment of the nemnook which had been made from the 
 sequestrated districts. The family consequently fell 
 into great distress, and were indebted for their subsis- 
 tence to the produce of a village which had been given 
 in enam to Wittul Rao by the Raja of Rajpeepla. 
 
 In reply to the reference made to them, the Honor- 
 able Court, in their despatch of the 6th November 1833, 
 expressed their concurrence in the opinion entertained 
 by Lord Clare's government. They considered that they 
 could not force the claims of Wittul Rao or his adopted 
 son on the Guicowar government, and that there was 
 nothing in our relations with that State which en- 
 titled the British government, without the Guicowar's 
 full consent, to bestow on those who served him, arid 
 still less those who deserted him to serve us, rewards 
 at our discretion payable from his revenues, or to 
 force him to continue allowances which he might have 
 granted when the parties were in his service to the 
 87 
 
690 
 
 same parties when dismissed from his service, and to 
 their sons adopted without the sovereign's consent. 
 
 The Honorable Court characterized Sir J. Malcolm's 
 conduct as altogether " unauthorized and most 
 indiscreet/' but resolved not to disavow his act; and 
 therefore considered that a liberal provision to the 
 adopted son, considering the circumstances and position 
 of the family, should be made to him from the 
 British revenues, and purely as an act of generosity on 
 the part of the British government ; and they directed 
 the Bombay government to carry out the measures 
 according to their discretion. 
 
 Lord Clare's government, in accordance with the 
 spirit of these instructions, decided that a pension of 
 Rs. 24,00n per annum should be granted to Crishna 
 Hao Wittul from the 26th May 1834, and that all the 
 allowances drawn by the family from the sequestrated 
 districts subsequent to the death of Wittul Rao 
 Dewajee, amounting to the large sum of Rs. 1,43,388, 
 should be refunded to the Guicowar government. 
 
 Lord Clare left India in 1835, and was succeeded 
 by Sir R. Grant. Crishna Rao, soon after the latter 
 gentleman's arrival, memorialized the Government to 
 reverse the decision passed by Lord Clare, to release 
 him from the repayment of the allowances drawn by 
 him from the sequestrated districts subsequent to his 
 father's death, and to obtain a settlement of his private 
 claim against the Guicowar, amounting to upwards 
 of 4 lacs of Rupees, on account of private property 
 confiscated, revenue advances made by him and his 
 father during their administration of the districts, and 
 
691 
 
 the produce of enam and purchased land resumed by 
 the Durbar. 
 
 Sir R. Grant's view of this question differed widely 
 from those of his predecessor ; he considered that 
 the Government was justly chargeable with a breach 
 of faith for having annulled the guarantee given by Sir 
 J. Malcolm, and that even admitting that his promise 
 was unauthorized, the onus of payment devolved on 
 the British government. 
 
 In their despatch of the 14th March 1838, the 
 Court of Directors confirmed the pension of Rs. 24,000 
 per annum granted by the Government of Bombay in 
 1834, and directed that the amount of Rs. 1,43,389, 
 drawn by the family from the revenues of the seques- 
 trated districts subsequent to Wittul Rao's death, 
 should be refunded to the Guicowar by the British 
 government, and not by Crishna Rao Wittul. When 
 Sir James Carnac assumed the government of Bombay 
 in 1839, Crishna Rao addressed a Khureeta to him 
 requesting his aid in advancing his claims on the Gui- 
 cowar. In reply, the Resident was directed to give a 
 suitable and kind reply to the petitioner, and to take 
 any favorable opportunity that might occur to express 
 to Syajee Rao, the interest felt by the Government in 
 the family of Wittul Rao, and to assure him that the 
 British government would derive great gratification 
 in seeing Crishna Rao restored to His Highness' favor. 
 
 In reply, Mr. Sutherland informed Government that 
 Crishna Rao, who with his real father Govind Rao 
 Dewajee had been residing in British territory near 
 
692 
 
 Ahmedabad since the death of Wittul Rao Dewajee, 
 had requested permission to return to Baroda, and 
 that the Guicowar, through the mediation of the 
 Resident, had consented to receive them. 
 
 They accordingly arrived soon after at Baroda, and 
 on being introduced to His Highness by the Native 
 Agent attached to the Residency, were received by 
 him as well as could be expected, considering the 
 strong feelings of dissatisfaction which had actuated 
 his mind towards the family for a long time 
 previously. 
 
 Crishna Rao for a long time entertained hopes that 
 he would be restored to the office held by his adoptive 
 father, and over and over again memorialized the 
 Home and Indian Governments, not only on this, but 
 also on the subject of his pecuniary claims against the 
 Guicowar. As regards the first point, the same answer 
 was uniformly returned by Government, that his claims 
 had been fully considered, and that the decision 
 arrived at was final ; but it was not till 1850 that 
 the Resident was directed to obtain a statement 
 of his pecuniary claims from Crishna Rao, and to 
 urge His Highness to do justice in the matter without 
 rendering it necessary for the British government to 
 interfere. 
 
 Crishna Rao, on being called upon to submit his 
 claims to the Resident, furnished a list of them of the 
 aggregate value of Rs. 3,09,502-1-9, in addition to 
 villages and land that had been resumed. They were 
 on the following accounts: 
 
693 
 
 Value of private property forcibly 
 
 seized Rs. 45,277 14 3 
 
 Advances to cultivators and bal- 
 ances due 1,95,535 
 
 Advances to his paga of horse. ... 19,611 00 
 
 Resumption of Kurcheea and 
 expenses incurred on account of 
 improvements 49,078 3 6 
 
 3,09,502 1 9 
 Resumption of the village of Bha- 
 
 der and the estate of Chullala, 
 
 which had been granted to his 
 
 father in enam by Talookdars of 
 
 Kattiawar ., 00 
 
 Resumption of land purchased in 
 
 the Baroda territory by his real 
 
 and adoptive fathers 00 
 
 Resumption of temples which had 
 
 been built out of Wittul Rao's 
 
 private funds . 00 
 
 Total Rs. 3,09,502 1 9 
 
 The Guicowar refused to accede to the wish of 
 Government that he should come to an amicable 
 settlement of Crishna Rao's claims, and the Resident 
 was therefore directed to investigate and report on them. 
 
 He submitted his opinion on the 10th February 
 1853, and after a long and careful inquiry, came to 
 the following conclusion : 
 
 That the claim to the Kattiawar villages was 
 inadmissable, being founded on fraudulent documents. 
 
694 
 
 That he had established his claim to the extent of 
 koombas of land purchased by his father. 
 
 That his claim to private property seized by the 
 Durbar was established to the extent of Rs. 10,415. 
 
 That his claim on account of Tuggavee advances 
 was inadrnissable. 
 
 That his claim for money laid out on the village of 
 Kurcheea was valid to the extent of Rs. 43,700. 
 
 That he was entitled to Rs. 8,099 on account of 
 expenditure on his paga of horse. 
 
 That his claim on account of the temples was 
 inadmissable. 
 
 Government did not consider Colonel Outram's re- 
 port on the subject full enough, and called for further 
 details. In the meanwhile, however, Crislma Rao 
 made overtures to come to a private arrangement with 
 the Durbar, and on the 27th September 1852, Mr. 
 Davies, the Resident, reported that a complete recon- 
 ciliation had been effected between His Highness the 
 
 O 
 
 Guicowar and Crishna Rao Wittul, and that the latter 
 had given in an acquittance in full of all his claims 
 against the Guicowar, and had been presented with a 
 sunnud conferring on him in perpetuity the village of 
 Runnapoora of the annual value of Rs. 4,000. Since 
 this period, Crishna Rao has been on good terms with 
 the Guicowar, and has a place assigned him in the 
 Durbar befitting his father's rank and dignity. 
 
 His guarantee, as will have been seen by the peru- 
 sal of the above memoir, has lapsed, but he still enjoys 
 Rs. 2,000 per mensem from the British government. 
 This pension will cease on his death. 
 
695 
 
 This narrative concludes the list of memoirs of those 
 who have enjoyed and of those \vho still enjoy the 
 guarantee of the British government. 
 
 There are now only four families who hold a per- 
 petual and hereditary bhandery (dependant however 
 on their good behaviour). They are 
 
 The representative of the Desai of Nowsaree. 
 Ditto ditto Bullesur. 
 
 The heirs of Mungul Sukeedass and the heirs of 
 Soobhanjee Pol Pagadar. Only seven of the 
 life guarantees still survive, they are : Mhalsa- 
 baee, Pritiraj, Chundrabaee, and Limbojee Rao, 
 members of Mulhar Rao Guicowar's family. 
 Gunput Rao Guicowar, Orned Koonwurbaee, 
 and Gopal Rao Guicowar. 
 
 It is, however, only of late years that a sensible 
 reduction has been made in the numbers of these fa- 
 voured individuals, who as a class have been utterly 
 unworthy of the protection afforded them, and who have 
 so often used that protection as a cloak to defy their 
 rightful sovereign, and for the commission, with 
 impunity, of crimes for which, either as British or 
 Guicowar subjects, they could have received heavy 
 punishment. 
 
 There is no doubt that at the commencement of 
 the present century the acceptance of their bhandery 
 engagements from the Arabs, and the guarantees 
 granted about the same time by the British govern- 
 ment to ministers and others in the employ of the 
 Baroda Durbar, gave a great political advantage to 
 the East India Company, and assisted in establishing 
 the ascendancy of that power in Guzerat. 
 
696 
 
 As long also as the controlling power in the inter- 
 nal administration of the Guicowar State remained in 
 the hands of the British Resident at the Court, no 
 embarrassment was experienced in our relations with 
 the guaranteed subjects of the dependant State. But 
 on Syajee's emancipation from control in 1820, our 
 pledges of protection to individuals who were his 
 subjects proved ere long to be a source of irritation to 
 both Governments. 
 
 One of the few stipulations made by Mr. Elphinstone, 
 in handing over the reins of power to Syajee Rao, was, 
 " that the guarantees of the British government to 
 ministers and others should be scrupulously observed ;" 
 and another was, that he " should not be restrained in 
 the management of the internal affairs of his State, 
 provided he fulfilled his engagements to the bankers, 
 for the due performance of which the British govern- 
 ment was guarantee." 
 
 It was in consequence of his not fulfilling this latter 
 stipulation that the first differences arose between Sya- 
 jee Rao and the British government in ]825. During 
 the following year Mr. Williams vainly urged on the 
 Guicowar a reduction of expenditure, and the payment 
 of the guaranteed debt by the stipulated instalments. 
 The more the matter was discussed the more obstinate 
 and opposed to the views of Government Syajee be- 
 came, and though in 1827 he reluctantly consented to 
 the plan proposed by the Resident of liquidating his 
 guaranteed debts by farming out his districts in 
 septennial leases, he soon found means of breaking- 
 through the engagements, and grew so violent in his 
 
697 
 
 opposition, not only in this but in every other point 
 under discussion, that Sir J. Malcolm's government 
 determined on sequestrating a portion of his territory, 
 in order that funds might be forthcoming for the 
 fulfilment of our monetary guarantees to the creditors 
 of the State. 
 
 Unfortunately, the desire of upholding the good faith 
 of the British government inviolate, and the irritation 
 caused by the vexatious infringement of his obligation 
 by Syajee Rao, led the Resident into an exaggerated 
 idea of the duties involved in the carrying out of 
 our guarantee. 
 
 Large sums of money had been lent by some of the 
 leading bankers of Baroda at various times to relieve 
 the exigencies of the State, under our guarantee that 
 they be repaid by certain instalments and at certain 
 rates of interest. Syajee, during the preliminary dis- 
 cussions, frequently expressed his intention of paying 
 off the bankers in a lump and in his own way. As the 
 object of both Governments was identical, viz. the 
 extinction of the guaranteed loan (so fertile a source 
 of embarrassment to both), it would appear that the 
 easiest plan would have been to allow Syajee to come to 
 terms with the bankers in his own way, taking care that 
 no undue influence or oppression was exercised towards 
 them. But Mr. Williams considered that the bankers 
 were entitled to the*full benefit of their usurious interest, 
 and would not allow any deviation from the arrange- 
 ments entered into. More than this, when he concluded 
 the septennial leases, which were taken up in most 
 instances by the guaranteed bankers, he considered that 
 the guarantee extended also to these leases, although 
 88 
 
698 
 
 they had been made without the sanction or knowledge 
 of his own Government, and with the greatest reluctance 
 on the part of the Guicowar; and he thought that Go- 
 vernment was bound under all circumstances to uphold 
 the integrity of the guarantee even to the extreme 
 measure of superseding temporarily the authority of 
 the Guicowar in his own territories, and suggested 
 that Government would be perfectly justified in seques- 
 trating the whole of the districts connected with the 
 septennial leases, in order to compel the fulfilment of 
 the stipulations made to the bankers. 
 
 In 1828, Government did so sequestrate a consider- 
 able portion of the Guicowar State, but Lord Clare's 
 government in 1832 contented itself with allowing 
 Syajee Rao to effect a private arrangement with the 
 bankers, and on their presenting an acquittance in full, 
 the sequestration was removed. The same tendency of 
 exaggerating the obligations, imposed on us by our 
 bhandery engagements, displayed itself in numerous 
 other instances during the reign of Syajee Rao. 
 
 It was assumed that the bhanderies granted by the 
 Arabs were hereditary, in consequence of the word 
 "chuloo" inserted in most of them being translated 
 perpetual instead of " running " or existing. In this 
 way the guarantees to Kooshalchund Ambeydass, 
 Purboodass Mooljee, Khandass Wagjee, Bhychund 
 Desaee, and Samul Becher, were considered hereditary, 
 and were continued to their descendants long after 
 they had in reality become invalid by the deaths of the 
 original grantees. 
 
 In like manner the guarantees granted to the 
 ministers Raojee and Babbajee Appajee were not only 
 
699 
 
 considered to hold good during their life-time, but 
 also to secure their descendants their hereditary offices 
 and emoluments, irrespective of their unfitness for the 
 office and the scandalous misbehaviour of more that 
 one member of the family. 
 
 The memoirs of many of these guarantees show con- 
 clusively that when once Syajee had commenced his 
 opposition to the British government, he neglected 
 no opportuntiy of injuring any of his subjects that 
 enjoyed the guarantee of the British government, and 
 it was undoubtedly a sense of this feeling that induced 
 the British authorities to espouse the cause of these 
 individuals more warmly than they otherwise would 
 have done, and to give in many instances an undue 
 latitude to the terms of the bhandery. 
 
 As early as 1828, the Government of India had 
 come to the opinion that " bhandery engagements 
 were no less objectionable in principle than embar- 
 rassing in practice, and that although the formation 
 of them in the early stage of our connection with the 
 Guicowar State was doubtless recommended by urgent 
 and adequate motives of political expediency, they 
 were glad to learn that the Government of Bombay 
 had laid it down as an established principle to clear 
 itself as soon as possible of the guarantees to existing 
 loans, and to contract no more pledges of such a nature 
 in future. " 
 
 In spite of this resolve, Sir J. Malcolm gave an 
 hereditary guarantee in 1830 to Wittul Rao Dewjee, 
 not only without the Guicowar's consent, but in 
 direct opposition to his wishes ; and although the 
 
700 
 
 misconduct evinced by so many of the guarantees, by 
 Baba Nafra of Hurree Bhugtee's firm, by Bhasker 
 Rao Wittul, Bulwunt Rao and Govind Rao Guico- 
 wars, Dhakjee Dadajee, and by many others, afforded 
 ample opportunities of annulling their guarantees, this 
 course was never adopted, and the impression was 
 allowed to gain ground that they enjoyed a virtual 
 immunity from all punishment. 
 
 To sum up in Sir J. Outram's words, " the system 
 of bhandery has been a source of incalculable injury to 
 both British and Guicowar governments ; of evils not 
 confined merely to the bad feeling on the part of the 
 Baroda Durbar, engendered by the vexatious interfer- 
 ence between the Guicowar and his subjects imposed 
 on us by these guarantees, and consequent obstruction 
 to all our endeavours to benefit this State, but the chief 
 source moreover of the shameful corruption which has 
 for so many years prevailed at this court. " 
 
 In 1849, Captain French, when in charge of the 
 Residency, resolutely set his face against the evils of 
 the bhandery system, and recommended that several 
 should be considered as lapsed. He was only success- 
 ful in the instances of the guarantee to the Shastree's 
 family, which had formerly been considered hereditary, 
 but which, in consequence of his remonstrances, was 
 declared terminable with the life of the then holder, 
 and in that of Manickchund Roopchund; but his gen- 
 eral remarks on the subject, and his animadversions 
 on the supposed immunity from punishment enjoyed 
 by all the possessors of the guarantee of the British 
 government, attracted the attention of the Court of 
 
701 
 
 Directors, who in 1850 recorded their opinion that " the 
 condition of good conduct on which so many of the 
 bhanderies depended, had not been enforced with suf- 
 ficient strictness;" and in 1853, expressing their belief 
 that guarantees granted by officers of Arab troops were 
 in their very nature temporary, and could not be con- 
 sidered to be binding in perpetuity on the British 
 Government, and that " it was probable that in many 
 other instances a perpetual character had been attribut- 
 ed to our guarantee for reasons which a strict examina- 
 tion would prove to be untenable," the Honorable Court 
 directed that a careful scrutiny should be instituted 
 into all the bhanderies supposed to be perpetual, and 
 that the result of the inquiry should be submitted as 
 soon as possible. 
 
 The duty of instituting this scrutiny fell to the lot of 
 Sir James (then Colonel) Outram, than whom no one 
 could have pursued the inquiry with more zeal and 
 success. He conclusively proved that the bhandery of 
 the Arabs could by no means be supposed to be binding 
 on the Government in perpetuity, and that the mean- 
 ing of the word " chaloo " had been erroneously 
 supposed up to that date to be " perpetual." 
 
 In accordance with his arguments and suggestions, 
 the Government of India, in their despatch of the 21st 
 January 1856, declared, with the sanction of the Court 
 of Directors, that the guarantees to the families of Row- 
 jee Appajee, Khandass Patel, and Bhychund Desaee 
 had lapsed, and that those to the families of Kooshaldass 
 Ambeydass, Purboodass Mooljee, and Samul Bechur, 
 should cease on the death of the present holders. 
 
702 
 
 Since that period two hereditary guarantees, that to 
 the Muzmoodar of Baroda, and that to Bhasker Rao 
 Wittul, and the life guarantee to Govind Rao Guico- 
 war, have lapsed through misconduct, and the number 
 of hereditary guarantees is now limited to four, as 
 detailed at the commencement of these concluding 
 remarks. 
 
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