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 THE 
 
 INDIAN MUTINY
 
 LOSDOK : nilNTED BY 
 
 SPOTTJSWOODB AND CO., KEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
 AND PARLIAMKJiT STREET
 
 X^ZXS^'^cn 
 
 THE 
 
 PEESONAL ADVENTURES AND EXPEEIENCES 
 
 OP 
 
 A MAGISTRATE 
 
 DURING THE 
 
 RISE, PROGRESS, AND SUPPRESSION 
 
 INDIAN MUTINY 
 
 By make THORNHILL 
 
 BENGAL CmL SERVICE RETIRED 
 
 WLTR FRONTISPIECE AND PLAN 
 
 LONDON 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 
 
 1884 
 
 All rights reserved
 
 T5S
 
 CONTENTS, 
 
 :;nAPTEn vagv. 
 
 I. INTRODUCTORY 1 
 
 II. THE ASSEMBLING OF THE ARMY .... 9 
 
 III. THE MARCH TO DELHI ....... 18 
 
 IV. RURAL DISTURBANCES 27 
 
 V. THE MUTINY OF THE GUARD 37 
 
 VI. FLIGHT TO AGRA 47 
 
 VII. FLIGHT TO AGRA — Continued 59 
 
 VIII. RETURN TO MUTTRA 66 
 
 IX. DEFENCE OF THE CITY 74 
 
 X. THE PLUNDERING OF THE TREASURY .... 83 
 
 XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA ...... 90 
 
 XII. A VILLAGE RAJAH 102 
 
 XIII. THE KOTAH CONTINGENT 110 
 
 XIV. THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY . . . . . 117 
 
 XV. CLOSING AROUND US 127 
 
 XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE 136 
 
 XVII. A MIDNIGHT RIDE — COnliuUcd . . , .152 
 
 XVIII. THE FIRST THREE DAYS 16f) 
 
 XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE,- PRIOR EVEKTfc. . . .177
 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 ClIAPTKi; PAGE 
 
 XX. BATTLE OF riHAHGUNGE. — BATTLE ITSELF . . 190 
 
 XXI. DEPARTURE OF THE ENEMY 203 
 
 XXII. THE FORT OF AGRA ....... 20« 
 
 XXIII. LIFE IN THE FORT ....... 219 
 
 XXIV. SECRET PASSAGES ....... 226 
 
 XXV. GHOST STORIES 235 
 
 XXVI. THE OLD PALACE 241 
 
 XXVII. QUARRELS ......... 258 
 
 XXVIII. THE EXPEDITION 265 
 
 XXIX. MR. COLVIN'S DEATH ....... 272 
 
 XXX. THE FALL OF DELHI 279 
 
 XXXI. THE BATTLE OF AGRA ....... 294 
 
 XXXII. THE BATTLE-FIELD ....... 305 
 
 XXXIII. AFTER THE BATTLE 313 
 
 XXXIV. LEAVING THE FORT 3 IS 
 
 XXXV. CONCLUSION 325 
 
 XXXVI. WHAT CAUSED THE MUTINY'? 330 
 
 Errata. 
 
 Page 19, line 14, /or It read They 
 
 „ 85, 1. 14, insert comma afh'r ' passed ' 
 
 „ 112, 1. 5 from foot, /or have been warned read had bc<3n warned 
 
 ., 119, 1. 1,/or waggon with sides read waggon without sides 
 
 „ 126, 1. B from foot, for Kautzow read Kautzow 
 
 „ 129, 1. 2, /or Hcrvej- read Harvey 
 
 „ 216, 1. 10 from foot, /or its appearance read their aiiixjarance
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 After the suppression of the Indian Mutiny, I com- 
 menced to write an account of my adventures — ilhiess 
 and other causes delayed me ; by the time my narrative 
 was completed, the then interest of the public in the 
 subject was exhausted. Years have since passed, and 
 an interest of another kind has arisen. The events 
 of that time have become history, and to that history 
 my story may prove a contribution, for I saw much that 
 has not been recorded. I have therefore resolved to 
 publish my narrative, which without further preface I 
 commence. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1857 I was magistrate 
 of Muttra, a large city in Upper India. It is situated on 
 the banks of the river Jumna, thirty-four miles from Agra, 
 and on the high road, which runs from thence to Delhi. 
 I had held the appointment about four years, and been 
 married rather longer ; we had with us two children, a 
 little girl and a baby. The position of magistrate, though 
 much reduced from what it had been, was still a very 
 fine one. I had a large income and great authority, and 
 
 B
 
 2 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. i. 
 
 we lived in a degree of state which has long since been 
 abandoned. 
 
 Our house was large and handsomely furnished, we 
 had many horses and a great retinue of servants, besides 
 a guard of soldiers and numerous attendants on horse 
 and foot, who were provided for me at the expense of 
 the Government. I had a chest full of silver plate, which 
 
 stood in the hall, and A a great store of Cashmere 
 
 shawls, pearls, and diamonds. 
 
 Our life was secluded, and for the greater part of the 
 year monotonous — travellers seldom passed, and there 
 was httle of incident; but among ourselves we were 
 sociable, and in the extreme quiet there was something 
 not unpleasant. In November, when the heat began to 
 moderate, we went into tents and marched about the 
 district. We passed the mornings in long rides and 
 the day under groves of trees. Our life was then a 
 perpetual picnic and very enjoyable. 
 
 It was at the end of January 1857, and we had just 
 returned from our tour, when one day as I entered the 
 office I found four little cakes laid on the table, dirty 
 little cakes of the coarsest flour, about the size and thick- 
 ness of a biscuit. A man had come to a village, and 
 given a cake to the watchman, with injunctions to bake 
 four like it, to distribute them to the watchmen of the 
 adjacent villages, and to desire them to do the same. 
 The watchman obeyed, but at the same time informed 
 the police they had now reported the affair, sending in 
 the cakes. The following day came similar reports from 
 other parts of the district, and we next learnt from the 
 newspapers that these cakes were being distributed in 
 the same manner over all Upper India. 
 
 The occurrence was so singular that it attracted the 
 attention of the Government, who directed inquiries ; but
 
 CH. I. INTRODUCTORY. 3 
 
 notwithstanding all the efforts that were made, it could 
 not be ascertained either by "whom the distribution had 
 been contrived, where it commenced, or what it signified. 
 After being a nine days' wonder the matter ceased to be 
 talked about, and was presently for the time forgotten, 
 except by those few who remembered that a similar dis- 
 tribution of cakes had been made in Madras towards the 
 end of the last century, and had been followed by the 
 mutiny of Vellore. These cakes were the famous Cha- 
 patties. 
 
 After this I fell ill and went to Agra, where mj brother 
 was then Secretary to the Government. Early on the 
 morning of the 12th of May a telegram was received by 
 a lady from her niece at Meerut, informing her that one 
 of the native regiments had mutinied, murdered several 
 of the English, and were gone off to Delhi. The wire 
 then ceased working, and no further information could 
 be obtained. 
 
 In the course of the day several visitors called, and 
 this telegram formed the chief subject of conversation. 
 Most of the visitors disbelieved the story or considered it 
 much exaggerated. It was thought that if a serious 
 mutiny had occurred, the Government would have 
 received the first information. My brother had gone 
 after breakfast to Government House ; he did not return 
 till late in the afternoon, and he then appeared much 
 discomposed, as if he had heard of or expected some 
 calamity. 
 
 I had permission to remain two more days at Agra, 
 but my brother's manner so impressed me that I resolved 
 to return at once to Muttra. I thought it possible, if 
 the news was true, that some of the mutineers might 
 wander into my district and create a disturbance ; any- 
 thing more serious than this I did not contemplate. I
 
 4 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. i. 
 
 desired my servant to pack up my clothes, I sent for a 
 party of bearers, and entering my palanquin after dinner 
 I travelled all night, and reached home the next morning 
 
 a little before daybreak. The following day A 
 
 arrived with the children. 
 
 It was our custom in the hot season to dine early, and 
 when the sun had set to take a drive ; that evening we 
 drove round the old parade ground. At the further end 
 was a slight rise, just sufficient to afford a view over the 
 river Jumna. The water was then low, and the river 
 rolled in several branches ; a herd of cattle were lazily 
 crossing the one nearest us. By the roadside was a 
 grove of trees, a little temple, and a well. A party of 
 travellers were resting by it, and their camels browsing. 
 The scene was simple and full of the repose of Eastern 
 life. In the times that followed it often recurred to my 
 memory. Indian twilight is but of short duration ; when 
 we reached home it was dark. 
 
 Immediately on my return from Agra I had sent off 
 messengers in all directions to obtain news of the 
 mutineers ; none had arrived, nor beyond vague rumours 
 had any confirmation of the telegram been received. I 
 was beginning half to doubt its truth ; my doubts were 
 now dispelled in a manner I little anticipated. As I 
 stepped from the carriage a letter was handed me : it had 
 been left by a servant with a message that it was impor- 
 tant. A lamp was burning in the hall, I went towards 
 it, and saw by its light that the letter had inscribed upon 
 it, in large characters, the word * Urgent.' I opened it 
 in haste ; it was from a gentleman, one of the engineers 
 on the railwaj^ then constructing to Delhi, and who 
 resided about forty miles down the line towards that 
 city. It was to inform me that a party of mutineers had 
 attacked and burnt his house. He had been absent and
 
 INTRODUCTORY 
 
 5 
 
 had escaped ; he had sent on this letter to inform me and 
 to warn me that he had heard that the main body of the 
 mutineers were advancing towards Muttra. So soon as 
 I had read the letter I sent round and summoned the 
 other English. We decided to send away the ladies and 
 children to Agra. 
 
 Of the rest of that night I retain but a dreamy recol- 
 lection. I remember that till near midnight the other 
 families came hurrying in, that there was much confu- 
 sion, some terror, and that till the palanquin bearers 
 arrived from the city, we sat awaiting them in my draw- 
 ing room. It was a beautiful room, brightly lighted, gay 
 with flowers. It was the last time I thus saw it, and so 
 it remains impressed on my memory. 
 
 It was near daybreak before the party started. I sent 
 with them an escort of horsemen, and, as a further pro- 
 tection, all the Englishmen whose duties did not compel 
 them to remain in the station. In the course of the 
 day I got intelligence from the north of the district that 
 no mutineers had as yet entered it, but from the direc- 
 tion of Delhi could be heard the sound of heavy cannon- 
 ading. About midnight I was awoke by the arrival of 
 a messenger from Agra; he brought a letter from 
 Mr. Colvin, who was then the Lieutenant-Governor. 
 I went to my room to write an answer. As I 
 was writing I heard through the open doors the tramp 
 of horses ; in a minute or two a servant entered and 
 announced that an English gentleman had arrived and 
 was dismounting at the entrance. Almost immediately 
 after the gentleman entered ; he was quite a young man, 
 he was armed with sword and revolver, and wore twisted 
 round his hat a large native turban — he looked very tired 
 and exhausted. He informed me that he was the 
 assistant to the magistrate of Goorgoan ; the district
 
 6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. i. 
 
 that lay between mine and Delhi. The mutineers, he 
 added, had entered the district, and the country had risen 
 in insurrection, and he was on his way to Agra to convey 
 the information to the Government ; his horse had 
 knocked up, and he had ridden to my house to request the 
 loan of another, as also one for his servant. 
 
 I sent for horses, and also for refreshment for my 
 guest. While it was getting ready, he informed me of 
 the particulars of the mutiny of the regiment at Meerut, 
 and of the events that had followed their arrival at Delhi ; 
 how the native troops at Delhi had joined them, how they 
 had marched down to the palace, placed the king on the 
 throne, and massacred all the English and Christians 
 they could lay hands on. While narrating the story, he 
 had been much agitated. When I inquired the names of 
 the victims he broke down altogether, for among them 
 was his only sister, a young girl of eighteen, who had but 
 a few months previously arrived in India. 
 
 When he had eaten and drank, I persuaded him to 
 lie down and rest, for I thought him too tired to proceed, 
 and I sent on his letters by a horseman of my own to 
 Agra. A little after dawn he left me, and soon after 
 came the magistrate of Goorgoan and his clerk ; and 
 succeeding them at short intervals came all the English 
 and Christians residing along the road to Delhi. Some 
 were accompanied by their wives, their sisters, and their 
 children — these I sent on under escort to Agra — the re- 
 mainder, some five-and-thirty, sat down with me to 
 breakfast. When breakfast was over I left my guests 
 and went to my own room, where my office people were 
 assembled. 
 
 I had hitherto kept silence about the mutiny, so far 
 at least as was possible, partly from fear of exciting 
 alarm, partly lest if the news should prove false I might
 
 CH. I. INTRODUCTORY. 7 
 
 appear ridiculous. There was now no longer any object 
 in concealment. I told them what I had heard; they ex- 
 pressed great astonishment ; but ere long I perceived from 
 the remarks they let fall that they had heard it all before, 
 and, indeed, as regarded what had occurred at Delhi that 
 they were much better informed than I was. All regular 
 work was suspended ; when a few papers had been signed 
 and some orders issued there remained nothing more 
 to do. However, to while away the time, I continued to 
 chat with them about the events at Delhi. They soon 
 got so interested in the subject as partly to forget my 
 presence. Their talk was all about the ceremonial of 
 the palace, and how it would be revived. They specu- 
 lated as to who would be the Grand Chamberlain, which 
 of the chiefs of Kajpootana would guard the different 
 gates, and who were the fifty-two Eajahs who would as- 
 semble to place the Emperor on the throne. 
 
 As I listened I realised, as I had never done before, 
 the deep imi)ression that the splendour of the ancient 
 court had made on the popular imagination, how dear 
 to them were its traditions, and how faithfully all un- 
 known to us they had preserved them. There was some- 
 thing weird in the Mogul Empire thus starting into a 
 sort of phantom life after the slumber of a hundred 
 years. 
 
 The rest of the day passed wearily away, the rooms 
 were darkened to exclude the glare ; there was nothing to 
 do, my guests got tired of chatting, one by one they 
 lapsed into silence or fell asleep ; the water splashed on 
 the frames of scented grass, the punkahs swung mono- 
 tonously to and fro. At length the light softened, and 
 began to stream in nearly level through the chinks of 
 the Venetian blinds ; then the servants threw open the 
 doors, we dined, and strolled out into the garden. A
 
 ^ THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. i. 
 
 messenger presently galloped in to inform me that 
 Captain Nixon was approaching with the Bhurtpore 
 army. About dusk the army arrived ; Captain Nixon 
 brought with him several officers whose presence still 
 further swelled our party. But in India guests are easily 
 accommodated — the heat made it pleasant to sleep out of 
 doors. I had beds arranged in the verandah and on a 
 terrace beyond ; soon after nine all the party were slum- 
 bering on them, all but myself and a few others, who pre- 
 ferred to sit up till later, and watch the moonlight.
 
 THE ASSEMBLING OF THE ARMY. 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 THE ASSEMBLING OF THE ARMY. 
 
 Bhurtpore is a small independent State, adjoining 
 Muttra on the west. The Eajah had died some four years 
 previously to the occurrence of the events I am relating, 
 and the English Government had assumed charge of the 
 territory tOl the infant son he had left should come of 
 age. The administration of the State was conducted by 
 an English officer, Major Morrison, who had the title of 
 Agent, and several assistants, of whom the chief was 
 Captain Nixon. Captain Nixon had received early in- 
 telligence of the disturbances at Delhi, and had imme- 
 diately proposed to the Government to make use of the 
 Bhurtpore troops to aid in suppressing them. The 
 proposal had been approved of, and he had been author- 
 ised to march the army to Delhi, taking Muttra by the 
 way. From some oversight these orders had not been 
 communicated to me, and I was in consequence unaware 
 of Captain Nixon's approach till about an hour before he 
 entered the station. 
 
 As it was supposed that the mutineers were marching 
 down on us. Captain Nixon decided to suspend his ad- 
 vance and await their arrival on the other side of the city, 
 where he proposed to place his troops in position and 
 throw up entrenchments. The city itself was very 
 capable of defence, for it was full of narrow lanes and
 
 10 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. ii. 
 
 houses of solid stone. At Captain Nixon's suggestion I 
 erected barricades at the principal entrances, I raised 
 guards, and I adopted various other measures to enable 
 the inhabitants to co-operate with the soldiers — measures 
 to which I looked back with some amusement, when I 
 became better acquainted with the feelings of the citizens 
 and their fighting capabilities. 
 
 Soon after breakfast I received a visit from two 
 brothers — the Seths ; they were wealthy bankers, and the 
 persons of the greatest influence in the city. They came 
 ostensibly to show me a letter they had received from 
 their agent at Delhi, but the real object of their visit 
 was to warn me against the Sepoy guard, whom they 
 informed me intended to mutiny on the first opportunity, 
 and carry off the treasm-e. They added that the guard 
 would have mutinied the previous evening but for the 
 unexpected arrival of Captain Nixon's troops. 
 
 We had then in the treasury over half a million of 
 silver rupees, and about ten thousand pounds' worth of 
 copper coins, and money no longer current. Dm'ing the 
 first two days after my return from Agra I had become 
 doubtful of the fidelity of the guard, and I had in con- 
 sequence requested permission to send the treasure in to 
 Agra ; in anticipation of the permission I had caused the 
 rupees to be packed in boxes, and had collected carts for 
 their conveyance. On the departure of the Seths I sent 
 oft' a mounted messenger to Agra, reiterating my 
 suspicions of the guard, and renewing my request for 
 permission to send in the treasure. 
 
 In the course of the day we received intelligence that 
 our fears regarding the approach of the mutineers were 
 groundless. They were fortifying themselves in Delhi, 
 from whence, apparently, they had no intention of 
 dej^arting. On this Captain Nixon decided to continue
 
 CH. ir. THE ASSEMBLING OF THE ARMY. ii 
 
 his march, and to join the Enghsh army, which was ap- 
 proaching Delhi from the north. Orders were issued to 
 the troops to prepare to move the next morning, and the 
 rest of the day was spent by us in getting ready to ac- 
 company them. 
 
 The march was to commence at dawn ; long before 
 that time we were dressed and assembled in the veran- 
 dah. Half an hour had passed when Captain Nixon 
 joined us, and in tone and manner expressive of much 
 annoyance informed me that he feared our departure 
 would have to be delayed ; the pay of the soldiers, he 
 said, was in arrears, and they declined to set out till 
 they received it, which could not be till the arrival 
 of the State treasurer, which, however, he shortly ex- 
 pected. 
 
 This revelation of the discipline of the army was 
 rather startling ; it confirmed certain disparaging ob- 
 servations respecting the force which the Seths had let 
 fall during their visit the previous day. Before long a 
 jingling of bells was heard, and a gay little cart drawn 
 by two fine bullocks entered the garden, and trotted 
 up the avenue. A servant presently came up and 
 announced the arrival of the treasurer. The chiefs 
 were summoned, a consultation followed ; when it was 
 concluded, Captain Nixon informed us that the difficulty 
 about the pay had been arranged, and that in a few 
 minutes the army would begin to march. The minutes 
 were so protracted that we began to fear some fresh 
 .obstacle had been discovered, when at length a gun fired. 
 The report was followed by a babel of sounds, neighing 
 of horses, shouts of men, jingling of bells, and at inter- 
 vals that unpleasant bubbling noise that vicious camels 
 emit when being laden. The sounds presently grew 
 fainter, there was a tramp of men and horses, and in a
 
 12 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. ii 
 
 cloud of dust the army filed past the garden wall. 
 After the army followed a miscellaneous rabble that 
 seemed to have no end. 
 
 When the troops had passed and were fairly ahead, 
 we mounted our horses and followed. Captain Nixon 
 and another officer took their seats with me in my 
 carriage. Just as we were passing through the gates it 
 occurred to Captain Nixon that it would be as well to 
 inspect the guard before leaving the station. I accord- 
 ingly told the coachman to drive along the road that led 
 to the office. A troop of the Bhurtpore horse and two 
 chiefs accompanied us. The office was a large one- 
 storied building, consisting of a few immense rooms, and 
 surrounded by a wide massive verandah. It had origi- 
 nally been a private house, and in the days when Muttra 
 was a large cantonment it had been the residence of the 
 general. There was a tradition that it had once been 
 temporarily occupied by Lord Lake. 
 
 It stood in the midst of extensive grounds, dotted 
 with fine trees, and laid out something in the style of 
 an English park. The grounds were usually thronged 
 with people, but as it was long before office hours, they 
 were now empty. The only person we saw as we drove 
 up the avenue was the sentry on guard, and he was lolling 
 carelessly against one of the pillars of the verandah. On 
 seeing our cavalcade approaching he started upright, 
 gave a confused look towards us, and ran through an 
 open door into one of the rooms. He reappeared imme- 
 diately, followed by the whole guard. They leaped off 
 the verandah, formed in double line across the road, 
 levelled their muskets, and threatened to fire if we 
 advanced another step. 
 
 For a few minutes there was the greatest confusion ; 
 our escort drew their swords and commenced to gallop
 
 CH. II. THE ASSEMBLING OF THE ARMV. 13 
 
 round to take the Sepoys in the rear. We called to 
 them to return, but every instant expected a collision. 
 I and Captain Nixon left the carriage and advanced to 
 the men, and after a good deal of coaxing and persuasion 
 we induced their native officer to come forward, and we 
 then explained to him that we had come merely to 
 inspect the guard, and had no intention of attacking 
 them, as they appeared to fear. Eventually the officer 
 ordered the guard to ground their arms, and allowed us 
 to enter the office. We made a hurried inspection, and 
 left it, thankful that we had avoided a catastrophe. All 
 the while we had been talking to the officer the men had 
 kept their muskets levelled and their fingers on the 
 triggers. If one of the guns had accidentally gone off 
 there certainly would have been an engagement. 
 
 Captain Nixon drove on to his camp. I returned 
 home, for I had a good deal to arrange before leaving 
 the station. In the course of the morning the native 
 officer called to offer apologies for the misadventure of 
 the morning. He repeated his assurances of the loyalty 
 of himself and his soldiers, and declared with many 
 asseverations that they raised their muskets only to pro- 
 tect their lives, being fully persuaded, on seeing the 
 Bhurtpore cavalry, that they had come to attack and 
 destroy them. How the guard came to be in the office 
 and in uniform instead of in undress and in their huts, 
 as they ought to have been, he did not explain, nor did 
 I think it prudent to inquire. I treated him very 
 politely, accepted his excuses, and as soon as he had 
 left I sent an express to Agra, reported what had hap- 
 pened, and urged again my advice that the treasure 
 should be sent in without further delay. 
 
 In the afternoon I drove out to the camp. I found 
 it pitched on a large open plain, about two miles on the
 
 14 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. ii. 
 
 other side of the city. By the side of the high road 
 there was a small bungalow, erected for the accommoda- 
 tion of the road overseer. In it I found Captain Nixon 
 and his officers assembled, and also all the rest of our 
 party who were to accompany the force. The bungalow 
 consisted of a single room and some closets. The room 
 was small, the inmates many, the heat overwhelming. 
 We were glad when the sun sank low enough to permit 
 us to throw open the doors and sit outside on the plain 
 and in the verandah. We dmed at evening in the State 
 tent, a fine double-poled one belonging to the Rajah. We 
 were a large party, and, for that night at least, a cheerful 
 one ; for we were all full of anticipation of a triumphal 
 march to Delhi, to be followed by the glory of assisting 
 at its capture. Dinner over, we sat outside ; some 
 smoked, some chatted. At an early hour we retired 
 to rest. Our beds were arranged under large canopies, 
 open on all sides, and which are termed by the natives 
 ' Shameanahs.' 
 
 We did not continue our march the next day, as all 
 the cannon had not arrived ; nor the day after, in conse- 
 quence of the absence of the head chief, and without 
 him the other chiefs declined to move. In the course of 
 the afternoon of the third day this chief made his entry, 
 and there being now no further reason for a delay. Cap- 
 tain Nixon proposed that we should resume our progress. 
 The chiefs made no objection, and orders were issued 
 that the army should march the next morning. At 
 sunset Captain Nixon held a durbar. He had, indeed, 
 held one every evening, but this being preparatory to 
 the march, was to be of more than usual solemnity. All 
 the chiefs attended, as also at Captain Nixon's request 
 did we English, such of us at least as occupied positions 
 of importance.
 
 CH. ir. THE ASSEMBLING OF THE ARMV. 15 
 
 The durbar was held under an immense canopy 
 erected in front of the State tent, carpets were spread 
 beneath the canopy, and chairs arranged in a semi- 
 circle. Captain Nixon took his seat in the centre, two 
 men holding silver-handled fans stood behind him. The 
 company seated themselves on either side, we English 
 occupying the chairs to the right, the chiefs those on the 
 left, taking their positions according to their rank. 
 
 The i^roceedings commenced by Captain Nixon ad- 
 dressing the chief next him, who was the one last arrived, 
 and making inquiries after his health ; for it seemed he 
 had been ill. The chief replied, expressing his gratifi- 
 cation at the interest Captain Nixon took in his welfare, 
 and his regret that his illness should have put us to the 
 inconvenience of the delay. An interchange of remarks 
 about the heat of the weather, the news from Delhi, and 
 other ordinary topics then ensued ; and these disposed 
 of. Captain Nixon addressed the chief next beyond, and 
 afterwards each of the others in turn. A general con- 
 versation followed, in which the speakers were Captain 
 Nixon and three or four of the chiefs of the highest rank, 
 the others observing a respectful silence. 
 
 Being the highest English official, I threw in an 
 occasional remark, as etiquette demanded, but I mostly 
 occupied myself in watching the proceedings, which had 
 for me all the interest of novelty. The chief who sat 
 next to Captain Nixon, though thin and sallow from the 
 effects of his late illness, had a countenance expressive 
 of much character, which, together with his superior 
 rank, accounted, perhaps, for his influence. His man- 
 ners were polished and dignified, which was more than 
 could be said of those of most of the rest. With a very 
 few exceptions, they were a heavy-looking, uncouth set 
 of men. If their countenances had any particular expres-
 
 i6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. ii. 
 
 sion, it .was that of sensuality. In looking at them I 
 was struck with their resemblance to each other, and 
 also to the pictures on the walls of the tombs at Goverd- 
 hun, representing their ancestors the courtiers of the 
 ancient rajahs of Bhurtpore. 
 
 I found that the durbar was regarded as the most 
 important part of the administration of the State, so 
 much so that the army could not have been kejDt together 
 had it ceased to be held. Nevertheless, nothing but the 
 most ordinary topics were discussed, and the greater part 
 of .the proceedings consisted in the passing of compli- 
 ments. After half-an-hour had been so spent. Captain 
 Nixon informed the chiefs that the army would march 
 before dawn the following morning, and requested them 
 all to be ready with their troops. The assembly then 
 broke up. 
 
 During the durbar an incident occurred that greatly 
 amused us English. By some oversight, one chair too 
 few had been placed on the side occupied by the chiefs. 
 The two chiefs of the lowest rank had in consequence to 
 place themselves on the same seat. The chair was 
 small, they were fat, and did not appear to be over- 
 friendly. During the whole ceremony each had to keep 
 a vigilant watch, lest he should be shoved off by the 
 other. Once or twice this accident nearly occurred. 
 The one that Captain Nixon addressed was obliged by 
 etiquette to lean forward as he replied. His companion 
 took advantage of his doing so to get a little more room 
 for himself. The annoyance of the other, his efforts to 
 conceal it, and the difficulty he had in conversing with 
 Captain Nixon, and at the same time maintaining his 
 balance, all this formed a picture so ridiculous that we 
 English had the greatest difficulty in restraining our 
 laughter. But neither the other chiefs nor the native
 
 CH. II. THE ASSEMBLING OE THE ARMY. 17 
 
 spectators evinced by sign or look that they saw in the 
 situation anything the least amusing. But this was the 
 result of politeness, not at all from want of perception of 
 the humorous ; for the natives are more quick to notice 
 absurdities and cleverer in afterwards describing them 
 than are the majority of Englishmen. 
 
 For the exercise of their talents in this direction one 
 of my native clerks had in the course of the afternoon 
 afforded them a fine opportunity. He was a young man 
 of the name of B3-cunt, a Bengalee by birth, and at- 
 tached to the English department of the office. From 
 the day of his joining the camp he had been uneasy — 
 the possibility of meeting the mutineers had filled him 
 with apprehension. His terror at length increased to a 
 degree that incapacitated him for work. On discovering 
 this I gave him permission to return to the station. 
 But then a fresh difficulty arose. Short as the distance 
 was, he was afraid to traverse it alone. When told that 
 he must then accompany the army his nerves altogether 
 gave way. He threw himself on the ground, screamed, 
 and, to excite compassion, shed an abundance of tears. 
 Finally, I had to procure from Captain Nixon an escort 
 of four soldiers to convey him to Muttra. I had heard 
 much of the cowardice of the Bengalees, but till I 
 witnessed Bycunt's behaviour I had never realised its 
 extent. 
 
 u ^
 
 ,8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 THE MARCH TO DELHI. 
 
 About two o'clock the next morning I was awoke by 
 the sound of a bugle ; I dressed, and went over to the 
 bungalow, where I found Captam Nixon and some of 
 our party already assembled. The rest soon dropped 
 in : the servants brought tea ; while we were drinking it 
 the chiefs presented themselves, and reported that their 
 men were ready. A second bugle sounded, and the 
 chiefs took their departure. Presently a noise of rum- 
 l)ling and trampling came from the direction of the 
 camp. Soon after another chief entered, and announced 
 that the army had commenced its march. We waited 
 till it had got well away, and then we entered our 
 carriage and followed. 
 
 We had driven an hour and more, going only at a 
 walk, when the day dawned, and we found ourselves 
 proceeding along a straight road, bordered by avenues 
 of trees, and running through a level plain, thickly 
 dotted with groves and villages. We presently came up 
 to the army, and I had for the first time an opportunity 
 of well observing it. The army marched in several 
 divisions, the spaces between were filled with carts and 
 animals, and such a mob of camp followers as accompany 
 only an Indian army. At the head of the force came a 
 regiment of cavalry. It had originally belonged to our
 
 CH. III. THE MARCH TO DELHI. 19 
 
 army, but for some reason or other had been presented 
 to the late Eajah. Neither men nor horses seemed to 
 have benefited by the change of masters, the horses 
 looked uncared for, the men very untidy ; still they wore 
 uniforms, rode in column, and maintained some vestiges 
 of their former discipline. 
 
 After them, but separated by a long interval of carts 
 and camp followers, followed the regular infantry. It 
 consisted of no more than a single regiment of Sepoys. 
 They were armed and clothed after the English fashion, 
 but both weapons and uniforms were of a very antiquated 
 type. The muskets had flint locks, and the dresses were 
 of the pattern in use in our army about the commence- 
 ment of the century. It consisted of a swallow-tail coat, 
 shoes like slippers, and wonderful caps of black leather, 
 very much resembling the foot of an elephant. If the 
 men had trousers, they did not wear them, but in their 
 place the native dhoty, which is a voluminous roll of 
 cotton cloth twisted round the waist and loins. They 
 marched badly — straggling and lounging; and were 
 altogether — themselves and their uniforms — dirty and 
 slovenly to the last degree. 
 
 Their appearance was quite in harmony with that of 
 the artillery, which, after another interval of mob and 
 animals, next succeeded. No two of the guns were of 
 the same size, and their carriages were as dilapidated 
 as they could be to hold together. The wheels of two 
 of them were absolutely falling to pieces, and only pre- 
 vented from doing so by bands of rope coiled round the 
 tyres. Some of the carriages were of bare wood ; the 
 others had once been painted, but so long ago that the 
 traces of the paint were fast disappearing. In places it 
 had fallen off in large flakes ; where it remained it was 
 discoloured and blistered. The only respectable cannon 
 
 c 2
 
 20 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. iii. 
 
 were two nine-poundcrs belonging to the Setlis. The 
 eldest Seth had a few years previously been permitted 
 to purchase these from our Government, in order to 
 fire salutes to his idol. Very unwillingly, his younger 
 brothers had permitted the guns to accompany our 
 expedition. 
 
 After the artillery came what was considered as the 
 irregular portion of the army. It consisted of some 
 thousand and more of horse and foot. But the soldiers 
 were so mixed up with the camp followers, and so little 
 differed from them in appearance, that it was difficult to 
 form any but the roughest estimate of their numbers. 
 Some were armed with swords, some with matchlocks, 
 others carried spears of solid steel very like kitchen 
 spits. 
 
 This portion of the army was composed of several 
 divisions, each being under the command of a separate 
 chief. But in the line of march the distinction of 
 division was not attended to, or else, since we set out, 
 it had been lost — the whole force, horse, foot, soldiers 
 and camp followers moved along in one confused, dis- 
 orderly mass. The chiefs themselves took matters very 
 easily ; some rode in carriages, some on elephants, while 
 others were carried reclining in palanquins. A few of 
 the more energetic were mounted on horses, but neither 
 these nor any of the. others rode wdth their men. 
 
 It took us more than an hour to pass the army ; 
 soon afterwards we reached our encamping ground, 
 which was a bare open space adjoining a village named 
 Chowmah. There was here a small bungalow, which we 
 were very glad to enter ; for the sun was now high, its 
 rays burnmg hot, and we were besides almost smothered 
 with the dust. In the course of the day the army 
 straggled in ; when we took our evening stroll the plain
 
 CH. III. THE MARCH TO DELHI. 21 
 
 was covered by a canvas town ; very pretty it looked, 
 for the tents were bright in colour and picturesque in 
 shape. When viewed nearer the impression was less 
 pleasing. The camp was pitched without any arrange- 
 ment, and full of noise, dirt, and disorder. Having 
 commenced our march, we were anxious to continue it, 
 and, indeed, Chowmah was not a place where anyone 
 would willingly remain who could avoid doing so. Never- 
 theless, circumstances compelled us to reside in it for 
 three whole days. 
 
 Captain Nixon was summoned to Agra to discuss the 
 campaign with the Lieutenant-Governor, and the chiefs, 
 on hearing of his intended departure, at once made it a 
 plea for declining to continue the march. With much 
 trouble and an exercise of patience that moved my 
 admiration, Captain Nixon succeeded in inducing them 
 to consent to proceed to the next haltmg place, and 
 there await his return. I received hints from my own 
 people that though the chiefs had given this promise 
 they did not intend to abide by it. Their sincerity was 
 not, however, put to the test. 
 
 I was woke up at midnight by a messenger from my 
 police over the river. The messenger had brought a 
 letter informing me that the Sepoy regiment at Allyghur, 
 the next station to mine, had mutinied and gone to 
 Delhi, having first burnt the English houses. I aroused 
 the officer that Captain Nixon had left in charge of the 
 army. He agreed with me that when the chiefs heard 
 the news they would refuse to proceed. We thought it 
 best to anticipate their refusal by countermanding the 
 order for the march. This order, which was issued to 
 prevent a disturbance, very nearly produced one. I 
 received next morning a message from the chiefs that 
 their choice lay between the army dying of thirst or
 
 22 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. hi. 
 
 their marching it back to Bhurtpore, for all the wells 
 in the neighbourhood had run dry. The statement 
 seemed incredible ; on making inquiry, I found it was 
 untrue. There was plenty of water, but the troops were 
 too lazy to draw it ; they wished the villagers to do so 
 for them, which the villagers refused. It took me all 
 the morning to arrange the matter. 
 
 In the afternoon the Eajah's band played at the 
 durbar. The band had been all along in the camp, 
 but till now had not put in an appearance. The bands- 
 men played on English instruments, and what were 
 supposed to be English tunes, though to our ears little 
 resembling them. I suppose on that account they better 
 suited the native taste. As the music played the camp 
 followers clustered around ; the soimds even drew the 
 villagers from the sullen seclusion they had hitherto 
 maintained. First one head, then another peeped cau- 
 tiously over the village wall. Before long, the roofs of 
 the houses were thronged with an admiring audience of 
 men, women, and even children. In the course of the 
 night Captain Nixon returned. 
 
 The next morning our party was augmented by the 
 arrival of Mr. Harvey, the Commissioner of Agra, and 
 some other gentlemen, chiefly young engineers, who 
 had preferred to join the expedition rather than remain 
 idle at Agra, where, as elsewhere, all regular work was 
 suspended. We had known for some days of Mr. 
 Harvey's intention to accompany the force, as also ha 
 the chiefs, and unfortunately they had got the impres- 
 sion that he would bring with him a regiment of English 
 soldiers. "When they found that he was accompanied 
 by only some twelve gentlemen and a small party of 
 native troopers, their disappointment was extreme, and 
 their dissatisfaction was so openly expressed that it
 
 CH. Ill, THE MARCH TO DELHI. 23 
 
 occasioned Captain Nixon some uneasiness. It was not 
 till after hours of talking, and an assurance that they 
 would be immediately reinforced by the army of the 
 Rajah of Ulwar, that they consented to proceed. I doubt 
 if they would really have done so had not Captain 
 Nixon's assurances been confirmed in the course of the 
 afternoon by the arrival of the advanced guard of the 
 Ulwar army. 
 
 The next morning we marched. After travelling 
 some miles, the monotony of the landscape was broken 
 by the appearance of what seemed a vast castle of red 
 stone. It was not really a castle, but a fortified cara- 
 vanserai, one of the many erected by the ancient Mogul 
 sovereigns, and which at intervals of about fifteen miles 
 formerly lined all the great roads of the empire. Around 
 the caravanserai lay the little town of Chattah, We 
 passed a dirty pond, and came on an open space covered 
 with the bones of animals and other rubbish. In the 
 middle of the space was a small bungalow ; in this we 
 put up. The army encamped on the plain beyond the 
 town. 
 
 The impression I had formed of our army was not 
 favourable ; further acquaintance had not altered but 
 rather increased it. The army appeared to have no 
 head and no discipline. It was nominally under the 
 command of Captain Nixon as representing the Rajah, 
 but the real power lay with the chiefs. The positions of 
 the chiefs to each other, to the army, and to the Rajah 
 were very confusing. They were all more or less nearly 
 connected with the Rajah and with each other by ties of 
 relationship. They received from the Rajah salaries of 
 varying amounts. They possessed in addition hereditary 
 estates of their own, and held civil appointments besides 
 their commands in the army. One was Chief Architect,
 
 24 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. in. 
 
 another Head of the Eevenue, a third was Prhne Mmis- 
 ter, and so on. Their salaries and their offices were 
 partly hereditary, partly dependent on the pleasure of 
 the Rajah. There appeared the same intermixture with 
 regard to their troops. Part of the army belonged to 
 the State, part was composed of the personal followers of 
 the chiefs. 
 
 In the public durbars the demeanour of the chiefs to 
 each other was most amiable. They uttered only the 
 politest of speeches, and each agreed to whatever the 
 others asserted. Their ordinary relations were less har- 
 monious ; they were split up into factions, each spoke of 
 the other little but evil, and all were full of envy and 
 contention. The difference in their positions and sala- 
 ries appeared to be the cause of much of this ill-feeling. 
 Two or three were rich and influential, the rest possessed 
 only very moderate means and little individual authority ; 
 they were, in consequence, discontented and envious of 
 their more fortunate relations. 
 
 Captain Nixon could do nothing without the approval 
 of the head chiefs ; and these, either from politeness or 
 necessity before giving their approval, made a point of 
 obtaining that of their inferior brethren. Consequently, 
 no order could be issued till hours had been wasted in 
 talk and discussion. I had not been long in the camp 
 before I discovered that, on whatever other points the 
 chiefs were at variance, there was one on which they 
 were all entirely united, and that was a dislike to the 
 expedition, and a determination to give it all the opposi- 
 tion in their power. 
 
 In this they were unintentionally encouraged by the 
 English agent of the State, Major Morrison. Major 
 Morrison had from the first disapproved of the ex- 
 pedition, in which, as the event proved, he showed his
 
 CH. III. THE MARCH TO DELHI. 25 
 
 judgment. But having been undertaken, he should have 
 done his best to make it successful. This he did not do, 
 but, on the contrary, gave it all opposition. Captain 
 Nixon remonstrated, and in the end Major Morrison 
 was temporarily removed from the agency, Captain 
 Nixon being appointed in his place. This occurred 
 during our halt at Chowmah. My brother thought Major 
 Morrison's removal very unjust, to me it seemed un- 
 avoidable. As regarded the expedition it did not prove 
 beneficial — it merely intensified the opposition of the 
 chiefs. 
 
 In the course of the day the rest of the Ulwar army 
 arrived. It consisted of about 4,000 men, chiefly 
 cavalry, and a legion of camp followers. The Ulwar 
 army, like that of the Bhurtpore, was commanded by the 
 chiefs. They all attended the afternoon durbar, which 
 was really very brilliant. It was held under the great 
 Shameanah, which was erected before the State tents. 
 The chiefs did not indeed don their jewels, but there 
 were plenty of silver sticks, silver-handled fans, gay 
 dresses, and curious arms ; the whole formed a very 
 pretty spectacle. 
 
 Our march the next morning was through a country 
 so identical in its appearance with that we had already 
 traversed, that we might have imagined we were re- 
 tracing our footsteps. There was the same straight road, 
 the same groves and mud villages, and the same circle 
 of trees for ever aj^parently bounding the horizon. A 
 mile or two before reaching our encamping ground we 
 came on a small cluster of domes. They formed an 
 ancient cemetery, one of those ' cities of the silent,' as 
 the natives poetically term them, occasionally met with 
 in Upper India, and which, standing solitary on the open 
 plain, have an aspect at once picturesque and melancholy.
 
 26 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. iii. 
 
 Our halting place was just beyond the little town of 
 Kosee. We put up in the Customs bungalow, the army 
 encamped near us on the plain. 
 
 Kosee was the limit of my district ; when the army 
 moved on the next morning I did not accompany it. 
 My orders had been to march with the army to procure 
 it supplies, and to make use of it if necessary for the 
 repression of disturbances. When it passed beyond the 
 limits of my jurisdiction my connection with it ceased.
 
 RURAL DISTURBANCES. 27 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 RUEAL DISTURBANCES. 
 
 The army marched the next morning. Two young 
 Customs' officers remained behind with me, and also a 
 party of three hundred and fifty Bhurtpore infantry, 
 under the command of a young chief named Paiggonath 
 Sing, and who bore the title of ' captain.' At the earnest 
 request of their owners, the two cannon of the Seths were 
 allowed to remain with this detachment. 
 
 In the course of the afternoon Captain Euggonath 
 Sing paid me a visit. He was a short, puffy youth about 
 twenty years of age, uncouth in manner, like most of his 
 tribe ; and also, as I soon discovered, at once cowardly 
 and boastful. The usual compliments over, he com- 
 menced to pour forth his griefs. He was, he informed 
 me, miserably uncomfortable, and the heat was almost 
 more than he could endure. He was also, he added, 
 dying for want of amusement. At home, he continued, 
 he passed his time, when not asleep, in seeing Nautches. 
 He had two Nautch girls of his own, and longed to get 
 back to their society. Then, very abruptly, he asked my 
 permission to do so. 
 
 I replied that I had no authority to allow him leave, 
 and suggested that if he wanted employment he might 
 find it in attacking some insurgent village, of which 
 just about there were plenty. He fired up at the pro-
 
 28 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. iv. 
 
 posal, and with infinite bombast said he would start at 
 once to any I might name, bm-n the houses, and kill the 
 inhabitants. But when I explained that as the villagers 
 were armed and would fight the killing might not be all 
 on one side, his ardour cooled, and he remarked that 
 perhaps he had better remain where he was. 
 
 We then discussed military matters of which, not- 
 withstanding his rank in the army, I found he was 
 perfectly ignorant. Nevertheless he regarded himself as 
 much better informed than his fellow chiefs, most of 
 whom he spoke of with contempt as ' mere civilians.' 
 He told me quite plainly that both he and they hated 
 the expedition, and I inferred that they felt no love for 
 Captain Nixon for having suggested it. 
 
 As I had nothing else to do, nor he either, we chatted 
 a long time, and I obtained from him much information 
 about the Bhurtpore State and its army. What he said 
 of the army confirmed the impression which, from my own 
 observation, I had formed of it, that it was a mere mob, 
 badly armed, worse disciplined, and commanded by a set 
 of chiefs at once ignorant, cowardly, and full of dissension 
 among themselves. The Ulwar force was more efficient. 
 The artillery was really good, and the cavalry, if they 
 chose to fight, were capable of doing so. As these armies 
 have been so often mentioned in my narrative, it may 
 perhaps be not uninteresting to the reader to learn 
 something of the country from whence they came. 
 
 The soil of Upper India diminishes in fertility as it 
 tends to the West. Beyond the Jumna the vegetation 
 becomes less luxuriant. Before many marches are com- 
 pleted the traveller finds himself in a region whose 
 appearance is very much that of a desert. This region 
 is Kajpootana, or * the land of the Rajpoots,' the caste 
 who chiefly inhabit it. It is about the size of Germany,
 
 CH. IV. RURAL DISTURBANCES. 29 
 
 and stretches across the Continent of India from nearly 
 the banks of the Jumna to those of the Indus. It con- 
 tains many fertile tracts, but a good deal of its surface is 
 absolutely sterile. 
 
 Difficult of access, it was never more than nominally 
 subjugated by the Mohammedan invaders. The chiefs, 
 indeed, yielded a sort of allegiance to the Emperor : they 
 assembled to place him on the throne, with one exception 
 they gave him their daughters in marriage, and they took 
 it in turn to guard the gates of the palace, though nothing 
 would induce them to reside within its walls. But they 
 paid little, if any, revenue, and they permitted no inter- 
 ference in the internal administration of then* territories. 
 
 On our conquest of Delhi in 1803, the chiefs trans- 
 ferred this allegiance, such as it was, to us, as the 
 successors of the Mogul sovereigns. Before many years 
 had passed, what had been a nominal supremacy was 
 converted into a very real one. The chiefs were allowed 
 to maintain armies and to govern their own dommions ; 
 but the number of their troops was strictly limited, and 
 they were made to conduct their government very much 
 in accordance with our ideas of what a government 
 should be. At aU the principal courts English officers 
 were appointed, under the title of Agents, to see and 
 report that the chiefs carried out our instructions. 
 
 The State of Bhurtpore, though for the purposes of 
 administration it was included among those of Piajpoo- 
 tana, did not properly belong to them. The inhabitants 
 were of an inferior caste, and the Eajah, in place of 
 claiming descent, as do the Eajpoot princes, from the 
 sun and the moon, could boast no more illustrious ances- 
 tors than the leaders of a band of thieves. It was one of 
 these leaders who, about the reign of our Charles II., was 
 fortunate enough to plunder the baggage of the army of
 
 30 
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. iv. 
 
 the Emperor Alumgire, when that monarch set out from 
 Agra on his ill-starred expedition to the Deccan. With 
 the treasure thus obtained the Eajah of the Jats, as the 
 leader of the band was then styled, erected the Fort of 
 Bhurtpore. 
 
 Secure in this stronghold, which against native troops 
 was impregnable, he and his successors became ere long 
 a name and a power in Upper India. Their power cul- 
 minated in the person of their great chieftain, the Eajah 
 Sooruj Mull, generally known as the ' Jat.' Sooruj Mull 
 conquered Agra, threatened Delhi, and constructed a 
 kingdom out of other portions of the Mogul Empire, 
 which had by this time fallen to pieces. After the death 
 of Sooruj Mull the fortunes of the State began to decline. 
 They were driven out of Agra by the Mahrattas, and after 
 sinking to the rank of a petty sovereignt}^ their capital, 
 Bhurtpore, was taken by us in the year 1826. The 
 State was not annexed, but its territories were reduced 
 to their present dimensions, which did not much exceed 
 those of the Muttra district. 
 
 The State of Ulwar was one of the real States of 
 Kajpootana, though its sovereign did not hold the first 
 rank among the Rajpoot chieftains. The present Eajah 
 was, like the Eajah of Bhurtpore, a minor, and his terri- 
 tories were also, like those of Bhurtpore, under charge of 
 an English officer tOl such time as he should attain his 
 majority. It was by the orders of this officer that the 
 army of the State had arrived to join our expedition. 
 
 After this digression I will return to Euggonath Sing. 
 Before taking his leave, he renewed his eh treaties to be 
 allowed to return to his Nautcli girls. Satisfied at last 
 that I had no power to permit him, he requested me to 
 render his condition a little more endurable by lending 
 him one of my tents. Much to my subsequent regret, I
 
 CH. IV. RURAL DISTURBANCES. 31 
 
 was good-natured enough to do so. He departed full of 
 expressions of gratitude, the sincerity of which his after- 
 conduct sufficiently displayed. 
 
 I remained at Kosee for several days. My principal 
 employment was the keeping open the communications, 
 for as the news spread of the events at Delhi the country 
 became very disturbed. To explain the causes of the dis- 
 turbances I must make another digression, and say a few 
 words on our Revenue system. 
 
 According to the Hindoo theory the nation constitutes 
 a family, of which the king and queen are the parents 
 and the land the common inheritance. Possibty at one 
 time the facts may have coincided with the theory. At the 
 date of our conquest of Bengal they had ceased to do so. 
 The land was held by tenures, which to the English of 
 that day appeared to be feudal, just as the native archi- 
 tecture seemed to them to be Gothic. And it must be 
 admitted that in both cases there was a certain super- 
 ficial resemblance. The buildings had pointed arches, 
 and the soil was distributed amongst large ^proprietors 
 holding direct from the sovereign, with a succession of 
 smaller proprietors holding from them. On a better ac- 
 quaintance, it was perceived that the resemblance was 
 merely accidental ; the principle of the tenures was 
 essentially different. 
 
 The soil of the country was the estate of the sovereign. 
 The persons whom we regarded as proprietors were not 
 such in the English sense of the word ; thek position 
 was more that of hereditary tenants. But this position 
 we converted into one of ownership, subject to the pay- 
 ment of a fixed revenue not liable to enhancement. It 
 was subsequently discovered that the cultivators also 
 possessed certain rights in the soil, of which this arrange- 
 ment had in a great measure deprived them. When, later
 
 32 
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 on, the revenue system of the upper provinces was revised, 
 it was determined to avoid this error. Meanwhile a new 
 theory of the land tenure had been adopted. By this 
 theory the proprietorship of the soil was considered to 
 vest in the cultivators, and the so-called jDroprietors to be 
 merely agents through whom the rents of the cultivators 
 were paid to the sovereign. 
 
 The proprietors were of two classes : the Zemindars, 
 or owners of villages, and the Talookdars, or owners of 
 groups of villages. The Talookdars did not everywhere 
 exist ; where they did the Zemindars held from them. 
 This arrangement was now regarded as superfluous. In 
 lieu of their revenues, the Talookdars were ordained to 
 receive allowances of money, which, by a subsequent 
 order, were declared to be terminable on the decease of 
 the present recipients. Of their other rights they were 
 deprived. The act was one of confiscation. Without any 
 fault, the Talookdars were reduced from the position of 
 nobles and princes to that of mere life-pensioners. By a 
 stroke of the pen they were deprived of estates which 
 then' ancestors had, in many cases, held for ages. 
 
 The Zemindars were allowed to continue : they 
 could not have been conveniently done away with. But 
 they were reduced to very nearly the condition which 
 they were supposed by the then accepted theory to have 
 originally occupied, namely, that of mere agents for the 
 collection of the village rental. 
 
 In fixing the amount of the village rentals, the 
 Government had laid down a very just principle for the 
 guidance of the officers entrusted with the duty. The 
 rental was to be fixed at such an amount that the 
 Zemindar should derive a fair income in average sea- 
 sons, while the extra profits of the good seasons should 
 be sufficient to balance the losses on the bad seasons.
 
 CH. IV. RURAL DISTURBANCES. 33 
 
 The directions issued at that time to the revenue officers 
 teem with exhortations for attendance to this principle. 
 Nevertheless it was discovered that a too implicit oljedi- 
 ence to these instructions had a tendency to retard 
 promotion. The settlement of the revenue was entrusted 
 to young officers whose careers w^ere before them. It is 
 not surprising that it was fixed at an amount which the 
 Zemindars were not long able to pay. In good seasons 
 they made little, m bad seasons they were ruined. 
 
 The native governments collected their revenues by 
 seizing the standing crops. They also compelled pay- 
 ment by other methods, which were, to our ideas, equally 
 cumbersome, wasteful, and cruel. For these methods we 
 substituted the simple expedient of selling the estates of 
 the defaulters. 
 
 In the native opinion, rights in land were invested 
 with a degree of sanctity ; their laws gave expression to 
 this sentiment. A man could not be deprived of his 
 inheritance for debts due either to the State or to indi- 
 viduals. Mortgages were not unfrequent, but permanent 
 alienations were unknown. Under our rule this was 
 changed; land was made liable to sale in the same 
 manner as other property. The effect of this alteration 
 was that, in the course of a generation, the greater por- 
 tion of the soil had changed owners. The ancient 
 proprietors had given place to new men, mostly strangers, 
 often Bunniahs. The Bunniahs were a class peculiar to 
 India, impossible elsewhere. They were the hereditary 
 traders and bankers, and in consequence of the system 
 of caste possessed a monopoly in both occupations. 
 
 The rm'al Bunniah was at once grocer and corn- 
 dealer, and supplier of such other commodities as the 
 simple habits of the villagers created a demand for. He 
 was also the money-lender, making advances to the cul- 
 
 D
 
 34 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. iv. 
 
 tivators for the purchase of their seed and agricultural 
 implements, for their marriage expenses, and for the 
 payment of their rents and revenue. From the Zemin- 
 dar downwards the whole village was usually in his debt, 
 and of all creditors he was the most pitOess. 
 
 Under the native rule his exactions were somewhat 
 restrained; the land of his debtors was beyond his reach, 
 and if his extortions exceeded a certain limit he ran the 
 risk of assassination. The result of our government was 
 to remove these restraints ; the law gave the Bunniah 
 protection, it also gave him the land as a security for 
 his claims, and — what it is sad to acknowledge — by its 
 cumbrous procedure, by its delays, and by its expensive- 
 ness, it gave him the means for fabricating these claims. 
 So great were the facilities it afforded in this way, that 
 forged documents and false witnesses became almost as 
 much part of the stock in trade of a successful Bunniah, 
 as his account books or his commodities. 
 
 The old proprietors belonged to the village ; the culti- 
 vators were men of their own caste, often their relations. 
 They loved their land for itself, independent of the rent 
 it afforded them. The feeling of the new proprietors 
 was different — they cared nothing for the land, they 
 desired only to get a profit out of their investment. 
 Being withheld by no considerations of sentiment, they 
 succeeded in extracting a rental where their predecessors 
 had failed to do so, and for a time in also paying the 
 Government revenue, but not for long. Eventually they 
 too became defaulters, and the Government, convinced 
 at length that its demand was excessive, reluctantly 
 lowered it. 
 
 Our settlement of the revenue had been cruel to the 
 Talookdars — it had been oppressive towards the Zemin- 
 dars ; but, notwithstanding its severity, it had greatly
 
 CH. IV. RURAL DISTURBANCES. 35 
 
 benefited the country at large, especially the cultivators 
 of the soil, who had obtained security of tenure and free- 
 dom from arbitrary exactions. The improvement in the 
 condition of the peasantry had been followed as a na- 
 tural consequence by an increase in the cultivation. 
 Almost all the waste lands, formerly extensive, had been 
 brought under the plough. There were few portions of 
 the soil capable of producing a crop that did not now 
 yield one. 
 
 The patriarchal authority of the Zemindars had 
 been often cruelly abused — nevertheless, its abolition was 
 not an unmixed good ; with it had departed much of that 
 kindly feeling in which it had its origin, and also the 
 bond by which, in times when the authority of the Govern- 
 ment was suspended, order had been maintained. Till 
 the breaking out of the mutiny this result had not been 
 perceived, or, if perceived, had been disregarded, for the 
 collapse of our rule was an event not anticipated ; it now 
 displayed itself. 
 
 When the news spread that the King of Delhi w'as 
 again seated on his throne, the villagers imagined that 
 our dominion had ceased. The law had no longer terrors, 
 every man who was strong enough commenced to do that 
 which was right in his own eyes.. The first proceedings 
 everywhere were to take revenge on the Bunniahs ; their 
 houses were plundered, their account books burnt, them- 
 selves and their families often much maltreated. The 
 villagers next commenced to fight among themselves ; all 
 who had wrongs, if they could, avenged them. The new- 
 Zemindars when strangers were everywhere ejected ; if 
 they belonged to the village they had to maintain their 
 position by a struggle with the ancient proprietors, who 
 now by force of arms sought to recover their inheritance. 
 Between many villages there existed hereditary fends ; in 
 
 D 2
 
 36 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. iv. 
 
 some villages there were similar feuds bet^Yeen the differ- 
 ent clans composing the population. These feuds, after 
 slumbering for half a century, were now revived and 
 fought out. 
 
 Three weeks had hardly elapsed since the commence- 
 ment of the mutiny, but in that short period a large 
 portion of the district had lapsed into anarchy. Order 
 was only maintained in the towns, and in those few por- 
 tions of the country where the ancient proprietors still 
 held possession of their villages. 
 
 After leaving Kosee, the Bhurtpore and Ulwar armies 
 had marched on one stage to a village named ' Hodul,' and 
 there they had since remamed. The chiefs did not 
 openly say that they would go no further, but each day 
 they found some fresh excuse for not domg so. The 
 time had now arrived when the guard was to be relieved 
 at Muttra, which it usually was at the expiration of every 
 second month. In consequence of my report of the mis- 
 conduct of the present guard, one of their English 
 officers had been sent to take charge of them ; the officer 
 selected was a young lieutenant of the name of Burlton — 
 he was at present a guest in my house. 
 
 I had repeatedly warned the Government that the 
 guard would probably mutiny so soon as it was rein- 
 forced by the relieving company, and I had recommended 
 that the temptation to do so should be removed by pre- 
 viously sending the treasure into Agra. To these warn- 
 ings and to this recommendation no attention had been 
 paid. The Government expressed themselves convinced 
 of the loyalty of the Sepoys, and treated my apprehen- 
 sions as groundless alarms.
 
 THE MUTINY OF THE GUARD. 37 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 THE MUTINY OF THE GUAED. 
 
 The day the new guard was to arrive I had driven over 
 to Chattah, the small town in which was that magnifi- 
 cent caravanserai I have already mentioned. I put up 
 in the bungalow, intending to proceed to Muttra the 
 next mornmg. It was about nine o'clock and I was going 
 to bed, having to start early, when a servant ran in. In 
 a hurried manner he announced that some English gen- 
 tlemen were approaching the house. As he spoke I heard 
 the tramp of horses, and immediately after, my two 
 assistants, one of whom was a son of Mr. Colvin, the 
 Lieutenant-Governor, entered the room ; they were fol- 
 lowed by Mr. Joyce, my head-clerk, and a young man 
 whom I did not know, but who was introduced to me as 
 Lieutenant Gibbon. 
 
 All the party looked hot and tired, and Mr. Gibbon 
 seemed in pain ; he was bareheaded, and had one hand 
 swathed in a bandage. In answer to my look of surprise 
 young Mr. Colvin informed me that the guard had mu- 
 tinied, and he and his companions had had to run for 
 their lives. He said they were very thirsty, and asked 
 for tea ; while it was being made I heard their story. It 
 was as follows : — 
 
 The new guard had marched in that morning under 
 the command of Mr. Gibbon ; the old guard was to
 
 38 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. v. 
 
 return to Agra with the treasure so soon as it was ready. 
 The makmg over the treasure was always a long busmess. 
 To expedite it, my assistants had gone early to the office, 
 and there breakfasted in company with Mr. Burlton 
 and Mr. Gibbon ; breakfast over, they returned to the 
 treasury, leaving their guns piled in a corner of the 
 room in which they had had the meal. The rupees 
 had been counted, packed, and the other formalities 
 completed. It was then about one o'clock in the after- 
 noon. The treasure carts being reported laden, Mr. 
 Burlton wished the others good-bye, and went out to 
 join his men. 
 
 He had not been gone more than a minute or two 
 when the sound of a shot was heard ; it was followed by 
 a rush of Sepoys into the office. What happened next 
 none of the party could exactly remember ; they ran for 
 their guns but found them gone. The breakfast-room 
 opened into another and a larger room ; into this they 
 fled, the Sepoys following and firing at them. They heard 
 the bullets strike the walls, but none hit them. The win- 
 dows of the room happened fortunately to be open ; they 
 rushed through them, jumped off the verandah, and ran 
 for their lives across the office grounds to a garden full 
 of trees that lay beyond. 
 
 The Sepoys followed them part of the way firing all 
 the while, but being armed with the old heavy musket 
 and not very good marksmen their bullets went wide. 
 In the garden the party collected. It consisted of Mr. 
 Colvin, his fellow-assistant, Mr. Dashwood, Mr. Gibbon, 
 Mr. Joyce, and two of the under-clerks, named Hashman. 
 All had escaped injury except Mr. Gibbon, who had 
 received a bayonet thrust in his left hand. 
 
 The garden was situated on the river ; they descended 
 the bank, and made their way along the shore to the city.
 
 CH. V. THE MUTINY OF THE GUARD. 39 
 
 Arrived there, they ran through the streets to the chief 
 pohee station. 
 
 The head of the police was asleep. With some diffi- 
 culty he was aroused ; on hearing their story he appeared 
 quite confounded, and either unable or unwilling to afford 
 them any assistance. They succeeded, however, in 
 inducing him to procure them the horses on which they 
 had ridden out to Chattah, where they learnt I was. 
 In the flight from the office Mr. Gibbon had lost his hat ; 
 in addition to the pain of his wound he had consequently 
 endured the heat of the terrible Indian sun bareheaded. 
 What had become of the two clerks they did not know, 
 they had lost sight of them somewhere along the river 
 bank. Of Mr. Burlton's fate they were also ignorant, 
 but feared the worst. 
 
 It took me some time to hear their story, for I had 
 many questions to ask before I quite understood it. I 
 immediately sent off a horseman to Agra to inform the 
 Government, desiring him to proceed by a circuitous 
 route to avoid the mutineers. This done, I ordered my 
 carriage and riding horses to be in readiness should we 
 requhe them to convey us to the Bhurtpore army. I 
 sent scouts along the road to ascertain if the Sepoys 
 were approaching, and I despatched a message to warn 
 Captain Nixon. 
 
 While these arrangements were being made, my visi- 
 tors had had their tea and fallen asleep, all but Mr. 
 Gibbon, whose wound had become very painful. It was 
 now past midnight ; on account of the heat Mr. Gibbon 
 and I left the bungalow and sat by the side of the road, 
 which ran just in front ; the others in a little while awoke 
 and joined us. Before we had sat long, I had an impres- 
 sion that there were people near us, and as my eyes got 
 accustomed to the darkness I perceived, not altogether
 
 40 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. v. 
 
 to my satisfaction, that all the men of the village had 
 flocked down and were standing before and around us ; 
 but so perfectly still and silent were they, that neither by 
 whisper nor movement had I been aware of their presence. 
 The sight of this crowd made me conjecture that the 
 news of the mutiny of the guard had got abroad, and 
 also made me a little anxious as to what the effect of the 
 news on the country would be. 
 
 When the villagers saw that I perceived them, their 
 head men came forward, made some respectful saluta- 
 tions, and informed me that they had assembled to 
 express their loyalty to the Government ; they added that 
 if I would allow them, they would give proof of their 
 attachment to our rule by defending the caravanserai 
 should the mutineer Sepoys advance to attack it. Their 
 professions of loyalty were so vehement, and apparently 
 so genuine, that for all my experience I was induced to 
 put credit in them. I committed the caravanserai to 
 their care. It just then contained the Government 
 records and treasure of that division of the district, and 
 also horses and other property of my own. 
 
 While this conversation was going on, I noticed a 
 man standing near me armed with one of those odd-looking 
 spears of solid steel, and learnt to my surprise that the 
 man was none other than my Bengalee clerk, Baboo 
 Bycunt, whose cowardice at the commencement of the 
 march had occasioned me so much trouble. The rebel army 
 not coming down from Delhi, he had got over his appre- 
 hensions and rejoined my camp, and was now, I was told, 
 become so valiant as to contemplate fighting, and had 
 procured the weapon that had attracted my attention. 
 
 The Baboo's valour was being extolled in terms that 
 showed it was not much believed in, when I felt someone 
 touch me on my shoulder, and turning my head per-
 
 CH. V. THE MUTINY OF THE GUARD. 41 
 
 ceived the chief of my horsemen. As I turned, he 
 stooj)ed and whispered that he had something important 
 to tell me, and wished to do so in private ; having said 
 this he retired. I made some excuse to the natives about 
 me, rose and followed him. When we were out of hear- 
 ing he stopped, looked carefully round to see that no one 
 was near, and then informed me that the scouts had 
 returned, and reported that the mutineers were advancing 
 in our direction, and were now halting in a village not 
 much more than five miles distant, and that they would 
 probably resume their march in an hour or two. I sent 
 for the scouts and examined them ; they assured me 
 that they had actually seen the mutineers, and I saw no 
 ground for disbelieving them. 
 
 I rejoined my companions and told them that we 
 must start at once ; there was time to escape, none to 
 delay. All the preparations had been long made, our 
 horses were standing ready saddled, my carriage drawn 
 u]3 and my escort behind it. We mounted our horses, I 
 put my servants and my little dog into the carriage, and 
 we set off. The heads of the village accompanied us as 
 far as the houses extended ; they then took their leave, 
 uttering many prayers for our safety, and mingling them 
 with vows and protestations that they would defend the 
 caravanserai to the last. 
 
 Just before starting, the head of my horsemen had 
 asked me if we were really going to the Bhurtpore camp. 
 When I informed him that we were, he endeavoured to 
 dissuade me ; he said that everyone knew that the chiefs 
 were in league with the Sepoys. ' If they were not,' he 
 continued, * is it likely the Sepoys would be coming this 
 way ? ' The question made me reflect. It certainly 
 appeared improbable that two hundred men would march 
 to meet five thousand unless they had come to some
 
 42 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. V. 
 
 understanding. However, I considered we were bound in 
 honour to join Captain Nixon, and in this opinion the 
 others had coincided. 
 
 "We had ridden some two hours or more, when we saw 
 before us a bright Hght ; on coming nearer, the light 
 resolved into several smaller lights, which appeared to be 
 torches, and we could presently perceive figures moving 
 among them. They proved to be the chief Eevenue officer 
 of Kosee, and his attendants. They had heard of our 
 approach, and had come outside the town to await our 
 arrival. I interchanged a few words with the chief 
 officer, and while doing so I remembered that my friend 
 Captain Euggonath Sing was encamped close by. I sent 
 a message that I should be glad to see him. His answer 
 rather confirmed the warnings of m}^ horsemen regarding 
 the fidelity of the Bhurtpore troops. Euggonath Sing 
 would neither come to me, nor admit me into his camp, 
 nor give up the guns. After a quarter of an hour spent 
 in unsuccessful parleying, I thought it best to leave him, 
 and we rode on. 
 
 Eiding by night at a walking pace is very tiring ; 
 we were glad when the day broke, still more pleased when 
 we reached Captain Nixon's camp. We found Captain 
 Nixon and his officers seated, drinking tea under the 
 great awning. Captain Nixon rose as we approached, 
 ordered us chairs, and desired the servants to hand us 
 tea. While we were drinking it, we related in detail the 
 events that had occurred at Muttra, and the approach of 
 the mutineers. On this last matter I found Captain 
 Nixon a little incredulous. However, after examining my 
 horsemen, and consulting the chiefs, he agreed to send 
 off a party of troopers along the road to get intelligence ; 
 an English officer commanded the party, and one of the 
 chiefs accompanied it.
 
 CH. V. THE MUTINY OF THE GUARD. 43 
 
 This done, Captain Nixon rose, and we all left the 
 awning. Some went to their tents, some of us to a small 
 bungalow near which the camp was j)itched. Here we 
 discussed again the position. We came to the conclusion 
 that the army was not to be trusted, and that before long 
 w'e might have to leave it. For this contingency we set 
 about making pi-eparations. I collected my servants and 
 escort, had their horses and my own fed and watered, and 
 procured from the town ready-cooked food for the men. 
 I also got long native purses, which we filled with rupees 
 and tied round our waists ; and we then stuffed our 
 pockets full of biscuits. I had my carriage drawn up 
 under a tree near the bungalow, and the horses, ready 
 saddled, tethered beside it. I gave my men strict injunc- 
 tions not to stray from the spot, that, in case we had 
 suddenly to fly, I might know where to find them. 
 Meanwhile, the other Englishmen had been looking to 
 their arms, and one or two, who knew how, had made 
 cartridges, which were distributed among the party. 
 
 By the time these preparations were completed we 
 were summoned to breakfast, which was served in the 
 great tent. During the meal many speculations were 
 hazarded as to how events would turn out. Captain 
 Nixon expressed his confidence in the chiefs, and his 
 belief that all would go well. Most of the party held 
 a contrary opinion. The discussion was becoming warm, 
 when a servant entered bearing a note, which he delivered 
 to Captain Nixon. Captain Nixon opened and read it ; 
 as he did so his countenance fell. He passed the note to 
 an ofiicer beside him, who communicated its contents. 
 It was from the officer who had gone to get intelligence : 
 he reported that the Sepoys were within a mile of Kosee, 
 and that Euggonath Sing and his men were in open 
 mutiny.
 
 44 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. V. 
 
 For a minute or two there was silence, then Captain 
 Nixon rose, repeated his assurances of the loyalty of the 
 chiefs, and left the tent to consult them. We returned 
 to the bungalow, where in a short time we were joined 
 by nearly all the other English in the camp. The ser- 
 vants followed their masters, and a mob of camp 
 followers and vagabonds from the town of Hodul gradu- 
 ally collected. Some came from curiosity, many I fancy 
 with the hope of plunder. Before long the bungalow 
 was surrounded by a great assembly of men and animals, 
 the combined noises of which were very confusing. 
 
 We remained in the bungalow for over an hour, the crowd 
 outside constantly increasing, and also its clamour. At the 
 end of that time Captain Nixon was seen approaching. 
 He entered the bungalow, and in a few words informed 
 us that the army had mutinied, and that we must leave 
 it. We had been all the while expecting this announce- 
 ment, but now that it came it appeared to take everyone 
 by surprise. There was a rush outside, shouts for grooms 
 and horses ; for a few minutes the wildest confusion. The 
 confusion was increased by a report — I do not know by 
 whom spread — that the Ulwar Horse were about to 
 charge us. The report had the good effect of ridding us 
 of the crowd. They fled precipitately, leaving the space 
 clear for ourselves and our servants. 
 
 Now that the crowd had gone, we could the better 
 realise our position, and it was certainly sufficiently 
 perilous. Including our escorts, we numbered about 
 seventy-five persons, of which nearly half were natives. 
 The army before us amounted to above five thousand 
 men, including a large force of cavalry, and much artil- 
 lery. If it attacked us we could entertain but small hope 
 of escape ; whether it would do so we were all uncertain, 
 and therefore very anxious to get away. Captain Nixon,
 
 CH. V. THE MUTINY OF THE GUARD. 45 
 
 however, desired us to remain while he made a last appeal 
 to the chiefs. In the meantime our party collected their 
 horses, had them saddled, and brought up to the bunga- 
 low, where we awaited Captain Nixon's return. All these 
 preparations I had made beforehand. I now sent away 
 my carriage and servants, and to their care I committed 
 my little dog. I seated them in the carriage, told them 
 to get into some bye-lane if they could, and, if they met 
 the mutineer Sepoys to pass themselves off as the suite 
 of a Molwye from Delhi. Natives then occasionally used 
 English carriages, and my head-servant, having a gray 
 beard and venerable appearance, might easily pass for 
 the Molwye himself. These instructions given, the coach- 
 man jerked his reins, the horses broke into a trot, and 
 the carriage rolled away, my little dog looking wistfully 
 towards me from under the servant's shawl. 
 
 Captain Nixon was long in returning. We got tired 
 of waiting, and very impatient to be off. We mounted 
 our horses, and collected together on the plain. The 
 camp lay stretched before us in a long line — in so long a 
 line that if the ends advanced they would enclose us. It 
 was past noon, the sun stood nearly vertical above us, a 
 small disc, in a sky faintly blue. There was no wind, 
 and the air felt like heated sand. 
 
 We stood thus for nearly a quarter of an hour, when 
 Captam Nixon returned. He told us that his appeal to 
 the chiefs had failed, and that we must leave. It was 
 about time that we did, for the Ulwar cavalry had begun 
 to mount their horses, and their artillerymen had turned 
 their guns in our direction, and a message came from 
 them that if we delayed much longer they would open 
 fire. On this we moved off a short distance, then we 
 halted while Mr. Harvey and Captain Nixon consulted as 
 to where they would proceed. They decided to make for
 
 46 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. v. 
 
 our army before Delhi by the dh'ect route if they could ; 
 if not, to cross the river Jumna and get round by Meerut. 
 I thought the decision an unwise one, for I felt pretty 
 sure that they would not succeed in reaching Delhi, or 
 even Meerut. I pointed out these objections, and pro- 
 ■ posed that instead they should accompany me to Muttra, 
 where, with Mr. Harvey's permission, I was returning to 
 resume my charge of the city and district. However, 
 they held to their determination, and we wished good- 
 bye. Mr. Joyce and I turned our horses, and, accom- 
 panied by our escort, cantered off to the south. Mr. 
 Harvey and the rest of the party moved away in the 
 other direction, their troopers following them, and also, 
 towering high above the horsemen, the two elephants.
 
 FLIGHT TO AGRA. 47 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 FLIGHT TO AGRA. 
 
 One of our men rode in front to lead the way, Mr. Joyce 
 and I came next, the remaining three-and-twenty of our 
 horsemen followed in a long irregular line. We bore 
 away to the left till we were out of sight of the camp, 
 then we made a circuit across the Delhi road, and du-ected 
 our course to the south-west. After we had ridden a 
 mile or two we pulled up to breathe our horses. Happen- 
 ing to turn my head, I saw a party of cavalry, apparently 
 following us. On this we cantered on again, a high bank 
 presently put us out of sight. When we got beyond it, 
 we perceived to our satisfaction that they had altered 
 their course, and were proceeding in the direction of the 
 camp. 
 
 We had now come to an open plain, slightly raised 
 above the surrounding country ; and, looking around, 
 we noticed a tall column of smoke rising from beyond the 
 horizon behind us. Our men suggested that it was the 
 smoke of the bungalow, where we had passed the morning, 
 and which the Sepoys had probably set on fire. After 
 riding for some miles or so along the plain, the lane had 
 become a mere track, often not easily distinguishable. 
 Soon the track became confused with other tracks, and 
 our men had often some doubts which of the many was 
 the one we ought to follow.
 
 48 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. Vi. 
 
 We had now, we thought, got beyond fear of pursuit, 
 and our apprehensions removed, I began to find some- 
 thing rather exhilarating in our position. It was such a 
 pleasant change from our usual confinement indoors to 
 be in the open air, and riding over the country at the 
 head of a band of horsemen seemed like acting a part in 
 a fairy tale. All possible adventures might be before us. 
 Mr. Joyce, who knew the natives much better than I did, 
 did not at all share in my pleasurable anticipations. On 
 the contrary, he expressed his belief that our adventures 
 might end very unpleasantly. Quite unconsciously our 
 men presently intimated the same opinion. 
 
 The tracks had become so confused that our men 
 were at fault. They halted and held a consultation, which 
 ended by their selecting two of their number to ride 
 before and act as guides. The two men advanced, picked 
 out a track, and as w^e proceeded along it they began to 
 sing their own praises, and to proclaim their competence 
 to direct the way, in a series of interrogatories addressed 
 to each other. * Brother,' one of them commenced, ' do 
 we not know the country, when to turn to the right 
 and when to the left, which villages we should enter, and 
 which it would be wise to avoid ? ' These last words 
 aroused my curiosity. I inquired what they meant by 
 saying that some villages were to be avoided. The men 
 replied with great circumlocution, informing me that in 
 the same manner as the Almighty had created animals 
 of all species, so had He endowed human beings with an 
 infinite variety of dispositions ; some were peaceable and 
 submissive to authority, others, when the restraint of the 
 law was removed, * stretched their necks,' and were de- 
 fiant to their superiors. In conclusion, they gave me to 
 understand that there were some villages that we had 
 much better leave at a distance.
 
 CH. VI. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 49 
 
 In pursuance of this advice we kept as much as 
 possible to the bye-lanes, and if they led past a village 
 we rode over the fields so as not too nearly to approach 
 it. Those that we were obliged to ride near we noticed 
 were full of men, mostly armed with clubs and spears. 
 They clustered in groups and gazed at us over the walls 
 very defiantly. If the villages were full the country was 
 empty. We had ridden for miles and not seen a single 
 man abroad in the fields. The circumstance struck 
 our men, who began to remark on it. It made us a little 
 uneasy, for it seemed to indicate that some disturbances 
 were expected. 
 
 We continued our ride for many hours, always keeping 
 to the south-west ; when the ground was hard cantering our 
 horses, but for the most part walking them. At length the 
 day began to decline, the rays of the sun slanted from the 
 west, and presently the flat monotony of the plam was 
 broken by the appearance of a small hill above the horizon. 
 At the same time we approached a large village, straight 
 through which the road ran. As ill-luck would have it, in 
 the middle of the village Mr. Joyce's horse stumbled and 
 fell, and in the fall threw Mr. Joyce and broke one of the 
 saddle girths. Mr. Joyce was a good deal shaken, but not 
 otherwise hurt. He would have mounted again immedi- 
 ately, only it was necessary to mend the girth, and this 
 took some time ; meanwhile, the men of the village began 
 to crowd round us. They were rude in their manner, and 
 as they were all armed with clubs or spears we were much 
 afraid that they would attack us. We felt thankful when 
 the girth was patched together, and we had ridden out of 
 the village. We had not got far outside it when we heard 
 shouting, and looking back, we saw a large crowd running 
 after us. We put our horses to a canter, and contmued 
 at that pace till we had left the village well behind us. 
 
 E
 
 50 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. vi. 
 
 The hill, as we rode on, had been continually rising 
 above the horizon ; we had now approached sufficiently 
 near to perceive that its sides and summit were crowded 
 with buildings which had the appearance of the walls 
 and towers of a castle. They are in reality only those 
 of a temple. Our guides now turned to the left, and we 
 presently came to a small wood, which bears the pretty 
 name of ' The Forest of the Wild Dove.' In the wood 
 was a small lake, and thither we now advanced to water 
 our horses. I had once visited the place before, dm-ing 
 the cold season, and had been struck by its picturesque 
 beauty. On a small promontory which ran into the lake 
 there stood a little temple, and by it a hermitage, 
 where resided a Brahmin. Temple and hermitage were 
 reflected in the calm surface of the lake, then glowing 
 with the tints of sunset. 
 
 Seen now, in the hot season and in broad daylight, 
 the spot was less attractive. The water had vanished; in 
 its place was an expanse of black mud, scored in every 
 direction by cracks and blisters. The trees on the bank 
 added to the dreariness of the scene. They were of a kind 
 termed * Kuddum,' which flourish only in damp, unwhole- 
 some situations, and have an aspect of decay that would 
 fit them for the margin of the Styx. 
 
 As we gazed disconsolately on the muddy surface, one 
 of the men suggested that we might find water at the 
 further end of the lake, which was deej)er. The sugges- 
 tion proved correct. We rode on and came to a small bay, 
 where the lake, though much shrunk, was not entirely 
 dried. The water was thick and turbid, but did not on 
 that account appear the less acceptable to our horses. 
 They rushed eagerly into it, buried their noses beneath 
 the surface, and drank with an avidity that showed the 
 thirst they had endured.
 
 CH. VI. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 51 
 
 On issuing from the wood we met a man driving 
 a herd of buffaloes ; he was the first man we had 
 seen abroad since we commenced our journey. On 
 catching sight of us he turned abruptly and ran off, 
 shouting loudly as if to give warning to companions, who 
 were out of sight. Soon after we came to a well ; near it, 
 and shaded by a fine tree, was a straw hut, so small and 
 so neatly constructed as to suggest the idea of a doll's 
 house. We halted, our men shouted ; as they did so a 
 window opened, and at it appeared the face of a Brahmin. 
 The water of the lake, though not objected to by our 
 horses, had been too muddy for us to drink. We were 
 excessively thirsty. On learning our wants the Brahmin 
 handed us out water in little cups of red earth. We 
 drank it with great enjoyment, for it was clear and toler- 
 ably cool, and we then inquired the news. 
 
 The Brahmin was simple and communicative, and 
 readily told us all he knew, which, however, was not 
 much nor particularly clear. He had heard from some 
 travellers of the mutiny of the Sepoys at Muttra, and 
 also some confused story that before leaving they had 
 bm'nt the station. Our questions failed to elicit any 
 reliable details, so I gave him a handful of copper coins, 
 and we rode on, the Brahmin shouting blessings upon us 
 for our unexpected liberality. 
 
 The track now led us past several villages. Before 
 them mobs of men were collected ; as we rode by they 
 shouted and brandished their weapons. At the third vil- 
 lage they ran after us, at the fourth they fired at us. The 
 firing was answered from a village in advance — a further 
 village replied to that. In a few minutes the whole 
 country resounded with the noise of firearms. This 
 behaviour of the villagers gave us some uneasiness ; it 
 appeared to have an effect also on our men. Their 
 
 E 2
 
 52 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. vi. 
 
 manner became less respectful, and, what was more 
 serious, they began to desert us. 
 
 To avoid the villages, which were now very numerous, 
 we left the lane, and made our way across the fields. 
 The fields were intersected by banks and watercourses, 
 which it frequently took some time to get over. The 
 delay made our progress slow. Also our horses were 
 becoming tired, and once or twice we lost our way. It 
 was dark before we reached the little town of Suhar. 
 
 It had been our intention here to strike to the east, 
 and get again into the high road. But we learnt from 
 some travellers that a troop of cavalry were patrolling 
 that road, on the look-out, so they said, for the magis- 
 trate — that w^as me. This intelligence decided us to 
 continue our course along the bye-lanes. The night was 
 dark, and the lanes were bad riding ; for they were 
 either deep in sand or scored with ruts. Through these 
 the horses had to pick their way, and not always suc- 
 cessfully. At one place my horse stumbled ; in the 
 effort to recover him my belt broke. I saved the pistol, 
 but the belt fell, and we could not delay to search for 
 it. The loss vexed me, for it was of silver and very 
 valuable. 
 
 Not long after the horse of one of the men came 
 down altogether. The horse was not hurt, but the 
 paddle was knocked to j)ieces. It was a native one, 
 composed of a series of pads resting on a framework of 
 wood. It took us many minutes to collect the pieces 
 and fasten them together again. 
 
 Since those first shots had been discharged at us in 
 the afternoon the firing had never quite ceased, though 
 towards dusk the reports had become few and occa- 
 sional. They now became more frequent ; one village 
 appeared to wake up another. The entire country was 
 before long resounding with the reports of matchlocks,
 
 CH. VI. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 53 
 
 mingled with the deeper boom of the ' gingals ' and 
 ' ramjunnies,' as those large wall pieces are termed. 
 These relics of the troublesome times that preceded our 
 rule were still possessed by some of the landowners. 
 The noise was not agreeable in the daytime ; heard by 
 night, it was still less pleasant. It suggested the idea 
 that we were surrounded on all sides by unseen enemies. 
 
 It must have been about nine o'clock when we 
 approached the little town of Eaal. The road ran 
 through it, and the night was too dark for us to attempt 
 to get round over the fields. That we might escape 
 observation, our men proposed that we should disguise 
 ourselves. We halted, and I and Mr. Joyce alighted, as 
 did two of our horsemen. We each had ' pugrees ' 
 round our hats. These they twisted into turbans, and 
 they tied cotton girdles round our waists. The turbans 
 so well concealed our faces that in the dark they thought 
 we might escape observation, for the wearing English 
 coats and trousers was not uncommon among some 
 classes of the natives. 
 
 Our men had remembered that the night was the 
 festival of the Dusserah, and that the town would be full 
 of people and the shops lighted. To keep me and Mr. 
 Joyce from observation, they arranged that they should 
 ride in close column, keeping us in the centre. If 
 addressed, they would represent themselves as troopers 
 from Bhurtpore, on their way to bathe in the Ganges. 
 
 This settled we advanced towards the town, and before 
 long entered a narrow lane, which had low mud hovels 
 on either side. After proceeding along it for some little 
 way, the lane made a sudden turn. We entered the 
 principal street, and found ourselves in a blaze of light. 
 The shops were lit up by a profusion of little lamps, and 
 from many of them proceeded the glow of fire from the 
 ovens, over which the proprietors were cooking sweetmeats.
 
 54 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. vi. 
 
 The street was full of people, chatting, walking about, 
 and making purchases. All were wearing their gayest 
 attire. It was but a homely little place in reality, but 
 coming suddenly into it from the darkness it appeared 
 very bright and cheerful. 
 
 Our cavalcade attracted a good deal of attention. 
 The passers-by stopped and stared, and some of them 
 made inquiries as to who we were and whither proceed- 
 ing, to which our men answered, as had been arranged, 
 that we were troopers from Bhurtpore proceeding to 
 the Ganges to bathe ; and though our men were many 
 of them Mohammedans, they concluded their replies 
 with the usual invocation to the sacred river, ' Glory 
 to the Ganges, the holy Ganges ! ' 
 
 On leaving the street we plunged into a dark larie, 
 and soon after found ourselves again in the open 
 country. We presently came to a grove of trees, where 
 one of our men said that there was a well and a drinking 
 trough. Both we and our animals were excessively 
 thirsty. We halted, and two of the men dismounted to 
 draw water. It was so dark beneath the trees that they 
 had some trouble to find the well. While they were 
 looking for it I had fallen into a half doze, when I was 
 startled by a most unearthly yell, followed by a violent 
 tramping of hoofs. The two horses left to themselves 
 had commenced to fight, and had then galloped away in 
 the direction of the town. Some of the men were pre- 
 paring to follow them, when we heard them returning. 
 They galloped back to where they had started from, 
 and then reared up on their hind legs and renewed the 
 combat. It was with some difficulty and danger also 
 that they were separated, and not till both their saddles 
 had been knocked off and the pads strewn over the road. 
 It was half an hour before these were collected, and the
 
 CH. VI. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 55 
 
 saddles put together and fastened again on the backs 
 of the horses. Then, having watered the horses and 
 allayed our own thirst, we continued our journey. 
 
 We travelled wearily for many hours, sometimes 
 through sandy lanes, sometimes along tracks, sometimes 
 over what seemed in the dim light to be open plains. 
 Our progress was very slow, we could seldom proceed 
 beyond a walk, for our horses were becoming exhausted. 
 The heat was very great, almost more oppressive than in 
 the day. There was not even a breath of air, and the 
 atmosphere was full of dust, so full that the dust formed 
 a canopy in the sky above, through which only the 
 largest stars could faintly shine. We had journeyed 
 thus for many miles, when at length we reached the gar- 
 dens that border the city of Muttra to the west. The 
 gardens are separated by narrow lanes, which form a 
 perfect labyrinth, difficult to find the way through in 
 the daylight, almost impossible to avoid losing it by 
 night. This mishap several times occurred to us. It 
 was with great satisfaction that we found ourselves at 
 length beyond the gardens, and it was with still greater 
 delight that we presently got into the broad high road 
 which runs towards the Bhurtpore territory. 
 
 Our satisfaction was shared by our horses. The 
 hard level surface of the road was an agreeable change 
 from the ruts and sand of the lanes. They stepped out 
 briskly, and even once or twice broke readily into a 
 short canter. We were walking them again after one of 
 these canters, when a voice, coming as it were from the 
 sky, demanded * who we were.' We stojDped surprised, 
 and peered into the darkness. Our men advanced to the 
 avenue of trees which bordered the road, but no one could 
 they see. We were puzzled. The voice was no illusion ; 
 we all heard it ; but from whence could it have come ?
 
 56 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. vi. 
 
 While we were speculating it came again, repeating 
 the question. The voice came from just above the trees, 
 from the summit of a black mass, which in the darkness 
 we had not at first perceived. The voice was that of 
 the road watchman, the black mass was the mound on 
 which he kept guard. In reply to his inquiry our men 
 informed him that they were troopers of the Rajah, and 
 were returning to Bhurtpore, having been on a pilgrim- 
 age to bathe in the Ganges ; and having given this in- 
 formation they proceeded in their turn to inquire the 
 news of the city. 
 
 The watchman answered that all was now perfectly 
 quiet. He told us that the Sepoys had marched away 
 without doing any damage beyond setting fire to the 
 house of the Baptist missionary, that the police were all 
 at their posts, and everything just as it used to be. 
 
 The presence of the watchman on the mound seemed 
 a proof of the truth of his statements, which carried 
 conviction to our men, and produced an immediate 
 change in their manner. They resumed to us the proper 
 respectful demeanour which for some time past they had 
 nearly entirely abandoned. The effect of the watchman's 
 information on me and Mr. Joyce was equally great, 
 though of a different kind. It removed all our fears and 
 half our fatigue. In half an hour we should be at home, 
 enjoying our tea and chatting over our adventures, and 
 then asleep on our beds, obtaining the rest we so much 
 required. We went on in high spirits. 
 
 Presently Mr. Joyce remarked how much lighter it 
 seemed on the left side of the road than on the right. 
 As there was no moon the appearance puzzled me, as it 
 did also our men to whom I pointed it out. We were 
 speculating on the cause, when we came to the track 
 which would lead us, over some fields and the great
 
 CH. VI. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 57 
 
 parade ground, to the back of the station. We passed 
 through the avenue which bordered the road, and per- 
 ceived the cause of the hght. For miles and miles all 
 along the horizon there stretched a line of lire ; in some 
 places it was burning brightly, elsewhere emitting onl}^ 
 a dull glow. 
 
 The spectacle was so beautiful and so smgular that 
 with one accord we pulled up to admhe it. Our admu^a- 
 tion was mingled with other feelings not so agreeable. 
 The line of fire we conjectured to be the burning Customs' 
 hedge, which was a bank of thorny bushes, lately erected 
 by the Government along the Customs' frontier to prevent 
 the smuggling of salt and opium. The sight did not quite 
 harmonise with the watchman's story. We went on with 
 some misgivings. These misgivings were increased when 
 we reached the station. We came into it near the gaol. 
 From the gardens opposite came the same sort of glow 
 as had proceeded from the duller parts of the burning 
 hedge, and from among the trees appeared patches of 
 S]3arks that suggested the idea of burning rafters. 
 
 From these appearances we concluded that some at 
 least of the houses of the station had been burnt. We 
 halted to deliberate. Just then the horseman next me 
 whispered to me to look where he pointed, I did, and 
 dimly made out the figures of several men Ij'ing on the 
 ground as if asleep. I desired our men to sm-round 
 them. The movement of the horses awoke them, they 
 started up, and finding themselves m a chcle of mounted 
 men they seemed paralysed with terror. As they could 
 give no account of themselves I desired one of our men 
 to dismount and pinion them. But while he was looking 
 for a rope, they suddenly darted between the horses, and 
 disappeared as suddenly as if the gi-ound had swallowed 
 them up.
 
 58 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. vi. 
 
 This incident confirmed our doubts of the truth of 
 the watchman's story. Before proceeding further I 
 thought it prudent to send on two horsemen to my house 
 to reconnoitre. A long time passed ; we began to fear 
 that they had fallen into some ambuscade, when we 
 heard the tramp of their horses returning, and soon after 
 their voices calling to us to shout that they might know 
 where we were. From the tone of their voices and the 
 slow manner of their approach I concluded that they 
 were not bringing any good news, nor were they. 
 
 They informed us that my house though not burnt was 
 completely wrecked and plundered, the doors and windows 
 torn out, and the garden w^as covered with the fragments 
 of clothes and furniture. The servants had fled ; the 
 horsemen said that they had ridden round and shouted, 
 but received no answer. 
 
 The burning hedge, the smouldering rafters had 
 prepared us for this report ; nevertheless, it depressed us 
 greatly. It depressed us in proportion as the statements 
 of the watchman had previously elated us. 
 
 What to do was now the question. Our men proposed 
 that we should take refuge in the city, but the events of 
 the afternoon had made us distrustful of the natives. 
 We did not much like the idea of trusting ourselves 
 among them. WhOe we were deliberating I suddenly 
 remembered that at the commencement of our march to 
 Hodul, Captain Nixon had left one of his Bhurtpore 
 regiments behind at Muttra to protect the city. As the 
 rest of the army had mutinied, we made sure that these 
 had done the same, and that if we entered the city they 
 would probably murder us. We decided that we would 
 ride on to Agra, report all that had occurred to the 
 Government, and procure some soldiers to escort us 
 back.
 
 FLIGHT TO AGRA. 59 
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 FLIGHT TO AGKA — (continued). 
 
 OuK horses were too utterly tired to proceed much further 
 without a rest, and both they and our men wanted food. 
 
 About a mile and a half along the road was a village 
 named Aurungabad, so called in compliment to the Em- 
 peror Aurungzebe Alumgire, who had erected a pavilion 
 in its neighbourhood, which, though much dilapidated, 
 still existed. Here we resolved to proceed, feed our 
 horses, and rest for a time. 
 
 At the entrance of the village was a police station. 
 We rode up to it and shouted ; a voice answered, inquiring 
 who we were. My men replied that it was the ' sahib ' 
 (gentleman), the title by which in those days the magis- 
 trates of the districts were ordinarily designated. On 
 this a man presented himself and informed me that he 
 was the policeman. I desired him to get someone to 
 hold our horses, and to get food for them and our men. 
 On this the policeman woke up another man, who aroused 
 a third, who came and took hold of the bridle of my 
 horse and of Mr. Joyce's. We then dismounted and 
 ascended the terrace in front of the police station, which 
 was raised, a yard or so, above the roadway. The 
 policeman brought us seats, and while the horses were 
 being fed and watered, we sat down and conversed. The 
 policeman told us a good deal of what had occurred in
 
 6o THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. vii. 
 
 the city and neighbourhood. This account was very 
 different from that of the watchman, but in many parti- 
 culars, as I afterwards discovered, equally incorrect. I 
 learnt that the whole country was in confusion, and all 
 the police had everywhere fled. He himself was the only 
 one left in the village or neighbourhood. 
 
 By the time the horses were fed and rested the dawn 
 began to break, and I then made an unpleasant discovery : 
 mj horse was too utterly knocked up to proceed further. 
 What to do at first I did not know, but the policeman 
 relieved me from the difficulty. He informed me that a 
 Bunniah in the village had a horse he was anxious to 
 part with, and which no doubt he would sell to me for a 
 consideration. 
 
 I sent for the Bunniah, who produced the animal ; it 
 was a very sorry creature, but I thought would carry me 
 as far as Agra, so I purchased it, the Bunniah under- 
 taking to take charge of my own horse till I returned. 
 We now thought of setting out, but just then the village 
 watchman appeared and informed me that some travellers 
 had just arrived from Agra and brought intelligence that 
 the two Sepoy regiments there had mutinied, released 
 the gaol prisoners, set fire to the station, and were now 
 marching to Muttra. 
 
 I desired the watchman to bring the travellers, but 
 they had left the village. Others, however, had come, 
 whom I examined, and who told much the same story. 
 The burning of Agra I thought an exaggeration, but as 
 to the approach of the Sepoys there seemed no question 
 but that it was true — the travellers had themselves seen 
 them. I learnt, however, that they were moving in 
 small parties, and not in uniform— a statement which 
 much puzzled us. Whether in uniform or not we were 
 not desirous of meeting them, and so we decided to travel
 
 CH. VII. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 6i 
 
 by the old disused high road, which went nearer the 
 river, and afterwards more to the west, than the new 
 road by which the Sepoys were advancing. 
 
 This old road — long unrepaired — was in many places 
 little more than a track ; elsewhere it was full of holes, and 
 scored into deep furrows by the rains of years. It was 
 bad and dangerous riding, but it would have the advan- 
 tage of enablmg us very much to escape observation, for 
 the only travellers who passed along it were country 
 people going from one village to another. 
 
 Before starting Mr. Joyce and I, at the request of our 
 men, more completely disguised ourselves. We put on 
 horsemen's boots and native vests, and round our heads 
 swathed enormous turbans. Our complexions, of course, 
 would betray us at near observation, but at a short 
 distance we should not be distinguishable from our escort. 
 All these preparations occupied time. It was near sun- 
 rise before we commenced our journey. 
 
 For some distance the road ran along the river bank. 
 Our figures standing out against the sky were rather 
 conspicuous ; some villagers on the opposite side perceived 
 us and began to fire, and continued to do so till we were 
 out of sight. 
 
 In our ride the day before we had been struck by the 
 deserted appearance of the country. Our surprise was 
 now excited by the multitudes of people. In every direc- 
 tion the fields were dotted with parties of men, all were 
 armed, all went in single file, and all appeared to be 
 making for some pomt in the distance before us. The 
 sight excited our curiosity as it did that of our men. I 
 heard them discussing it ; they agreed that it portended 
 some mischief. 
 
 We had left the river, and had proceeded for some 
 miles through a plain broken with ravines, when we ap-
 
 62 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. vii. 
 
 proached a village. We passed through it unmolested, 
 hut at the other end we found a mob of men ; they were 
 armed, and had collected on the road, as if to bar our 
 passage. Our men shouted, and they moved aside, 
 saluting us with jeers as we passed. One of them did 
 more, he stepped into the road and took a steady aim at 
 Mr. Joyce, but before he could pull the trigger his 
 matchlock was jerked up by an older man who was 
 standing beside him. 
 
 We had not gone far when we heard a noise behind 
 us. Turning our heads we saw that the mob were imrsuing 
 us, they were waving their weapons and hallooing out 
 threats and abuse. Their shouts brought forth a crowd 
 of armed men from another village a little in advance. 
 On this we put our horses to a gallop, and got by before 
 they could reach the road and interrupt our passage. 
 After this, where possible, we avoided the villages, leaving 
 the road for the fields as we approached them. In one 
 of the lanes I narrowly escaped a serious accident. In a 
 confined place, where the banks on either side were high, 
 the horses got jambed, and one began to kick. I was 
 near, the first kick struck my horse and nearly knocked 
 him over ; fortunately it pushed him further off, for the 
 next kick lighted on my ankle. I thought at first the bone 
 was broken, but I had escaped with only a severe bruise, so 
 severe, however, that I did not get over the effects for 
 some days, and meanwhile the pain was very great. 
 
 We had left the lane and were proceeding again 
 across the open plain, when we saw before us a grove of 
 trees. From behind the trees a column of smoke 
 ascended, and there fell on our ears the confused mur- 
 mur as of a great multitude. We passed the grove, and 
 beheld to our left a long straggling town. An old mud 
 fort stood at one end, a thatched bungalow at the other.
 
 CH. VII. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 63 
 
 This was the town of Furrah ; it was the head-quarters 
 of the poHce and Eevenue officers of the division. The 
 houses of the town were on fire ; the smoke rose in a tall 
 straight column ; high in the air it spread out far and 
 wide, presenting the appearance of a gigantic umbrella. 
 An immense crowd was collected round the town, and 
 lines of men were approaching it from all directions, 
 very much in the manner in which troops of ants move 
 towards a lump of sugar. 
 
 After leaving the burning town, we entered a region 
 of ravines, bare and arid ; the sun had mounted high in 
 the heaven, the heat was intense, and our thirst great. 
 It was becoming almost insupportable, when we came on 
 a little patch of cultivation, an oasis in the waste around. 
 An old man was watering his field from a freshly dug 
 well. We halted, and one of our men dismounted and 
 let down his brass pot. The water he drew up was 
 yellow with mud, but the old man assured us that it was 
 sweet and wholesome. I had read of the enjoyment of 
 drinking to travellers in the desert. I now realised it ; 
 I poured pot after pot of the turbid liquid down my 
 throat ; the sensation was delicious, but my thirst re- 
 mained as great as before. One of the men then advised 
 me merely to rinse my mouth, and this I found more 
 efficacious. 
 
 After this I think I must have fallen into a half doze, 
 for whan one of our horsemen addressed me, I perceived 
 that we had left the ravmes and were travellmg again 
 over the plain. A large buildmg rose on our left, we 
 turned and rode towards it. We passed through a lofty 
 gateway, much fallen to ruin, and entered a courtyard. 
 Eanges of buildings ran round it, before the doors cur- 
 tams were hung. Our men shouted, a curtain was 
 raised, and an old man appeared. He directed us to
 
 64 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. vii. 
 
 another gateway on the opposite side ; we rode through 
 it, and came on a broad stone terrace. Below it, to my 
 great surprise, for I thought we were miles away, rolled 
 the river Jumna. 
 
 A steep incline, roughly paved with stone, led us 
 down to the river bank. Above there had been a breeze, 
 but here almost a gale was blowing. It filled the air 
 with sand, and raised quite high waves, which broke on 
 the shore with splash and foam. The scene was very 
 wild ; the air was so thick with sand and dust that the 
 opposite shores were invisible. The building appeared to 
 rise from the margin of a lake. It rose sheer from the 
 water's edge, towering up range over range very magni- 
 ficently. The summit was crowned with cupolas. 
 
 Our horses were nearly perished with thirst ; they 
 rushed into the stream, and drank greedily. When their 
 thirst was appeased, we ascended the bank and proceeded 
 along a narrow lane deep in sand. The heat had become 
 terrible — the sun poured down his rays nearly vertically 
 above our heads ; the burning wind moaned around, 
 sweeping, as it went, clouds of dust that obscured the 
 sky, and formed a lurid bank above the horizon. 
 
 The heat, the fatigue began to tell on both men and 
 horses. We moved wearily along, the men silent and 
 stooping their heads, the horses with difficulty raising 
 their hoofs from the deep sand. As for me I fell into a sort 
 of waking dream, the dreary landscape seemed to pass 
 before me like a moving panorama. I lost all note of 
 time, but for the pain of my ankle I should have fallen 
 into real sleep, though to sleep beneath that burning 
 sun might be to sleep for ever. A bright flash aroused 
 me ; the lane had brought us into the high road ; its 
 metalled surface, swept clean by the wind, stretched in a 
 long bright line before us. The glare reflected from it 
 was almost blinding. We found some relief by riding
 
 CH. VII. FLIGHT TO AGRA. 65 
 
 along the side avenue, though the trees just here were 
 young, and afforded but httle shelter. 
 
 After some time we came again to the ravines, across 
 which the road ran. No scene could be more desolate. 
 The bare earth was scored by deep, winding fissures ; what 
 level surface remained was covered with dull, melancholy 
 ruins. A more beautiful object soon gladdened our eyes. 
 From behind a belt of trees towered a vast edifice of red 
 stone ; its summit glistened with white marble. We re- 
 cognised the building as the mausoleum of the Emperor 
 Akbar, and knew that we were approaching the end of 
 om' long journey. 
 
 In another hour we reached Agra, and proceeded to 
 
 Mr. 's house, where A and the children and 
 
 also my brother were then residing. 
 
 The appearance of our cavalcade excited great asto- 
 nishment, for no intelligence of the mutiny of the Bhurt- 
 pore army had yet reached Agra, nor, notwithstanding 
 the warnings I had sent, was that event the least anti- 
 cipated. I learnt that the Sepoy regiments had not 
 revolted, but had been disbanded and allowed to proceed 
 to their homes. It was the appearance of parties of 
 them along the road that had given rise to the reports of 
 their mutiny that we had heard in the morning. 
 
 Since leaving Chattah we had ridden about a hundred 
 miles, and had been in the saddle nearly continuously for 
 eight-and-twenty hours. During that time I had eaten 
 nothing, and I had not slept for two nights and nearly 
 three days. Had our journey been made in a northern 
 climate, we should have been nearly famished and quite 
 exhausted. But we were neither very sleepy nor the 
 least hungry ; our chief suffering had been from thirst. 
 
 Since commencing our flight we must have drunk 
 water to the extent of many pailfuls.
 
 66 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTEE VIIL 
 
 RETURN TO MUTTRA. 
 
 As soon as I had told my story, my brother suggested 
 that I had better come with him and rejjeat it to Mr. 
 Colvin. A drive of a mile or so brought us to Govern- 
 ment House, a very large one-storied building, standing 
 in grounds laid out something like an English park, 
 and dotted over with small thorny trees. A crowd of 
 servants in white dresses and gay turbans were seated 
 before the door. As we pulled up several of them ran 
 down the steps, and conducted us through an enclosed 
 verandah that served as a hall into a handsomely 
 furnished drawing-room. An attendant, with a dagger 
 in his waistband and covered with a profusion of broad 
 gold lace, presently entered and announced that Mr. 
 Colvin was at leisure and would see me. So saying and 
 requesting me to follow him, he led the way through 
 several rooms to a large long one on the other side of 
 the house. I entered through the folding doors, and 
 found Mr. Colvin seated at the end of a long table, which 
 was covered with books and papers. At his request I 
 commenced to describe the mutiny of the BhurtjDore 
 army, my flight, and the other occurrences I had wit- 
 nessed. 
 
 As I proceeded in my narrative it struck me that 
 Mr. Colvin was not paying much attention; I soon
 
 CH. vni. RETURN TO MUTTRA. 67 
 
 became sure that he was not. He asked a question that 
 showed he had quite confused parts of my story, and I 
 found it impossible to set him right. He made no 
 inquiries about his son, which, as he was known to be a 
 most affectionate father, I thought odd, as I did also the 
 little interest he evinced in the events I related. I left 
 the room struck by a something unusual in Mr. Colvin's 
 manner, and by the sad, wearied expression of his coun- 
 tenance. In the course of the afternoon I was told as a 
 secret that it was feared that the excitement of the last few 
 days had thrown Mr. Colvin's mind a little off its balance. 
 
 Durmg the evening many visitors dropped in to call, 
 and remained to dine; the conversation was. all about 
 the state of the country and the revolt of the various 
 portions of the army. The sentiments that were uttered 
 not a little surprised me. I found that the rural popula- 
 tion was regarded as entirely loyal, and the apprehen- 
 sions of danger expressed by the district officers treated 
 as imaginary. 
 
 About eleven o'clock carriages were ordered round, 
 and we drove off to sleep at a neighbouring house, which, 
 being situated on the summit of a high mound, was con- 
 sidered best capable of defence. The house was guarded 
 by two cannon placed on the terrace, and by a party of 
 English soldiers. These precautions struck me as not 
 quite in harmony with the opinions which durmg the 
 evening I had listened to. 
 
 Several families had already arrived, and for the next 
 half hour more kept coming. The floors were covered 
 with beds and bundles of clothes. Many of the children, 
 awaked from their first sleep, were crying ; there were 
 crowds of native servants hurrying about, and loudly 
 gesticulating. Altogether the scene presented the same 
 bustle and confusion as the deck of a steamer on com- 
 
 F 2
 
 6S THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. viii. 
 
 mencing its voyage. The noise — perhaps over-fatigue — 
 had made me wakeful. I did not close my eyes till near 
 the morning. I had hardly closed them, when I was 
 awakened hy a movement all around me, and found that 
 the dawn was breaking, and everyone was prejDaring to 
 return to their own houses. 
 
 On reaching our house I found a letter from the Seths, 
 just brought by a special messenger. It was to inform 
 me that the Bhurtpore and Ulwar armies had broken up 
 and returned to their homes. They added that the city 
 was at present tolerably quiet, but they did not think it 
 would long continue so. They recommended me when I 
 came back- to bring with me some cannon and English 
 soldiers. I drove to Government House, and communi- 
 cated this news to Mr. Colvin. 
 
 I found him very kind, but more depressed than on 
 the previous da3\ He was holding in his hand an open 
 letter. Pointing to it he said, ' I have just heard of the 
 death of General Anson.' Then after a pause he added, 
 ' Nothing but ill news, each post announces some fresh 
 misfortune.' Mr. Colvin told me that he could spare 
 neither guns nor soldiers, but that I might get volunteers 
 if I liked from among the clerks in the offices. But he 
 feared I should not be able, as the parties that had 
 already been sent out to other stations had taken nearly 
 all the men who could be spared. 
 
 I spent the mornmg in going the round of the offices. 
 With much trouble I collected eight volunteers ; my 
 brother lent me two elephants, and a little after midnight 
 we started. The next morning about sunrise we reached 
 the town of Furrah, whose burning I had witnessed on 
 my ride to Agra. 
 
 The magistrate of Agra had come out to make an 
 inquu-y into the matter. We spent the day with him in
 
 CH. viii. RETURN TO MUTTRA. 69 
 
 his tent. The magistrate was accompanied by a recently 
 raised body of irregular cavalry, under the command of 
 a Mohammedan named Syfcoollah Khan, an intelligent- 
 looking man some fifty years of age. To his force were 
 attached two nine-pounder field guns, each gun being in 
 charge of an English artilleryman. Of Syfcoollah and 
 his troop I shall have more to say in the course of my 
 narrative. 
 
 About four o'clock in the afternoon the magistrate 
 returned to Agra, and soon after a carriage and pair, 
 sent by the Seths, arrived to convey me and Mr. Joyce 
 to Muttra. From information I had received in the 
 course of the day I had decided not to take the volun- 
 teers with us. The city was not so quiet as the Seths had 
 represented. They were too few to fight, and if we had 
 to fly their presence would prove an encumbrance. I did 
 not care to expose their lives in what might prove a very 
 dangerous undertaking. My determination occasioned 
 them great disappointment, for they were looking forward 
 to some exciting adventures. But they acquiesced in the 
 propriety of my reasons when I had explained them. 
 
 When the horses had been watered and rested, Mr. 
 Joyce and I entered the carriage, and, attended by a 
 crowd of horsemen, we started for Muttra at a sharp 
 trot, our companions bidding us a hearty farewell. 
 They were themselves to return to Agra at evening on 
 the elephants. 
 
 There were relays of horses at short intervals, but 
 nevertheless we soon had to relax our pace. For some 
 miles the road was so infamous — such a succession of 
 holes and pits, filled with loose sand — that we could 
 seldom proceed beyond a walk. It was a relief when we 
 entered my own district and bowled rapidly along a sur- 
 face smooth and hard as a billiard table. At the entrance
 
 70 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. viii. 
 
 of the station an immense crowd was waiting to receive 
 us. It consisted of the police, the officials of all grades, 
 and most of the better class of inhabitants. They had 
 come to show their loyalty, and they expressed it in terms 
 so enthusiastic as, for the time, caused me in some degree 
 to believe in it. 
 
 The sights we beheld as we drove on raised misgiv- 
 ings. The English houses had all been destroyed ; we 
 passed only bare walls blackened with smoke, and gardens 
 strewn with cinders and the fragments of furniture. 
 Having searched in vain for a roof to shelter us, I decided 
 to accept the offer of the Seths, and for the present to 
 take up our residence in their house in the city. 
 
 I had resided many years in India, but so apart did we 
 English live from the natives, that of their habits of life 
 among themselves I was nearly entirely ignorant. The 
 prospect of entering the house of the Seths had for me alt 
 the charm of adventure. The hot weather twilight is so 
 short that it was dark by the time we reached the city. 
 
 We drove through the barricade I had lately thrown 
 up, and proceeded along a narrow lane of low mud-houses. 
 It presently widened, and the houses rose to lofty edifices, 
 whose summits, in the darkness, we could only dimly dis- 
 tinguish. The lower storeys consisted of ghops, brightly 
 lighted by a profusion of small earthen lamps. The street 
 was densely crowded, but the reception afforded me was 
 very different from that which had been given me at the 
 station. No one made way, no one saluted ; the only 
 notice we attracted was defiant and insolent glances. 
 
 Before long the carriage came to a stop, and, by the 
 light of the lamps, I perceived that we had arrived at a 
 huge wooden barricade, stretching right across the street 
 from side to side. A mob of armed men swarmed before 
 it. They were dressed in every variety of costume, and
 
 CH. VIII. RETURN TO MUTTRA. 7 1 
 
 carried every sort of weapon. Seen by the flickering light 
 of the lamps, nothing could be more picturesque than the 
 assembly ; but I was more impressed by astonishment 
 and a little apprehension as to what it could mean. 
 
 In a minute the mystery was explained. The head of 
 the police rode up and informed me that we had arrived 
 at the Seths' house, and that the barricade was one they 
 had erected to keep off the mob. The armed men were 
 levies they had raised to defend it. While this informa- 
 tion was being imparted, a man appeared preceded by two 
 torch-bearers. He issued some orders, the armed men 
 moved on one side, and the carriage passed through the 
 barricade by a narrow aperture just wide enough to admit 
 it. Beyond the barricade the street was empty and 
 nearly dark ; two immense buildings rose on either side. 
 The carriage stopped again, a crowd of servants advanced, 
 requested us to alight, and preceded us down a very nar- 
 row, dark lane. We presently came to a stone gateway, 
 where, surrounded by torch-bearers and a still larger 
 crowd of servants, we found the two Seths standing 
 waiting to receive us. 
 
 They welcomed us to their house with great polite- 
 ness, and conducted us through the gateway, which, I 
 noticed, was filled with armed men, to a courtyard. We 
 crossed the court to a small door, and ascended a very 
 narrow, winding staircase. The staircase was of stone, 
 and so narrow that only one of us could ascend at a time. 
 It was also extremely steep, and full of sharp turns at 
 right angles. After mounting to a great height, we came 
 out on a broad stone terrace. On it a white cloth was 
 spread and chairs arranged, on which, at the request of 
 the Seths, we sat down. The Seths seated themselves by 
 us, the attendants stood aside, and the torch-bearers 
 retired. When my eyes had become accustomed to the
 
 72 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. viii. 
 
 darkness I perceived that we were on the flat roof of the 
 house. 
 
 On one side a white dome was indistinctly visible, on 
 the other side seemed an abyss. From its depths came 
 the sound of a gentle ripple, and over it was wafted a 
 faint breeze, moist and cool as if it had blown across an 
 expanse of water. I concluded from these signs the 
 terrace overlooked the river Jumna. After a short con- 
 versation the Seths retired, begging us to consider their 
 house as our own, and leaving several attendants to 
 execute our orders. 
 
 I had accompanied the Seths to the head of the stair- 
 case ; on returning, I found Mr. Joyce in conversation 
 with a man whom I had not previously noticed. I called 
 Mr. Joyce aside, and inquired who the man was, for his 
 sudden appearance had rather surprised me. Mr. Joyce 
 signed to the man to approach, and asked with a smile if 
 I did not recognise him. I looked, and under the dis- 
 guise of a native I beheld Mr. Hashman, one of the two 
 clerks about whose fate we had been so anxious. While 
 I was congratulating him on his escape a second man 
 advanced, who, in a similar disguise, I perceived w^as the 
 other missing clerk, Mr. Hashman' s brother. 
 
 We all sat down, and the two brothers told us 
 their adventures, which, a little later on, I shall relate. 
 W^e had so much to ask, and they to tell, that an horn- 
 passed quickly by. Mr. Joyce then suggested that we 
 might as well call for dinner. I had now an opportunity 
 of observing the extreme simplicity of the habits of life 
 of even the wealthiest Hindoos. 
 
 Our hosts were the richest men in India ; they main- 
 tained an army of servants, they possessed whole chests 
 of gold and jewels, and they resided in a house which, for 
 size and architectural beauty, would compare with the
 
 CH. VIII. RETURN TO MUTTRA. 73 
 
 palaces of the nobles of Europe. But, on ordering our 
 dinner, I found that they were destitute of what to us are 
 the most ordinary conveniences. They had neither plates 
 nor dishes, nor, beyond a few tea-cups, did their house 
 contain either glass or china of any other description. 
 
 The supply of food was equally limited in variety. 
 We had to make our meal on rice and coarse cakes of 
 unleavened flour, and they were so saturated with oil 
 and some perfume that it was with difficulty I could 
 swallow a few mouthfuls. They could supply us with no 
 drink but water, and milk that had been simmered over 
 a fire, and which had in the process acquired an over- 
 powering flavour of smoke. They procured us some tea, 
 very bad, and an immense tea-pot of solid silver, but the 
 establishment did not contain a kettle, and we had to 
 make the tea with water brought up in brass bowls. 
 
 Our dinner over, the Seths' manager was announced. 
 He had come to pay his respects, and to inform us more 
 fully than his masters had done of the state of the city 
 and of the events that had occurred during our absence. 
 This proceeding was in strict conformity with Indian 
 etiquette, which leaves the communication of details to 
 the subordinates. The manager remained some time. 
 "When he retired the servants brought us beds — those 
 light ones used by the natives. I had hardly slept for 
 four nights. I was very tired ; the cool breeze flowed 
 gently over us, the river murmured below ; I was soon 
 asleep. I did not wake till I was aroused by the rays of 
 the rising sun the next morning.
 
 74 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. ix. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 DEFENCE OF THE CITY. 
 
 I HAD informed the Seths' manager that I intended this 
 morning to visit the station. As soon as we were dressed 
 we descended to the street, where we found a carriage 
 awaiting us, and accompanied by a party of horsemen 
 we drove off towards the office. On reaching the entrance 
 to the grounds we perceived that the avenue was thickly 
 Uttered with fragments of paper, a sight which prepared 
 us for the scene we beheld on arriving at the building. 
 Nothing was left but the bare walls, and these were black 
 with smoke, and scored with the marks of pickaxes and 
 crowbars. The roof had fallen in, and brought with it 
 portions of the summits of the walls. The floor was 
 covered with the debris. We clambered inside over the 
 heaps of fallen masonry, and satisfied ourselves that no 
 portion of the building had escaped, and then we pro- 
 ceeded to search for the body of Mr. Burlton. I had 
 learnt from the manager the previous evening that Mr. 
 Burlton had been shot, and that his corpse was still lying 
 unburied. 
 
 After a long search we found the body lying in a dry 
 ditch at the end of the grounds. There was little left of 
 it but the skeleton, and this a dog was gnawing. We flung 
 clods of earth and he slunk unwillingly away, snarling 
 and showing his teeth as he retreated. The body was
 
 CH. IX. DEFENCE OF THE CITY. 75 
 
 lying on its back with the arms upraised, the hands were 
 untouched ; surmounting the fleshless arms they had 
 the appearance of gloves, and gave to the skeleton an air 
 of ghastly masquerade. 
 
 I had seen Mr. Burlton but once in life ; it was while 
 he was a guest in my house. I had driven into the 
 station and found him seated at breakfast. As I had 
 then seen him so I now recalled his figure and features, 
 but beneath them there appeared the skull and bones 
 lying before me. The picture was very horrible, but I 
 could not dispel it — for some days it continued to haunt 
 me. 
 
 There was no time to prepare a coffin, so I sent for 
 some labourers and had a grave dug. The remains were 
 wrapped in a sheet and laid within it. As the earth was 
 thrown over them we stood by with uncovered heads, our 
 silent prayers the only service. 
 
 These last sad offices over we re-entered the carriage, 
 and drove round the station. It was one scene of desola- 
 tion and wanton destruction. Nothing was left of the 
 houses but the blackened walls and the charred fragments 
 of wood and thatch. Bound each house was strewed a 
 chaos of broken furniture, scraps of clothing, pieces of 
 glass and china. The gardens were untouched, and their 
 bright flowers and rich foliage made only more melan- 
 choly the ruins they surrounded. 
 
 The church had not been burnt, but its escape was 
 due simply to the inability of the mob to reach the roof, 
 which was the only combustible portion. They had 
 inflicted all the injury they were able. The windows 
 were smashed, the door frames wrenched out ; of the 
 pulpit, pews, and altar only broken fragments remained. 
 In many places the pavement had been dug up. 
 
 It was late before we got back to the Seths' house.
 
 76 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. ix. 
 
 Our hosts had m the meanwhile been busy arrangmg for 
 our comfort. We found a large room prepared and a 
 table ready spread for our breakfast. They had procured 
 table cloths, china, knives and forks, from some shop in 
 the city. The drive had made us hungry ; we enjoyed 
 the breakfast our servants had prepared. We had fish 
 and rice and eggs ; there was no bread, but thin cakes of 
 unleaven flour were no bad substitute. 
 
 When the table was cleared I sat down to write; 
 my companions, having nothing to do, disposed them- 
 selves for a siesta. Our room was long and narrow, 
 the windows on one side opened on to a terrace over- 
 hanging the river, those on the other side looked into a 
 courtyard. I was absorbed in my writing, the others 
 had fallen asleep, when I was aroused by the sound of a 
 great commotion ; men were hurrying to and fro, there 
 were shouts and cries, and from over the river came the 
 report of matchlocks. I started up, my companions 
 awoke ; we seized our guns and ran out on the terrace. 
 
 The terrace was already filled with the Seths' servants, 
 the flat roofs of the neighbouring houses were also 
 crow^ded with men. They were all looking towards the 
 river. On the further side were several villagers, shout- 
 ing and throwing their arms aloft as if imploring assist- 
 ance. As soon as I could procure silence, we made out 
 that they lived in a village behind a grove of trees near 
 the bank, and that it was being attacked by the in- 
 habitants of a larger village a little further off. They 
 were begging me for aid to repel the attack; I had 
 none to give. I could merely promise that when order 
 was restored their assailants should be punished. The 
 promise did not seem to give them much satisfaction. 
 They remained for some time on the bank, continuing 
 their cries for assistance. As night came on a pyramid
 
 CH. IX. DEFENCE OF THE CITY. 77 
 
 of flame shot up from beyond the river ; the attacking 
 party having plundered the village had now set it on fire. 
 
 This incident made me aware, and not very agreeably 
 so, of my position. Outside the city I had no authority, 
 and I soon also learnt that I had not very much within 
 it. 
 
 In the course of the next day the Seths came to see 
 me ; their visit was partly complimentary, partly to 
 dissuade me from leaving the house, at all events for the 
 present. They feared that if I appeared in the streets I 
 should very likely be murdered. Other visitors called to 
 give me the same advice, which I had already received 
 from my own people. I resolved not to attend to it. If 
 we stayed in now we should have to stay in for good, and 
 it was better to meet the danger than to live in constant 
 apprehension of it. So at sunset we drove out as usual, 
 we kept our guns in our hands and at full cock, and the 
 carriage was well surrounded by our guards and horse- 
 men. The streets were densely crowded, and the crowds 
 were very disrespectful. They were nearly all armed, 
 and I noticed, with some uneasiness, that many carried 
 matchlocks. No attempt, however, was made to at- 
 tack us. 
 
 Matters continued in this state for three or four days 
 — each day the demeanour of the populace was more 
 defiant. On the fourth day an incident occurred that 
 brought things to a crisis. On hearing that I was 
 returning from Agra, the villagers had been seized with 
 a panic, for they thought I was bringing with me trooj)s 
 and cannon. When the news reached them they were 
 busy plundering the station ; they fled precipitately 
 every man to his home. Finding in a day or two that 
 I had brought back only Mr. Joyce, they recovered their 
 confidence, and sent a message to the Seths to turn me
 
 78 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. ix. 
 
 out of- the city. No attention being paid to the message 
 they despatched a letter, warning the Seths that if I 
 remained in their house they would come and burn it. 
 This letter alarmed the Seths ; they brought it to me. 
 I thought it a piece of bombast, and told them not to 
 mind it. They, however, regarded the threat as serious, 
 and the event proved that they were right. 
 
 A night or two after a fireball was thrown into a 
 courtyard of the house, where a large quantity of straw 
 and tunber was stored. Fortunately, it missed these, 
 and lighted on a stone terrace, where it burnt itself 
 out, doing no more harm than nearly h-ightening to 
 death some servants who were there sleeping. This 
 incident showed that the villagers had either friends in 
 the city, or the means of entering it themselves. I felt 
 that if I was to continue in my present position I must 
 take measures to protect the city from outside attacks, 
 and also to make my authority respected within it. 
 
 It would be tedious to describe the measm-es I 
 adopted ; at this distance of time they would possess little 
 interest. To assist me in carrying them out I summoned a 
 meeting of the principal inhabitants. They were to assem- 
 ble at night on the Seths' great terrace. Muttra was a large 
 city; many persons had flocked into it from the outside. 
 Just then it must have contained more than eighty 
 thousand inhabitants. I had summoned to the meeting 
 every person at all wealthy or of any position. All who 
 were summoned came, and yet, to my surprise, the 
 assembly did not consist of much more than fifty persons. 
 
 A white cloth was spread on the terrace, and at one 
 end a canopy erected ; under it were placed chairs for 
 me, Mr. Joyce, and the Seths. About nine o'clock the 
 company began to arrive ; each as he entered made his 
 salaam, and seated himself cross-legged on the floor. To
 
 DEFENCE OF THE CITY. 
 
 79 
 
 my surprise the Seths insisted on doing the same. The 
 Seths held rank next to the sovereign princes, and in 
 then- intercom-se with Em-opeans were very tenacious of 
 their position, but now they waived it. On the arrival 
 of the first persons they rose from then- chairs and seated 
 themselves beside them on the floor. They informed 
 me afterwards that neither their wealth nor their rank 
 gave them the right to assert any superiority in social 
 meetings over their caste brethren. 
 
 The assembly was so profuse in its expressions of 
 loyalty, and in its j^romises to give every assistance to 
 maintain order and the authority of the Government, 
 that on their leaving I felt assured I might rely on then- 
 support. I learnt afterwards that in the course of the 
 night private assemblies were held to consider if then- 
 promises should be carried out. It was decided that 
 they should be at least for the present. This decision, 
 however, was not unanimous, and letters were at the 
 same time dispatched to the King of Delhi, informmg 
 him of the unprotected state of the city, and requesting 
 that he would send troops and take possession of it. 
 
 In the end, after gi'eat trouble, some danger, and 
 some severity, I succeeded in disarming the mob of the 
 city and re-establishing my authority — or rather, I should 
 say, the authority of the Government. My next step 
 was to protect the city against the attacks of the vil- 
 lagers, who had expressed their intention of shortly 
 coming to plunder it. 
 
 Muttra was not fortified, but its position and con- 
 struction rendered it easily defensible. On two sides the 
 river formed a barrier, on the other sides the outer walls 
 of the houses constituted a nearly continuous ramj)art. 
 I had several boats removed from the bridge, and barri- 
 cades erected at all the entrances on the land sides. So far
 
 8o THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. ix. 
 
 all was easy, but barricades require men to defend them, 
 and as soon as I endeavoured to raise men mj^ difficulties 
 commenced. The city, for its size, was very populous ; 
 from the system of caste and trade guilds nearly the 
 whole population was under the control of fifty or so of 
 the leading inhabitants. These, with a word, could have 
 raised several thousand men ; they would not raise one. 
 They, and the rest who had anything to lose, were really 
 in terror of the villagers, really anxious they should be 
 kept out of the city. But they would not, apparently 
 could not, combine to effect that object. They were 
 prepared to defend each their own houses, and many, 
 like the Seths, had gone to great expense to do so. They 
 had hired men and run up wahs and barricades. They 
 were even willing to defend their own lane, that is, when 
 the lane happened to be inhabited by the same caste. 
 But to unite to defend the city was an undertaking en- 
 tirely beyond them. They regarded it as exclusively the 
 affair of the Government, and one with which they 
 themselves had no concern. 
 
 Force was out of the question, and argument useless. 
 By raising additional police I was enabled to spare men 
 enough to man the works at the two principal entrances. 
 By threats, persuasions, and something very like bribery, 
 I induced the leading castes to defend the other gates in 
 the different quarters where they resided. The head 
 men and their relations were appointed to the commands 
 with good salaries ; they made the other men come for 
 nothing. 
 
 My experience in this business enabled me to under- 
 stand how it was that the Mohammedans, so few as 
 they were in number, so easily conquered India. A 
 small body of determined men could have utterly de- 
 stroyed Muttra. The inhabitants would have allowed
 
 CH. IX. DEFENCE OF THE CITY. 8i 
 
 themselves to be massacred in detail, from sheer inability 
 to unite in common defence. 
 
 After all my efforts one barricade remained unsup- 
 plied with a garrison. It was suggested to me that I 
 should entrust its defence to the Bhurtpore regiment. 
 This was the regiment that Captain Nixon had left behind 
 to protect Muttra, when we commenced our ill-fated 
 march towards Delhi. It was its presence, as the reader 
 may remember, that decided me not to enter the city 
 after my flight from Hodul. In the first excitement on 
 my return I had forgotten its existence, or supposed that 
 it had followed the rest of the army to Bhurtpore. Some 
 chance observation of the Seths made me aware that it 
 was still with us. I suppose I expressed in my counte- 
 nance the uneasiness the announcement occasioned me. 
 For the Seths smiled and remarked that, after inspecting 
 the men, they did not think I should consider their 
 presence very dangerous ; nor did I. 
 
 I had the regiment paraded the next morning. I 
 found it a mere herd of timid villagers ; none of the men 
 had uniforms, only a j)ortion had firearms, and their 
 firearms were the commonest kind of matchlock ; their 
 powder was damp and would not explode, and their 
 bullets were old battered musket balls, dug out of our 
 targets. The men, however, possessed the one military 
 virtue of obedience. Having been told by Captain Nixon 
 to remain at Muttra till that order was countermanded, 
 they declined to leave, and no persuasion of mine siifficed 
 to alter their determination. As they were here, and we 
 had to feed them, my people thought it would be as well 
 to make use of them, and so proposed that they should 
 guard the vacant entrance. 
 
 It was a duty they were not at all willing to under- 
 take. It was only after much discussion, and after a very 
 
 G
 
 82 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. ix. 
 
 careful inspection of the defences, that they consented to 
 occupy them. In a few days they became more vahant : 
 they had satisfied themselves that the works were too 
 strong to be forced easily without artillery ; and, having 
 ascertained this, they informed me that if an enemy at- 
 tacked the place they would beat them off, and, when they 
 commenced to run away, even perhaps they would pursue 
 them. Their courage was not put to the test. The de- 
 fences of the city having been completed, the villagers 
 for the time abandoned their intention of attacking us, 
 and expended their energies in fighting among themselves. 
 And now relieved from all immediate danger, the city 
 quiet, no enemy threatening us from without, there com- 
 menced for us a life of which few Englishmen have had 
 experience — a life so novel, so singular, that it almost 
 seemed as if we had been transported to another region, 
 another age. But, before I describe it, it will be best to 
 give an account of the events that had occurred in the 
 city and station during my absence.
 
 CH. X. THE PLUNDERING OF THE TREASURY. 83 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE PLUNDERING OF THE TREASURY. 
 
 When the treasure was reported laden, Lieutenant Burl- 
 ton wished good-bye to his companions and left the room 
 where they were assembled. Outside the office the carts 
 were standing ready yoked, the guard drawn up, and the 
 other preparations completed. Mr. Burlton mounted his 
 horse and gave the order to march. The native officer 
 stepped up and said, ' Where ? ' Mr. Burlton replied, 
 ' To Agra, of course.' The officer turned to the guard 
 and shouted, ' No, no, not to Agra ; to Delhi ! ' Mr. 
 Burlton exclaimed, ' Oh ! you traitor ! ' As the words 
 left his lips he fell dead, shot through the heart. A 
 Sepoy had crept up behind him, and levelled his musket; 
 as Mr. Burlton finished speaking he fired. 
 
 This shot was the signal, the guard broke their ranks, 
 and made a rush into the office. How the English who 
 were there escaj)ed I have already related. As they ran 
 off the respectable portion of the crowd fled also. The 
 Sepoys then proceeded to set fire to the building. Its 
 height and solidity made the task difficult. After some 
 failures they succeeded ; they made a pile of the chairs 
 and tables, and on it they heaped thatch torn off a 
 neighbouring shed. This they lighted. When the office 
 was well in flames they marched off, taking the treasure 
 with them, and throwing handfuls of copper coins among 
 the mob that had remained. 
 
 G 2
 
 84 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. x. 
 
 These coins they had found in a bag, one of several 
 that were stored in the treasure-room. They took one, 
 the contents of which they then distributed ; the others, 
 I know not why, they left, as they did also twelve thou- 
 sand pounds' worth of small silver coins, and uncurrent 
 rupees that were accumulating for transmission to the 
 Calcutta mint. The main body of the Sepoys, with the 
 treasure, took the road to Delhi, which skirted the city ; 
 a small detachment proceeded to the gaol to release the 
 prisoners. The gaol was strong, and partly fortified. 
 The gaol guard were armed with muskets. They could 
 easily have defended the building had they chosen, but 
 they did not. On the approach of the Sepoys they threw 
 open the gates, the Sepoys entered, and began to release 
 the prisoners. 
 
 Near the gaol lived a retired English sergeant. 
 Hearing a noise and shouting, he came out of his house. 
 Some Sepoys who were loitering by the gaol gate per- 
 ceived him and fired. The sergeant had the presence of 
 mind to throw himself on the ground, and the bullets 
 passed over him. Before the Sepoys could reload he had 
 risen, reached his stable, mounted his horse, and escaped. 
 The Sepoys followed and set fire to his house. 
 
 When the prisoners were released the detachment 
 marched on and joined their main body. Most of the 
 prisoners accompanied them, as did also the gaol guard 
 and a large mob who had collected from the bazaar and 
 the English houses. Among them were two of my own 
 servants. While waiting for the detachment, the muti- 
 neers had amused themselves by breaking open one of 
 the treasure-chests and distributing handfuls of the con- 
 tents among a mob which had flocked out from the city. 
 ■ They now resumed their march, and, halting at dark, 
 reached Chattah the next morning. The chief inhabit-
 
 CH. X. THE PLUNDERING OF THE TREASURY. 85 
 
 ants, who had sworn to me to defend the caravanserai, 
 came out to meet the Sepoys and conducted them into it. 
 They also pointed out to them my property, and the 
 Government records and treasure, which, without their 
 assistance, the Sepoys might not have discovered. The 
 Sepoys carried off the treasure and my horses ; the records 
 and the rest of my things they hroke to pieces and set on 
 fire. Having done so, they proceeded to HoduL 
 
 "When the Sepoys had left, the men of the town rose, 
 and turned out the police and the other officials, having 
 first plundered them of their money and of the greater 
 part of their clothes. Some of the officials lived in the 
 neighbourhood and went home, the rest took the road to 
 Muttra. At the first village they passed the inhabitants 
 sallied out and stripped them of the few clothes the 
 townspeople had left them, and also of the little money 
 that some of them had managed to conceal. 
 
 Poor Bycunt, the Bengalee clerk, bore the operation 
 very badly. When the villagers seized him he fainted, 
 and in that condition he was deprived of his garments. 
 His companions poured water over him, and brought him 
 to, but for the rest of the journey they had to support 
 him. They were none of them men accustomed to 
 fatigue or exposure. They suffered much on the journey. 
 They reached the city quite exhausted, but, naked as they 
 were, they were ashamed to enter it. They concealed 
 themselves in the fields till the night enabled them to 
 reach then* homes unobserved. 
 
 The Sepoys moved more briskly. By nine in the 
 morning they reached Kosee. On approaching the town, 
 they sent a message to Captain Ruggonath Sing either to 
 move off, according to the agreement, or else to come out 
 and fight. Ruggonath begged for half an hour to finish 
 his breakfast, which was granted. His meal concluded,
 
 86 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. x. 
 
 he marched away, taking with him the two guns of the 
 Seths and my tents and horses, and everything else 
 belonging to me he could lay his hands on. 
 
 The Sepoys then entered the town and plundered the 
 Eevenue Office, carried off the money, but burnt the re- 
 cords. They also set fire to the little bungalow in which I 
 had been residing. This done they went on. Soon after 
 they met my carriage. They would have let it pass but 
 for my little dog ; he poked out his head and barked. 
 Some of the men recognised him ; they made the coach- 
 man turn the horses and accompany them. At the next 
 halting place my servant managed to escape, and after 
 many adventures joined me at Muttra, bringing the dog 
 also safe with him. 
 
 The mutineers arrived at Hodul not very long after 
 we had left. The Bhurtpore and Ulwar armies allowed 
 them to pass unmolested. In due time they reached 
 Delhi with their treasure. Their subsequent fate I never 
 learnt, though I took some pains to discover. 
 
 I will now return to the station. While the Sepoj's 
 were setting fire to the office the crowd remained looking 
 on. When the Sepoys left, they rushed in to plunder. 
 Before they could reach the room where the silver was 
 the flames drove them out. It was some hours before 
 the building could be re-entered, for, as the fire slackened, 
 the roof began to fall. Meanwhile the news had spread 
 that some of the treasure was left, and all the country 
 flocked in to plunder it. Quarrels soon arose, swords 
 were drawn, and clubs wielded. Before the mone}^ was 
 carried off many were killed, more wounded ; others 
 were badly burnt and injured by the falling fragments of 
 the roof and walls. 
 
 The treasure disposed of, the mob turned their atten- 
 tion to the records. These were kept on stone shelves,
 
 CH. X. TPIE PLUNDERING OF THE TREASURY. 87 
 
 and in a room separated from the rest of the building. 
 The fire had in consequence but little damaged them. 
 The mob, however, did not permit them to escape : they 
 threw them on the smouldering embers, or tore them in 
 pieces and scattered the pieces over the ground. I may 
 remark here that the natives everywhere displayed to- 
 wards the Government records the same animosity as 
 they did to the account-books of the Bunniahs, and for a 
 similar reason. They regarded them as the machinery 
 by which we enforced our severe taxation, and maintained 
 that disciplined order which had become so distasteful to 
 them. 
 
 All this while Mr. Burlton's body had lain where it 
 fell. It was now stripped and thrown into the ditch, 
 where I and Mr. Joyce found it. 
 
 The plunder of the office was followed by that of the 
 English houses. In this amusement the villagers spent 
 what remamed of the day. The houses contained little 
 that they valued ; that little they carried off, the rest 
 they broke to pieces. In the mornmg they returned and 
 continued the work of destruction. They concluded it 
 by setting fire to the houses. The third day they came 
 down as before, and dug out the ends of the burnt beams 
 and any pieces of u'on that were imbedded in the walls. 
 They then proposed to attack the city. The Seths and 
 the other chief inhabitants had anticipated some such 
 proceedmg, and had prepared for it by running barri- 
 cades before then* houses, and engaging as many fighting 
 men as they could procure to defend them. At this junc- 
 ture the news reached them that I was returning, and 
 rumour added that I was also returning with troops and 
 artillery — a rumour that owed its origin to the presence 
 of the two guns and the newly-raised cavalry in Mr. 
 Drummond's camp at Furrah. The report struck the
 
 88 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. x. 
 
 villagers with consternation ; they fled precipitately hack 
 to their homes, and, fearful of being there pursued, en- 
 deavoured during the night to destroj' the evidence of 
 their misconduct b}^ concealing the English property they 
 had plundered. Some they hid in straw stacks and under- 
 ground granaries ; the rest ihey cast into dry wells, from 
 whence a good deal was afterwards recovered. 
 
 The mobs, in the city who had also risen similarly 
 retired, the police ventured out of their hiding-places, 
 and the officials made a show of resuming their authority. 
 The citizens of Muttra had no love for our Govern- 
 ment, or any desire for its continuance. But for the 
 moment my return was welcomed by the better class of 
 the inhabitants, for it put an end to a state of confusion 
 that appeared likely to end in the plunder of their shops 
 and houses. 
 
 To no persons was my return more welcome than to 
 my two clerks. When the Sepoys, after shooting Mr. 
 Burlton, rushed into the office these two clerks ran out of 
 it with the others. They got separated in the garden : 
 when they reached the river they found that their com- 
 panions were out of sight. They followed them to the 
 city, where the police refused them admittance. Appre- 
 hensive of the mob, they retreated into the neighbouring 
 gardens, where a Brahmin took compassion on them, and 
 concealed them till the night in a shed attached to his 
 temple. He then guided them in the dark along the 
 river bank to the private stairs that led up to the Seths' 
 house. 
 
 The Seths received them very kindly, but told them 
 plainly that they should have a difficulty in keeping them. 
 They said that the feeling against Christians was so 
 strong that if their presence in the house was suspected 
 it might cause the mob to attack it. The Seths, how-
 
 CH. X. THE PLUNDERING OF THE TREASURY. 89 
 
 ever, promised to conceal them as long as they could. 
 They made them put on native dresses, and had them 
 conducted to a room in a remote part of the house, giving 
 them strict injunctions not to venture out of the room, 
 nor show themselves at the windows. 
 
 In this apartment they remained for three days in 
 great trepidation ; at night a confidential servant brought 
 them food, during the rest of the time they were left to 
 themselves. From the sounds that reached them from 
 the outside, the city appeared to be in great confusion. 
 They heard shouts, cries, the report of guns, and the 
 tramp and murmur as of moving multitudes. 
 
 On the morning of the fourth day, the Seths paid 
 them a visit, and told them that they could conceal them 
 no longer, for a report had got abroad that there were 
 Christians hid in the house, and the mob had expressed 
 their intention of breaking in to see. The Seths said 
 that they would keep them till the evening, and then 
 have them conveyed across the river to a village from 
 whence they could find their way to Agra. The two 
 clerks had but little expectation that they should 
 succeed in doing so, and regarded the intimation that 
 they must leave the house very much as sentence of 
 death. 
 
 As the day advanced the confusion outside seemed 
 to increase. Several times they heard the mob come 
 surging up to the house ; they expected every instant that 
 they would attack it. All of a sudden the noises ceased. 
 They were wondering the cause, when the curtain at the 
 doorway was lifted, and the Seths entered and an- 
 nounced to them the joyful intelligence of my approach- 
 ing return.
 
 90 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xi. 
 
 CHAPTEK XI. 
 
 THE CITY OF MUTTEA. 
 
 MuTTRA, though Httle known beyond the confines of 
 India, is a place of much celebrity within them. It is to 
 the Hindoo what Mecca is to the Mohammedans, what 
 Jerusalem was to the Christians of the Middle Ages. It 
 is the birthplace of then- religion, the spot with which 
 most of their sacred legends are connected. The original 
 city stood about two miles to the west of the present one. 
 It was abandoned some time in our seventeenth century 
 in consequence of the river Jumna changing its course. 
 The mhabitants had to follow the river, for they depended 
 on the pilgrims for their support, and what brought the 
 pilgrims was the bathing in the sacred stream. On its 
 banks the present city arose. 
 
 The present city is chiefly modern, most of the best 
 buildings have been erected since the commencement of 
 our rule. Seen from the river it is ver}' picturesque : a 
 succession of fine houses that rise like castles, bathing 
 places, and little temples to whose fairy-like lightness no 
 words can do justice. From the land side its appearance 
 is less pleasing ; at a distance it resembles -very much a 
 gigantic ants' nest, for the outer houses are dingy in 
 colour and closely huddled together, nor on a nearer 
 approach is the prospect more agreeable. Before the 
 city lies a bare tract of uneven ground, over it wander
 
 CH. XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA. 91 
 
 dogs and pigs feeding on the filth and garbage with 
 which it is thickly strewn. The dogs have no particular 
 owner, the swine are the property of the low castes, who, 
 regarded as too impure to dwell within the city, cluster 
 in villages just without it. 
 
 To the north and west extend gardens. To them each 
 morning the Brahmins repair, and, stupefied with bhang, 
 pass the day lying beneath the shade of the trees, 
 oblivious of all the world beyond. When they wake up 
 they amuse themselves with wrestling and other athletics. 
 The Brahmins of Muttra are but little respected. By the 
 educated and better classes they are regarded as a set of 
 idle, dissolute beggars. In each garden is a temple, in 
 many are also tombs and pavilions, very small but ex- 
 ceedingly pretty. The perfection of Hindoo art, however, 
 is to be seen in the principal street of the city. There is 
 nothing like it in India, no]' that I know of in the world. 
 On either side the houses rise vast and solid ; before them 
 appears to hang a veil of lace, so delicate, so exquisite is 
 the carving of the stone tracery that fills the balconies 
 and windows. 
 
 As becomes so holy a place Muttra is full of temples, 
 but a traveller might pass through and not be aware of 
 it. The exteriors of the temples do not differ from the 
 dwelling-houses. Indeed, the same roof occasionally 
 covers both house and temple, as well as a shop in the 
 lower storey. The finest temple is that of the Seths'. 
 It stands immediately opposite their house on the other 
 side of the narrow street. A richly carved gateway leads 
 to a spacious courtyard ; round three sides are arcades, 
 along the fourth stretches a terrace, mounted on it is the 
 shrine. Dimly lighted, hung with curtains, it has much 
 the appearance of a stage ; the services that go on suggest 
 a performance. Bells ring, cymbals clash, horns blow,
 
 92 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xi. 
 
 and incense is burnt. In the intervals the Brahmins 
 recite verses from the sacred poems. Their utterance is 
 too rapid for an Enghsh ear to follow, but the sonorous 
 rhymes and the rise and fall of the voices is not un- 
 melodious. 
 
 In the further recesses, the object of this adoration is 
 dimly visible — a hideous idol, bedaubed with red paint, 
 and blackened by the smoke of the lamps that for more 
 than half a centurj' liaVe burnt before it. Over the head 
 of the idol there is suspended a golden canopy ; beneath 
 it, so it was then said, were greater treasures. In a vault 
 below reposed the hoards of the founder of the temple, 
 the adopted grandfather of m}^ hosts. The terrace in 
 front of the shrine was spread with carpets, and shaded 
 b}' canopies of red cloth. Beneath them cross-legged sit 
 the better class of spectators ; those of a lower rank, 
 standing, usually fill the court below. 
 
 In striking contrast to this the chief temple, rises at 
 the end of the street the great mosque — its lofty minarets 
 and spreading domes forming a grander object, and 
 suggesting a purer faith, a higher ideal. An inscription 
 on the gateway records the date of its erection and the 
 praises of its founder, that ' Light of Islam (Noor-ul- 
 Mussulmanee), guardian of the faith of Mohammed, the 
 Emperor Alumgire.' This inscription is in letters of 
 blue enamel on a white ground. The richness of the 
 colours I have nowhere seen equalled ; I was never tired 
 of admiring them. 
 
 About the erection of this mosque there is a pretty 
 tradition. The site was formerly occupied by shops of 
 butchers ; their presence vexed the Hindoos, they com- 
 j)lained to the Governor. The Governor, a tolerant man, 
 as many of the Indian Mohammedans then were, re- 
 moved the shops. The butchers went to Agra and peti-
 
 CH. XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA. 93 
 
 tioned the Emperor Aliimgire. Anticipating their com- 
 plaint, the Governor had commenced the erection of a 
 mosque on the site of the demohshed shops. To remove 
 a mosque was more than that bigoted Emperor could 
 bring himself to direct ; he accepted the situation and 
 became the patron of the edifice, granting the l)utchers 
 land elsewhere. 
 
 The memory of this Governor is still dear to the 
 Hindoos. In my time, though two centuries had passed, 
 they would in seasons of trouble still invoke his aid, 
 rubbing their foreheads on the walls of the mosque he 
 had erected, and saying — ' Ahi ! Abdool-Nubbee Khan 
 tara binna Muttoorah sunnee.' (' Oh ! Abdool-Nubbee 
 Khan, we are sad without you.') 
 
 Any description of Muttra would be incomplete 
 without some notice of the Seths, to whose selection 
 of it, as a residence, the city owes much of its present 
 prosperity, most of its finest buildings. At various 
 times they confided to me a good deal of their family 
 history. Something of what they told me I will briefly 
 repeat. 
 
 Their ancestors came from the Deccan, somewhere 
 near Bombay. Their bank was an old one, but rich na- 
 tives are often childless. In default of heirs the managers 
 were adopted. The business thus passed from family to 
 family till, towards the close of the last century, it came 
 into the possession of the then manager, Seth Gokul 
 Paruk. Gokul Paruk had the good fortune not only to 
 succeed to his master's wealth, but also to obtain the 
 treasurership of the state of Gwalior. The Mahratta 
 armies then swept the country far and near ; half the 
 wealth of India found its way into Gwalior then- cajjital. 
 The treasurer had many opportunities of enriching him- 
 self, and not the least was the payment of the troops.
 
 94 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xi. 
 
 The soldiers received their pay very irregularly, seldom 
 till they showed signs of niiitiny for the want of it. 
 "When this crisis approached the treasurer was sent for, 
 and a palaver ensued. Eventually matters were arranged. 
 Scindiah the Eajah paid less than he owed, more than the 
 army received. Before many years had elapsed Gokul 
 Paruk had become the richest man in India, jDerhaps in 
 the world. He was popularly supposed to possess fourteen 
 millions of our money. He must really have owned 
 several. He had, I know, an income of forty thousand 
 pounds a year from the sums he had invested in our 
 Government securities alone, and what natives invest 
 bears but a small proportion to what they hoard. 
 
 Gokul was a man of extreme prudence, and he showed 
 this quality in nothing more than in obtaining a domicile 
 in Muttra, so soon as it had passed under British rule, 
 and removing there the greater part of his treasures. 
 He died chDdless, as had his master, and like him was 
 succeeded by his manager, Seth Munnee Eam ; accord- 
 ing to native scandal by virtue of a forged will. Munnee 
 Eam, with his master's wealth, did not inherit all his 
 caution — the Gwalior court was full of intrigues — to one 
 he fell a victim. 
 
 The Maharajah Scindiah was seated on his throne 
 holdmg full durbar. Casting his eyes on Munnee Eam, he 
 remarked ' Sethjee ! ' (oh ! Banker) ' you have been a long 
 time treasurer, you must have much of my money.' 
 The durbar over, Munnee Eam sought Colonel Skinner, 
 who then held high command in the Mahratta army. 
 Said the Colonel, when he heard what had happened, 
 ' Take shawls and jewels, ever so many trays of them, and 
 five million of silver rupees, and present them to-morrow 
 to Scindiah at the durbar, and say, ' My Lord and Good 
 Patron ! all I have is yours, acquired through the favour
 
 CH. XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA. 95 
 
 of your Highness ; be pleased to accept from the hand of 
 your servant this small portion of it.' 
 
 Munnee Eam was hot-tempered, the advice of the 
 Colonel was not acceptable. He attended the durbar, 
 but instead of a present he produced his account books, 
 and addressing Scindiah he said, ' My Lord ! false persons 
 have deceived you ; it is your Highness, not I, that owes 
 money, and the amount is ten millions.' This was too 
 much. As the Scripture expresses it, ' the form of the 
 king's visage was changed ; ' his fury blazed forth. 
 Munnee Eam was haled away to the fortress, and there 
 tied by ropes of raw leather to a gun on one of the bas- 
 tions. As such ropes dry they contract. Munnee Eam 
 had before him a death of agony. In this extremity 
 Colonel Skinner stood his friend ; he hurried to the 
 palace — he had influence ; he used it, and so effectually 
 that Munnee Eam was brought down from the bastion. 
 After a short confinement in his own house he was 
 released on paj^ment of the same amount that he had 
 so imprudently asserted the Eajah to be indebted to him. 
 
 On attaining his liberty he bathed, put on new 
 clothes, and waited on Colonel Skinner to express his 
 gratitude. ' Ah,' said the Colonel smiling, ' my advice 
 was not so bad after all ! ' Munnee Eam not only expressed 
 his gratitude but showed it. Colonel Skinner had large 
 estates, but some years after fell into difficulties. Munnee 
 Eam extricated him from them by a loan of one hun- 
 dred and sixty thousand pounds without interest. 
 
 The receipt of the ten millions put Scindiah in such 
 good humour that he took Munnee Eam again into favour, 
 pressed him to continue in his office of treasurer, and 
 when Munnee Eam declined permitted him to leave 
 Gwalior unmolested, and, what was more, to take his 
 treasures with him. Munnee Eam retired to Muttra,
 
 96 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xi. 
 
 where in due time he was gathered to his fathers. His 
 ashes repose beside those of Gokiil Paruk his master, 
 beneath a pretty cupola, in a garden on the banks of the 
 Jumma. To mark their relative positions in life, the 
 stone eaves that border the dome of the tomb of Gokul 
 project over and cut into those that surround the tomb 
 of Munnee Eam, his servant. 
 
 The house in which the Seths resided had been only 
 recently erected. Viewed from the outside it was very 
 imposing ; in Europe it would be termed a palace. The 
 interior was disappointing, a collection of mere cells 
 surrounding small courtyards. The room occupied by 
 the Seths as their sitting-room was, however, a pretty 
 enough apartment ; it was in the upper storey, and over- 
 looked the river. Like all native rooms it was entirely 
 destitute of furniture, with the exception of a gigantic 
 bolster, which to persons who sat cross-legged on the 
 floor served the purpose of an arm-chair. For English 
 visitors proper chairs were j)rovided. A white cloth was 
 stretched over the floor, and the walls were full of small 
 niches, in which lamps were placed at night, and any 
 small article during the day. The greater portion of the 
 house was devoted to the women, and into that part I 
 never entered. 
 
 The women appeared to be kept in strict seclusion. I 
 never saw them, either on the roof or at the windows ; 
 their only glimjjses of sky or fresh air must have been 
 what they could get in the balconies of the lofty narrow 
 courtyards. Their lot, however, in this respect must have 
 been enviable to that of the women in the interior of the 
 city. How these poor creatures endured the heat and 
 the horrible smells was to me a source of never-ending 
 wonder. 
 
 The Seths' house was constructed of stone, and the
 
 CH. XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA. 97 
 
 soliclest of masonry ; the massive thickness of the walls 
 contrasting very harmoniously with the slender columns 
 that supported the balconies, and the delicate traceries 
 that filled the windows. Before the disturbances, the 
 Seths passed much of their time at Brindabun, a town 
 about nine miles off, up the river, and which has the 
 peculiarity of being almost entirely composed of temples. 
 To the scores already existing, the Seths had recently 
 added another, an edifice of surpassing magnificence. It 
 always reminded me of the imaginary plans of the temple 
 of Jerusalem, having an outer court, an inner court, and 
 a holy of holies. Into this last, to the great amusement 
 of the natives, the Seths themselves were not allowed to 
 enter. 
 
 The entke building must have covered an area of 
 many acres ; it would be more correct to say that the 
 outer walls enclosed that space, for the interior consisted 
 chiefly of courtyards and corridors. In the curious way 
 in which the Hindoos combine pleasure and devotion, the 
 building was at once a place of worship, a country house, 
 and a caravanserai. Pilgrims were accommodated at 
 one end, the Seths resided at the other, while the services 
 went on in the courts between. There was a magnificent 
 expanse of stone and marble pavement, fountains, ponds, 
 and, if I remember rightly, a garden and an aviary. 
 I have a distinct recollection of some very brilliant 
 plumaged cockatoos. 
 
 The story of the erection of this temple is so illustra- 
 tive of Hindoo manners, that at the risk of being tedious 
 I will relate it. Swamee Eungacharee was a Fukkeer of 
 the Deccan, where having, according to scandal, ruined 
 his patron, he came to seek his fortune in the north- 
 west. He entered Muttra in rags on a miserable pony. 
 Somehow he got introduced to Piadha Kishen, the younger 
 
 H
 
 98 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xi. 
 
 Setb, and soon acquired unlimited influence over him. 
 Presently the temple began to arise ; rumour credited 
 Eadha Kishen with the erection. The elder Seth, who 
 did not at all care for the money to go that way, spoke to 
 his brother. Eadha Kishen assured him that the funds 
 were provided by a rich banker in the south. The elder 
 Seth was not satisfied. He made inquiries, and he felt 
 sure he was being deceived ; he spoke to his brother again, 
 and implored him to tell the truth. Eadha Kishen had 
 by this time got into a mess with his accounts ; he con- 
 fessed the facts, and made over the building to his brother, 
 who was good-natured enough to finish it for him, at the 
 expense, according to popular rumour, of a million of 
 pounds ; but he assured me that the actual cost was less 
 than half this sum. Perhaps, however, he understated 
 the expenditure, being a little ashamed of it ; and I do 
 not know if he included in it his own apartments, and 
 the ornaments of the shrine. Among these latter was a 
 lr)ft3^ flagstaff, overlaid with gold plates to the value of 
 thirty thousand pounds. 
 
 The elder Seth was an entire unbeliever ; he lived 
 much at the temple but cared nothing for the shrine. 
 For the chief priest, the Swamee Piungacharee, he enter- 
 tained a great contemj)t — he was very free in express- 
 ing it. 
 
 * Look at that woman,' he remarked to a Christian 
 friend as they passed the priest's wife ; ' she has a lac of 
 rupees' worth of jewels on her, and her husband pretends 
 to have abandoned the world ! ' 
 
 The Seth's opinion of the priest was that generally 
 entertained. He was regarded very much as an impostor, 
 and his patron as a dupe. 
 
 When not at the temple the elder Seth resided mostly 
 in a bungalow in the cantonments, where he had a lathe
 
 CH. XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA. 99 
 
 and a printing press, and once nearly caused a pestilence 
 by burying an elephant. He was fond of travelling, a 
 very unusual taste in a native, and was now absent on a 
 tour in Eajj)ootana. He left the management of the 
 business to his brothers, who in their turn confided it to 
 their agents. A few years before, one of these had led 
 them into speculations in opium, that entailed on them a 
 loss of some hundreds of thousands of pounds. The agents 
 were allowed a liberty, and assumed an independence to 
 our English notions very astounding. The one at 
 Bombay was then in open rebellion ; his revolt did not 
 result in his dismissal, but in preventing the elder Seth 
 from visiting that city as he had intended. 
 
 The Seths' house contained hardly any furniture, 
 beyond curtains and awnings, nor any books, j)ictures, or 
 other works of art. But of jewels they possessed a vast 
 abundance, and stores of gold and silver that filled vaults. 
 They had necklaces of emeralds, each stone the size of a 
 large marble, enormous pearls, a ring of which the hoop 
 and signet were cut out of a smgle ruby, a table diamond 
 about an inch and a half long and of proportionate width, 
 and smaller stones without number. The most precious 
 ornaments were reserved for the women, and these I 
 never saw ; among them was a small idol carved out of a 
 single emerald. 
 
 On state occasions their elephant appearedcaparisoned 
 in silver ; the caparison was composed of discs overlajDping 
 each other, something in the style of scale armour. They 
 usually rode in English carriages, of which they had 
 several. These vehicles were kept in open sheds and 
 rarely, if ever, cleaned ; neither were their horses. For 
 dirt and untidiness the equipage of a native has no 
 equal. 
 
 I have said that the Seths had no books ; the elder
 
 loo THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xi. 
 
 brother had one, oddly enough the first volume of a 
 Koran. It had been obtained from the plunder of the 
 palace of some Mohammedan prince, in one of our many 
 wars. I once saw it. It was beyond compare the most 
 beautiful manuscript I ever beheld ; each letter had 
 round it a border of gold. It must have taken a life- 
 time to write. It was the Seth's great desire to obtain 
 the other volume ; he did not succeed in procuring it. 
 
 My life in the Seths' house would form an interesting 
 story, but I shall not now relate it ; the description would 
 too much interrupt the course of my narrative. We had 
 many adventures, some escapes. Once some Sepoy muti- 
 neers entered the city, twice the Seths' guards attempted 
 to murder us. The villagers, after an interval, re- 
 commenced their aggressions. I collected a rabble, 
 marched out, and burnt some of their villages ; others it 
 was prudent to avoid. Over the river several villages 
 coalesced, and under the leadership of one Dayby Sing 
 proclaimed their independence. Dayby Sing assumed 
 the title of Rajah, and having attacked and subdued some 
 of his neighbours, expressed his intention of turning me 
 out of the cit3^ At this juncture there arrived to my 
 assistance a miniature army, termed the ' Kotah Con- 
 tingent,' Captain Denny s commanding it. 
 
 The contingent arrived in the morning, in the after- 
 noon the villagers sent in to make their submission ; next 
 day the contingent was recalled to Agra. The villagers 
 heard of its departure, and shot at the messengers who 
 conveyed my answer. The news reached Dayby Sing. I 
 had put together the bridge of boats that we might 
 march over and attack him. He learnt that the con- 
 tingent was gone, he sent me a message to remove the 
 bridge or he would save me the trouble by coming and 
 burnino; it. That message cost him his life. I had
 
 en. XI. THE CITY OF MUTTRA. loi 
 
 intended to remove the bridge lest he should use it to 
 cross, but after this message I felt bound to maintain it. 
 In a few days the contingent returned as unexpectedly as 
 it had left, and the bridge being ready, Captain Dennys 
 resolved to make a dash over the river, and, if possible, 
 to capture the Eajah. I joined the force, which had 
 encamped on one of the parade grounds, and about one 
 o'clock the next morning we commenced our march.
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY 
 
 CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 A VILLAGE RAJAH. 
 
 After a fatiguing march of many miles we arrived before 
 Dayby Sing's stronghold. It was an ordinary village, 
 large and very ugly, a mere collection of mud huts 
 closely huddled together. It stood on the open plain, but 
 the plain was prettily dotted with groves of trees. The 
 sun was high in the heavens before we reached it, for 
 there had been a great delay in crossing the river, and 
 we had stopped on the way to burn another insurgent 
 village, from which the inhabitants had fled. We made 
 sure that Dayby Sing and his men had done the same, 
 for they must have had ample notice of our approach. 
 In case, however, they should be inside and intend to fight. 
 Captain Dennys thought it right to proceed with due 
 caution. We halted, the men formed in line, the cavalry 
 galloped off to right and left to cut off the fugitives, and 
 then the guns were ordered to the front ; and for the first 
 time in my life I saw shots fired in earnest. 
 
 I was standing close by one of the cannon when there 
 came a deafening roar, a jet of flame, and a puff of smoke. 
 In a second or two there appeared in the air, as if it had 
 come out of vacancy, a black ball sailing majestically, 
 and, as it seemed, very deliberately towards the village. 
 Wlien it was just above the houses it burst, sending 
 out a sheet of flame and a shower of fragments in all
 
 CH. xu. A VILLAGE RAJAH. 103 
 
 directions. A second shell exploded inside the village. 
 "When the smoke had cleared, we perceived crowds of 
 men and women making their way across the fields, and 
 more streaming out from the village to follow them. As 
 soon as they were well away the cavalry closed in, cut 
 off their return, and then drove them in groups towards 
 us. In half an hour the whole population had heen made 
 prisoners and were seated around us. The shells had 
 terribly frightened them, but by good luck had injured 
 none of them. Among the prisoners, to our surprise, 
 was discovered Day by Sing, the insurgent Eajah himself. 
 He was a very ordinary-looking man, distinguished from 
 the other villagers only b}^ his yellow dress — yellow among 
 the Hindoos being the dress of royalt5\ 
 
 He had been found hid in a field of sugar cane. He 
 at first denied his identity, but a score of his subjects 
 deposed to it, as also did his wife. She, with a number 
 of other women, had been apprehended while flying in a 
 different direction. On searching Dayby Sing's clothes a 
 letter was found, the reading of which afforded much 
 amusement, to the Sepoys especially. It was from his 
 agent, a fellow-villager, and dated from a neighbouring 
 town. It commenced with the usual string of adulatory 
 epithets which Eastern etiquette demands in addresses 
 to those of exalted rank. ' To the lord of beneficence, 
 the source of wealth, the foundation of prosperity, the 
 treasury of grace, the supporter of the poor, the illus- 
 trious prince, the Eajah, the great Eajah Dayby Sing, 
 monarch of the fourteen villages, the victorious in war.' 
 
 The subject of the letter was hardly in keeping with 
 its grandiloquent commencement. It reported only the 
 purchase of a few pennyworths of pepper and about an 
 equal amount of sugar and vegetables. 
 
 While the letter was being read the poor Eajah sat
 
 I04 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xii. 
 
 on the ground cross-legged, and looking so miserable and 
 forlorn that for all his misdeeds I could not help feeling 
 sorry for him. His fellow-countrymen showed him less 
 compassion, treating him to many taunts and jeers, as 
 they did also his wife. They made her mock salaams, 
 addressed her in ridicule as ' Queen ' and ' her Highness,' 
 and otherwise made fun of her. As soon, however, 
 as the officers perceived this, they at once put a stop to 
 it, and Captain Dennys had the poor «^oman removed 
 to a distance, till we decided what to do with her and 
 the other prisoners. 
 
 A party of men were now sent into the village ; on 
 their reporting it empty, orders were given to set it on 
 fire. We were watching the flames, when, to our horror, 
 we perceived a party of men on the flat roof of one of the 
 houses. The flames were rapidly approaching them. We 
 shouted, and Captain Dennys sent a party of tent-pitchers 
 to their assistance. Their danger was more aj^parent 
 than real, the house was on the margin of the village. 
 Before the relieving party reached them they had leaped 
 off the roof, and we presently, to our satisfaction, saw 
 them scampering away across the fields. 
 
 The Sepoys had beheld the peril of their countrymen 
 with great indifference. They exhibited, how^ever, a 
 lively interest in that of a pretty white cow, which, having 
 escaped from the village, appeared inclined to run back 
 to it. They shouted, gesticulated, appealed to the animal 
 not to rush on to its fate, and till it had turned and 
 run off in another direction they were wild with ex- 
 citement. When the village was consumed, that is, 
 when the thatches were burnt, for nothing else was com- 
 bustible, we continued our march. Dayby Sing and the 
 prisoners who had been found in arms we carried with 
 us, the rest and the women we released. We marched
 
 CH. XII. A VILLAGE RAJAH. 105 
 
 for another hour, and then arrived at a small town, the 
 capital of that part of the district. Here ve remained 
 till the surrounding country had been l^rought to order. 
 During my stay there I became acquainted with Dayby 
 Sing's history and proceedings. They are so illustrative 
 of native habits and of the condition of the country at 
 the time, that an account of them may perhaps even now 
 prove interesting to the reader. 
 
 The fourteen villages had, in times gone by, formed 
 a single estate. During the half century of our rule 
 they had been sold and resold, and the proprietors reduced 
 to the condition of mere cultivators. But they still held 
 the tradition of their former supremacy, and looked for- 
 ward to the time when they might recover it. On the 
 breaking out of the mutiny that time seemed to them to 
 have arrived, and they hastened to avail themselves of it. 
 In each village they rose and turned on the new owners ; 
 of these most fled, the rest fought. In these fights Dayby 
 Sing came to the front. The proceedings on neither side 
 were very heroic ; there was much firing of matchlocks, a 
 good deal of burning of thatch, a few men killed, more 
 w^ounded. Eventually, Dayby Sing's fellow caste-men 
 obtained the victory, re-established themselves in their 
 ancient position, and, this done, Dayby Sing elected him- 
 self as their Eajah. He then turned his attention to his 
 neighbours, to our Government, and to the Bunniahs. 
 
 The Bunniahs, as I have already explained, are a 
 class of traders peculiar to India, at once dealers in grain, 
 grocers, and money-lenders. In the latter capacity they 
 are the most extortionate and pitiless usurers in the 
 world. The leading Bunniahs in the neighbourhood 
 resided in the town, w^here we were encamped. AYhen 
 Dayby Smg advanced to call them to account he had with 
 him the sympathies of the entire population. This town
 
 io6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xii. 
 
 was also the head-quarters of the pohce. His first act was 
 to eject them; it was easiJy effected — most of them, indeed, 
 lied of their own accord on hearing of his approach. On 
 entering the town Dayby Sing proceeded to the school- 
 room, a building lately erected by our Government. In 
 this 'Jie established his head-quarters, first tearing out 
 the doors and windows. He then constituted a govern- 
 ment of his own, which he formed on the English model. 
 
 He appointed a Board of Kevenue, a Supreme Court 
 of Judicature, a Commissioner, a Magistrate, and a 
 Superintendent of Police. For this last office he did not 
 consider any of his own people properly qualified ; so 
 he sent a message to the late incumbent begging him 
 to return, and promising him an increase of salary. 
 Having constructed his government, Dayby Sing was 
 very diligent in superintending it. He came to the town 
 every morning at daybreak, and sat himself down in the 
 schoolroom. There he received petitions, heard com- 
 plaints, and dictated despatches. This done, he devoted 
 the rest of the day to plundering the Bunniahs, which 
 he did very deliberately, all the town assisting. 
 
 Each morning one Bunniah was selected. He was 
 conducted with his books to the schoolroom, and put 
 through an examination, Dayby Sing first exhorting him 
 very earnestly to speak the truth, to give up his bonds 
 and mortgage deeds, and to point out his concealed 
 treasures. If his replies were satisfactory, well and 
 good ; if they were not, he was put to the torture. The 
 torments inflicted were not very severe ; I found no case 
 where any Bunniah had been seriously hurt. 
 
 Next followed an adjournment to the Bunniali's 
 house — the afternoon was spent in pulling it to pieces. 
 Whatever goods or treasure were found were distributed, 
 account-books and papers were burnt, or torn to frag-
 
 cii. XII. A VILLAGE RAJAH. 107 
 
 ments. The proceedings terminated by the release of 
 the Bunniah. Like a cobra deprived of its poison bag, 
 without his documents he was considered harmless. 
 
 By the time of our advance the Bunniahs had been 
 nearly disposed of; the morning of our arrival Dayby 
 Sing, having little other occupation, was amusing himself 
 in robbing a mango orchard. He and his people were 
 busy picking the fruit, when a man arrived and in- 
 formed him that there was a column of smoke in the 
 west, and that he feared something was wrong. He re- 
 commended the Eajah to return to his home. On this 
 Dayby Sing set out for his village, and reached it only 
 a little before our troops surrounded it. 
 
 Throughout the mutiny our intelligence was bad, but 
 almost invariably that of the natives was worse. This 
 was the result of their overwhelming conceit, their extreme 
 apathy, and their childish credulity. Of this Dayby Sing 
 was a fair example. Having driven out the police, he 
 imagined that he had overthrown our government. On 
 learning the recall of the contingent, he troubled himself 
 no more about it. He was not aw^are of its return till 
 he beheld the Sepoys before his village. 
 
 In the afternoon I visited the town. It was a pretty 
 place, containing a long bazaar and several handsome 
 houses. The bazaar, I should explain, is the principal 
 street of an Indian town, in which are the shops and 
 the market-places. Before his shop each trader was 
 standing ; as I entered, with one accord ' they lifted up 
 their voices and wept.' Never before had I realised the 
 force of the Scriptural expression. 
 
 Each commenced by shouting out his individual 
 grievance, and calling on me and the ' Great Company ' 
 for vengeance and redress. To attract my attention 
 they raised their voices higher and higher, till they
 
 io8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xii. 
 
 mingled in one loud discordant wail. They screamed, 
 they yelled ; some threw ashes on their heads, some heat 
 their breasts, some tore their hair ; they wept, they blub- 
 bered. No other word can so well express the sound ; it 
 M'as the vicious, revengeful cry of a cowardly schoolboy. 
 
 As men whose god was money they certainly had reason 
 for their grief; every shop was completely plundered, 
 and not only plundered but wrecked. The doors were torn 
 out, the verandahs pulled down, the floors dug up, and 
 also great holes dug in the walls. Whatever was worth 
 carrying off had gone to the villages, the rest lay in the 
 street. The roadway was covered with torn account- 
 books, broken bottles, fragments of jars and boxes, 
 besides the debris of the floors and verandahs. 
 
 Having seen the shops, I was led off to examine the 
 dwelling-houses. Some of these were very pretty ; walls 
 solid as rocks, and delicate stone carving. They had 
 been worse used than even the shops. In the search 
 for hidden treasures the smaller ones had been nearly 
 pulled to pieces ; all of them were more or less reduced 
 to ruins. I noticed here, as I had at Muttra, the exces- 
 sive fondness of the villagers for wood and iron ; not a 
 fragment of either had been left that could be extracted. 
 Here, as there, I was also struck with the disproportion 
 between the value of the plunder and the labour of ex- 
 tracting it. Hours, even days, must have been spent in 
 digging out of the solid walls ends of beams or fragments 
 of clamps and hinges. 
 
 In the whole town only one house had escaped, and 
 there the lamentations of the owner were the loudest. 
 The mob had arrived to dig for his treasure, a carpenter 
 stepped forward and said he would save them the trouble. 
 He had just constructed a hiding-place for the proprie- 
 tor, and he pointed it out. It was a small recess over
 
 CH. XII. A VILLAGE RAJAH. 109 
 
 tlie doorwa}', concealed b}' a sliding beam. The recess 
 was filled with silver rupees, gold mohurs, bags of copper 
 corns, and the jewels of the family. The villagers took 
 them and dejDarted ; they intended to return for a 
 further exploration, but then- intentions were frustrated 
 by the arrival of the contingent. 
 
 Dayby Sing's career was brief, and in its incidents 
 rather ludicrous ; it might have been otherwise. With 
 as small beginnings Indian dynasties have been founded. 
 He was master of fourteen villages. Eunjeet Sing com- 
 menced his conquests as lord of no more than twenty- 
 five.
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY, 
 
 CHAPTEE XIII. 
 
 THE KOTAH CONTINGENT. 
 
 Our wars with the native princes had usually one of two 
 terminations. We either annexed their territories, or 
 we compelled them to maintain an addition to our 
 armies. These new troops we raised, disciplined, and 
 officered ; the conquered sovereign defrayed their ex- 
 penses. Being liable for general service, only under 
 certain emergencies they received the name of con- 
 tingents. Of this description was the force that Captain 
 Dennys commanded. The officers of the different con- 
 tingents were drawn from the line regiments. The trans- 
 fer was accompanied by promotion or other advantages 
 that caused it to be somewhat sought after. 
 
 The Kotah contingent had been sent to Muttra osten- 
 sibly to restore order, really that it might be outside 
 Agra, and yet within call, till the authorities there could 
 make up their minds about admitting it. Some of Mr. 
 Colvin's advisers thought the force mutinous and better 
 away. Others put faith in its loyalty, and wished it 
 brought in to take the place of the disbanded regiments. 
 The discussions on the matter were many and anxious ; 
 each party held to their opinions. Meanwhile, the con- 
 tingent remained with me. 
 
 A detailed record of our proceedings would now be 
 very uninteresting ; I shall not attempt it. We remained
 
 CH. XIII. THE KOTAH COXTINGEXT. in 
 
 for some days at the little town where Dayby Sing had 
 made his head-quarters. We recrossed the river, we 
 came back again, and marched away to the east. Finally, 
 by orders from the Government, we halted on the con- 
 fines of the district at a spot not above sixteen miles from 
 Agra — the contingent being held ready to march in 
 there at a moment's notice. 
 
 While marching through the district, the contingent 
 encamped on the open plain. We pitched our tents in 
 some adjacent grove whenever there was one. The early 
 mornings were occupied by the officers in parades and 
 inspections ; by me in interviews with natives, or 
 in visiting the neighbouring villages. Visits it was 
 seldom safe to pay, unless accompanied by a large 
 retinue. About ten o'clock we assembled in the mess- 
 tent and had breakfast. The meal over, and also the 
 chat which followed it, Captain Dennj^s held a levee of his 
 native officers, while I retired to my own tent and busied 
 myself with what little work there was to do. 
 
 By noon the heat had become well-nigh intolerable. 
 The sun's rays streamed through the dense foliage of 
 the trees above us — not even the double canopies of the 
 tent could exclude their glare, though each canopy was 
 composed of many layers of cloth. The heat produced a 
 nearly overpowering drowsiness ; in spite of all my 
 efforts I was at times unable to resist it. Often while 
 writing or listening to a report, I would awake with a 
 start, and find that unawares I had wandered into dream- 
 land, and that my people were slumbering around me. 
 About noon everyone — soldiers, servants, clerks, and 
 camp-followers — lay down, in the shade if they could find 
 any, if not m the open plain. They wrapt their heads 
 in long cotton shawls, and slumbered till the sun was 
 well on his downward course. A silence, a repose, greater
 
 112 THE INDIAN MUTINV. CH. xiii. 
 
 than that of midnight fell on the camp, the grove, and the 
 comitry. No dog barked, no bird twittered, no insect 
 flew or chirped. The leaves of the trees seemed to droop, 
 the flowers to bend ; the cattle lay asleep in the fields, 
 the crows and the sparrows sat motionless with open 
 beaks on the branches of the trees. 
 
 About four o'clock the sunlight began to assume a 
 richer tint, and the camp and our servants awoke to life. 
 We bathed, changed our clothes, and sat down to dinner. 
 Dinner was followed by a chat beneath the trees. When 
 the sun began to set, we left the grove and rej^aired to 
 the camp ; there we had our tea, and soon after darkness 
 had set in we were reposing on our beds beneath an open 
 awning. The night brought little coolness ; it was often 
 even more oppressively hot than the day. A cloud of 
 dust obscured the skies ; by the morning it had filled 
 our hair and formed a thick layer over our beds and 
 ourselves. 
 
 It was a curious life we led ; very quiet, and yet full 
 of excitement. We received few letters, no newspapers ; 
 except by vague report we heard little of what was going 
 on beyond the horizon around us. This absence of news 
 did not greatly trouble us. My interests were well-nigh 
 absorbed in the district, that of Captain Dennys and his 
 officers in their regiment. It was touching to see their 
 confidence in their men, their pride in the fidelity they 
 had as yet displayed, their trustfulness in their fidelity 
 for the future. It was a confidence which I soon came 
 to share, not from knowledge or conviction — simply from 
 the effect of association. I have been warned against 
 both the Sepoys and the trooi^ers. The warnings which 
 came from the most respectable and reliable of the natives 
 had so far effected me, that on first joining the contin- 
 gent I always went armed. At Captain Dennys' request,
 
 CH. XIII. THE KOTAH CONTINGENT. 113 
 
 and under the influence of his example, I ere long, like 
 him and his officers, laid my arms aside. He said, * If 
 the men are loyal, weapons are unnecessary ; if they 
 mutiny, weapons will not avail us.' So he and his 
 officers lived among their soldiers unarmed, defenceless, 
 and what they did, so did all the other officers of the 
 Indian arm3\ I think now that in so doing they were 
 mistaken, Init surely history records little more calmly 
 heroic. 
 
 The silence of the night was by no means so profound 
 as that of the mid-day ; the dogs barked, the insects 
 chirped, and from the villages all around came the nearly 
 continuous report of matchlocks, mingled with the deeper 
 sounds of the gingals and ramjunnies. The first night 
 this firmg alarmed us, we thought it betokened some 
 fighting, but I ascertained the next day that the vOlagers 
 were discharging then* guns, merely to let their neigh- 
 bours know that they had firearms, and if need be could 
 use them, as also to keep up their own courage. 
 
 Occasionally we heard sounds of firing in the day- 
 time, but it was firing of a different kind — the dull boom 
 of distant artillery. Where these sounds came from we 
 could never ascertain ; there were no armies near that 
 possessed cannon ; currents of air must have carried the 
 reports from immense distances. The origin of one 
 cannonading was, however, discovered to be nearer 
 home. It would be thought that no two sounds could be 
 more unlike than the report of a cannon, and the noise 
 of a horse shaking himself ; nevertheless, it is almost im- 
 possible to distinguish between this last sound and that 
 of distant artillery. 
 
 Being now among the villages, I became better ac- 
 quainted with the real condition of the country than I 
 had been whOe residing in the native city. I found that 
 
 I
 
 114 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xiii. 
 
 condition to be very different from what it was supposed 
 to be by the officials at Agra. Where the contingent 
 moved there was order, as also there was on the estates 
 of the great proprietors, who had now re-established their 
 authority ; elsewhere it was anarchy. Village fought 
 against village, caste against caste ; disorder had reached 
 a point that was sometimes ludicrous. For example, in 
 one village two Eajahs established themselves ; each as- 
 sumed the yellow dress, each proclaimed his own inde- 
 pendence, and each made war on the other. 
 
 The distant villages set the English Government at 
 open defiance ; the nearer ones, afraid of our cannon, 
 were more cautious in expressing their feelings. They 
 were profuse, indeed, in their declarations of loj'alty, 
 and avoided all acts of open disobedience, but they per- 
 sistently evaded the payment of their revenue. It was 
 the belief of the Government, and also of the English 
 generally, that the natives were attached to our rule ; and 
 moreover that, weary of the present anarchy, they longed 
 for the re-establishment of order. My present experi- 
 ence did not confirm this belief. No one regretted the 
 loss of our rule ; and, with the exception of the Bunniahs, 
 who suffered by it, all classes enjoyed the confusion. 
 
 A large landholder once expressed his feelings to me 
 very frankly. He said ' that the last three months had 
 been the happiest of his life. He went about in state, 
 and did what he liked ; whom he would he punished, and 
 whom he would he rewarded.' He added, ' that the Eng- 
 lish Government had been all very well at first. It gave 
 the country protection against the Mahrattas, and did 
 not too much interfere in their domestic matters. But 
 lately it had meddled with everything, and upset all their 
 ancient customs. Besides,' he continued, ' what with 
 the heavy land revenue, the school rates, and all the
 
 CH. XIII. THE KOTAH CONTINGENT. 115 
 
 other new cesses, the taxation had become pretty well 
 unbearable.' 
 
 In a large proprietor these sentiments were natm'al, 
 but it was a little surprising to find that very similar 
 sentiments were entertained by the peasant cultivators, 
 and by that still lower class who, of all others, had 
 especially benefited by our rule. Had I not myself 
 witnessed it I shoiild have deemed it incredible, but it 
 is positively true that this class voluntarily retm-ned to 
 that condition of semi- serfdom from which it was the 
 especial boast of our Government that it had freed them. 
 At the same time there was re-established Suttee, domes- 
 tic slavery, and all those other barbarous customs the 
 abolition of which we had justly regarded as the chief 
 glory of our rule, and as our best title to the gratitude 
 of the people. It was evident that in its most humane 
 and philanthropic eftbrts our Government had not been 
 in harmony with the sentiments of the country. 
 
 After the lapse of a few years the people would no 
 doubt have looked back to their condition under our rule 
 with regretful appreciation, but just at present they were 
 glad to be quit of it. They liked the freedom they were 
 then enjoying — they liked the excitement ; and, better 
 than all, they liked paying no revenue, and wiping off 
 old scores with the Bunniahs. 
 
 To a certain extent I could enter into their feelings. 
 The change in the appearance of the country was even 
 to a spectator very agreeable. From the monotony 
 of modern civilisation it had reverted to the wildness, 
 the picturesqueness that we associate with the feudal 
 ages. 
 
 In every village fortifications sprang up, the gi-andees 
 resumed then* ancient state, surrounded themselves with 
 troops of attendants, hosts of armed retainers. When
 
 ii6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xiii. 
 
 tliey appeared abroad, it was with cavalcades of beauti- 
 ful horses, camels gaily caparisoned, and crowds of 
 followers carrying swords and spears, and clothed in the 
 brightest of dresses. Life was now for them full of 
 poetr}', full of romance — wondrous rumours, vague 
 anticipations.
 
 THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY. 117 
 
 CHAPTEE XIV. 
 
 THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY. 
 
 One morning Captain Dennys received a despatch, direct- 
 ing him to intercept if possible a body of mutineers. 
 We were at breakfast when the messenger arrived ; before 
 an hour had passed everything was packed and laden, 
 and the contmgent had commenced its march. 
 
 It was the hottest day I ever experienced, hotter even 
 than that of my ride to Agra. The wind blew as if it 
 issued from a furnace, clouds of dust obscured the sky, 
 and filled the air ; even the groves and villages on the 
 roadside were but dimly visible. The burning heat and 
 the blinding glare gave to the country something of a 
 wintry aspect — the same gloom, the same appearance of 
 desolation. The muffled figures of my attendants added 
 to the resemblance. To protect themselves from the 
 * Loo,' as this fiery wind is termed, they had wrapped 
 themselves in cloaks thickly wadded with cotton, en- 
 veloping their heads in enormous turbans. At then* 
 suggestion I had done the same ; a picture of us and the 
 landscape would have suggested rather the idea of wan- 
 derers in some Ai'ctic waste, than of travellers in the 
 fertile plains of India. 
 
 It may interest the reader to learn how the contin- 
 gent appeared on the line of march. The description 
 may also perhaps be useful to some futm-e military his-
 
 ii8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xiv. 
 
 torian, for the Indian army, as it then existed, is a thing 
 of the past. I started after the troops, and as I over- 
 took them I first came up to the company of Sepoys 
 that formed the rear-guard ; beyond them was a Hne of 
 camels, a Hne — I speak from memory — that must have 
 stretched more than half a mile. The camels were in 
 groups of twenty and thirty; a string through the nostril 
 of each hinder one connected it to the tail of the one that 
 preceded it. On some of the camels were laden tents, 
 others carried great sacks hanging on either side, which 
 were filled with the clothes of the Sepoys, their cooking 
 pots, and other utensils. Some carried in similar fashion 
 the trunks of the officers, and enormous sorts of panniers, 
 termed 'kajarwahs,' in which were stowed the plate, 
 china, stores, and other property belonging to the mess. 
 On a few of the camels were laden small boxes, very 
 strong and solid in appearance, and very carefully packed. 
 These contained the ammunition, and also the treasure. 
 They formed a group by themselves, and a special guard 
 marched beside them. 
 
 The camel seen singly and near is an ugly brute 
 enough, often vicious, and stupid to a proverb. Seen 
 from a distance crossing the plain in a long file, they are 
 among the most graceful of quadrupeds. Their slow 
 solemn gait, their undulating motion, the flowing robes 
 of their attendants, seem to embody the calmness, the 
 poetry, and even the unchangeableness of the East. As 
 they ajDpear now on the plains of India, so did they long 
 ago on those of Mamre and Bagdad. On such might 
 Sindbad have returned with his treasures, or Eliezer 
 brought home to Isaac his bride. 
 
 Beyond the camels were the infantry. They marched 
 in a long column. Passing them we came on the ar- 
 tillery. It consisted of two guns, each mounted on a
 
 CH. XIV. THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY. 119 
 
 carriage very much resembling a waggon with sides or 
 cover, and each carriage was drawn hj six horses, and 
 on the near horse of each pair sat an artilleryman. 
 Behind each gun came another carriage, also very much 
 resembling a sideless waggon. These carried the ammuni- 
 tion, and were also drawn each by six horses. In military 
 phraseology these carriages were termed tumbrels. Across 
 the centre of each carriage was fastened a spare wheel ; 
 its upper half stood up in the form of an arch, and pre- 
 sented a very formidable, and to the uninitiated a very 
 puzzling, appearance. The guns and tumbrels were 
 followed by a number of two-wheeled carts, each drawn 
 by a pair of fine white bullocks. The gun-carriages, 
 tumbrels, and carts were of the plainest construction, 
 but most massive build. They were painted a dark blue, 
 nearly approaching lead, colour. On each gun-carriage 
 and tumbrel were seated several artillerymen, dressed in 
 a plain uniform of dark blue. With the exception of 
 the head-gunner, they were all natives. The traces were 
 of chains, and the rest of the harness of the strongest 
 and thickest leather. 
 
 Beyond the artillery were more infantry, also march- 
 ing in column. After passing them we came on the 
 cavalry. They were mounted on beautiful horses, and 
 with their loose scarlet dresses and white turbans they 
 presented a very gay and picturesque appearance. 
 Before the cavalry marched the advanced guard, and 
 with them rode Captain Dennys. 
 
 The dress of the cavalry was not only very pic- 
 turesque, but was also equally convenient. It was 
 perfectly adapted both to the climate and the require- 
 ments of the wearers. The same could not be said of 
 the uniform of the infantry; except in colour, it was 
 that of our English soldiers ; but beneath their trousers
 
 I20 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. xiv. 
 
 the Sepoys wore, wrapped round and round their loins, 
 cotton shawls several yards in length, which caused the 
 trousers to bulge out awkwardly at the hips, and also 
 much impeded the movements of the wearers. 
 
 It gave me a high opinion of Captain Dennys' good 
 sense that he permitted his men to march in their 
 ' dhoties,' as these cotton shawls are termed. It was 
 a concession to reason that some commanders of that 
 day would have risked disaster rather than have been 
 guOty of. After marching some miles we came to a 
 well. Both men and animals were parched with thirst. 
 Captain Dennys called a halt, and some of the Sepoys 
 advanced to draw water. One of them let down a brass 
 pot. As he drew it up a crowd rushed forward to drink. 
 The first that touched the water threw it from him with 
 an exclamation of disgust. On looking into the well a 
 human corpse in an advanced state of decomposition 
 was seen floating on the surface of the water. The find- 
 ing dead bodies was then a common incident, and formed 
 a sad reverse to that other picture of the state of the 
 country which I have given above. Who they were or 
 how they came by their fate it was useless to inquire, 
 impossible to ascertain. They may have been murdered 
 travellers, the victims of private revenge, or villagers 
 who had fallen in their mutual affrays. They were a 
 ghastly illustration of the lawlessness that prevailed. 
 
 The fiery winds did not much longer continue. They 
 were succeeded by a still heat, even more oppressive. 
 This heat presaged the arrival of the rainy season. It 
 commenced very suddenly. We were encamped on the 
 side of the high road, which ran from Agra to Allyghur. 
 Near the camp was a small bungalow ; in it we had our 
 meals and at night I slept, for I had become very dis- 
 trustful of the Sepoys. We had finished dinner, and I
 
 CH, XIV. THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY. 121 
 
 and Captain Denny s were sitting in the verandah. The 
 sky was thick with dust and the air motionless — hot and 
 stifling as that of the Black Hole. Looking towards the 
 horizon, it seemed to us as if the hank of dust was 
 hecoming thicker, and that real clouds were mingled 
 with it. As we gazed there came a movement in the 
 atmosphere, and presently a gentle wind began to blow 
 cool and fresh, as if it had come through water. As the 
 wind blew the bank of dust advanced towards us ; it rose, 
 spread ; in a few minutes the heavens were concealed 
 by a canopy of rolling clouds. Presently there came a 
 flash of lightning, a crash of thunder, and then the 
 floodgates of the heavens were opened, and the rain de- 
 scended — at first in heavy single drops, then in streams. 
 For two hours it continued to pour. When it ceased 
 the face of nature was changed. The dust had gone, the 
 clouds had vanished ; we gazed on a sky of azure bright- 
 ness ; the sun as it descended sank in a bed of gold. 
 Then followed that beautiful phenomenon so rarely wit- 
 nessed in northern climes. The setting rays traversing 
 the firmament met again on the eastern horizon, giving 
 the idea of an evening sunrise. As the rain fell a 
 delicious coolness pervaded the air. It woke up the 
 camp and all nature to life and enjoyment. The Sepoys 
 in their delight romped like children. They ran over 
 the plain, wetting themselves in the falling streams ; 
 they chatted, laughed ; in all their movements they 
 showed their delight at the change in the season. As 
 night came on the frogs also, by their incessant croaking, 
 gave evidence that the arrival of the rains was to them 
 equally agreeable. It had aroused them, not altogether 
 to our satisfaction, from the torpor in which, buried in 
 the mud, they had passed the hot weather. To us 
 English the change was like a renewal of existence.
 
 122 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xiv. 
 
 More showers but slighter followed. In two days, so 
 energetic in these climates are the forces of nature, the 
 whole aspect of the country was changed. Over the bare 
 earth the grass had sprung up. The dust no longer ob- 
 scured the air ; above us was a sky of the clearest blue ; 
 we gazed around on a plain of verdant green. But in this 
 life every change has its drawbacks. The frogs were 
 not the only creatures that the rains aroused to activity 
 or called into existence. At night in place of the dust 
 millions of insects filled the air, each of a kind more 
 detestable than the other. The light of a candle at- 
 tracted them like a magnet. If the doors were left open 
 swarms of white ants alighted on the table, covering its 
 surface, and filling our tea-cups with their wings as thej^ 
 dropped them. Moths and cockchafers fluttered about 
 the room, or dashed at the candles, and flying bugs 
 entangled themselves in our hair, perfuming it with 
 their sickly odour. Occasionally they flew into our 
 eyes, or got entrapped, as we drank our tea, in our 
 mouths. These last accidents I even now shudder to 
 recall. 
 
 All the insects were not, however, so disagreeable. 
 The fireflies, though there were not many of them, 
 added to the beauty of the night, and by day the whole 
 surface of the ground was dotted with a lovely little 
 crimson insect, whose scientific appellation I do not know, 
 but which is termed by the natives the ' bheerbootie.' 
 Varying in size from that of an apple pip to that of a 
 large pea, it resembles nothing so much, when seen on 
 the ground, as a moving bit of the richest red velvet. 
 A day or two after the commencement of the rains 
 these insects appear in millions — rather, I should say, in 
 millions of millions, for over the whole extent of Upper 
 India one may be seen in every square foot. For a few
 
 CH. XIV. THE APPROAqil OF THE ENEMY. 123 
 
 days they continue moving all the while continually. 
 Then they burrow beneath the surface, and for another 
 year are seen no more. 
 
 The advent of the rains put the whole camp, men 
 and officers, into good spirits. In a day or two the 
 officers were further elated by the arrival of a letter, 
 ordering the contingent into Agra. To explain the 
 reasons for the issuing of this order it will be necessary 
 to describe the events that had been taking place in 
 other parts of the country. As I have no intention of 
 writing a history of the mutiny, I shall make my 
 descrijjtion the briefest possible. 
 
 The mutiny, as the reader may remember, first broke 
 out at Meerut. The mutineers marched to Delhi, com- 
 bined with the Sepoy regiments there, and, entering the 
 palace, placed the titular king on the throne. As the 
 news of this event reached the various cantonments 
 scattered over Upper India, the native regiments fol- 
 lowed the example thus set them. Sooner or later they 
 also revolted. Most of them proceeded to Delhi ; the 
 rest remained where they were. The revolt of the army 
 was followed or accompanied by a rebellion of the 
 country. In the course of a month, from the frontiers 
 of Bengal to those of the Punjab, our empire had melted 
 away. The authority of the English Government was 
 acknowledged only for a few miles round Agra, and in 
 some other isolated spots where there happened to be 
 English regiments stationed. Elsewhere there w^as 
 anarchy. 
 
 The situation was this. Our army of Sikhs and 
 English was besieging Delhi, a handful of English were 
 entrenched at Cawnpore, and a small garrison shut up 
 in the Kesidency at Lucknow. At Meerut the English 
 troops had also entrenched themselves. At Agra the
 
 124 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xiv. 
 
 Government was awaiting the course of events, and 
 awaiting them in much anxiety, for we were there in a 
 situation of great peril. A few marches to the south- 
 west was the state of Gwahor, The Eajah was friendly, 
 but the contmgent had lately mutinied. It was a for- 
 midable force, numbering about ten thousand men, and 
 regarded as the finest and best disciplined body of troops 
 in the whole Bengal army. It had expressed an inten- 
 tion of marching on Agra. The prime minister of the 
 Eajah had dissuaded the leaders from carrying out their 
 intention, but it was uncertain if he would in the future 
 be able to restrain them. 
 
 Another army also threatened us. This was the 
 native brigade that had been stationed at Neemuch, a 
 city far away to the west, m the territory of Rajpootana. 
 It had mutinied like the rest, and after plundering the 
 treasury had commenced to march, it was supposed, for 
 Delhi. But on this point doubts had for some time 
 arisen. The route they had taken would lead equally to 
 Agra, and it was now uncertain if, after all, Agi-a was 
 not really their destination. The uncertainty was 
 causing all at Agra great anxiety, not a little apprehen- 
 sion ; for if this rebel army did come we had biit a very 
 small force wherewith to meet it. After much debate, 
 much hesitation, the Government had at length decided 
 to increase their forces by calling in the Kotah contin- 
 gent, and the order was issued that caused Captain 
 Dennys and his officers so great gratification. Their 
 gratification was a little modified by a second order, 
 which almost immediately followed, and which forbade 
 the contingent to cross the river. Captain Dennys was 
 directed to remain encamped on the eastern bank of the 
 Jumna till the destination of the Neemuch mutineers 
 was positively ascertained.
 
 CH. XIV. THE APPROACH OF THE ENEMY. 125 
 
 The contingent marched away in the morning ; I 
 followed in the afternoon. I had collected some revenue. 
 I thought, now that the contingent were leaving, it 
 would be safer in Agra. I obtained permission to bring 
 it in. 
 
 It was not so very long since I had been at Agra, but 
 in the interval a great change had occurred in the senti- 
 ments of the higher officials. There was little of the 
 former confidence, less of that disbelief in the danger, 
 now that it threatened themselves. The conviction of 
 the danger did not, however, appear to have called forth 
 either much wisdom or much unanimity as to the method 
 of meeting it. I heard the arrangements discussed. 
 They seemed to me very foolish ; but on this point the 
 reader will be able to form his ow^n opinion when later on 
 I describe them. 
 
 I retm'ned to my district the next day, bringing back 
 with me one of my assistants, Mr. Clifford. He had 
 been ill, and though hardly recovered insisted on re- 
 turning and sharing our dangers. I will hurry over the 
 events of the next few days. Anticipating the depar- 
 ture of the contingent, I had collected a force of my 
 own. It was supplied by the gi-eat landholders ; each 
 sent in a party of so many men. Wonderful savages 
 they were : lazy, dirty, stupid, and armed with as mis- 
 cellaneous a collection of weapons as if they had plun- 
 dered a museum. The way they performed their duties 
 would have broken the heart of a disciplinarian. They 
 had no conception of order or of obedience. As guards, 
 even as messengers, they were quite unreliable. They 
 would sleep at their posts, or, if the fancy took them, 
 would desert them. A letter delivered to one, however 
 urgent, would be passed on to a second or to a third. 
 It would 1)6 delayed whilst the man who ultimately took
 
 126 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xiv. 
 
 it ate, smoked, or visited a friend by the way. Of such 
 mobs, no doubt, were composed the armies of the native 
 princes that we encountered in the early days of our 
 rule. No wonder that with such mere handfuls of 
 troops we so easily defeated them. 
 
 The horsemen, however, were much better. They 
 were men of a superior class, generally connected more 
 or less nearly to the landholder who furnished them. 
 They were well dressed, well armed in the native fashion, 
 and mounted on really beautiful horses. I collected a 
 large troop of these men. They were afterwards trans- 
 ferred to the Government, and, under the appellation of 
 De Kautzow's horse, did good service towards the end 
 of the disturbances. 
 
 Bad as my levies were, they were as good as the 
 villagers'. I could have maintained my position in the 
 district with them had I not been threatened by more 
 dangerous enemies.
 
 CH, XV. CLOSING AROUND US. 127 
 
 CHAPTEE XV. 
 
 CLOSING AEOUND US. 
 
 Some ten or twelve miles further down the road, on the 
 side of which I was encamped, there was a detachment 
 of native cavalry and horse artillery. They formed a 
 portion of that Gwalior contingent which, as I have 
 stated, had recently mutinied. It was daily expected 
 that this detachment would do the same. When they 
 did we should have to fly, and for that contingency I 
 had made all preparation. I had also, should things 
 come to the worst, endeavoured to procure the means 
 of defence, and with that ohject I had applied to the 
 Government for some muskets and a few rounds of 
 ammunition. I was told that none could be spared, 
 but in their place the Government sent me a fresh 
 troop of this mutinous cavalry. They were to be under 
 my immediate orders ; how likely they were to obey 
 them might be conjectured from their behaviour on 
 their arrival. 
 
 They marched in at dawn ; their native officers came 
 to report themselves ; I had been up late, and was 
 asleep. ' The Sahib (gentleman) is asleep, is he ? ' they 
 replied to the servant ; * then we will try and awaken 
 him,' and so saying they walked into the verandah and 
 discharged their pistols before my bedroom door. 
 
 It was about the third day after the arrival of this
 
 128 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xv. 
 
 troop that I received a note from Captain Alexander, 
 who commanded the detachment down the road, to warn 
 me that his men were about to mutiny. Between nine 
 and ten in the evening, just as we were going to bed, we 
 heard a tremendous hubbub in the yard of the bungalow. 
 Mr. Clifford and I seized our guns and ran out; we found 
 the yard filled with our servants in a state of great 
 excitement, and we could perceive indistinctly a party 
 of horsemen on the road beyond. We concluded that 
 the detachment had mutinied and were come to attack 
 us. We were going to run back to the bungalow and 
 try to defend ourselves, when I heard myself called 
 to in English, and I recognised the voice as Captain 
 Alexander's ; he begged me to come to the roadside and 
 speak to him. 
 
 I found him on horseback, his officers beside him, 
 and a party of troopers behind. In a few words he 
 informed me that his detachment had mutinied, as he 
 had expected, but that a number of the men had insisted 
 that their officers should not be injured, and had told 
 off some of their number to see them safe into Agra. 
 He said that he had halted to inform me, and recom- 
 mended that I and Mr. Clifford should accompany him. 
 I should have done so but for my assistants at Muttra, 
 Mr. Dashwood and Mr. Colvin, whom I could not in 
 honour abandon. I should have stated that they and 
 also the civil surgeon had lately returned to Muttra, and 
 were residing in a bungalow I had had put in order for 
 them. I informed Captain Alexander why I could not 
 avail myself of his proposal, and then we shook hands 
 and the troop rode on. Had he not told me so, I should 
 never have supposed that the men were mutineers. 
 While we were conversing they had remained as silent, as 
 orderly, and as respectful as the most obedient of soldiers.
 
 CH. XV. CLOSING AROUND US. 129 
 
 The reader may remember that when the Bhurtpore 
 army mutinied, Mr. Hervey and the other EngHsh had 
 set off for Delhi, while I and Mr. Joyce returned to 
 Muttra. Things had fallen out with them as I had 
 predicted ; they did not succeed in reaching Delhi, nor 
 even in crossing the Jumna ; but after endm-ing much 
 hardship and discomfort, and facing not a little danger, 
 they had done what at the first I recommended them to 
 do, and made their way back to Muttra and Agra, where 
 sooner or later they all arrived in safety. To Muttra I 
 and Mr. Clifford now intended to return, for with the 
 mutineer detachment so near us it would have been 
 very unsafe to remain longer where we were. 
 
 My preparations had long been made ; nevertheless, 
 there was some delay in getting the bullocks for our 
 carts, for by some oversight they had been allowed to 
 go into the little town near which we were encamped. 
 However, before midnight we had commenced our march. 
 I had considerable apprehension that my troop of cavalry 
 might stop our passage, for the road ran very near where 
 they were quartered. Thanks, perhaps, to the darkness, 
 we got by them in safety. The rest of the journey was 
 simply fatiguing. About an hour after sunrise we 
 reached the banks of the Jumna ; the crossing the river 
 was a tedious business, for it was swollen by the rains 
 to a broad stream. It was past noon before we reached 
 the bungalow where Mr. Dashwood and the others were 
 residing ; our followers and the mam part of om- bag- 
 gage did not arrive till the following morning. So soon 
 as they had crossed, I had all the boats in the neigh- 
 bourhood brought to this side of the river ; this done I 
 felt secure, for there was half a mile of water between 
 us and the mutineers, should they have any intention of 
 following us.
 
 I30 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xv. 
 
 This feeling of security did not, however, continue 
 long ; I found that in escaping one danger we had ex- 
 posed ourselves to another — and a worse. I received 
 a letter from Agra telling me that the rebel army was 
 advancing, and that the women and children had been 
 sent into the fort. The next news was that the Kotah 
 contingent had been called across the river, which news 
 was almost immediately followed by a report that they 
 had mutinied and joined the rebels. The next informa- 
 tion came from the rebels themselves, in the shape of a 
 letter to the Seths directing them to prepare supplies 
 for their army, which they might expect to arrive at 
 Muttra in the course of a day or two. Very soon after 
 I received intelligence that some of their cavalry had been 
 seen hovering about in the neighbourhood. 
 
 The rebel army on one side the river, and the 
 mutineer detachment on the other, our situation was 
 indeed precarious. We should have left for Agra while 
 the road was still open, only that I awaited the orders 
 of the Government; none came, they seemed to have 
 forgotten our existence. The next afternoon news was 
 brought me that a body of cavalry had been seen within 
 a few miles of the station. On this I thought we had best 
 retreat into the city ; I sent in some of my servants with 
 a message to the Seths ; at sunset we ourselves followed. 
 
 We drove through the same streets that I had passed 
 along on my return from Agra ; they were as densely 
 crowded, but the demeanour of the people was very 
 different ; they were quite respectful, and generally 
 saluted us with salaams. The Seths were absent at 
 their country house, but their servants had made all 
 preparations for our reception. We were conducted to 
 the apartment I had formerly occupied; it was arranged 
 just as we had left it. The return to our old residence
 
 CH. XV. CLOSING AROUND US. 131 
 
 brought back to me and Mr. Joyce many reminiscences. 
 The other members of our party were differently affected. 
 Eesidence in a native dwelling was to them, as it had 
 been to us, a new experience ; they were regarding their 
 surroundings with the same interest and curiosity. 
 
 We were seated on the terrace, when the manager 
 was announced ; he wished to speak to me at once, and 
 alone ; I left the terrace, and returned to the apart- 
 ment. When the servants had retired, the manager 
 rose, he walked round the room and examined each 
 door. Having satisfied himself that no one was listen- 
 ing, he drew his chau- to mine, and whispered that his 
 masters had just received intelligence that the rebel 
 army had left their encampment, and were in full march 
 to Agra. The news had reached them at their country 
 house ; they had sent to him at once to warn me. Whilst 
 the manager was speaking, the Seths themselves entered. 
 They repeated a good deal of what he had informed me ; 
 they ended by begging me and my party to fly at once. 
 They assured me that if the rebel army came nearer 
 they would be powerless to protect us ; our presence 
 would merely involve us and themselves in common 
 destruction. That they believed what they said their 
 agitation sufficiently showed. 
 
 That we must fly was clear ; the question was, where. 
 I called in my companions to consult ; we decided to 
 make for Agra. The next question was, whether we 
 should go by land or by water. I had had a boat pre- 
 pared and moored below the Seths' house ; the rest of 
 the party proposed that we should enter it, and drop 
 down the river. It seemed to me safer to go by land. 
 I thought the road would be still open, while there was 
 great danger that the boat might ground on a shoal or 
 drift under the bank and be shot at by the villagers. 
 
 K 2
 
 132 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xv. 
 
 We debated the matter anxiously ; each held to his own 
 opinion. I then said that if they desired it I would 
 accompany them. They one and all replied that if I 
 thought the road the safest they would not hinder me 
 from taking it, but they begged me, for my own sake, 
 not to do so, for in their opinion it would be rushing on 
 destruction. 
 
 While discussing the matter, we had adjourned to the 
 terrace ; I now returned to the room to make my pre- 
 parations. By this time it had become dark ; a servant 
 brought a candle. By its light I commenced to change 
 my English clothes for a native dress, which long ago, 
 anticipating some such necessity, I had had made, and 
 always kept by me. The room was long and low ; the 
 single candle faintly illumined the part where I stood, 
 the rest was in deep shadow. I had nearly completed 
 my change of costume, when, happening to look towards 
 the end of the room, I perceived that it was full of 
 people. As I looked they came forward, and I recog- 
 nised my attendants and the heads of my office. The 
 news of Dur intended departure had got abroad, for in a 
 native household nothing is long kept secret ; they had 
 come to inquu-e if it was true. I told them our inten- 
 tions, and then I asked them to answer me faithfully 
 whether they thought that in going by land I was doing 
 wisely. Among my attendants was an old man ; he had 
 served the Government from his boyhood. As I spoke 
 he stooped down, clasped my knees, and raising his face, 
 he implored me not to set foot in the boat. 
 
 ' On your horse,' he said, * you can ride to the right 
 or to the left, but once in the boat you can go only where 
 the stream may carry you ; ' and he then pointed out the 
 dangers of the river nearly exactly as I had described 
 them to my companions.
 
 CH. XV. CLOSING AROUND US. 133 
 
 While he was speakmg Mr. Jo3^ce hurriedly entered. 
 He had been absent during the discussion, and had only 
 just heard of my intention of going by land. He came 
 to ask my permission to accompany me. 
 
 ' We have shared,' he said, ' so many dangers together 
 that I should not like you to face this one alone.' 
 
 I was only too glad of his companionship. I had the 
 utmost reliance on his courage and presence of mind, and 
 he spoke the language and understood the natives far 
 better than I did. Mr. Joyce then proceeded to follow 
 my example, and to put on the native dress which he 
 also had by him. We then put on our arms, tied long 
 purses full of rupees round our waists, and put some 
 biscuits in our pockets. Our toilets being now completed, 
 I tested our disguise by sending for our companions. 
 We were so well got up that, till we spoke, they did not 
 recognise us. 
 
 Two hours had passed in preparations and delibera- 
 tions ; the boat was ready below, my horses and escort 
 were waiting outside at the gate. It was high time we 
 were leaving, but the Seths had promised me some 
 additional men and also spare riding horses, in case ours 
 should knock up, and these had not yet arrived. I was 
 thinking of starting without them, when the Seths re- 
 turned to wish me good-bye. They applauded my 
 determination to go by land, promised to send for the 
 horses and men immediately, and took their leave with 
 many invocations to the Almighty for my safety. I 
 noticed that both the brothers were much agitated, the 
 younger Seth es]3ecially. At times he could hardly speak 
 for trembling. His agitation struck me as singular, but 
 I was too much occupied about my own departure to give 
 it much attention. 
 
 The horses and escort still did not come. I sent
 
 134 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xv. 
 
 message after message, always receiving the same reply, 
 that they would arrive immediately. There was a great 
 bustle in the yard below, and it seemed to me that the 
 house was in some confusion. I resolved to wait no 
 longer. My companions accompanied us to the head of 
 the stairs, made a last attempt to dissuade us from going 
 by land, and then we bade each other farewell, like those 
 who, on this earth, might not meet again. 
 
 At the barricade our horses were drawn up, behind 
 them were our men. I noticed also some men of the 
 Seths', who informed me that they were to accompany us 
 to the outside of the city. I attributed this attention to 
 politeness. I afterwards learnt, as I shall relate, that it 
 was due to other reasons. As we were wishing good-bye 
 to our servants and office people there was a slight 
 movement behind, the crowd opened, and the two Seths 
 appeared. They had come, they said, to bid us again 
 farewell, and to see us safely depart. 
 
 Just then tw^o more horsemen rode up — a neighbour- 
 ing landholder and his son. I had lately done him some 
 kindness. He said that he wished to show his sense of 
 it by accompanying us to Agra. I was glad of his com- 
 pany, for two more men were a welcome addition to our 
 party, especially men such as these, in whom I thought I 
 could place confidence. 
 
 The Seths were anxious for us to wait for the ad- 
 ditional escort and the spare horses, which they assured 
 us were now approaching. But of this I did not feel 
 confident, nor, if we were to reach Agra before morning, 
 was it prudent to delay our departure. I was armed with 
 sword and revolver ; I had also a dagger and three guns. 
 I gave one of the guns to the chief of my horsemen, old 
 Dillawar Khan, and the other two to the landholder and 
 his son, and desired them to ride close beside. I then
 
 ,cu. XV. CLOSING AROUND US. 135 
 
 wished good-bye to the Seths, thankmg them for all 
 their kindness, and having done so Mr. Joyce and I 
 passed through the wicket. I remembered afterwards 
 that the Seths took extreme precautions for our safety 
 as we did so, keeping close beside us, and placing some 
 of their most confidential servants on the other side. 
 Having passed the wicket we mounted our horses, and I 
 gave the word to proceed.
 
 136 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH xvi, 
 
 CHAP TEE XVI. 
 
 A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 
 
 I AND Mr. Joyce rode side by side, two men in advance, 
 the remainder following in double file. It was nearly full 
 moon, but the sky was concealed by a canopy of clouds 
 too thick for its rays to penetrate ; as we advanced beyond 
 the space illuminated by the glare of the torches we 
 plunged into darkness. 
 
 The streets were silent and deserted ; their silence 
 impressed us with a feeling of awe. It seemed but a few 
 minutes since we had seen them full of life. The houses 
 on either side were dimly visible. The canopy of clouds 
 seemed to rest on their summits, giving to the street the 
 appearance of a covered passage. We passed one or two 
 watchmen, who challenged us. The men in advance re- 
 plied that we were horsemen of the Government going to 
 patrol the road. On reaching the city gates the same 
 explanation was given. The sentry knew the men ; he 
 opened the gate and let us pass without further inquiry. 
 It was with a feeling of relief that we found ourselves 
 again in the open country. We were no longer as it 
 were in a cage, and, whatever happened, we could at 
 least make a run for our lives. It presently began to 
 rain — the falling rain cooled the air. I took advantage 
 of the coolness to put our horses to a canter, which we 
 continued till we reached the cantonments. At the
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 137 
 
 corner of the road that ran up to the gaol was a shed, 
 where I had lately stationed a body of police for the pur- 
 pose of patrolling the roads. As we approached the 
 shed we pulled up our horses, and proceeded at a walk, 
 keeping on the side of the road where the surface was 
 soft and the tramp of the horses would least resound. 
 The precaution was unnecessary. As we passed the 
 station no one challenged us, nor could we discern the 
 form of any sentry. The guard were either asleep or 
 had run away. 
 
 We now pushed on again, but this time at a trot. 
 The rain continued falling, and refreshed both ourselves 
 and our horses. I had been very sleepy at starting ; the 
 cool air and the motion had by this time quite aroused me. 
 Both I and Mr. Joyce felt more cheerful now that we 
 were well outside the city, and very confident that we 
 should safely make our way to Agra. 
 
 We presently approached the village of Aurungabad. 
 Mr. Joyce and I were well disguised, but before we entered 
 the village Dillawar Khan thought it would be prudent to 
 halt and rearrange our party, so that we should occupy 
 the centre, and thus, as far as was possible, be concealed 
 from observation. At the entrance of the village was a 
 police-station, the same where we had rested on our flight 
 from Hodul. As we passed the sentry challenged us : 
 our men made some reply which satisfied him. He let 
 us proceed without further questioning. The high road 
 runs through the village ; on either side were shops. 
 They were all closed, but through the chinks of some of 
 the shutters came the feeble rays of little lamps, showing 
 that the owners were still awake and examining their 
 account-books. Otherwise there was no sign of life — the 
 village was buried in silence and darkness. 
 
 At the further end of the village stood a stable, where
 
 138 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvi. 
 
 two horsemen were stationed. I had sent on a man in 
 advance, to desire them to get ready and accompany me. 
 When we arrived at the stable we halted, and I called to 
 the horsemen to come out. They did not appear, and, 
 from the sounds that issued from the stable yard, there 
 seemed to be some discussion going on between them and 
 the man I had sent to warn them. There was no time to 
 ascertain what the dispute was about. I told the man to 
 come out of the yard and fall in; and desiring the two 
 horsemen to follow and join us, we moved on, passed 
 through the ruined gateway, and came again into the 
 open country. 
 
 The rain had now ceased to fall, and, though it was 
 still extremely dark, there were occasional breaks in the 
 clouds, through which the moonlight faintly shone. 
 These breaks made us anxious, for in India, when the 
 clouds begin to break, the sky often clears with great 
 rapidity. In the bright moonlight it might be perceived 
 that Mr. Joyce and I were not natives. 
 
 All along the road, at short intervals, I had stationed 
 parties of police ; they had received the strictest orders 
 to patrol the road incessantly, and only the previous day 
 they had made the most solemn promises to do so. Of 
 the value of these promises, and also of the attention 
 paid to those orders, I had now experience. Since leaving 
 Muttra we had not met a single patrol, nor had we been 
 challenged at any one of the stations. 
 
 We had ridden on for some time, when Mr. Joyce 
 called my attention to a point in the sky, on the horizon 
 to our left. I looked in the dh^ection to which he pointed, 
 and through a break in the clouds I perceived a dull 
 light. Mr. Joyce asked me what I thought the light 
 could be. From the tone of his voice I perceived that 
 he was anxious. I looked again and more attentively. 
 The light appeared to come from behind the river, and
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 139. 
 
 to proceed, so I thought, from some burning village. 
 Such sights had of late been too common to cause 
 surprise ; Mr. Joyce did not appear satisfied with my ex- 
 planation. He asked me if I did not think that the light 
 came from the direction of Agra. I thought not — it was 
 too much to the left ; besides, we were thirty miles from 
 Agra, and in so flat a country no light would be visible 
 at that distance. 
 
 To this last remark Mr. Joyce assented, but, never- 
 theless, in a tone as if he was still not entirely convinced. 
 The clouds then closed again, shut out the light, and put 
 an end to our discussion. We rode on in silence. 
 
 We had ridden on for half a mile or so, when we 
 heard behind us the clatter of horses' hoofs, and the 
 tinkling of a bell ; we halted, and were presently joined 
 by a further party of their horsemen whom the Seths 
 had sent after us. These were the men for whom we 
 had waited. They had arrived at the Seths' house soon 
 after we left, and had been desired by their masters to 
 follow us. With them had come also some more of my 
 horsemen, and a camel rider of the Seths'. It was the 
 bell attached to the camel's neck whose tinkling we had 
 heard. 
 
 These men were a welcome addition to our party. 
 They raised it to over forty persons ; asjjumber quite suf- 
 ficient to repel any attack from the villagers, and to force 
 our way through any straggling body of mutineers we 
 might happen to encounter. 
 
 We now approached a village named Badh. As the 
 inhabitants bore an evil reputation we advanced to it 
 with all precaution. At the end of the vihage a smah 
 picket of horse had been recently stationed. Their 
 duty was to patrol the road. We found them all in the 
 guard-house and fast asleep. I had them awoke, and 
 desired them to saddle their horses and accompany us.
 
 I40 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvi. 
 
 Instead of obeying they began to make excuses. There 
 was no time to argue ; I desired them to follow us, and 
 rode on. 
 
 Since the rain had ceased we had mostly walked ouj- 
 horses, for foar of distressing them. The rain now com- 
 menced to fall again, and heavier than before. The air 
 became cool, we put our horses to a canter. After four 
 miles or so the road made a sudden bend, and we found 
 ourselves, as well as we could make out, on an open 
 plain, slightly raised above the surrounding country. 
 Casting my eyes along it, I noticed again the same light 
 to which Mr. Joyce had before called my attention. As 
 I was speculating what it could be, Mr. Joyce rode up 
 close beside me, and asked me if I had noticed that the 
 light still continued ; he added, that he now felt sure that 
 it came from Agra. He feared that the prisoners in the 
 gaol had broken loose and set fire to some of the houses, 
 He thought we had better appear not to notice the light, 
 for fear of alarming our horsemen. Having given me 
 this caution, Mr. Joyce moved his horse a little away, 
 and dropped behind. He presently rejoined me, and 
 told me that our men had noticed the light, and were dis- 
 cussing among themselves what it could proceed from. 
 Soon after this we noticed that some of our men began 
 to lag behind. 
 
 We had ridden on half a mile or so, when the men in 
 advance shouted a challenge to some one approaching. 
 There was a reply, followed by a heavy shuffling noise, 
 and the indistinct form of a camel loomed out of the 
 darkness ; two riders were mounted on it. At a word 
 from our men they halted; we did the same, and a con- 
 versation ensued. They told us that they were servants 
 of the Seths at Muttra, that they had been sent out to 
 collect news, and were returning home.
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 141 
 
 By this time they had been recognised by the Seths' 
 horsemen. The conversation became more famihar, 
 and the camel riders more communicative. They in- 
 formed us that they had been as far as the rebel army, 
 and that it was advancing on Agra. Here Dillawar took 
 up the conversation, and asked if the road to Agra was 
 quiet. ' Quite quiet ' was the reply. Our sj)irits rose. 
 The answer to the next inquiry effectually depressed 
 them. ' Were any of the enemy on the road ? ' ' Yes, 
 plenty; they had pickets all along it. There was a de- 
 tachment of a hundred and twenty horsemen in the town 
 of Furrah just ahead ; we had better avoid it.' 
 
 No more questions were asked ; the riders wished our 
 men farewell, jerked the camel's nose- string, the huge 
 creature broke into a shambling trot, and disappeared in 
 the darkness. 
 
 This information about the pickets struck us with 
 consternation. If they were all along the road it would 
 be hardly possible to escape them. Our horsemen pro- 
 posed that we should return to Muttra. To this proposal 
 I at once refused to listen, and it was well that I did so. 
 I felt convinced that our only chance of safety lay in our 
 reaching Agra. 
 
 Having decided to proceed, we consulted how to get 
 past the picket before us. Dillawar Khan informed us 
 that we should presently come to a lane which branched 
 off to the right. He proposed that we should turn into 
 this lane ; after making a considerable circuit it would 
 bring us again into the high road, some miles nearer 
 Agra. This seemed the best course, and we resolved to 
 adopt it. 
 
 A ride of a mile brought us to the lane. I was much 
 disconcerted to find, as we entered it, that it was the dis- 
 used high road, which, long neglected, was now full of
 
 142 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvi. 
 
 holes, and was dangerous riding. We rode carefully, but 
 with all our caution our horses frequently stumbled, and 
 one of them fell, fortunately without hurting himself or 
 his rider. It presently began to rain again, at first 
 slightly, then in a tropical downpour. "We were soon wet 
 to the skin. We had ridden a long time, when the road 
 improved and the rain ceased. Dillaw^ar Khan thought 
 we might now venture to canter. Our canter brought us 
 to an open space, wdiere w^e halted to collect our followers. 
 As they came up we counted ; we found that besides 
 Dillawar Khan and the guides in advance, we had only 
 six. We shouted ; some voices answered, and presently 
 two more of om- men joined us. 
 
 Where were the rest ? Their comrades made no 
 scruple of saying that they had deserted us. To console 
 us they added that such cowards were better away. To 
 this opinion I did not agree. Their numbers w^ere 
 imposing, and on that account a security. Besides, 
 among the missing men were the Zemindar and his son, 
 and they carried two of our four guns, and the loss of the 
 guns was a serious misfortune. We waited a little longer, 
 and then I gave the word to resume our canter. One of 
 the guides interposed, and said that somewhere in advance 
 there was a broken bridge. It would be dangerous to 
 ride fast till we had passed it. We took his advice, and 
 proceeded at a walk. 
 
 Before long the guides called out that we were 
 approaching the bridge ; the approaches were cut away ; 
 w^e had better descend the bank and cross the ravine. 
 The bank was not high, but the rains had scored it with 
 deep fissures, which made the descent difficult. By good 
 luck we accomplished it without accident. The ravine 
 appeared an abyss, but this appearance was an illusion 
 of the shadows. Two steps brought us to the bottom.
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 143 
 
 half-a-dozen to the other side. The bridge was as much 
 a dehision as the ravine. It was no more than an arched 
 drain to permit the passage of the water ; what in 
 engineering language is termed a ' culvert.' Neverthe- 
 less, we should have had some bad accidents had we 
 attempted to cross it. It was completely severed from 
 the road, and lay along the ravine, white and shadowy, 
 like an enoi'mous pipe. 
 
 As we were reascending the bank we heard shouts. 
 We halted, and in a few mmutes the Zemmdar and his 
 son and four of my own men rode u]). They were full 
 of excuses, which might have been true. 
 
 For some distance the road was full of holes ; the 
 guides recommended us to ride cautiously. We did so, 
 but, notwithstanding, two of the horses stumbled and fell, 
 and one of the riders was thrown, but neither he nor the 
 horses were injured. When the holes were passed we 
 cantered again, but slowly. The clouds had risen, the 
 falling rain no longer cooled the air, and the heat began 
 to tell on our horses. We were approaching the high 
 road. The canopy of clouds had been continually rising. 
 It now began to break, and the clouds to roll together in 
 great masses. Through the intervening spaces the blue 
 sky appeared, and the moonhght streamed. It struck 
 me in a careless way how red the moonshine seemed. I 
 thought it pretty, then I thought it odd, and began to 
 wonder what the cause could be. Another minute and 
 it stood revealed. The clouds rose higher, and all along 
 the south horizon, stretching miles to right and left and 
 rising far into the firmament, was a deep, dull, lurid 
 glare. It was the glow of some vast conflagration ; there 
 was no more room for doubt — Agra was in flames. 
 
 One and all, we and our men, involuntarily checked 
 our horses, and stood still to gaze. Our first sensation
 
 144 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xvu 
 
 was one of despair, then we took courage, and endea- 
 voured to reassure ourselves and our men. Our men 
 listened to all we said, but from that time their manner 
 changed. They began to whisper among themselves, and 
 to lag behind. 
 
 As we rode on the curtain of clouds opened and closed 
 many times in quick succession. We watched these 
 changes with deep anxiety, for on them might depend 
 our lives. If the clouds cleared we could hardly hope in 
 the bright moonlight to pass the enemy unobserved. 
 Watching the clouds, watching our men had made me 
 sleepy. I suppose I partly dozed. The sky had been 
 clearing, the moonlight streaming, when I was roused by 
 the voice of Dillawar Khan. I started, looked around ; it 
 was dark, and the rain falling heavily. We had reached 
 the high road, and Dillawar Khan was advising us to be 
 careful in crossing the ditch that bordered it. 
 
 A village was now before us ; in it we feared there 
 might be a picket of the mutineers. We advanced with 
 all precaution, keeping well in the shade, and on the side 
 where the ground was soft. We passed the village without 
 interruption ; if there was a picket the men were asleep. 
 The rain continued to pour ; the road had not been lately 
 repaired, its surface was full of holes and depressions, not 
 deep enough to be dangerous, but sufficiently so to hold 
 a good deal of water. The road soon presented much the 
 appearance of a canal. At each step the horses splashed 
 the muddy water. We were soon completely drenched. 
 The water, however, refreshed the horses, and the rain 
 cooled the air. They cantered on briskly without urging. 
 
 We had pulled up, and were walking our horses, 
 when Mr. Joyce remarked to me that for some time he 
 thought he had heard odd noises. As he spoke he turned 
 sharply in his saddle, and, addressing Dillawar Khan,
 
 A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 
 
 145 
 
 exclaimed : ' There it is again ! Surely you hear it ? ' 
 Dillawar Khan made no reply for a second or two, all the 
 while listening attentively. Then he answered : ' Yes, I 
 hear the noise ; it is like that of sheep.' * Sheep,' I said, 
 * where are they ? ' Mr. Joyce explained that Dillawar 
 Khan had not said ' sheep ' but ' chains.' The sound of 
 the two words in Hindustanee is very similar. Then he 
 added hurriedly, in a whisper : ' There it is again. 
 Listen ! ' I did listen, and thought I heard a sound re- 
 sembling the muffled clanking of a chain. It seemed to 
 proceed from the avenue to my right. We drew our 
 horses to that side of the road, and tried to peer into 
 the avenue, but the darkness was too great. We could 
 distinguish nothing, not even the trees. We went on 
 wondering what the noises could have been, half disposed 
 to attribute them to fancy. 
 
 We had ridden about a quarter of a mile when the 
 same sounds again caught our ear. This time there 
 was no mistaking them. From the side of the road came 
 a clear, low clanking of chains, just like that which in 
 stories of haunted houses accompanies the appearance 
 of the ghost. We stopped our horses, and turned to the 
 side of the road from whence the sounds proceeded. 
 The trees just there were thinner ; there came through 
 them a faint glimmer of light. We saw a row of dark 
 figures passing slowly along under the shadow of the 
 avenue. They were proceeding in single file, each behind 
 the other. The ground was soft, their footsteps made 
 no noise, but at each movement came the sound of the 
 clanking of a chain. The truth flashed upon us : the 
 Agra gaol had broken loose— these were the escaped 
 prisoners. 
 
 My first impulse was to draw my pistol ; the holster 
 flap was buttoned to keep out the rain. With my sodden 
 
 L
 
 146 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvi. 
 
 glove I had some trouble in unfastening it ; before I suc- 
 ceeded the j&gures had passed by. They made no attempt 
 to molest us, they did not appear to see us ; they neither 
 turned their heads nor quickened their pace. They 
 moved on with the same slow, silent steps, and vanished 
 in the darkness. As they disappeared we resumed our 
 journey. We were presently joined by our men, they 
 had been lagging behind ; of their own accord they now 
 came up. They too had seen the figures — the sight had 
 terrified them ; they inquired with anxious voices what 
 it portended. To reassure them I told them what was 
 true, that should the rebels advance the Government 
 had proposed to release the prisoners ; no doubt they 
 had done so. 
 
 The men received my explanation in silence ; I saw 
 that it did not satisfy them, neither did it satisfy Mr. 
 Joyce. He came close and whispered to me in English, 
 ' If the Government had released the prisoners, would 
 they not first have removed their fetters ? ' I answered 
 ' that perhaps there had not been time.' But the answer 
 did not quite satisfy even myself. After this we said no 
 more ; we rode on in silence, deeply pondering. Mr. Joyce 
 was riding beside me ; he suddenly called to me in a sharp 
 whisper to be on my guard. I drew my revolver. As I 
 did so I heard the same clanking sounds beside me on 
 my right. I looked and saw a line of figures commg one 
 by one out of the darkness, and passing close beside me, 
 so close that I could have touched them. I held my 
 pistol ready to fire should they attack us. They seemed 
 to have no such intention. They neither turned their 
 heads, nor quickened their pace, nor indicated by any sign 
 that they were aware of our presence. They moved on like 
 the others, with the same slow, silent, shuffling steps, and 
 like them vanished in the darkness ; at each step then-
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 
 
 147 
 
 chains rattled. They passed on as might phantoms from 
 another world — dimly seen, silent, regardless — issuing 
 from the darkness, gliding by, and re-entering it. 
 
 Soon after this we came to a place where there was a 
 wide gap in the avenue. In the midst of this open space 
 rose a square black mass.' It was a mound, one of those 
 erected m bygone years for the accommodation of the 
 watchmen employed to patrol the road. On the summit 
 a small fire was burning ; clustered round it was a group 
 of the same dark figures. Some were resting, some 
 cooking food, others were drj^ing then- dripping garments. 
 The fire gave but a faint glow ; the bottom of the mound 
 was hid in shadow. But as we rode past we saw the 
 outlines of a still larger crowd that was crouched before 
 it. They must have seen us, but for any notice they 
 took we might have been invisible : none moved, none 
 rose, none spoke. 
 
 A little further we heard again the clanking of chains, 
 and another group passed us — passed like the others, in 
 single file, with the same measured step, the same rattling 
 of their fetters, and the same apparent unconsciousness 
 of our presence — all but two, who, it might have been 
 fancy, I thought slunk away into the gloom as we ap- 
 proached. 
 
 We now took a canter and met another group, then 
 another and another ; after that the road was lined with 
 them. They passed us in one nearly continuous stream, 
 by twos, by threes ; generally in groups of from twenty 
 to thirty, but always in single file, always moving with 
 the same measured step, never by sound or gesture 
 showing sign that they saw us. Many of them were now 
 unfettered ; they passed us like phantoms in absolute 
 silence. ^Vherever there were breaks in the avenue, the 
 spaces between were crowded with more figures — sitting, 
 
 L 2
 
 148 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xvi. 
 
 lying, cowering round small fires, seldom moving, always 
 silent. 
 
 On first meeting this stream of prisoners we had 
 thought it possible that some might attack us. We car- 
 ried our weapons in our hands, ready to shoot or cut 
 down the first who approached us. As group after group 
 passed by us, and we found ourselves unmolested, un- 
 noticed, these apprehensions vanished. In their place 
 there stole over us a feeling of great horror. The rain 
 continued to fall in torrents, and as we advanced the 
 conflagration began to show through the veil of cloud. 
 The black sky before us became faintly white, the white 
 increased to a rosy tint, which gradually spread over all 
 that portion of the heaven. It became brighter as we 
 went on, and presently was interspersed by tall streaks 
 of redder light, as if flames were shooting up behind, 
 and occasionally blurred coruscations, as of showers of 
 sparks. 
 
 The scene was that which painters and poets de- 
 pict for the infernal regions. There was the black gloom, 
 the lurid glare, the phantoms, the clanking chains ; and 
 over us some of the awe of the shadow of death, for our 
 prospect of reaching Agra appeared now but faint. The 
 rain fell in a ceaseless patter ; our horses as they moved 
 through the pools on the surface dashed aside the water 
 in a monotonous splash. I was very tired. I was be- 
 coming drowsy. Fatigued and sleepy the imagina- 
 tion ceased to be quite under control. As I half dozed 
 the impression came over me that we had really entered 
 the place of punishment, that the figures passing beside 
 me were the condemned souls. It required some effort 
 of the will to shake oft" the idea. 
 
 Presently an incident occurred that effectually aroused 
 me. We passed a village, a little beyond we came to a
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 149 
 
 hut, the door was open, and a Hght issuing from it 
 showed that the hut was full of men. They appeared to 
 be drinking. Before the hut was a thatched verandah, 
 in it was a row of earthen pots. From these I concluded 
 that the hut was one of the shops licensed for the sale of 
 liquors. Outside the hut were tethered several horses. 
 One, which stood between us and the open door, was 
 thrown into strong relief. I noticed that it was saddled, 
 and that the saddle was English, with a high pommel 
 and cantle. 
 
 I had hardly taken in the scene when Dillawar Khan 
 exclaimed, in a sharp quick tone, ' Gallop for your lives ; 
 for your lives gallop your horses ! ' As he spoke he struck 
 his own horse with his whip, and dashed forward. Mr. 
 Joyce and I did the same. The tramp of our horses ap- 
 parently reached the shed. A man ran out and shouted 
 to us to stop, at the same time inquiring who we were 
 and where we were going, riding thus at dead of night ? 
 Dillawar Khan turned his head, and called out in reply, 
 ' That we were horsemen of the Emperor, proceeding to 
 Agra on urgent business.' We heard a confused sound, 
 as of a rush of men, shouts, and the clatter of horses. 
 The sound was soon drowned in the splashing of the 
 water as we galloped on, and in the patter of the rain. 
 We galloped on for half a mile ; my horse, never a fast 
 one, was getting blown — he began to lag. I proposed to 
 Dillawar to pull up and walk. He answered by telling 
 me ' to use the whip ! to use the whip ! to push on for 
 my life.' Thus exhorted I urged on my horse. After 
 another half mile he became so blown that if further 
 pressed I felt he might drop. I pulled uj) and told the 
 others to do the same. Dillawar Khan now made no 
 objection. We halted and listened. No sound came but 
 the falling of the rain and the clanking of the fetters,
 
 I50 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. xvi. 
 
 which told us that prisoners were still passing, though 
 we did not see them. 
 
 When our horses had a little recovered their wind 
 we went on again, hut for some time only at a walk, 
 partly to rest our horses, partly to enable our followers 
 to overtake us. None came. Our party was now reduced 
 to Dillawar Khan, whom I regarded as one of ourselves, 
 the two guides, and a lad who, when we galloped on at the 
 hut, happened to be in front. As we rode on I inquired 
 of Dillawar Khan what had alarmed him that he started 
 off so suddenly. Mr. Joyce answered for him, by asking 
 me if I had not noticed the saddle of the horse before 
 the hut door. Dillawar Khan had served in the army. 
 He had recognised the saddle as that of our regular 
 cavalry, and knew thereby that the men inside the hut 
 were troopers of the mutineer regiments. The presence 
 of these troopers showed that we had got within the lines 
 of the rebel army. We consulted what we should do. The 
 guides proposed that we should retrace our steps, and 
 endeavour to get back to Muttra, but that was simple 
 madness. At all hazards I felt we must advance, and in 
 this Dillawar agreed. We decided to keep well under 
 the shade of the avenue, and if seen and challenged to 
 represent ourselves as horsemen of the King of Delhi. 
 
 We presently came to a village. We passed it un- 
 noticed, but beyond the village the avenue ceased for a 
 space. As we came out of the shade we must have been 
 observed. A trooper galloped suddenly up from the 
 side, placed himself in the middle of the road, and de- 
 manded who we were. From his confident manner we 
 made sure that he had comrades near. In this emergency 
 Dillawar Khan showed great presence of mind. Without 
 a moment's hesitation he dashed forward, called to us to 
 do the same, shouting out to the trooper that we were
 
 CH. XVI. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 151 
 
 horsemen of the Emperor carrying dispatches to the 
 army, and demanding what he meant by stopping us. 
 
 The trooper was taken by surprise. Seeing us come 
 galloping towards him, he hurriedly got his horse to one 
 side to avoid being ridden over. Before he recovered 
 himself we were out of sight. We heard him shout, and 
 heard voices answer him ; but either he took us for 
 friends, or his comrades were too lazy to follow. Any- 
 how, when we pulled up again we found that we were not 
 pm'sued. 
 
 The avenue presently recommenced, and in accord- 
 ance to what we had arranged, we rode under the trees 
 on the left side. We had not proceeded far when we 
 heard the tramp of horses, and a party of mutineer 
 cavalry passed us riding along the central portion of 
 the road. One of them challenged us ; we made no 
 answer, they passed on. Half a mile further we met 
 another troop of mutineers. Like ourselves they were 
 riding on a side avenue, and fortunately for us it was 
 the one on the side opposite. 
 
 The stream of prisoners had been gradually getting 
 smaller. We came on the prisoners at longer intervals, 
 and then in fewer numbers. After we had passed this 
 last troop of mutineers they ceased for a while altogether.
 
 t52 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 A MIDNIGHT RIDE — COntilltlcd. 
 
 "We had ridden some little distance, when on the side of 
 the road to our right we saw a light which appeared to 
 issue from a hut. Somewhere near here there resided 
 a Fukkeer who subsisted on alms given him by travellers. 
 Dillawar Khan thought that the light might proceed 
 from his hut, and suggested that we should halt and 
 send one of our men to ascertain. We accordingly pulled 
 up, and Dillawar Khan addressing one of the guides, de- 
 sired him to ride quietly up to the hut, and if it was the 
 Fukkeer's to inquire the news. Instead of obeying the 
 man began to make excuses, and to make them in a 
 sullen, not to say insolent, tone. Dillawar Khan neither 
 argued with him nor rebuked him, but turning to the 
 other guide requested him to go forward. After a little 
 hesitation the man obeyed and rode towards the light. 
 We followed, but halting so soon as we arrived within 
 ear shot. 
 
 The guide having approached the hut checked his 
 horse, and called out the usual salutation. From within 
 the hut a voice answered, inquiring who it was that ad- 
 dressed him. The guide replied as Dillawar had directed 
 him. He said that he was a horseman of the Emperor 
 on his way to Agra, and requested a drink of water and 
 a few whiffs of tobacco. The inquiry was followed by
 
 CH. XVII. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 153 
 
 sounds of movement inside the hut. In a minute or two 
 the Fukkeer came out of the hut and handed the guide a 
 bowl of water and a small hookah ; we could see the glow 
 of the charcoal as he passed it. The guide drank the 
 water, drew a puff or two from the hookah, and then in- 
 quired if all was well in front, and if he could proceed in 
 safety. 
 
 We listened eagerly for the answer. It came as 
 follows, ' All is well, my son, go on without fear ; you will 
 meet with no enemy.' We were elated, we did not at 
 the moment consider to whom the term enemy was 
 applied. We were shortly enlightened. The Fukkeer, 
 who appeared very good-natured and communicative, 
 proceeded to inform the horseman that the rebel army 
 had advanced in the afternoon towards Agra, that the 
 English soldiers had come out to meet them, that a battle 
 had ensued, and the English had been beaten and had 
 fled into the fort. 
 
 While the Fukkeer was talking a traveller came up 
 and joined in the conversation ; he confirmed the truth 
 of the Fukkeer's story, and added some further parti- 
 culars of his own. Among others, that the rebel army 
 was besieging the fort, and had already knocked down 
 one of the bastions. 
 
 In their eagerness to hear our men had advanced 
 their horses. Some movement attracted the Fukkeer's 
 notice ; he looked ujd, startled, and pointing in our direc- 
 tion, inquired of the guide in a frightened tone ' who 
 those men were.' The guide replied that they were his 
 companions, also troopers of the Emperor. After some 
 further conversation Dillawar Khan whispered to me 
 that we had better leave. I moved on my horse, and 
 after some difficulty the rest followed, the guide wishing 
 the Fukkeer farewell.
 
 154 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvii. 
 
 As soon as we were out of hearing we debated what 
 now to do. We decided that it would be best still to go 
 on. We next considered by which road we should proceed. 
 A mile in advance a road branched off to the right and 
 led to the fort, by a circuitous route avoiding the city. 
 Dillawar Khan proposed that by this road we should 
 proceed ; I decided, however, to keep to the main road 
 on which we now were. It was fortunate that I did so. 
 We presently approached the town of Secundra. The 
 glare for some time had been becoming brighter. It 
 was now sufficient to illuminate the road, and to show 
 the groups of j^risoners who again swarmed along it. 
 The light, though bright, was very confusing. We 
 seemed to be enveloped in a luminous mist. Suddenly 
 my eyes were dazzled by bright flashes — the mist van- 
 ished. I found that we were in the street of Secundra, 
 and burning houses all around us. Flames were shooting 
 up in tall pyramids ; showers of sparks filled the air. 
 
 The flames made every object nearly as distinct as in 
 the daytime, only immediately under the wall of the 
 mausoleum there was a narrow line of shadow. Along 
 this we proceeded in single file. The square was full of 
 prisoners— some were setting fire to the houses, some 
 cooking food, others were resting or drying their clothes. 
 The gateway towered up with great magnificence, the 
 flames displayed the red tint of the stone, even the colours 
 of the mosaics. Beyond the mausoleum the fires had 
 nearly died out, the end of the street was in comparative 
 darkness. As we issued from the town into the open 
 country we beheld a spectacle the like of which it had 
 fallen to but few persons to contemplate. 
 
 Before us at a distance of some four miles lay the 
 station of Agra. It extended far away to right and left, 
 and for miles beyond. Over this vast area hovered the
 
 CH. XVII. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 155. 
 
 glow as of an expiring bonfire. The sight well-nigh 
 filled us with despair. We went on in silence, much 
 doubting of our fate. Presently Dillawar inquhed of me 
 whether we should be admitted into the fort if we suc- 
 ceeded in reaching it. He added that it was a rule that 
 the gate of a fortress was never opened from evening to 
 the following dawn. He suggested that we had better 
 take refuge in the house of a friend he had in the 
 suburbs till the daybreak. This difficulty had not oc- 
 curred to me ; I thought it would be prudent to accept 
 Dillawar Khan's offer, but an accident prevented us. 
 The suburb, which was really a village near the station, 
 was reached by a lane which branched off about half a 
 mile in advance. In the darkness we passed it, and did 
 not discover that we had done so till it was too late to 
 return. 
 
 We had ridden on for some distance, and were ap- 
 proaching the station of Agra, when I perceived in front 
 what seemed an immense cage of fire. It was something 
 of the form of a gigantic hencooi?, and seemed composed 
 of bars of fire, rising far into the heavens. I pointed it 
 out to Mr. Joyce, who was as much puzzled at it as I 
 was, as also were Dillawar Khan and our men. Before 
 we had advanced a hundred yards a second burning cage 
 appeared, and soon after another and another. Our 
 wonder was becoming extreme. A few paces more, and 
 the phenomenon stood explained. 
 
 Anyone who has ridden by night is aware how decep- 
 tive is the apparent distance of lights when seen in the 
 dark. The cage, which I had imagined to be near the 
 horizon, was really close at hand ; a turn of the road 
 brought us beside it. We saw that it was nothing more 
 than the glowing rafters of a burnt bungalow. As we 
 proceeded we passed many more such cages, but their
 
 IS6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH xvn. 
 
 light was paler. While noticing this it suddenly struck 
 us that the houses must have been set on fire by persons 
 leaving, not entering, Agra, as the further we advanced 
 the fainter was the glow of the embers. We concluded, 
 therefore, that the incendiaries were the escaping pri- 
 soners, and the idea suggested itself that perhaps after 
 all the rebel army had not entered the station. At this 
 suggestion om^ spirits rose. 
 
 We now came to the broad road that crossed the 
 high road w^e were on at right angles, and led round to 
 the fort by a considerable circuit through the English 
 station. Our guides wished us to take this road, as it 
 avoided the city ; but as time with us was everything, for 
 the day would break ere long, I thought it best to proceed 
 by the shortest route, and desired them to continue along 
 the road we were on. Instead of obeying they turned 
 their horses, and appeared as if they would ride off and 
 leave us. They had for some time become very disre- 
 spectful ; I had avoided noticing then' behaviour lest 
 they should desert us. It was now necessary to bring 
 them to order. I drew my pistol, Mr. Joj^ce raised his 
 carbine; we threatened to blow their brains out if they 
 did not proceed as I had directed them. The threat and 
 the sight of the weapons frightened them ; they rode on, 
 I and Mr. Joyce keeping close behind them, Dillawar 
 Khan and the lad bringing up the rear. 
 
 We presently came to the wall that enclosed the gaol 
 buildings. A dull glow appeared above the wall, and we 
 noticed that the ground below it was thickly strewed with 
 fragments of paper. The road skirted the waU for some 
 distance, then it made a sharp turn to the right, and we 
 were in darkness. I could just perceive that we were 
 advancing up a narrow lane with houses on either side. 
 We had not proceeded very far when Mr. Joyce reined
 
 A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 
 
 157 
 
 in his horse, and whispered to me to look where he 
 pointed. I did, and made out a group of men lying 
 on the side of the lane which just there was rather 
 wider. They seemed asleep. Dillawar Khan advanced 
 his horse ; the movement aroused the men ; they 
 started into a sitting posture, and appeared inclined to 
 run, but perceiving that we barred then* passage they 
 remained still. 
 
 Dillawar Khan now addressed them very politely, 
 informed them that he was a trooper of the Emperor, 
 and requested them to tell him if he could safely enter 
 the city. He also desired to hear the particulars of 
 the battle, which he understood had taken place the 
 previous afternoon. Dillawar' s politeness was thrown 
 away ; the men either refused to reply, or when pressed 
 again and again only vouchsafed the sulkiest of answers. 
 After a little the guides lost patience, and took the ex- 
 ammation into their own hands, conducting it, however, 
 in a very different fashion. 
 
 Commencing with a torrent of abuse, they next told 
 the men that they knew very well who they were, and 
 what they had been doing, and advised them to answer 
 at once the questions put to them, or it would be the 
 worse for them. This style of address proved far more 
 efficacious than Dillawar Khan's mild exhortations. The 
 men at once changed their tone, and promised to tell all 
 they knew, though that, they averred, was but little ; 
 for they were but poor labourers who minded only then' 
 concerns, and how to get bread for themselves and their 
 families at home. They were so poor, they added, that 
 they were sleeping in the street for want of money to 
 procure lodgings. This last assertion the guides received 
 with scornful jeers, and issued a fresh volley of abuse. 
 
 ' Labourers, indeed ! nice work you have been at !
 
 158 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvii, 
 
 burning the houses ! ' Then threatening them with their 
 whips, * Do you take us for fools, yon wretches ? Speak 
 the truth at once or see what will happen.' The men 
 were now cowed, they dropped their whining tone, and 
 answered pretty readily. They described the battle very 
 much as the Fukkeer had done, except that they declared 
 that the rebel army had not entered the station. They 
 were not, however, certain that some of their cavalry had 
 not done so. The Fukkeer had mentioned that a picket 
 of the rebel troopers had taken possession of the Kot- 
 wallee, as the head police office is termed, had installed 
 a new Kotwal, and proclaimed the King of Delhi. As 
 we should have to pass the Kotwallee to reach the fort, 
 we were especially anxious to ascertain if this information 
 was correct. We had begun now rather to doubt it. I 
 whispered to the guides to question the men on the sub- 
 ject ; but either they did not know or would not say. 
 We could extract from them no reliable statements. We 
 got tired of inquiring, and moved on. 
 
 At the next turn of the lane we came on another 
 group, lying asleep on the side of the lane. These we 
 also woke up and examined, and got the same infor- 
 mation — extracted, however, with rather more difficulty. 
 As regarded the picket at the Kotwallee they were still 
 more evasive. It was so all-important for us to make 
 sure that Mr. Joyce interrupted the guides and himself 
 put one or two questions. Mr. Joyce had been brought 
 up in the country, and spoke the language perfectly ; 
 nevertheless, I felt certain that from something in his 
 accent or manner the men perceived that he was not a 
 native. They burst into a good-humoured laugh, and 
 replied by telling us to go on without apprehension, for 
 we should find neither troopers nor anything else to stop 
 our way to the fort. And, so saying, they started up-
 
 CH. XVII. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 159 
 
 right, aud before we were aware of their intention dashed 
 past our horses, and were out of sight in an instant. 
 
 We did not care to follow them, and went on. We 
 passed several more groups lying asleep, but we did not 
 think it worth while to stop and question them. The lane, 
 after several turns, conducted us into the principal street 
 of the city. Somewhere about the centre of this street 
 was the Kotwallee, and here our fate would be decided. 
 If the rebels were there we could hardly hope to escape 
 them. The street was silent and dark, but through the 
 shutters of nearly every house a light gleamed, show- 
 ing that the inmates were awake and watching. We 
 went on and on, our horses' hoofs clattering on the 
 pavement. I was wondering when we should reach the 
 Kotwallee, when suddenly the street narroAved ; it became 
 perfectly dark, then dimly light, and I saw that we had 
 passed under an archway into an open space. A vast 
 dark mass loomed before us. We had passed the Kot- 
 wallee unawares. We were now safe, the dark mass was 
 the fort of Agra ; we had entered the open space that 
 lies before the gateway. 
 
 Not, however, altogether safe ; we might be followed 
 from the city, and attacked before we could gain admit- 
 tance. The clouds had gathered thickly once more, and 
 the rain commenced again to fall. The darkness was so 
 great that even our men who knew the spot were at 
 fault. After vainly trying to make out the road one of 
 them dismounted, groped about, and presently called 
 quietly to us to follow. We crossed what appeared to be 
 a courtyard, and passed through what seemed to me to 
 be a small gateway, and then we came on to a very 
 narrow road. Before and above us was an imjaenetrable 
 blackness, on either side the sensation of an empty 
 space. Our guides told us that we were standing on the
 
 i6o THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvii. 
 
 bridge that spanned the outer ditch, and that before us 
 was the great wall of the fort, and one of the principal 
 entrances. 
 
 Mr. Joyce shouted — his shout appeared to waken 
 someone. We heard a sound of movement, and then a 
 voice issuing from the darkness high above inquired 
 who we were. Mr. Joyce replied, telling who we were, 
 and begging that we might be let in. The voice answered 
 that it was against the rules ; we must wait where we 
 were till the dawn. On this I called out and begged that 
 my brother might be informed of our arrival. My re- 
 quest, we could hear, gave rise to some discussion ; there 
 was a talking and a calling to some other persons. Then 
 another voice informed us that a man should be sent to 
 tell my brother ; but that as his quarters were at the other 
 end of the fort, it might be some time before the mes- 
 sage could be delivered. After this intimation there was 
 silence ; the people above had lain down again or left the 
 roof of the gateway — we below stood waiting with what 
 patience we could till the day should break. To while away 
 the time Mr. Joyce and I chatted, and our guides began 
 to sing their own praises, giving me, at the same time, 
 broad hints that such fidelity as they had displayed 
 ought not to go unrewarded. Very different was the 
 behaviour of Dillawar Khan, to whom our lives were 
 really due. He sat quiet on his horse, neither boasting 
 of his services nor showing expectations of recompense, 
 only speaking when I addressed him, apparently uncon- 
 scious that he had done more than was his duty to the 
 Government whose salt he had eaten for more than fifty 
 years. 
 
 In about half an hour the dawn began to break, and 
 we saw that we were in a triangular courtyard, with a gate- 
 way on each side, and at the same time we heard a bustle
 
 CH. XVII. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. i6i 
 
 and talking above, and a voice which I recognised as my 
 brother's. He told me that this gate was closed, but 
 that we should get admitted by going round to the 
 southern entrance ; to reach it, he added, we must pass 
 through the archway to our left, and proceed along the 
 road that ran under the walls of the fort. We did as we 
 were directed. We crossed the bridge, passed under the 
 archway, and found ourselves on a broad hard road ; to 
 our right was a bare open space full of ravines, on our 
 left an immense ditch, and beyond it a vast wall of 
 deep red stone. The wall was crowned by battlements, 
 and at intervals there projected from it great circular 
 towers. 
 
 After skirting the wall for more than a quarter of a 
 mile we came to a palisade formed of stakes and bushes ; 
 it stretched across the road, stopping all further progress. 
 At a rough gate in the palisade stood an English soldier, 
 who bade us halt. After explaining who we were, I and 
 Mr. Joyce were admitted, but neither Dillawar Khan nor 
 our other horsemen were allowed to follow. I felt dis- 
 tressed at this till Dillawar Khan told me to be under no 
 anxiety on their account, as they could get lodgings in 
 the cit}'', and would wait there till they heard from me. 
 On passing through the gate we found ourselves in a 
 large enclosure ; a number of horses were standing pick- 
 eted, and others wandering loose. There were several 
 English soldiers, and some other Englishmen, not in uni- 
 form. They all stared at us in a manner that I thought 
 rather rude, till I remembered how odd our appearance 
 must be in our native dresses. The enclosure looked very 
 disorderly, and the soldiers tired, as if they had been 
 up all night. I was rather at a loss where next to pro- 
 ceed, when I saw my brother approaching ; he had come 
 down from the fort to conduct us into it. He con-
 
 i62 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvii. 
 
 gratulated us on our safe arrival, and then told us to 
 dismount, as horses were not admitted within the de- 
 fences. There was no one to take charge of them, so we 
 looped their bridles to the stakes, slackened their girths, 
 and left them, promising the sentry a present if he would 
 look after them till our return. We then accompanied 
 my brother towards the great gateway, a vast mass of wall 
 and battlement, standing out from the fort very magni- 
 ficently. We passed over a bridge, went through several 
 archways and enclosures, and entered what seemed the 
 courtyard of a castle, but a castle only elsewhere to be 
 seen in dreams or read of in fairy tales. Lofty walls 
 enclosed it, and galleries supported on slender columns 
 ran round it. In the centre of one of the sides was 
 a tall archway, flanked by towers ; above the archway 
 were windows, balconies, and projecting alcoves of ex- 
 quisite lightness. The summit, which towered high aloft, 
 was crowned with a line of small cupolas of white marble. 
 We passed under the archway, which led into a long 
 tunnel ; there were doors on either side. Through some, 
 which were open, we saw into vaulted chambers full 
 of soldiers ; beyond the tunnel we came on to a steep 
 incline. 
 
 On reaching the summit of the incline it seemed as 
 if we had been transported to another region. The great 
 walls of the fort had disappeared, we were standing on 
 a large open space on which we perceived nothing but 
 ranges of low though picturesque buildings. Here 
 Mr. Joyce left us, and passed through a gateway in front 
 on his way to the other extremity of the fort, where he 
 had been told that his family were residing. My brother 
 conducted me towards a block of buildings on our right ; 
 we passed through a low archway, and entered a garden of 
 the ' Arabian Nights.' There were shady trees of the deepest
 
 CH. XVII. A MIDNIGHT RIDE. 163 
 
 foliage, paths of white marble, and in the centre of the 
 garden an immense square basin full of water constructed 
 of the same beautiful material. A terrace of white 
 marble rose beyond. On it was a white marble pavilion, 
 at the four corners of its roof were gilded cupolas, and 
 on either side of the terrace appeared the golden domes 
 of other pavilions. 
 
 The sun had just risen, the gold shone, the marble 
 glistened — it was like a scene from fairyland. The other 
 three sides of the garden were enclosed by ranges of 
 plainer buildings. A broad stone terrace stretched before 
 them — along it my brother proceeded. We passed several 
 doors, and at length stopped at one before which a curtain 
 was suspended ; my brother raised it, and we entered a 
 small room, dark, and full of furniture. Here I found my 
 sister-in-law and her little boy ; and, anxiously awaiting 
 
 me, A with the children. Her anxiety was not without 
 
 reason. Our danger had been far greater than at the time 
 I was aware of. I afterwards learnt that we had ridden 
 right through the rebel army. Nothing saved us but 
 the darkness of the night, the torrents of rain, and ihe 
 fidelity of Dillawar Khan. 
 
 I have said it was fortunate that before reaching 
 Secundra I decided not to proceed by the road to the 
 right. Had we done so, we should have met the main 
 body of the mutineers. It was not, however, on the road 
 that we escaped our greatest perils, nor was it till years 
 had passed that I learnt them. 
 
 When we entered the Seths' house in the afternoon 
 their Mohammedan guards proposed to murder us all as 
 we sat on the terrace. The manager heard of the plot — - 
 he ran and informed his masters. They were terrified, 
 half stupefied. He implored them to exert themselves, 
 warning them that if we fell the English Government 
 
 M 2
 
 i64 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvii. 
 
 would take a terrible vengeance, and that utter destruc- 
 tion would fall on them and on their house. Urged thus 
 by their manager, the Seths went down to their guards, 
 and by threats, persuasions, and some display of force 
 they succeeded at length in inducing the men to abandon 
 their design. 
 
 It was this that caused the confusion in the house, I 
 had noticed, the delay in the arrival of the escort, and the 
 agitation of the Seths themselves during their interview 
 with me. Disappointed thus in their intention to murder 
 us all on the terrace, the guards next proposed to kill me 
 and Mr. Joyce as we left the house. They had arranged 
 to cut us down as we stooped to pass through the small 
 doorway in the barricade. It was to prevent their doing 
 so that the Seths had insisted on accompanying us to the 
 street, and lest the men should follow us that they sent 
 some of their most trustworthy servants to see us safely 
 out of the city.
 
 CH. XVIII. THE FIRST THREE DAYS. 165 
 
 CHAPTEE XVIII. 
 
 THE FIEST THREE DAYS. 
 
 My brother's room was small, and rendered still smaller 
 by cm*tains which partitioned off a space at the end. 
 
 This space my brother had kindly made over to A 
 
 and the children. The rest was so crammed with fm*ni- 
 ture that there was hardly space to move. The first 
 congratulations over, I retired behind the curtain to 
 change my native dress for an English suit I had brought 
 with me in a bundle. Tea was then made, and while 
 drinking it I gave an outline of my adventures, and was 
 told in return what had occurred at Agra. But I could 
 make out little, except that there had been a battle, and 
 that they had all come into the fort. From the appear- 
 ance of the room I concluded that they had come in in 
 some confusion. 
 
 Having drunk our tea my brother and I went out to 
 enable the Ayahs to dress the children. My brother had 
 some business to attend to — I returned to the enclosure to 
 look after my horse. ' I found him in a sorry condition. 
 He had broken loose from the palisade, and begun fighting 
 with one of the other horses. With much difficulty he 
 had been captured. He was now secured by a rope, and 
 covered with mud and bruises, none of which, how- 
 ever, proved serious. With the helj) of an officer I got 
 permission to have him picketed in a better situation on
 
 i66 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xviii. 
 
 the river side of the fort, and this done I returned to my 
 brother's room, where I found them all dressed and 
 waiting for breakfast. We waited long, and then my 
 brother went out to make inquiries. He returned with 
 the information that the meal would not be ready for 
 another hour. While waiting and chatting I happened 
 to mention my companions at Muttra, and that they 
 were descending the river in a boat. My brother in- 
 quired if I had warned the battery, and I learnt, to my 
 horror, that the artillerymen had received orders to fire 
 on any native boat seen approaching. I hurried off to 
 find the officer. My brother did not know who he was 
 or where were his quarters, but he gave me some 
 general directions as to where he thought I might obtain 
 information. 
 
 I passed through the archway, and soon lost myself 
 in a maze of courts and passages. All were full of people, 
 chiefly natives and half-castes. None could tell me the 
 way to the battery, or give me any information about the 
 oflicer who was in charge of it. I wandered about making 
 inquiries for nearly an hour, and then had to return un- 
 successful, and found them just sitting down to breakfast. 
 The meal consisted of only rice and lentils, and a small 
 piece of cold meat. There was neither bread nor butter, 
 nor had we even milk to our tea. My brother explained 
 that there was no food to be got beyond what little they 
 had brought in with them. He added that the delay in 
 the arrival of the breakfast had arisen from the difficulty 
 of finding a place to prepare it in. 
 
 We had hardly despatched our simple viands, when 
 we heard a sound of firing, and some one ran in to say 
 that the fort was being attacked, and that we were all to 
 hurry off to the ramparts. My brother seized his gun, I 
 took mine, and we ran through the archway and joined
 
 cii. XVIII. THE FIRST THREE DAYS. 167 
 
 a crowd of people, who had issued from the adjoming 
 courts. Arrived at the ramparts, we could see nothing. 
 The battlements were too high to look over, and only the 
 distant country could be seen through the loopholes, but 
 from below came the sound of musketry, heavy and con- 
 tinuous. We went on to the nearest bastion, where, by 
 climbing on an embrasure, we could look down on the 
 ditch and the outer defences. 
 
 The firing proceeded from the palisaded enclosure 
 where I had entered. A number of English soldiers and 
 men out of uniform were shooting through the openings 
 between the stakes, and a crowd were standing behind 
 them looking on. The shots were not returned, and, as 
 far as we could see, there was no enemy. Someone 
 suggested that they might be concealed among the 
 ravines, which seemed probable. But just then an 
 officer came up in great indignation, and told us that 
 the soldiers were firing only for their own amusement. 
 The objects aimed at appeared to be a donkey and a flock 
 of vultures. These we now regarded with interest. The 
 donkey went on grazing, and the vultures, gorged with 
 the flesh of some dead sheep lying near, sat placid. The 
 badness of the shooting surprised us, till someone arrived 
 from below and explained it. He informed us that the 
 soldiers were all very drunk. 
 
 Presently an order came from the General to stop the 
 firing. It did not receive much attention. Those who 
 were tired of the amusement left ofl'. The rest continued 
 it till the afternoon. 
 
 With my brother's assistance I now succeeded in 
 finding my way to the battery, and procured an order 
 that the boat was not to be fired at. This matter disposed 
 of, I proceeded to take possession of the quarters assigned 
 me. These were a room nearly over my brother's apart-
 
 i68 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xviii. 
 
 ment, and of about the same size. I found it filled with 
 soldiers' boxes and bedsteads, for the range of buildings 
 had been used hitherto as a magazine for commissariat 
 stores. The fort was full of natives. I hired some, and 
 with the assistance also of two English soldiers by noon 
 I had got the things removed and the room cleaned. I 
 let two of the bedsteads remain, and contrived to borrow 
 a mat, a child's cot, two chairs, and a small table, and 
 then we moved in. I was puzzled what to do with the 
 boxes and the rest of the bedsteads, for I could find no 
 one to take charge of them ; so I left them on the pave- 
 ment, and in the course of the afternoon different people, 
 who I suppose had need of them, carried them away. 
 
 The cleaning the room and removing the bedsteads 
 had made me very hot and dusty ; I was anxious to wash, 
 but we had no water. Someone informed me that there 
 was a well just outside the archway ; but before drawing 
 the water it was necessary to procure some utensil to hold 
 it. I set out in search of some can or a jar. Chance 
 directed me to a place where I found a cart laden with 
 the large tin cans supplied to soldiers, each the size of a 
 pail. Near the cart an English sergeant was standing. 
 I inquired of him who could give me leave to take a 
 can. He answered that he did not know, and in my 
 place would not waste time in ascertaining, adding, with 
 a smile, ' that if I wanted a can I had better do like the 
 rest, and take one.' I took the hint and carried off two. 
 I was none too soon : when I next passed by the cart was 
 empty. 
 
 The cans provided, I now went in search of the water. 
 The well was in an open space, not very far from the en- 
 trance to our square. The space was covered with carts 
 and gun-carriages, and the ground in a condition beyond 
 description. It was literally covered with filth and
 
 CH. XVIII. THE FIRST THREE DAYS. 169 
 
 rubbish, much of which the heavy rain was filtering into 
 the well. The w^ell had been only recently dug, the sides 
 were not bricked or boarded, and in consequence of the 
 pressure of the crowds resorting to it the upper portions 
 were crumbling in, which made the approach to it rather 
 dangerous. Our Ayahs were very good : they helped to 
 fill the cans and also to carry them to our room, and they 
 performed many other services, which were not part of 
 their regular duties, nor quite in accordance with the 
 rules of their caste. 
 
 At five o'clock we dined. The dinner was even more 
 frugal than the breakfast. The piece of meat had been 
 consumed in the morning ; we satisfied our hunger with 
 rice and lentils. I learnt, to my distress, that my 
 brother's stock of even these was nearly exhausted. I 
 did not like further to encroach on it, so I set out to 
 see if I could procure any food for ourselves. The com- 
 mon misfortune had made all kind. Our next-door 
 neighbours learnt our difficulty, and relieved us from it 
 by asking us to join a small mess they had established. 
 
 At sunset from every door Ayahs and children 
 streamed forth ; the elders joined them, and the garden 
 assumed the appearance of a crowded promenade. But, 
 surrounded as it was by buildings, the atmosphere was 
 exceedingly close and oppressive. We wandered out in 
 search of fresher air. We picked our way through the 
 carts and gun-carriages, passed a troop of artillery 
 horses, and came to an inclined plane that conducted us 
 to the flat roof of an immense circular tower. The tower 
 overlooked the river : through the embrasures of the 
 battlements flowed a gentle current of air very refreshing. 
 We sat down on a cannon to enjoy it. As darkness came 
 on flames rose from various parts of the cantonments. 
 We also perceived bright spots in the more distant horizon.
 
 I70 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xvni. 
 
 which showed that the villagers had been fighting, and 
 that the victors had been burning the homes of the 
 vanquished. 
 
 We drank our tea on the flat roof of the building. 
 Our hosts had selected this spot partly for coolness, 
 partly to enable them to arrange their own room for the 
 night. The ascent to the roof was not easy ; the tea was 
 made and consumed under much difficulty. The win- 
 dows of our room opened on a narrow balcony, which was 
 the common passage to the rooms beyond. To obtain 
 privacy, we were compelled to hang mats before them. 
 The night was very oppressive. The clouds hung low, 
 there was no breeze, the room was small and the heat 
 overwhelming ; but I had ridden far, and had not closed 
 my eyes for more than forty hours. Notwithstandmg the 
 heat I soon fell asleep, and did not awake till the day- 
 light was streaming through the curtain-mats. I awoke 
 bathed in perspiration — literally, not figuratively, my 
 clothes were as wet as if they had been dipped in water. 
 I had none to change, the only resource was to hang them 
 in the sun. So fierce were its rays that an exposure of 
 two minutes was sufl&cient to dry them. 
 
 As I descended the stairs I was conscious of an un- 
 pleasant odour. Having passed the archway, I discovered 
 its source. Against the outer wall was piled in a heap 
 the remains of the various meals that had been eaten in 
 the square during the previous day, together with other 
 impurities. A few yards further lay a dead sheep. 
 
 Our breakfast was of the same simple character as our 
 meal of the day before. The food consisted of rice and 
 lentils and some unleavened cakes, for our hosts had 
 brought in a bag of flour. For a besieged garrison it was 
 fare not to be complained of. But there were doubts if 
 it would continue. The resources of our hosts were
 
 CH. xviii. . THE FIRST THREE DAYS. 171 
 
 limited, and neither we nor the other guests were able 
 to contribute to their replenishment. We had money 
 enough, but food was not to be purchased. The collapse 
 of our mess appeared imminent, when a notice from the 
 Commissariat averted it. 
 
 Just before noon a native orderly came round with a 
 written announcement, that during the contmuance of 
 the siege rations would be issued, and each head of a 
 family was directed to repair, at three in the afternoon, 
 to the stores, to receive them. At the appointed hour I 
 started. I did not know where the stores were, nor could 
 I ascertain, but meeting a crowd I joined it, concluding 
 it was bent on the same errand. We traversed a vast 
 number of courts and lanes till we arrived at quite the 
 other end of the fort. Here, in a hollow space, was a 
 large square building. At the gateway sat an English 
 officer. He inquired my name and the number of my 
 family, and, being informed on these points, he gave me 
 an order to receive a certain amount of rice, flour, sugar, 
 and lentils. 
 
 Having received the order, I passed through the gate- 
 way and entered a large enclosm-e surrounded by arched 
 cells of massive masonry. The doors of some of them 
 were open, displaying within heaps of flour, rice, and 
 other provisions. Several grain-sellers were seated 
 before the heaps and weighing out the stores in small 
 wooden scales, accompanying the operation with a droning 
 chant very soporific. A crowd of natives were pressing 
 forward to get theii* rations, and some English officers 
 and a number of attendants were present to preserve 
 order. 
 
 Havmg been allotted my supplies, I found I had 
 nothing in which to place them. The rest of the appli- 
 cants had brought bags, handkerchiefs, and even pieces
 
 1-J2 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xviii. 
 
 of floorcloth. The natives used then- long shawls of 
 white cotton. I tried to borrow some cloth, but failed ; I 
 was about to return for a towel when one of the officers 
 kindly saved me the trouble by lending me two long bags 
 belonging to the department. I made over my rations to 
 the common stock of our mess, and we ate our dinner 
 with more tranquil minds, relieved for the present, at 
 least, of fear of starvation. 
 
 At sunset we repaired again to the ramparts. As we 
 passed the archwaj^, I noticed that the heap of rubbish 
 had perceptibly increased, both in size and offensiveness. 
 The dead sheep was also exhaling a most sickening efflu- 
 via. We ascended to one of the towers on the land side, 
 and sat by an embrasure ; through the opening we could 
 see the ravines, the cantonments, and glimpses in places 
 of the country beyond. At dusk the fires appeared as 
 on the previous evening, showing that the destruction of 
 the station was still proceeding ; a few streaks of flame 
 that rose far away indicated that fresh villages were 
 being set on fire. 
 
 The heat of this night, I thought, exceeded even that 
 of the preceding one ; perhaps sleeping less soundly I 
 was more conscious of it. I awoke again bathed in per- 
 spiration ; the sun's rays dried my clothes, but they could 
 not remove the dust and dirt with which three days and 
 nights of continual wearing had encrusted them. Clothes 
 were no more to be purchased than food ; I wanted sadly 
 a change of garments, so I set out to beg or to borrow. 
 All were kind, though few had much to spare ; one friend 
 lent me a shirt, another a coat, while from a chance 
 stranger I received the gift of a pah- of trousers. I re- 
 turned home, able to enjoy the unspeakable luxury of 
 clean clothes. 
 
 In the course of the day I had the greater pleasure of
 
 CH. XVIII. THE FIRST THREE DAYS. 173 
 
 learning the safe arrival of my companions from Muttra, 
 about whose safety we were becoming anxious. Things 
 had happened to them just as I had predicted — the stream 
 had carried the boat beneath the bank, the villagers had 
 collected on it and shot at them ; the water fell, and the 
 boat grounded on a sand bank, and there remained until 
 the river rose again. After a long delay they reached 
 the ravines below Secundra. One of the boatmen had 
 been wounded, the rest refused to proceed further. The 
 party had to abandon the boat, and with it their guns 
 and provisions. From a friendly villager they procured 
 native dresses, and disguised in these they made their 
 way to the fort along the bank of the river. 
 
 We had now been in the fort three days, and had as 
 yet seen nothing of the rebel army. It was supposed to 
 be lying hid behind the ravines, constructing batteries, 
 which we expected would presently open on us. There 
 was also a great apprehension among the engineers 
 that the enemy were mining beneath the walls of the 
 fort. On the north side, the houses of the city ap- 
 proached so close to the defences that they might easily 
 dig mines without our perceiving it. The subterranean 
 passages also caused us considerable uneasiness. Little 
 was known about them, except that they were very exten- 
 sive, and there were many traditions that some of them 
 extended under the ditch, and had exits in the cit}^ All 
 kinds of rumours began to circulate ; passing h-om mouth 
 to mouth they developed into stories, that increased the 
 apprehensions to which they owed their birth. Most of 
 these stories were silly enough, but some were not unin- 
 teresting. One or two I will hereafter relate. 
 
 For our apprehensions there were certainly very suffi- 
 cient grounds. The defences of the fort were very incom- 
 plete ; half the cannon were unmounted, the powder
 
 174 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xviii. 
 
 magazines had not been made bomb-proof, and a variety 
 of other equally necessary works had either not been 
 commenced, or were still unfinished. Worst of all, it had 
 been ascertained that the supj^ly of provisions was very 
 inadequate, and that of what there was much was bad. 
 If the siege should be protracted we might die of hunger, 
 or be forced to surrender. A more immediate danger lay 
 in the absence of all sanitary arrangements ; within the 
 circuit of the fort walls were congregated more than 
 seven thousand human beings, besides horses, bullocks, 
 and other animals ; for the preservation of cleanliness 
 among this multitude no steps whatever had been taken. 
 The accumulation of filth was something appalling. The 
 rubbish heap at our archway had reached the dimensions 
 of a small haycock, and another dead sheep had made 
 its appearance ; it lay putrefying in the sun by the side 
 of its companion. All over the fort the smells were 
 sickening ; it was difficult to walk without stepping in 
 some impurity. 
 
 T wo cases of cholera had already occurred, and ended 
 fatally. It was felt that if something were not done we 
 might find among us an enemy more dangerous than 
 any outside, in the shape of an outbreak of that fearful 
 pestilence. That anything at present would be done 
 there appeared, however, but small prospect. The author- 
 ities seemed paralysed, the gates were kept closed, the 
 sentries mounted guard, and the other ordinary routine 
 duties were performed. Beyond this things were left to 
 themselves ; the works for defence were not pushed on, 
 nor was the filth removed, nor any attempt made to 
 ascertain the real position of the mutineer army that was 
 besieging us. 
 
 For the first two days all was bewilderment; on the 
 third, as the condition of things began to be realised.
 
 CH. xviii. THE FIRST THREE DAYS. 175 
 
 murmurs arose against the authorities. The discontent 
 was increased by rumours, at first whispered, soon openly 
 spoken, that in real fact authorities there were none. 
 Mr. Colvin's mind, it was said, had given way, and the 
 General become imbecile. The first of these statements 
 was an exaggeration, the other altogether untrue ; but at 
 the time they both obtained general credence. 
 
 Things were in this state when some natives pre- 
 sented themselves at the fort gate. They said that they 
 were servants to some of the English gentlemen, and had 
 come to join their masters. After some inquiry they 
 were admitted ; questioned as to the enemy they asserted 
 that there was none — the entire rebel army they declared 
 had marched away after the battle. Their statement 
 was not believed. They were thought to be spies ; but 
 more servants arrived and repeated the same story, and 
 they were followed by persons of higher rank, of whose 
 veracity there could be no suspicion, and who gave simi- 
 lar information. Its truth could hardly be doubted, but 
 as a precaution against treachery it was determined to 
 send out a column to reconnoitre. The column consisted 
 of a party of English soldiers, some guns, and the 
 mounted militia ; it traversed the city and a good part 
 of the cantonments, and returned, reporting that it could 
 find no trace of the enemy. For three days we had been 
 guarding against an imaginary foe, and had remained 
 within the fort for fear of an army that existed only in 
 our own imaginations. 
 
 This discovery did not raise the credit of the authori- 
 ties, least of all that of the General. The gates were 
 now thrown 0]3en, our servants joined us, and provisions 
 flocked in ; henceforth we suffered no inconveniences but 
 such as resulted from the heat, our confined quarters, 
 and the difficulty of procuring almost all articles of
 
 176 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xviii. 
 
 ordinary English use. With these last we should have 
 been better supplied but for an excess of patriotism on 
 the part of the volunteers who accompanied the column. 
 They smashed to pieces the contents of the shop of a 
 Mohammedan tradesman, who dealt in European goods, 
 but who had joined the rebels. It was felt afterwards 
 that it would have equally punished the tradesman, and 
 been of more benefit to us, if the articles, instead of 
 being destroyed, had been brought into the fort, and 
 either sold or distributed. 
 
 Having concluded my description of our first few days 
 in the fort, I will now give the reader a brief account of 
 the events that had obliged us to take refuse within it.
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE— PRIOR EVENTS. 177 
 
 CHAPTEE XIX. 
 
 BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE. — PRIOR EVENTS. 
 
 Mr. CoL\r[N was a man of great ability — for ordinary 
 times a most excellent governor ; but he was constitution- 
 ally unfitted for a crisis such as the mutiny. He lost 
 alike his judgment and self-reliance, and threw himself 
 for advice and guidance on those around him. 
 
 The head officials then at Agra were men but ill- 
 qualified to guide him. Like himself men of ability, they 
 were also men of routine, and were besides ignorant of 
 the native feeling ; many of them had never, and none of 
 them for some years had held situations that brought them 
 into dh-ect intercourse with the natives, beyond their own 
 servants and subordinates. Finding these still obedient 
 and deferential, they imagined the rest of the population 
 to be the same. 
 
 They regarded the mutiny as a mere military revolt ; 
 the rural disturbances as the work of the mobs. The 
 mass of the people they considered as thoroughly loyal, 
 attached to our rule as well from gratitude as self- 
 interest, being thoroughly conscious of the benefits it had 
 conferred upon them. Holding these opinions, they did 
 not comprehend either the nature or the magnitude of 
 the crisis. To their inability to do so, many lives and 
 much treasure were needlessly sacrificed. 
 
 N
 
 178 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xix. 
 
 Events then moved rapidly ; within a few weeks of 
 the breaking out of the mutiny our empire in Upper 
 India had all but disappeared, and a rebel army was 
 approaching Agra. 
 
 The arrangements for the defence of the station 
 chiefly fell on the magistrate Mr. Drummond. Properly, 
 the magistrate of Agra was not entitled to direct official 
 intercourse w^ith the Lieutenant-Governor. But in the 
 exigency of the times the rules of routine were a good 
 deal set aside. Mr. Colvin sent for Mr. Drummond, 
 consulted him, and before long fell completely under his 
 influence. In many respects Mr. Colvin could not have 
 selected a better adviser, for Mr. Drummond possessed 
 great energy and resolution, and was very little trammelled 
 by routine. Unfortunately his judgment was not equal 
 to his other qualities, and having formed an opinion 
 he did not easily relinquish it. 
 
 Mr. Drummond laid down a plan of defence w^hich 
 was simple and bold, and which, had it been successful, 
 would have been regarded as a stroke of genius. He 
 considered that if the English remained as usual, ex- 
 hibiting no signs of fear, the moral effect would be suffi- 
 cient to overawe the native population. As for the 
 mutineers, he did not believe they would approach Agra, 
 having nothing to gain by doing so. Should they do so, 
 however, he considered that our force was sufficient to 
 repel them. Beyond increasing the police, Mr. Drum- 
 mond was opposed to the adoption of any i^recautionary 
 measure. 
 
 From these opinions the chief military authorities 
 entu'ely dissented. They regarded it as certain that one 
 or other of the rebel armies would threaten Agra. Our 
 force they considered to be quite inadequate for the 
 defence of such an immense station. They therefore
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE— PRIOR EVENTS. 179 
 
 recommended that the fort should be provisioned and 
 l^laced in a state of defence, and that on the approach of 
 the enemy the women, children, and other non-combat- 
 ants should be sent into it, leaving the troops free 
 to act. Mr. Drummond's measures were supported by 
 the leading civil officials ; the proposals of the military 
 authorities by nearly all the rest of the English. Between 
 these conflicting counsels Mr. Colvin was unable to 
 decide. Finally, he permitted each side to have partly 
 their own way. There resulted a confusion which, had 
 it not occurred, might have been deemed impossible under 
 such a Government as ours. 
 
 Mr. Drummond had received permission to raise 
 additional police, and also to supply them with arms 
 from the magazine. He availed himself of this permis- 
 sion to an extent that ere long excited general alarm. 
 The police were increased till they constituted a force 
 many times larger than the regular troops. No less 
 then seven thousand muskets and two hundred thousand 
 rounds of ammunition were served out to them. These 
 police, hastily raised, were entirely undisciplined, their 
 characters and antecedents often unknown. The presence 
 of such an armed mob was regarded by the military 
 authorities, as well as the English generally, as a pos- 
 sible source of great danger. The uneasiness felt was 
 increased by rumours that arose that these new police 
 were entirely disaffected, and were prepared, should the 
 enemy approach, to turn against us. 
 
 Representations were made to Mr. Colvin ; he was 
 urged, and in the stronges manner, to disarm the police, 
 or at least to reduce their number, but in vain. 
 
 Mr. Drummond, like most civilians of that time, was 
 partial to Mohammedans. He bestowed his patronage 
 almost exclusively on them. His personal attendants and 
 
 N 2
 
 l8o THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xix. 
 
 his chief officials were of that faith, as were also the large 
 majority of the new police. The conduct of the Moham- 
 medans elsewhere, since the distm'bances commenced, 
 had shown that they were as a body bitterly hostile to 
 our rule. There seemed no reason why in this hostility the 
 Agra Mohammedans should not participate. The placing 
 of the local administration so exclusively into their 
 hands was from the first regarded as imprudent, and it 
 soon began to be considered as in the last degree dan- 
 gerous. There was then at Agra a large population of 
 Eurasians and native Christians. Born and bred in the 
 country, this population were far better acquainted with 
 the feelings and proceedings of the natives than were the 
 English. They had from the first distrusted the fidelity 
 of Mr. Drummond's Mohammedan officials. They pre- 
 sently accused them of acts of positive treason. They 
 asserted that these officials were in correspondence with 
 the mutineers, that they were exciting rebellion in the 
 city, and arranging for a rising of the police should the 
 rebel army approach. 
 
 These accusations were in themselves not improbable, 
 they were supported by considerable proof, they ought 
 to have been investigated ; they were contemptuously 
 disregarded. Mr. Drummond would believe nothing 
 against his Mohammedan subordinates, and in his in- 
 credulity he was supported by the chief civil officials. 
 These gentlemen shared Mr. Drummond's partiality for 
 the Mohammedans. It was the feeling of their day, and 
 accompanied, I am sorry to say, by a corresponding con- 
 tempt and dislike for the Eurasians and native Chris- 
 tians. 
 
 The fact that the accusations against the Moham- 
 medan officials emanated from that class was sufficient 
 to insure their being disregarded.
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE-PRIOR EVENTS. i8i 
 
 Tliey were not, however, disregarded by the mihtary 
 authorities, nor by the EngHsh generahy. On the con- 
 trary, they were entirely beheved, and, as the event 
 showed, beheved rightly. The dismissal of the accused 
 persons was urged upon Mr. Colvin ; the demand was 
 resisted by the chief civil officials. Quarrels ensued, 
 bitter and violent. In the ardour of partisanship, Mr. 
 Colvin's advisers permitted and supported proceedings in 
 which prudence, common sense, even the instinct of self- 
 preservation were lost sight of. 
 
 A volunteer corps of Christians, lately raised, was dis- 
 banded, and their arms distributed to the Mohammedan 
 police. It was next proposed to disarm the entire Chris- 
 tian population, on the pretext that their carrying 
 weapons gave offence to the Mohammedans. It was 
 only on the strong remonstrance of the military that the 
 scheme was abandoned. 
 
 As yet no mutineer force had threatened Agra ; the 
 regiments as they revolted had proceeded to Delhi or 
 Lucknow. But this immunity from attack did not now 
 appear as if it would continue. The Neemuch Brigade 
 commenced to advance in the direction of Agra. For 
 some days their destination was uncertain — the road along 
 which they were advancing would lead equally to Agra or 
 to Delhi. The road led from the south-west. At a spot, 
 some sixty miles, I think, from Agra, it divided into two 
 branches. Here the brigade halted. 
 
 The military authorities now spoke, and they spoke 
 in a manner that compelled attention. Their remon- 
 strances were also supported by a few of the higher civi- 
 lians, who had at length begun to doubt the wisdom of 
 the Government policy. To this double pressure Mr. 
 Colvin yielded. He authorised the fort being put in 
 defence and provisioned for a six months' siege. The
 
 i82 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xix. 
 
 orders were issued against Mr. Drummond's advice ; he 
 did his best to render them nugatory. He issued a 
 counter order, that anyone sehing grain or provisions to 
 the Commissariat contractor should be punished. He 
 sentenced one trader to imprisonment for domg so. The 
 others were frightened ; the contractor was compelled to 
 procure his supplies from a distance. His great re- 
 sources alone enabled him to obtain any ; as it was he 
 was unable to get more than half the amount ordered, 
 and of this much was of an inferior quahty. 
 
 That such an act should have been possible illustrates 
 more than any words the confusion prevailing — the col- 
 lapse of controlling authority. I should have been in- 
 clined to doubt the truth of the statement, had I not 
 myself seen a copy of Mr. Drummond's order, and the 
 record of the trader's conviction. 
 
 The military authorities recommended not only that 
 the fort should be provisioned and put in defence, but 
 that the women, children, and non-combatants should be 
 at once sent into it. The prudence of this advice was 
 subsequently universally acknowledged, but in spite of 
 their remonstrances they were then unable to get it 
 adopted. Mr. Colvin's civil advisers still had faith in 
 then- opposite policy of relying on the moral effect of a 
 display of confidence. Eventually a compromise was 
 effected. The women and non-combatants were to enter 
 the fort, but not till the enemy approached nearer, 
 nor even then with more than a specified amount 
 of baggage. With a pedantry which, under the cu-cum- 
 stances might have been thought mconceivable, the size 
 of the boxes was regulated to inches. The military in 
 vain urged on Mr. Colvin that the movements of the 
 mutineers could not be accurately foreseen. They might 
 advance more rapidly than was calculated on, and in
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE-PRIOR EVENTS. 183 
 
 such case the movement of our troops would be most 
 seriously hampered by the presence of the women and 
 non-combatants. They further urged that it was useless 
 to affect a confidence which the fact of our placing the 
 fort in defence showed that we did not really feel, and 
 that it would be wiser, by sending all movable property 
 into the fort, to remove from the city mobs the tempta- 
 tion to plunder ; but all this they urged in vain. 
 
 So far as could be afterwards ascertained the Nee- 
 much Brigade did not intend to attack Agra, nor would 
 they have done so but for the invitation of Mr. Drum- 
 mond's Mohammedan officials. These men, emboldened 
 by the support they had received from the higher civil 
 authorities, had of late carried on their plots against our 
 Government with extreme audacity. They printed rebel 
 proclamations in the ' Police Press,' they corresponded 
 with Delhi, and they now opened communications with 
 the advancing enemy. 
 
 The leaders of the rebels were as disunited as ours. 
 Their force consisted of two divisions — one of the divi- 
 sions had acquired considerable plunder, and was desirous 
 of proceeding with it to Delhi. The other had not been 
 so fortunate, and the Sepoys composing it were inclined 
 to enrich themselves with the contents of the Agra trea- 
 sury. After much debate their counsels carried the day, 
 and the army took the road to Agra. A few marches 
 brought them to Futtehpore Secree, a small town, or 
 rather village, not much more than twenty miles from 
 Agra. There they again halted, and renewed their 
 debates. The nearer they approached the English troops 
 the less they liked the prospect of engaging them. They 
 had also begun to entertain doubts as to the amount of 
 treasure they should obtain at Agra, even if they suc- 
 ceeded in capturing it.
 
 i84 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xix. 
 
 From Futtehpore Secree a road branched off that led 
 to Delhi through Miittra. The commanders of the rebel 
 forces were very much disposed to take it. 
 
 The advance of the enemy had not caused union 
 in the Agra councils, but rather increased the discord. 
 Each proj)osed measure of defence was angrily debated, 
 and, when carried, clogged with restrictions that ren- 
 dered it almost useless. 
 
 The Kotah contingent, as I have related, was called 
 in, but opposite counsels prevailing, it was not allowed 
 to cross the river. The women and non-combatants 
 were not permitted to enter the fort, and the same 
 infatuated confidence continued to be reposed in the 
 native police and the Mohammedan officials. 
 
 An incident had lately occurred that ought to have 
 shaken this confidence. The gaol at Agra contained 
 about five thousand prisoners, many of them desperate 
 characters. The outbreak of the j)risoners was justly 
 dreaded as one of the most serious of possible dangers. 
 The gaol was guarded by what had once been a local 
 battalion, the men of which still retained something of 
 their military organisation. They were armed with 
 muskets, wore uniform, and were disciplined in a sort 
 of way. They were under the authority of the super- 
 intendent of the gaol, who was a medical officer of some 
 standing. 
 
 The superintendent became distrustful of his guard. 
 He presently received information that satisfied him that 
 they intended to mutin3^ He sought an interview with 
 Mr. Colvin, and obtained from him the promise that a 
 detachment of English soldiers should be marched 
 down, and the guard disarmed. Before issuing the 
 order Mr. Colvin consulted his other advisers. Instead 
 of disarming the guard they persuaded him to remove
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE— PRIOR EVENTS. 185 
 
 the superintendent upon the plea that he was an 
 alarmist. 
 
 The next day the guard mutinied, but then- mutiny- 
 was not followed by the consequences that had been 
 anticipated. They did not release the prisoners, or 
 commit any outrages. They quietly crossed the river, 
 marched towards the east, and, like so many other of 
 the mutineers, were never heard of after. 
 
 "What the gaol guard had done there was little doubt 
 in the minds of any but the civil authorities that the 
 police intended to do. 
 
 When the news arrived that the enemy were at 
 Futtehpore Secree, the Government awoke at last to all 
 the dangers of their situation, and, as often happens in 
 such cases, over-confidence gave place to sudden panic. 
 Mr. Colvin left Government House, and took up his 
 residence with the General. His example was followed 
 by most of the residents in the civil lines. The women 
 and children were sent into the fort, and, much against 
 the advice of some of the highest officials, civil and 
 military, the Kotah contingent was brought over the 
 river, and encamped on one of the parade grounds. 
 
 The contingent was hardly encamped before the 
 Government regretted having brought it over. They 
 feared the men intended to mutiny. They adopted a 
 precaution that was almost certain to insure their doing 
 so. They sent an order for the force to separate. The 
 artillery was directed to proceed to one place, the cavalry 
 to another, and the infantry to a third. 
 
 To enforce this order only a small body of mounted 
 militia were sent. The contingent, though sullenly, 
 began to obey. They struck their tents and loaded 
 their baggage, and then, as the word was given to 
 * march,' they broke out into open mutiny. The troopers
 
 l86 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xix. 
 
 raised the cry of ' Deen, Deen ! The faith ! The faith ! ' 
 and rode at their officers, discharging their carbines as 
 they did so. Probably none of the officers nor the 
 mihtia would have escaped but for the occurrence of 
 one of those unforeseen events which in fiction appear 
 improbable, but which in real life do occasionally happen 
 and change the expected course of affairs. The clouds 
 had been gathering, and as the troopers raised their cry 
 the storm burst with all the fury of a tropical tempest. 
 It blew a hurricane, and the rain descended in blinding 
 torrents. For some minutes all was confusion ; then 
 the force was seen making off as fast as they could, 
 utterly cowed by the storm and an alarm that the 
 English soldiers were approaching. 
 
 Of this panic the militia took advantage. They 
 charged, killed several of the Sepoys, took more 
 prisoners, and, what was more important, captured theii- 
 guns and all their baggage. The volley of the cavalry 
 had not taken effect ; none of the officers were struck, 
 though one had a narrow escape. He was amongst the 
 troopers, and so great was the confusion that he was 
 not aware they had mutinied. He galloped on with 
 them till one of the men gave him a hint. He pulled 
 up, the troop passed, and he rejoined his fellow- 
 officers. 
 
 The English artilleryman was not so fortunate. He 
 was a fine, powerful young man, in physical strength a 
 match for a dozen of the Sepoys. When I first joined 
 the contingent Captain Dennys took me through the 
 camp. This young artilleryman was bending over, doing 
 something to one of the guns. Several of the cavalry 
 were clustered behind him. I was struck by the con- 
 trast of their figures. At the same time, the thought 
 occurred to me how little his great strength would avail
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE -PRIOR EVENTS. 1S7 
 
 him should one of the men behind put a carbine to his 
 head. 
 
 Curiously enough, the fate I thus imagined was the 
 one that actually befell him. He was standing by his 
 gun, when a trooper rode up behind, put a carbine to 
 his head, and fired, as the young man, all unconscious, 
 was gazing in another direction. 
 
 The militia returned in triumph with their spoils 
 and prisoners. The prisoners were made over to the 
 General. Taken red-handed in mutiny and attempted 
 murder of their officers, it was supposed they would then 
 and there be shot. The General contented himself by 
 adjudging them no severer punishment than three 
 months' leave of absence. 
 
 The mutiny of the contmgent was followed by that 
 of Syfoollah Khan's regiment of irregular cavalry, that 
 rabble he was engaged in raising when, as the reader 
 may remember, I passed the day in his company at 
 Furrah on my return to Muttra. 
 
 This collection of vagabonds, for they merited no 
 other name, after plundering villages and committing 
 innumerable outrages in the Muttra and the Agra dis- 
 trict, had been of late called in to aid in the defence of 
 the station. They were encamped a mile or two beyond it. 
 An officer was sent to bring them in still nearer. To the 
 order to move they replied by an intimation that it was 
 their intention to proceed in another direction. To the 
 next demand to give up their two cannons they answered 
 by recommending the oflicer to leave their camp. He 
 thought himself fortunate that he was able to do so, and 
 to bring with him the two English artillerymen. 
 
 The enemy remamed encamj^ed at Futtehpore Secree 
 for nearly a week. The engineers at Agi'a took advan- 
 tage of the delay to hurry on the defences of the
 
 i88 THE INDIAN MUTINY. en. xix. 
 
 fort. The other authorities spent the time in quarrel- 
 ling and opposing every rational scheme for meeting the 
 threatened danger. 
 
 The number of the enemy was about five thousand, 
 exclusive of the contingent and Syfoollah's horse, should 
 these join them. Our troops, regulars and volunteers, 
 were not above a fifth of that amount. The station of 
 Agra was of great extent, covering an area of many 
 square miles. It was interspersed with villages and 
 bazaars, whose population might be regarded as hostile. 
 The gaol was also a danger, and a still greater danger 
 was the police. Mr. Colvin was entreated again to dis- 
 arm and disband them. He was also advised to release 
 the prisoners, and send them over the river ; from 
 whence, as some of the pontoons were removed from the 
 bridge, they could not return. The women and children 
 were already sent into the fort. Mr. Colvin was strongly 
 advised to allow the other non-combatants to join them, 
 and also to permit the English and Christians to send 
 their property within the fort walls for security. 
 
 All these sensible recommendations Mr. Colvin's 
 advisers i3ersuaded him to reject. The utmost that 
 they could be induced to concede was that the English 
 and Christians should be admitted within the fort, if 
 the mutineers advanced to attack the station. The 
 signal for their admission was to be the discharge of 
 three guns from the ramparts. 
 
 The long halt of the enemy gave rise to hopes that, 
 after all, they might not attack us. It was the belief of 
 the natives that they would have continued their march 
 to Delhi but for the action of the Agi-a Mohammedan 
 officials. One of these, the superintendent of the police, 
 paid a visit to the mutineers' camp, and had an inter- 
 view with the rebel commanders. "What passed was
 
 CH. XIX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE— PRIOR EVENTS. 189 
 
 never known, but immediately on his departure the 
 order was issued to strike the tents and advance on 
 Agra. The mutineers marched all night, and arrived 
 the next morning at a little village named Sasootiah, 
 situated about three miles from the western limits of 
 the station, and not very far from the town, or rather 
 suburb, of Shahgunge, and here they put themselves 
 into position.
 
 190 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE. — BATTLE ITSELF. 
 
 When the news reached the General of the arrival of 
 the enemy, he determined to go out and attack them. 
 The more experienced of his officers endeavoured to dis- 
 suade him ; they thought it would be better to take up 
 a strong position and await their advance ; they thought 
 also that if left alone the mutineers would probably 
 retire. 
 
 The younger officers were for the bolder course — 
 the General, who did not want for courage, decided to 
 adopt it. 
 
 Finding him resolved to fight, the older officers ad- 
 vised him to make the battle an artillery one, to take out 
 the hea\'y guns from the fort, and drive the enemy out 
 of their position. But to get these guns would take 
 time, and the General was too eager to be off to brook 
 the delay. He decided to move out with his field battery 
 alone, he was too impatient to wait even for the full sup- 
 ply of ammunition. He set off with what he had at 
 hand, which was about half the proper amount— the rest 
 he directed to be sent after him. 
 
 The news of the arrival of the enemy had not reached 
 Agra till late in the morning ; the preparations, such as 
 they were, had occupied time. It was nearly one in the 
 afternoon before our troops commenced their march. 
 They consisted of one regiment of English soldiers, the
 
 CH. XX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE— BATTLE ITSELF. 191 
 
 Agra mounted militia, and a single battery of field 
 artillery. The place where the enemy were encamped 
 was nearly five miles from that part of the cantonments 
 from whence the force set out ; it was past three o'clock 
 before they came in sight of the enemy. 
 
 The English soldiers arrived much exliausted — the 
 heat was terrible ; and, for some unaccountable reason, 
 they had been clothed in their winter uniforms of thick 
 cloth. They were, nevertheless, in good spirits, and eager 
 to attack the enemy. 
 
 The village in which the mutineers were posted was 
 slightly elevated above the plam — the elevation was so 
 slight as to be hardly perceptible ; but such as it was, it 
 served to give the enemy an advantage in firing,- and 
 also to conceal their movements on the other side. To 
 the left of the village was a grove of trees, and in this 
 they had placed half their artillery. The other half was on 
 the right. In attacking natives, it has often been found 
 the best plan to go straight at them. They have a great 
 fear of English soldiers, and seldom stand their charge. 
 This plan the General was recommended to adopt. He 
 preferred, however, to make the battle an artillery one, 
 although by leaving behind the heavy guns he had de- 
 prived himself of the means of rendering such a mode 
 of attack successful. 
 
 When about a quarter of a mile from the rebels, he 
 halted and opened fire. The enemy returned it. After a 
 round or two had been fired it was perceived that our 
 balls fell short ; the enemy were out of range, we had 
 halted too soon. 
 
 On this the guns were limbered up and an advance 
 made ; when nearer the enemy a halt was again called, 
 the artillery ordered to commence firing, and the English 
 soldiers to lie flat on their faces. A more injudicious
 
 192 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xx. 
 
 proceeding could hardly have been devised. The regiment 
 had been recently raised, the men were mostly young 
 recruits not yet thoroughly disciplined, none of them had 
 been in action, and to be exposed to a fire they were not 
 permitted to return is trying even to the most experienced 
 soldiers. 
 
 At the approach of our troops the rebel skirmishers 
 had retired into the village. Seeing our men lying down 
 in place of charging, they took courage, came out of the 
 village, and commenced to fire. At the same time their 
 cavalry appeared from behind the grove of trees, as if 
 about to attack us in flank. Our militia horse rode 
 boldly at them, and though far inferior in numbers, and 
 as a rule much worse mounted, succeeded in driving them 
 back after a short encounter. But not till a portion of 
 them had charged through our guns on our left. Our 
 artillery, like that of the mutineers, was posted on 
 either flank. As we had only one battery it was divided. 
 Two guns on the right, two on the left ; through these 
 last the rebels charged. Had they had pluck they 
 might have captured them, and with the capture of 
 these guns the rest of our force would have been almost 
 at their mercy. But Captain Alfred Pearson, the officer 
 commanding, kept his men together. And the rebels 
 seeing this, and that their comrades had turned, hast- 
 ened to join them. All fled together precipitately, and 
 took shelter behind the village. 
 
 Seeing them fly, one of his officers rode up to the 
 General and entreated him to let the English soldiers 
 charge ; he guaranteed that if allowed to do so they 
 would take the village. The General so far yielded as 
 to permit the men to stand up and return the enemy's 
 fire, but to the request to allow them to charge he 
 turned a deaf ear.
 
 CH. XX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE -BATTLE ITSELF. 193 
 
 From the commencement of the engagement, it was 
 ai^parent that the mutineer artillery was superior to our 
 own. They had also the advantage of position. It was 
 now perceived that they had got our range. When the 
 range has once been found by the enemy, it is the prac- 
 tice to move the guns. The officer commanding the 
 artillery was about to do so, when the fatal shots arrived. 
 A discharge of grape poured into our right half batter3\ 
 Captain Doyly fell mortally wounded. 
 
 At the same time, or I believe a little before, shots 
 had struck the left half battery. The first dismounted 
 one of our guns, smashing the carriage to pieces, another 
 blew up one of the tumbrels. It was due then, and 
 before, to Captain Pearson that the disaster of that day 
 was not a worse one. His men, many of them wounded, 
 some mortally — horses dropping around — he continued to 
 fight his guns till the supply of ammunition gave out, 
 and he . was compelled to cease firing for want of the 
 powder and ball that in his eagerness and over-confidence 
 the General had left to follow him. 
 
 There was nothing now left but to storm the village 
 or to retire. The General was entreated, almost implored, 
 to let the soldiers charge. From all accounts, had he 
 allowed them to do so he would probably have obtained 
 a victory. The enemy appeared cowed by the sight of 
 the English soldiers, they had begun to retire again into 
 the village, and to shoot from the cover of the huts. 
 Some of their cavalry were perceived to be moving off in 
 the rear. But the General possessed the obstinacy as 
 well as the incapacity of age ; he would neither allow the 
 soldiers to charge, nor would he permit them to retire 
 out of range, and there await the arrival of his ammuni- 
 tion, which could not now be far distant. To the shame 
 and indignation of his men and officers he gave the 
 
 o
 
 194 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xx. 
 
 order to retreat. He gave the order not from cowardice, 
 for he was personally brave, nor from confusion, for 
 throughout he was cool and collected — his conduct was 
 the result of simple incapacity. 
 
 The order given, slowly and reluctantly it was obeyed — 
 as regarded the conveyance of the wounded, not without 
 difficulty. In the same manner as the General had 
 omitted to take the proper supply of ammunition, so had 
 he neglected other arrangements. There were no water- 
 carriers, nor the requisite amount of bearers for the 
 dhoolies, nor had the usual precautions been adopted to 
 prevent those there were from deserting. Many had run 
 off during the engagement. Almost worse than the 
 deficiency of bearers was the want of water-carriers. 
 Wounds are succeeded by agonising thirst — there was no 
 water to relieve it. 
 
 The last to leave the ground were Captain Pearson 
 and his artillery. In retiring the General appeared to 
 have forgotten them ; he sent them no orders, he took 
 no measures for their protection. Captain Pearson had 
 to get away his guns as best he could, and with such 
 volunteer assistance as he could obtain. 
 
 As our troops retired the mutineer cavalry re-ap- 
 peared from behind the village, and made a feint of 
 attacking. Our men faced about, and our militia horse 
 charged. As they charged the enemy fell back, but 
 advanced as soon as our troops re-commenced their 
 retreat, and again threatened to attack. When our 
 soldiers faced round the enemy retired as before, repeat- 
 ing their threat of attacking as soon as our march was 
 resumed. In this manner they continued to hang on 
 the rear of our force, obliging it continually to halt 
 and face about, till the outskirts of the station were 
 reached.
 
 CH. XX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE -BATTLE ITSELF. 195 
 
 The road here ran between a large house, known as 
 the ' MofussiHte Press,' from being occupied by the estab- 
 lishment of a newspaper of that name, and some rather 
 high sandhills. The position was a strong one, and the 
 General was advised to halt and occupy it. But to this 
 advice he paid as little attention as he had to all the 
 other recommendations he had previously received. 
 Instead of halting, and awaiting the advance of the 
 rebels, he continued his retreat, and he now informed 
 the troops that he intended to retire into the fort. 
 
 The arrangement of the Government had been that 
 when our troops marched out against the mutineers, 
 the police should keep order in the city and station. In 
 pursuance of this arrangement, Mr. Drummond had gone 
 in the morning to the head police station to issue the 
 necessary orders. Then occurred what everyone but 
 himself and the Government had predicted — the police 
 broke out into open mutiny. What Mr. Drummond 
 could have done I do not know, what he did do was 
 thought singular. He gave the whole force leave of 
 absence, and also permission to carry away with them 
 their arms and ammunition. What was thought still 
 more singular, and was certainly most unexpected, of 
 this permission the police quietly availed themselves. 
 They did not plunder, they did not riot, they shouldered 
 their muskets, hung their bundles of clothes on the 
 barrels, and marched away to their different homes — all 
 but a hundred or so, who remained in the city and joined 
 the mobs that presently collected. 
 
 When the gaol guard mutinied their place had been 
 supplied by a fresh body of men raised for the i^urpose. 
 These men were placed under the immediate control of 
 one of the Mohammedan officials. 
 
 When our troops marched out, this man and one of
 
 196 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xx. 
 
 his subordinates ascended the great gateway of the gaol, 
 and sat on the flat roof to Hsten, After a time they 
 heard a boom, as of distant cannon ; it was followed 
 by a fainter noise, which sounded like the rattle of 
 musketry. They conchided that the battle had begun. 
 The commencement of the battle was the signal agreed 
 on. The two men descended to the courtyard, as- 
 sembled the guard, and proceeded to release the pri- 
 soners, having first themselves plundered the treasure 
 chest. 
 
 The conduct of the prisoners, like that of the police, 
 was different from what had been anticipated. Like the 
 poHce they committed hardly any outrages, and went 
 peaceably off to their homes. Those whose homes were 
 in the east made for the bridge, to reach which they had 
 to pass through the city. 
 
 It was about five o'clock in the afternoon, the time 
 when the streets are most crowded, that groups of 
 prisoners began to appear. Their a|)pearance and the 
 clanking of their chains excited consternation ; it was 
 supposed to indicate that our government was over- 
 thrown. The shopkeepers hastily removed their goods 
 to within their shops, closed their shutters, and hurried 
 off to their homes. As the respectable portion of the 
 inhabitants retired the rest rose, formed into mobs, and 
 proceeded to the station to burn and plunder. 
 
 Early in the morning most of the English and Eura- 
 sians had entered the fort ; I mean, of course, those who 
 did not belong to the army, and who had not entered the 
 militia. An order had been issued, as I have stated, 
 that admittance into the fort was not to be permitted 
 till the signal of three guns had been fired, but like many 
 other orders issued at that time this one was not strictly 
 attended to.
 
 CH. XX. BATTLE OF SIIAHGUNGE -BATTLE ITSELF. 197 
 
 Many families, however, still remained in their 
 houses waiting the result of the battle, which no one 
 supposed would be otherwise than in our favour. It had 
 scarcely commenced before a report sj^read that our 
 troops were retreating ; this was followed by a panic and 
 a general stampede to the fort. The approaches were 
 soon blocked by a mass of horses and vehicles, and the 
 gates besieged by a dense crowd frantic for admission. 
 
 Most of the residents of the station reached the fort 
 in safety, a few who lived near the city were met by the 
 mobs and murdered. In every instance the murderers 
 were the mutinous police, those few of that force who had 
 remained and joined the rioters. 
 
 The mobs presently became bolder ; they advanced 
 into the English station, and they had already begun to 
 congregate on the main road, when the General and our 
 troops eiitered it on their retreat. The militia observing 
 them, one of their oSicers rode up to the General and 
 asked permission to disperse them. He engaged to do 
 so if a small troop were allowed him, and in this he did 
 not promise more than he could easily have performed. 
 The General sternly ordered him back to his men, and 
 forbade him to leave them again at his peril. 
 
 The mobs imputed this forbearance to fear, and 
 became themselves encouraged. As our army retired 
 they followed, plundering the houses of the English, oc- 
 casionally setting fire to them. It was nearly dark when 
 our soldiers reached the fort. They entered it exhausted 
 with thirst and fatigue, for they had marched and fought 
 for many hours exposed to the terrible heat of an Indian 
 July sun. They found nothing prepared — not even for 
 the wounded. The night that followed is one for sad 
 remembrance in our annals. As the darkness fell, from 
 every direction fires began to rise ; the fort, on its land
 
 igS THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xx 
 
 side, was ere long encompassed by a wall of smoke and 
 flame. 
 
 The mutineer cavalry did not continue their pursuit 
 beyond the sandhills, but at the time this was not known. 
 It was supposed that they entered the station, and that 
 the entu'e rebel army was following. The flames ap- 
 peared to confirm this belief. During the early hours of 
 the night an attack on the fort was momentarily expected. 
 It was perhaps fortunate that one was not made. Our 
 soldiers would have fought as English soldiers are wont 
 to fight ; but so commanded, and in the confusion that 
 j)revailed, they might nevertheless have fought unsuc- 
 cessfully. 
 
 Imminent as the danger was considered hardly any 
 preparations were made to meet it ; there was no head, 
 no order — even the most ordinary precautions were 
 neglected. I was told afterwards that the gate towards 
 tie river was left open and unguarded the livelong 
 night. 
 
 The confusion that prevailed words can hardly 
 describe. No accommodation had been provided for the 
 mass of the English and Christians. They had fled in 
 at the last moment, some with a few clothes, many with 
 only their lives ; they found themselves without food, 
 without shelter. The charity was as great as the distress ; 
 all who had room to spare took in the less fortunate. 
 But many, notwithstanding, spent the night wandering 
 through the squares and open spaces, with no shelter 
 from the torrents of rain save the blind arches of the 
 ramparts. 
 
 No provision had been made for the wounded. A 
 hospital was hastily improvised in the arcade of one of 
 the courts. The surgeons did not spare themselves ; all 
 that their skill and attention could do was done. But
 
 CH. XX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE— BATTLE ITSELF. 
 
 199 
 
 the attendance was defective and the supply of water 
 insufiicient. To the pain of wounds and amputations 
 was added the anguish of thirst. 
 
 Before long the doors of the court were surrounded 
 by a crowd of women, the wives of the sufferers. Why, 
 I know not, but they were refused admission. They would 
 not leave, they could not be forced away; their sobs and 
 lamentations formed a sad echo to the groans within. 
 
 I was told by some who were in the fort that night 
 that beyond the distress, beyond the anxiety, the feeling 
 of most of the English was one of shame and humilia- 
 tion. Our troops before this had suffered reverses, 
 they had been on occasions overpowered by numbers, 
 they had been compelled to retire before insurmountable 
 obstacles, but a retreat such as the present was hitherto 
 unknown. 
 
 This feeling, according to rumour, the General did 
 not share ; he was a brave, a kind, an honourable man, 
 but the same age that had dulled his capacities had 
 blunted his sensibilities. He entered the fort quite 
 unconcerned at the humiliation his arms had sustained, 
 repaired to his comfortable quarters, ate his dinner, and 
 at his usual hour retired placidly to bed, quite satisfied 
 that he had thoroughly performed his duty. 
 
 While the hours passed thus within the fort, the 
 station M-as given up to anarchy without. All night the 
 mobs roamed through it, plundering, burning, and 
 murdering such Christians as fell in their way. One 
 only they spared ; he was an Eurasian, and had formerly 
 held a high position in the accountant's office. He 
 was eccentric, and much given to intemperance. When 
 his neighbours fled to the fort he remained drinking, 
 and was still doing so when the mob entered. On 
 seeing them he exhibited neither surprise nor alarm, but
 
 200 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xx 
 
 welcomed them as guests, and invited thorn to share his 
 Hquor, and assisted them in destroying his own furni- 
 ture. Regarding him as a lunatic, the rioters left him 
 unharmed, influenced by that compassionate reverence 
 which in the East insanity inspires. The disorder that 
 prevailed in the station did not extend to the city — that 
 remained perfectly tranquil. 
 
 When day dawned the news came that the rebel 
 army had marched away to Muttra. This intelligence 
 filled all the well-to-do citizens with terror. They 
 imagined that the English troops would presently issue 
 from the fort, and take vengeance on the city for the 
 destruction of the station and for the murders and out- 
 rages that had been committed on the Christians. Some 
 of the chief inhabitants met together, and decided to 
 send a deputation to Mr. Colvin to declare their loyalty, 
 profess their innocence, and to offer their assistance in 
 restoring order. 
 
 The deputation had just started, when they met 
 several servants returning from the fort. The servants 
 informed them that they had been to join their masters, 
 but as they approached the gate they had been shot at by 
 the soldiers from behind the palisades. The deputation 
 thought the same thing might happen to themselves, 
 and judged it most prudent to return to their own homes. 
 There they remained, as did the rest of the city, for some 
 hours in great trepidation, expecting each instant the 
 arrival of the English soldiers, or a fall of shot and shell 
 from the batteries. 
 
 But when the day passed, and neither soldiers ap- 
 peared nor shells fell, they began to think that we were 
 afraid, and their own courage revived. The same 
 citizens who in the morning had set out to profess their 
 devotion to our Government, in the evening assembled
 
 CH. XX. BATTLE OF SHAHGUNGE- CATTLE ITSELF. 201 
 
 in the great mosque and proclaimed the King of Delhi. 
 And at the same time, or soon afterwards, the leading 
 Mohammedans also proclaimed the ' Jehad,' or the ' holy 
 war against unbelievers.' They proceeded to wage it 
 against the Christians only. Such as they found in the 
 city they mui'dered ; they sjDared neither age nor sex. 
 Many of the victims were women, many were children ; 
 with one or two exceptions, all were natives. The mur- 
 ders were committed with the greatest deliberation in 
 the open streets, and in the presence of the better class 
 of the inhabitants and the Government' officials, who 
 looked quietly and approvingly- on from their windows 
 and balconies. Not many were, indeed, killed, but this 
 was merely because there were but few to kill, for nearly 
 the entire Christian population had taken refuge within 
 the walls of the fort. 
 
 For these murders the Government was in no degree 
 responsible. All who fell had remained outside the fort 
 deliberately and of their own accord. Natives them- 
 selves, they thought they were safe among their country- 
 men. With two exceptions, they were persons of the 
 humblest rank. Of these exceptions, one was Major 
 Jacobs. His murder strongly illustrated the extent to 
 which the fanaticism of the Mohammedans had been 
 aroused. 
 
 In all but name Major Jacobs was a native ; what 
 slight infusion of European blood ran in his veins was 
 French. His family had been settled for some genera- 
 tions at Gwalior, and had held high commands in 
 Scindiah's army. The Major himself had fought against 
 us at Maharajpore. His Mohammedan servants j)er- 
 suaded him not to enter the fort. The next day they 
 murdered him. 
 
 For three days the mol) continued to roam through
 
 202 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xx. 
 
 the station, burning and destroying. But in the city, 
 save that the Christians were murdered, there was no 
 disorder. Even in the station the residences of Hindoos 
 and Mohammedans were scrupulously unmolested. On 
 the fourth day our troops issued, and the authority of 
 the English Government was restored. 
 
 Note. — Since the above account of the battle was written I 
 have been informed by an officer who was present that the si;pply 
 of ammunition with which the artillery started was that ordinarily 
 taken, and that it would have been sufficient had not the General, 
 by his inaction, compelled it to be so uselessly expended. Still, I 
 beUeve it is quite true, as I have stated, that more ammunition was 
 ordered to follow, and that the General refused to delay his retreat 
 for its arrival. 
 
 I should add, that the same officer tells me that I must have 
 been misinformed as to any proposal for taking out the heavy gims, 
 as the doing so, under the circumstances, was impossible.
 
 DEPARTURE OF THE ENEMY. 203 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 DEPARTURE OF THE ENEMY. 
 
 The mutineers having reached Miittra appeared in no 
 hurry to quit it. They settled themselves on the parade 
 ground, visited the temples and bathing-places, and each 
 day their chief officers held levees, to which all the 
 country flocked in and attended. Presently they ex- 
 pressed their intention to return and besiege us, and a 
 very alarming rumour spread at the same time that the 
 Gwalior contingent was coming to help them. The 
 Gwalior contmgent was a formidable force, and it also 
 possessed a battering train. If it came with its heavy 
 guns our position would be very serious. 
 
 I do not know if the authorities believed in the 
 danger — they certainly made no preparations to meet it. 
 They did not get in supplies, they did not make sanitary 
 arrangements, they did not even push on the work of 
 completing the defences. 
 
 Mr. Colvin remained confined to his apartments — it 
 was given out he was ill, and the General seldom left his 
 quarters. It was said he saw no necessity for doing so ; 
 as long as the guards were posted and the routine duties 
 performed he was perfectly satisfied. Meanwhile, a 
 dangerous discontent was manifesting itself throughout 
 the fort. As the details of the battle and of the subsequent 
 events became known, a feeling of rage and indignation
 
 204 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxi. 
 
 was aroused against the authorities, by whose mismanage- 
 ment the catastrophe had been occasioned. 
 
 Popular anger usually centres on some one individual ; 
 it fell now on Mr. Drummond. There arose a nearly 
 universal cr}- for his removal ; to this demand ]Mr. Colvin 
 was not disposed to yield. Whatever Mr. Drummond 
 had done had received his direct or tacit approval, as well 
 as that of the chief civil officials ; and the ultimate 
 failure of his plans was due very much to a cause for 
 which he was in no way answeraljle — namely, the inca- 
 pacity of the General. 
 
 Mr. Drummond was equall}^ faithful to his own 
 subordinates ; they were neither dismissed nor was their 
 conduct investigated, nor were any efforts made to dis- 
 cover and punish the instigators and perpetrators of the 
 murders and outrages. Those who had suffered, whose 
 property had been destro3'ed, or whose relations had 
 been killed, began to talk of taking vengeance, as the 
 authorities did not appear disposed to afford them jus- 
 tice. It was generally felt that it was neither due to the 
 dignity of our Government nor consistent with our own 
 safet}' that the present state of things should continue. 
 It was believed that Mr. Colvin was no longer capable of 
 conducting the Government. The propriety of setting 
 him aside began to be openly discussed. 
 
 It was while things were in this state that I had 
 occasion one day to see Mr. Colvin. Mr. Colvin resided 
 in a corner of our square that overlooked the river ; his 
 apartments were separated from the garden by a screen 
 composed of slabs of white marble. A servant raised a 
 curtain that hung before the doorway and admitted me 
 into a pretty court ; it was paved with white marble, and 
 on the other side rose a fantastic-looking building, com- 
 posed of the same material, and surmounted by cupolas
 
 CH. XXI. DEPARTURE OF THE ENEMY. 205 
 
 thickly overlaid with gold. Curtains were hung before 
 the arches ; the servant drew one aside and I entered a 
 long room, half filled with books and furniture that lay 
 piled in heaps upon the floor and against the walls. 
 Three officers were seated at the end of the room ; one of 
 them rose, begged me to take a chair, and retired through 
 a small doorway. He presently returned and informed 
 me that Mr. Colvin would see me, and requested me to 
 accompany him into the next apartment. 
 
 We passed through the doorway, which was low and 
 narrow, and very deep, and entered a large hall ; the roof 
 was arched, the walls of enormous thickness, and broken 
 by many recesses. The hall was lighted by a single 
 window, which appeared to look out on the river. The 
 ■window had no glass, but in its place was a delicate 
 tracery of white marble. The tracery broke the light, 
 the vast thickness of the walls subdued the glare, the 
 sunshine, reflected from the sky and water, entered 
 faintly tinged with blue. 
 
 The hall, like the outer room, was filled with furniture 
 piled together in extreme confusion ; a heap of books lay 
 on the floor, near them was a large round table. Beside 
 it, in an arm-chair, was seated Mr. Colvin — an open book 
 lay before him on the table, his head was bent over it as 
 if he was perusing it. 
 
 The officer advanced, mentioned my name, and 
 retired. As I approached Mr. Colvin raised his head, 
 shook hands, and desired me to be seated. His manner 
 was very gentle, his voice subdued. I had brought 
 a note from Colonel Fraser ; he glanced at it, laid it 
 on the table, and asked me to tell him what I had to 
 say. 
 
 For some little while he listened attentively, then 
 gradually his eyes fell on the book before him, though he
 
 2o6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxi. 
 
 did not appear to be reading. When I had finished 
 speaking he remained still in the same attitude, and so 
 for some minutes we continued, Mr. Colvin bending over 
 his book motionless as a figure of wax, I seated beside 
 him. I had just quitted a noisy scene at one of the 
 barracks, where the state of things in the fort had been 
 angrity debated. After that noisy assemblage, the silence 
 and stillness of this apartment were very impressive. No 
 sound from without penetrated the massive walls, there 
 was no movement within. The subdued light, the 
 shadows in the deep recesses, added to the feeling of 
 repose. 
 
 Presently Mr. Colvin raised his head — he seemed by 
 an effort to collect his thoughts — and began to speak 
 about the subject of my visit. That disposed of he 
 chatted a little on ordinary topics, and I took my leave. 
 At the doorway I turned to bow, and I saw that he had 
 again bent over his book, and his attitude and features 
 had assumed their former expression of weariness and 
 abstraction. 
 
 The next morning it was announced that Mr. Drum- 
 mond had been removed from his appointment. It was 
 said that some of the chief officials had waited on Mr. 
 Colvin the previous afternoon, and given him the choice 
 of removing Mr. Drummond or being himself superseded; 
 and from what my brother at times let fall, I think that 
 something of the kind must really have taken place. My 
 brother thought that Mr. Drummond's removal had 
 become necessary, but at the same time that he was 
 hardly treated, for whatever he had done had been done 
 with the approval of his superiors. 
 
 The mutineers remained nearly a fortnight at Muttra, 
 keeping us very uneasy by their threats of returning. 
 Then some intelligence reached them that jn-oduced a
 
 CH. XXI. DEPARTURE OF THE ENEMY. 207 
 
 sudden commotion among their leaders. In a few hours 
 they struck their tents, and marched away to Delhi. 
 
 "SMien the news of their departure reached us an 
 incuhus seemed removed, the authorities woke up and 
 began to undertake those measures for defence and for 
 preserving health and order that ought long before to 
 have been completed. In a few days the appearance of 
 the fort was changed, in a fortnight it hardty seemed the 
 same place ; from a very Augean stable of filth and con- 
 fusion it had become a model of cleanliness and arrange- 
 ment. 
 
 Our residence in the fort was a long one — it was a 
 period of some danger, of much discomfort, but perhaps, 
 from its very strangeness, not devoid of attraction. Some 
 description of it may interest the reader. I will note 
 some of the incidents I can recall to recollection without, 
 however, preserving always the order in which they oc- 
 curred. But first, before I describe our life in the fort, 
 let me endeavour to give the reader an idea of the fort 
 itself.
 
 2o8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXII. 
 
 THE FORT OF AGE A. 
 
 The river Jumna runs beneath a lofty bank, in places 
 scored into ravines by the rains of ages. From these 
 ravines occasionally rise up great mounds — on one of 
 these stands the fort of Agra. The fort is coeval with 
 the city, and of unknown antiquity ; the existing edifice 
 does not, however, date beyond the sixteenth century. 
 The walls and gateways were erected by the Emperor 
 Akbar about the commencement of the reign of our 
 Elizabeth ; the interior buildings are mostly the work of 
 his gi-andson Shah-Jehan, and were not constructed till 
 a century later. 
 
 The term ' fort ' is rather misleading. The building 
 would be more correctly described as a castle, which was 
 the designation applied to it by our early travellers, for 
 it is not a mere military stronghold, but, like Windsor, 
 the embattled residence of the sovereign. As a castle it 
 differs greatly, as do all the Indian castles, from those of 
 Europe ; the walls are separate from the residence and 
 they do not rise from the mound, but enclose it. Viewed 
 from the road that skirts the outer ditch, nothing can 
 exceed its massive grandeur ; seen at a greater distance 
 its appearance is less imposing — its immense length de- 
 tracts from its height, and the towers, not rising above 
 the wall, render the outline tame and monotonous.
 
 CH. XXII. TPIE FORT OF AGRA. C09 
 
 The side that faces the river is far more beautiful. The 
 outer defences are here very extensive — when the river 
 is full they reach to the water's edge. They rise tier over 
 tier, with battlements, embrasures, and projecting bas- 
 tions, very magnificent. Behind, and towering far above 
 them, stretches the vast red wall of the fort itself. Its 
 outline is varied by lofty towers, its summit crowned with 
 pavilions of white marble, whose roofs and cupolas are 
 overlaid with burnished gold. Seen from beneath, the 
 buOding realises every idea of an enchanter's palace ; 
 below, an impregnable castle, above, the bowers of the 
 fairies. 
 
 This appearance of strength, once a reality, is now a 
 delusion ; a battery across the river would soon bring 
 down these lofty walls, and the knowledge of this occa- 
 sioned us at times a good deal of anxiety. The upper 
 portion of the wall is pierced with windows ; one expects 
 to find behind them halls and galleries ; it is disappoint- 
 ing, on entering, to discover that they light only gloomy 
 vaults, winding stairs, and narrow subterranean pas- 
 sages. The habitable portion of the building is confined 
 to the line of pavilions that crown the summit. 
 
 The palaces of India dift'er from those of Europe as 
 much as do the castles ; on a first visit the}' are to an 
 English traveller equally disappointing ; they appear a 
 mere confused collection of cells, gateways, courtyards, 
 and summer-houses. It is not till later that the visitor 
 recognises the conformity of the design to the use — the 
 absolute perfection of construction and ornamentation. 
 
 The palaces of the Indian emperors were built on 
 one uniform plan, which, though apparently complicated, 
 when once understood is very simple. It could not, 
 however, be made intelligible without di-awings and 
 elaborate explanations. It will be sufficient to say that 
 
 p
 
 2rcr THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxii. 
 
 the i^alace proper consisted of a succession of courtyards 
 and pavilions, extending along one side of the fortress 
 and terminating in a garden, the remainder of the space 
 within the walls being occupied l)y the pul)lic offices, 
 and the residences of the great officials attached to the 
 Court, and of the servants, guards, and attendants, whose 
 numbers amounted to many thousands. In fact, the 
 exterior walls of the fortress enclosed within them a 
 complete city, whose buildings presented every gradation 
 of splendour, from the marble pavilions of the Emperor 
 to the mud hovels of the lower attendants. 
 
 The fort of Agra extends along the river for a dis- 
 tance — I speak from memory — of nearly half a mile ; it 
 is terminated by two enormous circular towers, which, 
 as they do not rise above the level of the ramparts, are 
 in military phraseology styled bastions. The one at 
 the southern extremity of the fort is known as the 
 * Tower of Bengal,' from its facing towards that region; 
 the designation of the northern tower I forget. Between 
 these two towers, but on a lower level, are the series of 
 buildings that constitute the palace. It would be more 
 correct to say ' were,' for many of the buildings have 
 disappeared, among them the Zenana of the Emperor 
 Akbar, which, when it existed, was known by the fanci- 
 ful appellation of ' The Palace of the Fish.' It was 
 situated immediately beneath the ' Tower of Bengal.' 
 Some broken arches, a few ruined walls, and a well of 
 vast dimensions alone remain to indicate its site. 
 
 Passing these ruins, we come to the palace of Jehan- 
 gire, an immense building of dark red stone, gloomy 
 and massive, but from age and neglect beginning to 
 show signs of decay. Beyond the palace of Jehangire 
 is the courtyard and surrounding edifices, in which at 
 present we are residing ; it is known among the English
 
 CH. XXII. TPIE FORT OF AGRA. 211 
 
 as the ' Palace Square ; ' by the natives it is termed 
 ' The Pearl Zenana ' and the ' Garden of the Vine : ' the 
 former epithet being bestowed as descriptive of the lus- 
 trous whiteness of its marble pavilions, the latter from a 
 former tradition that around one of the columns once 
 clustered the tendrils of the golden vine, whose grapes of 
 emeralds and rubies illustrated the magnificence of its 
 constructor, the Emperor Shah Jehan. 
 
 Our square I have already described. We will pass on 
 to the next enclosure ; it is reached by a narrow stair- 
 case, and consists only of a small court surrounded by a 
 screen of white marble; but it contains within it the 
 gem of the jDalace, what without exaggeration may be 
 termed one of the architectural jewels of the world. 
 This is an octagon turret of two storeys, surmounted 
 by a fairy-like cupola thickly overlaid with gold. 
 
 The architecture is very beautiful, but the glory of 
 the structure lies in its material ; the walls and columns 
 are of white marble, and the whiteness of the marble 
 is relieved by borders of flowers executed in coloured 
 mosaics, and the mosaics are composed of agates, corne- 
 lians, lapis-lazuli, blood-stone, and other semi-precious 
 gems. In the floors of the lower storey are basins and 
 fountains ; the water enters by a shallow canal, and 
 escapes by a miniature cascade ; through the limpid water 
 gleam the white marble — the coloured mosaics. 
 
 Lord Ellenborough, when Governor-General, was so 
 enchanted with the beauty of this turret, that for a 
 short time he made it his residence, bestowing on it the 
 name of Noor Jehan's Bower, from a mistaken idea that 
 it had formerly been occupied by that Princess. It was 
 not really erected till long after her decease. 
 
 The courtyard of this turret forms the limit of the 
 ancient Zenana ; a doorway in the marble screen leads
 
 212 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxii. 
 
 into the ' Dewau Khas,' or ' Private Hall of Audience/ 
 fancifull}^ termed by the English the ' Hall of Ambas- 
 sadors.' A second doorway opens on a narrow staircase, 
 steep and dark, cut in the solid thickness of the wall. 
 The stairs descend lower, still lower ; after many turns 
 and windings the visitor stoops and passes through a 
 low doorway ; he rises, and finds himself m what appears 
 a black void. The attendants raise theii* torches ; there 
 comes the reflection from a pale blue surface, and the 
 sparkle as of a thousand gems ; the ear catches the 
 sound of a faint ripple — the gentle splash as of softly 
 falling water. The visitor has entered that mysterious 
 chamber known by the natives as the ' Crystal Hall,' by 
 the English termed the ' Grotto of Jehangire.' 
 
 The ' Dewan Khas,' or ' Private Hall of Audience,' is 
 situated at one end of a broad stone terrace overlooking 
 the river. At the other, alas ! is a vacant space ; on it 
 formerly stood a corresponding pavilion, which, accord- 
 ing to tradition, was constructed of green marble, if 
 there be such a substance ; at all events, of some rare 
 material. It has shared the fate of the Zenana of 
 Akbar ; it had become dilapidated ; it was pulled down. 
 The ' Dewan Khas ' is of white marble, a large open 
 room, whose fiat roof is supported by a double row of 
 slender twelve- sided columns. 
 
 The hall and the buildings which line the walls of 
 its enclosing court have been assigned as the residence 
 of the fugitives from Gwalior ; on which account this 
 portion of the palace is usually spoken of as the 
 ' Gwalior Square '—an appellation which, after our leav- 
 ing the fort, it still continued to retain. 
 
 In the centre of the terrace rests an interesting 
 relic of the ancient days ; it is an enormous slab of dark 
 grey stone, beautifully polished, and the edges are orna-
 
 CH. XXII. THE FORT OF AGRA. 213 
 
 mented by a raised inscription in the flowing Persian 
 character. On this slab, in the evenings, the Emperor 
 was accustomed to take his seat, and no less august 
 footsteps were permitted to profane it. Across one angle 
 of the surface runs a crack, near it is a crimson spot ; 
 regarding the origin of this crack and stain two stories 
 are current, firmly credited even by the most educated 
 natives. 
 
 The crack appeared a century ago, when Sooruj Mull, 
 the Eajah of Bhurtpore, in the triumph of victory, placed 
 his seat upon the throne ; shocked at the indignity, the 
 stone shivered. The crimson mark made its appearance 
 when, some eighty years after. Lord Ellenborough placed 
 upon the slab his chair of State ; more deeply offended, 
 the stone bled. 
 
 Beyond this ' Gwalior Square ' are the ruins of the 
 Emperor's baths, and succeeding them a very labyrinth 
 of courts, enclosures, gateways, open spaces, and detached 
 buildings — a labyrinth it would be tedious to describe ; 
 hopeless, if I did, to render my description intelligible. 
 "Worthy of special note only is one beautiful gateway and 
 the private mosque of the Eoyal Princesses, which is 
 reached by a secret passage from our square. 
 
 Going further to the north we come on the road that 
 leads by a steep incline to the river entrance of the 
 fortress, termed by the English the ' Water Gate,' by 
 the natives known as the ' Hatliee Pool,' or ' Portal of 
 the Elephant,' so designated from the figures in bas- 
 relief of two of those enormous quadrupeds that orna- 
 ment the spandrels of the inner arch. This gateway, 
 though smaller than the gateway's on the land side, is 
 yet in some respects even more imposing ; it rises sheer 
 from the bottom of the incline, narrow, massive, and 
 lofty, suggesting the idea of impregnable strength.
 
 214 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxii. 
 
 Beyond this gateway the buildings diminish — they 
 soon cease, a few detached edifices only appearing on 
 a wide open space. One of these edifices is that enclosed 
 court from whence, during the three days of our fancied 
 siege, our rations were distributed ; it is said to have 
 been the ancient mint ; somewhere near it was the 
 palace garden ; no trace of it remains — walls, canals, 
 and pavilions have alike disappeared. 
 
 The northern bastion is very fine, and the view from 
 its summit rather pretty ; the river stretches before it, 
 during the rainy season resembling a broad, straight 
 lake. On the banks are picturesque ruins and groves 
 of darkly foliaged trees. The appearance of the city is 
 less pleasing ; the houses, flat-roofed and dull coloured, 
 resemble nothing so much as great square boxes. The 
 city is so full of trees that, seen from this height, the 
 further portions appear lost in a forest ; above the 
 margin of the forest rise the spires of the churches in 
 the English station. 
 
 But to return to the palace. Before the ' Pearl 
 Zenana ' is a large square ; it is entered by two hand- 
 some gateways, round three of its sides runs a low 
 arcade, on the fourth side is the ' Dewan Am,' or ' Hall 
 of Public Audience ; ' here the emperors daily sat in 
 State, heard complaints, dispensed justice, and displayed 
 their magnificence to their subjects, of whom all, even 
 the commonest, might enter that liked. The hall is a 
 long, and for its length rather a low, building ; it was 
 originally an open triple colonnade ; it was converted by 
 us, on our acquisition of Agra, into an enclosed gallery, 
 by filling up the spaces between the outer columns. 
 
 In the centre of the inner wall is a small alcove, partly 
 projecting from, partly recessed within the surface of 
 the wall. The singularity of the structure now attracts
 
 CH. XXII. THE FORT OF AGRA. ^*5 
 
 the attention of the visitor ; two centuries ago his 
 interest would have been absorbed by the objeci it 
 contained. For on the floor of the alcove there rested 
 the most costly article ever fabricated by the hand of 
 man : the ' Tukt-i-Taoos,' the State seat of the emper-ors, 
 the world-renowned ' Peacock Throne,' composed entirely 
 of precious stones. It represented a peacock with out- 
 spread tail — the emeralds, the diamonds, the sappliires, 
 and the rubies reproducing the tints of its many-colouxed 
 plumage. 
 
 Gorgeous as was the throne, as noon approached ihe 
 polished marble of the alcove became irradiated with the 
 reflection of an even greater splendour. At the back of 
 the alcove is a small door ; each morning, about eleven, 
 it opened, and there issued through it, all one blaze oi 
 gold and diamonds, the monarch who, to our ancestors, 
 was the very embodiment of earthly grandeur — the Great 
 Mogul. 
 
 On State occasions the pageant this hall and square 
 then displayed must have been the most magnificent 
 this world has ever seen. The travellers Bernier and 
 Tavernier both describe it ; with the aid of their descrip- 
 tions and native traditions in some faint degree we may 
 picture it. The Emperor sat on his jewelled throne, 
 above his head hung the golden canopy, fringed with 
 pearls, encrusted with gems. Before him, to avert the 
 evil eye, was suspended, by a golden thread, a single 
 enormous diamond, perhaps the ' Koh-i-Noor.' Below 
 the Emperor, on a marble slab that still exists, stood 
 the ' Wuzzeer Azim,' the ' Grand Yizier ' of our Eastern 
 tales ; and on either side were the officials of the palace, 
 the nobles, guards, and the hundreds of attendants — the 
 men who carried the golden spears, the golden clubs, and 
 the golden maces.
 
 256 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxii. 
 
 The arcades around the square were hung with cloth 
 of gold, and awnmgs of gold tissue were stretched before 
 them, supported on silver poles. As the Emperor 
 S/ppeared the music sounded from the orchestra on the 
 summits of the gateways, and the multitude broke forth 
 into shouts of adoration, more fitting to hail the advent 
 of a deity than the entrance of a mortal. 
 
 The ceremonies were commenced by a procession of 
 the- elite of the troops that guarded the palace, and the 
 State horses, camels, and elephants — all gorgeously 
 caparisoned. The elephants wore gold and silver trap- 
 pings, and carried golden howdahs, and many of the 
 troops were arrayed in those delicate suits of chain 
 armour, with gold inlaid caps and breastplates, of which 
 specimens may occasionally be seen in our European 
 museums. The procession was preceded by men carry- 
 ing the four insignia of royalty — the Mahe, the Muratib, 
 the Chutter, and the Chour ; that is, the ' Golden Fish, 
 the ' Golden Sun,' the ' Golden Umbrella,' and the snow- 
 white tail of the Thibetan ox set in its golden handle. 
 
 The hall had of late years been used as an armoury, 
 and the walls and columns were hung with flags and 
 weapons very prettily arranged. The celebrated Som- 
 nath gates stood at the northern end ; they were said 
 to be constructed of sandal-wood, but its appearance 
 was much that of ordinary deal. If the wood had ever 
 possessed any scent it had long departed. The gates 
 and the arms had just now been removed, and the hall 
 was occupied as a barrack by the English regiment. 
 
 On the land side the fort has two gateways — the 
 Delhi gate and the Ummer Sing gate. It was before the 
 Delhi gate that I stood on the morning of mj' arrival. 
 It was by the Ummer Sing gate that I entered. Seen 
 from the interior of the fort the Delhi gate, in size and
 
 CH. xxil. THE FORT OF AGRA. 217 
 
 construction, gives the idea of a palace. It possesses 
 in absolute perfection that combination of lightness 
 and solidity that so especially distinguishes the archi- 
 tecture of its builder, the Emperor Akbar. The walls 
 are massive as a rock, the cupolas, parapets, and 
 traceries are of gossamer delicacy. It is disappointing, 
 on entering, to find that this immense edifice contains 
 nothing beyond one or two moderate-sized rooms, a 
 few cells, and some narrow staircases. 
 
 On the flat roof there is hung, suspended from a 
 wooden frame, the largest gong I ever beheld ; it is a solid 
 disc of brass, at least a yard in diameter. It is said to 
 be the same gong on which the hours were struck in 
 the days of the emperors. If so, it is the one surviving 
 relic of all the countless articles of use and luxury, of aU 
 the inestimable treasures the fortress once contained. 
 
 The Delhi gate is so called because the emperors 
 issued from it on then- progress to that city. The 
 Ummer Sing gate records the name of a Hindoo 
 chieftain who was killed within it. He had defied the 
 Emperor in open audience ; he fled, the guards pursued 
 Iiim. In the courtyard of the gateway, his back to the 
 wall, he stood at bay ; overpowered by numbers he fell. 
 His wife implored his life — implored it in vain. Then 
 she cursed his destroyers, and calling on the wall to bear 
 witness to her malediction, she struck her arm against 
 it ; the stone yielded, and received the impression of her 
 bracelet. 
 
 In corroboration of the legend a curious indenta- 
 tion is pointed out, which does certainly very exactly 
 resemble the impression of one of those long, solid 
 bracelets worn by native women. But the bracelet 
 that made this indentation must have fitted the arm 
 of a giantess.
 
 2l8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH, xxii. 
 
 There are other buildings besides those I have de- 
 scribed, especiahy an immense range of enclosures near 
 the Delhi gate. They do not, however, with one ex- 
 ception, possess much interest ; that exception is the 
 ' Motee Muzjeed,' or the ' Pearl Mosque,' but to do jus- 
 tice to this exquisite structm-e a separate chapter would 
 be required. 
 
 The French traveller Tavernier visited the fort of 
 Agra about the middle of our seventeenth century. The 
 Court was absent, the Emperor being on one of his pro- 
 gresses, and the ' Killahdar,' or governor of the fortress, 
 permitted Tavernier to enter a part of the palace. 
 Tavernier saw the ' Peacock Throne ' and also the 
 * Golden Vine,' and he mentions the name of the Portu- 
 guese artist who had constructed it. Tavernier describes 
 what he saw apparently verj^ accurately, but so much has 
 the appearance of the interior been since changed by 
 ruin and alterations, that I never could clearly make 
 out either by which gateway he entered or into what 
 portions of the palace he was admitted. 
 
 When Shah Jehan removed his capital to Delhi he 
 carried the ' Peacock Throne ' with him. For nearly a 
 century it there remained, resting in a very similar 
 marble alcove in the audience hall of the new palace. In 
 the year 1745 it was carried away to Persia by Nadir 
 Shah, on his capture of Delhi. The throne was broken 
 up, some of the precious stones that composed it found 
 their way back to India ; but the greater portion are still 
 in the possession of the Shah of Persia. The fate of the 
 ' Golden Vine ' is not recorded, and, strange to say, 
 among the natives there is now no tradition of its 
 existence that I know of.
 
 CH. xxiir. LIFE IN THE FORT. 219 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIII. 
 
 LIFE IN THE FOET. 
 
 For the first few days after our entering it the fort had 
 resembled a disturbed ants' nest. The courts and 
 squares were filled with people asking and telling news, 
 or bustling about with no definite object. We had now 
 quieted down, and fallen into a sort of life very like that 
 on board ship during a long voyage. There was the 
 same monotony, the same sociability ; I am sorry to add, 
 also, the same gossip and quarrelling. 
 
 Through Colonel Fraser's kindness we had obtained 
 better quarters ; they were in a small pavilion of white 
 marble overlooking the river — a fantastic little structure, 
 surmounted by an oblong dome, thickly overlaid with 
 gold. It was situated in an enclosure paved with white 
 marble, and was separated from the rest of the square by 
 a screen of tall slabs of the same material. In ancient 
 times it had been the residence of some princess, and for 
 such 110 doubt was well adapted. For an English family 
 it was less suitable ; it contained but three rooms, in 
 size mere closets — two were assigned to us, the third was 
 given to a lady from Gwalior, one of the many whom 
 the mutiny had made widows. The heat of the rooms 
 was beyond words, and the polished marble of the 
 pavement reflected an almost blinding glare. To these 
 discomforts were added a very plague of flies, and what
 
 220 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxiii. 
 
 in such a building would not have been expected, of fleas 
 also. The flies and the glare we managed in some 
 degree to exclude by hanging curtains and erecting a 
 verandah of reeds and thatch. But the fleas we could 
 neither get rid of nor diminish — they were as numerous 
 and annoying the last day of our residence as on the 
 first. Where they came from was a mystery, as also was 
 where they hid in the solid masonry, and on what they 
 subsisted previous to our entrance. 
 
 But let me describe our life. We all rose earl}'. Those 
 who had horses or vehicles rode or drove — never, however, 
 venturing far from the fort ; the rest strolled about the 
 squares or walked on the ramparts. By seven o'clock 
 most of us had returned, by eight o'clock the palace had 
 subsided into the sleepy quiet it maintained for the 
 remainder of the day. 
 
 About four we dined, and dinner over, we rolled up 
 the curtains and sat by the window till the diminishing 
 glare enabled us to take our evening stroll. 
 
 From our window we looked on the river. Swollen by 
 the rains, it resembled a broad, long lake ; below the fort 
 the stream made so sharp a curve that the bank re- 
 mained in sight for a considerable distance. It was 
 lined with the ruins of what had once been palaces, but 
 were now mere masses of shapeless masonry. Amid 
 them, pure white and glistening, rose the ' Taj.' Con- 
 trasted with the mouldering walls beside it, it seemed the 
 embodiment of youth and freshness, suggesting the idea 
 of life amid decay. It was more than a mile from w"here 
 we sat, but so clear was the atmosphere that every 
 detail of its architecture was distinctly visible. We could 
 see the delicate cupolas that cluster around the central 
 dome, the coloured mosaics that adorn the walls, even the 
 marble traceries that fill the windows. Beyond the river
 
 CH. xxiii. LIFE IN THE FORT. 221 
 
 was a green expanse of grass and rising crops, inter- 
 spersed with groves of trees. 
 
 On one side of us was the marble hall, on the other 
 rose the great mass of the octagon tower. We looked 
 down some sixty feet on a wilderness of stone walls, gate- 
 ways, ditches, and ramparts. It was a cm-ious sensation, 
 thus living perched on the battlements. It seemed almost 
 as if time had gone back, and we were denizens of some 
 medieval castle. 
 
 Occasionally, towards sunset, the sky would be filled 
 with rainbow tints, the white marble of the Taj would 
 assume a rosy hue, the dull ruins be bathed in a purple 
 light, and the river lie before us like a sheet of gold. 
 But these beautiful effects were rare, the declining sun 
 did not generally do more than suffuse a richer shade 
 over the landscape and the sky. 
 
 We now drove out or strolled on the ramparts, and 
 the garden of our square became filled with children. 
 They had not the merriment or the rosy cheeks that in . 
 England we associate with infancy. Yet, sitting with 
 their Ayahs by the fountain, or playing on the marble 
 paths, they made a pretty sight ; but a sight that raised 
 sad reflections. Most of the little arms were encircled 
 with a strip of black, a strip that proclaimed a loss of 
 which the wearers were all unconscious ; and the fate 
 that had befallen parents, sisters, and brothers might 
 be in store for them. 
 
 At dark the Ayahs led off their charges, and we, the 
 elders, took their places. Chairs were placed on the 
 terraces and tables arranged, charcoal fires began to 
 glimmer, kettles to boil, and soon the square presented 
 the appearance of a great tea garden. This was our time 
 for social intercourse and enjoyment. The fare was as 
 simple as the invitations, and each guest brought his
 
 222 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxiii. 
 
 contribution, very often also his chair. Very charm- 
 ing were those evening gatherings, very pleasant they 
 arise to memory. We talked, we chatted, often we sat 
 silent, enjoying the slight coolness that the night had 
 brought, gazing on the delicious moonlight. The Indian 
 moonlight is always beautiful, but never before or since 
 did its loveliness so impress me. It bathed the marble hall, 
 the trees, and the buildings around, concealing all the 
 marks of the ravages of time, all the present disorder, 
 hiding them in one soft mysterious glow. "When there 
 was no moon our tables were lighted by little coloured 
 lamps, and the square glistened with all the rich tints of 
 a cathedral window. 
 
 Our talk usually commenced with the topics of the 
 day ; it often lapsed into subjects more interesting, more 
 serious. We had flocked into the fort, from all parts of 
 the country the communications had been so interrupted, 
 that each knew but little of what had befallen the rest. 
 We met like travellers in a fairy tale, like them we told 
 our past adventures. We speculated on what in the 
 future might befall us. As we talked, our conversation, 
 our surroundings seemed to lift us above the petty 
 cares, the dull routine of ordinary life, into a region of 
 poetry and romance. 
 
 One thing I noticed— those that had been exposed to 
 dangers or suffered hardships, privations, and loss of 
 property, were ready enough to describe what they had 
 gone through. But those who endured deeper sorrows 
 rarely or never alluded to them. 
 
 We kept early hours ; at nine o'clock the gun fired, 
 soon after we retired to our rooms. 
 
 The reader may imagine that we must have been a 
 sad party within the fort, and I suppose a novelist would 
 so represent us. For danger hung over us all, and
 
 CH. XXIII. LIFE IN THE FORT. 223 
 
 many had endured much suffering and the loss of those 
 nearest and dearest ; and yet on the whole we were far 
 from sad ; on the contrary, rather cheerful. Our cheer- 
 fulness did not arise from insensibility. It was the 
 result of the excitement of the time, and of the public 
 life we were compelled to lead. None could be much 
 alone to nurse their griefs, and the recollections of the 
 past were dulled by the continued incidents of the pre- 
 sent, and the anticipations of the future. So much had 
 smce happened, that even recent bereavements appeared 
 remote. 
 
 But occasionally, often unexpectedly, one became 
 aware of sad tragedies, of which those around were the 
 survivors. Of the many such histories I learnt I will 
 relate one. 
 
 I was strolling one morning near the armoury square, 
 when I met an Ayah leading a little English girl dressed 
 in deep mourning ; the child was so excessively pretty 
 that I stopped to ask her name ; I afterwards learnt her 
 story. Her father was an officer in the Gwalior contin- 
 gent, a Captain Stuart I think ; he and his wife were 
 both murdered on the night of the mutiny. The child 
 escaped by an extraordinary accident. In the confusion 
 a lady carried her away in mistake for one of her 
 own children. There was a brother still younger ; his 
 native nurse had concealed him on the flat roof of the 
 house, and there he was forgotten. At morning he 
 awoke, and began to cry. His cries attracted the Sepoys. 
 They amused themselves by firing at the child as he ran 
 round peeping through the balustrades, and calling for his 
 nurse and his mamma, till a bullet ended his terror and 
 their enjoyment. 
 
 The lady who told me the story shed tears as she re- 
 lated it. I met the little girl once more, never again. I
 
 224 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxiii. 
 
 believe she was taken to England after we left the fort. 
 Her subsequent fate I have never heard, though I have 
 often wondered ; when thinking of those times her sweet 
 face and sad story have risen to memory. 
 
 The direct communication with Calcutta had been 
 closed at an early period of the disturbances ; what 
 letters we received or sent travelled by a circuitous route 
 through Bombay. Even this route was often closed. It 
 would be more correct to say that it was only occasionally 
 open. Days and days, even weeks, passed without our 
 receiving any intelligence from the seat of Government. 
 When any intelligence of importance was expected, the 
 arrival of these long delayed mails became a matter of 
 extreme interest. 
 
 We had for a long time been very curious to hear 
 what the opinion of the Suj)reme Government would be 
 regarding the battle of the 5th July, and the subsequent 
 disasters. One afternoon it was reported that the long 
 expected dispatch had arrived, and very soon after the 
 rumour spread that the dispatch contained an order for 
 the removal of the General. In the course of the next 
 day it became known that the rumour was correct. The 
 General had been relieved of his command, and Colonel 
 Cotton, the senior officer of one of the two Sepoy regi- 
 ments lately disbanded, was placed in military charge of 
 the fort under the title of Commandant. 
 
 The General was felt by all to be unfit for his posi- 
 tion ; nevertheless, his removal called forth towards him 
 general sympathy. He was personally both liked and 
 respected, and it was regarded as his misfortune rather 
 than his fault that he had been placed in a position for 
 which old age had incapacitated him. 
 
 The sympathy towards him was increased by an im- 
 pression that prevailed that the manner ol his removal
 
 CH. XXIII. LIFE IN THE FORT. 225 
 
 had not been very gracious. The order, it was said, was 
 harshly worded, and its harshness was not softened by 
 the mode of its delivery. The dispatch was addressed to 
 Mr. Colvin. Mr. Colvin was a man kind in heart, but 
 not sympathetic, nor always very considerate in man- 
 ner. He sent for the General, and received him — I am 
 only repeating the story as I heard it — in the presence of 
 other officers, and abruptly handed him the dispatch. 
 The General took it with a smile, not the least antici- 
 pating its contents. He read it, turned very pale, and 
 appeared as if about to famt ; he recovered himself, and 
 behaved with much dignity. He rose, handed back the 
 letter to Mr. Colvin, bowed, and left the room. 
 
 Colonel Cotton's appointment was followed by many 
 of those improvements in the order and cleanliness 
 of the fort that I have already mentioned ; and also 
 (though the two matters were unconnected) bj" an investi- 
 gation into the conduct of the Agra native officials. Most 
 of these had had the good sense to leave at the same time 
 as the police ; a few, either innocent or over-confident, 
 had remained, and were now arrested and placed on 
 their trial. One was hung. Eegarding the rest there 
 commenced a renewal of those altercations between the 
 authorities that previous to the battle had caused so 
 much scandal, and been the occasion of so much disaster. 
 Into the particulars of these disputes I will not, however, 
 at present enter. Our attention was soon diverted from 
 them by the more interesting subjects of seeking for 
 hidden treasure and the exploration of subterranean 
 passages.
 
 226 THE INDIAN MUTINY, 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 SECRET PASSAGES. 
 
 The policy that had been adopted regarding the Muttra 
 treasure had been followed in the other districts sur- 
 rounding Agra. The treasure had been left in the dis- 
 tricts to show confidence in the Sepoys, and the Sepoys 
 had repaid the confidence by carrying the treasure off 
 to Delhi. As a result we had come into the fort but 
 slenderly provided with money. There was not in the 
 treasure chests quite sixty thousand pounds in copper 
 and rupees ; and this sum, though a sufficient fortune 
 enough for an individual, was entirely inadequate for 
 the requirements of the Government, even for a limited 
 period. 
 
 There did not appear, however, any present prospect 
 of its being augmented. No revenue to speak of was 
 being paid in, and the credit of the Government was too 
 bad just then to enable it to raise a loan. If money was 
 to be got it must be obtained by other means ; it was 
 thought just possible that these other means might 
 j)rove successful. 
 
 The fort of Agra had once contained half the wealth 
 of India — gold and silver incalculable. Natives are ad- 
 dicted to hiding their riches. It was conjectured that in 
 secret vaults under the ground, or in recesses of the
 
 CH. XXIV. SECRET PASSAGES. 227 
 
 thick walls, some of the ancient hoards might lie con- 
 cealed. It was resolved to search for them. 
 
 The search commenced in the marble hall. In front 
 of the hall is a colonnade. It would, perhaps, be more 
 correct to call it a verandah ; it is supported by arches, 
 which spring from square columns of massive solidity. 
 The bases of the columns rest on the marble border of 
 the floor. A high official was passing the hall, his eye 
 rested on the border — he noticed that the joinings of the 
 blocks composing it were always beneath the bases of 
 the columns. Always, save in one place — there the ends 
 of the block were free. "What could be the reason for 
 this exception '? To our minds, intent on the buried 
 treasures, but one explanation suggested itself. Beneath 
 the block must be the entrance to a vault, where some 
 of the secret hoards of the ancient sovereigns lay 
 concealed. Masons were sent for. With infinite trouble 
 the block was raised, and disclosed, alas ! only a bed of 
 masonry. 
 
 Observation having proved delusive, recourse was had 
 to tradition. So soon as it was known that the Govern- 
 ment desired it a perfect flood was poured in. Of the 
 many suggestions one was adopted. There was a respect- 
 able native in the city, whose ancestors had held office in 
 the palace. They had left a tradition that behind the 
 great wall was a secret vault, and in it stores of silver, 
 jewels, and golden rupees. The vault was reached by a 
 passage. The entrance to the passage was somewhere 
 below the soil of our garden, at the point of intersec- 
 tion of straight lines drawn from difi'erent doorways. 
 With some trouble the doorways were ascertained, and 
 the lines drawn. They met on one of the terraces. The 
 marble slabs were removed, they rested on a thick bed 
 of cement, and that again on a mass of masonry, hard
 
 228 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxiv. 
 
 as a rock. It took days to pierce it. Each day our 
 expectations rose. They were sadly disappointed ; for, 
 having reached the bottom, we found neither vault, 
 passage, nor concealed entrance — only the bare earth 
 on which the foundations rested. 
 
 Our further efforts I will not chronicle, they resulted 
 only in ridicule for their originators. 
 
 After an interval, however, our subterranean re- 
 searches were resumed ; but they were now undertaken 
 for objects more immediately practical, and were con- 
 ducted in a more regular and systematic manner. 
 
 It was known that the fort was honeycombed with 
 underground passages. It was conjectured that some of 
 them had exits beyond the walls. Our doubts on this 
 matter had, during the days of our imaginary siege, caused 
 us much anxiety. It was resolved to remove for the 
 future such cause of apprehension by a thorough explo- 
 ration of the vaults and galleries. This resolution, when 
 it became known, afforded general satisfaction. It was 
 felt that the explorations would conduce to our safety. 
 It was hoped they would also gratify our love of the mar- 
 vellous ; that the workmen might come on some of the 
 buried treasures, in which we still wished to believe, or 
 that they might discover some explanation of the two 
 traditionary mysteries of the palace, — the fate of ' the 
 four soldiers' and the meaning of * the vault of the 
 skeleton.' 
 
 Some years before the mutiny the officer at the fort 
 happened to be lying awake when the sentries were 
 relieved. Eelieving guard with the old Sepoys was 
 always a tedious business. The outgoing sentry enu- 
 merated, in a droning voice, all the different articles 
 under his charge, and all the various directions he had 
 received from his predecessor. The officer was falling
 
 CH. XXIV. SECRET PASSAGES. 229 
 
 into a doze when his attention was aroused by the con- 
 cluding order ' and if the four EngHsh soldiers 
 
 came out of the vaults j^ou are at once to tell the 
 sergeant.' Next morning he sent for the sergeanc, and 
 mquired who these four soldiers were, and how and 
 when they got into the vaults. The sergeant could give 
 him no information. He had merely repeated the 
 direction as he had received it. The curiosity of the 
 officer was excited. He prosecuted his inquiries, and 
 brought to light a curious story. 
 
 On our first acquisition of Agra an English detach- 
 ment was kept in the fort. One day four of the soldiers 
 were missing. They had entered the palace, and been 
 seen to descend the vaults. They had not come out of 
 them. The vaults were searched, but the soldiers were 
 not discovered, nor any clue as to what had become of 
 them. While the search w^as in progress the order had 
 been issued that had attracted the officer's attention. It 
 had not been countermanded, and so for near half a 
 century it continued to be repeated; passed on from 
 one sentry to another for a generation after the occur- 
 rence that gave rise to its issue had been forgotten. 
 
 I once had an attendant, who in his youth had been 
 a Sepoy in the Agra provincial battalion. He told me 
 that he had been on duty in the fort at the time, and 
 remembered the disappearance of the four soldiers. He 
 said that some persons thought the men had deserted ; 
 others thought that they had fallen into some pit or 
 well. But all that was known accurately was that they 
 had entered the subterranean passages, and were never 
 seen to emerge from them. He added that in conse- 
 quence of this occurrence the remoter parts of the 
 galleries were walled up, and great restrictions were 
 placed on access to the remainder.
 
 230 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxiv. 
 
 Many of the galleries, however, had been closed long 
 previously ; some, perhaps, by the Mahrattas, others 
 generations earlier. This fact, which might have been 
 conjectured, was made certain by the engineer in charge 
 of the fort about sixty years ago. He was looking at 
 the palace from the river, when it struck him that the 
 windows in the great wall extended beyond the termina- 
 tion of the gallery into which some of them opened. A 
 rough measurement convinced him of this. Either, 
 therefore, the gallery had originally continued further, 
 or else the remaining windows lighted another range of 
 chambers. 
 
 The gallery terminated so abruptly that the en- 
 gineer adopted the first of these explanations, and con- 
 cluded that for some reason or other the further portion 
 of the gallery had been walled up. He commenced to 
 open it. The wall was hard and enormously thick ; the 
 work occupied days. At length a stone fell outwards ; 
 through the aperture came a ray of light ; and when 
 the opening was enlarged the workmen looked into a 
 round, deep, vaulted chamber. Across the upper portion 
 stretched a wooden beam, and from the beam hung 
 suspended the remains of a human skeleton. The lower 
 part of the vault was choked with rubbish, and over the 
 rubbish was a pile of human bones. 
 
 The discovery made a great noise at the time, but 
 society in India changes so rapidly that in a few years 
 it was generally forgotten. Our present occupation of 
 the fort had brought the story to recollection, but the 
 exact particulars were a matter of dispute, as, indeed, 
 was the alleged discovery of the. skeleton and the bones. 
 It was with great interest, therefore, we learned that 
 the excavations in this place were to be resumed. 
 
 I will not go into the details, which without a plan
 
 CH. XXIV. SECRET TASSAGES. 231 
 
 would, indeed, be unintelligible. It was ascertained that 
 the engineer had been correct in his surmise that the 
 gallery continued, but wrong in supposing that it con- 
 tinued in a dk'ect line. He had cut through the original 
 wall of the vault. The gallery had been blocked up at 
 a point where it turned abruptly to the right. This 
 point was ascertained, and the masonry cleared away. 
 The gallery made another turn, and then divided. One 
 portion led down by many stairs and through several 
 small chambers to a low, narrow, arched doorway, loosely 
 blocked with rough stones. A few blows forced them 
 outwards, and displayed the Eowney, which, as I have 
 explained, is the dry ditch that runs at the bottom of 
 the great wall, thus proving the existence of those con- 
 cealed entrances of which we had, some of us, been so 
 apprehensive, others of us so incredulous. 
 
 The other division of the gallery led inwards in the 
 direction of the palace of Jehangire. In many places 
 the roof had fallen in ; everywhere it was more or less 
 choked with rubbish. The process of removing the 
 rubbish was tedious and slow. The reports of the pro- 
 gress of the work formed the most interesting topic for 
 discussion at our evening meetings. Who could tell 
 what hidden chambers might be discovered ? what 
 hoards of gold and silver might not by some chance 
 stroke of the pickaxe be brought to light ? 
 
 Our anticipations and speculations were suddenly 
 put an end to by the stoppage of the work and the 
 removal of the masons and labourers to another part of 
 the fort. Where the passage led to remained undis- 
 covered, as did also the secret of the vaulted chamber. 
 The stones and mortar that filled its lower portion were 
 left uncleared, leaving also unsolved whatever mystery 
 might lie beneath them.
 
 232 THE INDIAN MUTINY. en. xxiv. 
 
 The workmen were removed to the Gwalior square, 
 and were employed in clearmg the vaults below the 
 terrace there of the fallen masonry and other rubbish 
 that had accumulated during a century. These vaults 
 were more spacious and more airy than those on our 
 side. It was intended to fit them for the occupation of 
 the women and children, should the Gwalior contingent 
 come and besiege us. The operation of removmg the 
 fallen rubbish was not very exciting. Our attention had 
 been diverted to other matters, when the report spread 
 of a most interesting discovery. 
 
 The reader may remember my description of the 
 subterranean chamber, known by the natives as the 
 ' Crystal Hall,' by us st3"led the ' Grotto of Jehangire,' 
 and also my account of the narrow, winding staircase by 
 which it was reached. There was another and easier 
 entrance through a broad, low archway in our square. 
 Till quite lately this entrance had been kept closed. 
 To most of us it was unknown. For some reason 
 the doors had now been left open, and, attracted by 
 curiosit}', some of the residents of our square wandered 
 in. 
 
 One of them was examining the beautiful designs 
 that ornamented the walls. Drawing his hand over a 
 flower in the pattern, he happened to tap it. To his 
 surprise, the plaster sounded hollow. He tapped again, 
 felt sure, and informed the engineer. The engineer 
 came, tapped also, and then sent for torches and 
 masons. The plaster was removed ; behind it was dis- 
 covered an empty recess ; beyond that an archway closed 
 by a rough wall of loose stones. The stones were forced 
 out with crowbars, and there appeared a broad, straight 
 flight of stau's, descending by an easy incline to some 
 unknown depths. The party advanced cautiously down
 
 CH, XXIV. SECRET PASSAGES. 233 
 
 it. Presently a glimmer of daylight appeared ; it in- 
 creased, and they entered a very large, lofty, vaulted 
 hall. From the other side of the hall there was a con- 
 tinuation of the stairs. They led to various galleries, 
 and finally to a small arched doorway, very roughly 
 blocked with stones. The stones were so loosely piled 
 that a push or two displaced them. The party passed 
 through, and found themselves in the Kowney at the 
 base of the octagon tower. The doorway was in the 
 recess of an angle formed by one of the sides of the 
 tower. Its situation prevented it from being easily 
 observed, and it was further concealed by a shrub that 
 had grown before it. 
 
 The discovery of this hall and staircase renewed our 
 pleasant excitement regarding the explorations, and 
 afforded us an interesting subject for our evening con- 
 versations. The ornamentation of the walls of the 
 ' Crystal Hall ' was known to be not later than the reign 
 of Shah Jehan. The staircase must, therefore, have 
 been built up for more than two hundred years. The 
 object of its closure was a puzzle to which no solution 
 was forthcoming, and which afforded, therefore, room 
 for any amount of conjectm-e. In a portion of the hall 
 were some marble fittmgs, which showed that it had 
 at one time formed an a^Dpendage to the apartments of 
 the Emperor himself, or of the chief ladies of the Zenana. 
 But no other relics were discovered of its former occu- 
 pants, neither gold nor jewels nor even h-agments of 
 furniture or ornaments. 
 
 There was something in the aspect of this closed 
 chamber that appealed very strongly to our imagination. 
 It was so suggestive of mysterj*. It so reminded us of 
 the vicissitudes of earthly greatness, of the brevity of 
 human life. In the palace above generations had come
 
 234 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxiv. 
 
 and gone, dynasties had reigned and passed away ; but 
 here, through the narrow window, only the sunbeams on 
 the floor had daily traced their course, by night the bats 
 flitted around the walls. For two centuries no other 
 visitor had entered, no other sounds disturbed its deep 
 repose.
 
 CH. XXV. GHOST STORIES. 
 
 235 
 
 CHAPTEE XXV. 
 
 GHOST STOKIES. 
 
 Secret passages suggest ghosts, and of these and evil 
 spu'its the fort was believed to be very full. Some 
 frequented the palace, some the ramparts, while others 
 hung on trees outside the gateways. The fau-ies kept to 
 the wells, but other female spirits of a most malignant 
 description roamed about promiscuously. Predominant 
 over the other ghosts was that of the founder of the 
 fort, the great Emperor Akbar. He was never seen, 
 but he manifested his presence by sounds and influences 
 that were even more dreaded. 
 
 An old attendant of mine had once experienced them. 
 When quite a lad he served in the battalion that then 
 supplied guards for the fort. One evening he was 
 crossing the great square, when he heard his name 
 called. Thinking it was a comrade, he made no answer. 
 In a minute the voice came again, and from a different 
 direction, ' Kulloo Beg ! Kulloo Beg ! ' it said, ' tell me 
 whose house this is.' He now felt a little uncomfortable, 
 and hurried on. He had nearly reached the gateway, 
 when the question was repeated and in a louder tone, 
 and the voice came from right before him. 
 
 Kulloo Beg now thought it best to answer. He 
 replied, * Oh, brother ! Whoever you are, why do you 
 ask ? Do you not know that we are in the fortress of
 
 236 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxv. 
 
 the illustrious Company ? ' As he uttered the word 
 ' Company ' there came a yell and a scream, and in a 
 voice of thunder he heard it shouted, ' It is false ! It is 
 false ! The house is mine ! mine ! ! mine ! ! ! ' Kulloo 
 Beg saw nothing, but he had a horrible impression that 
 he was surrounded by forms of terror. The voice and 
 this feeling so overcame him that he fell to the ground 
 in a faint. When he recovered consciousness he crawled 
 to the guard-house, and there related his adventure. 
 
 One of his comrades told him that he had heard the 
 voice of Akbar, and if he heard it again he must reply, 
 ' The house is yours, my Lord Akbar,' or worse might 
 befall him, Kulloo Beg avoided the chance of hearing 
 the voice by keeping in after sunset. But at length one 
 evening he was sent out on some duty, and, to his terror, 
 he heard his name called, and the same question ad- 
 dressed to him, ' Tell me whose house this is ? Tell me 
 whose house this is ? ' Kulloo remembered the advice 
 he had received, and before the inquu-y was repeated he 
 answered as directed, ' Yours, my Lord Akbar. Yours, 
 and no one else's.' He heard a sort of murmur of 
 approval, and after this was molested no more — at least 
 not by the Emperor, but he had experiences of other 
 apparitions. 
 
 It was at night and in the cold season, the soldiers 
 were in the guard-house, and the workmen were leaving 
 the fort. One of them came in, and reported that he 
 had seen a light on the northern bastion. It seemed as 
 if some people were cooking there. The native sergeant 
 ordered out a party to see, and, if true, to arrest the in- 
 truders. The XDarty proceeded to the ramparts ; Kulloo 
 Beg was one of them. As they approached the bastion, 
 sure enough there was the lire, and a large cauldron 
 suspended over it. They came near, the cauldron wa&
 
 CH. XXV. GHOST STORIES. 237 
 
 full of what seemed soup, and was boiling furiously. 
 But no one was there. The men were puzzled, and a 
 little uneasy. They remained looking on. The contents 
 of the cauldron bubbled and heaved, black lumps seemed 
 rolling about in the liquid. As they looked, one of the 
 lumps rose to the surface. 
 
 Kulloo's companions shrieked and fled ; Kulloo him- 
 self stood transfixed with horror. The lump rose, lifted 
 itself above the cauldron, and displayed a human head 
 with great teeth and rolling eyes. The mouth opened, 
 and addressed him. What it said Kulloo knew not. At 
 the first sound he fainted away. When he came to 
 himself the sun was shining, the fire and the cauldron 
 had disappeared, and there was no sign of smoke or 
 cinder on the pavement. 
 
 The party were considered to have escaped easily, for 
 some of the spirits are very malignant, especially the 
 fairies and a female ghost who assumes the form of a 
 young woman, and is distinguishable from such only by 
 the fact that her feet are put on the wrong way. One 
 of these creatures nearly caused the death of the head 
 of my office. "WTien a young man he was sitting on 
 ihe bank of the road by the outer defences. A woman 
 passed, and as she went by turned and lifted the cotton 
 sheet that native women wear over their heads, smiled, 
 and beckoned to him to follow. He saw that she was 
 young and pretty. Nothing loth, he complied. They 
 went on till they reached the ravines, when a puff of 
 wind raised her skirt, and, to his horror, he perceived 
 that though she was walking in front, her feet were 
 turned towards him. The spirit seemed aware that she 
 was discovered, and as he noticed her feet she turned. 
 Her aspect was changed to that of a devil. She ad- 
 vanced towards him with claws and long teeth, he had
 
 23S THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxv. 
 
 no doubt, to tear him to pieces. Just then a man and a 
 cart came in sight. This saved him. The spirit ghded 
 down a pathway, and disappeared among the ravines. 
 
 The 3'oung man's life was preserved, but he did not 
 escape altogether unharmed. The influence of the 
 ghost had affected him — he was ill, he nearly died. 
 
 The fairies are still more dangerous. They haunt 
 wells, those immense reservoirs peculiar to India, which, 
 reached by long inclines and surrounded by apartments 
 of many storeys, more resemble pieces of ornamental 
 water in subterranean houses than mere wells. Here 
 by day the fau-ies, the ' Peris ' of om- Eastern stories, 
 lie concealed. At night they repair to the court of Eajah 
 Indra, the king of the skies, and dance before him till 
 the dawn approaches. 
 
 In the course of the excavations, one of these immense 
 structures was discovered in the ruins of the old palace. 
 The fairies had not yet been seen in it, but in a stiU 
 larger well at Futtehpore Secree they were known to 
 exist, and when they could to entice childi-en. The old 
 guide to that palace informed me that when a little boy 
 he nearly fell a victim to them. He and some other lads 
 were playing on the terrace ; one ran a little way down 
 the steps, the others fohowed him. At the first turn they 
 got a little frightened, for the lower stairs were dark and 
 the water beneath looked gloomy. They were going to 
 turn when they saw below them, growing out of the wall, 
 a red flower. The rest were afraid to venture. My in- 
 formant was bolder, he ran down the stairs and plucked 
 it ; as he returned in triumph his companions screamed 
 and scampered up to the terrace. He looked and fainted 
 awaj" — the stalk of the flower was dropping blood. 
 
 Fortunately for him his father happened to be passing. 
 Hearing the screams he ran down and brought up the 
 child in his arms. Had he not the spirit would have
 
 CH. XXV. GHOST STORIES. 239 
 
 destroj'ed him. As it was, her influence long affected 
 him, and was only got rid of by many charms. 
 
 Somewhere about the fort, outside I think, is or was 
 a ' Peepul ' tree ; to this tree a species of demon is partial. 
 One took up his abode in the branches ; below the tree 
 there was a guard of a single sentry. The demon 
 appeared to the men ; they complained that the spot was 
 unsafe. Their complaints were, of course, not attended 
 to. A night or two after a sentry was found dead, the 
 following night another shared the same fate. For some 
 time it was found necessary to double the guard. 
 
 I believe the story is perfectly true. I remember 
 hearing it related as such when I first arrived in India. 
 It was supposed that the men died from sheer terror. 
 
 During our residence in the fort neither the ghosts 
 nor the sphits made then* appearance, but sounds were 
 heard and sights seen which caused much wonder and 
 gave rise to much speculation. Of the many stories that 
 circulated I will relate two, which I will repeat as I heard 
 them, without in any waj* pledging myself to their veracity. 
 
 One night someone lying awake heard a tapping 
 below the ' Jehangh'ee Mahal;' he heard it the next 
 night also. It seemed to come from the Eowney, and 
 was as if some iron tool was being struck against the 
 wall. The man, who was a clerk, mentioned the circum- 
 stance ; the story reached the ears of the authorities. A 
 watch was placed in the vaults. Towards midnight the 
 sounds commenced — they were those of someone digging 
 a chisel or crowbar into the masonry. "\Miile the 
 party were listening the footsteps were heard of the 
 sentry approaching, the tapping ceased ; when the sentry 
 had passed on it recommenced. The next morning a 
 strict search was made along the Rowney, but there were 
 no marks of footprints, nor an}' chips, nor signs of digging 
 on the surface of the wall.
 
 240 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxv. 
 
 The watch was kept up for some nights, and was 
 followed by a search each succeeding morning. Every 
 night the tapping was heard, but no trace discovered of the 
 authors in the morning. The mystery was never cleared 
 up, neither was that of the lights at the Delhi Gate. 
 
 When we first entered the fort hundreds of labourers 
 w^ere here employed, throwing up defences and construct- 
 ing palisades. During the progress of the works a shed 
 appeared in the Eowney. It was supposed to have been 
 put up by some of the labourers for shelter ; no attention 
 was paid to it. But one night a clerk, who had quarters in 
 the gateway, noticed a light in the Eowney, which appeared 
 to proceed from the shed. He mentioned the circum- 
 stance to a sergeant, who told his officer, and a sentry was 
 posted below at a spot where the shed would be in full view. 
 
 The night was dark, but not too dark to discern 
 objects at a short distance. Near midnight the sentry 
 perceived a figure creeping towards the shed ; the figure 
 seemed to enter ; in a minute the light appeared. The 
 sentry challenged, then he fired. Next morning the shed 
 was searched. The bullet had penetrated a water jar, 
 but of lamp or visitor there was no trace. The next 
 night all occurred as before, except that two figures were 
 seen to enter the shed. But again in the morning there 
 could be found trace of neither men nor lamp. The 
 third night three figures were observed and fired at as 
 before. At the discharge the light vanished, but the 
 morning search showed only that the ball had entered 
 the shed. The shed was now removed and the ground 
 dug into, but no trace could be discovered of a concealed 
 passage, nor any means conjectured by which the men 
 could have found exit from the Eowney or place of con- 
 cealment within it.
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 241 
 
 CHAPTEK XXYI. 
 
 THE OLD PALACE. 
 
 "When I was youug the covers of playing cards used to 
 be ornamented with the picture of an Eastern sovereign, 
 in turban and jewels, and which bore the legend of ' the 
 Great Mogul.' Who the Great Mogul was I did not in 
 those days comprehend, and perhaps some among my 
 readers ma}' be even now equally unaware. A few words 
 of explanation may not therefore be out of place, for it is 
 in the palace of that potentate that we are now residing. 
 
 The Mohammedans entered India towards the latter 
 ■end of our twelfth century. In a surprisingly brief 
 period they subjugated the entire country. These first 
 conquerors were known as the ' Pathans,' from the name 
 of a small Afghan tribe, of which some of their earliest 
 bands were composed. The Pathans ruled in India for 
 about three centuries, when they were in their turn sub- 
 dued by a hardier race that had migrated from the wilds 
 of Mongolia. 
 
 Among the many descendants of the great Timour 
 was a young prince of the name of 'Babur.' Babur's 
 youth and early manhood were passed in unsuccessful 
 endeavours to carve out a kingdom for himself in Central 
 Asia. Towards middle age the thought occurred to him 
 to invade India. At the head of not a large army he 
 descended from the mountains of Caubul, crossed the 
 
 R
 
 242 THE INDIAN MUTINY. en. xxvr. 
 
 Indus, and after one or two campaigns found himself 
 master of Hindostan. 
 
 Babur fixed his residence at Agra. In his most amus- 
 ing memoirs he describes his capture of the fort, and 
 several of his adventures within it ; how the late queen 
 tried to poison him ; how he witnessed the performance 
 of a troop of Indian jugglers, how their skill astonished 
 him, and much beside ; but of the fortress or the palace 
 he gives no description. 
 
 Accustomed to the valleys and hills of Caubul, the 
 situation of the fort struck him as painfully ugly. At 
 the head of a troop of horsemen he set out to discover 
 some prettier site — he returned at night unsuccessful and 
 dispirited. Not finding a better situation for a new resi- 
 dence, Babur set himself to work to improve the existing 
 one. What his alterations were is unknown, no trace of 
 them remaining ; but they must have been extensive, for 
 w^e learn from his memoirs that at one time no less than 
 four thousand workmen were employed. 
 
 In due time Babur was gathered to his fathers ; his 
 body was conveyed to Caubul, and reposes amid the 
 mountain scenery that in his lifetime he loved so well, 
 and which after acquiring India he so constantly re- 
 gretted. 
 
 Babur was succeeded by his son Hoomayoon, wdio 
 also made Agra his chief residence. But before long a 
 rebellion of the Pathans compelled him to quit it, and 
 India as w^ell. For some years he remained an exile in 
 Persia. He eventually recovered his dominions, but did 
 not long live to enjoy them, and during that period he 
 fixed his capital at Delhi ; his remains rest there under 
 the magnificent mausoleum of red stone, erected to his 
 memory by his son Akbar, who after him ascended the 
 throne of India.
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 243 
 
 At the period of his accession Akbar was not much 
 more than twelve years of age. He reigned for more 
 than half a century. Brave, enlightened, humane, he 
 occupies the foremost place among the sovereigns of his 
 race. Making allowance for his age and his surround- 
 ings, he is, perhaps, one of the greatest rulers that 
 history records, 
 
 Akbar enlarged and reconstructed the fort ; the pre- 
 sent walls and gateways are of his erection, as also, I 
 believe, are those massive ranges of buildings now used 
 as magazines. Of his palace only a few crumbling walls 
 now remain. Akbar, though he rebuilt the fort, did not 
 much reside in it ; he spent most of his time in campaigns 
 and in progresses through his vast dominions. His chief 
 permanent residence was at Futtehpore Secree, a village 
 some two-and-twenty miles to the west of Agra. There 
 he erected a palace, the chief buildings of which are 
 still in nearly perfect preservation. There may be seen 
 his bed-chamber, a small apartment standing alone, 
 hardly larger than a closet, the terrace of black and 
 white marble on which he played chess, the pieces being 
 the girls of the Zenana, in dresses of white and green ; 
 and the hall with passages in the walls, constructed for 
 the princesses and their companions to amuse themselves 
 in with the game of ' hide and seek.' 
 
 The memory of Akbar is revered by the natives, es- 
 pecially by the Hindoos ; many traditions are still current 
 regarding him, but none that I know of are connected 
 with the fort. 
 
 Akbar was succeeded by his son Jehangire, whose 
 birth was supposed to be miraculous. Akbar for a long 
 time was childless ; to obtain offspring he implored the 
 prayers of the saint Gholam Chistee ; one evening the 
 saint summoned the Emperor, and addressing him said,
 
 244 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxvi. 
 
 ■* My prayers at length are heard, hut to my own cost 
 — my son is ill. This night he will appear to die, hut 
 his soul will pass into the hody of the infant that your 
 queen, the Lady of Jodpore, is ahout to hear you.' 
 
 From his spiritual father Jehangire is said to have 
 derived certain supernatural powers. The king of 
 Persia, so the story goes, heard the rumour and sent an 
 ambassador to ascertain its correctness. The ambassador 
 found the Emperor playing unharmed with two fierce 
 tigers. He wrote to his master, * It is not a man, but a' 
 god who rules in India.' Other ambassadors perceived in 
 the Emperor qualities less divine. Sir Thomas Eoe, who 
 was sent by our James I., describes him as a capricious, 
 ■dissolute despot, in the main easy going and good-tem- 
 pered, but occasionally frightfully cruel. He narrates in 
 detail one drunken orgie, at which he himself was present, 
 a silently reproving witness. The narrative of his em- 
 bassy, composed by the chaplain, the Eev. Mr. Terry, 
 contains an interesting picture both of the Court and of 
 the condition of the country at the period. 
 
 Jehangire is chiefly remembered from his attachment 
 to the daughter of an Afghan chief, the celebrated Xoor 
 Jehan {' Light of the "World '). The story of their loves 
 has often been told — I will not repeat it. Noor Jehan 
 was a lady of talent, as well as beautiful ; she exercised 
 over the Emperor an influence rarely attained by women 
 in the East. Concealed by a curtain she sat behind him 
 — so tradition says — each day, as he held audience ; she 
 directed his policy, and to give evidence of her power 
 she once induced the Emperor to have her name im- 
 pressed on the coinage. 
 
 It was in the reign of Jehangire that tobacco was in- 
 troduced into India ; and Noor Jehan is accredited with 
 the invention of the hookah, that most elegant of all
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 245 
 
 the many instruments devised b}^ man's taste and in- 
 genuity for the consuming of it. She is also said to have 
 discovered that richest of perfumes, * attar of roses.' 
 
 Jehangire continued to occupy Agra as his capital, 
 hut he did not always reside there. Like his father, he 
 made progresses. He several times visited Cashmere ; 
 and he passed much of his time at Ajmere, in Eajpootana. 
 It was there that he received Sh' Thomas Eoe. In his 
 latter years he lived chiefly at Lahore, and there he 
 died. 
 
 Jehangire added to the buildings of the fort — to what 
 extent I do not know ; of his erections, the square ad- 
 joining our own alone remains. Constructed of deep red 
 stone, massive and gloomy, it does not much attract the 
 attention of visitors, 3'et, architecturally, it is very inter- 
 esting ; nothing can exceed the beauty and variety of the 
 geometrical designs with which the walls and ceilings are 
 adorned. They will not for very long continue to be so, 
 for the stone is soft, and after the exposure of three 
 centuries is ra^^idly crumbling away. The feathering of 
 the great archway is, for lightness and elegance, un- 
 equalled in India — I may sa}' in the world. 
 
 Jehangire was but little trammelled by the precepts of 
 his religion. He even publicly showed his indifference 
 to them by coining money in direct violation of the in- 
 junctions of the Koran, impressed with the signs of the 
 Zodiac. These coins, which were prohibited by his 
 successor, are now very rare. I never succeeded in 
 obtaining more than three. 
 
 It is stated in the histories that Jehangu-e had a 
 cluster of golden bells, suspended in his chamber, which 
 any applicant for justice could cause to sound fi'om the 
 gate. I suspect the story is a myth ; I never could find 
 any tradition of the place where the bells were hung, nor
 
 246 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxvi, 
 
 any explanation of the means by which at so great a 
 distance they could be made to ring. 
 
 During the reign of Jehangire many Europeans 
 visited India, and quite a colony of them was established 
 at Agra. About fifty years ago several of their tombs 
 were accidentally discovered. The inscriptions showed 
 that the colony contained both Dutch and English. With 
 rare exceptions these visitors from the West were either 
 traders, artificers, soldiers of fortune, or missionaries of 
 the Church of Eome. Some few, but very few, were 
 travellers ; among them the once well-known Thomas 
 Coryat, the introducer into England of our table-fork. 
 
 Coryat published an account of his travels, as also 
 did several of the missionaries and some of the traders 
 who lived to return to Europe. Impressed by the fact 
 that India was ruled by a class few in number, and alien 
 in religion and race from the mass of the population, 
 they designated the Emperor by the name of his tribe, 
 and usually spoke of him as the ' Mogul.' In compliment 
 to his magnificence, and to distinguish him from his 
 subjects, the epithet of ' great ' came to be prefixed. By 
 this combined title of ' Great Mogul,' the sovereigns of 
 India were known throughout Europe for the next cen- 
 tury and a half. The accounts of their wealth and 
 splendour permeated the literature of the age ; even in 
 a greater degree the folk-lore and nursery tales. To 
 our forefathers the * Great Mogul ' was what to their 
 ancestors had been ' Prester John,' a potentate half 
 mythical, but whose name was associated with all that 
 imagination could picture of power, riches, and grandeur. 
 
 Such pictures were almost realised in the Court of 
 Jehangire's son and successor, the Emperor Shah Jehan. 
 Of all the monarchs recorded in history in his personal 
 surroundings, he was the most magnificent. Of his
 
 H. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 247 
 
 wealth and his taste he has left enduring monuments in 
 his buildings ; for beauty and solidity on the face of this 
 earth they have no compare. 
 
 During the earlier portion of his reign Shah Jehan 
 resided chiefly at Agra. He pulled down a good deal of 
 the then palace, and erected in its place those squares 
 and marble edifices that I have described, as also the 
 mausoleum to the memory of his favourite queen, which, 
 under its abbreviated designation of the ' Taj,' is known 
 throughout the world. The proper appellation of the 
 building I may mention is ' Taj beebee ke rouzah,' that 
 is, ' The Tomb of the Crown Lady.' The name of this 
 favourite queen was ' Mumtaz Mahal ' (' the ornament of 
 the Zenana'). In the Emperor's attachment there was 
 not, that I am aware of, any romance, nor of its object, 
 that I ever heard, are there any traditions. The celebrity 
 of the lady is derived solely from her tomb. 
 
 After residing in the fort for some 3^ears Shah .Jehan 
 declared the summer heats of Agra to be insupportable, 
 and removed his capital to Delhi, that to the sensations 
 of Englishmen is but little, if any, cooler. At Delhi 
 Shah Jehan erected a palace, which among the royal 
 residences of the East is considered to have had no equal. 
 
 In his declining years tlie Emperor illustrated the 
 mutability of human affairs and the instability of the 
 p)ower of Oriental despots. Seized with illness, he was 
 unable to present himself at the daily public audiences ; 
 the report spread that he was dying, and at once his four 
 sons rose in rebellion and prepared to contend for the 
 about-to-be-vacant throne. Shah Jehan partially re- 
 covered ; he made friends w'ith his eldest son, and, ill as 
 he was, hurried on with their united armies to Agra, 
 against which his 3^ounger son, Aurungzebe, was ad- 
 vancing. Then followed, on a larger scale, scenes much
 
 24S THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxvi. 
 
 resembling those which had preceded and followed our 
 battle in July. 
 
 Against the advice and entreaties of the aged Em- 
 peror the prince insisted on marching out to meet his 
 ))rother before the rear portion of his own army had 
 arrived. He went out, as had our general — full of over- 
 confidence ; like him he encountered disaster. The 
 armies, I imagine, were mere mobs, and we may judge 
 of their spirit and discipline by the event that decided the 
 victory. The prince was mounted on an elephant ; tired 
 of his position, for a few minutes he dismounted. The 
 report spread that he was slain ; seeing his elephant 
 riderless, his troops believed it, and precipitately broke 
 and fled. 
 
 With the remains of his army the prince returned to 
 Agra — Aurungzebe followed ; neither the Emperor nor 
 his son had the spirit to make resistance. The fort sur- 
 rendered, and Aurungzebe entered in triumph, placed a 
 garrison at the gates, and then returned to pass the night in 
 his camp, which was pitched without the cit}'. Aurung- 
 zebe left the garrison under command of his nephew. 
 In this Shah Jehan saw an opportunity : he sent for the 
 young commander, and endeavoured by promises and 
 entreaties to induce him to betray his trust. According 
 to the story of the day he offered him even the succession 
 to the empire ; but he offered it in vain. In the morning 
 Aurungzebe returned, and hope was over. One can 
 picture the scene — the tears, the agitation of the aged 
 monarch, the persuasions of his courtiers, perhaps, the 
 half hesitation of the young prince. I often speculated 
 in what chamber of the palace it occurred. 
 
 Aurungzebe did not reward the fidelity of his nephew ; 
 cold and suspicious, he never again put confidence in one 
 whose loyalty had been exposed to such temptation. He
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 249 
 
 now formally deposed his father, placed him under 
 secure restraint, and having defeated his other brothers, 
 himself ascended the throne, assuming the title of Alum- 
 gire (conqueror of the world), a full account of which, 
 and also of Aurungzebe's subsequent illness and journey 
 to Cashmere, may be found in Bernier's charming nar- 
 rative. 
 
 Shah Jehan survived his deposition for some years, 
 and though kept a close prisoner was otherwise kindly 
 treated. He was supplied in abundance with attendants, 
 and allowed to maintain all the state of ro3"alt3^ He 
 passed his time in witnessing wild beast fights, and the 
 performances of jugglers and dancing girls, and holding 
 a shadowy court. When these amusements wearied, it 
 is said that he employed himself in teaching children. 
 When his son the Emperor heard of this last fancy, the 
 story goes that he smiled and observed, ' All ! the taste 
 for empire is in my father still.' 
 
 One can picture the aged monarch, white robed, white 
 .bearded, as his portraits represent him, seated in the 
 evenings on that marble throne, gazing sadly on the 
 fiowmg river, or wearily pacing the courts and terraces 
 that he had formerly trod as absolute ruler of near a 
 seventh of the human race. His remains rest beneath 
 the dome of the Taj, by the side of those of his favourite 
 queen. 
 
 On hearing of his father's death, Alumgire hastened 
 to Agra to perform his funeral obsequies. He was met 
 at the entrance of the Zenana by his sister, the Prmcess 
 Eoshunara. She held in her hands a golden bowl, filled 
 with the most precious of the crown jewels which Shah 
 Jehan had retained. The present mollified theEmj)eror, 
 and he took the Princess again into favour. She had 
 previously incurred his displeasure from her having, in
 
 250 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxvi. 
 
 the family contentions, adopted the side of her father 
 and her elder brother. 
 
 Alumgire did not remain long at Agra, nor did he, 
 that I know of, again visit it, save for a brief period 
 before setting out for his disastrous expedition to the 
 Deccan. The remainder of his long reign was there 
 passed in the vain attempt to crush the rising power of 
 the Mahrattas. Agra had already ceased to be the 
 capital of the empire ; after the death of Shah Jehan it 
 ceased also to be a royal residence. The fort and palace 
 were, however, maintained, and a small garrison also, I 
 believe, under command of one of the nobles of the 
 Court. 
 
 Alumgire died in the Deccan at the commencement 
 of the last century ; and the empire, on his decease, 
 began to exhibit all the signs of approaching deaiy. 
 The succeeding emperors resided at Delhi, and though 
 the extent of their actual dominions was much reduced, 
 they nominally still ruled over the entire continent of 
 India, nor was the splendour of their Court and personal 
 surroundings in any way diminished. But these were 
 not much longer to continue. In 1745 Nadir Shah, the 
 King of Persia, at the head of some thousands of 
 Moguls, burst into the Punjaub. He broke to pieces the 
 vast undisciplined host with which the then Emj^eror 
 Mohammed Shah advanced to meet him. He took 
 prisoner the Emperor himself, and entered Delhi with 
 him in triumph. Provoked by a treacherous attack on 
 his soldiers he ordered a massacre of the inhabitants, 
 which contmued till the Emperor stood before him, a 
 suppliant with folded hands. 
 
 The invasion of Nadir Shah was little more than a 
 plundering expedition, and, as such, was perhaps the 
 most successful ever undertaken. After remaining a few
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 251 
 
 weeks in Delhi, Nadir Shah set out on his return to 
 Persia, carrying \\-ith him the peacock throne, the goklen 
 ceiling of the hall of audience, and other treasures in 
 gold, silver, and jewels, whose value was variously esti- 
 mated at from twenty to thirty millions of our money. 
 Among the jewels carried off was the Koh-i-Noor, which 
 in process of time, having again found its way back 
 to India, came into the possession of the East India 
 Company on our conquest of the Punjaub, and by them 
 was presented to Her Majesty. 
 
 Mohammed Shah did not long survive his defeat and 
 humiliation. He died about four years after the depar- 
 ture of Nadir Shah. On his death the Mogul Empire 
 fell quietly to pieces. The authority of the Emperor was 
 nominally acknowledged, and the coinage continued to 
 be struck in his name. But each rajah, each governor 
 of a province assumed practical independence. The 
 titular Emperor was often an exile ; when not, a captive or 
 a pensioner. In the scramble that ensued for the frag- 
 ments of the empire Agra fell into the hands of Sooruj 
 Mull, the Eajah of the Jats of Bhurtpore. Sooruj Mull 
 entered the fort, and for a few days possibly occupied the 
 palace. But he had no intention of there residing. He 
 placed a small stone bull on the roof of the great hall of 
 audience, where it still remains, and he took away some 
 of the marble slabs to adorn the new palace he was 
 erecting in his own territories at Deeg. Having done 
 this he returned to Bhurtpore, leaving a garrison in the 
 fort. 
 
 The garrison did net remain long. Agra was wrested 
 from the Jats by a stronger power. Scindia, the Eajah 
 of Gwalior, very shortly took possession, not onl}^ of 
 Agra, but of the greater part of the Upper Doab. The 
 Mahratta armies were frequently officered and commanded
 
 252 THE INDIAN MUTINY. en. xxvi. 
 
 by Europeans ; General Perron, a Frenchman, was their 
 commander-m-chief, and under him General Hessing, a 
 Dutchman, was for many years Governor of the province 
 of Agra and Commandant of the fort. He resided in the 
 palace, in the apartments, so I was told by his grandson, 
 now occupied by Mr. Colvin. In the vaults below he hid 
 away his accumulations, which are supposed to have 
 amounted to many lacs of rupees. The rest of the palace 
 was left to the owls and the bats, and the older portions 
 began to fall slowly to decay. The city, for the most 
 part, had already become a heap of ruins. 
 
 The natives have a proverb that three things bring 
 together a population : a river, the rain, and the 
 monarch (' Dirreou, Badul, Badshah '). Agra exemplified 
 the truth of the saying. It was the presence of the 
 Court that had brought the inhabitants, and when the 
 Court left they followed it. About the year 1784 Warren 
 Hastings, then Governor-General of Bengal, sent an 
 embassy to the titular Emperor, Shah Alum, who was 
 then a prisoner, under guise of a guest, in the Mahratta 
 camp, near Muttra. 
 
 The embassy started from Bombay, and passed 
 through Agra on their way. The appearance of the city 
 struck them w'ith a melancholy wonder. They rode 
 through miles of streets, passed palaces, caravanserais, 
 market-places, mosques, and grand gateway's, but saw 
 never an inhabitant. The ordinary houses had fallen to 
 pieces, the finer buildings were in every stage of decay. 
 
 The Mahrattas held possession of Agra, and their 
 garrisons occupied the fort, and its commandants the 
 palace, for nearly half a century, and then their time 
 arrived. General Perron, driven by Lord Lake out of 
 the Doab, retreated on Agra, and took refuge in the fort. 
 Lord Lake followed with his English army, and planted
 
 en. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 253 
 
 his batteries near the river bank. The summons to sm-- 
 render being disregarded the batteries opened fire. The 
 first shot struck one of the buildings in our enclosure, 
 the second went crashing through the marble screen. 
 Before the third shot was fired the garrison capitulated. 
 General Perron was allowed to march out with the honours 
 of war, and also to take with him his personal property, 
 which amounted, I think, to about a hundred lacs of 
 rupees, a sum equivalent to a million of our money. 
 
 The fort and the palace now came into our possession, 
 and suffered the fate that has generally befallen the 
 native buildings of which, by treaty or conquest, we 
 have become the masters. A regard for the monuments 
 of the past is not one of our characteristics. Such of 
 the buildings as could be utilised were so. They were 
 turned into magazines, store-houses, barracks, and resi- 
 dences for officers and overseers. The rest were suffered 
 to decay. A good many, when they had become ruinous 
 or were found in the way, were destroyed. The more 
 beautiful portions of the palace were, however, a little 
 cared for ; they were not injured by being used as 
 store-rooms, and they were maintained in tolerable 
 preservation. 
 
 Before the mutiny the palace was a place to dream 
 in, vast and silent, bathed in a sleepy sunshine ; it seemed 
 filled with the memories of the past. But, as in most 
 Oriental palaces, these memories were general, only a 
 few parts of it being associated with any particular inci- 
 dent. Of these few, one is the narrow flight of staii's that 
 leads from the Hall of Ambassadors to our enclosure. 
 In descending these stairs a daughter of one of the 
 emperors was nearly burnt to death. The flame of a 
 lamp caught her dress, and she refused to call for assist- 
 ance, lest her cries should bring some of the young nobles
 
 254 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxvi. 
 
 in the hall to her rescue ; death, in her estimation, heing^ 
 preferable to the dishonour of Laving her unveiled 
 features exposed to the gaze of a man. 
 
 When the native physicians proved unable to cure her 
 injuries the Emperor summoned, I think, an English 
 surgeon from one of our newly-established settlements 
 in Bengal. Under his care she recovered. With a self- 
 denying patriotism the surgeon selected a charter for his 
 company as his reward ; but, writing fi'om memory, of 
 these last particulars I am not certain. 
 
 It was at the great archway to our square that 
 Eoshunara is said to have presented her brother 
 Alumgire with the golden bowl and its more precious 
 contents ; and the baths to the left may have been the 
 scene of an act of horrible cruelty, perpetrated by Shah 
 Jehan. 
 
 Shah Jehan had four daughters — Eoshunara, Jehan- 
 ara, and two others, whose names also terminated in 'ara.' 
 One of them had a lover. He had been admitted to the 
 Zenana ; the Emperor was heard approaching ; unable 
 to escape, the young man took refuge in the flues of the 
 baths. Either knowing or suspecting the place of his 
 concealment. Shah Jehan directed the fires to be lighted, 
 and his daughter to perform her ablutions. The princess 
 was forced to obey, although knowing that the fires which 
 heated the chamber were consuming her lover. 
 
 The incident is recorded by the historians, but not 
 the place of its occurrence. It may have happened else- 
 where ; let us hope that it did, for it would be a pity that 
 structures so exquisite should be associated with cruelty 
 so revolting. 
 
 These baths are opposite the marble hall ; externally 
 they do not differ from the other apartments of the range, 
 and on that account were little known. For some reason
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 255 
 
 they were kept locked, and seldom exhibited to strangers. 
 When the door was passed chambers were seen that 
 might have been those of the Genii. The walls, floors, 
 and ceilings were of white marble, and they glowed with 
 flowered mosaics, executed in cornelians, agates, and lapis 
 lazuli. 
 
 The marble hall was where the highest in rank of the 
 queens held her court, and was, therefore, I presume, 
 at one time occupied by ' Mumtaz Mahal.' Dimly 
 lighted, gorgeous in colour, it realises our conception of 
 the chamber of an Eastern princess. The walls are 
 not inlaid, but painted. Time has given to the polished 
 marble something of the mellow tint of ivory. With 
 this the rich colours of the paintings beautifully contrast. 
 The designs are flowers and scrolls, and both design and 
 execution are so incomparably superior to that of other 
 Indian buildings as to suggest the idea that they are the 
 work of the Italian and Portuguese artists, whom it is 
 known that Shah Jehan employed. 
 
 The hall is so perfect that it requires but little 
 imagination to picture it as it must have been when 
 the palace was inhabited — to see the curtains hung, the 
 rich carpets spread, and the princess laden with jewels, 
 and surrounded by her attendant slaves, reclining on her 
 pillow of gold brocade. 
 
 The palace of Jehangh'e has no special traditions con- 
 nected with it. It was erected for the Emperor's chief 
 wife, ' the Lady of Jodpore ; ' for Jehangire, like his 
 father Akbar, had married a princess of that territor3\ 
 To please the tastes of its occupant, the architectm-e in 
 some parts resembles that of the Hindoos. Especially 
 so does that of the long gallery in the upper storey. 
 This gallery, like the hall at Futtehpore Secree, was con- 
 structed for the ladies of the Zenana to play at * hide and
 
 256 THE INDIAN MUTINY, cii. xxvi. 
 
 seek ' in. The walls are full of deep recesses that served 
 as places of concealment. The old guide was fond of 
 describing the method of the game. The eyes of one of 
 the players were bandaged, and a doggerel verse recited : 
 
 ' Gulab ke pane Kiirruah tale, 
 
 Billi wahi phulale, 
 
 Alii Bhagho Raja ke chore chute gya.' 
 
 Which may be thus rendered : — 
 
 ' Attar of roses, and mustard oil, 
 The cats a-crying, the pots a-boil, 
 Look out, and fly, the Rajah's thief will catch you,' 
 
 As the last words were uttered, the blinded girl was 
 released, and the walls echoed with the sounds of flying 
 feet and merry laughter. 
 
 The lady Noor Jehan resided long at Agra, and there 
 erected a mausoleum to her father. She had intended 
 to construct it of silver, but was persuaded to substitute 
 marble. But I do not know if she occupied any portion 
 of this square of the palace. There are no traditions of 
 her having done so. 
 
 A word as to the material of the palace. The stone is 
 a rather coarse red sandstone. The marble is of kind not 
 found in Europe. I have been told that it is not marble 
 but a species of alabaster ; whether this statement is 
 correct I cannot say. It differs from the white marble 
 of Italy in the size of its crystals, which are very large. 
 This peculiarity detracts from its beauty when used for 
 slabs or tables, for the reflections from the separate 
 crystals give to the surface a dusty and discoloured 
 appearance. But this texture especially adapts it for 
 the purposes of architecture. The walls composed of it 
 have a rich and glistening whiteness, exhibited by no 
 other material.
 
 CH. XXVI. THE OLD PALACE. 257 
 
 This marble is very translucent. The slabs compos- 
 ing the screen of our enclosure were about four inches 
 in thickness, as near as I could guess. Yet ^Yhen the sun 
 shone bright I could distinctly see through the slab the 
 shadow of my hand, and the outline of every finger was 
 distinct. 
 
 In the days of its glory, the palace was the scene of 
 many crimes, of much that in human nature is base and 
 degrading. But the stream of time has swept these im- 
 purities away. There remains only a creation of the 
 beautiful ; the expression of a spii'it of splendour and 
 magnificence for ever passed away. 
 
 I fear that if we could recall the past and behold the 
 inmates of these marble courts, we should hardly consider 
 them as equal to their surroundings. Sir Thomas Eoe 
 describes the faces that peeped at him through the latticed 
 windows without enthusiasm, noticing only that they were 
 ' but indifferently white.' And a native, who had seen 
 the Zenana of the late king of Delhi, informed me that 
 with but few exceptions the ladies were small, dark, and 
 plain.
 
 258 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxvii. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXYII. 
 
 QUAERELS. 
 
 From these_ dreams of the past ^Ye were presently aroused 
 by the disputes of the present. The quarrels had recom- 
 menced, and with renewed animosit3^ To say that the 
 quarrels had recommenced is hardly correct, for that 
 implies that they had previously ceased, which they 
 never had. It was merely that a fresh subject was 
 selected, and just now it was the defences. 
 
 The fort having been erected before the daj's of 
 artillery was deficient in many of the modern require- 
 ments — among others, it had no glacis. On one side 
 the town, on another side the ruins, came close up to the 
 walls, while the ravines would afford shelter for any 
 amount of assailants. Colonel Fraser had of late been 
 very busy in remedying this defect, so far as it was 
 capable of remedy. He had blown up the ruins, and 
 sloped off the ravines, and he now proposed to demolish 
 the houses. It was on this the dissensions arose. 
 
 The part of the city that adjoined the fort was a low 
 suburb, chiefly consisting of mud hovels. Such as they 
 were, however, the owners valued them, and objected 
 to their removal, and their objections were supported 
 by some of the higher civil officials. Others of the 
 authorities supported Colonel Fraser's proposals. Every- 
 one else took one side or the other, and the question.
 
 CH. XXVII. QUARRELS. 259 
 
 which was really one of military engineering, was dehated 
 with all the animosity of a party dispute. After much 
 discussion an arrangement was come to. The houses 
 were to be levelled, and the owners were to receive com- 
 pensation ; but as there was no money to pay it, it was 
 to be given in the form of promissorj- notes, redeemable 
 with interest on the restoration of order. 
 
 The arrangement in itself was a very just one, yet 
 under the circumstances it failed to give satisfaction to 
 either party. The suburb was inhabited by just the 
 class that had been the most active in destroying the 
 station. The English and Christians, who had not been 
 reimbursed for their losses, felt indignant that more 
 consideration should be shown to these people, the 
 authors of the disturbances, than to themselves, the 
 victims. The owners of the houses, on the other hand, 
 regarded the promissory notes, and with some reason, 
 as little better than waste-paper. They did not believe 
 that the Government would ever ])e in a position to redeem, 
 them, nor could they afford to wait for that period should 
 it arrive. Their poverty obliged them to sell their notes 
 for whatever they could get for them, which just then 
 was next to nothing. Practically, the whole compensa- 
 tion found its way into the hands of the grasping money 
 lenders. 
 
 This difficulty had hardly been disposed of when a 
 fresh cause of dissension presented itself. In the midst 
 of the suburb, close against the wall of the fort, stood an 
 old mosque, very ugly, but large, massive, and covering 
 a gi"eat extent of ground. The Mohammedans of the city 
 came forward in a body, and petitioned that the mosque 
 might be allowed to remain. The chief civil officials 
 still retained their partiality for the Mohammedans, and, 
 notwithstanding all that occurred, their belief in their 
 
 s 2
 
 26o THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxvii, 
 
 loyalty. The rest of the English and Christians were 
 much exasperated against them. A fresh contention arose, 
 in which, except among the engineers, the military ques- 
 tion was rather lost sight of. One party would have been 
 glad to see the mosque destroyed because it was a mosque ; 
 the other party for that reason desired to preserve it. 
 
 The eiigineers were firm, and they so clearly had 
 common sense on their side that the civil authorities in 
 the end felt obliged to yield. That they might do so 
 gracefully, they proposed to procure a ' futwah,' or 
 judgment from the Cazee, wdiich would, they represented, 
 be a justification for the demolition in the eyes of the 
 other Mohammedans. The military authorities, so the 
 gossip went, gave them to understand that, if it gratified 
 them to procure the ' futwah,' they of course could do 
 so. But all the same, ' futwah ' or no ' futwah,' the 
 mosque should come down. 
 
 The reply was not encouraging — nevertheless the 
 ' futwah ' w^as procured. I did not see it, but I heard 
 the contents ; and as my informant was the Cazee him- 
 self, I imagine I heard them correctly. The * futwah ' 
 sanctioned the demolition on the strength of a precedent 
 of the Emperor Alumgire, that pious monarch, when 
 at war with the Mahrattas, having pulled down a mosque 
 that sheltered them from the fire of his artillery — the 
 doctors of the law having declared that the Almighty 
 would pardon the removal of His temple for so worthy an 
 object as the destruction of His enemies. 
 
 The precedent was hardly in point, as it was the 
 preservation, not the destruction, of the unbelievers for 
 which the removal of the building was now desired. 
 However, in the satisfaction of obtaining the ' futwah,' 
 this defect was prudently overlooked. 
 
 Beyond the civil authorities the ' futwah ' did not
 
 CH. XXVII. QUARRELS. 261 
 
 give much satisfaction. The Mohammedans refused to 
 accept it as of any vahdity, declaring openly that it had 
 been extorted, an opinion that the Cazee himself rather 
 encouraged ; while the English considered the procuring 
 it as both an undignified as well as an unwise proceed- 
 ing — for it was practically conceding to our enemies 
 the right to define the limits of our means of defence 
 against them. 
 
 The demolition of the mosque was regarded as a 
 defeat for those of the higher officials who had desu-ed its 
 preservation, and, as these were not at the time popular, 
 their defeat gave satisfaction. They, however, had a 
 consolation. The military favourite was Jotee Pershand, 
 the Commissariat contractor, and he had lately erected a 
 very fine new house in the suburb, and this, of course, 
 would come down with the rest ; and thus, though 
 Jotee Pershand had escaped arrest, he would suffer 
 injury. In this expectation they were doomed to disap- 
 pointment. The preliminary difficulties having been 
 arranged, an army of workmen were let loose in the 
 suburb. For some days they were concealed in a cloud 
 of dust, out of which occasionally came the sound of ex- 
 plosions. When the dust cleared away, the mosque had 
 gone, the suburb had gone, but to the indignation of the 
 civil authorities the house of Jotee Pershand appeared 
 as before — bright with fresh paint, white and triumphant. 
 
 To the remonstrances made to them the military, so 
 the story went, returned a very curt answer, to the eft'ect 
 that if the enemy approached the house would be de- 
 stroyed, and that in the meanwhile it could remain as a 
 reward to its owner for his good services ; and with this 
 unsatisfactor}' explanation the civil authorities had to 
 rest content. 
 
 These disputes regarding the defences were succeeded
 
 262 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxvii, 
 
 l)y disputes on other matters, and those again by others 
 in a series it would be tedious to enumerate. There were 
 'disputes about the mihtia, disputes about the rifle corps, 
 disputes about the Motee Musjid, disputes about the 
 marble hall, disputes about the Sunday services held 
 within it — disputes, in short, about every conceivable 
 subject. The civil authorities disputed with the military, 
 the militia with the regulars, and all among themselves ; 
 and, as if this were not enough, some of the civil officials 
 made a very unprovoked attack on the Eoman Catholic 
 bishop and clergy. As Christians of all denominations 
 were then in danger of common destruction from the 
 ^Mohammedans, the time selected for this was generally 
 regarded as inopportune. Some of the quarrels were at 
 the time excessively amusing, but they wo aid hardly 
 now, after so long a period, much interest the reader. 
 Suffice it to say that, having seen Agra, I could under- 
 stand Jerusalem. We did not indeed stab or poison, but 
 there were the same jealousies, the same animosities that 
 in a ruder age, and amongst a less civilised and more 
 impulsive people, would have led to such results. 
 
 It was often said that a real danger would have 
 united us. I do not think so, for we never could have 
 been in more peril than for the first few days we ima- 
 gined ourselves, and it was just then that the discord 
 was at the greatest. Also throughout it was in matters 
 that concerned our safety that the disagreements were 
 the most constant and the most virulent ; this was espe- 
 cially the case in regard to that most imjDortant business, 
 the procuring intelligence. 
 
 This duty had lately been made over to a committee ; 
 the members of it were men of ability and of official expe- 
 rience. So far as the duties of their department could be 
 reduced to routine they were perfectly performed ; beyond
 
 CH. XXVII. QUARRELS. 263 
 
 it they failed. The committee did not understand the 
 art of extracting the grain of truth from the mass of 
 exaggeration with which native informants surromid it, 
 and, what was almost worse, the committee themselves 
 had strong prejudices. 
 
 Natives are exceedingly quick at discovering what in- 
 formation will be agreeable — very unscrujDulous and very 
 adroit in modifjdng their news accordingly. The Govern- 
 ment intelligence always confirmed what were known to 
 be the Government views. 
 
 But this intelligence was often afterwards discovered 
 to be incorrect, and it was very seldom early. It soon 
 began to be discredited ; before long to be a subject of 
 open ridicule. To this result many circumstances con- 
 tributed. Among others the following : — 
 
 The office of the Intelligence Department was at the 
 end of the upper storey of one of the sides of our square. 
 The room was reached by a balcony, and being at the end 
 of it visitors to it were exposed to the observation of the 
 occupants of the other apartments, as well as to that of 
 all the loungers in the garden. 
 
 It soon began to be noticed that an elderly blind man 
 was in constant attendance. Early each morning he 
 was seen painfully making his way along the narrow 
 balcony, guided by an attendant. Inside the room, or 
 seated before the door, he remained patiently till the 
 evening. If in the meanwhile he descended it was only 
 for his meals, or to confer with some natives in the 
 garden. 
 
 The singularity of this proceeding attracted attention, 
 and suggested inquiry. It was ascertained that the blind 
 man was the principal purveyor of the committee's in- 
 telligence. He was perfectly honest, and very respectable- 
 His loss of sight did not affect his hearing ; there was no
 
 264 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxvii. 
 
 reason, therefore, why he should not collect news as well 
 as another. Nevertheless, the fact of his heing emplo3'ed 
 for the purpose created much amusement, was made the 
 subject of many jokes and caricatures, and, though very 
 unjustty, added to the low estimation in which the intelli- 
 gence of the committee was already regarded. 
 
 The Government intelligence being so defective, 
 several officials endeavoured to supplement it. The most 
 successful was Captain Nixon. He had a natural aptitude 
 for the work, and he had also at his disposal the Bhurt- 
 pore establishment of trained messengers, who in a 
 native court are usually very efficient. Captain Nixon's 
 information was generally both the earliest and the 
 most correct. Being so, it would have been wise in the 
 authorities to have availed themselves of it. They en- 
 deavoured instead to prevent his receiving it. It was 
 contemplated, indeed, at one time to procure his re- 
 moval, but difficulties appearing in the way of assigning 
 sufficient reasons the idea was abandoned. 
 
 The efforts of the other officials were not more favour- 
 ably regarded ; the Government accepted no information 
 save what was submitted by the Department ; and the 
 Department received none that was not supplied by their 
 own employes, the blind man in particular. A time came 
 when early and accurate intelligence was essential to our 
 safety ; and then, as I shall relate, this course of pro- 
 cedure nearly produced a terrible catastrophe.
 
 CH. xxviri. THE EXPEDITION. 265 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 The filth of the fort in the earl}" days of our occupation 
 had made us dread an outbreak of pestilence. A few 
 cases of cholera had increased these apprehensions, but 
 they died away when it was found that the disease did 
 not spread. The excellent sanitary arrangements that 
 were afterwards made prevented the occurrence of other 
 epidemics, so far, that is, as order and cleanlmess could 
 prevent them. 
 
 Nevertheless it was sad to notice how the gi'aveyard 
 filled. A spot for a cemetery had been selected on the 
 summit of the ravines before the Ummer Sing gateway. 
 Commanded by the cannon of the batteries, the dead 
 could be there interred even should the enem}' approach. 
 The space enclosed had seemed at first unnecessarily 
 large. Before long it appeared as if its boundaries would 
 have to be extended. Some who had been in the battle 
 died of their wounds; more sank from the effects of 
 exposure ; and of the children, many succumbed to the 
 combined efiect of the confinement, the want of comforts, 
 and the terrible heat. 
 
 Our little gui was seized with fever — she was long ill^ 
 but she recovered ; our baby sank. Other deaths followed,. 
 adults as well as infants, and presently the dreaded 
 cholera again made its appearance, and this time among
 
 266 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxviii. 
 
 the soldiers. For the cholera a hundred remedies have 
 been devised, but when it attacks soldiers onty one has 
 been found efficacious, and that is to march out the regi- 
 ment, ' It was partly the desire to do this that suggested 
 the expedition to Allyghur. 
 
 Allyghur, as the reader may remember, is a station on 
 the road to Meerut, about forty miles distant from Agra. 
 By occupying it, it was thought that communication with 
 Meerut might be re-established. Also it w^as desu'ed to 
 disperse a body of villagers, and Mohammedan fanatics 
 who had collected in the neighbourhood ; and it was ex- 
 pected that other advantages would follow. 
 
 It was characteristic of the state of things in the fort 
 that a measure so ])urely military should have been 
 originated and carried out almost entirely by civilians ; 
 equally so, that it should have been made the occasion 
 of angry controversy, quarrels, and disputations. The 
 blind man, it was said, suggested the scheme ; the Board 
 of Eevenue made all the arrangements. There was a diffi- 
 culty for some time in obtaining Mr. Colvin's consent. 
 He was ill and despondent, he dreaded a possible disaster ; 
 but at length he gave his approval. The preparations 
 were hurried on, and before he withdrew his sanction the 
 expedition started. 
 
 It consisted of about a hundred and fifty English sol- 
 diers, two guns, the mounted militia, and as many volun- 
 teers as liked to join. There was also the medical staff 
 and the Commissariat ; and, small as the force was, it 
 took with it, besides two priests and a missionary. 
 
 The expedition left the fort about five o'clock in the 
 afternoon. In the evening there came on one of the 
 most terrible storms of wind and rain, thunder and light- 
 ning I ever remember. For two days we received no 
 news ; on the third, a rumour spread that the force had
 
 CH. XXVIII. THE EXPEDITION. . 267 
 
 fallen into an ambuscade and been cut to pieces. The 
 report reached Mr, Colvin, and threw him for some hours 
 into a state of extreme agitation. It was said that he 
 bitterly reproached those who had suggested the expe- 
 dition, and deplored having himself consented to it. 
 Towards evenmg his regrets and our fears were allayed 
 Idj the arrival of a messenger from the camp. It was 
 announced that we had gained a glorious victory; but so 
 little confidence had come to be placed in the official in- 
 telligence, that the announcement was generally regarded 
 as an attempt to gloss over a defeat. 
 
 The next morning private letters arrived, and the 
 truth became known ; we had not sustained a defeat, but 
 neither had we achieved any very decided victor3\ What 
 had really taken place I will now describe. My informa- 
 tion was derived from various officers and volunteers 
 who were present in the engagement. 
 
 Our troops found the insm'gents posted in a garden, 
 which was enclosed by a bank and ditch. Our troops 
 advanced and sent in a shot or two from the guns ; on 
 this the insurgents came out and charged. Our men 
 drove them back with considerable loss. Our force was 
 not strong enough to storm the garden, nor to advance 
 and leave the insurgents in our rear, nor was it thought 
 quite safe to encamp in front of them on the open ; so 
 we reth'ed a few miles, and the enemy, as mobs usually 
 do, in a day or two broke up and dispersed to their homes. 
 Cm- force then continued its march to Allyghur ; but, if 
 I remember rightly, did not think it prudent to proceed 
 farther than the town of Hattras, which is ten miles on 
 the Agra side of Allyghur. 
 
 The insurgents who charged out of the garden were 
 chiefly Ghazees, or Mohammedan fanatics. They at- 
 tacked our men with great desperation ; but, nevertheless,
 
 268 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxviii. 
 
 inflicted on them hardly any loss. The reason was this, 
 they were armed with swords, and instead of striking at 
 once they waved their weapons and uttered war cries, 
 and as a consequence were shot or bayoneted before they 
 delivered a blow. 
 
 When the Ghazees charged, an old mollah, or priest, 
 sat by the bank chanting the Koran to encourage the 
 W'arriors ; as the combat thickened, his voice rose louder ; 
 at length he worked himself into an ecstasy of fanaticism. 
 He closed the volume, seized a sword, and exclaiming, ' I 
 too will be a "shaheed " (religious martyr), he rushed on 
 our soldiers, one of whom ran him through with his 
 bayonet. 
 
 "When the force entered Hattras they were received 
 by the Hindoo shopkeepers with great demonstrations of 
 loyalty — demonstrations that the Government were san- 
 guine enough to believe in, and more sanguine still to 
 accept as an expression of the general sentiment of the 
 country. They were soon undeceived; the population 
 showed themselves so hostile that the expedition thought 
 it prudent to fall back some ten miles nearer the fort. 
 It was afterwards ordered to approach still nearer, as in 
 due course I shall relate. On our retiring the Moham- 
 medan fanatics collected again, entered the town, and 
 paid off the Hindoos within it for the welcome they had 
 given us : a good many were killed, the rest ill-treated 
 and plundered. 
 
 The expedition did not end in the disaster some of 
 us had predicted, and which Mr. Colvin had dreaded. 
 But neither did it produce the great results that its 
 promoters had anticipated ; it did not quiet the country,, 
 nor imjn-ess the natives, nor open the communications. 
 It did no more than collect a little revenue that might 
 have been obtained with less trouble nearer home ; but
 
 CH. XXVIII. THE EXPEDITION. 269 
 
 it benefited the health of the men, and it wonderfully 
 raised the spirits of us all by showing that the fears that 
 had hitherto kept us such close prisoners were a good 
 deal imaginary. 
 
 We now extended our rides and drives. The houses 
 adjacent to the fort were repaired and occupied, and the 
 militia moved out to a large building near the great 
 parade ground. This building I shall have occasion again 
 to allude to ; it was a sort of assembly room, and known 
 as the ' Metcalfe Testimonial,' having been erected in 
 honour of that distinguished Indian statesman. Lord 
 Metcalfe. These changes had the effect of much en- 
 livening the view from our window. Instead of contem- 
 plating a silent lake, we looked on boats, and on carts 
 and passengers continually crossing and re-crossing the 
 bridge. The boats, I should explain, were chiefly moored 
 near the bank, and some of them were occupied by 
 English families, for the sake of change and coolness. 
 
 An occasional incident, however, made us aware that 
 there were still elements of danger around us. Several 
 Englishmen riding alone, or too far from the fort, were 
 at different times attacked by armed natives, always, 
 happily, without fatal or even serious results. I chiefly 
 remember these attacks from the dissensions within the 
 fort which they gave rise to ; dissensions on the one 
 side regarding the reality of some of the attacks, on 
 the other side regarding the measures that ought to be 
 adopted to prevent their recurrence. At the time these 
 disputes excited the highest interest, and all, from the 
 authorities downwards, took part in them ; an account 
 of them now would he painfully wearisome. 
 
 Parties of armed natives were certainly then better 
 avoided; but it was a mistake to regard all such as 
 enemies. It was a mistake that the younger Englishmen
 
 270 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxviii. 
 
 were apt to fall into ; their doing so on one occasion 
 gave rise to an amusing incident, which might, how- 
 ever, have ended tragically. 
 
 The police stations in the adjacent comitry were 
 being re-occupied ; but to one no native official could 
 be found bold enough to venture. It was some distance 
 away, and the villagers around were very turbulent. At 
 length, by persuasion and increased pay, or some such 
 inducement, a man was got to undertake the duties. 
 He started late in the afternoon very jauntily, on a 
 pony, himself well armed, and accompanied by attend- 
 ants also carrying weapons. That evening I drove out 
 with the gentleman who held the post of deputy, or, as 
 it was then termed, joint magistrate, of Agra. 
 
 We happened to take the road by which this new 
 chief policeman had proceeded. Two miles or so from 
 the fort we came on a small crowd, some young English- 
 men on horseback, some armed natives and ponies. The 
 Englishmen were angry and excited, the natives appeared 
 anxious and a little frightened. Both sides were talking, 
 but neither understood the other's language. On seeing 
 us one of the Englishmen rode up to beg our assistance. 
 They had come, he said, on a rebel part}^ and proposed 
 to hang the leader. My friend alighted, and in the 
 rebel leader discovered his new chief policeman ; it was, 
 however, with the greatest difficulty that he convinced 
 the young Englishmen of their mistake. 
 
 We had all now in the fort become in much better 
 spirits ; our improved spirits benefited our health, the 
 cholera ceased. The news from Delhi was also encour- 
 aging ; we learnt that our batteries had been advanced 
 nearer to the walls ; we expected, though rather pre- 
 maturely, to hear almost immediately the announcement 
 of the capture of the city.
 
 CH. XXVIII. THE EXPEDITION. 271 
 
 In this cheerfulness, in these anticipations, there was 
 one person, and that the chief among us, who did not 
 share. Mr. Colvin had entered the fort fully persuaded 
 that he should never leave it ; each day increased his 
 depression, any improvements in our prospects he re- 
 garded only as a prelude to fresh disasters. It seemed, 
 in a few days, as if his forebodings would be realised. 
 Delhi did not fall, but, on the contrary, there came news 
 from Lahore that there was a possibility that the Pun- 
 jab might follow the example of these provinces, and 
 rise also in rebellion. If the Punjal) rose our position 
 would be all but desperate ; for the rising of the Punjab 
 would almost certainly be followed by an advance of the 
 Gwalior contingent. We should be besieged then in 
 reality, and we might not be able to hold out till assist- 
 ance arrived from England. The outlook was again 
 gloomy — it made us all anxious ; it plunged Mr. Colvin 
 into a still deeper depression. His depression was in- 
 creased by other incidents that presently occurred.
 
 272 THE INDIAN MUTINY. 
 
 CHAPTEE XXIX. 
 
 ]\iR. colvin's death. 
 
 "VVe bad received no letters for some time, for the com- 
 munications had again been interrupted, when one 
 evening the news spread that a messenger had arrived 
 with a mail from Bombay, and that it contained des- 
 patches from Calcutta. 
 
 The Governor- Generals in those days interfered but 
 little in the affairs of the Upper Provinces. Lord Can- 
 ning had been two years in India, yet hardly anything 
 was known among us regarding him. The mutiny, 
 however, had altered his position ; much would now 
 depend on his personal character and the policy he might 
 adopt. On both these points there was great curiosity. 
 To learn something on the subject I strolled over to my 
 brother — I found him looking worn and anxious. My 
 brother was by nature reticentf on official matters — he 
 was so also on principle. We sat some time in silence. 
 Then, as if he had been vexed beyond endurance, he told 
 me that Mr. Colvin had received despatches that had 
 quite upset him. I remarked that I suiDposed they were 
 some unfavourable criticisms on his policy before the 
 battle. ' Not at all,' my brother replied, ' or I should 
 not have mentioned them — only a reprimand for the 
 delay in sending in last year's administration report, 
 and an elaborate form, to be filled up and returned,
 
 CH. XXIX. MR. COLVIN'S DEATH. 273 
 
 regarding the unanswered letters for the last six 
 months.' 
 
 My brother went on to tell me that had Mr. Colvin 
 been in his usual health, the desj)atch would not have 
 done more than temporarily annoy him. As it was, 
 it had thrown him into a state of extreme agitation. He 
 insisted that the report should be prepared at once. 
 With much trouble my brother convinced him that this 
 was impossible. The records were burnt, the informa- 
 tion that they had contained could not now be pro- 
 cured. 
 
 Persuaded of this, Mr. Colvin commenced to dictate 
 an explanation ; he possessed, ordinarily, a remarkable 
 facility for official composition, but the faculty had now 
 deserted him. After a few sentences he became confused, 
 hesitated, then broke down altogether. There followed 
 a sad scene, the sense of injustice, the knowledge of his 
 own powers, the consciousness of his inability now to use 
 them. At length he became calm, and permitted my 
 brother to draft for him a short letter, stating the im- 
 possibility of submitting the report or of filling up the 
 form. 
 
 Having begun to talk, my brother continued ; it 
 seemed a relief to him to disburden his mind of some of 
 its anxieties. He spoke of the extreme peril of our 
 situation, of the great danger we ran of being besieged. 
 ' And if we are,' he said, ' it will be God's mercy if we 
 do not share the fate of Cawnpore ; and what manner of 
 men must they be in Calcutta,' he added, ' who, at a 
 time like this, when they ought to be straining every 
 nerve to save the Empire, are thinking only of un- 
 answered letters ? ' I do not pretend to give my brother's 
 exact words, only their purport, as after these long years 
 I recall them.
 
 274 THE INDIAN MUTINY'. ch. xxix. 
 
 From this time Mr. Colvin's health began to fail 
 rapidly. This was not caused by the despatch, it was a 
 mere accident its arriving as the crisis of his malady was 
 approaching. The despatch had vexed him sadly, but 
 the vexation was not repeated. The communications 
 were again interrupted ; from Calcutta, at least, no more 
 annoyances proceeded. Mr. Colvin had no particular 
 illness, none at least that the doctors could recognise, 
 but he felt weak, he felt weary. Soon he took to his 
 bed; he did not again leave it. He was very pa- 
 tient, very resigned, weary of this world, and willing to 
 quit it. He bade farewell to his son, gave his last 
 instructions, and awaited calmly the end that he felt 
 approaching. 
 
 As occasionally happens in such illnesses the end, 
 though from the first inevitable, was long delayed, longer 
 than he had expected, longer than his physicians thought 
 possible. He lingered so long that some of those about 
 him began to entertain hopes of his recovery, hopes that 
 he himself did not share. 
 
 Mr. Colvin was much respected ; the news of his ill- 
 ness caused universal sorrow. The sorrow was sincere, 
 nevertheless it had the effect of making us very sociable. 
 We gathered in knots to hear the latest reports ; we 
 assembled in the evenings to discuss them. There were 
 more tea parties at that period than at any other during 
 our confinement in the fort. For some days there were 
 contradictor}^ rumours ; it was given out that Mr. Colvin 
 was worse, then that he was better, then that he con- 
 tinued the same, till one afternoon it became known that 
 hope was over, and that he was dying. 
 
 There was a large party of us assembled that evening 
 on the terrace before the marble hall. Mr. Colvin's 
 apartments adjoined, the sounds of our voices could not
 
 CH. XXIX. MR. COLVIN'S DEATH. 275 
 
 reach tliem ; but the knowledge of what was there passmg 
 impressed us with a feehng of reverence. We spoke low, 
 and of little but his illness. The party broke up earlj'- ; 
 one by one the other lights went out, the square became 
 dark and silent, save that through the doorway of Mr. 
 Colvin's enclosure figures came and went, and from over 
 the marble screen appeared the glow of a lamp, and we 
 heard the sounds of that hushed activity which prevails 
 near the chamber of death. 
 
 I remained late, as did another gentleman. He was 
 a contemporary- of Mr. Colvin ; long ago he had been his 
 companion. His thoughts flew back to the time when 
 they had been lads together ; he spoke of Mr. Colvin's 
 great abilities, his desu-e to win a high position, and how 
 step by step he had attained it. In sad commentary to 
 this came the light of the lamp from the room where he 
 then lay dying. 
 
 The next morning Mr. Colvin was still alive — a report 
 even spread that he was better. I sj)ent the da}- at the 
 Taj, where, in one of the side buildings, I held my office. 
 About four in the afternoon as I was returning I hap- 
 pened to raise my eyes ; I was struck by the immense 
 number of birds that were hovering over the fort — 
 thousands of crows, and whole flights of kites and vul- 
 tures. Filthy and revolting as is the appearance of 
 these creatures when seen close and on the ground, 
 uothmg can exceed the grace and beauty of their move- 
 ments in mid- air. They were sweeping round and round 
 in great curves, and ascending and descending in long 
 spirals. The sight was so beautiful that, notwithstanding 
 the glare, I kept my eyes fixed for some time on the skies 
 to observe it. 
 
 There was then a belief among many of the English 
 that these carrion birds possessed some instinct that
 
 276 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxix. 
 
 warned them of an approaching death, and that guided 
 by it the}' collected above a habitation from whence a 
 soul was about to take its flight. As I watched the bu'ds 
 the recollection of this superstition occurred to me ; I 
 wondered if there was any truth in it, and if this present 
 assemblage denoted Mr. Colvin's end. 
 
 As I entered the gate I met an acquaintance, who 
 told me that Mr. Colvin was still alive, and that it was 
 given out he was better. We dined at five ; when the 
 meal was over I called one of my servants, and desired 
 him to go over and inquire how Mr. Colvin was. The 
 man dropped his eyes, and replied quietly that it was 
 unnecessary, he had just heard ' is dunniah fane sa 
 rehlat keah ' (that his spirit had commenced its march 
 from this transitory world). 
 
 In India decay so soon follows death, that the soul 
 has hardly taken its flight before it becomes necessary to 
 prepare for the interment of the body. Mr. Colvin died 
 about five m the afternoon, a little after seven o'clock I 
 passed his rooms on my way to my brother. The repose 
 of death was already broken, servants and officers were 
 hurrying in and out, furniture was being moved, and 
 carpenters were at work preparing the coffin. The noise 
 and bustle were in painful contrast to the stillness, the 
 hushed footsteps of the night before. 
 
 After tea I repaired as usual to the terrace of the marble 
 hall ; there was a larger party assembled even than on 
 the previous evening. The sad event of the afternoon 
 was the topic of conversation. All were unfeignedly 
 sorry, but the future so overpowers the past that much 
 less was said of him who was gone than of the events 
 which his death might give rise to, especially as to who 
 would succeed him in the government. 
 
 Mr. Colvin was buried in the armoury square, at a spot
 
 CH. XXIX. MR. COLVIN'S DEATH. 277 
 
 he himself had selected. The funeral took place the next 
 mornmg about an hour after sunrise. The ceremony- 
 was very impressive — nearly the whole fort attended ; 
 and there was among the crowd a reality of sorrow not 
 always called forth on such occasions. Mr. Colvin's ill- 
 ness and troubles had created for him much sympathy ; 
 the mistakes he had made were forgotten, his 'goodness 
 of heart and his many other excellent qualities alone 
 remembered. Also in the death of our ruler we seemed 
 to see for ourselves a presage of misfortune. 
 
 The morning was in harmony with the occasion — 
 the sky was overcast, and a thick mist covered 
 the fort. As the coffin was lowered into the grave a 
 small cloud appeared above the Bengalee bastion. It 
 was followed by the roar of a cannon, the commence- 
 ment of the funeral salute. The guns were discharged 
 at intervals of a minute, the firing lasted a long time. 
 As the last puff of smoke disappeared in the fog, Mr. 
 Colvin's memory seemed similarly to fade away into the 
 shadows of the past. Ere the noon had gone he had 
 become a mere recollection. 
 
 Mr. Colvin will, for his connection with the mutiny, 
 occupy a place in our Indian history ; and in that 
 respect, I fear, not a favourable one. Yet of the many 
 governors I have known he was in many respects in- 
 comparably the best. He was a man of great abilit}^ 
 and he had the rare excellence of always preferring right 
 Ijefore expediency. In all schemes for general improve- 
 ment he never overlooked the rights of individuals. He 
 regarded the promises of the Government as sacred, and 
 would on no plea allow them to be explained away or set 
 aside. In these respects his policy was m marked con- 
 trast to that of his immediate predecessor, and to not a 
 few of those who have succeeded him.
 
 278 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxix. 
 
 It was Mr. Colvin's misfortune to be called upon to 
 meet a crisis, which to meet successfull}^ was impossible, 
 and which to meet at all required qualities that he did 
 not possess. 
 
 In the course of the morning it was notified that Mr. 
 Eeade, as senior civilian, had assumed charge of the 
 government.
 
 THE FALL OF DELHL 279 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 THE FALL OF DELHI. 
 
 Mr. Colvin died under every circumstance of gloom and 
 depression. He was hardly laid in his grave when our 
 I)rospects began to mend. We first heard from Delhi 
 that our batteries had been advanced nearer to the city. 
 Next we learnt that a breach had been made in the walls. 
 Soon after a messenger arrived with the glad tidings that 
 the Cashmere gate had been taken. As this gate was 
 the key to the city, its capture was considered as equiva- 
 lent to the fall of Delhi. Of that event, however, for 
 three days no news came ; on the contrary, there were 
 alarming rumours that our troops, having entered the 
 gate, had been driven out again. We were becoming 
 very anxious, when on the morning of the fourth day a 
 second messenger reached us, bearing a letter dated from 
 the Palace of Delhi, and reporting the actual capture of 
 the city. 
 
 It was on Sunday morning when the news arrived ; 
 in a few mmutes it had spread through the fort. Every- 
 one thronged out to hear the particulars. There followed 
 a general joy and exultation — a universal congratulation. 
 With the fall of Delhi the neck of the mutiny was felt to be 
 broken. Its final suppression was now merely a question 
 of time. Our delight was in proportion to the danger 
 from which we were relieved.
 
 28o THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxx. 
 
 In honour of the event it was determined to fire a 
 salute. There was a difference of opinion among the 
 authorities as to the numher of guns it should consist of. 
 Some thought that a royal salute of twenty-one guns 
 would be sufficient, while others considered that an 
 extraordinary salute of one hundred and one guns could 
 alone properly proclaim our sense of the importance of 
 our victor3\ 
 
 The decision was eventually in favour of the larger 
 numher of guns, and was come to for rather an odd 
 reason. The walls of the fort were very old, and they 
 had not been originally constructed to support artillery. 
 Some of the engineers had always expressed fears that if 
 the cannon were fired the walls would come down. The 
 present was thought a good opportunity for testing then- 
 solidity all round. 
 
 The salute was fired the next day at noon ; everyone 
 turned out to see — it was quite a gala. The troops 
 were paraded, the band played, the flags fluttered. Every 
 available space was crowded with spectators. The sky 
 was bright, the ah' was fresh — for it was the end of 
 September. The river sparkled in the sunshine, the 
 country beyond was green with the rising crops. 
 
 We stood with a large party in the balcony of the 
 octagon tower. The scene, the occasion put us all into 
 the highest spirits. AVe chatted, we congratulated each 
 other, as we waited for the firing to commence. Presently 
 came a boom from the Bengalee bastion, another followed 
 and another, and ever so many more. Some of the 
 reports were loud, others we could hardly hear. We 
 remained with our eyes fixed on a tower just beyond us ; 
 projecting from the embrasures peeped the muzzles of 
 the cannon. Above the battlements we could see the 
 artillerymen — they stood motionless as statues. One had
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHL 281 
 
 in his hand a long stick, at the end of which was the 
 port-fire, the others held short poles with round heads, 
 very like mops. 
 
 The firing had gone round the outer walls, it now 
 approached our side of the fort. It came nearer — suddenly 
 the statues seemed to start to life — they leaped backward. 
 The artillerj-man that held the stick raised it, lowered it. A 
 little puft' of smoke appeared above the battlements, from 
 the muzzle of the cannon there darted a jet of flame, driving 
 before it a ball of smoke that looked as solid as a cannon 
 shot. There resounded a crash like thunder, and from 
 out of the embrasure flew such a shower of stone chips 
 and fragments of mortar as showed the apprehensions of 
 the engineers were not altogether devoid of foundation. 
 In another instant the ball of smoke had expanded to a 
 cloud, and gunners, cannon, and the tower itself were 
 concealed from our view. 
 
 The scene was one to be remembered — the bright sky, 
 the grand building, and the crowds of spectators. In 
 the sound of the cannon, too, there was something ex- 
 citing. As they roared forth we felt as full of ardour 
 as if an enemy had been below us, and in place of merely 
 celebrating a victory, we had ourselves been achieving 
 one. 
 
 To complete the salute, the firing should have gone 
 again round the fort. But for some reason, not made 
 public, it was now discontinued, leaving the question of 
 the stability of the walls still undecided. 
 
 The firing over, we dispersed, but far too much excited 
 to settle to any occupation for the rest of the day. 
 
 Our rejoicmg in the fort had nearly occasioned a 
 tragedy in the city : a gun that commanded the principal 
 street had by some accident been loaded with grape shot, 
 as well as with powder. The mistake was discovered
 
 282 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxx. 
 
 only just in time to prevent the artilleryman from dis- 
 charging the cannon. 
 
 The salute was fired, partly to do honour to our 
 victory, partly to announce the fact of it to the natives. 
 So far as the latter object was concerned, we might as 
 well have spared our powder. The people of the city did 
 not believe that we had really taken Delhi; that is, they 
 did not believe the story till some days later, when they 
 were mformed of it by their own correspondents. The 
 villagers remained incredulous for several weeks, and 
 their incredulity was shared even by some of the rural 
 potentates. 
 
 The Eajah of Dholpore resided about thirty miles off, 
 on the banks of the river Chumbal. He was sitting on 
 his terrace with his court and ministers, when there came 
 the sound of cannon from the direction of Agra. The 
 sound made the Eajah a little anxious — he dispatched 
 a messenger to learn what it meant. The messenger 
 hasted, and returned wdth the information that the English 
 in the fort had been firing guns in honour of the fall of 
 Delhi. The Eajah laughed, and said that that sort of 
 device would not impose on him. 
 
 In the more distant parts of India it was months 
 before the fall of Delhi was accepted as an accomplished 
 fact. 
 
 In the meanwhile, we in the fort were very cheerful, 
 very exultant. To our cheerfulness other causes besides 
 our successes contributed. The cold weather had set in, 
 and with its arrival the plague of flies had departed. 
 These horrible pests left as suddenly as they had appeared. 
 One week we noticed that they were fewer, the next week 
 they were gone. 
 
 The capture of Delhi was not completed till several 
 days after our troops had entered it. Our troops had
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHL 283 
 
 first of all to secure their position in the Cashmere gate, 
 where the breach had been effected. This done, they 
 worked their way, street by street, through that portion of 
 the city that bordered the river, till they reached the 
 palace. The palace they entered without opposition, for 
 the King and his attendants had abandoned it. Prepara- 
 tions were being made to attack the rest of the city, when 
 it was discovered to be empty. The whole population — 
 men, women, citizens, and soldiers — had left it. The 
 King and his family were found concealed in the mauso- 
 leum of one of his ancestors, the Emperor Hoomayoon. 
 The women and the children and most of the men had 
 dispersed among the neighbouring villages, but what had 
 become of the rebel army remained a mj'stery. 
 
 It was a mj^stery that occasioned us a good deal of 
 anxiety, for the army might be coming to us, which 
 would be bad, or they might cross the river and surprise 
 our small detachment, which w^ould be worse. This 
 detachment, as the reader may remember, had been sent 
 over the river to occupy the town of Hattras. From thence 
 it had been recalled, and was now encamped at a spot 
 some twent}^ miles distant, just on the line of road the 
 enemy might traverse. If they came on it unawares 
 our little force could hardly escape annihilation. 
 
 In the midst of our fears and conjectures I received 
 an express from Muttra. It had been sent off in hot 
 haste by the police at the north of the district. It was 
 to inform me that the whole rebel arm}^ w^ere not very 
 far distant, and were marching down in our du-ection. 
 The writer estimated their numbers at about two hundred 
 thousand, and it was composed, he said, of the revolted 
 Sepoy regiments, of the mutineer cavalry and artillery, 
 an immense body of Mohammedan fanatics, and men of 
 all sorts who had left Delhi.
 
 284 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH, xxx. 
 
 I communicated my information at once to the Govern- 
 ment. I learnt that they had ah-eady received a similar 
 report from Captain Nixon, whose intelligence was in- 
 variably the earliest and most accm-ate. Neither my 
 report, however, nor his were accepted as reliable. The 
 Government were persuaded that the rebel army, instead 
 of approaching Agra, were making their way to Eohilcund, 
 and were then just about crossing the Ganges. 
 
 The Government had come to this belief, so it was 
 said, on the strength of the representations of the blind 
 man, on which, though they so often proved erroneous, 
 confidence still continued to be placed. 
 
 Three days passed, and the truth of my information 
 was put beyond question. The mutineers entered the 
 Muttra district— the police fled, the country rose. From 
 every quarter messengers came pouring in with the news. 
 The authorities were now convinced, and with conviction 
 came panic. The measures of precaution that ought to 
 have been adopted quietly days before were now taken 
 in hurry and confusion. An express was sent off to 
 bring in the detachment, the militia were ordered to hold 
 themselves in readiness to return to the fort at a moment's 
 notice, and the families who were living in the houses 
 outside were recommended to come again within the 
 protection of the walls. On a smaller scale was repeated 
 the disorder and confusion that preceded the catastrophe 
 of July 5. 
 
 Since that time we had really never been in such 
 immediate danger. One immense army of rebels was 
 advancing towards us from Delhi, and a smaller one was 
 apj)roaching from the opposite direction. This last was 
 a rebel force known as the ' Indore Mutineers,' from its 
 consisting chiefly of Sepoy regiments who before the 
 mutiny had been stationed near that city. After mutiny-
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHL 285 
 
 ing, they had sauntered leisurely up the country and 
 settled down thirty miles off at the town of Dholpore. 
 There they had since remained, and we had become so 
 used to then* presence that it had ceased to cause us any 
 anxiety. Now, just at this time of all others, news 
 came in that they had struck their tents and were in full 
 march to Agra. For three days we could get no accurate 
 intelligence of their movements. Then it was ascertained 
 that they had arrived within fifteen miles of the fort 
 gates and were encamped on the further side of a small 
 stream, known by the name of Khara Nuddee. 
 
 This information was followed by a panic. The 
 militia were ordered into the fort, and after them came 
 hurrymg all the English and Christians who were living 
 outside it. We were spending the day at the Taj. I got a 
 message from one of my people that I had better return, 
 as there was a report that the rebels were approach- 
 ing. On receiving the message I ordered the carriage. 
 There was a little delay in getting it. It was nearly 
 sunset when we approached the gateway. There we 
 found the greatest confusion ; for nearly a quarter of a 
 mile the road was completel}^ blocked by a mass of men, 
 carts, and animals. The crowd was so dense that it was 
 hopeless to attempt to get through it in the carriage. 
 We alighted, and even then, surrounded by our servants, 
 it was with the greatest difficulty that we managed to 
 force our way to the drawbridge. There the confusion 
 and struggling baffled description. The crowd, which 
 was nearly entirely composed of natives, were half frantic 
 with terror and excitement. Each time the gates swung 
 open they surged in, in such a mass as several times 
 actually carried away the sentry with them. I saw him 
 more than once lifted completely off the ground, and 
 forced back some yards before he could extricate himself.
 
 286 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. xxx. 
 
 The crowd seemed to think that the mutmeers were 
 close behind them. It was, perhaps, fortunate that 
 they were not, for in the confusion it was quite possible 
 that by a sudden assault they might have forced an 
 entrance. An attack on the fort, however, appeared to 
 be about the last thing they intended. Having pitched 
 their tents, they appeared in no hurry to strike them. 
 Instead of coming on to fight they remained where they 
 w'ere to enjoy themselves. Their stay on the banks of 
 the Khara Nuddee promised to be as protracted as had 
 been their halt at the Chumbal. 
 
 The rebel army from Delhi conducted itself in a 
 similar manner. They came down by several tremen- 
 dous marches, and approached Muttra much sooner than 
 any of us had thought possible, much sooner than the 
 Government would believe. The Seths quitted the city ; 
 the police did the same. The inhabitants, left to them- 
 selves, went out in a body to meet the army. They 
 carried an offering of flowers and sweetmeats, and were 
 preceded by a troop of Brahmins singing hymns. On 
 reaching the mutineers they welcomed them as their 
 deliverers, and conducted them into the city with every 
 demonstration of delight. 
 
 The rebel army arrived very tired ; in its own estima- 
 tion very triumphant. They encamped on the great 
 parade ground, and gave themselves up to amusement. 
 They gave out that they had left Delhi because they had 
 destroyed all the English there but a handful not worth 
 waiting for, and they said that as soon as they were a 
 little rested they should go and perform the same good 
 offices for us at Agra ; and these assertions were gene- 
 rally credited, and, what was most surprising, even by 
 those who uttered them. The boastfulness of the old 
 Sepoy was something sublime.
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHL 287 
 
 For some days they swaggered about, ate and drank. 
 Then they began to quarrel. Some of their reghnents 
 were loaded with plunder, while others had hardly any. 
 Between the two there was no good feeling. A dispute 
 presently arose, what about I never learnt. They nearly 
 fought, thought better of it, and separated. Half the 
 force remained where they were, the rest removed to 
 another parade ground. Meanwhile the mob of fanatics 
 and refugees began to melt away. The next I heard 
 was that they had put the bridge of boats together, and 
 were about to cross the river. At the same time we 
 received news from Delhi that a pursuing column under 
 Colonel Greathed had started, and was coming down 
 through the Doab. 
 
 Perhaps this information reached the rebels also, for 
 they discontinued their preparations for crossing, and 
 renewed their disputes with each other. The regiments 
 who had no plunder proposed to obtain some by sacking 
 the Seths' house. The manager had anticipated some 
 such intention, and provided against it. He had made 
 friends with the other regiments chiefly, so I was told, 
 by heavy bribes to their commanders. These now 
 marched their troops down to the city, put their guns 
 in position, and threatened to open fire on their com- 
 rades if they attempted to enter. A battle seemed 
 imminent; somehow it was averted. The regiments 
 came to terms. The Seths' friends remained where 
 they were ; the others marched away north to Brindra- 
 bun. Some thought to worship, others to plunder the 
 temples. They did neither. They had no sooner 
 reached it than they returned, and set to work to finish 
 the bridge. 
 
 I received an express to inform me that in all proba- 
 bility the rebel army would cross the river the next morn-
 
 288 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxx. 
 
 ing, at latest the day after. If they did they might surjDrise 
 our detachment. I went at once in person to inform 
 the Government that a messenger might be sent off to 
 warn the commander. I might have spared myself the 
 trouble. The Intelligence Department, relying, I believe, 
 on news received from the blind man, had reported that 
 the rebels had all gone back again to the north, and this 
 information was accepted in preference to mine. It was 
 partly correct, only it was not recent. The march of 
 half the army to Brindrabun had been mistaken for a 
 return of the whole to Delhi. 
 
 The next morning the rebel force broke up. Several 
 of the regiments and most of what remained of the 
 fanatics crossed the river and made for Eohilcund. The 
 rest went off in the opposite direction towards Eajpoot- 
 ana. Fortunately, though quite by accident, our de- 
 tachment had been recalled another march nearer Agra. 
 But for this it might have been surprised by the muti- 
 neers, who crossed the river. As nearly as could be 
 estimated these were about twenty thousand strong, and 
 had a good deal of artillery. Encamped as it was on 
 the open plain, if our detachment had been surprised 
 by such overwhelming numbers it could scarcely have 
 escaped annihilation. Certainly it must have suffered 
 severe losses. 
 
 The fate of these Delhi rebels was never ascertained. 
 Like the rest of the mutineer forces, they melted away. 
 Some, perhaps, returned to their homes, others wan- 
 dered elsewhere ; but as armies they appeared no more. 
 
 I will now go back for a few days in my narrative, 
 and mention an occurrence within the fort which at 
 the time had occasioned us great excitement. Wheji 
 Mr. Eeade assumed temporary control of affairs every- 
 one supposed that he had virtually succeeded to the
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHL 289 
 
 Lieutenant- Governorship, for he was a man of great 
 abihty and experience, and in all other respects tho- 
 roughly fitted for the position. We all anticipated that 
 the answer to the despatch announcing Mr. Colvin's death 
 would bring the news of his appointment. The arrival 
 of this answer was long delayed, for the movements of 
 the Indore mutineers had interrupted the communica- 
 tions. When it came the contents were not what we 
 had expected. Mr. Eeade was not made Lieutenant- 
 Governor. That of&cewasfor the time put in abeyance, 
 and Colonel Fraser placed in supreme authority under 
 the title of Chief Commissioner. 
 
 Colonel Fraser had taken a leading part in the 
 disputes that had occurred at the commencement of the 
 disturbances. His elevation to power, while it gratified 
 those who had held similar opinions, occasioned not a 
 little anxiety to those who had made themselves pro- 
 minent on the other side, especially to such of them 
 as were expecting promotion. It was also generally 
 supposed that Colonel Fraser would inaugurate a new 
 policy. 
 
 Neither these fears nor these anticipations were 
 realised. Colonel Fraser was of too noble a nature to 
 remember former differences, and he was indisposed on 
 many accounts to make alterations, chiefly because he 
 felt that he no longer possessed the energy to carry 
 them out. He was advanced in life, and already stricken 
 with the first approaches of the malady to which before 
 many months had passed he succumbed. He took his 
 advancement very quietly, assuming none of the state of 
 his new position, not even changing his quarters. Each 
 morning, attended by a single servant, he repaired to 
 Mr. Colvin's apartments; there he transacted the 
 Government business, what little there was, returning
 
 290 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxx. 
 
 home in the afternoon in the same unostentatious 
 manner. 
 
 The abohtion of the Lieutenant-Governorship excited 
 at the time a good deal of surprise. The reasons for it 
 were afterwards thus explained. Mr. Eeade's claims 
 were such that he could not with any decency have been 
 then superseded ; but by temporarily doing away with 
 the office and subsequently reviving it, Lord Canning's 
 secretaries might be able to secure it for one of them- 
 selves. And as this was exactly what afterwards did take 
 place, there was possibly in this gossip some fragment 
 of truth. 
 
 The departure of the rebels from Muttra enabled us 
 to concentrate our attention on those at the Khara 
 Nuddee. They were only fifteen miles away, and to 
 their own countrymen very accessible. Anyone who 
 pleased could enter their camp, and take what notes he 
 desired of their proceedings. There ought not, therefore, 
 to have been much difficulty in our obtaining correct 
 information regarding them. Nevertheless, to us both 
 their movements and their designs were involved in 
 great obscurity. We knew neither what they were 
 doing nor what they intended, nor, after a short inter- 
 val, exactly where they were. And on all these points 
 there arose among us many angry disputations. 
 
 The Intelligence Department were convinced that 
 the rebels intended to march off to the Deccan, and 
 Colonel Fraser was so far satisfied of the correctness of 
 this information that he suffered the militia, who had 
 some days before been ordered back to the Metcalfe, to 
 remain there. But then a rumour spread that the 
 rebels, so far from intending to go to the Deccan, had 
 made up their minds to come to the fort, and had 
 actually crossed over the Khara Nuddee for that pur-
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHL 291 
 
 pose. It was soon certain that they had crossed, though 
 when or in what force or exactly how far were all uncer- 
 tain. According to one information, most of the army 
 and all the guns were still on the other side, and those 
 that had come over had not advanced beyond the bank 
 of the river. But other intelligence stated that the 
 entire rebel army and their artillery had not only 
 crossed the stream, but had advanced some miles in our 
 direction. 
 
 The rebel army numbered about two thousand in- 
 fantry — they had several guns, and it was believed also a 
 considerable number of cavalry ; but as to the amount 
 of this part of their force nothing accurate was known. 
 The presence of such an enemy so very near us was 
 not agreeable, nor altogether safe. It would have occa- 
 sioned much apprehension but for our expectation of the 
 immediate arrival of Colonel Greathed and his column. 
 
 Colonel Greathed's column consisted of a large force 
 of Sikhs and English. It had been despatched from 
 Delhi to clear the Doab of rebel bands, and to go on 
 and join the army then collecting at Cawnpore for the 
 relief of Lucknow. The column was now approaching 
 the point, about forty miles from Agra, where the road 
 to Agra branched off from the main road which led 
 through Cawnpore to Allahabad and Calcutta. It had 
 been arranged that Colonel Greathed was here to make 
 a detour, that he was to come to us, dispose of these 
 Indore mutineers, and then return to the main road and 
 continue his progress. What was our consternation to 
 learn just at this crisis that this arrangement was altered, 
 and that the column would proceed direct to Cawnpore. 
 
 Our situation was now really serious, and, as usual at 
 Agra when danger was imminent, the authorities, instead 
 of uniting in precautions to meet it, began to quarrel 
 
 V 2
 
 292 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxx. 
 
 among themselves. Colonel Fraser, indeed, ordered in 
 our detachment of English soldiers that was still on the 
 other side of the Jiimna, and he dispatched an express 
 to Colonel Greathed explaining om- situation and begging 
 him to come to our assistance. So far as Colonel Fraser 
 had the power, I believe he also ordered him to do so, 
 but beyond this nothing was done. The militia were 
 allowed to remain out at the Metcalfe, and were not even 
 provided with the proper means of defending the posi- 
 tion should the rebel army attack it. 
 
 As to the whereabouts of that army nothing certain 
 was known, and no sensible means were adopted to 
 ascertain. The Intelligence Department maintained that 
 the rebels were recrossing the Khara Nuddee, and going 
 off to the Deccan. But then the Department relied en- 
 tirely on the information supplied by their own agents, 
 and there was reason to fear that their agents, either from 
 ignorance or design, were deceivmg them. Many natives, 
 very reliable, had expressed their belief that the rebel 
 force was still on our side the Khara Nuddee, and much 
 nearer to us than the authorities had any idea of. 
 
 These statements were communicated to the Govern- 
 ment, but met with no attention, nor was more regard 
 paid to the representations of the officer commandmg the 
 militia. This officer bore the highest character for good 
 sense, courage, and knowledge of his profession. He had 
 expressed his opinion that the enemy were near, and 
 that his position was unsafe, and he had supported this 
 opinion by facts that ought to have aroused attention : 
 among others, that strange cavalry had been seen very 
 near the parade ground, and that some of his men when 
 patrolling the Gwalior road, which led to the Khara 
 Nuddee, had been chased in by them. 
 
 Colonel Cotton was brave to rashness, he thoroughly
 
 CH. XXX. THE FALL OF DELHI. 293 
 
 despised the rebel enemy — despised them to that degree 
 that he thought it unnecessary to adopt any precautions 
 against them. He was also not on very friendly terms 
 with the Commandant of the militia. For one or both 
 of these reasons he paid no attention to his reports or 
 representations. 
 
 Things were in this condition when, to the general 
 relief, a dispatch was received from Colonel Greathed to 
 inform us that he was coming, and soon after an officer 
 arrived from his camp and announced that the column 
 would enter Agra the following morning. It was feared, 
 however, that the column had arrived too late to be of 
 any advantage. For the news was at the same time 
 given out by the Government that the rebels had really 
 recrossed the Khara Nuddee and were making off to the 
 south as fast as they could travel.
 
 294 THE INDIAN MUTINY, 
 
 CHAPTEE XXXI. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF AGRA. 
 
 The column was to enter Agra about eight o'clock, and 
 to encamp on the great parade ground. Long before that 
 hour all the English were assembled at the Tmmer Sing 
 gate to see the troops march by, and the same object 
 had brought out half the population of the city. Along 
 the road and on the ravines there was assembled one of 
 the largest crowds I ever beheld. As far as the eye 
 could reach there was a sea of caps and turbans. 
 
 There is always a delay in crossing a river. The 
 hour had long passed, and we were beginning to fear 
 the entrance of the column had been postponed, when 
 we noticed a movement among the crowd, and that they 
 were turning their heads towards the city. Looking 
 ourselves in that direction we perceived the long necks 
 and swinging loads of a file of camels just appearmg 
 round the furthest bastion. Before them marched a 
 band of soldiers, tall dark men with long beards, and 
 wearing such enormous turbans as nearly concealed their 
 faces. The beards and turbans gave them a very wild 
 and fierce appearance, an appearance quite in harmony 
 with what little we could see of their countenances. 
 
 These soldiers we learnt were the famous Sikhs. We 
 regarded them with much curiosity, as also did the native 
 crowd, and apparently with some apprehension as well,
 
 CH. XXXI. THE BATTLE OF AGRA. 295 
 
 for wonderful tales had been told of their ferocity and 
 habits of plundering. 
 
 It would be tedious to describe the march past in 
 detail. There were more Sikhs, whole regiments of 
 them ; also Sikh cavalry, who were wilder-looking men 
 than even the mfantry. They wore loose flowing robes, 
 and turbans still more enormous. There was a regiment 
 of Enghsh foot soldiers, and a regiment of English 
 Lancers, and very much artillery. The spectacle was im- 
 posing from the impression it gave of strength and power, 
 but it had nothing of the show and glitter of a review. 
 The Lancers wore uniforms of plain blue cloth, and the 
 rest, both Sikhs and English, were dressed in drab-coloured 
 cotton. The poles of the lances were of plaui ash, and 
 had neither varnish, pennons, nor other decoration. In 
 short, it was the reality of war— not its dress rehearsal. 
 The troops were interspersed with strings of laden 
 camels, and succeeded by a procession of those animals 
 that seemed interminable. We got tu-ed of watching it, 
 and returned to our rooms to breakfast. From our 
 window we could see the road beyond the river for at 
 least two miles, and as far as we could see there was 
 still one continuous line of camels and camp followers. . 
 
 The troops encamped on the great parade ground. 
 To enable the reader to understand the events that fol- 
 lowed, of this parade ground it is necessary for me to 
 give a short description. It was a bare oval plain, per- 
 fectly level ; on two sides it was bordered by deserted 
 huts of the old Sepoy regiments, and the gardens of some 
 English houses. On the other two sides were open fields. 
 The fields had been sown with a coarse grain much used 
 by the poorer natives, termed Bajra. The crop was 
 nearly ripe, and the stalks formed a continuous green 
 wall, some seven feet high. The gardens of the Enghsh
 
 296 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxxi. 
 
 houses were full of trees and tall rank grass, as also was 
 the ground where stood the Sepoy huts. What with the 
 Bajra crop, the grass and the trees, the parade ground 
 was enclosed in a ring of vegetation, through which it 
 was impossible to see, not easy to penetrate. 
 
 A broad straight road ran from the fort to the parade 
 ground, which was distant from the Ummer Sing gate- 
 way a little over a mile. And among the fields on the 
 other side of the parade stood a village, and in it a large 
 domed tomb, known as the ' Tomb of the Wrestler.' 
 The village and the lower part of the tomb were at this 
 time hidden by the tall crop, but the dome formed a 
 conspicuous feature in the landscape. Colonel Greathed 
 was received at the bridge by some of the chief officials. 
 His first inquiry was as to the enemy, from whom he 
 had come to relieve us. He was informed that they 
 had recrossed the river, and were by that time miles 
 beyond it, flying as fast as they could towards the south. 
 Eelying on this information he allowed his force to 
 encamp without throwing out pickets or adopting the 
 other usual precautions against a surprise, and he him- 
 self came into the fort to breakfast. 
 
 It was about eleven o'clock, and I was busy writing, 
 when I heard a noise as if some heavy weight had fallen. 
 Such noises were not uncommon, as the works on the 
 defences were still going on. I gave it no attention, but 
 it was repeated. I stopped writing to listen, the servants 
 were whispering outside ; one of them entered, and with 
 a frightened air said he feared something was wrong, 
 for there was a sound of cannon, and our square seemed 
 in confusion. 
 
 I ran out, and found everyone hurrying towards the 
 gateway, while from the direction of the parade ground 
 there came the sound of artillery. It was said that the
 
 CH. xxxi. THE BATTLE OF AGRA. 297 
 
 column had been suddenly attacked, and was in the thick 
 of an engagement. I ran back, got my sword and 
 revolver, and followed the rest to the gateway, but on 
 reaching it we found the gates closed and all egress 
 forbidden. Being thus prevented from joining in the 
 engagement we made our way to the top of the gateway, 
 in the hope of beholding it, where presently half the fort 
 joined us. 
 
 My ideas of a battle having been derived from pic- 
 tures, I was much disappointed at what I beheld. From 
 over the fm-thest line of trees there were little puffs of 
 blue smoke ; each puff as it appeared was followed by the 
 booming sound of a cannon, and all the while we could 
 hear a faint rattle like that of musketry. As we were 
 looking, we suddenly heard from behind a tremendous 
 shouting, and turning our heads we saw our own 
 regiment of English soldiers, the one that had fought 
 at Shahgunge and been with us since. It was issuing 
 from the gatewaj^ of the armoury square, the men 
 were marching four abreast, hurrahing with all their 
 might. They wore their bright new uniforms, and their 
 bayonets gleamed in the sunlight. The fifes were 
 playing, the drums beating; the walls re-echoed with 
 the tramp of the footsteps as they fell to the time of the 
 music. 
 
 It was a most inspiriting sight, enough to fill the 
 most pacific with the ardour of combat. There seemed, 
 however, but little prospect of the regiment sharing in 
 the one now going on. The sounds of the cannon were 
 becoming fainter, the puffs of smoke were fewer, and rose 
 so far away as to be hardly visible. We regarded this as 
 an indication that the enemy, whoever they might be, 
 were in rapid retreat. In a short time they appeared to 
 have fled beyond our sight or hearing. We saw no smoke.
 
 298 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxxi. 
 
 nor, though we Kstened attentively, could we catch the 
 sound of any cannonading. 
 
 We were thinking of descending, when from beyond 
 the horizon there shot up a tall column of the blackest 
 smoke. It was followed in a few seconds by a boom far 
 louder and deeper than that of artillery. Some officers 
 who w^ere present concluded that a tumbrel full of 
 powder had blown up. We hoped that, if so, it was one 
 of the enemy's. After this we heard no more ; we waited 
 for a little, and then left the gateway. 
 
 In the departure of our regiment we had seen some 
 of the joyous excitement of war ; on our way down we 
 beheld a little of the reverse of the medal. The wounded 
 were being brought up the incline — they were carried in 
 dhoolies, some passed close by us. In the first was an 
 English soldier — he was alive, but terribly wounded; his 
 shirt and trousers were soaked in blood, his face was 
 deadly pale, he lay quiet and motionless as a corpse. 
 Those that followed were in the same condition, some 
 had their limbs swathed in rough bandages. None by 
 sound or movement gave sign of consciousness. 
 
 With the wounded had come in stragglers from the 
 field ; we stopped to hear their news, and chiefly to learn 
 who were the enemy, on which point there had been all 
 sorts of conjectures. The information we received was 
 all but hopelessly confused. We made out only that there 
 had been a surprise, very nearly a defeat ; but in the 
 end our troops had driven back their assailants, who were 
 now in full retreat, the column pursuing them. To our 
 astonishment we learnt that the enemy was no other 
 than that army of the Indore mutineers whom our 
 Intelligence Department had reported as being leagues 
 and leagues away, on their road to the Deccan. It now 
 appeared that, instead of marching towards the Deccan,
 
 THE BATTLE OF AGRA. 
 
 299 
 
 they had been for the last three days bivouacked within a 
 mile and a half of the fort, concealed in the gardens 
 and among the high crops that enclosed the parade 
 gi'ound. 
 
 While we were talking who should come up but the 
 blind man, led by his attendant ; he informed us that 
 he was on his way to the Intelligence Office with 
 some most important information. Supposing that it 
 was the latest news from the battle, we begged him to 
 tell us. Always polite he stopped, and said that he had 
 just learnt on reliable authority that the Indore muti- 
 neers had not really left for the Deccan, but were still 
 this side the Khara Nuddee, and might very j)ossibly 
 ai^proach the fort. 
 
 The shout of laughter that greeted this announce- 
 ment did not in the least discompose its deliverer. Nor 
 could we persuade him that the engagement now going on 
 rendered the communication of his intelligence no longer 
 necessary. Guided by his attendant the old man passed 
 on to the palace square, fully impressed that he was the 
 bearer of most important information. 
 
 As he disappeared through the archway, with one 
 accord we gave utterance to the same sentiment. We 
 said that it was no wonder that the Government intelli- 
 gence was so bad, when it was from such sources that 
 they relied for attaining it. 
 
 During the rest of the afternoon the wounded were 
 being continually brought in. From those that accom- 
 panied them we learnt fuller and clearer particulars of 
 the battle ; it was not, however, for some days that I was 
 able to weave the various and often conflicting stories 
 into a consistent narrative. This narrative I will pre- 
 sently relate to the reader. 
 
 About four o'clock in the afternoon I was sent for by
 
 300 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxi. 
 
 Colonel Fraser. I bad sixty horsemen at the Taj ; he 
 wished me to escort with them some stores to the camp, 
 as no troojjs could be spared for the pm-pose. It took 
 some time to get the men from the Taj. The delay was 
 fortunate. I accidentally heard that the gunners on 
 the batteries had orders to fire on any native cavalry 
 they might see approaching. I ran in haste to the 
 Bengalee bastion which commanded the Taj road. I had 
 not reached it ten minutes when my men appeared in 
 sight ; very pretty they looked, for they were beautifully 
 mounted, and wore gay dresses of white, with red sashes 
 and turbans — dresses, I may remark, which they soon 
 learnt the wisdom of exchanging for the less conspicuous 
 uniform of khakee — that is, dust colour. 
 
 As they did not in the least resemble in appearance 
 any of the mutineers' cavalry, I asked the artilleryman 
 if he should have fired at them had I not arrived, and if 
 so, what he thought would have been the result. The 
 artilleryman was an old soldier, very civil and very 
 taciturn. By way of answer he walked up to the 
 cannon, patted it affectionately, and told me how many 
 grape shot were inside it. Then he pointed to my men 
 who were cantering below, and gave me' to understand 
 that if I had not brought him the written order to let 
 them pass they would be lying on the road ' a heap of 
 pieces.' 
 
 When I reached the camp its appearance surprised 
 me. It was just as quiet and orderly as if nothing un- 
 usual had happened. The only indication of the battle 
 was a row of captured guns ; with one exception they had, 
 previous to the mutmy, formed part of our own field 
 artillery. The one exception was a piece of ordnance 
 very remarkable : it towered above the other guns like an 
 elephant among cattle. The mutineers had found it in
 
 CH. XXXI. THE BATTLE OF AGRA. 301 
 
 the fort of some rajah. Struck by its enormous size they 
 had brought it on with them, though their mihtary train- 
 ing ought to have told them that it was a mere incum- 
 brance. It required, I think, about twelve yoke of oxen 
 to draw it, and for field service it was next to useless. 
 
 On my way back I noticed a Sikh horseman lying 
 dead at the entrance of one of the bazaars. He had 
 been shot by some of the cowardly scoundrels there 
 residing. 
 
 It was after dark before I got home. My late return 
 saved me from an unpleasant duty ; in my absence all 
 the civilians, not otherwise employed, had been carried off 
 to man the ramparts. 
 
 At daybreak the next morning I set out with a friend 
 to visit the battle-field ; but before I describe it, it will be 
 best to give an account of the battle itself. My account, 
 derived from others, may contain inaccuracies ; but, if 
 so, there are many eye-witnesses still alive to correct 
 them. 
 
 The column, as I have said, after crossing the river 
 had marched on to the great parade ground. There 
 the soldiers pitched their tents, and went to breakfast. 
 Eelying on the official information they had received that 
 the mutineers were far away, the commanding officers 
 neither threw out pickets nor adopted any other of the 
 usual precautions against surprise. Especially', no search 
 was made among the high crops or in the gardens ; also 
 the crowds from the city were allowed to flock round the 
 camp — as many as liked to. 
 
 Among these crowds there was a troop of jugglers ; 
 they came on throwing balls and doing tricks, and ad- 
 vancing always nearer and nearer towards the tents. 
 Some English Lancers and a party of Sikh soldiers were 
 standing watching them. All of a sudden the jugglers
 
 302 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxi. 
 
 jerked away their balls, threw off their jugglers' dresses, 
 and displayed themselves as Mohammedan fanatics. They 
 drew their swords, uttered the Mussulman war cry, and 
 rushed among the tents, slashing right and left. Their 
 shouts appeared to be the signal, for at the same moment 
 two troops of cavalry galloped out from among the tall 
 crops. There was a roar of artillery, and round shot 
 came rolling in from batteries concealed near the 
 Wrestler's Tomb and among the gardens. 
 
 The alarm was so sudden, and the attack so utterly 
 unexpected, that it might have thrown many troops into 
 disorder, but those of the column were fresh from Delhi, 
 and prepared for all the incidents of war. The first 
 momentar}^ confusion over, they behaved with the utmost 
 coolness. The Lancers ran to their horses, saddled and 
 mounted ; the infantry seized their muskets, and the 
 artillerymen limbered up the guns. The rebel cavalry 
 had calculated on a surprise, when instead the Lancers 
 charged them. They themselves were seized with a panic, 
 they fought for a few minutes, then turned and fled. 
 The}^ galloped back round the parade, and got into the 
 Gwalior road which lay beyond. Along this they made 
 oft", pursued by the Lancers and the Sikh horse. 
 
 Meanwhile, our infantry had got under arms, and our 
 guns were brought out. The militia at the Metcalfe and 
 the Agra field artillery had also come up. These latter, 
 under Captain Pearson, whose services at the battle of 
 Shahgunge I have already recorded, opened fire on the 
 rebel guns in the gardens, and silenced them, while the 
 Sikhs and English infantry charged the battery at the 
 Tomb. There the main bod}' of the mutineers was drawn 
 up. As our men charged and our cannon shot began 
 to fall, the rebel infantry lost heart, as had previously 
 their cavalry. When their guns were taken they turned
 
 CH. XXXI. THE BATTLE OF AGRA. 303 
 
 and fled. They fled back through the village and across 
 the fields bej^ond, till they reached the Gwalior road ; 
 along it they continued their flight, carrying one or two 
 of their guns with them. 
 
 On the first alarm a mounted officer was dispatched 
 to the fort to summon Colonel Greathed. The road 
 was so blocked by carts and animals and the flying 
 crowds that the officer had much difficulty in making his 
 way, and only reached the fort after considerable delay. 
 Before Colonel Greathed arrived the battle was nearly 
 over. The rebel army had already begun to fly. Colonel 
 Greathed did not see much advantage in continuing the 
 pursuit. He had ordered the troops to be recalled, when 
 Colonel Cotton appeared on the scene. On hearing of 
 the engagement he had ridden out from the fort ; he was 
 the senior officer — he at once took the command. Colonel 
 Cotton possessed something of the spirit of the ancient 
 Goths. He loved battle for its own sake ; he ordered 
 the pursuit to be recommenced, and joined in it himself 
 with an ardour that communicated itself to his soldiers. 
 
 Our cavalry, Sikh and English, soon came up to the 
 enemy. The enemy in the meanwhile had somewhat 
 rallied, and appeared disposed to renew the contest ; 
 but as we drew near they lost confidence, and fled 
 on again. The pursuit had continued a couple of 
 miles or so when an accident occurred that for a short 
 time checked it. Our horse artillery had joined the 
 pursuing party, and were every now and then throw- 
 ing shots into the retreating body of the mutineers. 
 One of these shots was followed by a terrible explosion ; 
 it had struck one of the enemy's tumbrels, and the 
 ammunition it contained had blown up. It was the 
 sound and smoke of this explosion that had excited our 
 fears and curiosity as we stood on the gateway of the fort.
 
 304 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxi. 
 
 This incident caused a temporary check to our advance. 
 The mutineers took advantage of it to rally ; they had 
 now reached the spot where their camp was pitched ; 
 either the sight of it inspirited them, or perhaps they 
 obtained from it some reinforcements. They formed 
 across the road, and again appeared disposed to dispute 
 our advance ; but again, as the Sikhs and English 
 soldiers drew near, the mutineers lost courage. They 
 wavered, then they turned, then they broke into a tumul- 
 tuous flight, which they continued till they reached 
 the Khara Nuddee ; arrived at the bank, they plunged 
 through the water and dispersed in scattered bands over 
 the country on the other side. As the rebel army was 
 now utterly routed, and had lost camp, baggage, and 
 artillery. Colonel Cotton did not consider it necessary to 
 continue the pursuit. He recalled his troops and re- 
 turned to the parade ground. The victory had been 
 gained before Colonel Cotton assumed the command; 
 but it was owmg to him that in place of being simply 
 defeated, the mutineers, as an army, were annihilated. 
 
 It was due to the different officers that, at the com-, 
 mencement, we did not sustain a reverse. From all I 
 could learn, so extreme was the first confusion that there 
 was practically no one in general command. Captam 
 Pearson, I believe, silenced and took the enemy's bat- 
 tery in the garden entirely on his own responsibility. 
 It was the capture of this battery that gave our infantry 
 time to rally, and so turned the tide of the engagement.
 
 CH. XXXII. THE BATTLE-FIELD. 305 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 THE BATTLE-FIELD. 
 
 Haying described the battle, I will now give a picture 
 of the scene that the field of the battle presented the 
 following morning. My friend and I left the fort soon 
 after daybreak ; we rode first to the great parade ground 
 where the column was encamped. The camp displayed 
 no indications of the conflict ; there were neither shat- 
 tered tents, castaway weapons, nor other relics of the 
 engagement ; all was as regular and orderly as if no 
 engagement nor anything else unusual had taken place. 
 But about fifty yards beyond the camp I noticed what 
 seemed several long bundles lying on the ground ; on 
 coming nearer I saw they were corpses — they were those 
 of the mutineer troopers. It was at this spot that our 
 Lancers had charged. Each body lay as it had fallen ; 
 the position of the corpses showed how short had 
 been the engagement, and how rapid the repulse. 
 The few first of the bodies lay with then- faces to the 
 camp — those immediately behind them had been cut 
 down in the act of flying. 
 
 One must have fallen beneath an herculean arm — his 
 skull was severed clean in two from crown to chin, half 
 the head lay on either shoulder. 
 
 The bodies were all stripped and terribly gashed, but 
 by wounds inflicted after death. 
 
 X
 
 3o6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxii. 
 
 The course by which the mutineers had fled was 
 indicated by the corpses ; we followed it round the parade. 
 After that first group we found but few dead bodies, soon 
 none, which showed that the flight must have been more 
 rapid than the pursuit. The broken stalks of the Bajra, 
 which we frequently noticed, also indicated that many 
 of the fljang troopers had sought escape by dashing into 
 the fields and hiding among the tall crops. 
 
 On entering the Gwalior road we found the corpses 
 lying thicker, as if the flight of the mutineers had here been 
 checked or some fresh pursuers had come up. For more 
 than a mile the road was strewn, though sparingly, with 
 the dead of the enemy. Each body lay where it had 
 fallen ; all had fallen in flight, and all were stripped and 
 horribly gashed. I noticed that the death wounds were 
 invariably in the back, the gashes in front. My com- 
 panion had been in the engagement ; he thus explained 
 this circumstance : 
 
 The Sikhs fought for plunder, and were animated by 
 a bitter hatred of the Mohammedans, of which religion 
 most of the rebel cavalry were. When one fell the 
 Sikhs dismounted, stripped and plundered the body, then 
 rolled it over on its back and inflicted three gashes, 
 exclaiming, as they delivered each successive cut, ' Take 
 this for the Prophet, and this and this for the three 
 Imaums.' 
 
 My friend assured me that what he thus related he 
 had himself witnessed, and he was a man whose word 
 could be relied on. I suspected, however, that the wounds 
 were inflicted not altogether from religious fanaticism, 
 but also as a precaution against treachery ; it being a 
 common practice with Indians when wounded to feign 
 death, and when their victors have passed on to rise 
 and attack them. In our earlier wars our English
 
 CH. XXXII. THE BATTLE-FIELD. 
 
 307 
 
 soldiers not unfrequently in this manner fell victims to 
 their humanity in sparing the wounded and in respecting 
 the apparent dead. 
 
 After a mile the corpses ceased ; we rode on for some 
 considerable distance and saw none. Then we came on 
 a ghastly spectacle. On the road in front, sitting in a 
 sort of ch-cle, we perceived what appeared a party of 
 men. The}' seemed as if holding council or conversing. 
 On approaching nearer we found that they were corpses, 
 but each stiffened in the attitude in which death had 
 overtaken it. Some were sitting bolt upright, some 
 stooping, some reclining. One body was sitting as if in 
 life, the head thrown back, the arm raised. The ex- 
 pression was of astonishment, horror, and agony — an 
 expression, perhaps, more indicated by the attitude than 
 displayed by the features, the outlines of which were 
 already becoming indistinct. The figure next him had 
 died in the act of vomiting, his head was bent, the 
 mouth and chest covered with the thick glaze. 
 
 But the most horrible object was a corpse that sat 
 bolt upright, his legs stretched straight before him as if 
 he had been blown into the air and so descended. His 
 eyes were open and staring, and his whole bod}' festooned 
 as it were with broad strips of tape. His skin had been 
 torn to pieces — these were the hanging fragments. 
 
 The entire surface of the road was charred and 
 blackened ; in the centre was a hole, round it lay frag- 
 ments of wood and iron. It was here that the tumbrel 
 had exploded ; these bits of wood and iron were its 
 remains — the corpses round were the victims. 
 
 We continued our ride for two miles further, but saw 
 no more dead bodies. We had arrived near the rebel 
 camp when we met some officers returning ; they advised 
 us not to venture fm'ther, as a party of strange cavalry 
 
 X 2
 
 3o8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. en. xxxii. 
 
 had just appeared in sight, and were advancing in this 
 direction. We took their advice and turned our horses ; 
 we came back by the track across the fields, along which 
 the mutineer infantry had retreated when driven from 
 their position at the Wrestler's Tomb. The track led us 
 to a small hamlet, through which the mutineers had 
 been pursued. It was a maze of narrow lanes and blind 
 alleys, horrible places for hand to hand encounters. 
 At the end of one alley we came on a heap of five corpses. 
 Finding the exit barred they had turned at bay ; all were 
 terribly gashed. As they were Hindoos the motive could 
 not have been fanaticism. 
 
 The heaviest fighting, we heard, had taken place near 
 the Wrestler's Tomb, where the Sikhs charged the 
 batteries. We expected to have found the village full of 
 slain ; to our surprise we discovered only one body. I 
 came on it unexpectedly. At a turn in a narrow lane I 
 suddenly found myself face to face with the largest 
 native I ever beheld. He was reclining, half sitting 
 against an angle in the wall. His complexion was nearly 
 as dark as that of a negro ; his eyes were wide open, 
 and the expression of his countenance was one of great 
 ferocity. I hastily drew my revolver ; the man did not 
 move, I saw he was dead. This was one of the few 
 corpses that were neither stripped nor gashed. From the 
 Tomb to the parade ground was not more than a quarter 
 of a mile in distance ; in this space we found no corpses. 
 
 A few days before the battle there had been a dis- 
 cussion at one of our evening gatherings about the actual 
 number of the enemy's slain in the various engagements 
 before Delhi and elsewhere. Some of the speakers had 
 maintained that the official reports underestimated the 
 losses of the rebels ; while others of the party were of 
 opinion that the numbers they recorded were greatly
 
 CH. XXXII. THE BATTLE-FIELD. 309 
 
 exaggerated. My friend and I thought that our present 
 inspection of this battle-field would enable us to form 
 some trustworthy opinion as to which of these two views 
 was the most correct, for the enemy's slain had not yet 
 been removed. We had taken with us pencil and paper, 
 and each of us had made separate notes of the bodies we 
 had met with. 
 
 Going and returning we had followed both lines of 
 the enemy's retreat, and we had passed over the spots 
 where the chief fighting had taken place. The impression 
 on our minds was that we had beheld some hundreds of 
 corpses. We added up the figures in our notes, and 
 found to our extreme surprise that they amounted .to no 
 more than fifty- six ! 
 
 The discrepancy between our notes and our impres- 
 sions was so great that we partly retraced our steps and 
 recounted the bodies to ascertain if we had correctly 
 enumerated them. We found that our notes were per- 
 fectly accurate. The official estimate of the losses of the 
 rebel army was, if I remember rightty, over a thousand. 
 It was certainly several hundreds. Our enumeration 
 satisfied us that the published accounts of the numbers 
 of the rebels killed and wounded during the mutiny 
 were enormously exaggerated ; not wilfully exaggerated, 
 but exaggerated in consequence of the confused and 
 heightened impression made on the senses by the excite- 
 ment of combat and by the flush of victory. Even we 
 ourselves after calmly inspecting the field should have 
 honestly reported the number of the slain at about six 
 times the amount which our notes showed it really to 
 have been. If the accounts of the battles of our own time 
 on this point are so untrustworthy, how little reliance 
 can be placed on those of barbarous ages and distant 
 antiquit}" !
 
 310 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxxii. 
 
 The battle was fought on Saturday; Sunday ^Yas 
 employed in discussing it ; on Monday the row com- 
 menced. We had gained a victory, but it might have 
 been a defeat owmg to the incorrect information sup- 
 plied by the civil authorities. Colonel Cotton was furi- 
 ous and demanded the suspension of the magistrate ; 
 but then he himself was not free from blame. If the 
 magistrate had given him no warning, he had received 
 plentj^ from other quarters, to which he had paid no 
 attention. Colonel Greathed expressed his intention 
 of sending in a formal complaint to the Supreme Govern- 
 ment, regarding the false intelligence that had nearly 
 led to the destruction of his arm}^ ; but it was intimated 
 to him that if he did so he himself would be called upon 
 to explain whv he had neglected to throw out pickets, 
 and adopt the other usual precautions. 
 
 If there had been a defeat I imagine an investigation 
 would have been made and someone punished, but, as 
 we had gained the victory, it was considered best to rest 
 content with it. It was felt on reflection that an inquiry 
 would only injure reputations all round. So after much 
 heartburning and recriminations the affair was allowed 
 to drop. 
 
 In the course of time several curious facts came out. 
 It was ascertained that the mutineers had crossed 
 the river for some days, while we thought them safe 
 on the other side. They had crossed with the utmost 
 deliberation, and except ourselves all the country and 
 even the city of Agra were aware that they had done so ; 
 and, what was more extraordinary, they had placed their 
 guns in position, and had themselves lain concealed for 
 three whole days among the crops and gardens, within a 
 distance of two miles from the fort, and yet not one of 
 us was aware of their presence.
 
 CH. XXXII. THE BATTLE-FIELD. 311 
 
 There was good reason, however, for beheving that 
 the intelHgence of the enemy was as bad as our own. 
 They knew nothmg of the arrival of Colonel Greathed's 
 column, nor even that it was expected. When they saw 
 the tents pitched on the parade ground, they supposed 
 them to be those of the Agra militia, and of the detach- 
 ment just recalled from over the river. It was the dis- 
 covery of their mistake that caused then' sudden panic 
 and precipitate flight. 
 
 The Sikhs acquired a great deal of plunder, for most 
 of the mutineer Sepoys were laden with jewels and 
 monej^ One Sikh would have obtained a fortune if he 
 could but have held his tongue. He came up to a 
 j)alanquin ; the attendants begged him not to molest it) 
 as the inmate was a lady of rank. The appeal was not 
 one to have much effect on a Sikh. He charged, the at- 
 tendants fled ; the palanquin bearers dropped the palan- 
 quin and did the same. As the palanquin fell out of it 
 darted, not a lady, but a man ; he ran off into the fields 
 and escaped, for the Sikh was too busy rifling the palan- 
 quin to follow him. 
 
 The rifling repaid the labour ; the Sikh found inside 
 gold and jewels to an enormous amount. Such a prize it 
 was impossible not to boast of. The story reached the 
 ears of the authorities, and the Sikh was compelled to 
 yield up his plunder. He was given a handsome reward, 
 but the reward was nothing to what he would have 
 acquired if he had possessed discretion enough to keep 
 silence. 
 
 The enemy's camp was found very neatly pitched ; 
 the mutineer officers had appropriated the tents of their 
 English predecessors. The tent occupied by the rebel 
 commandant was a very fine one. It was arranged in 
 the English style with carpets, chans, and tables. On
 
 312 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxii. 
 
 the table was a vase of flowers, and from the cross-pole 
 hung some cages full of birds. 
 
 A great mass of letters and documents were found m 
 this tent, and among them, it was said, a copy of what 
 is termed ' the present state ' of the garrison in the fort ; 
 that is, the report daily submitted to the commandant, 
 showing the number of soldiers, how many are fit for 
 duty, and where posted. It was supposed that the other 
 papers and letters would contain some valuable informa- 
 tion as to the proceedings and designs of the mutineers. 
 If they did contain any such information it was not made 
 public. 
 
 The man who escaped from the palanquin was sup- 
 posed to be one of the Delhi princes. Wliether he was 
 or not was never ascertained, nor what became of him. 
 It was discovered, however, that the original army of the 
 mutineers as it was when it reached the Khara Nuddee 
 had been largely increased by fugitives from the rebel 
 troops who fought against us at Delhi. It was conjec- 
 tured that they had come on from Muttra, when the 
 army there broke up and dispersed, as I have already 
 related.
 
 CH. XXXIII. AFTER THE BATTLE. 313 
 
 CHAPTEE XXXIII. 
 
 AFTER THE BATTLE. 
 
 The column remained some days at Agra, then it recrossed 
 the bridge and marched away to the rehef of Lucknow. 
 It left behind the sick and womided, and also a detach- 
 ment of soldiers and artillery for the protection of Agra. 
 We witnessed the departure of the column with much 
 regret ; the inhabitants of the city saw it leave with 
 equal satisfaction. A report had been spread that the 
 Sikhs, as a reward for the victory, were to be allowed 
 one day's plunder, and the report was believed in. The 
 terror inspired by the Sikhs was something extreme. It 
 was not altogether ill-founded, for they were ferocious to 
 a degree, and their habits of plundering inveterate. 
 
 Of their ferocity, just after the battle, we had an 
 example. I was returning one afternoon from a ride 
 when I found a pool of blood on the top of the incline. 
 Two Sikhs had been escorting in two prisoners. Having 
 ascended the incline the prisoners refused to proceed 
 further. The Sikhs wasted no time in argument ; they 
 drew their swords, and then and there cut the men down. 
 
 The march of the column had cleared the Doab of 
 rebel bands, and reopened the communications between 
 Agra and Delhi and Meerut. As the column passed the 
 districts had been reoccupied, and the English authority 
 restored. The result was that Agra became again, in
 
 314 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxiii. 
 
 fact as well as in name, the seat of government, and 
 Colonel Eraser's position was changed from that of a 
 commandant of a fortress to that of the governor of a 
 province. The increase of power brought with it more 
 than the ordinary increase of anxiety. Colonel Fraser 
 was very much hampered by instructions from Calcutta. 
 He was further restricted by an unfortunate order, direct- 
 ing him to guide himself by the advice of the heads of 
 the departments. In the multitude of counsellors there 
 may be safety, but there is also apt to be dissension. In 
 the then confusion the jurisdictions of the various 
 departments were not easily definable, nor were their 
 heads always harmonious. The scenes that occasionally 
 resulted were very amusing, but to Colonel Fraser suffi- 
 ciently perplexing. 
 
 The arrangement, planned in Calcutta with the best in- 
 tentions, did not either prove very conducive to the public 
 interests. There was so much difficult}^ in doing any- 
 thing that ver}'' little was done ; not even were the houses 
 of the station re-roofed and repaired, nor the surrounding 
 districts reoccupied. Colonel Fraser chiefly employed 
 himself in providing transport for the armies now col- 
 lecting at Cawnpore — the other authorities less usefully 
 in a renewal of the old contentions regarding the guilt of 
 the Agra native officials. 
 
 In the collection of the transport I was a good deal 
 concerned, as most of it came from the Muttra district. 
 The facility with which, at such a time, it was obtained 
 impressed me greatl}^ with the wealth and the vast 
 resources of India. Day by day, week by week, carts, 
 bullocks, camels, ponies, came in by scores, by hundreds. 
 The end of the great parade was soon nearly filled with 
 them. They were continually sent off to the east, and 
 yet the supply never diminished, nor, what was more
 
 CH. xxxiii. AFTER THE BATTLE. 315 
 
 surprising, did the country show the sHghtest indication 
 of the drain thus made on it. 
 
 Horses were less plentiful, and the want of them 
 occasioned the Government a good deal of inconvenience ; 
 for they were required for the new cavalry, and were 
 with difficulty procured. Learning this, it occurred to 
 me that the horsemen I had obtained fi"om the various 
 landholders might now be made useful. I mentioned 
 the matter to my brother ; he approved, and interested 
 Colonel Fraser. The men were paraded, inspected, and 
 an officer, Lieutenant De Kantzow, aj^pointed to drill 
 them into order. This was the origin of that body of 
 cavalry whose services, as ' De Kantzow' s horse,' were 
 frequentl}^ mentioned in the dispatches of the ensuing 
 campaigns, and have even, I believe, found a place in the 
 histories of the mutim'. 
 
 It sometimes happens on a voyage that the passengers 
 are prevented from landing when the port is reached; 
 somethmg such was now our situation. The danger had 
 passed, we might have left with perfect security ; but we 
 were not permitted to do so. The detention was felt as 
 very irksome. The fort, which we had regarded as a 
 refuge, we now began to look on as a prison. 
 
 The desire to leave it was increased by an mcident, 
 an account of which may, perhaps, even after this lapse 
 of time, amuse the reader. The communications with 
 Calcutta had agam been interrupted; when reopened, 
 the contents of the first mail made many regret that 
 they had not continued closed. This mail brought a 
 dispatch from Lord Canning, directing that all officers 
 away from their districts should receive only a percentage 
 of their pay till they returned to them. Those whose 
 salaries were thus reduced loudly denounced the injustice 
 of the order. The heads of departments, whom it did
 
 3i6 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxxiii. 
 
 not affect, defended it as a necessary, though to some 
 painful, economy, to which a sentiment of pubHc devotion 
 should cause all to cheerfully submit. The next day 
 their opinions were modified. 
 
 Colonel Fraser was very conscientious. It appeared 
 to him that the spirit of the order demanded its more 
 extended application; and he set about elaborating a 
 scheme by which all those whose functions had ceased 
 should lose pay in proportion, whether their head- 
 quarters were at Agra or elsewhere. When the news of 
 this scheme got abroad the consternation of the higher 
 officials was very amusing, as also were the efforts of 
 some of them to escape its operation. 
 
 The judges of the chief court at once hired a house 
 in the city, and there repaired with such of their native 
 clerks and pleaders as were not m prison or gone to the 
 rebels. There being no real business to transact they 
 employed themselves in devising rules as to how they 
 would dispose of it when any came before them. 
 
 The alarm proved unnecessary — the difficulties in the 
 scheme were so many that Colonel Fraser presently 
 abandoned it. 
 
 Colonel Fraser's chief reason at first for remaming 
 in the fort was, I believe, the apprehension that the 
 Gwalior contingent might even now pay us a visit. But 
 this danger soon removed itself. The contingent had 
 remained quiet when it might have injured us ; now that 
 the opportunity was past it moved off to its own destruc- 
 tion. It proceeded to Cawnpore, and there, after gain- 
 ing some successes over General Windham, it was broken 
 to pieces and dispersed by Lord Clyde. 
 
 Nevertheless, it was still some time before the districts 
 were reoccupied. Muttra was the first. But its being 
 so was less due to a conviction on the part of the autho-
 
 CH. XXXIII. AFTER THE BATTLE. 317 
 
 rities of the propriety of the measure than to then- desh-e 
 to reheve themselves of the importunities of Colonel 
 Cotton. Full of military ardour, brave and energetic to 
 a degree, he chafed under the inaction to which he was 
 condemned, and wearied the Government with petitions 
 to be permitted to sally out on some expedition. Partly 
 to gratify him, partly from a real belief in its utility, it 
 was at length decided to dispatch a column to traverse 
 the neighbouring country, and by a display of force to 
 restore the confidence of the rural population in the 
 power and authority of the English Government. The 
 column was to pass through a part of the Agra district 
 and go on to Muttra. I received orders to accompanj^ it. 
 I must always repeat that the chief Agra officials 
 were men of decided ability and thoroughly conversant 
 with their ordinary duties. But they were ignorant of 
 the native feeling, especially ignorant of the native 
 feeling at that time. It appeared to me that in the 
 dispatch of this column they were doing that which was 
 very unwise, I was convinced that the passage through 
 the country of such a force would merely increase the 
 evils it was intended to remedy. So far as my position 
 enabled me I pointed out my objections. I represented 
 that for the purpose of restoring order in my district a 
 far smaller force — a few soldiers and a couple of guns — 
 would be much more efficacious. But my representations 
 were not attended to.
 
 3i8 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxiv. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 LEAVING THE FORT. 
 
 After many delays the column at length started. It 
 consisted of some English troops, both infantry and 
 cavalry, the Agra momited militia, native sappers and 
 miners, many heavy gmis, besides field batteries and 
 any amount of Sikhs, horse and foot. The strength of 
 the column in fighting men was, I believe, about eighteen 
 hundred ; including camp followers ii must have amounted 
 to nearly five thousand. The baggage was carried 
 chiefly on camels, of which there seemed no end. We had 
 also carts, bullocks, and ponies, and several elephants. 
 The names of these huge creatures, suggestive of light- 
 ness and elegance, were in curious contrast to their 
 unwieldy appearance. ' Fairy Eose,' ' The Doctor's 
 Darling,' and the ' Blossom of the Forest,' are a few I 
 remember. 
 
 The Sikh cavalry were the wildest-looking fellows I 
 ever beheld, and their horses matched them — rough, 
 shaggy, some tall and gaunt, many were ponies, but they 
 possessed the faculty of going, as their riders did that of 
 fighting. They never appeared to knock up ; if one did 
 the story was that the Sikh went into the first village 
 and plundered another. 
 
 It was a lovely bright morning when we left Agra ; 
 the next day we reached Futtehpore Secree. A body of
 
 CH. XXXIV. LEAVING THE FORT. 319 
 
 fanatics, stray mutineers and Sepoys, bad occupied the 
 ruins ; the cokimn was to dislodge them. 
 
 The troops advanced to the gate of the mosque, while 
 my horsemen (I had better now call them De Kantzow's) 
 were sent round to the opposite side of the ruins to cut 
 off the fugitives. 
 
 The gateway is magnificent. Situated on the brow of 
 a low hill, it rises one hundred and twenty feet above it. 
 The gates were closed, and no notice being taken of the 
 summons to open them, the guns were brought up and 
 two shots fired; the first went wide, the second, better 
 aimed, smashed open the doors— at the same time, I am 
 sorry to say, carrymg away a portion of the delicate 
 stone feathermg that ornaments the interior of the arch. 
 Some shells were next thrown in to clear out the enemy, 
 and then the Sikhs and English soldiers charged up the 
 stau-s, and to their disappointment found the mosque 
 empty. 
 
 This mosque, the most magnificent in India, sur- 
 rounds a courtyard, in which is the tomb and shrine of 
 the saint Golam Chistee, by whom the building was 
 erected. The shrine, a pretty building of white marble, 
 had originally contained much treasure in the way of 
 silver lamps and other decorations. These had been 
 carried off nearly a century before by Sooruj Mull of 
 Bhurtpore. The present ornaments were of little value, 
 but the Sikhs commenced to plunder them. They tore 
 up the Koran, broke to pieces some old sandal-wood 
 chests, and picked out the mother-of-pearl from the 
 canopy. 
 
 "While this was going on another party advanced to 
 the old palace, a wilderness of ruins, that adjoins the 
 mosque. Some portions, however, are as perfect as the 
 day they were erected, and from one of these came
 
 320 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxiv. 
 
 matchlock balls. This builcUng, said by tradition to 
 have been the residence of the Emperor Akbar's chief 
 queen, the 'Lady of Jodpore,' is an enclosure of red 
 stone, strong as a fortress. The door was closed, a 
 bag of powder blew it open, and the soldiers rushed 
 in, gallantly led by one of their officers. The enemy 
 were summoned to surrender ; they replied by shots. 
 After a desperate resistance they were cut to pieces. 
 They were found to be Mohammedan fanatics, and, 
 I heard, not much more than twelve in number. 
 Their companions, the stray bands of mutineers and the 
 villagers, had had the sense to leave as the column 
 approached. Two or three were captured by Lieutenant 
 De Kantzow, the rest escaped. 
 
 Long before noon all was over, the dead removed, 
 and our wounded conveyed to a hospital that had been 
 extemporised in one of the halls of the mosque. Patches 
 of blood on the pavement, and the fragments of the 
 Koran and the shrine remained, however, evidence of the 
 conflict, as also did the fallen masonry. One of the 
 shells had burst below an inner gateway, and the 
 explosion had brought down a waggon-load of stone and 
 mortar. Less effect had been produced by another shell 
 against the wall of the palace. A large blue stain was 
 the only result ; a pumpkin could not have produced less 
 apparent injury. 
 
 In the course of the afternoon I had evidence of the 
 wildness of the Sikhs. One of my horsemen bad an 
 uncle who resided in the neighbourhood ; he set out with 
 a friend to visit him. The two rode off very jauntily, 
 they came back in a different plight. On reaching the 
 village they found the Sikhs in possession, the uncle shot, 
 and his house being plundered. They remonstrated, 
 and then had to ride for their lives.
 
 CH. xxxiv. LEAVING THE FORT. 321 
 
 The column left Futtehpore Secree the next morning. 
 It would be tedious to describe its progress, it wonld also 
 be painful. The suppression of a rebellion is accom- 
 panied by much that it is sad to recall, better to forget. 
 All that I saw convinced me how much wiser, how much 
 more humane it would have been had my recommenda- 
 tions been adopted. If, instead of sending this army to 
 traverse the country, I had been allowed a few soldiers 
 for my personal protection, and a couple of guns to over- 
 awe the villagers, the rebel bands would have dispersed 
 of themselves, and the rural population would have 
 quieted as they realised the facts of our victories at 
 Delhi arid Lucknow. As a fighting force the column 
 was admirable, and as a scourge and a terror no better 
 instrument could have been selected. But only the 
 extreme of official pedantry could have imagined that 
 its presence would restore confidence or regain attach- 
 ment. The Sikhs were under no sort of discipline be- 
 yond that essential for fighting — they plundered right 
 and left ; their passage through the country increased 
 the disturbances they were sent to suppress. 
 
 The Government at Agra was composed, as I have 
 often remarked already, of very able men ; but in the 
 dispatch of this column, as in almost all their measures 
 during the disturbances, they showed that even able men, 
 accustomed to routine, are unsuited to deal with entirelj' 
 novel conditions. 
 
 When the column left Agra it was intended that it 
 should proceed to the neighbourhood of Delhi, cross the 
 Jumna, and return through the Doab. Its presence 
 near Delhi might, perhaps, have been useful : for the 
 country there was still disturbed, and full of fragments 
 of the broken rebel armies. But this plan was not 
 adhered to. The events at Cawnpore made Colonel
 
 322 THE INDIAN INIUTINY. ch. xxxiv. 
 
 Fraser anxious about the safety of the fort. When the 
 column had reached the extremity of the Muttra district 
 it was suddenly recalled. 
 
 In the East a retrograde movement is invariably 
 attributed to fear or disaster. The northern part of the 
 district had from the first been turbulent, and though 
 the nearest to Delhi, was the least influenced by its 
 fall, the last to believe in it. As our column retired a 
 report spread that our armies had been defeated before 
 Lucknow. As we retreated the country rose. The con- 
 dition of things was worse than before we advanced. 
 The villagers sallied out and attacked stragglers. On 
 one occasion they killed two of our horsemen who had 
 gone on in advance to order forage. On reaching the 
 encamping ground we found them lying dead ; their 
 bodies were warm, but the dogs had eaten off their faces. 
 
 The column went on to Agra. I remained at Muttra 
 with Lieutenant De Kantzow, Mr. Joyce, and the young 
 Customs' officer who had been my companion at Hodul. 
 I had procured for him a good appointment in the 
 Kevenue. After some days we crossed the river and pro- 
 ceeded to the east of the district. Finding the country 
 
 there quiet I went into Agra, and brought out A and 
 
 our little girl. Other officers and ladies joined us, and we 
 were soon a large party. The weather was delightful, and 
 there was just sufficient danger to be a source of pleasant 
 excitement. On one occasion a mutinous army, some 
 thousands strong, burst through the district and nearly 
 surprised us. We had to strike our camp at midnight 
 and march off in haste to avoid them. 
 
 The appearance of the country little indicated the 
 anarchy that had so long prevailed. There seemed as 
 many men, as many carts, and as many animals as in 
 previous times ; nor did the business of agriculture appear
 
 CH. XXXIV, LEAVING THE FORT. 323 
 
 to have been interrupted. The whole district was one 
 sheet of fresh green crops. But here and there we came 
 on a village standing desolate, and the fields around it 
 relapsing into jungle. The story was always the same : 
 the village had been attacked by its neighbours, and the 
 inhabitants killed or driven away. 
 
 The evidence of the disorder was more apparent in 
 the towns. Hardly one had escaped plundering. The 
 principal streets were often half a heap of ruins — the 
 verandahs broken, every shop wrecked. The temples 
 occasionally had shared the fate of the houses. I saw 
 several that had been nearly destroyed : the idols were 
 broken, the furniture smashed, and the sacred books torn 
 in fragments, and whatever valuables the shrine had 
 possessed had been carried off. The plunderers were 
 always Hindoos, but of some different sect. 
 
 The mosques, however, had never been molested. 
 The Mohammedans had often ill-treated the Hindoos, 
 but the Hindoos had rarely, so far as I knew, or never 
 retaliated. Their forbearance was the result not of 
 generosity, simply of fear ; for, as I have already said, 
 the Mohammedans possess the faculty of combination — 
 the Hindoos do not. In this difference of temperament 
 the effect of religion was shown in modifjdng the 
 character of a people ; for both Hindoos and Mohamme- 
 dans were of the same race, and from time immemorial 
 had inhabited together the same country. 
 
 The destruction of property and the loss of life in the 
 various plunderings and affrays must have been very 
 great. How great I can form no estimate. But no 
 mistake could be greater than that of the officials at 
 Agra, that the natives had become weary of the anarchy. 
 After a longer experience of it no doubt they would have 
 become so, but at present it was a condition of things 
 
 1 2
 
 324 THE INDIAN MUTINY. CH. xxxiv. 
 
 that entirely suited them. They paid no revenue, they 
 had enriched themselves with the plunder of the towns, 
 and wiped off their debts to the Bunniahs. 
 
 At the commencement of the new year I received 
 promotion, and was transferred to a district in the 
 extreme north. After a long journey we reached our 
 new station. Lying beyond the track of the mutineers, 
 it had escaped destruction. For the first time we beheld 
 neither blackened walls nor roofless houses. Situated 
 near the foot of the Lower Himalayas, the climate was 
 cold at this season, and the skies occasionally cloudy. A 
 friend received us. As we entered his house a bright 
 wood fire was burning on the hearth, the table was spread 
 for breakfast ; we looked out on pretty grounds resembling 
 an English park. With a delight which I can even now 
 recall, we found ourselves again amid the comforts of 
 peace and civilisation. 
 
 In a day or two the clouds cleared and displayed the 
 vast peaks of the snowy range rising white and glistening 
 far above the horizon, looking down, so it seemed to 
 me, on the war and turmoil below calm and indifferent, 
 as they had centuries ago on the hordes of Timour, or, 
 long ages before, on the armies of Alexander.
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 325 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 After leaving Muttra I had no further direct concern 
 with the mutinies. I wih, however, briefly relate the 
 leading events that accompanied their suppression. 
 Early in the year Lucknowwas relieved, and theGwalior 
 contingent dispersed. The lower part of the Doab being 
 now cleared of the rebels, Lord Canning left Calcutta and 
 assumed charge of the Upi^er Provinces. He fixed his 
 residence at Allahabad, to which station he transferred 
 the seat of government. In the course of the year 
 Luckuow was captured and Piohilcund reoccupied. So 
 far as these provinces were concerned the mutiny Avas 
 ended. It was not, however, till the lapse of another 
 year that order was restored in Central India and other 
 places. 
 
 In November 1858, a general amnesty was pro- 
 claimed, and the Queen assumed the sovereignty of 
 India. Her doing so gave great satisfaction to the 
 natives, but for a reason which the English public would 
 not have imagined, and of which I do not believe it is 
 even now aware. The natives were under the belief 
 that the East India Company farmed the country from 
 the English Crown, They supposed, consequently, that 
 the abolition of the Company would be followed by a 
 remission of revenue to the extent of the profits which
 
 326 THE INDIAN MUTINY. en. xxxv. 
 
 the Company had heen m the hal)it of receivmg. They 
 also imagined that the direct government by the Queen 
 would be accompanied by the establishment of a court, 
 and a display of that splendour so congenial to their 
 tastes. 
 
 In the suppression of the mutinies, or rather in what 
 followed their suppression, there were displayed many of 
 the best English characteristics, but also some of our 
 qualities less praiseworthy. There was no retaliation, no 
 revenge ; but, on the other hand, there was that rigid 
 adherence to rule, that want of sj'mpathy with the feel- 
 ings of the people which, though perhaps it makes our 
 government successful, certainly prevents it from being 
 loved. 
 
 The revenue was demanded and its payment en- 
 forced where it had already been collected b}' the rebel 
 authorities, and at a time and in parts of the country 
 where those authorities were de facto sovereigns. E scaped 
 prisoners were punished for not surrendering themselves 
 under proclamations of the existence of which they could 
 not have heard, and of which, if they had heard, it was 
 impossible they could have obeyed. Also the rural dis- 
 turbers were punished in accordance with laws which, at 
 the time when the disturbances occurred, had practically 
 ceased to exist. It would have been more merciful — it 
 would also have been wiser — if over such offences there 
 had been drawn a veil. Till the next mutiny these 
 crimes would not be repeated, and then no amount of 
 present severity would prevent their recurrence. 
 
 It was noticeable that those English officials W'ho, 
 during the crisis of the mutiny, had been the most 
 moderate, the most averse to violence, were, now that 
 the mutiny was suppressed, the least inclined to show 
 generosity.
 
 cii. XXXV. CONCLUSION. 327 
 
 Human beings are of more value than the buiklmgs 
 which are thtt work of their hands. Nevertheless, it is 
 possible that in some future age our Government may be 
 condemned for its wanton destruction of the native 
 edifices, when its humanity and its harshness to the 
 natives themselves have alike been forgotten. This 
 destruction I could never contemplate without regret, 
 without indignation. 
 
 The palace of Delhi was the culminating eftbrt of 
 Indian art. It was an edifice the like of which had not 
 before existed, and in all probability would not again 
 appear, for it was the result of conditions not likely to be 
 repeated. Yet the greater portion of it was deliberately 
 pulled to pieces, and the materials sold by auction. Its 
 destruction was not the work of the soldiery, nor was it 
 intended as an act of punishment or of retribution ; nor 
 can it be excused by the impulse of anger or revenge. It 
 was directed from motives of the merest parsimony, and 
 not till the passions of the time had had leisure to cool. 
 
 What occurred at Delhi happened at Lucknow. The 
 palace there was similarly and equally w^antonly destroyed. 
 It was the same everywhere — no beauty, no historical 
 associations served to protect an edifice if an idea of 
 economy or a fancy for improvement suggested its 
 removal. Even the majestic ruins of the fort of Juan- 
 pore were blown to pieces to satisfy the idle crotchet of 
 an engineer. 
 
 During the mutiny I learnt more of the natives than 
 I had duiing all the many years of my previous residence 
 in the country. Compared with what other nations 
 would have been under similar circumstances, they were 
 not more cruel, they were certainly less violent. In 
 many instances individuals among them exhibited great 
 fidelity.
 
 328 THE INDIAN MUTINY. ch. xxxv. 
 
 I learnt to appreciate more than I had previously 
 their many amiable qualities, but at the same time T 
 became more aware of their besetting faults of falsehood 
 and treachery. They made promises, they broke them — 
 they betrayed each other, they made friends again — 
 with the readiness, the want of seriousness of so many 
 children. 
 
 It may interest the reader to learn the fate of some of 
 those whose names have been prominent in my narrative. 
 Colonel Cotton caught a cold on the march ; it became 
 worse, he went to Mussoorie, and there died. He was 
 engaged to be married to a lady to whom a curious fate 
 seemed to attach. She had been exceedingly pretty, and 
 often engaged, but the engagements were invariably ter- 
 minated by the death, violent or sudden, of her fiance 
 in each case. 
 
 Colonel Fraser did not long survive him. When no 
 longer sustained by the excitement of danger, his strength 
 gave way, and he sank rapidly ; he died in the following 
 July, and also at Mussoorie. The youngest of the Seths 
 was alive when I left India ; the other two brothers had 
 been dead some years, as also had Dillawar Khan, our 
 faithful guide to Agra on the night of the battle. I pro- 
 cured for Mr. Joyce a good appointment in the Eevenue 
 Department; when I left India he was doing well. 
 
 The Bhurtpore chiefs were never called to account for 
 their conduct, nor was Euggonath Sing compelled to re- 
 store the property belonging to me which he had carried 
 off, nor was I compensated for its loss. He appeared at 
 Lord Canning's grand durbar in 1859 with as much 
 assurance as if he had been the most loyal of subjects. 
 
 After the final suppression of the mutiny, there was 
 a very liberal distribution of honours and rewards, but 
 none fell to me, nor in this was I singular. Lord
 
 CH. XXXV. CONCLUSION. 329 
 
 Canning conceived the idea, not altogether without 
 reason, that the Agra authorities had displayed great 
 incapacity, and in his disapproval of the authorities he 
 included their subordinates. Also, he was by tempera- 
 ment much more disposed to appreciate zeal, when dis- 
 played in ordinary routine, than when exhibited in the 
 irregular manner that the time of disorder demanded. 
 Hence it followed that many who had been exposed to 
 no danger, who had suffered no losses, who had even 
 been in England during the time of peril, were honoured 
 and rewarded ; while those were passed over unnoticed 
 who, like myself, had borne the heat and burden of that 
 terrible day. 
 
 What was the case with the English and Christians 
 was the case also with the natives. So ill-proportioned 
 to the services of the recipients were often their recom- 
 pense, that the fact gave rise to a proverb, at the time 
 much quoted : ' Jysah ghudder, wysah inam ' ( 'As the 
 disturbance, so the reward') — meaning that in both 
 matters there was equal confusion. Much of this was 
 inevitable, but a good deal might have been avoided. In 
 some cases it was, I am sorry to say, the indirect result 
 of those dissensions among the authorities that had pre- 
 vailed at Agra both before and after our entry into the 
 fort. When a reward was proposed for a native, the 
 point too often considered was not what has he done ? 
 but * who has recommended him ? '
 
 33° 
 
 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii, xxxvk 
 
 CHAPTER XXXYL 
 
 WHAT CAUSED THE MUTINY ? 
 
 Although so many j^ears have elapsed, this inquiry can- 
 not be considered as devoid of interest. The mutiny 
 must have had some causes, and if those causes still 
 exist they may, when the opportunity is favourable, give 
 rise to another. 
 
 The first consideration is, was the mutiny a mere 
 military revolt or the rising against us of the population ? 
 
 At the time this question was debated in India with 
 great acrimony. Now that the facts can be calmly con- 
 sidered there is not much room for difference of opinion. 
 
 The case was this — the army revolted ; the population 
 left to itself ceased to yield obedience. The revenue was 
 not paid nor the law regarded. Such a condition of 
 things is rebellion, by whatever name it may be desig- 
 nated — whatever explanation may be given of its exist- 
 ence. 
 
 The causes of the mutiny of the army I shall not 
 consider ; they were in part purely military, in part a 
 discontent shared by the general population. I shall 
 confine myself to the consideration of the general rebel- 
 lion, and of that discontent which caused the population 
 to throw off our rule so soon as the mutiny of the army 
 enabled them to do so. 
 
 The causes assigned by the English, then and since.
 
 CH. XXXVI. WHAT CAUSED THE MUTINY? 331 
 
 are many and very contradictory. It will be more pro- 
 fitable to consider those alleged by the natives themselves. 
 They may be reduced to three : — 
 
 1. The severity of the taxation. 
 
 2. The impoverishment of the country. 
 
 3. The design of the English Government to convert 
 them to Christianity. 
 
 The last cause was the one always the most insisted 
 on. 
 
 It will be interesting to consider how an idea could 
 have arisen so contrary to the truth. The native religions, 
 the Hindoo especially, are ceremonial ; they prescibe 
 the law, the public policy to a great extent, even the 
 habits of life of their followers. Such being the case, 
 it resulted that as our system of government developed, 
 it came into conflict with the secular portion of the 
 native religions. It prohibited what those religions per- 
 mitted or enjoined ; it sanctioned what they condemned. 
 The actual interference was not great, but it was supposed 
 to foreshadow more. 
 
 Again, although our Government did not proselytise, 
 it educated. It endeavoured by schools and otherwise to 
 propagate the ideas and the habits of modern European 
 civilisation. These ideas, these habits were by the 
 natives regarded as the results of our religion ; the pro- 
 pagation of them was considered, therefore, as the dis- 
 guised propagation of Christianity. 
 
 The belief« in the impoverishment of the country was 
 similarly based on incorrect inferences from actual facts. 
 Under our rule the wealth of India had greatly increased, 
 but being more equally distributed it was less apparent. 
 But with the wealth the population had also increased, 
 and, as an accompaniment, the poverty. Relatively less, 
 it was actually greater. Further, though our Govern-
 
 332 THE INDIAN MUTINY. cii. xxxvi. 
 
 ment spent more than its native predecessors, its expen- 
 diture was not of a kind that so much impressed the 
 popular imagination. 
 
 There was no court, no erection of magnificent build- 
 ings, no processions or entertainments. The absence of 
 these things was regretted ; and it also gave rise to the 
 idea that the money formerly expended on them was 
 now transmitted to England. 
 
 The complaints of the severity of the taxation, though 
 exaggerated, were not devoid of foundation. Our land 
 revenue was undoubtedly too highly assessed, and our 
 system of enforcing payment by the sale of the land 
 made its severity the more felt. Also our law, by assist- 
 ing the extortions of the Bunniahs, cast on our Govern- 
 ment the odium of much of their rapacity. 
 
 To these three great causes of complaint must be 
 added that vague discontent which is necessarily and 
 invariably produced by the domination of an alien race, 
 especially of a race whose habits, ideas, and sentiments 
 differ widely from those of the people they rule. 
 
 At its commencement our rule was not unpopular ; 
 individually, we ourselves were often liked ; as a body, 
 we were respected. It would be interesting to trace the 
 steps by which these feelings became changed to that 
 animosity that was exhibited towards us during the 
 mutiny, but space will not permit. 
 
 The causes of the change of feeling may be thus 
 indicated : — 
 
 First : As the generation died out who had expe- 
 rienced the disorder and oppression that preceded our 
 rule, the benefits of our rule were no longer so sensibly 
 appreciated. 
 
 Secondly : As our system of government developed, 
 so at the same time did its want of harmony with the
 
 CH. XXXVI. WHAT CAUSED THE MUTINY? 333 
 
 native feeling become apparent. At first we did little 
 more than collect the revenue and maintain order ; as 
 time went on, we substituted our laws and institutions 
 for those that were indigenous to the country. 
 
 Thirdly : As our numbers increased there arose some- 
 thmg of the antagonism of race ; and as our Empire 
 extended, and the dominions of sovereign after sovereign 
 were absorbed into it, there became roused against us a 
 feeling of patriotism. The India of the natives seemed 
 to them threatened with extinction. The annexations 
 of Lord Dalhousie, especially that of Oude, were un- 
 doubtedly the immediate cause of the mutiny. 
 
 To these causes must be added Mohammedan fanati- 
 cism. The Mohammedans, though the smaller portion 
 of the population, are the most energetic, the most 
 dangerous. Our rule, never popular with them, had 
 of late become the object of their aversion : this was 
 partly because latterly, by raising the condition of the 
 Hindoos, we had deprived them — the Mohammedans — 
 of then- practical monopoly of Government employment, 
 and of the domination of their law, their religion, and 
 their language ; partly, their aversion was due to that 
 revival of Mohammedan fanaticism which, born during 
 the present century in Arabia, had some few years pre- 
 vious to the mutiny become diffused throughout India. 
 
 To sum up, the discontent which produced the 
 mutiny arose from causes partly unpreventible, but it 
 was partly also the result of conditions which might 
 have been avoided. By no wisdom, by no system, could 
 we have prevented the antagonism of race, or the dis- 
 like of an alien rule, or the hostility of Mohammedan 
 fanaticism. But we might have modified the discontent 
 arising from these causes by a less severe taxation, I 
 by more moderation in annexing fresh territories, and
 
 334 THE INDIAN MUTINY. c ii. xxxvi. 
 
 generally by more adapting our system of government 
 V/ to the native, sentiment. 
 
 During the disturbances certain facts were apparent 
 which are worthy of consideration. 
 
 First : That the classes whom our rule had specially 
 benefited, namely, the low castes and the cultivators of 
 the soil, were those who displayed the most marked 
 hostility to it. 
 
 Secondly : That the great pensioners and fund- 
 holders, those whose interests appeared to be identified 
 with ours, almost invariably turned against us ; as, 
 also, with hardly an exception, did those natives who 
 had received an English education or adopted English 
 habits. 
 
 Thirdly : That the only class on whose fidelity it 
 was found we could rely was the one whom our policy 
 had discountenanced, and whose increase it had pre- 
 vented, namely, the native Christians. 
 
 One more remark and I have done. It is never to 
 be forgotten that the mutiny came upon us without sign 
 or warning. The country was never so prosperous, the 
 people were never more apparently contented, than when 
 they burst into insurrection. It was from a cloudless 
 sky that that thunderbolt descended. 
 
 LOSDOS : ri!)>Ti;D BY 
 
 BPOTTISWOODE AND CO.. M:W-ST1!EET SQfARE 
 
 ASU PAULIAilE^T STllEET
 
 EXPLAT^ATION. 
 
 1. Court of Ummer Sing Gateway, p. 162 
 
 2. Incline from Ummer Sing Gateway 
 
 3. The General's Quarters 
 
 4. Mr. Colvin's grave 
 
 5. Hallof Public Audience (DewanAm) 
 
 6. Recess where Peacock Throne stood 
 
 7. Commissariat Store, p. 171 
 
 8. Northern Tower 
 
 9. Descent to Elephant Gateway 
 
 10. Elephant Gateway, Inner Gateway on 
 
 which are carved the figures of 
 Elephants 
 
 11. Small Courts and Euins of the Baths 
 
 of the Emperors 
 
 12. Gwalliar Square 
 
 13. Terrace of Gwalliar Square, At North 
 
 end is the Site of Hall of Green 
 marble. At the South end is the 
 Hall of Ambassadors. (Dewan Khan) 
 in the centre is the great stone slab 
 on which the Emperors sat. 
 
 14. Great Octagon Tower. At Northern 
 
 angle is outlet to secret passage, 
 p. 233 
 
 15. Pahice Square 
 
 16. Apartments where we resided 
 
 17. Marble Hall 
 
 18. Mr. Colvin's Apartments 
 
 19. Palace of Jehangire 
 
 20. Euins of Palace of Akbar, (Muchlee 
 
 Bowan) 
 
 21. Tower of Bengal 
 
 22. Gateway to Palace Square 
 
 23. WeU. p. 168 
 
 24. Marble Baths of the Priuces.ses p 254 
 
 25. Bridge below Delhi Gate, p. 160 
 
 26. Position of Palasade, p. 161 
 
 27. Tower in which is the ' Vault of the 
 
 Skeletons, at base is entrance to 
 secret passage, p. 231
 
 EXPLA'NATION. 
 
 1. Court of Ummer Sing Gateway, p. 162 
 
 2. Incline from Ummer Sing Grateway 
 
 3. The General's Quarters 
 
 4. Mr. Colvin's grave 
 
 5. Hallof Public Audience (DewanAm) 
 
 6. Recess where Peacock Throne stood 
 
 7. Commissariat Store, p. 171 
 
 8. Northern Tower 
 
 9. Descent to Elephant Gateway 
 
 10. Elephant Gateway, Inner Gateway on 
 
 which are carved the figures of 
 Elephants 
 
 11. Small Courts and Ruins of the Baths 
 
 of the Emperors 
 
 12. Gwalliar Square 
 
 13. Terrace of Gwalliar Square. At North 
 
 end is the Site of Hall of Green 
 marble. At the South end is the 
 Hallof Ambassadors. (Dewan Khan) 
 in the centre is the great stone slab 
 on which the Emperors sat. 
 
 14. Great Octagon Tower. At Northern 
 
 angle is outlet to secret passage, 
 p. 233 
 
 15. Pabwe Square 
 
 16. Apartments where we resided 
 
 17. Marble Hall 
 
 18. Mr. Colvin's Apartments 
 
 19. Palace of Jeh.ingire 
 
 20. Ruins of Palace of Akbar, (Muchlee 
 
 Bo wan) 
 
 21. Tower of Bengal 
 
 22. Gateway to Pabuje Square 
 
 23. Well. p. 168 
 
 24. Marble Baths of the Princesses p 254 
 
 25. Bridge below Delhi Gate, p. 160 
 
 26. Position of Palasade, p. 161 
 
 27. Tower in which is the ' Vault of the 
 
 Skeletons, at base is entrance to 
 secret passage, p. 231
 
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 lO 
 
 Mr. Murray's List of Works 
 
 Researches in the Highlands 
 
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 Lectures on the Geography of 
 
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 Post 8vo, 9s. 
 
 Twenty Years' Residence 
 
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 Reminiscences of Athens and 
 
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 Asia, Syria, Holy Land. 
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 A Series of Papers on the Political and 
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 Siberia in Asia. A Visit to 
 
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 The Caucasus, Persia and Tur- 
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 Sketches of the Manners and 
 
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 Nineveh and its Remains. 
 
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 The Land of Moab. Travels' 
 
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 Valley. By Ladv Anne Blunt. Illus- 
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 A Pilgrimage to Nejd, the 
 
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 A Cruise in Polynesia, and Visits to 
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 Crown Svo, 14s. 
 
 A Boy's Voyage Round the 
 
 World. Edited by Samuel Smiles. 
 Woodcuts. Small Svo, 6s. 
 
 Hawaiian Archipelago ; Six 
 
 Months among the Palm Groves, Coral 
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 Ride Through the Disturbed 
 
 Districts of New Zealand at the time of 
 the Rebellion. By Hon. H. Meade. 
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 Typee and Omoo ; or the 
 
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 Post Svo, 2S. 
 
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 Mexico To-Day : A Country 
 
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 in Voyages and Travels. 
 
 1 1 
 
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 A Lady's Life in the Rocky 
 
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 Pioneering in South Brazil. 
 
 Three Years of Forest and Prairie Life 
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 Voyage of a NaturaHst round the 
 
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 The NaturaHst on the River 
 
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 Voyage up the River Amazon 
 
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 Perils of the Polar Seas. True 
 
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 Communistic Societies of the 
 
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 The White Sea Peninsula. A 
 
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 The Gypsies of Spain ; their 
 
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 Richard Ford. Post Svo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Bubbles from the Brunnen of 
 
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 General Geography and 
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 A History of Ancient Geo- 
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 Art of Travel ; or. Hints on 
 
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 Dictionaryof Greekand Roman 
 
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 Atlas of Ancient Geography. 
 
 See p. so. 
 
 Journal of the Royal Geogra- 
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 12 
 
 Mr. Murray s hist of 
 
 HANDBOOKS FOR TRAVELLERS. 
 
 Foreign. 
 
 Handbook — Holland and Bel- 
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 Handbook — North Germany; 
 
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 14 
 
 Mr. Murray's List of Works 
 
 ENGLISH CATHEDRALS. 
 
 Handbook — Southern Cathe- 
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 Wells, Rochester, Canterbury, Chiches- 
 ter, and St. Albans. Illustrations. 2 
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 23 
 
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 24 
 
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 Sub -Tropical Garden ; or. 
 
 Beauty of Form in the Flower Garden, 
 with Illustrations of all the finer Pl.-ints 
 used for this purpose. By W. Robinson. 
 Illustrations. Small Svo, 5s. 
 
 Thrift : a Book of Domestic 
 
 Counsel. By Samuel Smiles. Small 
 Svo, 6s. 
 
 Duty : With Illustrations of 
 
 Courage, Patience, and Endurance. By 
 Samuel Smiles. Small Svo, 6s. 
 
 Royal Agricultural Journal 
 
 (published half-yearly). Svo. 
 
 Bees and Flowers. By Rev. 
 
 Thom.\s James. Fcap. Svo, is. each. 
 
 Music and Dress. By a Lady. 
 
 Fcap. Svo, IS. 
 
 Choice of a Dwelling ; a 
 
 Practical Handbook of Useful Informa- 
 tion on all Points connected with Hiring, 
 Buying, or Building a House. Plans. 
 Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 The Art of Dining ; or, Gas- 
 tronomy and Gastronomers. By A. 
 Havward, Q.C. Post Svo, 2S. 
 
 Household Surgery ; or Hints 
 
 for Emergencies. By John F. South. 
 Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Methods in Almsgiving. A 
 
 Handbook for Helpers. By M. W. 
 MoGGRiDGE, of the Charity Organisation 
 Society. Post Svo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 FIELD SPORTS 
 
 Dog-breaking ; the most Ex- 
 peditious, Certain, and Easy Method. 
 By General Hutchinson. Woodcuts. 
 Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 *»* A Summary of the Rules, for Game- 
 keepers, &c. IS. 
 
 My Boyhood : a Story of 
 
 Country Life and Sport for Boys. By 
 H. C. Barklev, Civil Engineer. With 
 Illustrations. Post Svo, 6s. 
 
 Wild Sports and Natural His- 
 tory of the Highlands. By Charles 
 St. John. New and Beautifully Illus- 
 trated Edition. Crown Svo. 15s. ; or 
 cheap ed., post Svo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 The Chase— The Turf— and 
 
 the Road. By Nimrod. Illustrations. 
 Crown Svo, 5s. ; or coloured plates, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Sport in the Soudan. By F. 
 
 L. James. See p. 9. 
 
 Salmonia ; or Days of Fly-Fish- 
 
 ing. By Sir Humphry Davy. Wood- 
 cuts. Fcap. Svo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Five Years' Adventures in the 
 
 far Interior of South Africa with the 
 Wild Beasts and Wild Tribes of the 
 Forests. By R. Gordon Gumming. 
 Woodcuts. Post Svo, 6s. 
 
 Sport and War. Recollections 
 
 of Fighting and Hunting in South Africa, 
 from 1S34-67, with an Account of the 
 Duke of Edinburgh's Visit. By Genera! 
 Sir John Bisset, C.B. Illustrations. 
 Crown Svo, 14s. 
 
 Western Barbary, its Wild 
 
 Tribes and Savage Animals. By Sir 
 John Drummond Hay. Post Svo, 2s. 
 
 Sport in Abyssinia. By Earl 
 
 of Mayo. Illustrations. Crown Svo, 12s.
 
 26 
 
 Mr. Murray's List of Works 
 
 EDUCATIONAL WORKS. 
 
 DR. WM. SMITH'S 
 DICTIONARIES. 
 
 A Dictionary of the Bible ; Its 
 
 Antiquities, Biography, Geography, and 
 Natural History. Illustrations. 3 vols. 
 8vo, 105s. 
 
 A Concise Bible Dictionary. 
 
 For the use of Students and Families. 
 Condensed from the above. With Maps 
 and 300 Illustrations. 8vo, 21s. 
 
 A Smaller Bible Dictionary. 
 
 For .Schools and Young Persons. 
 Abridged from the above. With Maps 
 and Woodcuts. Crown Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 A Dictionary of Christian An- 
 tiquities. The History, Institutions, and 
 Antiquities of the Christian Church. 
 With Illustrations. 2 vols, medium Svo, 
 £3 : 13:6- 
 
 A Dictionary of Christian Bio- 
 graphy, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines. 
 From the Time of the Apostles to the 
 Age of Charlemagne. Vols. I. II. and 
 III. Medium Svo, 31s. 6d. each. 
 
 A Dictionary of Greek and 
 
 Roman Antiquities. Comprising the 
 Laws, Institutions, Domestic Usages, 
 Painting, Sculpture, Mu!;ic, the Drama, 
 etc. With 500 Illustrations. Medium 
 Svo, 2Ss. 
 
 A Dictionary of Greek and 
 
 Roman Biography and ^lythology, con- 
 taining a History of the Ancient World, 
 Civil, Literary, and Ecclesiastical, from 
 the earliest times to the capture of Con- 
 stantinople by the Turks. With 564 
 Illustrations. 3 vols, medium Svo, 84s. 
 
 A Dictionary of Greek and 
 
 Roman Geography, showing the Re- 
 searches of modem Scholars and Travel- 
 lers, including an account of the Political 
 History of both Countries and Cities, as 
 well as of their Geography. With 530 
 Illustrations. 2 vols, medium Svo, 56s. 
 
 A Classical Dictionary of 
 
 Mythologs', Biography, and Geography. 
 With 750 Woodcuts. Svo, i8s. 
 
 A Smaller Classical Dictionary. 
 
 Abridged from the above. With 200 
 Woodcuts. Crown Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller Dictionary of Greek 
 
 and Roman Antiquities. Abridged from 
 the larger work. With 200 Woodcuts. 
 Crown Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 A Latin - English Dictionary. 
 
 Based on the works of Forcellini and 
 Freund. With Tables of the Roman 
 Calendar, Measures, Weights, and 
 Monies. Medium Svo, 21s. 
 
 A Smaller Latin-English Dic- 
 tionary. With Dictionary of Proper 
 Names, and Tables of Roman Calendar, 
 etc. A New and thoroughly Revised 
 Edition. Square i2mo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 An English-Latin Dictionary, 
 
 Copious and Critical. Medium Svo, 21s. 
 
 A Smaller English-Latin Dic- 
 tionary. Abridged from the above. 
 Square izmo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 DR. WM. SMITH'S 
 SMALLER HISTORIES. 
 A Smaller Scripture History of 
 
 the Old and New Testaments. With 
 Coloured Map and 40 Woodcuts. i6mo, 
 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller Ancient History of 
 
 the East, from the Earliest Times to the 
 Conquest of Alexander the Great. 
 With 70 Woodcuts. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller History of Greece, 
 
 from the Earliest Times to the Roman 
 Conquest. With Coloured Maps and 
 74 Woodcuts. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller History of Rome, 
 
 from the Earliest Times to the Establish- 
 ment of the Empire. With Coloured 
 Map and Woodcuts. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller Classical Mythology. 
 
 With Translations from the Ancient 
 Poets, and Questions on the Work. With 
 90 Woodcuts. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller Manual of Ancient 
 
 Geography. 36 Woodcuts. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller Manual of Modern 
 
 Geography. Physical and Political. 
 i6mo, 2S. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller History of England, 
 
 from the Earliest Times to the year 
 1880. With Coloured Maps and 68 
 Woodcuts. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A Smaller History of English 
 
 Literature ; giving a Sketch of the Lives 
 of our chief Writers. i6mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Short Specimens of English 
 
 Literature. Selected from the chief 
 Authors, and arranged chronologically. 
 i6mo, 3s. 6d.
 
 in Gene7'al Education. 
 
 27 
 
 MURRAY'S 
 STUDENT'S MANUALS. 
 
 A Series of Historical Class Books 
 for advanced Scholars. Fortniiig a 
 complete chain of History from the 
 earliest ages to viodem times. 
 
 Student's Old Testament His- 
 tory, from the Creation to the Return 
 of the Jews from Captivity. With an 
 Introduction by Philip Smith. Maps 
 and Woodcuts. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's New Testament His- 
 tory. With an Introduction connecting 
 the History of the Old and New Testa- 
 ments. By Philip Smith. Maps and 
 Woodcuts. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Ecclesiastical History 
 
 Part I. — From the Times of the Apostles 
 to the full Establishment of the Holy 
 Roman Empire and the Papal Power. 
 Part II.— The Middle Ages and the 
 Reformation. By Philip Smith. Wood- 
 cuts. 2 vols. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. each. 
 
 Student's English Church His- 
 tory. First Period — From the Planting 
 of the Church in Britain to the Accession 
 of Henry VIII. Second Period — From 
 theTimeof Henry VIII. to the Silencing 
 of Convocation in the i8th Century. By 
 Canon Perry. 2 v. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. each. 
 
 Student's Ancient History of 
 
 the East. Egj^pt, Assjnna, Babylonia, 
 Media, Persia, Phoenicia, &c. By Philip 
 Smith. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's History of Greece, 
 
 from the Earliest Times to the Roman 
 Conquest ; with the History of Literature 
 and Art. With coloured I\Iaps and Wood- 
 cuts. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's History of Rome, 
 
 down to the Establishment of the Empire ; 
 with the History of Literature and Art. 
 By Dean Liddell. With coloured Map 
 and Woodcuts. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's History of the Decline 
 
 and Fall of the Roman Empire. By 
 Ed. Gibbon. Woodcuts. PostSvo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's History of Modern 
 
 Europe. From the End of the Middle 
 Ages to the Treaty of Berlin, 1878. Post 
 Svo. [/« Preparation. 
 
 Student's Hume : a History of 
 
 England from the Roman Invasion to 
 the Revolution in 168S. New Edition. 
 Continued to the Treaty of Berlin, 1S78. 
 By J. S. Brewer. With 7 Coloured 
 Maps and Woodcuts. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 Or in 3 Parts. Price 2S. ed. each. 
 
 Student's History of France, 
 
 from the Earliest Times to the Fall of 
 the Second Empire. By Rev. W. H. 
 Jervis. Coloured Maps and Woodcuts. 
 Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's History of England 
 
 from the Accession of Henry VII. to 
 the Death of George II. By Henry 
 Hallam. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's History of Europe 
 
 during the IMiddle Aces. By Henry 
 Halla.m. Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Ancient Geography. 
 
 By Canon Bevan. Woodcuts. Post 
 Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Modern Geography. 
 
 Mathematical, Physical, and Descriptive. 
 By Canon Bevan. Woodcuts. Post Svo, 
 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Geography of British 
 
 India, Political and Physical. By Geo. 
 Smith, LL.D. Maps. Post Svo. 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Manual of the English 
 
 Language. By George P. Marsh. 
 Post Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Manual of English 
 
 Literature. By T. B. Shaw. Post 8vo, 
 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Specimens of English 
 
 Literature. By T. B. Sh.\w. Post 
 Svo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Manual of Moral 
 
 Philosophy. By W. Fleming. Post Svo, 
 7s. 6d. 
 
 Student's Manual of the Evi- 
 dences of Christianity. By H. Wage, 
 D.D. Post Svo. 
 
 Student's History of the Ro- 
 man Empire, from the Establishment 
 of the Empire to the Accession of Com- 
 modus, A.D. iSo. Post Svo. 
 %* This Work will form a connecting link 
 
 between the Student's Rome and Student's 
 
 Gibbon. 
 
 MARKHAM'S HISTORIES. 
 
 ( With Conversations at the eftd of 
 
 each Chapter.) 
 
 A History of England, from 
 
 the First Invasion by the Romans to 
 18S0. With 100 Woodcuts, ismo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A History of France, from the 
 
 Conquest of Gaul by Julius Caesar to 
 1S78. Woodcuts. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A History of Germany, from 
 
 the Invasion by Marius to 1880. With 
 50 Woodcuts. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Little Arthur's History of Eng- 
 land. By Lady Callcott. Continued 
 down to the year 1878. With 36 Wood- 
 cuts. i6mo, IS. fid. 
 
 Little Arthur's History of 
 
 France, from the Earliest Times to the 
 Fall of the Second Empire. On the 
 Plan of 'Little Arthur's England." With 
 Woodcuts. Foolscap Svo.
 
 28 
 
 Mr. Murray's List of 
 
 DR. WM. SMITH'S EDUCATIONAL WORKS. 
 
 ENGLISH COURSE. 
 A Primary History of Britain 
 
 for Elementary Schools. i2mo, 2S. 6d. 
 
 A School Manual of English 
 
 Grammar, with Illustrations and Prac- 
 tical Exercises. By T. D. Hall. Post 
 8vo, 3S. 6d. 
 
 A Primary English Grammar 
 
 for Elementary Schools. With Numer- 
 ous Exercises and Carefully Graduated 
 Parsing Lessons. By T. D. Hall. 
 i6mo, IS. 
 
 A Manual of English Composi- 
 tion. With Copious Illustrations and 
 Practical Exercises. By T. D. Hall. 
 
 i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 A School Manual of Modern 
 
 Geography, Physical and Political. By 
 John Richardson. Post 8vo, 5s. 
 
 A Smaller Manual of Modern 
 
 Geography, for Schools and Young Per- 
 sons. i5mo, 2S. 6d. 
 
 LATIN COURSE. 
 The Young Beginner's First 
 
 Latin Book ; Containing the Rudiments 
 of Grammar, Easy Grammatical Ques- 
 tions and Exercises, with Vocabularies. 
 Being Introductory to Principia Latina, 
 Part I. i2mo, 2s. 
 
 The Young Beginner's Second 
 
 Latin Book ; Containing an Easy Latin 
 Reading Book, with an Analysis of the 
 Sentences, Notes, and a Dictionary. 
 Being Introductory to Principia Latina, 
 Part II. i2mo, 2s. 
 
 Principia Latina, Part I. A 
 
 First Latin Course, comprehending Gram- 
 mar, Delectus, and Exercise Book, with 
 Vocabularies. With Accidence adapted to 
 the Ordinary Grammars, as well as the 
 Public School Latin Primer. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Appendix to Principia Latina, 
 
 Part I. ; Additional Exercises, with 
 Examination Papers. i2mo, 2s. 6d. 
 
 Principia Latina, Part 11. A 
 
 Latin Reading Book, an Introduction tc 
 Ancient Mythology, Geography, Roman 
 Antiquities, and History. With Notes 
 and Dictionai-y. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Principia Latina, Part IIL A 
 
 Latin Poetry Book, containing Easy 
 Hexameters and Pentameters, Eclogae 
 Ovidianse, Latin Prosody, First Latin 
 Verse Book. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Principia Latina, Part IV. 
 
 Latin Prose Composition, containing the 
 Rules of Syntax, with copious Examples 
 and Exercises. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Principia Latina, Part V. 
 
 Short Tales and Anecdotes from Ancient 
 History, for Translation into Latin Prose. 
 i2mo, 3s. 
 
 A Latin -English Vocabulary : 
 
 arranged according to subjects and ety- 
 mology ; with a Latin-English Dictionary 
 to Phsedrus, Cornelius Nepos, and 
 Csesar's " Gallic War." i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 The Student's Latin Grammar. 
 
 Post 8vo, 6s. 
 
 A Smaller Latin Grammar. 
 
 Abridged from the above. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 GREEK COURSE. 
 Initia Grseca, Part I. A First 
 
 Greek Course : comprehending Grammar, 
 Delectus, and Exercise-book. With 
 Vocabularies. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Appendix to Initia Grseca, 
 
 Part I. — Additional Exercises, with Ex- 
 amination Papers and Easy Reading 
 Lessons, with the Sentences analysed, 
 serving as an Introduction to Part II. 
 i2mo, 2S. 6d. 
 
 Initia Graeca, Part 11. A 
 
 Greek Reading Book, containing Short 
 Tales, Anecdotes, Fables, Mythology, 
 and Grecian Historv-. Arranged in a 
 systematic progression, with Lexicon. 
 i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Initia Grseca. Part III. Greek 
 
 Prose Composition : containing a Syste- 
 matic Course of Exercises on the Syn- 
 tax, with the Principal Rules of Syntax, 
 and an English- Greek Vocabulary to 
 the Exercises. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 The Student's Greek Grammar. 
 
 By Professor Curtius. Post 8vo, 6s. 
 
 A Smaller Greek Grammar. 
 
 Abridged from the above. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Greek Accidence. Extracted 
 
 from the above work. i2mo, 2S. 6d. 
 
 Elucidations of Curtius's Greek 
 
 Grammar. Translated by Evelyn 
 Abbott. Post 8vo, 7s. 6d. 
 
 Plato. The Apology of So- 
 crates, the Crito, and Part of the Pha:do ; 
 with Notes in English from Stallbaum, and 
 Schleiermacher's Introductions. i2mo, 
 3s. 6d.
 
 School and Prize Books. 
 
 29 
 
 FRENCH, GERMAN, AND ITALIAN COURSE. 
 
 French Principia, Part I. A 
 
 First French Course, containing Gram- 
 mar, Delectus, and Exercises, with Vo- 
 cabularies and materials for French 
 Conversation. lamo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Appendix to French Principia, 
 
 Part I. Being Additional Exercises and 
 Examination Papers. i2mo, 2s. 6d. 
 
 French Principia, Part II. 
 
 A Reading Book, with Notes, and a 
 Dictionary. i2mo, 4s. 6d. 
 
 Student's French Grammar : 
 
 Practical and Historical. By C. Heron- 
 Wall. With Introduction by M. Littr^. 
 Post 8vo, 6s. 
 
 A Smaller Grammar of the 
 
 French Language. Abridged from the 
 above. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 German Principia, Part I. A 
 
 First German Course, containing Gram- 
 mar, Delectus, E.xercises, and Vocabu- 
 lary. i2mo, 3s. 6d. 
 
 German Principia. Part II. A 
 
 Reading Book, with Notes and a Dic- 
 tionary. i2mo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Practical German Grammar. 
 
 With an Historical development of the 
 Language. Post 8vo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Italian Principia, Part I. 
 
 A First Course, containing a Grammar, 
 Delectus, Exercise Book, with Vocabu- 
 laries, and Materials for Italian Conver- 
 sation. , By Signor RiccL i2mo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Italian Principia, Part II. A 
 
 Reading-Book, containing Fables, Anec- 
 dotes, History, and Passages from the 
 best Italian Authors, with Grammatical 
 Questions, Notes, and a Copious Ety- 
 mological Dictionary. i2mo, 3s. fid. 
 
 SCHOOL AND PRIZE BOOKS. 
 
 .^sop's Fables, chiefly from 
 
 Original Sources, by Rev. Thos. James. 
 With 100 Woodcuts. Post 8vo, 2s. fid. 
 
 King Edward VI.'s Latin Ac- 
 cidence. i2mo, 2S. fid. 
 
 King Edward VI.'s Latin Gram- 
 mar. i2mo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Qxenham's English Notes for 
 
 Latin Elegiacs. Designed for early pro- 
 ficients in the art of Latin Versification. 
 i2mo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Button's Principia Graeca : an 
 
 Introduction to the study of Greek, com- 
 prehending Grammar, Delectus, and 
 Exercise Book, with Vocabularies. i2mo, 
 3s. fid. 
 
 Buttmann's Lexilogus; a Criti- 
 cal Examination of the Meaning and Ety- 
 mology of Passages in Greek Writers. 
 
 8vO, I2S. 
 
 Matthiae's Greek Grammar. 
 
 Revised by Crooke. Post 8vo, 4s. 
 
 Horace. With loo Vignettes. 
 
 Post 8vo, 7s. fid. 
 
 Practical Hebrew Grammar ; 
 
 with an Appendix, containing the Heb- 
 rew Text of Genesis I. VI. and Psalms 
 I. VI. Grammatical Analysis and Voca- 
 bulary. By Rev. Stanley Leathes. 
 Post 8vo, 7s. fid. 
 
 Elements of Mechanics, includ- 
 ing Hydrostatics. By Prof. Newth. 
 Sm. 8vo, Ss. fid. 
 
 First Book of Natural Philo- 
 
 -sophy : an Introduction to the Study of 
 Statics, Dynamics, Hydrostatics, Light, 
 Heat, and Sound. By Prof. Newth. 
 Sm. 8vo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Mathematical Examples. A 
 
 Graduated Series of Elementary Exam- 
 ples in Arithmetic, Algebra, Logarithms, 
 Trigonometry, and Mechanics. By Pro- 
 fessor Newth. Small 8vo, 8s. fid. 
 
 Progressive Geography. By 
 
 J. W. Croker. i8mo, is. fid. 
 
 A Child's First Latin Book, 
 
 comprising a full Pra.xis of Nouns, Ad- 
 jectives, and Pronouns, with Active 
 Verbs. By T. D. Hall, ifimo, 2s. 
 
 Gleanings in Natural History. 
 
 By Edward Jesse. Fcap. 8vo, 3s. fid. 
 
 Philosophy in Sport made 
 
 Science in Earnest ; or Natural Philo- 
 sophy inculcated by the Toys and Sports 
 of Youth. By Dr. Paris. Woodcuts. 
 Fcap. 8vo, 7s. fid. 
 
 Puss in Boots. By Otto Speck- 
 
 ter. Illustrations, ifimo, is. fid. 
 
 The Charmed Roe. By Otto 
 
 Speckter. Illustrations, ifimo, 5s. 
 
 A Boy's Voyage Round the 
 
 World. By Samuel Smiles. Illustra- 
 tions. Small 8vo, 6s.
 
 30 
 
 Mr. Murray s List of Works. 
 
 The Home & Colonial Library. 
 
 Class A— BIOGRAPHY, HISTORY, &c. 
 
 1. Drinkwater's Gibraltar. 2s. 
 
 2. The Amber Witch. 2s. 
 
 3. Southey's Cromwell and Bun- 
 
 yan. 2s. 
 
 4. Barrow's Sir Francis Drake. 2s. 
 
 5. British Army at Washington. 23. 
 
 6. French in Algiers. 2S. 
 
 7. Fall of the Jesuits. 2s. 
 
 8. Livonian Tales. 2s. 
 
 9. Conde. By Lord Mahon. 3s. 6d. 
 
 10. Sale's Brigade in Afighanistan. 2s. 
 
 11. Sieges of Vienna. 2s. 
 
 12. Milman's Wayside Cross. 2s. 
 
 13. Liberation War in Germany. 3s. 6d. 
 
 14. Gleig's Battle of Waterloo. 3s. 6d. 
 
 15. Steffens' Adventures. 2s. 
 
 16. Campbell's Britisli Poets. 3s. 6d. 
 
 17. Essays. By Lord Mahon. 3s. 6d. 
 
 18. Gleig's Life of Lord Clive. 3s. 6d. 
 
 19. Stokers and Pokers. By Sir 
 
 Francis Head. 2s. 
 
 20. Gleig's Life of Munro. 3s. 6d. 
 
 Class B— VOYAGES and TRAVEL. 
 
 I. 
 
 2. 
 
 3- 
 5- 
 6. 
 
 7- 
 8. 
 
 9- 
 10. 
 II. 
 12, 
 
 14. 
 
 IS- 
 16. 
 
 17- 
 18. 
 19. 
 20. 
 21. 
 
 24. 
 
 25- 
 
 Borrow's Bible in Spain. 3s. 6d. 
 Borrow's Gipsies of Spain. 3s. 6d- 
 4. Heber's Indian Journals. 7s. 
 Holy Land. Irby & Mangles. 2s. 
 Hay's Western Barbary. 2s. 
 
 Letters from the Baltic. 2s. 
 
 Meredith's New S. Wales. 2s. 
 Lewis' West Lidies. 2s. 
 
 ]\La.lcolm's Persia. 3s. 6d. 
 
 Father Ripa at Pekin. 2s. 
 
 13. Melville's Marquesas 7s. 
 Abbott's Missionaiy in Canada 2s. 
 Letters from Madras. 2s. 
 
 St.John's Highland Sports. 3s. 6d. 
 The Pampas. Sir F. Head. 2s, 
 Ford's Spanish Gatherings. 3s. 6d. 
 Edwards' River Amazon. 2s. 
 Acland's Lidia. 2s. 
 
 Ruxton's RockyMountains. 3s6d 
 Carnarvon's Portugal. 3s. 6d. 
 Haygarth's Bush Life. 2s. 
 
 .St. John's Libyan Desert. 2s. 
 Letters from Sierra Leone. 3s. 6d. 
 
 DR. WM. SMITH'S ANCIElSrT ATLAS. 
 
 AN ATLAS OF ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY, Biblical and Classical. 
 Intended to illustrate the 'Dictionaiy of the Bible,' and the 'Dictionaries 
 of Classical Antiquity.' Compiled under the superintendence of WM. 
 SMITH, D.C.L., and Sir GEORGE GROVE, LL.D. Folio, half- 
 bound, ;i^6 : 6s. 
 
 1. Geographical Systems of the Ancients. 
 
 2. The World as known to the Ancients. 
 
 3. Empires of the Babylonians, Lydians, 
 
 Medes, and Persians. 
 
 4. Empire of Alexander the Great. 
 
 5. 6. Kingdoms of the Successors of Alex- 
 
 ander the Great. 
 
 7. The Roman Empire in its greatest extent. 
 
 8. The Roman Empire after its division 
 
 into the Eastern and Western Empires. 
 
 9. Greek and Phcenician Colonies. 
 10. Britannia. 
 
 It. Hispania. 
 
 12. Gallia. 
 
 13. Germania. Rhaetia, Noricum. 
 
 14. Pseonia, Thracia, NIoesia, Illyria, Dacia. 
 
 15. Italv, Sardinia, and Corsica. 
 
 16. Italia Superior. 
 
 17. Italia Inferior. 
 
 18. Plan of Rome. 
 
 ig. Environs of Rome. 
 
 20. Greece after the Doric Migration. 
 
 21. Greece during the Persian Wars. 
 
 22. Greece during the Peloponnesian War. 
 
 23. Greece during the Achaean League. 
 
 24. Northern Greece. 
 
 25. Central Greece — Athens. 
 
 26. Peloponnesus. — With Plan of Sparta. 
 
 27. Shores and Islands of the /Egeau Sea. 
 
 28. Historical Maps of Asia Minor. 
 
 29. Asia Minor. 
 
 30. Arabia. 
 
 31. India. 
 
 32. Northern Part of Africa. 
 
 33. i'Egj'pt and .('Ethiopia. 
 
 34. Historical Maps of the Holy Land. 
 
 35. 36. The Holy Land. North and South. 
 
 37. Jerusalem, Ancient and Modem. 
 
 38. Environs of Jerusalem. 
 
 39. Sinai. 
 
 40. Asia, to illustrate the Old Testament. 
 
 41. Map. to illustrate the New Testament. 
 
 42. 43. Plans of Babylon, Nineveh, Troy, 
 
 Alexandria, and Byzantium.
 
 hidex. 
 
 Abercrombie's Works - 20 
 Acland's India - - 8 
 Adjniralty Manual - 16, 24 
 jEsop's Fables - 22, 29 
 
 Agricultural Journal 
 
 Albert (The) -Memorial - 18 
 
 Alice (Princess) Memoirs 6 
 
 Apocrypha (The) - - 14 
 
 Army Lists - - - 24 
 
 Austin's Jurisprudence - 20 
 
 Barclay's Talmud - 14 
 Barkley's Turkey - - 9 
 
 My Boyhood - - 25 
 
 Barrow's Autobiography 7 
 Barry's (Sir C) Life - 7, 20 
 
 (E. M.) Architecture 20 
 
 Bates' River Amazon - n 
 Bax's Eastern Seas - 8 
 Beckett on the R. V. - 15 
 }?ees and Flowers - - 25 
 Bell's (Sir Charles) Letters 6 
 Bell's Tower of London 5 
 
 Bertram's Harvest of the 
 
 Sea - - - - 17 
 Besant's Life of Palmer 6 
 
 Bible Commentary - 2 
 
 BiggWither's Brazil - 11 
 Bird's Sandwich Islands 10 
 
 Japan - - - 9 
 
 Rocky Mountains - 11 
 
 ■ Golden Chersonese 9 
 
 Eisset's Sport in Africa o, 25 
 Blunt's Works - 14, 15 
 
 (Lady A ), Bedouins,&c. 10 
 
 Borrow's Works - 11, 22 
 Boswell's Johnson - 7 
 
 Brewer's Henry VIII. - 4 
 Bridges (Mrs.) Travels - 11 
 British Association - 16 
 
 Brocklehurst's Mexico 10, 20 
 Briigsch's Egj-pt - - 3 
 Bunbury's Geography it, 18 
 Burbidge's Borneo 10, 17 
 
 Burckhardt's Cicerone 12, ig 
 Burgon on the R. V. - 15 
 Burn's Nav. & Mil. Terms 24 
 Burnell's Indian Glossary 22 
 Burrows' Constitution - 20 
 Buttmann's Works - 29 
 
 Buxton's Memoirs, S:c. - 6 
 Buxton's Political Handbk. 20 
 
 Notes of 'i'hought - 21 
 
 Byles on Religion - - 15 
 Byron's Life - - - 7 
 Poetical Works - 23 
 
 Campbell's Chancellors 
 and Chief-Justices - 8 
 
 Life - - - 8 
 
 Campbeirs(SirN.)Napoleon 7 
 Carlisle (Bp. of) Essays 16 
 Carnarvon's Athens - 10 
 
 Agamemnon - - 23 
 
 Cartwright's Jesuits 4, 16 
 
 Cathedral (The) - - 15 
 Cathedrals of England 14, 20 
 Cesnola's Cyprus - 9, 18 
 
 Chaplin's Benedicite - 16 
 Chisholm's Polar Seas - 11 
 Choice of a Dwelling 20, 25 
 Church and the Age - 15 
 
 17 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Churton's Poetical Works 23 1 
 Classic Preachers - - 15 
 Clode's Military Forces 24 
 
 Martial Law - - 20 
 
 Coleridge's Table-Talk - 22 
 Cole's Iceland - - 11 
 
 Collins' Bolingbroke - 6 
 Cookery - - - 25 
 
 Cook (Canon), Works 15, 16, 22 
 Cooke's Sketches - - 19 
 
 Herefordshire - 5, 19 
 
 Crabbe's Life and Works 23 
 Crawford's Argo - - 23 
 Cripps on Plate - - 18 
 Croker's Geography - 29 
 Croker's Memoirs - - 6 
 Crowe's Flemish Painters 19 
 
 Painting in Italy - 19 
 
 Titian - - - 7, 19 
 
 Raphael - - ■ 7. 19 
 
 Cumming's South Africa 9,25 
 Currie, Divinity of Christ 15 
 Curtius' Works - - 22 
 Curzon's Monasteries - 10 
 Gust's Annals of the Wars 5, 24 
 
 Darwin's Works - 
 
 (Erasmus), Life 
 
 Davy's Consolations - 21 
 
 Salmonia - - 25 
 
 De Cosson's Blue Nile - 9 
 Dennis' Etruria - - 19 
 Derby's Homer - - 23 
 Derry's Bampton - - 15 
 Deutsch's Talmud - - 22 
 Dilke's Papers of a Critic 22 
 Douglas's Gimnery, &c. 24 
 Du Chailhi's Africa - 9 
 
 Midnight Sun - 11 
 
 Dufferin's Higli Latitudes 11 
 
 Speeches, &c. 20, 22 
 
 Duncan's Artillery - 5, 24 
 
 English in Spain - 5, 24 
 
 DQrer, Albert - - 7, iq 
 
 Eastlake's Essays - 7, 20 
 Edwards' iW. H.) River 
 
 Amazon . - 11, 30 
 
 Eldon's Life - - - 8 
 
 Elgin's Letters - - 7 
 
 Ellis's Madagascar - 9 
 
 Memoir - - - 6 
 
 Ellis's Catullus - - 23 
 
 Elphinstone's India - 5 
 
 Life - - - 6 
 
 Elphinstone's Turning - 17 
 
 Elton's Eastern Africa - 9 
 
 English in Spain - - 5, 24 
 
 Essays on Cathedrals - 15 
 
 Fercusson's Architec- 
 tural Works - - 19 
 Forbes' Burma - - 8 
 Forsyth's Hortensius - 20 
 
 Novels and Novelists 22 
 
 Foss' Biographia Juridica 8 
 Frere's India and Africa 21 
 Old Deccan Days - 22 
 
 G Alton's Art of Travel 11 
 Geographical Journal - 11 
 George's Mosel is: Loire 11 
 Gibbon's Roman Empire 3, 27 
 
 Giffard's Naval Deeds - 24 
 Gilbert's Landscape Art 19 
 
 Gill's Ascension - 9, 16 
 
 River of Golden Sand 8 
 
 Memoir - - - 7, 8 
 
 Gladstone's Rome - - 16 
 
 Essays - - 20, 22 
 
 Gleig's Waterloo - - 5 
 
 Washington - - 5 
 
 Glynne's Churches - 19 
 
 Goldsmith's Works - 23 
 
 Gomm's Life - - - 7 
 
 Grey's Wm. IVth - - 5 
 
 Grote's Histories - - 3 
 
 Works - - 20, 21 
 
 Life " " - 7 
 
 Mrs. - - - 7 
 
 Hallam's England - 4 
 
 Middle Ages- - 4 
 
 Literary History - 22 
 
 (Arthur). Remains- 23 
 
 Hall's English Grammar 28 
 
 First Latin Book - 29 
 
 Hamilton's Rheinsberg - 6 
 Handbooks for Travellers 12-14 
 
 Hatch's Aristotle - - 21 
 
 Hatherley on Scripture - 15 
 
 Hayward's Statesmen - 6 
 
 Art of Dining- - 25 
 
 Head's Engineer - - 24 
 
 Burgoyne - " 7 
 
 Bubbles from Nassau 11 
 
 Stokers and Pokers 22 
 
 Heber's Poetical Works 15, 23 
 
 Herries' Life - - 6 
 
 Herschel's Memoir - 8 
 
 Holhvay's Norway - 11 
 Home and Colonial Library 30 
 
 Homer's Iliad, Odyssey 23 
 
 Hook's Church Dictionary 14 
 
 Hook's (Theodore) Life 6 
 
 Hope-Scott's Life - - 6 
 
 Hope's (B.) Worship - 16 
 
 Hosack's Law of Nations 20 
 
 Houghton's Monographs 6 
 
 Poetical Works - 23 
 
 Houstoun's Wild West - ii 
 Hutchinson's Dog-Breaking25 
 
 Hutton's Principia Grseca 29 
 
 Hutton's Van Artevelds 6 
 
 Jameson's Ital. Painters 7,19 
 James' Soudan - - 9 
 Jennings' Rambles - 11 
 
 Jervis' Gallican Church 4, 15 
 Jesse's Gleanings - 17, 29 
 Jex-Elake's Sermons - 16 
 Johnson's (Dr.) Life 7 
 
 Julian's Dictionary of 
 
 Hymnology - - 14 
 
 Junius' Handwriting - 22 
 
 Kerr's Country House 20, 25 
 King Edward Vllh's 
 
 Grammars - - - 29 
 Kirk's Charles the Bold 4 
 Kirkes' Physiology - 17 
 Kugler's Italian Schools 19 
 German Schools - 19 
 
 Lane's Modern Egyptians 4, 9 
 Layard's Nineveh - - 10
 
 j-i 
 
 Index. 
 
 Leathes' Heb. Grammar 
 Leslie's Hbk. for Painters 
 Levi's British Commerce 
 Lex Salica - - - 
 Liddell's Rome - - 3 
 Lispings from Low Lati- 
 tudes - - - - 
 Little Arthur's England 
 Livingstone's Travels 
 — Life _ - - - 
 Livingstonia - - . 
 Loch's China 
 
 Lockhart's Spanish Ballads 23 
 Loudon's Gardening - 25 
 Luther's Primary Works 15 
 Lyali's Asiatic Studies - 21 
 Lyell's 'Works - - 18 
 
 Life ... 8 
 
 Lyell's H'book of Ferns 17, 25 
 Lyndhurst's Life - - 8 
 Lytton's Julian Fane - 6 
 JM'Clintock's Arctic Seas 11 
 Macdougall's Warfare - 24 
 Macgregor's Rob Roy - 10 
 Madras, Letters from - 8 
 Maetzner's Eng. Grammar 22 
 Mahon's Belisarius - 7 
 
 Maine's (Sir H. S.) Works 21 
 Malcolm's Persia - - 10 
 Mallock's Essays - - 20 
 Mansel's Lectures, &c. - 22 
 Marco Polo's Travels - 8 
 Markham's Histories - 27 
 
 (C. R.), Cinchona - 25 
 
 Marryat's Pottery - - 18 
 Masters in Theology - 15 
 Matthias's Greek Gram. 29 
 Mayo'sSport in Abyssinia 9,25 
 Meade's New Zealand - 10 
 Melville's Typee and Omoo 10 
 Meredith's New So. Wales 10 
 Michel Angelo - - 7, 19 
 Middleton's Rembrandt 19 
 Millington's Land of Ham 14 
 Milman's Histories - 4, 16 
 
 St. Paul's - - 5, 14 
 
 Christianity - - 4, 16 
 
 Latin Christianity - 4, 14 
 
 Fall of Jerusalem - 23 
 
 Horace - - - 7, 23 
 
 (Bishop), Life of - 6 
 
 Mivart's Essays - - 17 
 
 The Cat - - 17 
 
 Moggridge's Almsgiving 21, 25 
 Moore's Life of Byron - 7 
 Moresby's New Guinea 10 
 Mossman's Japan - - 8 
 Motley's Histories - - 4 
 
 Barneveld - - 4, 6 
 
 Mounsey's Satsuma Rebel- 
 lion - . - - 8 
 Mozleys Predestination 15 
 Muirhead's Vau.x-de-Vire 23 
 Murchison's Siluria - 18 
 
 Memoirs - - 8 
 
 Music and Dress - - 25 
 Musters' Patagonians - 11 
 Napier's English Battles 5 
 Nasmyth's Life - - 8 
 Nautical Almanack - 24 
 Navy List - - - 24 
 New Testament - - 14 
 Newth's Works on Science 29 
 NichoUs, SirG., Poor Laws 21 
 Nicolas' Historic Peerage 5 
 Nile Gleanings (Stuart) 3, 9, 19 
 
 Nimrod - - - - 25 
 Nordhoff's Communistic 
 
 Societies - - - 11 
 
 Northcote's Note-Book . 5 
 
 Ornsby's Life of Hope- 
 Scott - - - - 6 
 Otter's Winters Abroad 10, 17 
 Owen's Modern Artillery 24 
 Oxenham's Latin Elegiacs 29 
 
 Paget's Crimea - - 24 
 
 Palgrave's Taxation - 21 
 
 Palliser's Monuments - 22 
 
 Parkyns' Abyssinia - 9 
 
 Peel's Memoirs - - 6 
 
 Percy's Metallurgy - 16 
 
 Perry's St. Hugh - - 6 
 
 Phillips' Literary Essays 22 
 Philosophy in Sport 16, 29 
 
 Pollock's Family Prayers 14 
 
 Pope's Works - - 23 
 
 Porter's Damascus - 10 
 
 Prayer-Book - - - 14 
 
 Privy Council Judgments 21 
 
 Puss in Boots - - - 29 
 
 Quarterly Review - 22 
 
 Rae's Barbary ■ ■ 9 
 
 White Sea - - 11 
 
 Rassam's Abyssinia - 9 
 Rawlinson's Herodotus 3 
 
 Ancient Monarchies 3 
 
 Russia in the East 10, 21 
 
 RedclifFe (Lord S. de), East- 
 ern Question - - 20 
 Reed's Shipbuilding,&c. 
 
 Japan 
 
 Rejected Addresses 
 Reynolds' Life 
 Ricardo's Works - 
 Robertson's Church His- 
 tory - 
 Robinson's Palestine 
 
 Physical Geography 
 
 Horticultural Works 
 
 Robson's School Archi- 
 tecture - - - 
 Rowland's Constitution 
 Laws of Nature 
 
 16 
 
 24 
 
 - 
 
 9 
 
 - 
 
 23 
 
 - 
 
 7 
 
 " 
 
 21 
 
 4> 
 
 14 
 
 10, 
 
 15 
 
 25 
 
 St. James' Lectures - 15 
 St. John's Wild Sports - 25 
 
 Libyan Desert - 9 
 
 Saldanha's Memoirs - 7 
 Sale's Affghan War - 3 
 Scepticism in Geology - 18 
 Schliemann's Troy and 
 
 Mycenas - - 9, 18 
 
 Schomberg's Odyssey - 23 
 School and Prize Books - 29 
 Scott's Architecture - 19 
 Scrutton's Copyright Laws 20 
 Seebohm's Siberia 10, 17 
 
 Selborne on the Liturgy 4 
 Shadows of Sick Room - 15 
 Simmons' Court-Martial 20 
 Smiles' Works, 17, 22, 25, 29, 
 
 &c. 
 
 Smith (G.) Indian Geog. 8 
 
 Smith (P.) Ancient History 3,4 
 
 Smith's (Dr. W.) Dictionaries 
 
 3, 4, 6, 7, II, 14, 26, Cozier 
 
 Ancient Atlas 11,30 
 
 Educational Course 3, 28 
 
 Smaller Histories 16, 26 
 
 Somerville's Life - - 8 
 Somerville's Works 16, 18 
 
 South's Surgery - 17, 25 
 
 Life - - - 8 
 
 Stanhope's Histories - 5 
 
 Pitt ... 6 
 
 Essays, &c. - - S, 22 
 
 Stanley's Sinai - - 10 
 
 Bible Histories in 
 
 Holy Land - - 10 
 
 Canterbury - - 4 
 
 Westminster Abbey 5 
 
 Sermons - - - 16 
 
 Arnold - - . 6 
 
 Corinthians - - 16 
 
 Christian Institutions 15 
 
 Memoir of 
 Stephens's Chrysostom 
 Stories for Children 
 
 3, 9, 19 
 
 4. 27 
 
 6 
 
 - IS 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 Street's Architectural Works 19 
 Stuart's Egypt, &c. 
 Student's Manuals 
 Sumner's Life . - 
 
 Swainson's Creeds 
 Swift's Life - - - 
 Sybel's French Revolution 
 Symonds' Records of the 
 Rocks - - - - 18 
 
 Temple's India, &c. - 8, 21 
 Thibaut's Musical Art 20 
 
 Thielmann's Caucasus - 10 
 Thomson's Sermons 15, 16 
 Thornhill's Indian Mutiny 5 
 Titian's Life and Times 7, 19 
 Tocqueville's France - 5 
 Tomlinson's Sonnet - 23 
 Tozer's Turkey & Greece 10 
 Tristram's Land of Moab 10 
 
 Great Sahara - - 9 
 
 Turkey, Lady's Life in - 10 
 Tylor's Primitive Culture 21 
 
 Hist, of Mankind - 21 
 
 Twining's Recreations - 21 
 
 Van Lennep's Asia Minor 9 
 
 Bible Lands - - 15 
 
 Vatican Council - - 16 
 Virchow's Freedom of 
 
 Science - - - 17 
 
 Wage's Lectures - 14 
 
 Weigall's Princess Char- 
 lotte - - - - 6 
 Wellington's Despatches 5, 24 
 Westcott's St. John - 15 
 Wharton's Naval Suirey- 
 
 ing, - - - 16, 24 
 White's Naval Architec- 
 ture - - - - 24 
 Whymper's Matterhorn - 11 
 Wilberforce's Life - - 6 
 Wilkinson's Egyptians - 3 
 
 Sunny Lands - - 11 
 
 Williams' Religions of 
 
 India - - - - 15 
 Wilson's Life and Diary 7 
 
 (Dr. John), Life of 6 
 
 Wilson's Michel Angelo - 7, 19 
 Wood's Oxus - - - 9 
 Words of Human Wisdom 22 
 Wordsworth's Greece 3, 11, 18 
 
 Young's Nyassa - - 9 
 Yule's Marco Polo - - 8 
 (A. F.), Crete - - 21
 
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