}l .^ A .*> a 6^^ ^ STORY OF TH£N ATI 0Nl^^?7Tr=7^

.>t?t::

CDc ^torp of tbc jSations.

SICILY

THE STORY OF THE NATIONS.

Large Crown 8vo, Cloth, 'Ilhistra/cd, 5s.

The Volumes are also kepi in the follozuing Special Bindings .

Half Persian, cloth sides, gilt top ; Full calf, half extra,

marbled edges ; Tree calf, gilt edges, gold roll

inside, full gilt hack.

ROME. By Arthur Oilman,

M.A.
THE JEWS. By Prof. J. K.

HilsMKR.

GERMANY. By Rev. S.

Baking-Gould, M.A.
CARTHAGE. By Prof. Alfred

J. Chukch.
ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE.

By Prof. J. P. Mahaffy.
THE MOORS IN SPAIN. By

Stanley Lank Poolk.
ANCIENT EGYPT. By Prof.

(ll'.OK-liE RaWLINSON.

HUNGARY. By Prof. Armi-

Nius Vamhekv.
THE SARACENS. By Arthur

Oilman, M.A.
IRELAND. By the Hon. Emily

Lawless.
CHALDEA. By Z^naide A,

KaG(j/.in.
THE GOTHS. By Henry

I'.KAUI.EY.

By Z^NAIDE A.

ASSYRIA.

Racd/.in.
TURKEY.

Poole.
HOLLAND.

■Jll.iKoi.i) R
MEDI.ffiVAL FRANCE.

Oustave Masson.

By Stanley Lane-

By Prof. J. E.

,i-:]<s.

17. PERSIA. By S. G. W. Ben

J.^MIN.

18. PHOENICIA. By Prof. Geo

Rawlinson.

19. MEDIA. By Z^naide A

Ragozin.

20. THE HANSA TOWNS

Helen Zimmern.

21. EARLY BRITAIN. By Prof

Alfred J. Church.

22. THE BARBARY CORSAIRS

By Stanley Lane-Poole.

23. RUSSIA. By W. R. Mor

FILL, M.A.

24. THE JEWS UNDER THE

ROMANS. By W. Douglas

Morrison.

25. SCOTLAND. By John Mac

KINTOMl, LL.I).

26. SWITZERLAND. By Mrs.

LiNA Lug and R. Stead.

27. MEXICO. By Susan Hale.

28. PORTUGAL. By H. Morse

S TEI'HICNS.

29. THE NORMANS. By Sarah

Orne Jewett.

30. THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE.

By C. W. C. Oman.

31. SICILY : Phoenician, Greek,

and Roman. By the late
Prof. E. A. Freeman.

London : T. FISHER UNWIN, Paternoster Square, E.G.

SICILY

PHOENICIAN, GREEK, & ROMAN

EDWARD A. FREEMAN, M.A., Hon. d.c.l., ll.d.

REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN HISTORY, OXFORD, FELLOW OF ORIEL
COLLEGE, HONORARY FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD

T . FISHER U X W I N

PATERNOSTER SQUARE
NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS

MDCCCXCII

Entered at Stationers' Hall
By T. FISHER UNWIN.

PREFACE.

In undertaking "to contribute a short History of
Sicily to the series called The Story of the Nations,"
Mr. Freeman says, in the Preface to his greater work
on the same subject, that he did so " on the express
ground that Sicily never was the home of any nation,
but rather the meeting-place of many." The original
suggestion had been that he should write a volume
on Norman Sicily. But in view of the necessity of
first introducing his readers to the earlier stages of
Sicilian history, this suggestion finally ripened into
the proposal to write the whole story of Sicily, from
the earliest days of the Greek colonisation to the
time of Frederick the Second.

The idea grew. It had for many years been a
favourite saying of Mr. Freeman that " in order to
write a small history you must first write a large one."

vlii PREFACE.

In this way the "Little History of Sicily" gave
birth to the larger one, of which three volumes, reach-
ing down to the time of the Athenian siege and the
tyranny of Dionysios, have already been issued by
the Clarendon Press. Besides this, there exist
materials for a continuation of the larger history
down to the period of the Roman Conquest and for
a later volume on Norman Sicily. But, unhappily
for his readers, he has not been spared to bring the
work-, cither fn its greater or lesser form, to com-
pletion.

With the exception of the headings from p. 297
onwards and the Index, which has been drawn up as
far as possible on the lines of those made by the
author himself for his greater work, the whole of the
sheets had been passed for press by Mr. Freeman
before he left England on his last journey — a journey
to Spain, undertaken with a special view to the better
understanding of the later parts of his great work.
The present volume goes down to the end of the
Roman dominion, and the last part of the book,
which deals with Sicily as a Roman Proxiiice, covers
a period which, in contradistinction to his usual
practice, he had not yet written in the larger form.
It had been his intention to add to the present a
second volume, i)L'ginning with the coming of the
.Saracens, and which slKnild, according to the hoi)es

PREFACE.

expressed in his greater work, have been at any rate

carried on " till the Wonder of the World is laid in

his tomb at Palermo," or, it may be, carried on yet

further to the time when the "island story " should

be merged in that of the new Italian Kingdom.

But it was not so to be. The "life and strength"

that he had hoped for failed him before their time,

and, in the language of the Psalmist, whose words

were ever on his lips and in his writings, his

strength was brought down in his journey, his days

were shortened. He died at Alicante on March i6,

1892.

A. J. E. AND M. E.

CONTENTS.

Preface

PAGE

vii

Characteristics of Sicilian History , . 1-7

Geographical position of Sicily — Strife of East and West —
Summary of the History.

II.

Sicily and its Inhabitants .... 8-28

Colonies in Sicily — Nature of Colonies — The older inhabitants
— Phoenician and Greek Settlers — Shape of Sicily — Nature
of the land — The Hill-towns — The Phoenicians — Phoenician
Colonies in Sicily — Panormos, Molya, and Eryx.

HI.
The Legends 29-38

Herakles — The Nether Gods — The Palici and the Goddesses
— Arethousa.

IV.
The Greek Settlements in Sicily

39-56

Foundation of Naxos — Foundation of Syracuse — Foundation
of Leontinoi and Katane — Foundation of Megara — Foundation
of Zankle and Gela — Kamarina, Ilimera, and Selinous —
Foundation of Akragas— Foundation of Lipara.

XII CONTENTS.

The First Age of the Greek Cities . . 57-75

The Syracuse Gamoroi — Tyranny — Phalaris of Akragas —
Expedition of Dorieus — The Samians at Zankle — Wars of
Hippokrates — Gelon at Syracuse — War in Western Sicily.

VI.

The First Wars with Carthage and Etruria 76-86

Persia and Carthage — Invasions of Sicily and Old Greece —
Battle of Himera — Death of Gelon — Reign of Hieron.

VII.

The Greeks of Sicily Free and Independent 87-103

Fall of tyranny at Akragas— All the cities free — Wealth of
Akragas — Politics of Syracuse — Rise of Ducetius — Foundation
of Kale Akte — Great preparations of Syracuse.

VIII.

The Share of Sicily in the Wars of Old
Greece ....... 104-139

Sparta and Athens — Sikeliot appeal to Athens — Hermokrates
at Gela — New W'ar at Leontinoi — Appeal of Segesta to
Athens — Hermokrates and Athenagoras — Recall of Alki-
biades — Battle before Syracuse — Alkibiades at Sparta — The
Athenians on the hill— Coming of Gylippos — Second Expedi-
tion voted — Coming of Demosthenes and Eurymedon— Eclipse
of the moon — Last battle and retreat — End of the Athenian
invasion— Banishment of Hermokrates.

IX.

The Second Carthaginian Invasion . . 140-155

Expedition of Hannibal — Siege and taking of Selinous—
Hannibal's Sacrifice — Death of Hermokrates — Siege of
Akragas — Beginnings of Dionysios— Siege and forsaking of
Gela — Treaty with Carthage.

CONTENTS. XIU

PAGE

The Tyranny of Dionysios .... 156-196

The tyranny of Dionysios — Revolt against Dionysios — Con-
quests of Dionysios — Fortification of Epipolai — Dionysios'
double marriage — Siege of Motya — Foundation of Lilybaion —
Sea-fight off Katane — Carthaginian Siege of Syracuse — Defeat
of the Carthaginians — Settlements of Dionysios — His defeat
at Tauromenioiv^Wars in Italy — Destruction of towns in
Italy — Taking of Rhegion — Dionysios in the Hadriatic — War
with Carthage — Death of Dionysios.

The Deliverers ...... 197-232

Dionysios and his Son — Dionysios the Younger — Coming of
Dion — Dion delivers Syracuse — Dion and Dionysios — Dion
deprived of the Generalship — Return of Dion — Recovery of
the Island — End of Dion — Timoleon in Sicily — Recovery of
the Island — New Settlement of Sicily — ^War with Carthage —
Battle of the Krimisos — Last days of Timoleon — Archidamos
and Alexander.

XIL

The Tyranny of Agathokles . . . 233-260

His early life — His rise to power — His conquests — Battle of
the Himeras — He lands in Africa— Ilis African campaign —
Murder of Ophelias — Agathokles king — End of the African ex-
pedition— Agathokles and Deinokrates — Death of Agathokles.

XIII.

The Coming

Pyrrhos and

the

Rise of

HiERON

261

-275

Various tyrants — Pyrrhos of Epeiros — Hellas, Carthage, and
Rome — Conquests of Pyrrhos — He leaves Sicily — Exploits of
Hieron — Hieron king.

XIV CONTENTS.

PAGE

XIV.
The War for Sicily 276-291

The Mamertines — Hieron's alliance with Rome — Taking of
Akragas — Roman taking of Panormos — Defence of Panormos
— Hamilkar Barak — Battle of Aigousa— Carthage gives up
Sicily.

XV.
The End of Sicilian Independence . . 292-318

Roman power in Sicily — The Ilannibalian War — Death of
Hieronymos — Slaughter of Hieron's descendants — Taking of
Leontinoi — Roman siege of Syracuse — Massacre at Henna —
Epipolai in Roman hands — Punic force destroyed by pestilence
— Taking of Syracuse — Exploits of Mutines — Outcry against
Marcellus — Sicily an outpost of Europe.

XVI.

Sicily a Roman Province .... 319-354

Relations of cities to Rome — The Roman peace — First Slave
War— Second Slave War — End of the Slave War — Proetorship
of Verres — Death of Ca;sar foretold — Peace of Misenum — War
between Csesar and Sextus — Caesar master of Sicily — Third
Slave War — Growth of Christian legends — Beginning of
Teutonic invasions — Rule of Theodoric — Gothic War of Jus-
tinian — Connexion with East-Roman Empire — Constantine
the Fifth.

Index ......... 355

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE THEATRE, SYRACUSE . . . Frontispiece

OLYMPIEION, SYRACUSE 44

HERAKLES AND THE KERKOPES (eARLY SCULPTURE

FROM SELINOUS) 52

AKRAGAS, FROM THE OLYMPIEION .... 54

COIN OF SYRACUSE, TIME OF THE GAMOROI . . 60

TEMPLE OF ATh£;NE, SYRACUSE . . . . 6 1

COIN OF HIMERA, EARLY . , . , , 64

COIN OF ZANKL^;, SIXTH CENTURY ... 68

COIN OF NAXOS, C. 500 B.C. .... 68

COIN OF KAMARINA. EARLY . . . . 7 1

COIN OF SELINOUS. EARLY 75

DAMARATEION 82

COIN OF GELA. C. 480 B.C 85

COIN OF SELINOUS. C. 440 B.C. .... 85

TEMPLE AT AKRAGAS ...... 88

AKTAION AND HIS HOUNDS 97

COIN OF PANORMOS. C. 420 B.C. . . . .102

COIN OF MESSANA. C. 420 B.C. .... I02
COIN OF SEGESTA. C. 415 B.C. . . . .112

MAP OF SYRACUSE DURING THE ATHENIAN SIEGE . 122

XVI

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

COIN OF AKRAGAS. C. 415 B.C

SYRACUSAN PENT^IKONTALITRON (PRIZE ARMS OF

ASSINARIAN GAMES) ....

SYRACUSAN STONE QUARRIES

COIN OF HIMERA. C. 43O B.C.

COIN OF KATAn£. C. 410 B.C.

COIN OF SYRACUSE. C. 409 B.C. HEAD OF ARETHUSA

MAP OF AKRAGAS .

PASSAGE IN THE CASTLE OF EURYALOS .

SYRACUSE UNDER DIONYSIOS ....

APPARENT ARCH IN THE WALL OF ERYX

COIN OF MOTYA. C. 400 B.C.

MAP OF MOTYA AND ERYX ....

PHOENICIAN CAPITAL FROM LILYBAION .
TAUROMENION ......

COIN OF SYRACUSE. DION's TIME

COIN OF SYRACUSE. TIMOLEON's TIME. ZEUS

ELEUTHERIOS .....

TEMPLE OF SEGESTA .....

COIN OF AGATHOKLES, WITH NAME OF SYRACUSE

ONLY. 317 TO r. 310 B.C.
COIN OF AGATHOKLES, WITH NAME ONLY. C 3IO-

306 B.C.

COIN OF AGATHOKLES, WITH ROYAL TITLE. C 306-

289 B.C. ......

COIN OF MAMERTINI AT MESSANA. f. 282 B.C.

COIN OF HIKETAS. 287-278 B.C. .

COIN OF HIERON II. 275-216 B.C.

COIN OF QUEEN PHILISTIS C. 2 7 5-2 1 6 B.C. .

PRETENDED TOMB OF THER6n AT AGRIGENTUM

PAGE
126

LIPARA ISLANDS

Strongi^liCQ

PhoMliouiaa

STORY OF SICILY.

CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY.

The claim of the history of Sicily to a place in the
Story of the Nations is not that there ever has been
a Sicilian nation. There has very seldom been a time
when there was a power ruling over all Sicily and
over nothing out of Sicily. There has never been a
time when there was one language spoken by all men
in Sicily and by no men out of Sicily. All the
powers, all the nations, that have dwelled round the
Mediterranean Sea have had a part in Sicilian histor}'-.
All the languages that have been spoken round the
Mediterranean Sea have been, at one time or another,
spoken in Sicily. The historical importance of Sicily
comes, not from its being the seat of any one nation,
but from its being the meeting-place and the battle-
field of many nations. ]\Iany of the chief nations of
the world have settled in Sicily and have held dominion
in Sicil)-. They have wrought on Sicilian soil, not
only the history of Sicily, but a great part of their
own history. And, above all, Sicily has been the

2 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY.

meeting-place and battle-field, not only of rival nations
and languages, but of rival religious creeds.

It follows from this that, while the history of Sicily
has had a great effect on the general history of the
world, it is still, in a certain sense, a secondary history.
For some centuries past, and also in some earlier times,
this has been true in the sense that Sicily has been
part of the dominion of some other power ruling out
of Sicily. But Sicily has not always been in this way
a dependent land. In one age it contained the greatest
and most powerful city in Europe. In another age
it was the seat of the most flourishing kingdom in
Europe. Yet its history has always been a secondary
history, a history whose chief importance comes from
its relations to things out of Sicil\'. The greatest
powers and nations of the worlci have in several ages
fought in Sicily and for Sicily. Their Sicilian warfare
determined their history elsewhere.

In this way the history of Sicily is one of the
longest and most unbroken histories in Europe. It
does not belong, wholly or chiefly, either to what is
called " ancient " or to what is called " modern "
history. Of its two most brilliant periods, one belongs
to what is commonly called "ancient," the other to
what is commonly called " modern." And nowhere
is it more hopeless to try to keep the two asunder ;
nowhere is the history so imperfect if we try to look
at one period only. For the history of Sicily is before
all things a history of cycles. The later story is the
earlier story coming over again. That is to sa}', like
causes have been at work in \ery distant times, and
they have led to like results.

GEOGRAPHICAL POSITION OF SICILY. 3

Now all these characteristics of Sicilian history-
come from the geographical position and the geo-
graphical character of the land. Sicily is an island.
It is a great island, an island which, in the da)'s when
cities were powers, could contain many independent
powers. And above all, it is a central island. It lies
in the very middle of the great inland sea which parts
and unites Europe, Asia, and Africa. That is to say,
as long as the civilized world consisted only of the
lands round the Mediterranean Sea, Sicily was the
very centre of the civilized world. Its position in-
vited settlement from every quarter, and its size
allowed settlement from many quarters at once.
Sicily therefore became the battle-field of many
nations and powers ; but it was so for many ages
without becoming the exclusive possession of any one.
And its position specially marked it out as the chosen
battle-field of one particular form of strife. Sicily
lies in the very middle of the Mediterranean. It forms
a breakwater between the Eastern and the Western
basins of that sea. We count it as part of Europe ;
but it comes nearer to Africa than any other part of
central Europe. As it is a breakwater between the
two seas, it is a bridge between the two continents.
The question was sure to come, Shall the great
central island belong to the East or to the West ?
Shall it be part of Africa or part of Europe?

On this last question the whole history of Sicily
turned as long as Sicily played a great part in
the history of the world. In the great strife between
East and West, and between the religions which had
been adopted in East and West, Sicily has at two

4 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY.

periods of the world's history p]a)'ed a foremost
part. The land has been twice fought for by Aryan
and Semitic men, speaking Aryan and Semitic
tongues, and professing and fighting for their several
religions. In both cases the geographical relations of
the struggle have been strangely turned about. In
the strife between East and West, the East has be-
come West, and the West East. That is to say, in
the strife for Sicily, the Eastern side has been both
times represented by men who have attacked Sicily
from the West. Its enemies have been, not men
coming straight from Asia, but men of Asia who had
settled in Africa. In each case the representatives of
the West (fighting from the East), have been men
speaking the Greek tongue, and the representatives of
the East (attacking from the West) have been men
speaking a Semitic tongue. That is, they were first
the Phoenicians, then the Saracens. In each case the
strife has been made keener by difference of religion.
In the first case it was the difference between two
forms of heathendom, between the two very different
creeds of Greece and I'hofnicia, In the second case
it was the keenest difference of all, the keenest be-
cause the two religions have so much in common,
the strife between the two great forms of monotheism,
Christianity and Islam. In both cases the strife has
been waged in Sicily and for Sicih' ; in both cases the
prize has in the end passed to the power which was at
the time strongest in the neighbouring land of Southern
Italy. That is, Sicily passed to the Romans in the
first strife, to the Nm-inans in the second. This
fo'-ms the great cycle of .Sicilian histor)' ; the main

STRIFE OF EAST AND WEST. 5

events of the earlier time seem to be acted over again
in the latter.

This is the great characteristic of Sicilian history,
but it is not quite peculiar to Sicily. The same kind
of cycle, the same waging of the great strife of East
and West at different times and by different actors, is
to be found in the history of Cyprus and of Spain as
well as in that of Sicily. But C)prus is much smaller
than Sicily; it lies in a corner of the Mediterranean,
its revolutions did not affect the general history of
the world in the same way as those of Sicily which
lies in the middle. Spain is geographically much
greater than Sicily ; but Spain lies at what in early
times was the end of the world, and the historical
importance of Spain came much later, as it lasted
much longer, than that of Sicily. Sicily, as the cen-
tral land, was the truest centre of the strife. It is on
its central position that the whole history of Sicily
turns. As long as the lands round the Mediterranean
were the whole of the European world, the strife for
Sicily, the central land of them all, had an importance
which none could surpass. So it was in the former
time of strife, the strife between the pagan Greek and
the Phoenician. By the second time of strife, the strife
between the Christian Greek or Roman — we may call
him either — and the Saracen, the boundaries of the
European world had been enlarged. Sicily was no
longer the centre of the world, and its fortunes,
though still of great moment, arc of less moment than
before. In later times again, when the European
world has spread over all parts of the earth, when the
Ocean has become the central sea instead of the

6 CHARACTERISTICS OF SICILIAN HISTORY.

Mediterranean, Sicily has altogether lost its central
position and its importance. For some centuries
Sicily has held only a secondary place in Europe, and
it has commonly been dependent on some other
power.

We may therefore sum up the history of Sicily in
a very few words. It is the central land of the
Mediterranean sea ; it was the central land of
Europe, as long as Europe meant only the lands on
the Mediterranean sea. As such it became the
battle-field of nations and creeds, the prize for
Europe and Africa to struggle for. The first time
of strife was between Greeks and Phcenicians,
between representatives of West and East, between
men of Europe and men of Asia transplanted to
Africa. The end of this strife was the victory of
Europe, but in the shape of the incorporation of
Sicily into the dominion of Rome. Of that dominion
Sicily remained a part for many ages, till the second
time of strife came, the strife which was waged with the
Saracen by men whom we may call either Greek-
speaking Romans or Greeks under the allegiance of
the Eastern Rome. The end was the establishment
of the Norman kingdom of Sicily, which was for a
short time the most flourishing state in Europe.
After a while Sicily lost its central position and
with it its special character as the meeting-place of
the nations. Ikit its history as such had kept it
back from that form, of greatness which consists in
being the chief seat of some single nation. There
has been no Sicilian nation. The later history of

SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY. 7

Sicily has thus lost its distinguishing character. It
has become an ordinary part, and commonly a sub-
ordinate part, of the general history of Europe, and
specially of that of Ital)-.

In this way Sicilian history begins when the great
colonizing nations of antiquity, the Phoenicians and the
Greeks, began to settle in Sicih'. Our first business
therefore is to see what manner of people the
Phcenicians and the Greeks were at the time of their
first settlements, what manner of land Sicily was, and
what earlier inhabitants the new settlers found in it.
Then we shall go on with the history of the t\\ o
colonizing nations in Sicily. In so doing we shall
have to say again many things that have already been
said in other parts of the Story of the Nations.
Indeed the most part of the Story of Sicily must
have been told already. But it has been told, as far
as Sicily is concerned, piecemeal. Things have been
told, not in their relation to Sicily, but in their
relations to some other land or power. Here they
will be told as parts of a connected Sicilian story,
a story of which Sicily is the centre, and in which
other lands and nations find their place only in their
relations to Sicilian affairs.

II.

SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

[It may be needful to explain that, during the present chapter and
for some time after it, we have no contemporary, or even continuous,
narrative to follow. In the very earliest times of course there could be
none. The nearest approach to a narrative is the description of Sicily
and its native inhabitants and of the Greek settlements there which
Thucydides gives at the beginning of his sixth book. For the rest we
have to put our story together from all manner of Greek sources. We
have incidental notices of Sicily and the nation of Sicily in a crowd of
Greek writers from the Odyssey onwards. Much is learned more
directly from later Greek writers, as the geographer Strabo and the
Sicilian historian Diodoros of Agyrium. If his work were perfect, we
should have a continuous, though not a contemporary, Sicilian history.
Something too may be got from Dionysios of lialikarnassos, the
historian of Rome. All these preserve to us valuable notices from
earlier writers, especially from the Sicilian historians Antiochos and
Philistos. But they too were not contemporary. Of Phoenician
authorities we unluckily have none. Among modern writers Adolf
Holm has got together pretiy well every scrap that can be found in
his Gesihichte Sicilieiis.']

We spoke in our first chapter of the wa)' in which
the geographical position of the island of Sicih', as the
central island of the Mediterranean sea, allowed, and
almost compelled it, to play the particular part in
history which it did ])la}-. We have now to sec how
the history of the land was affected b)- its geographical

COLONIES IN SICILY. g

cliaracter as well as by its geographical position. We
must remember the general state of the world at the
time when, first the Phoenicians and then the Greeks,
began to plant colonies in Sicily and other lands. To
such European nations as have already come, however
dimly, into sight, the lands round the Mediterranean
were the whole world, and the inland sea itself was
what the Ocean is now. Europe contained no great
kingdoms, like Asia ; the more advanced a people was,
the greater was its political disunion. The indepen-
dent city was the accepted political unit. In Greece
above all, the nature of the land, the islands, the penin-
sulas, the strongly marked inland valleys, fostered the
separate being of each city in its fullest development.
Every city cither was independent or thought itself
wronged if it was not so. It was only in the more
backward parts of Greece that towns or districts in
the early days grouped themselves into leagues. In
Ital}'the growth of such leagues was the most marked
feature. Outside Greece and Italy the other European
nations had hardly got beyond the system of tribes,
as distinguished alike from independent cities and
from great kingdoms. Among the Asiatic nations the
Phoenicians alone had at all fully developed the same
kind of political system as the Greeks. With them
too the independent city was the rule. They alone
among barbarians knew anj-thing of the higher
political life. They were the onh' worth}' rivals of
Greece.

Now, as the world stood then, it was only nations
like the Phoenicians and Greeks, whose political
.system was one of independent cities, that could in

10 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

the Strict sense plant colonies. We must distinguish
colonies, as we now understand the word, from
national migrations. In an early state of things
nothing is more common than for a whole people, or
a large part of a people, to leave their own land for
some other. Their old land is left empty or much
less thickly inhabited, and very often some other
people steps in and takes possession of it. Both
Greeks and Phoenicians and the other ancient nations
of Europe and Asia must have come into their lands
in this way. And the same thing went on again
when the settlement of the present nations of Europe
began, at what is commonly spoken of as the
Wandering of the Nations. Then, for instance, the
English settled in part of the isle of Britain, and
gave it its name of England. The older England
on the mainland of Europe was forsaken. So again
in Greece, ever since the Greeks had settled there,
there had been many movements of different divi-
sions of the Greek nation, Dorians, lonians, Achaians,
changing their dwellings from one part of Greece to
another, or going across into Asia. Real planting of
colonies, as we understand the word, is something
(juite different from this. It is not the movement of
a whole people or of so large a part of a people as to
leave the old land at all forsaken or weakened. Part
of the inhabitants of an established kingdom or city
go forth to seek new homes in a new land ; but the
kingdom or city which they left still lives on. The
two become what the Greeks called vietropalis or
mother-city and colony. And the Phoenician and
Greek colonies, founded from cities, arose as indepen-

NATURE OF COLONIES. II

dent cities from the beginning. Tlie colony owed
the metropolis honour and reverence, and colony and
metropolis were ready to help one another in time of
need. But, as a rule, a Phoenician or Greek colon)'
was not politically subject to the metropolis which
planted it. In later times colonies have been founded
from kingdoms, and it has been held that a subject
of a king, wherever he went, could not throw off his
allegiance to his sovereign. Colonies have therefore
been held to be part of the dominions of the king of
the mother-country. They have from the beginning
been dependent instead of independent ; and when
they have grown strong, the)- have often had to win
independence by force of arms.

Now Sicily was in the early days of Europe one
of the greatest of colonial lands. It was a chief seat
for the planting of colonies, first from Phoenicia and
then from Greece. It is the presence of these
Phcjenician and Greek colonies which made the
history of Sicily what it was. These settlements
were of course made more or less at the expense of
the oldest inhabitants of the island, those who were
there before the Phoenicians and Greeks came to
settle. These oldest inhabitants were of three nations.
Of these the names of two are so much alike that one
is tempted to think that they must be different forms
of the same name. And yet all ancient writers speak
of them as wholly distinct nations. These are the
Sikans {Sicani, ^iKavol) and the Sikels {Siciili,
'SiiKeXoi,), each of which in turn was said to have given
its name to the island. It was first Sikania {^iKaviT],
^LKavia), then Sikclia or Sicily {Sicilia, ^iKekia),

12 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

The Sikans claimed to be aiitochthoncs, sprung
from the earth ; that is, they were the earliest in-
habitants of the land of whom anything was
known. But the Greeks believed them to have
come from Spain, and it is most likely that they
belonged to that wide-spread non -Aryan race of
southern Europe of which the Basques are now
the survival. Nothing is known of the Sikan lan-
guage, except so far as it is likely to survive in the
names of places.

The Sikans no doubt came into the island by a
progress of national migration, though in an un-
recorded time. The other people whose name is so
like theirs, the Sikels, certainly did so, and their
settlement in the island is all but historical. Their
tradition was that they had come into the island from
Ital)' three hundred years before Greek settlement in
it began, that is in the eleventh century B.C. And in a
general way this belief seems quite trustworthy, though
of course we cannot commit ourselves to exact dates.
Of the Sikcl language we know a good many words,
and nearly all of them are closely akin to Latin. We
may in short look upon the Sikel as an undeveloped
Latin people. The Latins in Italy were able to
develop a polity and a national life of their own ;
the Sikels could not do ihis, because at an early
stage of their being they came across nations more
advanced than themselves. In the fifth century B.C.
there were still, as Thucydidcs witnesses, some Sikels
left in Italy ; but the great mass of the nation must
have crossed into the great island. They came
nearer than any other peo[)le to being the real folk of

THE OLDER INHABITANTS. I3

the land, and they gave the land iis abiding name.
The Sikans indeed appear in history as httle more
than a survival. They seem to have been driven
into the western part of the island b}- the advance
of the Sikels. And there they came under the
dominion and influence both of Phoenicians and
Greeks. Still they kept some towns, chiefly inland,
and we hear of them as a distinct people as late as
the fourth century B.C. The Sikels, on the other
hand, play a great part in the history of the land to
which they gave their name. But their story is
mainly a record of the way in which they gradually
became practically Greek, On the east coast they
came for the most part under the dominion of the
Greek settlers ; but on the north coast and in the
inland parts thc\- kept many independent towns.
These gradually came under Greek influence ; they
adopted Greek waj-s and spoke the Greek language,
till in the Roman times they were reckoned as
Greeks.

Besides Sikans and Sikels, there was a third people
in the island, of whom we hear a good deal, but of
whom we really know less than of either of the other
two. These were the Elymians, who held the two
towns of Segesta and Eryx in the north-west part
of Sicily. They professed, like the Romans and
some others, to be descended from the Trojans.
This kind of claim always means that the people
making it were an ancient settlement, but that they
could not certainly connect themselves \\ith any
known city or land. In history the Elymians appear
as so completely brought under Phcenician and

14 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

Greek influences that we cannot at all say wliat they
originally were. We know nothing of their language.
Their name is very like that of several other lands
both in Europe and Asia ; but it is always dangerous
to make guesses because of mere likenesses of name.
They are most famous because of their great temple
on Mount Eryx, dedicated to a goddess in whom the
Phoenicians saw their own Ashtorcth, the Greeks
their own Aphrodite, and the Latins their own Venus.
It was in the land occupied by these nations, and
largely at their expense, that, first the Phoenician and
then the Greek colonists settled themselves. Both
nations had already planted colonies elsewhere. The
Phoenicians had settled in the Greek islands from
which they had been driven by the Greeks, and also
in Africa and Spain. The Greeks had settled in the
islands and in Asia. But Sicily was a land in some
things different from any of the other lands in which
they settled. In Greece itself, and still more in the
Greek islands, and afterwards in southern Italy, it
was easy to occupy the whole land from sea to sea.
On the other hand, most of the Greek colonies on the
mainland, whether of Europe, Asia, or Africa, were
settlements on the sea, holding a mere strip of coast
with a barbarian background behind them. And
whenever powerful kingdoms, like those of the
Lydians and the Persians in Asia, grew up in that
barbarian background, the independence of the Greek
cities on the coast was threatened and sometimes
destroyed. Among the Greek islands again some,
as Crete and luiboia, were large enough to con-
tain several independent cities ; but none were of

PHCEXICIAN AND GREEK SETTLERS. 1$

a size and geographical character to allow of any
large inland region really far away from the sea.
The Phoenicians also were used to much the same
state of things. Their own land in Asia was a mere
strip of coast between the sea and the mountains,
studded with their famous cities, Sidon, Tyre, and
others. And their colonies in Africa and Spain were
of the same kind. They held the coast, but did not
spread far inland.

In Sicily the Phoenician and Greek settlers found
themselves under geographical conditions different
from any of these. Sicily was an island ; it was,
according to the ideas of those times, a very large
island. It approached to the nature of a continent.
It was not only large enough to contain many cities ;
it was large enough to have its coast studded with
sea-faring cities, and at the same time to leave a large
inland region really away from the sea. Its shape,
nearly triangular, is singularly compact ; and it
allows the greatest amount of coast to the greatest
amount of inland country. In Sicily therefore a
state of things followed unlike anything to be seen
elsewhere. Phoenician and Greek settlers could
occupy the coasts, but only the coasts ; it was only
at the corners that they could at all spread from sea
to sea. A great inland region was necessarily left to
the older inhabitants. But there was no room in Sicily,
as there was in Asia, for the growth of great barbarian
powers dangerous to the settlers. Neither Phoenician
nor Greek was ever able to occupy or conquer the
whole island ; but neither people stood in any fear of
being conquered or driven out, unless by one another.

l6 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

But instead of conquest came influence. Both Phos-
nicians and Greeks largely influenced the native in-
habitants. In the end, without any general conquest,
the whole island became practically Greek.

We have said that the shape of Sicily is nearly
that of a triangle. The ancient writers fancied that
it was much more nearly a triangle than it is. It
was thought to be an acute-angled triangle with a
promontory at each of its angles, Peloris to the
north-east, Pachynos to the south-east, and Lilybaion
to the west. The real shape of Sicily is that of a
right-angled triangle, with the right angle to the
north-east ; the north-western angle is cut off, so as
to form a short fourth side to the west. And the
angles do not end in promontories. Lilybaion, now
Cape Boeo, is not a promontory at all ; it is the
most western point of Sicily, but it is not high ground,
and it is not an angle, but is in the middle of the
short western side, Peloris is now called Capo del Faro,
after the piiaros or light-house from which the strait
itself between Sicily and Italy has taken the name of
Faro. There are high hills not far off, but the actual
angle is very low ground. And the only way to make
a promontory of Pachynos is to make the island of
Passero the promontory, and that is not at the angle
but on the east side. But this notion of the triangle
and the three promontories took possession of men's
minds. When therefore they began to find sites for
all the stories in the Odyssey, the little island of
TlLyi)iakic spoken of there was ruled to be Sicily, and
its name was improved into Trinakyiit, to give in
Greek the meaning o{ three proiiioiitorics. After all,

SHAPE OF SICILY. 1 7

Sicily is really not far from being a triangle, and it is
its triangular shape which makes it so compact. The'
north side runs very nearly east and west, the east
side very nearly north and south ; the longest side is
the south-western. All three are much more nearly
straight than most coasts ; they are specially so as
compared with the coasts of Greece. Compared
with them, the Sicilian coasts are very little cut up
with any large or deep inlets of the sea. But there
are a good many smaller inlets which make excel-
lent harbours, as above all at Syracuse, and also at
Panormos or Palermo. Nor is the coast of Sicily
surrounded by islands in the same way as the
coast of Greece. There are a few very small ones
near the coast, and there arc two groups of some
importance. The isles of Aigousa or the yEgates off
the north-west corner are bold mountains in the sea.
And to the north-east, between Sicily and Italy, are
the volcanic isles of Lipara, the isles of Aiolos or of
Hephaistos, which connect the volcanic regions of
yEtna and of Vesuvius. The islands between Sicily
and Africa, Melita (Malta), Gaulos (Gozo), and
Kossoura (Pantellaria \ are too far from Sicily to have
had any continuous share in Sicilian history, though
Melita is of importance at times.

Sicily is a very mountainous land, and even where
there are no high mountains, it is full of hills and
valleys. There are no large plains ; that of Lcntini
or Catania on the east side is the chief On the
north side and part of the east, the mountains come
near to the sea, sometimes quite close, forming very
grand coast scenery. In the other parts the moun-

l8 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

tains keep much further inland, and the coast is
mainly low, though at a few points on the south side
the hills come down to make promontories. The
great mountain of all is of course /Etna, the greatest
volcano of Europe. It rises more than ten thousand
feet above the sea, and it is so near to the sea that its
whole height is seen. Yet its base is so vast and the
slope so gradual that it needs the snow near the top
to show how high it is. None of the other heights
of Sicily come at all near it. The loftiest are to the
north. The most striking after /Etna, though by no
means the highest (for its height is not much more than
two thousand feet), is Eryx (Monte San Giuliano) at
the north-west corner. It comes nearer to the nature
of a promontory at an angle than any of the supposed
three. So hilly a land is naturally full of springs and
streams, but there is no room for great rivers. There
is no such thing in Sicily as a navigable river or an
inland haven. The greatest river system is that of
the Symaithos (or Giarretta) on the eastern side,
where many streams, draining many valleys and the
great Leontine or Catanian plain, run into the sea by
a single mouth. Next in size is the Himeras or
Fiiime Salso on the south side. There is another
river on the north side (now F'utme Grande) of the same
name, and the two rise very near together, but the
southern one has a much longer course. The rivers
Halykos, Mazaros, Krimisos, and Orethos, are of
more importance as boundaries or from events that
happened near them than from their size. Many of the
streams of Sicily, specially on the north and north-
west sides, arc what arc called fuiuiarc ; that is, in

NATURE OF THE LAND. ig

winter they are torrents, rushing fiercely into the
sea, while in summer their beds are nearly dry.

Sicily has been always famous for its fruitfulness,
and not without reason. The few wide plains, the
lowlands between the mountains and the sea, and
many of the inland valleys, are wonderfully rich in
their growth. Even on hilly and stony ground rich
patches of corn will grow between the stones. Men
believed that wheat first grew in Sicily, as the gift of
the goddesses of the island, and in the plain of
Catania it was said to be still growing wild. How-
ever this may be, it is certain that no land has ever
received more vegetable gifts from other lands than
Sicily ; olives, vines, oranges, the American prickly
pear, all flourish. But the sugar-cane and the Egyptian
papyrus have vanished, or nearly so ; cotton is grown
only in a few places ; the palm grows, but its fruit
does not reach perfection. But while fruit-trees of all
kinds are abundant, there is a strange lack of what
we call forest-trees. There were plenty of them in
times past, but now there are very few. The hill-
sides are mostly quite treeless, and a valley which
looks thickly wooded has often nothing but olives,
almonds, and such like. Sicily was in old times
famous for its horses and its sheep ; the traveller is
now more struck with the asses, mules, and goats ;
but there are more sheep inland than there are near
the coasts. The seas abound in fish, specially the
great tunny. In all ages the richness of the land has
been dwelled upon with pride. As a Roman province,
Sicily was the chief granary of Rome, and before
and after, in the da}'s of the Greek cities and of

20 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

the Norman kings, it was the most flourishing land
in Europe.

Some of the present customs of Sicily seem to have
come down from the earliest times. The traveller
is struck by the general absence of villages and
country-houses ; the mass of the people live in towns,
and, except on the coast, the towns are mainly on the
hill-tops. This fashion, common to most nations at
an early stage, is spoken of as specially characteristic
of the Sikans ; it has gone on to this day, because the
country has at many times, and in modern times till
quite lately, been made unsafe by plunderers by land
or sea. Many of the hill-towns, both Sikan and
Sikel, are thus dwelled in to this day, and some of the
Sikel sites play a great part in Sicilian history. Such
specially are the inland towns of Agyrium (afterwards
San Filippo d'Argiro), and Ccnturipa (afterwards
Centorbi), both on high hills, and above all Henna,
the seat of the great goddesses of Sicily, of whom we
shall presently speak. This is now called Castro-
giovaniii ; but it has not really changed its name ; the
name has nothing to do with any John. The Sara-
cens corrupted Castriun Hciuuc into Casr-janni, and
that was misunderstood and translated into Castrum-
Johaiiiih. Ccphalojdium (now Ccfalu) is a wonder-
ful Sikel site on the north coast. The old town, with
some precious Sikel remains, stood on a high hill
overhanging the sea ; below arc Sikel walls, joining
in to the sea, almost like the Long Walls of Athens.
The Sikan sites are of less importance, but we shall
come across some of Ihcm, and the Elymians have left
us Er\'x and Scgcsta. Among these nations, who

THE HILL-TOWNS. 21

were in tlie island before recorded history begins,
came the settlers from the two great colonizing nations,
who, at this stage of their history, had come to build
their cities on the coast, not commonly on the high
hills, and never very far inland. We must first speak
of the Phoenicians and then of the Greeks.

The Phoenicians then, the foremost of barbarian
nations, the only real political rivals of the Greeks,
came into Sicily and other western lands from the
narrow strip of land at the east of the Mediterranean,
between Lebanon and the sea, where were their old and
famous cities of Sidon, Tyre, and Arvad. The name
by which we call them (Greek ^olvi^, Latin Pcrniis,
Piinicus) is not their own name, but one which
perhaps marked their land as the land of palm-trees.
They called themselves and their land Cluia or
Canaan. For of a truth they came from the Canaan
of the Old Testament ; they worshipped the gods of
Canaan, Baalim and Ashtaroth, with their foul and
bloody rites, burning their children in the fire.
Their tongue was the same as the Hebrew, and
a very little knowledge of Hebrew will explain
many Phoenician names. Thus the most famous of
all, Hannibal, \s the Grace of Baal, just as the Hebrew
HananiaJi is the Grace of Jehovah. Turn it round,
and it \^ Jcholiana)i, Johannes, our familiar JoJin. To
the Greeks the Phoenicians were of course barbarians,
a name given to all who did not speak Greek. It no
doubt implies a certain degree of contempt for those
who did not speak Greek ; but it proves nothing as to
the measure of civilization reached by the i)cople so

22 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

called, or even as to the degree of distance between
their tongue and the Greek. The Phoenicians were
the boldest sea-faring people in the world and the
most cunning traders. In this w^ay they spread them-
selves over a great part of the coast of the Mediter-
ranean, founding in some places mere factories,
in others actual colonies. They occupied many
points in the island of Cyprus and many of the
^gaean islands, and seemingly points on the Greek
coast itself At this early time, to which we can give
no exact date, they were far advanced in material
arts above the Greeks and all other Europeans ; but
they are said not to have been an inventive people,
but rather to have spread abroad the inventions of
others. Certain it is that the Greeks learned much
from them in the way of material culture ; and they
learned a much more precious gift, namely the
alphabet. All the various forms of written letters now
used in Europe have come in different wa}-s from the
letters which the Greeks first learned of the Phoeni-
cians. The name alpJiabct shows it ; it comes from
the first two Phoenician letters, alcpJi and bcth, in
Greek alpha and beta.

Yet, with all this, the Greek was a Greek and the
Phoenician was a barbarian. The superiority of the
Asiatic was in material inventions ; what the Greek
learned, he developed and improved as no barbarian
ever did. It is the art, the polity,the language, of Greece,
n(jt that of Phoenicia, which has influenced the world
for ever. In time the Phoenicians were glad to copy
Greek arts, to take back their own gifts in a shape in
which they could hardly have known them. But at

THE PHCENICIANS. 23

this early time the Phcenicians were the more advanced
people, above all in everything to do with trade and
a sea-faring life. While the Greeks hardly ventured
to stir beyond their own /Egzean and the islands just
off Western Greece, the Phoenicians sailed everywhere
in the Mediterranean, and even made their way into
the Ocean. And at least one Phoenician colony was
planted on the Ocean itself, outside what men
called the pillars of Herakles, the heights on each
side which seem to guard the entrance to the
Mediterranean. This was Gadeira or Gades, said
to be the oldest settlement of all. And so it well may
be ; for one great object of Phoenician trade was the
gold of Spain (Tharshish, Tartessos), then the land
of gold ; the nearer colonies were posts on the way.
Gades, hardly changing its name in the modern
Cadi::, though never a ruling city, has been a
flourishing haven of trade through all the ages till
now.

But the chief land of Phoenician settlement was
Africa, and that brings us round to our own Sicil}'.
Many Phoenician cities were planted in Africa, Hippo,
Utica, and others, and above all Carthage. But Car-
thage, which grew to be the greatest of all Phoenician
cities, was the youngest of the African settlements. Its
name (Kap-)(r)Scoi/, Kartaco, CartJiagd) means the New
City, like Greek Neapolis or English Neiuton. The first
syllable is the word for city, which we see in many
Old Testament names, as K irjath-]QQ.nva. But we have
nothing to do with Carthage as yet. Carthage at a later
time plays so great a part in Sicilian history that we
are tempted to bring it in before its time, and to

24 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

fancy that the PhcLMiician colonies in Sicily were, as
they arc sometimes carelessly called, Carthaginian
colonies. This is not so ; the Phcenician cities in
Sicily did in after times become Carthaginian
dependencies : but they were not founded by Carth-
age. We cannot fix an exact date for their founda-
tion, nor can we tell for certain how far they were
settled straight from the old Phcen.icia and how far
from the older Phoenician cities in Africa. But we
may be sure that their foundation happened between
the migration of the Sikels in the eleventh century
B.C. and the beginning of Greek settlement in the
eighth. And we may suspect that the Phoenician
settlements in the east of Sicily were planted straight
Irom Tyre and Sidon, and those in the west from the
cities in Africa. We know that all round Sicily the
Phoenicians occupied small islands and points of coast
which were fitted for their trade, but we may doubt
whether they anywhere in Eastern Sicily planted
real colonies, cities with a territory attached to them.
In the west they seem to have done so. For, when
the Greeks began to advance in Sicily, the Phoenicians
withdrew to their strong posts in the western part of
the island, Motya, Solous, and Panormos, There they
kept a firm hold till the time of Roman dominion.
The Greeks could never permanenti}' dislodge them
from their possessions in this part. Held, partly by
Pli(jenicians, parll)- by Sikans and El}'mians who had
been brought under Phoenician infiuence, the north-
western corner of Sicily remained a barbarian corner.
Of these three settlements wiiich the Phcenicians
kept in Western Sicily Motya has the shortest history.

'PH(]ENICiAN COLONIES IN SICILY. 25

It was the settlement nearest to Africa, planted on a
small island in a sheltered bay, a little to the north of
Lilybaion, the most western point of Sicily. There
was as yet no town of Lilybaion. But in the time
of Carthaginian dominion, in the fourth century B.C.
Motya was forsaken, and a very strong town arose
on Lilybaion, now the modern Marsala. IMotya has
never been rebuilt, but large remains of its Phcenician
walls may be seen.

The other two Phcenician towns are on the north
side of Sicil}', where the coast makes a bend so as to
form a bay looking to the cast. On the rocky hill
which forms the southern shore of this bay stood the
Phoenician town of Solous, Soluntum, Solunto, said
to be so called from Se/a, the rock, a name which
is found in the Old Testament. It was the most
important Phoenician outpost against the Sikels, and
afterwards against the Greeks, to the east. So its site
is not, like those of the other Phoenician towns, close
on the sea, but on the inland side of the hill, with the
sea at. its foot. The site is now forsaken ; there are
large remains of the town, but they date only from
Roman, not from Phoenician times.

But the greatest of all Phoenician settlements in
Sicily lay within the bay of which the hill of Solous
is one horn, but much nearer to the other horn, the
hill of Hcrkte, now Pellegrino. Here the mountains
fence in a wonderfully fruitful plain, known in alter
times as the Golden Shell (Conca d'oro). In the
middle of it there was a small inlet of the sea, parted
into two branches, Vvith a tongue of land between
them, guarded by a small peninsula at the mouth.

26 SICILY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

There could be no better site for Phoenician traders.
Here then rose a Phoenician city, which, though on
the north coast of Sicily, looks straight towards the
rising sun. It is strange that we do not know its
Phoenician name ; in Greek it was called Panovmos,
the All-haveii, a name borne also by other places.
This is the modern Palermo, which, under both
Phoenicians and Saracens, was the Semitic head of
Sicily, and which remained the capital of the island
under the Norman kings. The ground has been quite
changed. The two branches of the All-haven have
become dry land, and the modern port of Palermo
has moved away from the old city. This must be
borne in mind ; because the city which we shall have
to speak of down to the Norman times is still the old
Panormos planted on the fork of the two havens, quite
unlike the Palermo that now is.

Thus in Sicily the East became West and the West
East. The men of Asia withdrew before the men of
Europe to the west of the island, and thence warred
against the men of Europe to the east of them. In
the great central island of Europe they held their
own barbarian corner. It was the land of Phoenicians,
Sikans, and Elymians, as opposed to the eastern land
of the Greeks and their Sikel subjects and pupils.
We must remember also that the Phoenicians were
settled in Africa and Spain, and that they gradually
occupied the islands, great and small, around Sicily
and to the west of it. Into all these lands the
Ph(X*nicians brought their tongue and their creed.
The gods of Canaan were worshipped in Sicily. Men
at Panormos and Motya made their children pass

PANORMOS, MOTYA, AND ERYX. 27

through the fire, and whatever the temple on Eryx
was at first, it became the house of Ashtoreth.
The strife between the Greeks, who had at least a
nobler form of heathendom, and the Phcenicians was
therefore something of a crusade or holy war from
the beginning, and men clearly felt that it was so.
But we must remember that the Greeks had but little
w^arfare with the Phfjenician settlements in Sicily as
long as they were independent ; the great strife began
when Carthage rose to dominion.

We have thus gone through those nations that were
in Sicily before the Greeks. That is the primitive
inhabitants, Sikans, Sikels, and Elymians, and the
Phoenician colonists who settled among them. All
of them together have left but small traces of their
presence. The chief are the tombs hewn in the lime-
stone rocks, which abound in many parts, specially in
the deep valleys on the south-east. These are doubt-
less mostly Sikel, but they may have been Sikan before
that. We have spoken of the Phoenician walls at
Motya ; they may well be Old-Phoenician; the work
at Eryx and Lilybaion is Carthaginian. And we have
mentioned the Sikel building at Cefalu. There is
very little more, except the tombs of two Phcenician
women in the Museum at Palermo. There are
Phoenician coins with Phoenician legends ; of the
other nations we have no coins, till they came to coin
after Greek models. Of the Sikan and Elymian
tongues we can say nothing ; the Sikel tongue, we
have seen, was near akin to the Latin. But we have
no writings or inscriptions in any of them. The
Phoenician lanG^uaije and all about the PhcEuicians

StClLY AND ITS INHABITANTS.

is well known, but not by reason of their presence
in Sicily. All these nations, the Phoenicians them-
selves among them, make only a preliminary part of
our subject. The real history of Sicily, as a land
playing a great part in the affairs of the world, begins
with the comine: of the Greeks.

IIT.

THE LEGENDS.

[Here, even more than in other parts of the story, we have to pick
up scraps of knowledge where we can. Our nearest approach to any-
thing continuous is in the fifth book of Diodoros, where he is dealing
with the legendary times of Greece, and brings in many of the stories
of his own island. About the Palici we learn most from the late Latin
writer Macrobius, who has collected a great deal about them from
many sources ; but Diodoros has something to say too. The account of
Hadranus comes chiefly from two notices in the History of Animals by
the late Greek writer .Elian. The legend of Demeter and Persephone
is scattered over the whole range of Greek literature ; but in its special
relation to Henna it comes out wholly in Latin writers. It begins in
the great speech of Cicero against Verres, and goes on in the poets Ovid
and Claudian.]

In the history of Sicily, perhaps even more than
elsewhere, we must take special heed to distinguish
genuine tradition, that is history in an imperfect
shape, preserving the memory of real events, from
two forms of untrustworthy statement. There are
some tales which are sheer invention, devised with a
purpose. There are also legends which have grown
up, one hard!}' knows how, tales which are not true,
but in which there is no conscious purpose to deceive.
Thus the tale of the Sikel migration from Italy is
a piece of genuine tradition, recording a real event.

30 THE LEGENDS.

Tlie talc of the Trojan origin of the Elymians is a
piece of sheer invention. Round both of these stories,
as statements of fact or supposed fact, legendary
details have grown. And legendary details have
grown also where there is not so much groundwork
of fact or supposed fact as this. Many tales grow up
out of some local worship or are meant to explain some
local phsenomenon. Of all these kinds of stories we
have plenty in Sicily. We have tales which grew up
among the Greeks themselves after they came into
the island. And we have tales which the Greeks
took over from the Sikels, and tricked out according
to their own fancy.

One class of stories arose out of the supposed
necessity of finding real sites for all the places spoken
of in the Odyssey. This the Greeks, above all in
Sicily, looked on as a kind of duty. For Odysseus
had sailed to the West ; he must therefore have
visited Sicily. We have already mentioned how the
little island of Tliritiakic, where the oxen of the sun
grazed, was held to be Sicily, and how the name was
improved into Trinakria. The poet of the Odyssey
may or may not have meant some real isle ; he may
have meant some corner or peninsula of Sicily,
mistaken for an island — as some said that Mylai or
Milazzo was the place — he assuredly did not mean
Sicily itself as a whole. On the other hand, we
cannot doubt that the picture of Skylla and
Charybdis sprang up out of tales told by sailors, very
likely Phoenician sailors, about the wonders of the
strait. Then the monstrous giants of the Odyssey,
Laistrygones and Kyklopcs, were quartered in Sicily.

HERAKLES. 3I

A whole crop of legends therefore grew up about
Polyphemos, the nymph Galateia, and her other lover
Akis. Others, as yEtna came to be better known,
changed the giant shepherds into giant smiths, who
forged the thunderbolts of Zeus and had Hephaistos
to their master. These are all purely Greek stories,
into which little or nothing of native belief or tradition
has crept in.

We have said that the Trojan origin of the Ely-
mians was sheer invention with a purpose. The story
must have been of Elymian invention, but invented
after the Elymians had learned something of Greek
legend. It took several forms, and legendary details
grew about it. But it concerns us most that it clearl)',
among the Greeks at least, displaced an older Greek
story, which also looks very like invention with a
purpose. The Greek hero Herakles got mixed up
with the Phoenician IMelkart, and in that character he
was sent on various errands in the West, as far as the
Ocean. Many stories arose about him in Sicily, about
his driving away the oxen of Geryones, about their
crossing the strait, and how the hero first received the
worship of a god in the Sikel town of Agyrium,
where the hoof-prints of his oxen were to be seen.
All this last the historian Diodoros, who was a man
of Agyrium, takes care to tell us at length. But
above all Herakles wrestled with Eryx, the epoiiymos
of the mountain and town so-called, and overthrew
him. He thus gained a right to his land, but he left
it to him on a kind of lease, to hold till a Herakleid
should come and claim it. This last part at least of
the story was clearly made up in the interest of

32 THE LEGENDS.

certain Heraklcids who, as we shall see in time, did
come to claim Eryx. But it is plain that the story
of Herakles at Eryx before the war of Troy upsets
the story of the Trojan origin of the Elymians. And
men were driven to strange shifts in trying to reconcile
the two.

The story of the famous mythical artist Daidalos
coming to Sicily is of quite another kind. Here we
can see traces of real native legend, though greatly
tricked out by Greek fancy. Daidalos, having
offended Minos, the powerful king of Crete, flies to
Sicily, or rather, as we are specially told, to Sikimia.
There he is entertained by the Sikan king Kokalos —
every pains is taken to point out that he was Sikan
and not Sikel — for whom he builds the strong city of
Kamikos. He does also many other wonderful works
in all parts of the island ; among others, he builds
the temple on Eryx. That is, as usual in such cases,
all wonderful works were attributed to him. Pre-
sently Minos comes with a great fleet to Sicily to
punish Daidalos ; but he is killed in a bath by the
daughters of Kokalos. His followers, or some of
them, settle in Sicily, and build a town of Minoa
where they first landed, with a tomb of Minos and
a temple of Aphrodite. Here we have both Phoeni-
cian and Greek elements. The story had put on a
Greek .shape ; but the bringing of Minos into the
story was most likely suggested by a Phoenician
settlement at Minoa. But King Kokalos and his
town of Kamikos must be true Sikan tradition.
Nobody had any interest in inventing them. And
Kamikos was a real town, which plays a part in

THE NETHER GODS. 33

Sicilian history, though a small one. It has been
placed on the site of the mountain town of Calta-
bellotta near Sciacca, and it must at any rate have
been not far off.

This is perhaps our only bit of Sikan story ; the
Sikels have left us much more. We have already
seen at Agyrium a Greek story fixed on a Sikel site.
But we have a large amount of Sikel belief and
tradition which made its way into the mythology of
the Greeks. As was natural in Sicily, a land so full
of volcanic pha^nomena of all kinds, the Sikel religion
was a worship of the powers of nature, and above all
of the powers under the earth. The corn itself, grow-
ing up from the earth, was looked on as a gift from the
nether powers. Then there was the great burning
mountain of ^tna, and several smaller volcanos
which threw up only mud, as at ]\Iaccaluba near
Girgenti ; there were the hot springs at Termini and
near Sciacca. There were volcanic lakes, deep holes
in the earth, and many things which fitted in with the
worship of the nether-gods, gods, in Sikel belief,
awful but kindly. Some bits of Sikel religion have
come down to us almost untouched ; others have
been so worked into Greek legends that we cannot
even guess their native shape. Thus there was a
Sikel goddess Hybla, whom the Greeks looked on as
the same with several goddesses of their own my-
thology, here with one, there with another. Three
towns in Sicily were called after her, one in the
south-eastern part of the island, now Ragusa, another
on the coast north of Syracuse, near the place where
the Greek colony of Megara was afterwards planted.

34 T^^E LEGENDS.

This gave its name to the Hyblaian hills not far off,
famous for their honey ; but there is no hill strictly
called Mount Hybla. The third Hybla is inland, not
far from Catania, and is now called Paterno. The
worshippers of the goddess here were specially
skilled in the interpretation of dreams. Just below
her temple is a mud volcano and some mineral
springs, showing plainly enough that Hybla was a
goddess of the nether- world. Then there was the
Sikel fire-god Hadranus, who had a temple near
/Etna, not far from Paterno, where a town Hadranum,
now Aderno, was afterwards built. In his temple fire
was ever burning. The story goes that in it were kept
a thousand great dogs, who knew and w^elcomed good
people when they came to worship, while the bad they
drove away or tore in pieces, according to the measure
of their sins. They also guided travellers who had lost
their way, in which we may see some training like that
of the dogs of Saint Bernard. More famous than these
is the Sikel holy place which plays the greatest part in
Sicilian history. This was the temple and lake of the
Palici, the Great Twin Brethren of Sikel worship. Their
temple stood in a plain north of the hill-town of
Mcn;enum, now Mineo. There were anciently two
volcanic craters ; now there is only one, within which
the water bubbles up in several places. An oath
taken here was the most binding of all oaths, and it
was held that its breach was always followed by some
fearful judgment. The Palici were clearly gods of
the earth ; in their story they came out of the earth.
They were kindly gods also, who gave special shelter
to slaves. Here we have an almost untouched Sikel

THE PALICI AND THE GODDESSES. 35

worship ; the Greeks did nothing, save, after their
manner, to invent parents for the Sikel gods, to say
that the PaHci were sons of Zeus and a nymph
Thaleia, or, more fittingly, of the fire-god Hadranus
or their own Hephaistos. In the old Italian religion,
of which the Sikel creed was one form, the gods had
no parents.

But in the most famous of all seats of Sikel worship
we see how a story which had grown up in Greece
was carried bodily into Sicily, how it was fitted to
sites and phaenomena there, and so fully took posses-
sion of them that, amid the rich adornments of
Greek fancy, it is not easy to see what the original
Sikel belief was. Ihis is the story of the special
patronesses of Sicily, the goddesses of Henna, the
powers of the earth that sent up the fruitful corn.
Their Sikel character, whatever it was, has been quite
lost in the Greek story of Demeter and her daughter
Persephone, called specially Kore, the Maid, and liow
the Maid was carried off by Aidoneus, the god of the
nether-world. The tale was carried to Sicily, and
fixed at Henna and the neighbouring lake Fergus. It
grew on Sicilian ground, and reached its height in the
hands of the Latin poets. In the oldest form of the
tale, in the Homeridian hymn to Demeter, there is no
thought of Henna or of Sicily at all. Later on, as in
the odes of Pindar and in various other notices, the
goddesses appear as special goddesses of Sicily, but
without any mention of Henna. It is by the Greek
poet Kallimachos, in the time of the second Hieron,
that Henna is first spoken of as having an}-thing
to do with the goddesses. Then the Latin writers

36 THE LEGENDS.

Cicero and Livy describe Henna as the specially
holy place of the goddesses, and fix the story
to its neighbourhood. Lastly, in the Latin poets,
specially in Ovid and Claudian, we find the tale told
at length, as happening at Lake Fergus and other
places in Sicily. The maiden Persephone, with her
playmates the nymphs,is gathering flowers by the lake;
as she goes to pluck a wonderful narcissus with a
hundred heads, Aidoneus comes up through one of
the holes by the lake, with his chariot and his black
horses, and carries off the Maid, In the plain by Syra-
cuse, the nymph Kyana rebukes him and bids him
let the Maid go. Kyana is turned into the fountain
that bore her name, and Aidoneus carries off his prize
to the nether- world. Then come the wanderings of
Demeter in search of her daughter, just as in the ver-
sion that knows nothing of Sicily. In the end Zeus
settles that Persephone shall stay half the year with
Aidoneus as queen of the nether-world; But she
receives Sicily as a wedding-gift, and she is to stay
the other half year with her mother as one of the
two great goddesses of the island.

Here is the local belief of Sikel Henna so adorned
by Greek fancy that we do not, as in the case of the
Palici, sec what it was that the story started from.
Last of all, we have another very famous story, which
arose out of physical ph^enomena in Sicily, but which
seems to be wholly a Greek story, devised after the
Greeks had settled in the island. In the island of
Ortygia, on which the town of Syracuse began, was a
spring of fresh water very near to the sea. Hard by,
in the sea itself, was another fresh spring, bubbling

ARETHOUSA. 37

up in the midst of the salt water. The two things, it
was thought, must have something to do with one
another. So the story grew that the maiden Arethousa,
over the sea in EHs, was pursued by the river- god
Alpheios. She prayed to her mistress Artemis, who
turned her into a fountain. Her waters ran under the
sea till they turned up again in Ort}-gia, and her lover
Alpheios also followed her with his stream through the
waves. Both in Old Greece and in Sicily men were
well used to rivers running under the earth and coming
up again. So it did not seem impossible that they
might run under the sea also ; and grave writers like
Strabo and Pausanius go into scientific arguments
whether so it could be. Here then we again see the
powers of the nether-world, only this time under the
sea and not under the earth. We see them this time
also in a purely Greek shape, as there is no reason to
think that Arethousa has anything to do with any
Sikel worship or story. It can be shown that the
legend grew out of the local worship of Artemis in
Elis. It was simply carried to Sicily to explain the
local wonders of Syracuse.

Thus we have purely Sikel beliefs, as in the stories
of Hybla, Hadranus, and the Palici. We have, as in
the story of Demcter and the Kore, a Greek tale
fitted to a Sikel sanctuary, and practically displacing
the old Sikel worship. Lastly, we have, in the story
of Alpheios and Arethousa, a Greek story simply
carried over to a Sicilian site. Thus the Greek
influenced the Sikel and the Sikel influenced the
Greek. It will alwa}-s be so when two nations meet
which are near enough to each other, as any two

38 THE LEGENDS.

European nations are near enough, to influence one
another. The Sikels were kinsfolk of the Greeks who
had lagged behind. They were not savages, nor had
they, like the Phoenicians, a civilization of their own
quite different from that of the Greeks. We have
now to tell what came of the meeting of these nations
and of their influence on one another. The way in
which the Sikels became Greek, that is, how Sicily
became Greek, is the great feature of old Sicilian
story. That story we shall begin to tell in our next
chapter.

THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IX SICILY.
B.C. 735-580.

[Of the Greek settlements in Sicily we have the precious sketch at
the beginning of the sixth book of Thucydides, in which some say that
he followed the Syracusan writer Antiochos. The books of Diodoros
in which he must have described them more fully are unluckily lost,
save some fragments. A good deal may be learned from Strabo, from
whom we see that there were often several stories current about the
same foundation. And there are casual notices in many jilaces, in
Plutarch's lesser works and elsewhere.]

The Western Gi'ceks at least had some vague
notions of Sicily and the Sikels as early as the time
of the Odyssey. \Vc there hear of a land called
Sikanic, which can only mean Sicily, and of a people
called Sikels, who may be those either of Sicily or of
Ital)'. With them the Greeks seem to have carried
on a brisk trade in bu}'ing and selling slaves. The
suitors threaten to sell Odysseus to the Sikels, and
old Laertes is waited on b}' a Sikcl woman. But
such a trade, carried on along the coast, as all inter-
course between Greece and Sicily still was ages after-
wards, carried on too most likely in Phoenician
vessels, does not prove much intercourse between

40 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY.

the people at the two ends. It is plain that Greek
notions of Sicily were still very vague when settle-
ment in Sicily began. It is said that the Phoenicians
spread tales likely to frighten any other people from
settling there.

For a long time Greek settlement was directed to
the East rather than to the West. And it was said
that, when settlement in Italy and Sicily did begin,
the earliest Greek colony, like the earliest Phcenician
colony, was the most distant. It was believed that
Kyme, the Latin Cumce in Campania, was founded
in the eleventh century B.C. The other plantations
in Italy and Sicily did not begin till the eighth.
Kyme always stood by itself, as the head of a group
of Greek towns in its own neighbourhood and apart
from those more to the south, and it may very
well be that some accident caused it to be settled
sooner than the points nearer to Greece. But it is
not likely to have been settled three hundred years
earlier. Most likely it was planted just long enough
before the nearer sites to suggest their planting.
An}'how, in the latter half of the eighth century
13.C. Greek settlement to the West, in Ill}'ria, Sicily,
and Italy, began in good earnest.

It was said that the first settlement in Sicily came
of an accident. Chalkis in Euboia was then one of
the chief sea-faring towns of Greece. Theokles, a
man of Chalkis, was driven by storm to the coast of
Sicily. I le came back, saying that it was a good
land and that the people would be easy to conquer.
So in 735 i!.c. he was sent forth to plant the first
Greek colony in Sicil}'. The settlers were partly from

rOUNDATION OF NAXOS. 4 1

Chalkis, partly from the island of Naxos. So it was
agreed that the new town should be called Naxos,
but that Chalkis should count as its metropolis. So
the new Naxos arose on the eastern coast of Sicily,
on a peninsula made by the lava. It looked up at
the great hill of Tauros, on which Taormina now
stands. The Greek settlers drove out the Sikels and
took so much land as they wanted. They built and
fortified a town, and part of their walls may still be
seen. As the first Greek settlers in the land, they
set up an altar and statue of Apollon ArcJicgctcs, the
Leader and Beginner. It stood outside the town of
Naxos, and became the religious centre of the Greeks
of Sicih', the Sikcliots as distinguished from the
Sikels. Hither all who went from Sicily to any of
the great festivals of old Greece came first to sacrifice
to the common god of all Sikeliots.

Naxos, as the beginning of Greek settlement in
Sicily, answers to Ebbsfleet, the beginning of English
settlement in Britain. The oldest of Sikeliot towns,
it never became one of the greatest, and about three
hundred }^ears after its foundation it was altogether
swept away, and has never since been rebuilt. Its
settlers, Chalkidian and Naxian, belonged to the
Ionian division of the Greek nation. In the very
next year, it is said, in 734 B.C., a Dorian city was
founded in Sicil}*, which has a much greater history.
Corinth on the isthmus, with its two havens looking
east and west, was one of the greatest sea- faring cities
of Greece, and sent out colonies both ways. A joint
enterprise to Sicily and the Illyrian coast was now
decreed, and two famous Corinthian colonies, Kork\-ra

42 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY.

and Syracuse, arose as twin sisters. Chersikrates
founded Korkyra and Archias founded Syracuse.
Corinth seems to have claimed a measure of authority
over her nearer colonies which was not usual on the
part of a Greek metropolis. In the case of Korkyra
this led to a War of Independence, and to bitter
hatred between the mother and the daughter city.
But no such authority was claimed over more distant
Syracuse. Here therefore the metropolis and the
colony were always on the best of terms, and the
relations between them form the most pleasing story
in Greek political life.

Kyme was planted on a high hill overlooking the
sea ; Naxos was planted all but in the sea, on a low
peninsula. Syracuse was planted altogether in the
sea on a low island. This shows how the Greeks had
advanced since the days when all towns were built on
inland hill-tops. The Greeks had caught up the
Phoenicians. The island was that island of Ortygia
which contains the spring of Arethousa. It lies close
to the coast, so near that it was afterwards joined to
it, sometimes by a mole, sometimes by a bridge.
Running north and south, and with the peninsula
called Plemmyrion opposite to it to the south, the two
fence in an inlet of the sea with a comparatively
narrow mouth, which forms the Great Harbour of
Syracuse, great as a harbour, though small as a bay.
North of the island is another smaller harbour, so
that Syracuse, like her mother Corinth, had two
havens, though they were much nearer to each other
than those of Corinth. A little to the north again
is a lon<j hill at its east end which rises sheer from

FOUNDATION OF SYRACUSE. 43

the sea, and which stretclics inland till it ends in a
point. It thus looks down on the Great Harbour
and on another bay to the north, with another
peninsula, Xiphonia, stretching south to match
Ort}'gia, and another small and low peninsula,
Thapsos, in the middle of the bay thus formed. On
the south there is a piece of low ground between
the island and the hill. And there is a wide stretch
of low and swampy ground between the Great
Harbour to the east, the Syracusan hill to the north
and the higher inland hills to the west and south.
Through this low ground runs the river Anapos
and its tributary Kyana, of which we ha\'e heard in
a legend. The topography of Syracuse is of the
greatest importance for its history.

When the Corinthian settlers came, the Island and
the whole land were held by Sikels ; but it is quite
possible that Phcenicians had a factory for trade.
The first Greek town arose on the Island. Syracuse
grew by spreading on to the mainland and climbing
up the hill. But it would seem that the settlers had,
from the beginning or from a very early time, more
than one outpost on the mainland to defend the land
which they occupied. They had one post called
AcJiradina on the east end of the hill overlooking the
sea, and another called PoUcJina — we might say in
English Littleton — on a small hill in the low ground
just west of the Great Harbour. Here arose the
Olyinpicion, the famous temple of 01}'mpian Zeus.
And there was most likely another outpost on the
south side of the hill, where was a temple of Apollon,
called Teuiciiitcs. Each of these outposts protected

T'-n

FOUNDATION OF LEONTINOI AND KATANE. 45

one of the chief roads leading to Syracuse. Achra-
cHna and Temenitcs were afterwards takxn into the
cit\', but Poh'chna never was. From the time of
Archias till now, S)'racuse has al\va}-s been an in-
habited city ; but for ages past it has shrunk up
again within its first bounds on the Island. No part
of the hill is at all thicklj- inhabited. From the Island
the Sikels were of course driven out, and in so much
land as the Greeks gradually took to divide among
themselves, they were brought down to the state of
villainage. The origin of the name Syracuse {Syra-
kousai in various spellings) is not clear. It never
was the name of the Island as such ; it was the name
of the city on the Island, and spread as the city grew.
By the foundation of Syracuse Dorian Greeks had
occupied the best position on the east coast of Sicily.
This seems to have stirred up the lonians of Naxos —
they are commonly called Chalkidians, from their
metropolis Chalkis — to found two new cities .be-
tween Naxos and Syracuse. This was in B.C.
729. Theokles himself founded Leontinoi, the
only Greek city in Sicily on an inland site.
But it was placed on a point needful to hold, as
commanding the way from the inland hills to the
plain of Leontinoi, the largest and most fruitful in the
island. The town lay in a valley between two hills, with
two akropoleis ; it still lives on and keeps its name
as Lentini. The other Chalkidian settlement at this
time was Katane, Catina, Catania, founded on a site
close by the sea, but not actually in it, like Naxos
and S\-racusc, This town has been destroyed many
times by earthquakes and by the lava of yEtna, but it

46 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY.

has been rebuilt as often as it has been destroyed,
and it is now a far greater town than Syracuse.
The working- of the lava has given rise to both
pagan and Christian legends. The tale went that
at the first eruption after the foundation of Katane,
the lava parted to spare the Pious Brethren, Amphi-
nomos and Anapios, who were carrying off their
parents on their shoulders. This became a very
favourite story, and the brethren are often seen on
the coins of Katane. Of two other Chalkidian towns,
Euboia — so called from the island where Chalkis
stands — and Kallipolis, the sites are unknown ; they
must have been somewhere to the north of Naxos.

Almost at the same time that the Chalkldians were
thus advancing in Sicily itself, there came a new Dorian
settlement from Old Greece. This was from Megara,
which, like Corinth, is a city on the isthmus with two
havens, and was then one of the chief sea-faring and
colonizing cities of Greece. In B.C. 726 the Megarian
settlers, under their founder Lamis, set forth to seek
a home on that part of the east coast of Sicily which
lay between Syracuse and the Chalkidian towns.
There they met with some strange adventures.
It is remarkable that they seem never to have
tried to settle on the peninsula of Xiphonia, a site
which seems the best after Ortygia, and where now
is the town of Augusta, h^irst, they tried to settle
a little to the north of Xiphonia, at a place called
Trotilon, where the river Pantakyas, Pantagias, or
Porcari, runs into the sea with a wide mouth, hardly
a mile or two from the place where it is a tumbling
brook in the meadows. Thence they moved to take

FOUNDATION OF MEGARA. 47

a share in the newly-founded Chalkidian settlement
of Leontinoi. Theokles, so the story goes, had
planted his colony by agreement with the Sikels,
and Greeks and Sikels lived together in Leontinoi
as fellow-townsmen. Now no Greek held that he
owed any duty to a barbarian, unless he was bound
by special agreement, and both towards Greeks and
barbarians an agreement was often kept in the letter
and broken in the spirit. Theokles told the Mega-
rians that he and his Chalkidians could do no harm
to the Sik'els, because they were bound by a pro-
mise, but that the Megarians were not so bound, and
that they might do what they chose. So the Mega-
rians drove out the Sikels, and dwelled in Leontinoi
along with the Chalkidians. Presently Theokles
began to devise another trick against the Megarians.
The Chalkidians, when warring with the Sikels, had
vowed an armed procession to the Twelve Gods. It
was now time to fulfil the vow ; but the Megarians
had no right in it. The Chalkidians went through
their ceremony, and then a herald proclaimed that
every Megarian must leave the town before sunset.
The unarmed Megarians could not stand against the
armed Chalkidians ; so they set forth to seek a third
home, while the Chalkidians kept Leontinoi to them-
selves, without either Sikels or Megarians. Then the
Megarians tried a winter on Thapsos, where Lamis
died. Lastly they settled on a point of the bay
between Thapsos and Xiphonia, near the greater
Hybla. As is not very uncommon in such stories,
they are said to have been helped by a Sikel prince
who betrayed his own people. His name is Hyblon,

48 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY.

called after his town, as we shall find some other
men. The wanderers at last founded a town on the
coast, which they called after their metropolis,
Megara, in which Hybla was pretty well swallowed
up. Megara is no longer an existing town, but con-
siderable remains may be seen.

According to our dates, Greek settlement in Sicily
must have stopped for about forty years after the
foundation of Megara, and it is certain that for a
while Italy rather than Sicily was chosen as the land
to be settled. But one famous city seems to have
been founded not long after Megara. This is Zankle,
afterwards called Messana, which still keeps its later
name in the form of Messina. It seems to have been
first settled in an irregular way by pirates from Kyme,
This would not give their town the rights of a re-
gular Greek colony ; but it was afterwards founded
again in a more orderly way from Kym^ and Chalkis,
with a founder from each. It was a wonderful site,
on the strait at the foot of the hills, with a noble
harbour, fenced in by a narrow strip of land in front
of it. Zanldc, or rather Dcviklon, is said to have
meant a reaping-hook in the Sikel tongue ; hence the
name. The settlers at Zankle presently turned the
north-east corner of Sicily, and made themselves an
outpost on the northern coast. This was on the
peninsula of Mylai or Milazzo, which one legend
called the grazing-place of the oxen of the sun in
the time of Odysseus. Zankle or Messana has always
been a prosperous city, but in Greek times it never
held at all a foremost place among the cities of
Sicily.

FOUNDATION OF ZANKlI^ AND GELA. 49

The foundation of Zankle completed the Greek
possession of the eastern coast of Sicily. By far the
greater part of that coast was now occupied by Greek
settlements ; but, unless we count the Zanklaian out-
post at Mylai, no Greeks had as yet attempted to
occupy either the northern or the southern coasts.
About B.C. 689 Greek settlers began to occupy the
southern coast also. These were Dorians from the
island of Rhodes, with some companions from Crete,
and some perhaps from other islands. The new
colony was planted near the march of the Sikans and
Sikels, on a row of low hills between the sea and a
rich plain fenced in by mountains. It was close by
the river Gelas, so called in the Sikel tongue from
the coldness of its waters, which shows how near
the Sikel tongue was to the Latin gclu and gelidus.
The new settlers first occupied a point of the hill,
which they called Lindioi, after one of the Rhodian
towns ; as the new city grew, Lindioi became the
akropolis of Gela, so called from the cold river.
Gela became a famous city, but it has neither wholly
perished like Naxos nor yet has it lived on like
Messina. It was destroyed after a life of several
centuries ; and after many more centuries, the pre-
sent town of Terranova was built on part of its site.

There is little doubt that the foundation of Gela,
the first Greek town on the south coast of Sicily,
stirred up Syracuse to enlarge her borders. No town
was so well suited as Syracuse to be at once a land
and a sea power. Her object was to occupy the
whole south-eastern corner, and to have a sea-board
on the southern coast as well as the eastern. To

50 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY.

this end she worked steadily but slowly, advancing
both inland and along the coast. She had outposts
at Hcloron on her own coast and at Neaiton or
Netum inland. Netum is A^ofo ; but the present
town is nearer the sea. Next S}'racuse struck
further inland, clearly aiming at the south coast.
In 664 she occupied inland Akrai, now Palazzuolo,
a hill full of Sikel tombs. In 644 she went on to
Kasmenai, now Spaccaforno, on a hill some way
inland, but looking down on the southern sea.
Lastly in 599 she planted Kamarina on the southern
sea. Syracuse now held the whole south-eastern
corner of Sicily, with a long sea-board round the
corner and an unusually large inland territory to
enable her to hold the sea on both coasts.

What followed was as instructive as the relations
between Corinth and Korkyra. All these Syracusan
towns were doubtless meant to be, not separate
commonwealths, but outposts of Syracuse, held by
Syracusan citizens. At this time none of them coined
money. And we hear of no disputes between Syra-
cuse and any of them, except one. Kamarina was well
suited to be a separate city and it sought for inde-
pendence. A war followed, in which each side found
allies, Greek and Silccl. In r..C. 553 the men of
Kamarina were defeated, and their town was swept
from the earth by its offended metropolis.

Meanwhile there was no Greek settlement on the
north coast westward of the Zanklai outpost at Mylai.
But presently, about 648 I'.c. Zanklc went on to found
a real colony much farther to the west, namely
Ilimera, long the only Greek city on the north

KAMARINA, HIMERA AND SELINOUS. 5I

coast. Cephalcedium and other Sikcl points lay
between it and Zankle, and towards the west it
stood right in the teeth of the Phoenicians. It
stood on a not very high hill near the sea, by the
mouth of the northern river of its own name. It
lived only two hundred and forty years, and now it
is wholly forsaken. But it had an outpost towards
the Phoenician territory, the Hot Baths (T/iermce,
Oep/jiai) of Himera, which the legend said were
thrown up by the nymphs to refresh the wearied
Herakles after his wrestling at Eryx. The baths
still remain, and the modern town keeps its name as
Termini.

We must now go back a little. While Syracuse
and Zankle were working round their several corners,
after the foundation of Himera, but before that of
Kamarina, in 628 B.C. the Megarians of Sicily planted
Selinous on the south coast, the most western of
Greek cities in the island. It answers to Himera on
the north side, as being planted as an outpost of
Hellas on the very march of Phoenicians, Sikans, and
EI}-mians. It had an outpost on the river Mazaros,
the furthest Greek post in the island. The akropolis
stood on a hill above the sea, between the rivers
Hypsas and Selinous, and the temples and other
buildings spread over that hill and over another
hill on each side, a wonderful group. Selinous, like
Himera, is now quite forsaken, but its ruins are the
grandest in Sicily.

Between Selinous and Gela a large gap still lay with-
out any Greek city. This in 599 B.C. was filled up
b}' the foundation of Akragas, Agi'igoitiiui, Girgciiti,

FOUNDATION OF AKRAGAS. 53

which has always Hvcd on without any real change of
name. This was a foundation of Gela, which could
thus endure to plant an independent colony on her own
borders, Greeks from other places, especially from
Gela's own metropolis of Rhodes, joined in the settle-
ment. The new city was not so close to the sea as
most of its fellows. It stood on a hill between two
rivers in their valleys, Akragas and another Hypsas.
The akropolis arose on a lofty and almost isolated
point of the hill, from which the town gradually
spread down, as S}'racuse spread up. And, like
Syracuse, the modern town has shrunk up again into
its oldest part ; the present Girgenti is only the akro-
polis of Akragas. But though the city spread, it
never reached the sea ; its small haven remained at
a little distance. Akragas had a great trade with the
opposite coast of Africa ; but it never became a real
naval power like Syracuse, But it grew rich and
powerful in many ways, and was certainly the second
Greek city in Sicily, as Syracuse was the first. The
lower city is now forsaken, but nowhere can there be
seen so many temples more or less perfect, besides
the fallen one of Zeus Olympics, the greatest in
Sicily.

Thus in about 140 years, the greater part of the
coast of Sicily was occupied by Greek settlements.
The Phoenicians and their neighbours kept their own
barbarian corner. Independent Sikels kept the
inland parts and a large part of the north coast
between Mylai and Ilimera. But the east and south
coasts were Greek. We shall come to sec that
Akragas was not the youngest Greek city in Sicily ;

Mill'* -^^-ivl ^j;-.^

^ " ;''*'| ^'irMi

i - .

FOUNDATION OF LIPARA. 55

but it \\"as the last independent commonwealth settled
from another independent commonwealth. It was
not however the last attempt at such settlement.
Soon after the foundation of Akragas, about 580 B.C.,
a body of settlers from Knidos and Rhodes, under
the Knidian Pentathlos, strove to make a settlement
in the heart of the Phoenician territory, near Lilybaion
in the extreme west of Sicily. The new comers found
a war going on between the Greeks of Selinous and
the Elymians of Segesta : — we shall hear of several
more such wars. The men of Segesta had Phoenician
allies, while the new comers, Greeks and Dorians,
naturally gave help to the men of Selinous, also Greeks
and Dorians. Rut the Greeks were defeated, and
Pentathlos was killed. His followers then sailed away
round the north-west corner of Sicily to the isles of
Aiolos ; there they planted a colony on the largest of
them, the isle of Lipara, which has ever since been an
inhabited town. The new city of Lipara looked to
Knidos as its metropolis, and reverenced the dead
Pentathlos as its founder.

Thus the islands which lay between Sicily and
southern Italy, two great lands of Greek settlement,
themselves became Greek. The islands at the ex-
treme west of Sicily, Aigousa and its fellows, naturally
followed the fortunes of the neighbouring mainland,
and the islands between Sicily and Africa were not
touched by Greek settlement at any time. A time
of nearly a hundred years now follows, which, as far
as the Greek settlements were concerned, was a time
of comparative peace and advance. We cannot say

56 THE GREEK SETTLEMENTS IN SICILY.

that there were no wars, either between Greeks and
Greeks or between Greeks and Phcenicians ; but there
is much less war than usual for so long a time. In
the course of the sixth century B.C. the independent
Phoenician cities of Sicily began to come under the
power of their great sister-colony Carthage. Soon
after that time begins the first great war of any
Sicilian Greeks with Carthage, the first time when
Syracuse stood forth in her great calling as the
champion of Europe against Africa. But during the
greater part of the sixth century Phoenicians and
Greeks in Sicily meddled but little with one another.
The Phoenicians kept their own corner ; the Greeks
strengthened their hold on the parts which they had
won, and extended their borders against neighbour-
ing Sikans and Sikels. But Syracuse alone, in her
south-western corner, held any considerable inland
territory. By the time the great strife came, Syracuse,
though not holding the same dominion over the other
Greek cities as Carthage did over the other Phoenician
cities, was as clearly the first among them. We must
now go on to tell what little we know of the internal
affairs of the Greek cities while this work of settle-
ment was going on, and also what we know of the
general affairs of the island from the completion of
Greek settlement till the great war with Carthage.
'I'hat will be, roughl)', the histor)- of the sixth centur}',
li.c;.

THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.
B.C. 735-480.

[For the whole period of this chapter we are still without any con-
temporary narrative ; it is only quite towards the end that we have a
continuous narrative of any kind. Then in his fifth and seventh
books Herodotus tells the story of Dorieus and of the reign of Hippo-
kratt'S and the early days of Gelon. The rest we have to put together
from all manner of sources, mainly Greek writers who copied earlier
ones. Aristotle tells us something in the Politics ; so do Plutarch,
Pausanias, Polyainos, and a crowd of other writers, among them Dio-
doros, whose continuous narrative is still missing, but who gives the
laws of Charondas out of their jilace. Perhaps no man in all Greek
history or legend has more allusions made to him in Greek and Latin
writers than Phalaris. But we have no narrative of his acts, beyond a
few entries in the Parian Chronicle, short annals carved on stone in the
third century is.c. The earliest reference to him is in Pindar, less than
a hundred years after his time. It is perhaps needless to say that the
Letters which were once believed to be his are a late forgery of no
value whatever. On the whole, at this time we know very little of any
of the Sicilian cities; but we know somewhat more of Syracuse than of
the others.]

When the Greek settlements in Sicil\^ began, the
old kingship of the Homeric times had everywhere
passed away or had become nominal. The political
tendency was to oligarchy. Thus the Bacchiads at

58 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

Corinth were a house which had been a royal house.
By the time when Syracuse was founded, personal
kingship had passed away, and the Bacchiads ruled as
an oligarchic house, choosing magistrates from among
themselves. The name democracy was not yet known ;
but the thing out of which it grew was forming itself
In all the old commonwealths citizenship could be
had only cither by descent or by special grant.
Mere residence in a city, even from generation to
generation, gave no political rights. Neither did
residence go for anything in the old cities and
boroughs in England and elsewhere ; but there were
commonly means of obtaining citizenship in other
ways than by birth. In both cases the descendants
of the old citizens kept their exclusive rights, while
a large body of dwellers in the town grew up
around them who were not citizens. The old citizens,
who had divided the lands of the commonwealth
among themselves or had kept them as common
property, had no wish to share their rights with others.
They intermarried among themselves ; they kept all
offices to themselves. Their numbers naturally grew
smaller, while the numbers of the excluded class grew
greater and greater. Thus these old citizens, once the
whole people, forming what was really a democracy
among themselves, gradually became an oligarchy, as
concerned all the inhabitants who were not citizens.
Then the excluded body wins political equality with
the old citizens, either at once and by violence or by
gradual stages. Then democracy begins. Such, with
differences of detail arising out of the circumstances
of different cities, was the story of the patricians of

THE SYR AC US AN GAMOROI. 59

Rome and the cupatrids of Athens. Such too was
the story of the Gauioroi or LandozuJiers of Syracuse.
But mark the difference. At Rome and at Athens,
the excluded class, Vac plebeians or demos, were a class
of small landowners, for Athens and Rome were inland
cities living by agriculture. At Syracuse, a city in
the sea, the old citizens had all the land ; the new
comers would be traders in or near the town.

We do not know for certain what led men to leave
Corinth or any other city of Old Greece, to settle in
Sicily. Some may have left their homes through
political discontent. We have a remarkable notice
that many settlers went to Syracuse from the small
town of Tenea in the Corinthian territory. Now the
people of Tenea were a separate people from the
Corinthians. They were said to be descended from
Trojan captives, and long after, when Corinth was
taken and destroyed by the Romans, the Teneats were
received to favour. This looks as if the Tcneat
settlers hoped to better their political condition
by emigrating. On the other hand, we know
that at least one Bacchiad, the poet Eumelos, v/ent
besides Archias. The circumstances of a colony are
levelling ; we may be sure that every free settler got
at least a lot of land and a vote in the assembly of
the new city. But it docs not follow that the lots
were all equal or that there may not have been dis-
tinctions in the disposal of offices. For a while, as
long as the settlement was weak, they would welcome
new citizens. When these were no longer needed, the
tendency among the old citizens would be to closer
equality among themselves and to sharper separation

THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

between themselves and new comers. We get one sign
of political disputes among the Gamoroi themselves.
When Himera was founded from Zankle, we read
that the Mylctids, banished from Syracuse in civil
strife, took part in the settlement. This looks like
the banishment of a whole gens, like that of the
Alkmaionids at Athens and the Tarquinii at Rome ;
but we know not how it came about.

We know however enough to say, what we might
have taken for granted without, that there was at
Syracuse a general assembly of the whole body of the
Landozuiicrs, and also a smaller senate, we know not

COIN OF SYRACUSE, TJMli OF THE GAMOKOl.

how chosen We hear of the general assembly (like
the coiiiitia ciiriata at Rome) sitting as a court on a
inin named Agathoklcs, who, when the temple of
Athene (now the great church of Syracuse) was build-
ing, defrauded the goddess of the stones that were
meant for the work. And we hear of the senate in a
story of a shameful quarrel between two young men
of the ruling order, which divided the whole city and
led to political disturbances. A wise old senator
counselled that both should be banished before
matters grew worse. ]5ut his advice was not followed,
and the crovcrnmcnt of the Landowners was over-

62 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

thrown. We must suppose that the cxckided people
took one side in the personal quarrel. They rose,
and called in the help of the Sikel serfs or villains who
tilled the lands of the Landowners. Between them
they drove the Landowners out of the city, and held
Syracuse for themselves. There was thus a new
Syracusan people, and one not purely Greek ; they
formed the first democracy under that name that
Syracuse had seen. The banished Landowners occu-
pied the outpost of Kasmenai and held it as a separate
commonwealth, much as the Athenian oligarchs held
Eleusis after the Thirty were driven from Athens. We
have no exact date for this revolution ; but there can
be no doubt that it happened in the first years of the
fifth century l^.c. We shall hear of the oligarchs at
Kasmenai again.

We may be sure that something like this growth of
an oligarchy out of a body of old citizens happened
in other Sikeliot cities besides Syracuse. What dis-
tinguishes Syracuse is that, during all this time, about
240 years from her foundation to the driving out of the
Landowners, she never saw a tyrant. We do hear very
vaguely of one king at Syracuse ; but the mere title
of king went on in many Greek commonwealths, and
of King Pollis we know only that he gave his name
to a kind of wine. A tyrant of Syracuse there cer-
tainly was not as yet. In the Greek commonwealths
the word tyrant had a definite meaning, and was not
simply a name of reproach for an oppressive ruler.
The tyrant was a man who put his own power instead
of the law, one who took to himself the power, or

TYRANNY. 63

more than the power, of a king in a commonwealth
where there was no king by law. This he might do
in various ways : if he could in any way get a bod}--
guard, that was enough. Sometimes he was a
popular leader against the oligarchs to whom the
people were foolish enough to vote a guard. Some-
times he was a magistrate or general who turned his
lawful powers against the state. Sometimes he held
some commission which put public money in his
hands, and he spent it in hiring mercenaries. When he
had got power in any of these ways, he commonly
used it oppressively, but not always. The name
tyrant does not of itself imply the oppressive use of
power, but only the unlawful way of gaining it.
Some tyrants were bloody and greedy and com-
mitted frightful crimes ; others allowed the usual
course of the commonwealth to go on whenever their
own interests were not concerned, and were simply
ready to step in with their spearmen whenever it
suited them. The tyrants never, till a much later
time, called themselves kings or put their heads on
the coin ; but they seem to have been pleased if any-
body else would call them kings. They always tried
to leave their power to their sons, and they often did ;
but the son seldom knew how to keep what the father
had known how to gain.

Tyrants were more common in the Greek cities of
Sicily than they were in Old Greece. The first
recorded tyrant in Sicily is Panaitios of Leontinoi
about B.C. 608. He is said to have been general in a
war with Megara, the first recorded war, most likely
not really the first war, between Greeks and Greeks

THE riRSr AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

in the island. He is said to have risen by means of
dissension between rich and poor, most likely between
old and new citizens. But we know nothing more
about him and at this time nothing more of his
cit)'. Far more famous was another tyrant a little
later, Phalaris of Akragas, who held power there
from about r..C. 570 to 554. No man in all Greek
history ever came to be more talked about and to
have more stories told of him ; but we have no
real account of his actions. One thing is to be
noticed, that he rose to power in Akragas only ten

IIIMERA, EARLY.

years after the foundation of the city, when neither he
nor any other grown man could have been born in it.
A story which places him at Himera and makes the
poet Stesichoros warn the people, by the fable of the
horse and the man, ncjt to give him a body-guard, must
belong to some other tyrant ; stories of one tyrant
are very often told of another. At Akragas he rose
to power by taking public money that was in his
hands and using it to hire mercenaries. He made
conquests from the Sikans, but there is no sign that
he ruled in any Greek city besides Akragas, He is
most famous for keeping a brazen bull into which

PHALARIS OF AKRAGAS. 65

men were put, and roasted to death b}- a fire under-
neath the image, while their cries represented the
roaring of the bull. The story is as old as the poet
Pindar. No doubt cruelty of this kind was suggested
by some Phcenician model ; the worst Greek, as a rule,
only slays, he seldom tortures. At last Phalaris was
overthrown by a certain Telemachos, who perhaps
restored liberty, perhaps only put a milder t}ranny
instead of that of Phalaris. The tyrant and his chief
supporters are said to have been roasted in his own
bull ; but this sounds legendary.

Meanwhile at Katane in the course of the same
century we see the rule of one man in a better shape.
When a Greek city was torn by disputes, the citizens
sometimes gave extraordinary powers, for life or for
a time, to one man whom they could trust. He was
to settle everything by a code of laws. Such an one
was Charondas, who made laws for Katane and for
some other cities. These old lawgivers not only
made political constitutions, but put forth rules
ordering the whole life of the citizens. Some scraps
of the laws of Charondas have been preserved, which
show much of the simple shrewdness of old times.
Thus he allowed a man to put away his wife or a
woman to put away her husband, but he added that
in such a case they must not marry anybody younger
than the person put awa}'. And a story is told of his
death, which is also told of more than one other law-
giver. The old custom, Greek and Teutonic, was to
come armed to the assembl}'. This Charondas for-
bade. One day, so the story ran, Charondas had
gone out of the city after some robbers, and of

66 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

course went armed. While he was away, an
assembly was held, and dispute rose hii^h. Cha-
rondas went in to quiet the people ; but he forgot to
take off his sword. One man cried out," Charondas,
you are breaking your own law." " No," he said, " I
will rather confirm it," and slew himself.

We hear of tyrants in other cities besides Panaitios
and Phalaris, and some of these come in a story
which makes a kind of appendix to the Greek colo-
nization of Sicily. In the course of the sixth century
B.C. the Phoenician towns in Sicily had become
dependencies of Carthage. There was therefore still
less hope of founding new Greek settlements in the
barbarian corner than there had been at the time
of the expedition of Pentathlos. The independent
Phoenician towns had not been aggressive ; but now
that they are under the supremacy of the great
ruling city, wars between Phoenicians and Greeks
form a large part of Sicilian history. They began
by an attempt to renew the enterprise of Pentathlos.
This was made by Dorieus, son of the Spartan
king Anaxandridas, about the year 510 B.C. He
was disappointed of the succession to the king-
tlom, and went to seek a home elsewhere. After
some other adventures, he was bidden by the Delphic
oracle to go and recover the lands of his forefather
llcraklesin Sicil)', those lands of P2ryx which llerakles
had left to be given up whenever a descendant of his
should claim them. But Dorieus forfeited his right
by not at once obe)'ing the oracle. Instead of going
straight to ]Cr\x, he turned aside to war against
Greeks, helping the men (^f Krolun in southern Italy

EXPEDITION OF DORIEUS. 67

against S)bai'i.s. So, when he came to Eryx, he was
defeated and slain with many of his men in a battle
with the Elymians of Segesta and their Phoenician
allies. Whether Carthage sent troops to the help of
her dependencies we cannot say. But Elymians,
Phoenicians of Sicily, and Carthaginians, were all
alike concerned to hinder a Greek settlement in those
parts.

So Dorieus failed to win back the lands of his fore-
father and to found a Herakleia on Eryx. Still
something came of his attempt. Euryleon, one of
his officers, gathered the remnant of his followers,
and went to help the people of Selinous against a
tyrant called Peithagoras. In the war with him
Euryleon occupied the post called Minoa, of which
we have heard in the story of Kokalos and Minos,
and set it up as a town called Herakleia. So there
was a new Herakleia, though not on Eryx. But
Euryleon, after overthrowing the tyranny of Peitha-
goras, made himself tyrant of Selinous. Presently
the people rose and slew him.

But we are now coming to much more famous
tyrants than these. A great line of rulers arose at
Gela, but they did not stay there. All that we know
of Gela in these times is that there were disputes in the
city, and that at one time one party seceded, as it is
called in the Roman histor}^ to the town of INIakto-
rion in the Geloan territory. They were brought
back, neither by force nor by persuasion, but b\' the
wonder-working power of some holy things of the
nether- gods — perhaps of the two goddesses of

THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

Sicily. These holy things, whatever they were,
were in the hands of Telines of Gela, a descendant
of one of the first settlers. By their means, we are
not told how, he brought back the malccon tents.
He was rewarded with the hereditary priesthood of
the deities whom he served, and his descendants
became great in Gela. About the year 505 B.C. the
oligarchy in Gela was upset by the tyrant Kleandros,

ZANKI.E. Sl.Xrii CENTURY.

NAXOS. C. 500 B.C.

who was killed about seven years later, and his power
passed to his brother IIip[)okrates. Hippokrates was,
as far as we can see, the first man in Greek Sicily who
aimed at being something more than the lord of a
single city. He strove to found as large a dominion
as he could, hiring mercenaries, Greek and Sikel, and
taking towns both Greek and Sikel. Thus he won
Naxos and Leontinoi and the lost Kallipolis and the
Sikel Ergetion. His dominion thus spread from the

THE SAMIANS AT Z ANKLE. 69

southern to the eastern sea, leaving Zankle in pos-
session of one corner and Syracuse of the other.
His deaHngs with these two cities are the first piece
of SiciHan history of which we know anything in
detail.

Zankle was now ruled by one Skythes, who is spoken
of as king ; perhaps the old kingship had gone on
there. Rhegion, on the other side of the strait, was
ruled by the tyrant /\naxilas, the first Italian ruler
who plays any part in Sicilian history. This was the
time when the Persian king Darius was bringing
back the Greek cities of Asia under his power, and
many of their inhabitants were ready to seek new
homes elsewhere. About the year 493 B.C. Skythes
proposed to them to settle in a body in Sicily.
The}' were to found one great Greek colony on
the north coast where there was no Greek city
but Himera, at a point called Ka/e Aktc, the Fair
Shore, between Cephaloedium and M}'lai. Many
Samians and some Milesians agreed to come, and
set sail. Meanwhile Skythes was warring against
Sikels, most likely with a view to the new settlement.
But, when the Greeks from Asia were drawing near,
Anaxilas sent a message to them, counselling them
that, instead of taking the trouble to found a new city
at Kale Akte, they should take possession of Zankle.
They would find the town undefended, while Skythes
and his army were engaged in the Sikel war. The
Samians and Milesians were not ashamed so to treat
the man who had planned such a service for them, and
when Sk}-thes and his army came back, they found
themselves shut out of their own town. Sk}'thes

70 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

then asked help of Hippokrates. The story reads as
if Hippokrates were in some w^ay his overlord ; for,
when he came, he put Skythes in prison for losing
Zankle. He then made a shameful treaty with the
Samians in Zankle. They were to keep the town,
but they were to give up to him half the goods in it,
and he was to take all the goods outside the walls.
In all these cases the inhabitants are reckoned among
the goods ; and Hippokrates took possession of the
whole army of Skythes as his slaves. Three hundred
of the chief men among them he handed over to the
Samians, bidding them put them to death. This they
would not do ; but we know not what became of
them. Hippokrates thus got a great boot}', and went
back to Gela. We are glad to hear that Skythes
contrived to get out of prison, and to escape to Asia
to King Darius, by whom he was greatly honoured.
Nor did the Samians keep Zankle very long. For
Anaxilas, who had first stirred them up, presently
turned them out, and took the town to himself. He
was thus lord of two cities, Rhegion and Zankle, on the
two sides of the strait, the first, but not the last, ruler
of Italy who also ruled in Sicily. And he is said to
liave now changed the name of Zankle to Messana ;
but that change most likely came a little later.

Hippokrates now engaged in a war with Syracuse,
hoping to add the south-eastern corner of Sicily to
his dominions. He defeated the Syracusans in a
battle by the river Heloros south of the city, and
came as near to Syracuse as the Olympicion, near the
Great Harbour. It is not easy to see why he did not
go on further to attack the city. But somehow there

WARS OF HIPPOKRATES.

was time for negotiations with distant powers. For
Corinth the mother and Korkyra the sister of
Syracuse forgot their differences when Syracuse
was in danger. They joined in a mediation, and
Hippokrates made peace with Syracuse on receiving
the site and territory of Kamarina, the town which
the Syracusans had destroyed. He now founded it
afresh. All this is told without any exact date ; but
it was most likely during the last days of the rule of
the Landowners at Syracuse, and it may have helped
to bring about their fall.

Hippokrates died in the year B.C. 491, while he was

KAMARI\.\. EARLY.

besieging the Sikel town of Hybla, the Heraian
Hybla or Ragusa, which lay conveniently between his
new dominions and those of Syracuse. Like all
other tyrants, he wished to hand on his power to
his children ; but his two sons were young and
unable to keep it. The people of Gela would have
nothing to say to them, and set up their common-
wealth again. We now hear for the first time of a
memorable man, Gelon, son of Deinomenes. He was
a descendant of that Telines who had brought back
the Geloan seceders from Maktorion, and he was his
successor in his priestly office. He was also the

72 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

commander of Hippokrates' cavalry, and had played
a great part in his wars. He was one of four
brothers, Gclon, Micron, Polyzelos, and Thrasy-
boulos, of all of whom we shall hear again. Gelon
now professed to take up the cause of the sons of
Hippokrates, and marched against Gela in their
name. But instead of setting them up, he took the
tyranny to himself Here was a base act, but we are
apt to blame it on the wrong ground. No wrong
was done to the sons of Hippokrates, who had no
right to the unlawful power of their father ; but a
great wrong was done to the people of Gela,
whose newly restored freedom was destroyed again.
Through life we shall find Gelon quite unscrupulous
in the way of gaining dominion. But he was a great
and wise ruler, and founded a great power ; and he
was presently called to the noblest work that could
fall to the lot of any Greek.

Gelon thus held the dominion of Hippokrates, the
greatest as yet seen in Sicily. He was soon both to
enlarge it and to change its seat. The Landowners had
now been driven from Syracuse, and they held Kas-
menai. About is.C. 48 5 they prayed Gelon to bring
them back to Syracuse. So he did ; but he made
himself lord over both them and the commons. He
was now tyrant of S3'racuse as well as of Gela; he
made Syracuse the head of his dominions, and gave
himself to enlarging and strengthening it in every
way. And some of the ways were strange enough.
His advance was of course threatening to Hyblaian
Megara, so near to Syracuse. The oligarchic govern-
ment then made war on Gelon without the consent

GELON AT SYRACUSE. y^

of the commons. When he had the better in the
war, the oligarchs were naturally in mortal fear,
while the commons feared nothing, and most likely
looked on Gelon as a deliverer. To all men's surprise,
he sold the commons as slaves to be sent out of
Sicily, while the oligarchs he took to Syracuse and
made citizens. The town of Megara he destroyed,
and joined its lands to those of Syracuse, keeping
Megara only as a fortress. And he did exactly the
same to the people of Euboia, the town whose site we
do not know. The reason he gave for thus treatinof his
friends ill and his enemies well was that he thought
the commons a most unpleasant neighbour. But the
commons of S}'racuse he in no way oppressed, being
most likely bound to them by some promise. And,
when the men of Kamarina revolted and slew his
governor, he pulled down the town and made the
people come and live at Syracuse. At last he made
one half of the people of his own native city of Gcla
remove to Syracuse in the like sort.

So Syracuse grew at the cost of the other cities of
Sicily. As the population grew so greatly, the town
itself needed to be enlarged. As yet the Island had
been the city, while Achradina was only an outpost
on the hill. Gelon now carried the western wall of
Achradina down to the Great Harbour, thus taking
Achradina into the city. But both it and the Island
kept their separate defences. The agora, the meeting-
place and market-place, which must have been at
first in the Island, was now moved into the low ground
between the Island and the hill, which had now
become the lower Achradina. Gelon was now lord of

74 THE FIRST AGE OF THE GREEK CITIES.

the greatest city in Sicily, perhaps in all Hellas, and
lord of the greatest dominion that had ever been in
Sicily or anywhere in Hellas. As such he felt more
like a king of Sicil}' than like an ordinary t}-rant of
Syracuse. He invited men from all parts who could
bs useful to him ; he hired many mercenaries and
gave them citizenship. Next in power to him was
Theron, tyrant of Akragas, a descendant of that
Telcmachos who had overthrown Phalaris. He had
risen to power, like most tyrants, by a trick ; but he
used his power mildly and left a good name behind
him. He and Gelon were fast friends, and, like princes
in later times, they made an alliance by marriage.
Gelon took Theron's daughter Damarata to wife.
Their alliance, which took in all south-eastern Sicily,
was to some extent balanced by another in the north-
east where Anaxilas of Rhcgion and Zankle was
closely allied with Terillos, tyrant of Himera, and
married his daughter Kydippe. These two pairs take
in all Greek Sicih^, save two cities. One was Katane,
of which we hear nothing, but which could not have
kept much real independence while Gelon held
Naxos and Leontinoi on each side of it. The other
was Selinous, which we find a little time later as a
dependent ally of Carthage.

Now how had a Greek city come into this last
case .'' We do not know for certain ; but we have
dim hints of a war between Greeks and rhccnicians
earlier than the great one of which we shall have to
speak direct!}'. We hear of a war to avenge the
death of Dorieus, in which Gelon claimed to have
taken a part, and said that he had asked for help in

WAR IX WESTERN SICILY. 75

Old Greece, but had got none. Tin's could not
have been after Gelon became tyrant ; but he may
have acted as an officer of one of the earlier tyrants.
It would seem that in this war the Carthaginians
destroyed the new town of Hcrakleia between
Selinous and Akragas, and this must surely have
been the time when Selinous was made to join their
alliance. But Gelon claims to have hindered the
barbarians from coming further west, and to have
ended the war by a treaty which gave some com-
mercial advantages to all Greeks. Something of this
kind must have happened to account for the state of
things which we find a little later. But the story is
told very darkl}', and we can look on the war which
followed the death of Dorieus onl}- as a forerunner of
the great and successful war with Carthage of which
we have now to speak.

SELINOUS. EARLY.

VI.

THE FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA.
B.C. 480-473.

[We now at last have a continuous narrative of Sicilian history for
about two hundred years. The books of Diodoros for all this time are
extant. He copied from earlier writers, among them the Syracusan
historians Antiochos and Philistos. Sometimes he seems to copy a
piece nearly in full, and gives us a clear and vivid account of things ;
at other times he is very confused, and seems not to have understood
his authorities. Still it is a great gain to have a continuous narrative of
any kind. Of Gelon's dealings with the Greeks at the Isthmus we have
the account of Herodotus. And we now for the fust time come to
al)solutely contemporary sources, though not iu the form of narrative.
The odes of Pindar, commemorating the victories of Ilieron, Theron,
and other Sikeliots, in the games of Old Greece are full of references to
events in Sicily. And there are some also in the poems of Simonidcs,
who, like Pindar, was entertained by Hieron. Coins too begin to tell
us more than before, and in the legend on Hieron's helmet we have a
ccjntemporary inscri]5tion recording a fact. We have also a dialogue
composed long after by Xenophnn in the names of Hierun and Simo-
nides, which at least shows the kiml of tra.lition which was handed on
to later times.]

The fifth century before Christ commonly seems to
us the most brilh'ant time in tlic history of Greece,
and it is one of tlie times of whicli we know most.
And yet its most brilliant deeds show that the Greek

PERSIA AND CARTHAGE. yy

folk had in some sort gone back in the world.
Herodotus speaks of a time when all Greeks were
free. That time had come to an end when the
Greeks of Asia passed under the power of the kings,
first of Lydia and then of Persia. Hellas was thus
cut short ; and presently she had to defend herself in
Old Greece also ; she had to fight to beat back the
Persian invader. And so in Sicily at the same
moment the Greek cities had to fight to beat back
the Carthaginian invader.

These two powers, Persia and Carthage, were such
as the barbarian world had never seen before. The
Persian dominion was the greatest in extent that had
ever been seen in the East, and the Persians, in their
beginning an Aryan people, had in them a strong
and abiding national life beyond most Eastern
nations. The Phoenicians again were the most
advanced of barbarian nations and the most like Euro-
peans. And Carthage was the model of the ruling
city for all time. The world had never seen such a
dominion by sea as she now had. And now these two
great powers threatened the Greeks on both sides, and,
there is little reason to doubt, threatened them in con-
cert. They had easy means of communicating through
the men of the old Phoenicia. Sidon and Tyre were
now under Persian supremacy ; but they were still
separate states, keeping their hatred for all Greeks and
their friendship for Carthage. So it was agreed that
Persia should attack the Greeks of Old Greece, and
that Carthage should attack the Greeks of Sicil}\
There was this difference between the two, that the
Persian king could not attack Greece except by

78 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURlA.

taking a vast army over a long march in the face of
the world. But the Carthaginians, being so much
nearer to Sicily and having a starting-point in their
Sicilian dependencies, could send a force against the
Greeks of Sicily almost at any moment. Yet it
needed time to gather a force fit for the purpose by
hiring mercenaries everywhere. So neither power
hurried. At last the Persian king Xerxes set out
on his great march. The Carthaginians were then
planning their warfare in Sicily ; but their actual
coming seems to have been sudden, and its time and
place were fixed by events which were happening in
the island.

Theron, tyrant of Akragas, seemingly invited by
a party in Himera, drove out Terillos, tyrant of
that city, and held the town himself A power was
thus formed which stretched right across Sicily and
barred the Carthaginian advance to the east. Terillos
and his son-in-law Anaxilas of Rhegion and Zankle
asked for help at Carthage. So their treason against
Hellas somewhat hastened the Carthaginian attack,
and settled in what part of Sicily it should be made.

Meanwhile in the year 480 I>.C. Xerxes was marching
against Old Greece, and the patriotic Greeks who met
in council at the Isthmus sent envoys to Gelon to ask
for help. 1 Ic had the best reason in the world for not
sending help to Old Greece, namely that he needed
all his forces to defend Syracuse and all Greek Sicily
against the Carthaginians. But a wonderful set of
speeches are given by Herodotus as having passed
between Gelon and the envoys. They are quite
unsuited to the circumstances of the time, and they

INVASIONS OF SICILY AND OLD GREECE. 79

were evidently made up afterwards by some clever
Syracusan, as a satire on the airs which the cities of the
mother-country gave themselves towards the colonies.
The Lacedaemonian and Athenian envoys are made to
insult Gelon in the very act of asking for help. It is
enough to say that Gelon sent no help, and could not
send any. And another story told how he sent an agent
to watch the state of things in Greece. If the King
should be successful, he was to give him a great sum
of money not to come against Sicily. This agent was
one Kadmos of Kos, who had been tyrant in his own
island, but had given up the tyranny and had settled
at Zankle with the Samians. It was thought a
wonderful feat of virtue that, when Kadmos found
that the money was not wanted, he brought it back
safe to Gelon.

And now the blow which had so long been looked
for fell suddenly. Theron was at his new possession
of Himera, Gelon was waiting at S}racusc, when the
great fleet sailed from Africa under the command of
Hamilkar, one of the SJiophctim of Carthage. These
were the chief magistrates, who are compared to the
Roman consuls and the Spartan kings ; the name is
the same as that of the Hebrew Judges. The Greek
writers commonly speak of them as kings. Hamilkar
set forth with a vast force. The ships that carried
the horses and war-chariots — for the Carthaginians
still kept the fashion of the old Canaan — were sunk on
the voyage. The rest of the fleet reached Panormos,
and thence the ships sailed and the land forces
marched to Himera. There Hamilkar pitched two
camps, one close to the sea, the other on the hill,

8o FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA.

west of the town. The east side towards the river,
and the landward side seem to have been left open.
We hear nothing of any action on the part of
Anaxilas ; but the Selinuntines were bidden, and
they promised in a letter, to send their horsemen to the
camp on a certain day. Meanwhile Theron and his
force made a sally and were defeated. So the
Carthaginians held the country and plundered" every-
where. But Theron was able to send a message to
Gelon, who at once marched to his help with his
whole force. He pitched his camp on the right bank
of the Himeras, and his horsemen scoured the country
and took many of the Punic plunderers. The hearts
of the men of Himera rose.

The story goes that the letters from Selinous to
Hamilkar fell into the hands of Gelon, and that he
settled to attack the Carthaginians on the day when
the Selinuntine horsemen were looked for. That day
was commonly said to have been the same as that of
the battle of Salamis in Old Greece. The two fights
were certainly fought much at the same time, in the
autumn of the year B.C. 480. And there is nothing
against the story that they were fought on the same
day, except that the talc sounds too good to be true.

We have two quite different accounts of the great
battle which followed. One, as it was told at Carthage,
is given us by Herodotus. lie says that the Syra-
cusan version was different ; that we get from Diodoros.
In the Carthaginian stor}- Hamilkar stands apart from
the fight, like Moses or Samuel. All day, while the
battle goes on, he throws whole burnt-offerings into
the fire. At last, towards evening, news comes that

BATTLE OF HIMERA. 8l

his army is defeated ; he then throws himself into
the fire, as the most costly gift of all. For this he
was honoured as a hero wherever Carthage had
power.

This is a grand story, and truly Semitic, but it
tells us nothing about the battle. In the Syracusan
story also a sacrifice offered by Hamilkar has a chief
place ; but that is the whole amount of likeness.
Gelon is said to have sent horsemen who went to the
camp by the sea, and passed themselves off for the
Selinuntines who were looked for. As such, they
were let in. They killed Hamilkar, as he was sacri-
ficing — to Poseidon, this story says — and many others,
and set fire to the ships. Then, at a given signal,
Gelon attacked the land camp, but was kept in check
by the bravery of the Iberian mercenaries. The
day was at last settled b}- the coming up of Theron
with the garrison of Himera. The whole barbarian
host was killed or scattered, a (ew only escaping to
the ships that were still at sea. Those who fled
hither and thither were gradually hunted down and
made slaves ; the Akragantines especially caught a
vast number, and set them to work at Theron's great
buildings. Thus Greek Sicily was saved from the
Carthaginian invader, as Old Greece was saved from
the Persian. Only the Persian was driven out for
ever, while after seventy years the Carthaginian came
again.

Gelon now went back to Syracuse, and was received
with all honours, even with the titles of the gods.
Benefactor (evepjerT]^), Saviour (aoiTi^p), and King
{^aaiK.ev'i). And indeed from this time he and his

82 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA.

successors are spoken of by Diodoros as kings, and
Pindar freely gives that title to Gelon's successor
Hieron, while he does not give it to Theron. Pre-
sently envoys came from Carthage, and seemingly
from Anaxilas, asking for peace. Selinous must now
have been set free from Carthage, as we presently
hear of it as an independent city. The Carthaginians
had to pay a large sum of money, and to build two
temples at Carthage in honour of the Greek goddesses

DAMARATEION.

of Sicily. But they were not disturbed in their
possessions in western Sicily. And a story was told
that Gclon made it one of the terms of peace that
the Carthaginians should give up the practice of
human sacrifices. This cannot be true ; for no
people interfered in this way with the religion of
another, and the Carthaginians certainly did not give
up the practice. But they may have engaged not to
sacrifice Greeks ; in any case he wlio devised the
story well understood the difference between Greek
and Phoenician religion, and all that was implied in a
struggle between the two nations.

DEATH OF GELON. 83

Gelon himself gave great gifts to the gods of his
own people at Olympia and elsewhere. He built the
temples of Demeter and the Kore on the south side of
Epipolai, and he began another temple near /Etna
which he did not finish. For he died two years after
his great victory, in the year 478 B.C. He was buried
with all honour, and commemorated by a stately
tomb in the low ground between Epipolai and the
Olympieion. He was reverenced at Syracuse as a hero
and a second founder, and in after days, when the
statues of all the other tyrants were taken down, those
of the deliverer of Himera were spared.

Gelon left a young son and three brothers, Hieron,
Polyzelos, and Thrasyboulos. His power was to pass
to Hieron, but Polyzelos was to have the command
of the army, and was to marry Gelon's widow and
take care of his son. This arrangement did not last.
Hieron reigned splendidly, and gained great fame
by getting round him all the poets and philosophers
of his time, Simonides, yEschylus, Pindar, besides
Epicharmos, the founder of Sicilian comedy. And
above all, his chariots and horses won prizes in the
games of Old Greece, and their victories were sung
in the odes of Pindar. But his rule was suspicious
and cruel. He set spies upon all the acts of the
citizens of Syracuse, and he was specially jealous of
his brother Polyzelos, who was much beloved. Him,
it is said, he tried to get rid of in a war, perhaps in
Italy, perhaps against the Sikels. Polyzelos fled to
Theron at Akragas, and war broke out between
Theron and Hieron. Some say that the two tyrants

84 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA,

were reconciled by the poet Simonides. Another
story told how the people of Himera, oppressed by
Theron's son Thrasydaios, offered their city to Hieron,
who betrayed them to Theron. Then Theron, so
well spoken of at Akragas, went to Himera, and
slew many of his son's enemies. The whole story is
told confusedly ; but Theron and Hieron were recon-
ciled, and Hieron married a niece of Theron.

The chief action of Hieron within Sicily, that of
which he was most proud, was hardly to his credit.
He wished to be equal to his brother, to have the
honours of a founder. To win them, he moved the
people of Naxos and Katane to Leontinoi. He then
repeoplcd Katane with new citizens from various
parts ; he enlarged its territory at the cost of the
Sikels ; he then changed the name of the town to
^tna, and gave himself out as its founder. He
called himself a man of yEtna, and as Hieron of
yEtna he won some of his victories in the games.
And though he never ventured to call himself king
at Syracuse, he set up his }'oung son Dcinomenes as
King of /Etna.

The best side of Hieron is seen out of Sicih-,
where he carries on Gelon's work as a champion of
Hellas against barbarians. Gelon hardly meddled in
Italian affairs. Hieron, early in his reign, in 477,
was able, without striking a blow, to save Lokroi
from a threatened attack by Anaxilas of Rhegion
and Zankle. And in 474 he did a work which is
placed alongside of the day of Himera. The
Greeks of Italy were often hard pressed by the
barbarians ; above all, Kymc was threatened by the

REIGN OF HIERON.

Etruscans. Hieron sent help to the Greeks, and the
fleets of Syracuse and Kyme won a great victory,
which did much to break the Etruscan power, and
gave Kyme a time of peace and prosperity. But
an attempt to plant a S)Tacusan colony on the island
of Pithekoussa or Ischia failed. In the British

GELA. C. 480.

SELINOUS. C. 440.

Museum we ma)- still sec the helmet which Hieron
dedicated for the Etruscan victory won in his name.

Here Hieron won real glory ; but he did nothing
to help other Greeks in Italy against other barbarians.
Anaxilas was now dead, and the government of
his two cities was carried on by his steward
Mikythos on behalf of his two sons. Mikythos sent
help to the people of Taras or Tarentum, who were
threatened b\' the Messapians or lapygians in the
heel of the boot. This is almost the only time that

85 FIRST WARS WITH CARTHAGE AND ETRURIA.

we hear of that people as dangerous to the Greeks ;
but it sounds hke a foreshadowing of the general
action of the nations of southern Italy which was
presently to come. The two Greek cities were
utterly defeated by the Messapians, but Mikythos
kept his hold on both Rhegion and Zankle.

We have thus had to speak of the wars of Greeks
against barbarians, both in Old Greece and in Sicily
and Italy. Great victories were won ; but in Old
Greece the barbarians were driven out for ever, while
in Sicily they came again. In Old Greece again the
wars were waged by free commonwealths, while in
Sicily they were w^aged by tyrants. We have now to
see the cities of Sicily get rid of their tyrants, and
enter on a time, if not of great victories, yet of
wonderful prosperity and of a nearer approach than
usual to peace among themselves.

VII.

THE GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDErENDENT.

B.C. 472-433-

[Our main authority now is tlie continuous history 'of Diodoros. He
alone gives us any account of Ducetius. Pindar still helps us a little at
the beginning, as he has odes addressed to citizens of Himera and
Kamarina after they had recovered independence. The acts of Empe-
dokles come from his Life by Diogenes Laertios, compiled from various
earlier writers. There are notices in Pausanias and elsewhere, specially
notices of Sicilian luxury in Athenaios. And we now begin to feel the
use of inscriptions, though those that concern us as yet are very frag-
mentary, and were graven, not in Sicily, but at Athens.]

We now come to a time which we might call the
golden age of Gi'cek Sicily. Its cities are both
independent and free. The tyrants are driven out.
No Greek is under a barbarian master, nor does any
Greek city bear rule over any other. The cities arc
wonderfully rich and flourishing, and are able to raise
great buildings. We cannot say that there is no war
either against barbarians or between one Greek city
and another. But there is much less war than there
is in the times cither before or after. And the
most remarkable war is one waged between Greek

FALL OF TYRANNY AT AKRAGAS. 89

cities and a Sikcl prince who was striving to
bring about the unity and dominion of his own
people.

We have marked our dates from the beginning of
deHverance, though it did not come all at once. In
the year B.C. 472 Theron of Akragas died. What-
ever men thought of him at Himera, he left behind
him a good memory in his own city. He had greatly
enlarged the town by taking in the great slope of
the hill between the two rivers. He had made the
walls which are still to be seen, and he had begun
the great range of temples. At his death he re-
ceived the honours of a hero, and was buried in a
stately tomb in the burial-ground west of the city.
The tomb in another part which is shown as his is
of much later date. His power passed to his son
Thrasydaios, who iiad ruled so ill at Himera. He
ruled just as ill in Akragas. When, on what occasion
we are not told, he began a war with Hieron, his
power at once broke in pieces. Akragas and
Himera, which had no tie but that of a common
master, parted asunder, and became again indepen-
dent commonwealths. Peace was made with Hieron,
and Thrasydaios fled to Old Greece. There the
people of the old Mcgara put him on his trial and
put him to death. One can see no reason for this,
unless that a tyrant was looked on as a common
enemy of mankind, who might be brought to justice
anywhere.

Here was a great blow struck at the cause of
tyrann\- in Sicil\-. And Hieron hardh' strengthened
it when in 4G7 he stirred up the sons of Anaxilas to

go GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

demand from Mikythos an account of his rule in
Zankle and Rhegion. The faithful steward gave in
an account which satisfied everybody, and the j-oung
men asked Mikythos to go on managing things for
them. But he would not stay where he had been sus-
pected. He went to Old Greece, and died in honour
at Tegea. The sons of Anaxilas now took the rule
of his two cities into their own hands ; but they could
not keep it so well as Mikythos had done.

The next year the great stay of tyranny in Sicily
was taken away. In 466 Hieron died at his own city
of /Etna. There his son Deinomenes went on reigning,
and made offerings at Olympia in his father's name.
But the power of Hieron at Syracuse and in the rest
of his dominions passed to his brother Thrasyboulos,
the last of the four sons of the elder Deinomenes.
But the people of Syracuse were now weary of
tyranny, and they presently rose to upset the power
of Thrasyboulos. But it was a hard matter to get rid of
him. For he had many mercenaries in his pay, and
the men of /Etna came to fight for the house of their
founder. Between them they held the fortified parts
of Syracuse, both the Island and Achradina which
Gelon had joined on to it. The men of Syracuse
were driven to besiege their own city from outside.
Ikit the cause of Syracuse was felt to be the cause of
freedom everywhere. From all parts, Greek and
Sikcl, which had been subject to Hieron or where men
had dreaded his power, helpers flocked to Syracuse.
The tyrant was defeated in two battles by land and
sea, and he presently agreed to surrender everything
and go away c^uietly. He went and lived at Lokroi,

ALL THE CITIES FREE. 9I

where the memory of Hieron was doubtless honoured.
At the same time or soon after, the sons of Anaxilas
were driven out of Zankle and Rhegion. The cities
which had been under the rule of the lords of
Syracuse again set up for themselves ; even fallen
Kamarina rose again, this time not as an outjo;t
of Syracuse, but as a free colony of Gela. Thus all
the Sikeliot cities were again independent, and all
were free commonwealths, save only yEtna, where
Dcinomenes still reigned. So the famous line of the
tyrants of Gela and Syracuse passed away from both
those cities, and we are surprised to find that it had
lasted only eighteen years.

The cities were now free, with neither tyrants within
nor masters from outside. But it was not easy to
settle the state of the new commonwealths after so
many changes. The tyranny had swept away the old
distinctions. At Syracuse, the city of whose affairs
we hear most, there are no signs of any more disputes
between the old Gamoroi and the old commons. But
new distinctions had arisen. In the first ^eal of
deliverance men set up the feast of the Elenthcria
in honour of Zeus Eleuthcrios, the god of freedom,
and they admitted the mercenaries and others to
whom the tyrants had granted citizenship to the same
rights as themselves. But the two classes did not
agree, and after a while (463) the old citizens, being
the greater number, passed a vote that those whose
citizenship dated only from the time of the tyrants
should not be able to hold magistracies. The ex-
cluded class flew to arms. If fewer in number, they
were better at fighting, and they again held the

92 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

Island and Achradina against the old citizens. This
led to another enlargement of the city. The suburb
of Tycha, outside Achradina on the north side of the
hill, was fortified by the Syracusan besiegers of
Syracuse, and became part of the city. The war
went on for about three years, and it is not clear how
it came to an end. But at last (461) the mercenaries
were got rid of somehow.

Something of the same kind, disputes between the
old citizens and the new, must have been going on in
other cities also. For a general vote was passed by
all the Sikeliot commonwealths that all the mer-
cenaries everywhere should be settled in the one
territory of Messana. This implies that that territory
was open to settlement. It is moreover the first time
that the name j\Icssaiia, Mcssciic, Messina, is given to
the town which had hitherto been called Zankle. The
dates are confused ; but it was certainly about this
time that the last Mcssenian war was going on in
Peloponnesos. Many Messenians were scattered abroad,
and one cannot helj) thinking that it was now that the
Messenian settlement at Zankle happened, and that the
city changed its name. It was the first town that took
that name. Messene in Peloponnesos had hitherto
been the name of a land, and the town of Messene
there was not founded till a hundred years later,
Messana had the most motley population of any town
in Sicily, and its policy was the most given to change,
as one or the other party had the upper hand.

In one city even now the house of the tyrants still
reigned. But Greeks and Sikels joined to drive
Deinomenes and the Ilieronian settlers out of yEtna.

WEALTH OF AKRAGAS. 93

The Sikels were led by their famous prince Ducetius,
of whom we shall hear again, ^tna once more
became Katane ; the old citizens came back ; the
honours of Hieron were abolished, and his tomb was
destroyed. But his settlers, and doubtless their king
with them, were allowed to occupy the Sikcl town of
Inessa, further inland and nearer to the mountain.
Its name was also for a while changed to /Etna.

Thus the Greek cities of Sicily fell back, as far as
they could, on the state of things which had been
before the rise of the tyrants. Each city was again
an independent commonwealth. Those cities which,
like Syracuse and Akragas, had borne rule over
others, now lost their dominion, and with it that kind
of greatness which comes of dominion. They gained
instead freedom at home. The constitutions of the
cities were everywhere democratic, or more nearly so
than they had been before. And the cities were
wonderfully rich and flourishing. Above all, strange
tales are told of the wealth and luxury of the rich
men of Akragas. But, after so many shocks and
changes, above all after so many movements of men
from one place to another, there were many causes
of dispute within the cities. Men in Old Greece
contrasted the constant changes in Sicily with the
stability of the older cities where the same people
had lived for ages. It is only at Syracuse and
Akragas that we get any details. At Syracuse there
were, naturally enough, disputes about the rights of
particular men to lands and citizenship. And, what
no democratic forms can hinder, there seem to have

94 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

grown up a kind of official class which kept affairs
in its own hands. Thus there arose dcnmgogiies,
leaders of the people. This name was in its origin
perfectly honourable, marking a lawful and useful
position, though one which might easily be abused.
The demagogue commonly spoke against the ad-
ministration of affairs at the time, and he could
sometimes carry a vote of the people in opposition
to the magistrates. And it marks an exclusive kind
of feeling on the part of a governing class when we
hear complaints that all the young men gave them-
selves up to making speeches. For this was the time
when oratory was becoming an art. And it began to be
so first in Sicily. The first teachers of rhetoric were the
Syracusans Korax and Tisias, and after them the
more famous Gorgias of Leontinoi.

There was always a certain fear that the dema-
gogue might grow into a tyrant. He did so both in
earlier and later times. At this time there were no
tyrants in Sicily ; but there were men who were
suspected of aiming at tyranny. There were
several such at S}'racuse. Thus about the }'ear
454 one Tyndarion gave himself out as the champion
of the poor, and his followers formed themselves
into a voluntary body-guard. The body-guard was
the very badge of tyranny. T)-ndari6n was there-
fore charged with treason, and was sentenced to
death. But his followers rose, and, instead of being
lawfully put to death, he was killed in the tumult.
Presently the Syracusans adopted a law in imitation
of the Athenian ostracisiii. That name is often mis-
used. At Athens it meant that, when the state was

POLITICS OF SYRACUSE. 95

thought to be in danger, a vote was taken in which
every citizen wrote on a tile (oarpaKov) the name of
any man whose presence he thought dangerous. If
6000 citizens named the same man, he had to
leave Athens for ten years. He could hardly be
said to be banished, and he was in no way disgraced.
He kept his property, and at the end of the ten
years he came back to his full rights. Indeed his
friends were often able to carry a vote to call him
back before the time. At Athens this law worked
well for a season, while the democracy was weak.
When the democracy was fully established, it became
needless, and gradually went out of use. We know
much less of the working of the same institution at
S\'racuse. There it was called petalism, because the
name was written on a leaf {TreroKov). The time of
absence was five )-ears. We know nothing of the
details, whether they were the same as those at
Athens or not. We are told that it worked badly,
and was soon abolished by general consent. For it
is said that, while it was in force, the best men with-
drew from public affairs and left them to the worst
men in the city. There may be some truth in this ;
for, after so many changes, political differences were
likely to be much more bitter at Syracuse than at
Athens. But these accounts clearly come from
writers hostile to democrac}-. And it is quite certain
that Syracuse was at this very time very flourishing
at home and could act a very vigorous part abroad.

The constitution of Akragas after the fall of the
tyrants seem to have been less strictly democratic
than that of Syracuse. What we know about it

g6 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

comes from the Life of the philosopher Empedokles.
About him there is a silly story, how he threw himself
into the furnace of ^tna, that men might think that
he had become a god. And, as so often happens,
this silly story has stuck to his name rather than any
of his real actions. There is something very strange
about Empedokles. He seems to have given himself
out as having a divine mission, and his followers
believed that he did many wonders, even to raising
the dead. He was certainly a poet and a physician,
and he most likely had a knowledge of nature beyond
his time. He cleansed rivers and did other useful
works. And he was the foremost man in the common-
wealth of Akragas in that day. He refused the
tyranny or supreme power in some shape ; he
brought about the condemnation of some men who
were aiming at t}'ranny ; he lessened the power of
the senate, and so made the state more democratic.
In after days, when the Athenians came into Sicily
and warred against Syracuse, and when Akragas was
bitterly jealous of Syracuse, Empedokles helped the
Syracusans against Athens. For thus preferring the
interests of all Sicily to the passions of his own city,
Empedokles was banished from Akragas. He went
to Old Greece and died, and was buried at the elder
Megara.

One can believe that the jealousy between Syracuse
and Akragas, between the first city in the island and
the second, had been handed on from the days of the
tyrants or earlier. But it was at least greatly strength-
ened by events in the wars of the time. For, though

gS GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

the time was comparatively peaceful, there were wars.
In 453 the commonwealth of Syracuse undertook to
chastise the Etruscan pirates, just as Hieron had
done. A fleet went forth and ravaged the whole
Etruscan coast. Much spoil was brought in, and it
would almost seem as if the Syracusans made some
settlements in the islands of Corsica and Elba ; but,
if so, they did not last. And there was a war in the
west of Sicily, of which we can make out nothing
distinctly ; but it looks as if Akragas and Sclinous
won some advantages over the Phoenicians. In
neither of these meagre accounts do we see Akragas
and Syracuse coming across one another in any way,
friendly or unfriendl}'. It was another war with
barbarians in which we hear of them in both wa}'s,
and which led to a lasting jealousy between the two
cities.

This sprang out of the last and greatest attempt of
the Sikels to throw off the dominion of the Greeks in
their own island. Many of the Sikels on the coast had
been made bondmen ; but their inland towns were
independent, and had largely taken to Greek ways.
But they were hampered and kept in the background
in their own land, and the more they felt themselves
the equals of the Greeks, the less would they abide
any Greek sui)eriority. They had now a great leader
among them, that Ducetius of whom we have already
heard as helping against the Hieronians at Katane.
He strove to unite his people, and to win back for
them the full possession of their own island. His
schemes must have been very like those of Philip of
Macedon a hundred years later. He would found a

RISE OF DUCETIUS. 99

state which should be poHtically Sikcl, but which
should have all the benefit of Greek culture. He
would be King- of Sicily or of as great a part of it as
he could, with his royal throne in one of the great
Greek cities. But Philip inherited an established
kingdom, which he had only to enlarge and strengthen ;
Ducetius had to create his Sikel state from the begin-
ning. He started about the year 459, by founding
the town of Menaenum, now Mineo, on the hill above
the lake of the Palici, the special gods of his people.
There mighty walls are to be seen, most likely of his
building. From that centre, in the space of six years,
he brought together most of the Sikel towns, all, it
is said, except the Galeatic Hybia, into an union of
some kind under his own headship. Unluckily we
can say no more ; of the terms of union we know
nothing. For the power thus called into being
he founded in 453 a new capital close by the holy
lake, and bearing the name of Palica. He then came
down from the hills to the plain, just as Philip came
down from Aigai or Edessa to Pella. This was a
step in advance ; his next step, if possible, would have
been to the sea. But we may be sure that he wished
above all things to put his state under the protection
of the great Sikel gods.

As yet Ducetius had not attacked any Greek city.
His first step in that way was to besiege and take
Inessa, now called ^tna. Thither, it will be remem-
bered, the Hieronian settlers in the other ^tna, that
is, Katane, were allowed to move. Ducetius himself
had helped to place them in the Sikel town. No
Greeks gave any help to the remnant of the friends

100 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

of the tyrants, perhaps with Dcinomcnes still calling
himself their king. It was otherwise when Ducetius
attacked the Akragantine town or post of Motyon.
Ducetius was now so powerful that Akragas had
to seek help at Syracuse. Ducetius won a battle
against the joint forces of the two Greek
cities, and took Motyon. The Syracusan general
was charged with treason and was put to death.
The Syracusans then sent a greater force, and,
while the Akragantines besieged and recovered
Motyon, they defeated Ducetius in a second battle.
Defeat was what a power like that formed by
Ducetius could not bear. There wms no tradition of
union among those whom he had brought together.
All gradually forsook him, and the man who had
striven to found the unity of his people was left alone,
and in danger of his life.

Ducetius now took a bold step. He would throw
himself on the generosity and the religious feelings
of his enemies. He rode to Syracuse by night ; how
he passed the gate we are not told ; but in the morn-
ing all Syracuse saw the dreaded Sikel king sitting as
a supf^liant at the altars of the gods of the agora.
An assembly was at once held. Some were for put-
ting him to death ; but there was a general cry of
" Save the Suppliant." Ducetius' life was spared,
but he was not allowed to stay in Sicily. The Syra-
cusans -sent him to their metropolis Corinth, under
a promise to live there quietly on a maintenance
which the commonwealth of Sj'racuse supplied him
with.

The Akragantines were much displeased with the

FOUNDATION OF KALE AKXi. lOI

Syracusaiis for thus sparing the common enemy.
And they were the more angry at what presently
happened. Ducctius no doubt learned a great deal
by living in a great city of Old Greece, and he made
friends there. Before long he gave out that the gods
had bidden him to plant a colony in Sicily. He set
forth with companions who must have been mainly
Greeks, and began his settlement at the same place,
Kale Akte on the north coast, where Skythes of
Zankle had once wished the lonians of Asia to
settle. The Akragantines said that this could not
have happened without at least the connivance of
the Syracusans. A war broke out in which each
side had allies ; we are not told who they were. The
Syracusans had the better ; peace was made ; we are
not told on what terms. But from that time Akragas
always had a grudge against Syracuse.

This war gave Ducetius time to go on with his
settlement. Many joined him, both Greeks and
Sikels ; he was specially helped by the neighbouring
Sikel prince Archonides of Herbita. His Greek
name is worth marking, as distinguished from the
evidently Latin name of Ducetius. The new town
grew and prospered, and Ducetius was supposed to
be again planning greater things. But the chances
of the Sikels came to an end when he died of disease
in 444. Many of the Sikel towns remained in-
dependent ; but tiieir only hope now was to make
themselves Greek, which they gradually did. And
Syracuse conquered some of those which were near
her own territory. One was Trinacia, the town
which had in some sort criven its name to the island.

102 GREEKS OF SICILY FREE AND INDEPENDENT.

Another was Ducetius' own Palica, which was de-
stroyed. Thus all the great schemes of the Sikel
prince came to an end. But he had done something.
He had at least founded three towns, two of which
lived on for many ages, and one of which, Menaenum,
now Mineo, lives on still.

For several years after this time there is no Sicilian

PANORMOS. C. 420 E.G.

MESSANA. C. 420 B.C.

history. We hear only that about the year 439, or
perhaps somewhat later, Syracuse began to make great
preparations for something. She built a fleet ; she
doubled the number of her horsemen ; she was
thought to be aiming at the dominion of all Sicily.
Nothing more is told us ; but it is plain that we
have here the beginning of the story which we shall
have to tell in our next chapter. The Chalkidians
of Sicily and Italy were thoroughly frightened, and

GREAT PREPARATIONS OF SYRACUSE. 103

they began to seek for allies in Old Greece. Till
this time Sicily has been pretty well a world of its
own, and for the last generation a very prosperous
world. The Greek cities were free and flourishing.
The failure of the plans of Ducetius showed what
was the destiny of the native races. Carthage kept
quiet. She was no doubt only biding her time, and,
before her time came, we have to tell what happened
when Sicily became mixed up in the wars of Old
Greece, and \\hen the destiny of the greatest powers
of Old Greece was fought out in the waters of
Syracuse.

viri.

THE SILVRE OF SICILY IN THE WARS OF OLD
GREECE.

B.C. 433-4C9-

[We have now, for the only time in the history of Greek Sicily, the
narrative of a contemporary historian of the first rank. Through the
whole of this chapter, except a very short time just at the end, we have
the guidance of the Athenian Thucydides. In his earlier books we have
to pick out what concerns Sicily from the general story of the Pelopon-
nesian war. In the sixth and seventh books Sicily is the main subject,
and they are the noblest pieces of contemporary history ever written. In
the eighth book we have again to pick out what concerns Sicily from
the general narrative, and just before the end we lose Thucydides, and
are left to the very inferior, but still contemporary, Xenophon. When
Thucydides is to be had, we are tempted to despise Diodoros ; and,
during the greater part of the story, his account is, strange to say,
below the usual level of his Sicilian work. But in some places he gives
us valuable matter which he has clearly copied from the contemporary
Syracusan historian Philistos. Philistos was indeed more than a contem-
porary ; in all the latter part of the war he w as an actual eye\yitncss and
actor. The earlier Syracusan historian Antiochos ended with the con-
ference at Gela in B.C. 423. And we have some subsidiary contemporary
sources. There are many references to things that concern us in the
plays of the Athenian comic poet Aristophanes, and the Athenian Iso-
krates, though he lived so long that he seems to belong to a later time,
was con-temporary with the great siege, and he has left a remark or two
about it. Among the Lives of riutarch, too, those of Nikias and Alki-
biades,deal with this time, and they preserve many things from Philistos

104

SPARTA AND ATHENS. 105

and other lost writers. And, as usual, we pick up things occasionally in
writers of all kinds, as Pausauias, Polyainos, Athenaios. Altogether
there is no time before or after for which we have so much and so good
materials.]

We have now come to a time in which the Greek
cities of Sicily get mixed up, in a way in which they
have not been before, with the disputes of the mother-
country. The more part of the Old Greek cities were
now divided into two great alliances. These were
Sparta with her following, and Athens with hers.
Sparta was the head of the Dorians, Athens of the
lonians. Sparta was old-fashioned, oligarchic, slow
to act. Athens was fond of new things, democratic,
daring in enterprise. Sparta was strong by land and
Athens by sea. But though in their home govern-
ments Sparta represented oligarchy and Athens
democracy, yet in her dealings with other cities,
Sparta had made herself better liked than Athens.
The allies of Sparta were willing allies who followed
her by traditional attachment. The so-called allies
of Athens were mostly cities which she had lately
brought under her dominion and which paid her
tribute. When she had any willing allies, they were
almost always cities which joined her out of some
grudge against Sparta or some other member of the
Lacedaemonian alliance. Before many )'ears had
passed, men found that Sparta, as a ruling city, was
much more oppressive than Athens. But as yet
Sparta represented free alliance and Athens repre-
sented subjection. The LacedxMnonian cause was
therefore popular throughout Greece.

At this moment the two <jreat alliances were at

I05 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

peace, under the terms of a truce for thirty years
made in the year 445. Even before that time, perhaps
even from the time of the Persian wars, Athens,
looking for dominion and influence everywhere, be-
gan also to look towards the West. As early as 454,
we find, as an inscription shows, Athens meddling in
Sicilian affairs and making an alliance with the
Elymians of Segesta against some enemy, perhaps
the men of Sikan Halikyai. In 443 Athens took the
lead in founding the colony of Thourioi, near the site
of the old Sybaris. And the beginnings of the Pelo-
ponnesian war itself had a close connexion with
Sicilian and Italian affairs. The Korkyraians, ever
in dispute with their metropolis Corinth, asked for
help of Athens, setting forth the importance of their
own island, as holding the key of Italy and Sicily.
This was in B.C. 433. And in this same year, the year
of her alliance with Korkyra, Athens also concluded
alliances with Leontinoi in Sicily and with Rhegion
close to it. That is the beginning of the whole story.
It is plain that Syracuse, whom wc left at the end of
the last chapter, strengthening her fleet and horse-
men, was beginning to attack, or at least to threaten,
her Chalkidian neighbours. They betake themselves
to the great Ionian city for help. And when the war
actually broke out in 431, it seems taken for granted
on both sides that Sicily had something to do with
the matter, though for several years nothing really
was done on either side. Athens, as we have seen,
was the ally of Rhegion and Leontiiuji ; but she did
nothing for them for several years. And, at the very
beginning of the war, the Lacedaemonians bade the

SlKELlOT APPEAL TO ATHENS. IO7

Dorians of Sicily and Italy, as if they were members
of their alliance, to join in building a great fleet. But
for four years no ships of war passed either way be-
tween Sicily and Old Greece. The allies of Sparta in
Sicily thought they did enough by vexing the allies
of Athens in their own island.

In the year 427 we begin to see things more
clearly. Syracuse with her allies was warring against
the Chalkidian Leontinoi and her allies. With Syra-
cuse, we are told, were all the Dorian cities of Sicily
except Kamarina — we hear nothing of Akragas — and
Lokroi in Italy. With Leontinoi were the other Chal-
kidian cities — that is, Naxos and Katane — Kamarina,
and Rhegion in Italy. We hear nothing of IMessana ;
a little later it was in alliance with Syracuse. The
Syracusan league was much the stronger, and Leon-
tinoi was hard pressed. Then the men of Rhegion
and Leontinoi, as allies of Athens, sent thither to ask
for some real help. The great orator Gorgias of
Leontinoi was one of the envoys, and he is said to
have made a great impression at Athens. It was
specially expedient at that moment to hinder any
Sikeliot ships coming to the help of Sparta, for
Korkyra was torn with sedition and could not do
much for her allies. But Athens did not choose to
run any great risk at first. A small fleet was sent,
mainly to see whether it was well to do anything
more. For about three years the war went on in a
small way till, in the year 425, Athens sent a greater
fleet to Sicily.

Nothing really great was done even now ; but we
hear several thinsrs which tell us a ereat deal as to

loS SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

the state of affairs in Sicily. Mcssana was always
changing sides, according as one party or another in
its mixed population got the chief power. One time,
in 426 two Messanian tribes, attacked by the Athe-
nians at Mylai, joined the besiegers in winning over
Messana itself to the Athenian side. Presently the
city changed back again to the Syracusan side. In
Rhegion there was a party which acted with Lokroi
against their own city. Kamarina, allied with Athens,
wavered ; dislike to Syracuse and general Dorian
sympathies were forces that pulled two ways. And
we hear something of the older nations of Sicily.
The Elymians of Segesta renewed their alliance with
Athens, a fact of which nothing came at the time,
but a great deal afterwards. Among the Sikels we
hear that King Archonidcs, the friend of Ducetius,
was, as he might expect, a firm ally of Athens. In
Inessa, the Sikel town of which we have heard so
often, we find a state of things such as often was seen
in Greece itself in the Macedonian times. The town
was a separate commonwealth, but it was controlled
by a Syracusan garrison in its akropolis. And one
story most curiously illustrates Sikel feeling. The
Sikels had a special grudge against Naxos, as having
been the beginning of Greek settlement in their land.
But they hated Sj^racuse yet more, as being far more
dangerous. So when the Syracusans and Messanians
attacked Naxos, a large body of Sikels came to its
help. The Messanians were so much weakened that
they called in fresh citizens from Lokroi. This grew
into an union between the two commonwealths of
Messana and Lokroi. Presently a new revolution

HERMOKRATES AT GEL A. 109

drove the Lokrians out again. All these things
show how much more unstable things were in Sicily,
and specially in Alessana, than they were in Old
Greece.

Before long all parties in Sicily grew tired of a war
in which nothing of any moment was done on either
side. In 424 a larger Athenian fleet came, and its
commanders called on their allies for more vigorous
action. The call seemed to turn men the other way.
Kamiarina and Gela, colony and metropolis, first
made peace with one another, and then invited the
other cities to join with her. A congress was held at
Gela ; and there we for the first time come across one
of the most memorable men in Sicilian history. This
was Hermokratcs of Syracuse, the chief man in that
city. He was suspected of not being a friend to the
democratic constitution ; but no city ever had a wiser
or truer leader in war and all foreign affairs, and men
trusted him accordingly. At Gela he made a most
remarkable speech. It is essentially the speech of
the statesman of a colony. He cares for more than
Syracuse ; he cares for all Greek Sicily. But he does
not, as some few did, care for the whole Greek folk
everywhere. His teaching is that the Sikeliot cities
should, if possible, keep peace among themselves ;
but that, in any case, they should not let any one
out of Sicily meddle in their affairs. They should all
join together to keep any strangers out. He tells the
lonians of Sicily that the friendship of Athens is all
a blind. Athens, like all other states, is simply seek-
ing dominion where she can find it. It is the com-
mon business of them all to keep her from finding
any in Sicily.

no SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

Two things may be noticed in this speech. Hermo-
krates speaks of all Greeks out of Sicily as strangers.
He does not even except his own metropolis of
Corinth. And he speaks as if all Sicily were a Greek
land. No one would find out from his speech that
there were any Phoenicians, Sikels, or Elymians in
the island. That is to say, the speech is one made
for that particular moment. Just then no barbarian
power was threatening, and a Greek power was.
And when he argued against keeping out Athenians,
he could not ask to let in Corinthians. Hermo-
krates knew perfectly well, and he showed it when the
time came, how precious the friendship of Corinth
might be to Syracuse, and how the enmity of Car-
thage was only sleeping.

Hcrmokrates prevailed, and peace was made. Each
city was to keep what it had at the time. If Athenians
or other strangers came in a single ship, they were to
be received, but not more. The peace was accepted
by the Italiot cities also, save Lokroi, where hatred
to Athens was too strong. And the Athenian com-
manders were forced to accept it also, for which they
were fined and banished when they got home. Some-
thing was gained. There was general, if not perfect,
peace in Sicily ; there were disturbances, but only in
a small part of the island ; and the next time the
Athenians tried to meddle, they could do nothing at
all.

The next quarrel that broke out in Sicily is memor-
able because it became one of the occasions of the
great Athenian invasion some years later. After the

NEW WAR AT LEONTINOI. Ill

peace, the people of Leontinoi thought good to
strengthen themselves by taking in a body of new
citizens. This they did, but when it was proposed to
give the new citizens lots of land, the oligarchic party in
Leontinoi grew angry. We can only guess how things
stood ; but most likely the lots were to be made out of
folkland, which the rich men may have occupied, just
as they did at Rome. The oligarchs asked for help
at Syracuse. Syracuse was a democracy, and should
not have helped oligarchs ; but the temptation to win
dominion or influence at Leontinoi was too strong.
A bargain was struck. The commons were driven
out ; the oligarchs removed to Syracuse and received
citizenship ; the commonwealth of Leontinoi was
merged in Syracuse, and the town became a Syra-
cusan fortress, like Megara. Presently some of the
settlers at Syracuse repented, and joined the ex-
pelled commons in occupying a Leontine fort and one
of the two akropolcis of Leontinoi. Thus there was
again a shadow of the Leontine commonwealth, which
sought for help at Athens.

Athens was now, in 422, much less powerful than
she had been in 425. Instead of sending a fleet, she
sent only two ships carrying envoys, who were to try
and get up a league in Sicily to check the encroach-
ment of S}'racuse, and specially to restore Leontinoi.
Several cities, as Akragas and Kamarina, hearkened,
but nothing was done. No one would stir, unless
the Athenians came with a powerful fleet. So
Athens had to leave Sicily alone for six years,
during which we hear nothing more of Sicilian affairs.
The Leontine remnant seem to have held out, and

112 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

presently a new source of quarrel began at the other
end of the island.

This was one of the frequent border-quarrels
between the Greeks of Selinous and the Elymians of
Segesta. Besides boundaries, they quarrelled about
rights of marriage. This shows that the two cities
must have had the avuiubiiiin or right of inter-
marriage, and that shows that the Segestans must have
largely adopted Greek ways. The Segestans first
asked help of Carthage, the common enemy of all

SEGESTA. C. 415.

Greeks ; getting none there, they remembered their
alliance with Athens some years back. So in 416
Segestan envoys came to Athens to ask for help
against Selinous, and with them came envoys from
the remnant of the Leontines to ask for help against
Syracuse. Athens and Sparta were just then nomi-
nally at peace ; but there were many grounds of
quarrel, out of which war might break out again at
any moment. Athens had now fully recovered her
power. She was full of hopeful spirits, eager for some
bold enterprise, and not knowing how great an
undertaking it was to wage a really effective war so

APPEAL OF SEGESTA TO ATHENS. II3

far off as Sicily. Their leader was the famous
Alkibiades, the most dangerous of counsellors, brave,
eloquent, enterprising", but utterly unprincipled and
thinking first of all of his own vain glory. He
strongly pleaded for helping Segesta and Leontinoi,
looking forward, so he said afterwards, to the conquest
of all Sicily and of Carthage, and to all manner of
impossible schemes. He was opposed by Nikias, the
most trusted general of the commonwealth, an honest
man and a good officer, but by nature slow to act,
and who knew better than Alkibiades how vain all
his schemes were. He had also had the chief hand
in making the peace with Sparta, and he did not wish
to run the risk of breaking it. In the first assembly
in which the matter was debated at Athens, it was
voted to send envoys to Sicily, to see how matters
stood there, and specially to find out whether the
Segestans had any money, as they boasted of having a
great deal.

The story went that these envoys and the other
Athenians who went with them were taken in at
Segesta in a strange way. The Segestans took them
to see the temple on Eryx and its wealth, where the
envoys were deceived by taking silver-gilt vessels
for solid gold. Then they got together all the gold
and silver plate in their city, and all that they could
borrow an}'where else, and asked the Athenians to a
series of banquets, at which each man passed off all the
plate as his own. So the envoys went back, thinking
that Segesta was a very rich city, and taking with them
sixty talents as an earnest. This was early in 415. And
now, though Nikias argued as strongly as he could

114 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

against it, the expedition to Sicily was decreed.
Tliree generals were put in command, Nikias him-
self, Alkibiades, and Lamachos. Lamachos was not
a rich man or a political leader like Nikias and
Alkibiades ; so he had not the same influence. But
he was one of the two best soldiers in Athens.
The other was Demosthenes, of whom we shall
presently hear.

And now the greatest force that had ever sailed
from any Greek haven set forth to help Segesta and
Leontinoi. Besides the force of Athens herself and
her subject allies, she had in this war several willing
allies, specially Argos, and Korkyra, ready to fight
against her sister. There were 136 ships of war,
5,100 heavy-armed, 1,300 light troops. But where
Syracuse was strongest, Athens was weakest. Only
30 horsemen were sent to meet the famous cavalry of
Syracuse.

When men heard in Sicily that this great force was
coming, the more part disbelieved the story. But
Hermokrates told the Syracusan assembly that the
news was true, and that they must make ready in
every way to meet the danger. They must make
alliances in Sicily, Italy, and everywhere, specially at
Sparta, Corinth, and even Carthage. But they were
not without hopes. He knew that the most experienced
of the Athenian generals disliked liis errand, and he
said that the very greatness of the force would
frighten men, and hinder the Athenians from getting
allies.

All this was perfectly wise and true, as waseverything
that Hermokrates said and did about foreiijn matters.

HERMOKRATES AND ATHENAGORAS. II5

But his home politics were suspected ; so the dema-
gogue Athenagoras arose to answer him. In his
speech he gave the best definition of democracy
ever given. It is the rule of the whole people,
as opposed to oligarchy, the rule of a part. In a
democracy the rich men, the able men, and the people
at large, all have their spheres of action. The able
men are to devise measures, and the people at large
are to judge of them. But even in the most demo-
cratic states a kind of official class often silently
grows up, men who are put forward in all matters,
and who sometimes seem to keep the knowledge of
affairs to themselves. Athenagoras, the opposition
speaker, talks as the representative of those who
were kept in the dark. He will not believe that the
Athenians are coming ; the tale is got up by official
men in their own interests. Here he was quite
wrong, and his counsel was bad. But he was wrong
simply through not knowing the facts. On his own
showing, his speech is both sensible and patriotic.

It was as Hermokrates said. The greatness of
the force frightened even those who were friendly to
Athens. The fleet met at Korkyra and sailed along
the Italian coast ; but it was only at Rhegion that
they were received with the least favour, and even
there they were not allowed to come within the walls.
And now the Athenian generals found out how the
envoys had been cheated at Segesta. All the money
in the hoard of that city was only thirty talents, that
is, half a month's pay for the Athenian fleet. The
generals then debated what to do. Nikias simply
wanted to get the fleet home again with as little damage

Il6 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

as possible. He said that they were sent to settle
the affairs of Segesta and Selinous. Let them go
and bring those two cities to any kind of agreement ;
then let them sail round Sicily, show men what the
force of Athens was, and then go home. Alkibiades,
who had much wider schemes and who wisheci to
show off his own powers of diplomacy, said that they
should first make all the allies they could ; then
let them call on Syracuse and Selinous to do justice
to Leontinoi and Segesta ; and, if they would not,
then attack them. Lamachos, who looked at things
simply as a soldier, was for attacking Syracuse at
once. Their force, he said, was now in perfect order ;
the Syracusans were frightened and unprepared. If
they waited, their own strength would lessen, the fear
of them would go off, and the enemy would be ready
to resist them. But the other generals did not agree
to this. So Lamachos joined the opinion of Alki-
biades. The Athenians sailed about to seek for allies,
while the Syracusans made ready for the defence.

The only allies they found at this stage were Naxos
and Katane. The Naxians were really zealous for
the Leontines. At Katane men were divided ; but
the more part were for Athens. By the accident of
some Athenian soldiers making their way into the
town while Alkibiades was speaking in the assembly,
the enemies of Athens were frightened awa)', and the
rest accepted the Athenian alliance. Katane now
became the Athenian headquarters. Messana would
only give a market outside the walls, Kamarina
would receive one ship only, according to the treaty.
All this caused the fleet to sail backwards and for-

RECALL OF ALKIBL\DES. 117

wards. One time they sailed into the Great Harbour
of Syracuse ; they made a proclamation for tlie Leon-
tines to join them, and then sailed out again. They
did a little plundering and skirmishing, not always
successfully. In all these ways the Syracusans got
used to the sight of the great fleet going to and fro,
and doing nothing. Their fear of it therefore wore
off, just as Lamachos had said that it would.

At this point Alkibiades was called back to Athens,
to take his trial on a charge of impiety. The famous
story of the Hermes-breaking and all that followed
it, so memorable in the history of Athens, does not
concern us in Sicily, except as it turned Alkibiades
from the general of the Athenians into the best
counsellor of Sparta and Corinth against his own
city. For he did not go back to Athens for his
trial, but escaped to Peloponnesos, where we shall
hear of him again. Meanwhile the command of the
Athenian force in Sicily was left practically in the
hands of Nikias. Now Nikias could always act well
when he did act ; but it was very hard to make him
act, above all on an errand which he hated. One
might say that Syracuse was saved through the
delays of Nikias. He now went off to petty expe-
ditions in the west of Sicily, under cover of settling
matters at Segesta. He really did nothing except
take the one Sikan town of H}-kk-ara on the north
coast, which was hostile to Segesta, and sell all its
people. Himera refused to join Athens; nothing was
done at Selinous ; the Athenians could not take the
Sikel town of Galeatic Hybla near ^Etna, the seat of
the goddess so called. Then they went into winter-

Il8 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

quarters at Katane (B.C. 415-414). The Syracusans
by this time quite despised the invaders. Their
horsemen rode up to the camp of the Athenians at
Katane, and asked them if they had come into Sicily
merely to sit down there as colonists.

But the great danger against which Hermokrates
had warned his fellow citizens was not to pass away
so easily as this. The invaders were still in the
land, and their leader could act vigorously when-
ever he did act. By a clever stratagem, a false
message which professed to come from the Syracusan
party in Katane, Nikias beguiled the whole Syracuse
force to come out to a supposed attack on the Athenian
camp. Meanwhile the Athenian army went on board
the ships and sailed in the night into the Great
Harbour. There they encamped near the Olympieion;
but Nikias took care to do no wrong to the temple
and its precinct. A battle was fought next day on
the low ground by the Anapos. The Athenians had
the better, but the Syracusan horsemen kept them from
pursuing. Nikias made this an excuse for doing
nothing more, saying that he could not act without
more horsemen and more money. So the day after
the battle the Athenian fleet sailed away again, and
took up their quarters for the rest of the winter at
Naxos. One asks which did most for the deliverance
of Syracuse, Hermokrates or Nikias.

Hermokrates meanwhile bade his countrymen
keep up their spirits. They had done as well in
battle as could be expected ; they only wanted dis-
cipline. And to that end it would be well to have
fewer generals and to give them greater ]:)Owers. So

BATTLE BEFORE SYRACUSE. II9

at the next election, instead of fifteen generals they
chose only three, of whom Hermokrates was one. They
then went and burned the empty Athenian camp at
Katane, and spent the rest of the winter in prepara-
tions and fresh fortifications. The city was now again
enlarged by taking the Tememites, the precinct of
Apollon, within the walls.

The winter (B.C. 415-414) was chiefiy spent on both
sides in sending embassies to and fro to gain allies.
Nikias also sent home to Athens, asking for horse-
men and money, and the people, without a word of
rebuke, voted him all that he asked. A very instruc-
tive debate took place in the assembly of Kamarina,
where envoys from both sides were heard. Hermo-
krates again preached Sicilian unity, and called on
Kamarina to help herself by helping Syracuse. The
Athenians, he said, did not care for the Leontines
and their Ionian kindred. They only wanted do-
minion, and they would treat Sikeliot allies just as
they treated their allies nearer home. While they
were talking in Sicily about the freedom of the
Chalkidians, they were holding their metropolis
Chalkis in bondage. Then the Athenian orator
Euphemos answered that the Athenians did every-
where what suited their own interests. They made
their allies subject or left them free, just as suited
them. They had made some of their allies into
subjects, because it suited their interest to do so ;
others they had left free, for the same reason. In
Sicily, at that distance, it was their interest to have
free allies. It was not Athens, he said, but Syracuse,
that threatened the freedom of anybody in Sicily.

120 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

The men of Kamarina were mostly inclined to
Athens ; but it seemed safer to be neutral. So they
voted that, as the Syracusans and Athenians were
both their friends, they could not help either of them
against the others.

The Athenians also sought alliances among
barbarians as well as among Greeks. Most of the
Sikels took their side, but not all. And their help
was valuable, as supplying horsemen, Horsemen too
came from Segesta. The Etruscans also, old enemies
of Syracuse, sent some help. But nothing came of
an Athenian embassy to Carthage. The Cartha-
ginians, we may be sure, were already biding their
time for their great attack on Greek Sicily. But
they meant, whenever they made it, to make it for
their own profit, and not to strengthen so dangerous
a power as Athens.

But the most important embassy of all was that
which the Syracusans sent to Corinth and Sparta.
Corinth zealously took up the cause of her colony
and pleaded for Syracuse at Sparta. And at Sparta
Corinth and Syracuse found a helper in the banished
Athenian Alkibiadcs, who was now doing all that he
could against Athens. He told them everything, true
and false, about the wonderful schemes of Athens at
the beginning of the war. He told the Spartans to
occupy a fortress in Attica, which they soon after-
wards did, and a great deal came of it. But he also
told them to give vigorous help to Syracuse, and
above all things to send a Spartan commander. The
mere name of Sparta went for a great deal in those
days ; but no man could have been better chosen

ALKIBIADES AT SPARTA. 1 21

than the Spartan who was sent. He was Gylippos,
the dehverer of Syracuse. He was more Hke an
Athenian than a Spartan, quick and ready of re-
source, which few Spartans were. We shall see what
he did presently ; but he had no chance of doing
an}-thing just )-eL. We must remember that at this
stage Peloponnesian help to Syracuse has not yet
come, but is making ready.

And now at last, when the spring came (414) Nikias
was driven to do something. He had again moved
his headquarters from Naxos to Katane. Money
and horsemen had come from Athens, but their horses
were to be found in Sicily. Meanwhile Lamachos —
for it must have been he — planned an attack such as
he had doubtless meant from the beginning. It is very
strange that the strong point called Euryalos at the
western end of the hill of Epipolai had never been
fortified. Almost at the same moment Hermokrates
determined to guard it and Lamachos to attack it.
The Athenian ships now carried the army to a point
in the bay of Megara as near as might be to the west
end of the hill, and then took up its station at
Thapsos. From the coast the Athenians marched
with all speed and climbed up the hill. At that very
moment Hermokrates was holding a review of the
Syracusan force in the meadows of the Anapos. He
sent 600 men to guard Euryalos, not knowing that
the enemy were already there. So first the 600, and
then the whole Syracusan force that followed, were
driven back by the Athenians. The Athenians now
occupied all that part of the hill which lay outside

SYRACUSE SHOWING THE ATHENIAN SIEGE.

MAT OK SYRACUSE DURING THE ATHENIAN SIEGE.

THE ATHENIANS OX THE HILL. 1 23

the walls of S^'racusc. They were joined by their
horsemen, Greek and Sikel, and after nearly a year,
the siege of Syracuse really began.

The object of the Athenians now was to build a
wall across the hill and to carry it down to the sea
on both sides. Syracuse would thus be hemmed in.
The object of the Syracusans was to build a cross-
wall of their own, which should hinder the Athenian
wall from reaching the two points it aimed at.
This they tried more than once ; but in vain. There
were several fights on the hill, and at last there
was a fight of more importance on the lower
ground by the Great Harbour. The Athenian wall
had been carried down the south side of the hill ;
it was carried across the low ground in the shape of a
double line, and it had nearly reached the water. The
Syracusans were doing all that they could to stop it
by means of a counter-wall. The Athenian army
therefore went down, and a battle followed on the
low ground by the Anapos. The Syracusans were
defeated, as far as fighting went ; but they gained far
more than they lost. For Lamachos was killed, and
with him all vigour passed away from the Athenian
camp. At the same moment the Athenian fleet sailed
into the Great Harbour, and a Syracusan attack on the
Athenian works on the hill was defeated. Nikias
remained in command of the invaders ; but he was
grievously sick, and for once in his life his head seems
to have been turned by success. He finished the wall
on the south side; but he neglected to finish it on
the north side also, so that Syracuse was not really
hemmed in. But the hearts of the Syracusans sank ;

124 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

they grew wroth with Hermokrates and his colleagues
and chose other generals. At last a party which had
always been favourable to Athens prevailed so far
that -a day was appointed to discuss terms of sur-
render. It was at this darkest moment of all that
deliverance came. On the very day that had been
fixed for the assembly, a Corinthian ship, under its
captain Gongylos, sailed into the Little Harbour.
He brought the news that other ships were on their
way from Peloponnesos to the help of Syracuse,
and, yet more, that a Spartan general was actually in
Sicily, getting together a land force for the same end.
As soon as the good news was heard, there was no
more talk of surrender. That day was the turning-
point of the whole war.

It was as Gongylos said. The Peloponnesian fleet was
not large, hardly twenty ships, nearly all from Corinth
and her colonies. And they were somewhat slow in
coming ; but they were at last on their way. Gylippos
at first heard that Syracuse was altogether hemmed
in. He gave up all hope for Sicily, but he thought of
saving the Dorian cities of Italy. Nikias heard of
their coming ; but he only sent four ships to watch,
and they were too late. For presently Gylippos heard
that the Athenian wall was not finished on the north
side, and that it was still possible to get into Syracuse
by way of the hill. So he bade the Corinthians go
on to Syracuse by sea; he himself .sailed to Himera,
and waited awhile, collecting troops, Greek and Sikel.
llimera, Gela, and Selinous all sent help. The Sikel
king Archonitlcs of Hcrbita, the friend of Ducetius,
had lately died. He had been a firm ally of Athens ;

COMING OF GYLIPPOS. 1 25

but now Gylippos was able to win a large Sikel force
to his side. Nikias heard all this; but he still loitered;
the north v;all was not carried to the brow of the hill.
And one day the Athenian camp was startled by the
appearance of a Lacedaemonian herald, offering them
a truce of five days, that they might get them out of
Sicily with bag and baggage.

Gylippos was now on the hill. He of course did
not expect that the Athenian army would really
go away in five days. But it was a great thing
to show both to the besiegers and to the
Syracusans that the deliverer had come, and that
deliverance was beginning. Nikias had kept such
bad watch that Gylippos and his troops had come up
the hill and the Syracusans had come out and met
them, without his knowledge. The Spartan, as a
matter of course, took the command of the whole
force ; he offered battle to the Athenians, which they
refused ; he then entered the city.

The very next day he began to carry out his
scheme. This was to build a group of forts near the
western end of the hill, and to join them to the city
by a wall running cast and west, which would hinder
the Athenians from ever finishing their wall to the
north. Each side went on building, and some small
actions took place. The Athenians also occupied the
point called Plcmm}'rion on the south side of the mouth
of the Great Harbour. This served them both to
watch the mouth and to secure a better station for
their ships. To meet this stroke, the S}-racusans
occupied Polichna, and constant skirmishings went on
between the two outposts. Gylippos too finished his

126 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

forts and wall, and cut off the Athenians from all
communication to the north. The whole stress of
the war was now in the Great Harbour and the south
side of the hill.

Another winter (B.C. 414-413) now came on, and
with it much sending of envoys. Gylippos went
about Sicily collecting fresh troops. All the Dorian
cities, save Akragas, which remained neutral, now gave
help, Kamarina among them. The cause of Syracuse
was felt to be the common cause. Envoys were sent

to Sparta and Corinth, and at last a considerable
force from various parts of the Peloponnesian alliance
was got ready. The main part was very long in
coming ; but a few came more speedily ; among them
a gallant band from Thespia in Boiotia.

Meanwhile Nikias wrote a letter to the Athenian
people. This was an unusual step ; hitherto he
had sent only messages. He told the people that he
wished them to know the exact truth, in how bad a
case the army and fleet were. The ships were worn
out; the men were deserting; G)'Hppos had come into
Syracuse, and by his wall-building the besiegers were

SECOND EXPEDITION VOTED. 127

themselves more truly besieged. He did not say,
perhaps he did not fully understand, how completely
all this was his own fault. But he asked to be relieved
of his command on the ground of sickness and long
service. And he told the people that they must
choose between two things. They must either recall
the fleet and army before Syracuse, or else they must
send out another force quite equal to that which they
had first sent out two years before.

This letter came at a time when the Lacedaemonian
alliance had determined to renew the war with
Athens, and when they were making everything ready
for an invasion of Attica. To send out a new force
to Sicily was simple madness. We hear nothing of
the debates in the Athenian assembly, whether any
one argued against going on with the Sicilian war,
and whether any demagogue laid any blame on
Nikias. But the assembly voted that a new force
equal to the first should be sent out under Demo-
sthenes, the best soldier in Athens, and Eurymedon.
The people refused to relieve Nikias of his command,
but ordered two of his officers, Menandros and Euthy-
demos, to share it with him. Eur)'med6n was sent
out with this message, and with 120 talents in money ;
he then sailed back to join Demosthenes.

At S}'racuse, since the coming of Gylippos, Hermo-
krates, though no longer general, was again listened
to as an adviser. He and Gylippos were now exhort-
ing the Syracusans to attack the fleet of the besiegers
before the new Athenian force came out. He told
them that the Athenians had not always been strong
by sea ; they had taken to it only at the time of the

128 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

Persian invasion ; till then the Syracusans had had
more to do with the sea than they. What the Athe-
nians had done, the Syracusans might do also. And
he said that the strength of the Athenians lay, not in
their real power, but in their daring which frightened
everybody. The Syracusans had only to meet them
with equal daring. Thus stirred up, they made an
attack on Plemmyrion by land and sea. At sea, after
a hard fight, the Syracusans were defeated ; but
Gylippos took the Athenian forts on Plemmyrion,
and the besieging fleet had now to go to the inner part
of the harbour, to the small piece of coast between
the two Athenian walls. Here they were pent up close
to the Syracusan docks, and constant skirmishes went
on.

Meanwhile the Syracusans were strengthened by
help both in Sicily and from Peloponnesos. Their
main object now was to strike a blow at the fleet of
Nikias before the new force came. To this end the
Corinthian officers taught them to make some changes
in their naval tactics. The Athenian sailors did not
think much of directly meeting an enemy's ship beak
to beak. Their skill lay mainly in skilful manceuvres,
sailing backwards and forwards, and attacking the
enemy at any weak point. For this they had less
room in the Great Harbour than in the open sea ; so
the Corinthians taught the Syracusans to make their
beaks very heavy and strong for the direct attack.
So taught, and skilfully guided by the Corinthian
Ariston, the besiegers attacked the besieging camp by
land and sea. In the second day's fighting the Syra-
cusans had the great delight of defeating the dreaded

COMING OF DEMOSTHENES AND EURYMEDON. 1 29

Athenians on their own element. Their spirits rose
high ; Syracuse did indeed seem to be delivered.

It had been just when the Syracusans were most
downcast that they were cheered by the coming of
the Corinthians and of Gylippos. And just now
that their spirits were highest, they were dashed again
by the coming of Demosthenes and Eurymedon.
A fleet as great as the first, seventy-five ships,
carrying 5,000 heavy-armed and a crowd of light
troops of every kind, sailed into the Great Harbour
with all warlike pomp. The Peloponncsians were
already in Attica; they had planted a Pelopon-
nesian garrison there, which brought Athens to
great straits ; but the fleet was sent out to Syra-
cuse all the same. Demosthenes knew what to do as
well as Lamachos had known. He saw that there
was nothing to be done but to try one great blow,
and, if that failed, to take the fleet home again. The
worst thing of all for the Athenians was the wall that
Gylippos had built along the hill from west to east.
Demosthenes first attacked it from the south side, but
in vain. His next plan was to march all round the west
end of the hill, and climb up by night at the point on
the north side where the Athenians had gone up first
of all. Demosthenes, Menandros, and Eurymedon,
leaving Nikias in the camp, set out with provisions
for five days, with masons and carpenters and all that
was wanted, and marched round to the north side of
Epipolai. The attack was at first successful, and the
Athenians took two of the Syracusan forts. But
the Thespian allies of Syracuse stood their ground,

130 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

and drove the assailants back. Utter confusion fol-
lowed. The moon gave light enough to see, but not
to tell friend from foe. The watchword got known,
and as there were Dorian Greeks, using the same war-
cry, on both sides, the Athenians did not know Argeian
friends from Corinthian enemies. At last the Athe-
nians were driven over the hill-side, and many died
by leaping or falling from the cliffs. The soldiers
who had come first with Nikias, and who knew the
country, for the most part escaped to the camp ; the
new comers lost their way, and were cut down in the
morning by Syracusan horsemen.

The last chance was now lost, and Demosthenes
was eager to go home. But Nikias would stay on ;
he said that he knew from his friends in Syracuse
that the Syracusans were worse off than they were.
He would not even agree when Demosthenes and
Eurymedon prayed him to move the camp to Thapsos
or Katane. But when sickness grew in the camp,
when fresh help from Sicily and the great body of the
allies from Peloponnesos came in to Syracuse, he at
last agreed to go. Just at that moment the moon
was eclipsed. Few men then knew what an eclipse
of the moon really was, and Nikias and his army
were frightened at it as a warning against start-
ing. Nikias consulted his soothsayers, and he gave
out that they must stay twenty-nine days, another
full revolution of the moon.

This resolve was the destruction of the besieging
army. The object of Gylippos and the Syracusans
now was to destroy the enemy in the harbour, lest they
should get out and carry on the war from some other

ECLIPSE OF THE MOON. 131

point. An attack was made by land and sea. The
land attack was beaten back, chiefly by the Etruscan
allies of Athens ; but by sea the Syracusans had the
better, and Eurymedon was killed. The hopes and
spirits of the Syracusans grew higher than ever.
They fully felt the greatness of their position, as the
centre of the war which divided all Greece, with so
many allies on their side, their mother-city Corinth,
and the great name of Sparta herself In the cn'cs
of most Greeks at the time, Athens was the enemy
of independence everywhere ; let them destroy the
armament now before Syracuse, and the enemy would
be so weakened as to be no longer dangerous. The
Athenians, on their side, had given up all hope of
taking Syracuse ; their only hope was to get home
with as little damage as might be, and help their own
city which was now so hardly pressed. It was felt on
both sides that all would turn on one more fight by sea,
the Athenians striving to get out of the harbour, and
the S}'racusans striving to keep them in it.

The S}'racusans now blocked up the mouth of the
harbour by mooring vessels across it. The Athenians
left their position on the hill, a sign that the siege was
over, and brought their whole force down to the shore.
It was no time now for any skilful manoeuvres ; the
chief thing was to make the sea-fight as much as
might be like a land-fight, a strange need for
Athenians. Xew devices were devised on each side.
The Athenians tried grappling irons, called iron hands ;
the Syracusans covered their prows with leather to
escape their grasp. Nikias, at his best now things
were at the worst, went round exhorting all the

132 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

Athenian captains. He stayed on shore with the land
force, while the other generals went on board.

The last fight now began, no Athenian ships
against 80 of the S3M-acusans and their allies. Never
before did so many ships meet in so small a space.
The Syracusans had the great advantage of having
the whole shore open to them, while the Athenians
had only the small space between their walls. The
Athenian ships sailed straight for the mouth of the
harbour ; the Syracusans attacked them from all
sides. The fight was long and confused ; at last the
Athenians gave way and fled to the shore. The
battle and the invasion were over. Syracuse was not
only saved ; she had begun to take vengeance on her
enemies.

But there were still 40,000 men in the Athenian
camp, and Hermokratcs feared that they might gain
some friendly point, Greek or Sikel, and might still be
dangerous. But these 40,000 men were utterly broken
in spirit ; even the devout Nikias did not ask for the
bodies of the dead. The men positively refused, when
Demosthenes wished them to try one more chance by
sea. There was therefore nothing for them to do but to
seek some place of safety by land ; and it was the
object of Gylippos and Hermokratcs to hinder them
from so doing. But the day was a high day, a feast
of Herakles, and in the maddening joy of the great
deliverance men would not turn out to do any more
work at least till the morrow. Hermokratcs therefore
sent a false message, in the name of Nikias' friends in
Syracuse, saying that the roads were already stopped,
and it was in vain to set out that night. By this

LAST BATTLE AND RETREAT. I33

means G}'lippos found time to stop all the roads,
bridges, and passes.

The Athenians waited one day, and then set out,
hoping to make their way to some safe place among
the friendly Sikels in the inland country. The sick
had to be left behind, and the horsemen and heavy-
armed had to carr)' their own provisions, for their slaves
had all run a\va\'. In this strait Nikias, sick and
weak as he was, did all that he could to maintain
order and to keep up the spirits of his men. They
marched along, but very slowly, as the Syracusan
horsemen and darters harassed them at every step.
It seldom came to hand to hand fighting. When it
did, the Athenians still had the advantage. But when
they got into a narrow and stony gorge which led to
their first point, a gorge just beyond the present town
of Floridia, they found it impossible to get on, because
of the darters above and the heavy-armed who stopped
the pass. On the sixth day, after frightful toil, they
determined to change their course. They would now
strike into the road to Heloron and march nearer the
coast, till they could reach the inland country by
going up the bed of one of the rivers. They hoped
to find Sikel allies at the first of them, the Kakyparis
or Cassibile.

They set out in two divisions, that of Nikias going
first. Much better order was kept in the front
division, and by the time Nikias reached the river,
Demosthenes was six miles behind. But instead of
Sikel friends, the banks were guarded by Syracusan
enemies. The Athenians drove them off, their last
success in the war. But they did not now think of

134 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

trying the bed of the Kakyparis, but rather of some
stream further on. They halted for the night by
another stream, the Erineos. And in the morning a
S)-racusan force came up with the friglitful news that
the whole division of Demosthenes were prisoners.
They called on Nikias to surrender also. A truce was
made for Nikias to send a horseman to find out the
truth, and he came back to say that the Syracusans
had overtaken the division of Demosthenes in a diffi-
cult piece of ground, and had by many harassing

SYRACUSAN pentf:kontalttron.
{Prize Ai-ins of Assinarian Ga/iics.)

attacks brought them to surrender. Demosthenes
made no terms for himself, but the Syracusans
promised that of the 6,000 men that he had left none
sh(juld be put to death cither at once or by lack of
food or intolerable bonds. They now called on Nik'ias
to do the like. This he refused, but he proposed to
Gylippos that the Athenian army that was left should
be allowed to go free out of Sicily on condition of
Athens repaying to Syracuse all the costs of the war,
and leaving citizen hostages till the money was paid.

SYKACUSAN STONE QUAKRY.

136 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

This was refused ; the Athenians tried in vain to
escape in the night. The next morning they set out,
harassed as before, and driven wild by intolerable
thirst. They at last reached the river Assinaros,
which runs by the present town of Noto. There was
the end.

The Athenians had doubtless meant to go up the bed
of the river, and they did not expect to find so distant
a stream guarded by Syracusan troops. But so it
was. Yet the Athenians were so maddened by thirst
that, though men were falling under the darts and the
water was getting muddy and bloody, they thought
of nothing but drinking. Then a body of Pelo-
ponnesians were sent down to slay them in the river
bed. Nikias then prayed Gylippos to deal with him
as he pleased, but to spare the slaughter of his men.
No further terms were made ; most of the horsmen
contrived to cut their way out ; the rest were made
prisoners. Most of them were embezzled by Syra-
cusans as their private slaves ; but about 7,000
men out of the two divisions were led prisoners
into Syracuse. They were shut up in the stone-
quarries, with no further heed than to give each man
daily half a slave's allowance of food and drink.
Many died ; many were sold ; some escaped, or were
set free ; the rest were after a while taken out of the
cjuarries and set to work. The generals had made no
terms for themselves. Hermokrates wished to keep
them as hostages against future Athenian attempts
against Sicily. Gylippos wished to take them in
triumph to Sparta. The Corinthians were for putting
them to death ; and so it was done.

END OF THE ATHENIAN INVASION. 137

So ended the Athenian invasion of Sicily, the
greatest attempt ever made by Greeks against Greeks,
and that which came to the most utter failure. It is
wonderful that Athens could bear up as she did for
several years after such frightful loss. In Sicily war
still went on between Syracuse and the Chalkidians
in the island ; but the most notable result was
that Syracuse and Selinous now repaid the help that
they had received from Corinth and the whole Pelo-
ponnesian alliance by sending ships to serve against
Athens (B.C. 412). Hermokrates and the Syracusans
won special credit by their conduct in the war that
was waging along the coast of Asia. The Spartans
had now joined in an alliance against Athens with
the Persian king Darius and his satrap Tissa-
phernes. They took pay from the barbarian and
acknowledged him as master of all the Greek
cities of Asia. Hermokrates did not directly refuse
the alliance ; but he withstood the satrap when he
tried to cut down the men's pay, while the bribed
Spartan officers connived at it. And when the people
of INIiletos pulled down the castle which Tissaphernes
had built in their city, the Spartan commanders bade
them be quiet and serve the King ; but Hermokrates
and the Syracusans stood their friends. The Sikeliot
contingent was foremost in every battle, and they won
themselves favour everywhere by their good conduct.
But Hermokrates naturally drew on himself the bitter
hatred of the satrap Tissaphernes.

Meanwhile party strife was going on at Syracuse.
There, just as at Athens after the driving back of the
Persians, the tendency of deliverance and victor)- was

138 SICILY AND THE WARS OF OLD GREECE.

to make things more democratic. A popular leader
named Diokles had now the chief influence at
Syracuse, and he is said to have drawn up a new
code of laws. He was of course opposed to
Hermokrates, and it was doubtless through him that
(B.C. 409) a decree was passed deposing and banishing
both him and the other generals who were in command
in the ^'Egaian. This seems to us very unjust ; but it is
only fair to remember that the Sikeliot ships had been
sent in the hope of a speedy overthrow of the power of
Athens by the joint force of Peloponnesos and Sicil}-.
Nothing of the kind had happened, and there was
doubtless sore disappointment at home. When the
decree came out, the officers and seamen wished
Hermokrates and his colleagues to keep theircommand
in defiance of the orders from home. But they told
their men to submit to the decree of the common-
wealth, and consented only to keep the command till
their successors came out. Then they withdrew.
Many of the officers swore that, when they got back
to Syracuse, they would do all that they could to
bring about the restoration of Hermokrates and his
colleagues. But he himself took other means to the
same end which showed that the suspicions against
him at home were not wholly without ground. Hated
by Tissaphcrnes, he was on good terms with the rival
satrap Pharnabazos, and from him he received a
large sum of money to bring about his return to
Syracuse how he could.

Meanwhile the Sikeliots in the ALgxa.n were able
to show that they could do good service even without
Hermokrates. They still kept up their character for

BANISHMEXT OF HERMOKRATES.

139

bravery and good conduct. A strange ad\'cnture
happened to some of them who were taken prisoners
by the Athenians. They too were shut up in stone-
quarries, to avenge the sufferings of the Athenians at
Syracuse. But they contrived to dig their way out
through the rock. Presently all the forces of Sicily
were needed elsewhere. While the men of Selinous
were warring on the coast of Asia, news came out that
Selinous was no longer a city. The Sikeliots presently
sailed back, being able to do the Peloponnesian cause
one last service on the way. They helped to win
back for Sparta the fort of Pylos, which Demosthenes
had set up on LacedcTmonian ground in one of the
earlier expeditions against Sicily. That was the last
Sikeliot exploit in the eastern seas. There was
reason indeed to call for every ship and evers' man
of Greek Sicily for work in his own island. The
news that had come from Selinous was true. A
more frightful blow than the Athenian invasion
threatened every Greek city in Sicily. The second
Carthaginian invasion had becrun.

IX.

THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION.

B.C. 413-404-

[For this chapter our authority is ahnost wholly the narrative of
Diodoros. He followed various earlier writers, and sometimes quotes
them. Those available now were Philistos the contemporary Syracusan
historian, Ephoros the general historian of Greece, and Timaios, the
later Sicilian writer. This is one of the best parts of Diodoros'
narrative, and it is plain that he must have made large use of Philistos;
still it is a fall from Thuc3dides.]

Carthage had been quiet, as far as concerned
Sicily, all through the Athenian war. The schemes
of Athens had threatened her ; but nothing had
come of the proposal of Ilermokrates to seek
Carthaginian help for Syracuse. After the defeat of
the Athenians, there seems to have been perfect
peace between Greeks and Plioenicians in Sicily,
l^tit two local wars were going on at the two ends of
the island, out of one of which much was to come.
The Athenian war was in a manner continued in the
warfare which Syracuse was carr)Mng on without
much zeal against the allies of Athens, Katane and
Naxos. And in western Sicily the story of the

EXPEDITION OF HANNIBAL.

141

causes which led to the Athenian invasion were
acting over again. Segesta and SeHnous were still
fighting on their borders, greatly to the advantage of
Selinous. It was no use now for Segesta to ask help
at Athens. Help was sought at Carthage, and, after
some debates in the Carthaginian senate, it was
granted. Segesta professed herself a dependent ally
of Carthage.

The man at Carthage who was most eager for war
was the Shophct Hannibal son of Giskon, grandson
of Hamilkar who died at Himera. He could have had
no spite against Selinous. In that town there was a

KATANE. C. 410.

party friendly to Carthage, and his father, banished
from Carthage, had found shelter there. But the one
passion of his soul was to avenge his grandfather.
He hated all Greeks, specially those of Himera.
Being made general with full powers, he first sent
over a body of Africans, and took into pay another
body of Campanians, \\'ho had been hired for the
Athenian service, but had come too late. Had they
been wandering about Sicily all this time? Hannibal
contrived by subtle diplomacy to make Syracuse
neutral ; yet, when the Sclinuntines asked for S}Ta-
cusan help, it was voted, but not sent. But the

142 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION.

dread of Syracuse caused Scgcsta to crave for
further help from Carthage, and in the spring of the
year B.C. 409, help came indeed.

Hannibal spent the winter in bringing together a
vast army from all parts. Two things are to be
noticed about it. A large body of Carthaginians
gave their personal service, and Hannibal somewhere
found Greeks who were not ashamed to take liis pay
against their brethren. With 60 triremes and 1,500
other vessels of all kinds, carrying 4,000 horsemen
and all kinds of military engines, he sailed from Car-
thage to Lilybaion. He then left his ships at Motya,
and marched straight upon Selinou.s. The news of
his landing was brought to Selinous before he got
there, or the city might have been taken unawares.
As it was, there was no time to make ready for a
siege. The Selinuntines were rich and prosperous ;
they feared their Segestan enemies so little that they
had let their defences go out oi' repair. They were
busy building the greatest of the temples which we
now see in ruins, and Hannibal's coming kept them
from ever finishing it. He advanced from the west ;
he took the Selinuntine outpost of Mazara ; and he
seems to have encamped on the western hill of
Selinous. He then brought up his men and his
engines, and attacked the central hill, the hill of the
akropolis. Horsemen were sent to ask for help
from Akragas and Syracuse, but the men of both
cities were slow to march. Selinous, left alone, held
out, wc are told, for nine days of constant fighting.
At last the Iberians made their way in ; the rest
followed ; a general massacre took place for a while ;

SIEGE AND TAKING OF SELINOUS. 143

but some men escaped, and many women and
children were spared as slaves. No such blow had
ever before fallen on any Greek city of Sicil)-.

Those who escaped found a kindly shelter at
Akragas. And presently a body of 3,000 Syracusans
under Diokles came, too late for any fighting. But
Diokles and Empedion, the chief friend of Carthage
at Selinous, who was among the refugees, made some
kind of terms with Hannibal. Selinous ceased to
exist as a city, even as a dependent cit}\ It became
part of the dominion of Carthage. Its walls were
slighted ; but the remnant who had escaped to
Akragas were allowed to go back to the site. Kut
it does not appear that tiannibal wrought any greater
damage than was needed for his purposes. The
destruction of the temples was clearly not his doing,
but the work of an earthquake. But he had done
all that his Segestan allies could have asked for.
They would never again be threatened by the
Selinuntines.

Hannibal had now seemingly done all that his
commission from Carthage bade him do. But he
had a further errand of his own ; he came to a\cnge
the death of his grandfather Hamilkar. Himera
was not to be let off so easily as Selinous. There
neither men nor stones were to be spared. With his
whole force, strengthened by some Sikans and Sikels
who had joined him, he marched on Himera, and
attacked the town with his engines, and also with
mines. The men of Himera bore up stoutly for the
first day. At night help came. The force which
Diokles had led to Akragas had now grown to 5,000

144 ^'^^ SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION.

and others were dropping in. A battle was fought
beneath the walls, in which first the Greeks and then
the barbarians had the better. At this moment, the
Sikeliot fleet coming back from Asia, which had
doubtless received orders on its voyage, came in sight
of Himera. Then Hannibal cunningly spread abroad
a false report that he was going to leave Himera,
to march to Motya, to go on board his fleet, and to
sail straight for Syracuse. Both Diokles and the
officers of the fleet fell into this trap ; they thought
their first duty was to save Syracuse. Diokles
marched back to Syracuse in such haste as to forget
the sacred duty of burying the dead. Himera was to
be forsaken ; its inhabitants were to be taken by the
ships in two parties to Messana. One party was
taken safely ; the rest kept up the defence for one
day. The next morning, just as the ships came
within sight to save the second party, the barbarians
broke into the city, and all was over.

And now Hannibal had his own work to do. A
massacre of course began ; but a mere massacre was
not what he wanted. He gave the spoil to his
soldiers ; the women and children were made slaves.
Then all the men who were left, about 3,000, were
taken to the place where Hamilkar had died. There
they were insulted, tortured, and at last put to death
as an offering to the ghost of Hamilkar. The walls
of Himera were broken down ; the temples were
plundered and burned ; the city, in short, was swept
away. To this day there are mighty ruins at
Selinous ; but the hill of Himera stands empty.
So did Hannibal, with a mighty sacrifice, avenge

HANNIBAL S SACRIFICE.

145

the death of his grandfather. He had cut Hellas
short by two of her cities, and went back to Carthage
with all honour.

And now we hear again of Hermokrates. He had
two objects, to bring about his own recall at Syracuse,
and to do something for the Greek cause in Sicily.
With the money that Pharnabazos had given him,
he built five triremes ; he hired mercenaries ; volun-
teers joined him ; and at the head of 2,000 men he
marched to Syracuse. But the people were afraid of

SYRACUSE. C. 409. HEAD OF ARETUUSA.

him and would not vote his recall, and he did not
wish to use force. He then thought of doing some
exploit which should w in him favour. With no com-
mission from any commonwealth, he made war on the
Carthaginians on his own account. He occupied the
akropolis of Selinous, and rebuilt the wall, where his
work is still to be seen. Men flocked to help him,
and, with 6,000 men, he did what no Greek had done
before, what no Greek since Dorieus had tried to do.
He marched into the very heart of the Carthaginian
territory, The men of Motya were driven back into

146 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION.

their island. He then went where no Greek soldier
had ever been, into the land of Panormos, where he
won battles and gathered the rich fruits of the Golden
Shell. Pyi'ihos, Atilius, and Robert Wiscard, all learned
the way from Hermokrates of Syracuse. After this,
many at Syracuse wished to recall him ; but the vote
could not be carried. He then made up his mind to
do something which would still more strongly work
on Syracusan feeling. He marched to Himera; he
took up the bones of the men whom Diokles had left
unburied, and took them to Syracuse. The dead at
last received their honours, and Diokles was banished ;
but Hermokrates was not recalled.

Now at last he determined to use force. And well
would it have been for Syracuse if he had come in,
even as tyrant. As it was, he contrived to enter the
city with a small party of Syracusans only ; but the
people withstood him and he was killed in the agora.
Most of his followers were killed or banished. A few
only escaped, those who were wounded and taken for
dead. Among these was a m.emorable man indeed,
Dionysios, son of another Hermokrates. We should
hardly have looked to find him in the following of
Hermokrates son of Ilermon. For the dangerous
point of Hermokrates was that he was thought to be
disloyal to the democratic constitution. No one
doubted that he sought, first of all, the independence
and greatness of Syracuse and then the independence
and well-being of all the Greek cities. Uionysios
professed attachment to democrac)^ but only as a
means of getting power for himself

About this time a new town was founded, which

DEATH OF HERMOKRAT^S. 147

came in some soit to represent the fallen Himera.
At the Baths of Himera the Carthaginians planted a
colony of Phoenicians and Africans. But it somehow
came again into Greek hands ; so that the effect of
the destruction of Himera was that a new town, a
Greek town, thougli a dependency of Carthage, arose
nearer to the rhcenician strongholds than Himera
had been. Its name in Greek was T henna Himeraia,
and it still keeps the name of Termini, and has still its
hot baths. Its people are often spoken of as men of
Himera.

No one doubted that a general Carthaginian attack
on the Greek cities of Sicily would come before long.
And those cities, fewer by two than they had been,
were making every preparation. Syracuse got her
fleet ready, and found help in Italy and other quarters.
Akragas, expecting to be attacked first, strengthened
herself in every way, hiring mercenaries and getting
a Lacedaemonian commander named Dexippos, who
men hoped would be another Gyh'ppos. Meanwhile
Hannibal was ordered to lead another host against
the Greeks. He had done his own work ; he asked
to be let off on the ground of age ; but he had to go,
only with his kinsman Himilkon as a colleague. The
two set forth with a thousand ships of all kinds,
and an army of the usual kind, reckoned at 100,000 —
some said three times as many.

The point aimed at was Akragas, but the S}'racusan
fleet was afloat, and began the war with a successful
fight off the western coast. Then came the great
siege of Akragas. Hannibal pitched his camp on the

iMAl' OF AKRAGAS.

SIEGE OF AKRAGAS. I49

right bank of the Hypsas, near the south-west corner
of the cit\', and planted a detachment on the heights
on the left bank of the river Akragas to watch against
any help that might come from Gela and the other
cities to the east. Then he called on the men of
Akragas to make peace with Carthage, and to join
him against the other cities. When they refused, the
siege began in the ravine west of the city. The
Carthaginians destroyed the tombs of Theron and
others. Presently a plague fell on them, of which
Hannibal died, and which men looked on as the
punishment of his sacrilege. But when Himilkon
satisfied the conscience of the army by burning his
son to Moloch, they took heart again.

Meanwhile the S3racusan general Daphnaios was
leading 30,000 men from Syracuse, Gela, Kamarina,
and other cities, to the help of Akragas. The de-
tachment on the heights came down to meet them,
but they were defeated and driven to their main
camp, and the allies took their post on the hill. Then
the Akragantines called on Dexippos and their own
generals to lead them out to battle, which they would
not do. The people then streamed out of the city,
and held an irregular military assembl}', in which the
allies seemed to have joined. Ever}'body believed
that Dexippos and the Akragantine generals had
been bribed.- A tumult broke out ; fear of Sparta
protected Dexippos ; but the Akragantine generals
were attacked. P'our out of five were stoned, and
others were chosen in their place. Daphnaios now took
the lead. He shrank from attacking the Carthaginian
camp ; but he cut off its supplies. But when Himil-

150 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN IN]'ASION.

kon brought his fleet from the west and cut off the
corn -ships that were bringing food from Syracuse, the
cr}' of bribery arose again, and now reached both
Dexippos and the Syracusan officers. For one
reason or another, all the allies marched off, and left
Akragas to its fate.

Akragas, it must be remembered, was the second
Greek city in Sicily in point of power, and perhaps
the first in wealth and splendour. It was full of rich
and bountiful men, and of noble buildings, among which
the great temple of Olympian Zeus in the lower part
of the city was fast drawing to perfection. Sud-
denly the Akragantine generals gave out that there
was not food enough to go on, that the defence was
to be given up, and the city itself forsaken. As many
as 40,000 men, women, and children, man}' of them
used to every luxury, had suddenly to leave every-
thing and seek new homes. All who could not under-
take the journey, the old and sick, were left behind.
Some too would not go, among them Gcllias, the
richest and most bountiful man in Akragas, who
souglit refuge in the temple of Athene on the akropolis.
The flight was by night. Next morning the bar-
barians broke in, and slew and plundered. Gellias
and his friends set fire to the temple and died in the
flames. Ilimilkon kept the town as winter-quarters
for his army. lie sent much spoil to Carthage,
specially pictures and statues, for the Carthaginians
had learned to value Greek art. So, after an eight
months' siege, Akragas had fallen, though not so'
utterly as Sclinous and Himera.

The alarm was great everywhere. The Akragan-

beginnincjS of dionysios. 151

tine refugees went to Syracuse, and accused the
Syracusan generals of treason. They were strongly
supported by Dionj'sios, who had so strangely escaped
when Hcrmokrates was killed, and who had since
made himself a name by good service before Akragas.
In his speech he in some way broke the rules of the
assembly, and the magistrates fined him. }h\t a rich
man, Philistos by name, paid the fine, and told him
to go on ; as often as the magistrates fined him, so often
he would pay the fine for him. The people listened to
Dionysios, and passed a vote, deposing the generals
and choosing others, of whom Dionysios was one.
Philistos was for a long while a firm friend of Diony-
sios, and he was one of the chief writers of Sicilian
history. Unhappily we have only fragments of his
writings.

Thus in the year B.C. 406, Dionysios took the first
step towards making himself tyrant. The assembly
now listened to him, and voted what he pleased. The
S\'racusans recalled the exiles, that is the friends of
Hermokrates, and found quarters at Leontinoi for
the refugees from Akragas. Two sets of people were
thus attached to Dionysios. Every one now expected
that the next attack of the Carthaginians would be
on Gcla. There was a Syracusan force there under
Dexippos. But the Geloans asked for more help, and
another body was sent under Dionysios. He threw
himself into the political disputes of the city ; he
stirred up the popular party against the oligarchs,
and procured the condemnation to death of the
Geloan generals. Out of their confiscated goods he
gave the soldiers double pay, thereby gaining more

152 THE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION.

partisans. Then lie went back to Syracuse to say
that Himilkon had tried to bribe all the Syracusan
generals, and that he alone had refused the bribe, A
vote was then passed, in the year B.C. 405, to depose
the other generals and make Dionysios general with
full powers. This was in itself a legal office. It did
not mean that its holder was set above the laws, but
only that, as a military commander, he could use
his own discretion, without consulting colleagues or
waiting for orders from home. But it was a power
open to abuse, and, in the hands of Dionysios, it was
only a second step towards the tyranny. He still
wanted the body-guard. He did not venture to ask
for it in Syracuse ; so he marched to Teontinoi
at the head of all the men under fort)'. There he
held an irregular military assembly, and told them
how traitors had sought to slay him. Then they
voted him a guard of 600 men, which he presently
raised to 1,000. He then dismissed and appointed
officers as he pleased, and specially sent away
Dexippos.

Dionysios now was tyrant. He had abused his
legal office of general to win for himself a power
beyond the law. He was now able to act as he
pleased. He could hold assemblies, and men, under
fear of his mercenaries, voted as he bade them. Thus
Daphnaios and another of the dci)osed generals were
put to death by what we should call a bill of attainder.
Dionysios began to give himself something of the
airs of a further prince. He married the daughter of
his old captain Hermokrates. But as yet he had no
strong castle ; he lived in a house near the docks.

SIEGE AND FORSAKIXG OF GELA. I53

Meanwhile Gcla, wliich he had been sent to defend,
was besieged by Himilkon. On a hill outside the
city was a famous temple and statue of ApollOn. The
Carthaginians, worshippers of their own Baalim and
Ashtaroth, made war on the gods as well as the men
of Greece, and they sent Apollon as a captive to their
metropolis at Tyre. There he was heard of again
seventy years later, when the Macedonian Alexander
besieged T}'re. The men of Gela made ready for
the defence. It was proposed that the women and
children should be sent to Syracuse ; but the women
prayed that they might stay and share the fate of
their husbands. Dionysios came to their help with a
great force by land and sea, horse and foot, Sikcliot,
Italiot, and mercenary. But he tarried so long on the
road as to give great suspicion. And when he reached
Gela and made an elaborate plan for attack on the
Punic camp, the different divisions failed to act in
concert, and the division which he himself commanded
did nothing at all. Still greater suspicion was now
awakened, and most of all when he gave out that
Gela must be forsaken, and that its inhabitants must
get to Syracuse how they could. And on the road
he did the like by Kamarina. Not a Greek city was
left along the whole southern coast of Sicily.

On the road indignation burst forth. The horse-
men, the rich men of Syracuse, took the lead. They
rode to the city with all speed, so as to be there
before the tyrant could follow. They entered by the
gate,no one suspecting them ; but thc)' disgraced a good
cause by going to Dionysios' house and shamefully
maltreating his wife, the daughter of Hcrmokrates.

T54 I'^JE SECOND CARTHAGINIAN INVASION.

It does not seem that tlic people in general took their
side ; they had not made a good beginning, and men
may have thought that an oh'garchy would be worse
than the tyrann)-. Presently Dionysios was at the
gate, which he found shut against him. But he made
his way in by burning the gate with a great heap of
tall reeds. He then slew and banished as he thought
good, and was fully master of Syracuse. Some of the
horsemen escaped to Incssa or yEtna. And the
refugees from Gela and Kamarina were afraid to enter
Syracuse and joined the Akragantines at Leontinoi.
Two settlements of Dionysios' enemies were thus
formed.

There can be no doubt that the suspicion against
Dionysios was perfectly true. He who had com-
plained so bitterly of the other generals had, even if
his complaints were true, done worse than they. He
had betrayed everything, including two Greek cities,
to the barbarians. This at first seems strange, as in
after times Dionysios was as ready as Gelon to make
himself the champion of Hellas. But the matter
became clear by the treaty which he presently made
with Himilkon. They two settled the fate of Sicily,
and that on terms most of which must have been most
galling to Dionysios, or to any Syracusan. Syracuse
was cut short and hampered in every way, and Carthage
was in every way strengthened. Carthage was to keep
her old Phoenician dependencies, as also the Sikans,
Selinous, Akragas, and the new town of Therma, as
her immediate subjects. Gela and Kamarina were to
be unvvalled towns, paying tribute. Thus Carthage

TREATY WITH CARTHAGE.

■DD

got the dominion of the whole south coast and an
enlarged tci-ritory on the north. On the other hand,
the Sikels were to be free ; so was Messana ; and
Leontinoi, with its mixed population, was to be again
a separate commonwealth independent of Syracuse.
Syracuse was thus quite hemmed in with no means of
advance in any way. But the price of all this was that
Carthage gave Dionysios a guaranty of his dominion
over Syracuse, of which one would like to see the
exact words. It is plain that what Dionysios wanted
was to have the support of Carthage till he had
fully established his own power at home. Then he
would cast the treaty aside, and win, for Syracuse
and for himself, all that had been set free or given up
to Carthage. And to a great extent he did so.

KAMARINA. C. 415.

THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

B.C. 405-367-

[The main authority for the reign of Dionysios is still the narrative of
Diodoros. This part of his work is of very different degrees of value.
Some parts are very good and full, evidently reproducing older writers,
largely Philistos. In other parts he is very meagre and confused, and
towards the end of the tyrant's life he tells us very little. We have also
a little really contemporary matter from two Attic writers, the orator
Lysias and the pamphleteer Isokrates. There is also a series of letters
attributed to the philosopher Plato, dealing largely with Syracusan
affairs, beginning in Dionysios' time. There is no reason to think they
were really written by Plato ; but they were most likely written by
some one of his school not long after ; so they may well give us Plato's
views of things. Plutarch's Life of Dion also begins in Dionysios' time.
The fame of the tyrant w'as so great that the references to him and
stories about him in later writers are endless, almost equal to those
about Phalaris. And we begin to have some documentary evidence, in
the form of Attic inscriptions with decrees in honour of Dionysios. But
we unluckily have no ilocumcnts from Syracuse of his age.]

DiONY.SIOS was now tyrant of S)'racusc, and he
remained so for the rest of his life. Several attempts
were made to get rid of him ; but he kept his power
for thirty-eight years, and he handed it on to his son.
lie l-rnew how to keep power. He stuck at no cruelty
or treachery that could serve his purposes, but he
does not seem to have takqn any pleasure in wanton

156

THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS. 157

oppression, and he strictly kept himself from the
kinds of excess which overthrew many tyrants. As
a ruler, he established a greater power than had ever
been seen before in the Greek world. lie was never
lord of all Sicily ; but he came nearer to being such
than any man had ever done before, and his power
reached far beyond Sicily. Syracuse he made at
once the head of a great dominion, and in itself
the greatest city of Hellas and of Europe. And his
reign marks an epoch in the history of the world. He
was the beginner of many things which were carried
out more fully by the ]\Iacedonian kings. With him
begins a \\ider and more complicated world than that
of the separate Greek commonwealths, a world more
like the modern world, with political powers of
various kinds side by side. And his reign marks a
great advance in the military art, both in the inven-
tion of engines of war and in the use of different
kinds of troops in concert. He is at his best in his
wars with Carthage. He is at his worst when he
destroys Greek cities or peoples them with barbarian
mercenaries. These were chiefly Italians, the fore-
shadowing of a time when Sicily was to pass under
the dominion of an Italian city. His long reign
covers a great space in Greek history. When he
began, the Peloponnesian war was not yet ended ;
when he died, Philip of Macedon was growing up.

With Carthage he waged four wars, which enable us
to part his reign into periods. During the first period,
of eight years (405-397), he was strengthening his
power in S3'racuse and Sicily generalh'. He kept
peace with Carthage ; but he was evidentl}' waiting

158 THE TYRANNY OF DlONYSIOS.

till he could throw aside the galling treaty. His first
act was to build a strong place for his own defence.
To this end he turned the whole Island of Syracuse
into a fortress. He built a new wall between it and
the mainland ; he built a strong castle on the
isthmus and another at the extreme point of the
Island. The former was his own dwelling. These
strongholds he filled with mercenaries, and he allowed
no one but his most trusted friends to live in the
Island. The Island thus held the same place as the
akropolis in other cities, and it is often, though incor-
rectly, so called. Men said that he had bound
Syracuse down with chains of adamant.

He first broke the treaty by a Sikel war (404-403),
which nearly brought about his overthrow. He
marched against the Sikel town of Herbessus ; but
now that the Syracusans had arms in their hands, a
large body revolted and made a league with the horse-
men at y-Etna. Dionysios gave up the siege of Herbes-
sus ; he went back to Syracuse, and there was
besieged by the revolters. It was as in the time of
Thrasyboulos, only Thrasyboulos had had no such
stronghcMd as Dion^^sios had. The Syracusans again
attacked the city from the hill, and they got ships
from Rhegion and Messana to attack the Island. They
prevailed so far that many of the t}'rant's mercenaries
went over to them, tempted by offers of citizenship.
This desertion seems to have quite broken Dionysios'
purpose, and in a debate with his intimate friends,
IMiilistos and others, he sought for means of escape.
But Heloris, who is called his adopted father,
answered, in words which were often quoted, that the

REVOLT AGAINST DIONYSIOS. I59

robe of the ruler was a noble winding-sheet. Another
friend bade him ride to the Campanians in the service
of Carthage, who were quartered somewhere on the
north coast. He took heart again ; he did not ride
to the Campanians, but he did send a message asking
their help. Meanwhile he lulled his enemies to sleep
by pretending to negotiate, offering to go away in
iive days with his private property. The besiegers
were so foolish as to give up all watchfulness, and to
send away the horsemen from /Etna. The Campanians
and other mercenaries were thus able to come to the
help of Dionysios, and he now went forth and defeated
the disorderly besiegers in a battle. It was his policy
to seem merciful ; so he checked the slaughter and
buried the slain. He then made a merit of this to
the rest of his enemies who had escaped to /Etna. He
in\-ited them to come back on an amnesty, and some
came. But others, when he boasted of burying the
dead, answered that they hoped soon to be able to
do as much for him.

The siege was now at an end. It was the Campa-
nians who had won the victory for the tyrant. He
did not trust them, but sent them away with great
reu^ards. They marched towards the Carthaginian
territory in the west, and were v/elcomed at the
Sikan town of Entella, which was friendly to Carthage.
But in the night they slew the men and took the
town and the women to themselves. Entella became
a Campanian town, the first place in Sicily, but not
the last, which was seized in this way by Italian
mercenaries. A new element was thus added to the
mixed population of the island.

l6o THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

Sicily now began to be mixed up again with the
affairs of Old Greece. The Pcloponnesian War had
ended in the utter destruction of the Athenian power.
Sparta was now supreme in Greece, and the city which
had professed to set all Greeks free was now holding
down the towns everywhere under narrow oligarchies.
It was the interest of Dionysios to attach himself
as closely as might be to Sparta, and it was the
interest of Sparta to support the power of Dionysios.
But to support tyrants anywhere was against the
policy of Corinth in any age. There was therefore a
difference between Sparta and Corinth with regard to
Syracusan affairs, and it is possible that this difference
may have helped to bring about the open breach
between Sparta and Corinth which took place some
years later (B.C. 395). It is certain, though the story is
told with a good deal of confusion, that, about this
time, there were agents of both cities at Syracuse, the
Spartan Aristos working for Dionysios and the
Corinthian Nikoteles taking the popular side. We
are further told that the Spartan brought about the
murder of the Corinthian. At one stage no less a
person than L)'sandros himself came as Spartan envoy
to S}'racuse, and the alliance between the two oppres-
sive powers was firmly settled.

Dionysios went on strengthening himself with more
mercenaries and more fortifications. He now felt strong
enough altogether to despise the treaty with Carthage,
and to attack whom he would. And he used bribes
cjulte as freely as arms. He drove away the refugee
horsemen from yEtna, and then raised the old cry of
Dorian against Chalkidian. Beginning in the year

CONQUESTS OF DIONYSIOS. l6l

B.C. 403, he attacked several cities, Greek and Sikel,
Leontinoi, Henna, Herbita, but he did Httle more
than harry their lands. Herbita was then ruled by a
remarkable man, a second Archonides. He founded
a new city, HaLxsa, on the same north coast where
the other Archonides had helped Ducetius to found
Kale Akte. Sicily was then enriched by a new city ;
but meanwhile it lost an old one, and another was
handed over to barbarians. One does not see that
Dionysios had any ground of offence against either
Naxos or Katane, except that they were Chalkidian.
But in 403 he got possession of both by treachery ;
and sold their people into slavery. Naxos, oldest of
Greek cities in Sicily, he utterly destroyed and gave its
lands to the neighbouring Sikels. The altar of Apollon
Archegetes ceased to stand on Greek soil. Katane
he gave as a dwelling-place to his Italian mercenaries.
The Leontines thought it was wise to surrender
quietly, and they fared better. Leontinoi again ceased
to be a separate city, and became once more a mere
Syracusan outpost. But its people were not sold.
They were taken to Syracuse and received citizenship,
such citizenship as was where Dionysios was tyrant.

Thus was Hellas cut short in a way which had
never before been known in Sicily. Greek rulers
had destroyed Greek cities. Barbarians had occupied
Greek cities. But no Greek as yet had handed over
a Greek city to barbarians. Dionysios had given
over Katane to Campanians and the site of Naxos to
Sikels. It is not always ,easy to understand his
motives, the more so as he was all this time making
ready for an enterprise for which one would have

FORTIFICATION OF EPIPOLAI.

163

thought that lie would have been glad of the help and
good will of all the Greeks of the island. He had not
thought of keeping the treaty with Carthage one

Earlier Walls = =»»=

Walt of Dionysius- ■

Enjjlisii Miles 'Ti

° . '4 . ^ M

^leramyrion

SYRACUSE UNDER DIO.NVSIOS.

moment longer than he was obliged ; he was planning
his first Punic war. But a Punic war was sure to bring
with it a Carthaginian attack on S\'racuse ; his first
object therefore was the strengthening of the city.

164 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

He had learned, both in the Athenian war and in his
later war with the revolted Syracusans, how dangerous
to the city was the undefended state of the hill. We
know not whether any of the walls and forts built
during the Athenian siege were still standing ; but, if
any were left, they did not amount to a complete fortifi-
cation of the hill. This great work Dionysios now, in
the year 402, undertook, and he carried it out in a
wonderfully short time. He carried on the north
wall of Achradina and Tycha as far as the neck of
Euryalos. There he built a strong castle, and carried
the wall along the south side, seemingly to the point
called Portella del Fiisco. There the wall must have
come down the hill into the lower ground, and it must
have been carried down to the shore of the Great
Harbour. It was a wonderful work, most carefully
done, and a great deal of it is left. And this, unlike
the fortification of the Island, was not a mere
strengthening of his own power, but a real strengthen-
ing of the city. It was a work of which any lawful
king or magistrate might have been proud. To such
an end the people worked gladly along with the
tyrant, and the work did something to make his
tyranny less hateful.

Thus Dionysios made Syracuse, at all events in
extent, the greatest city of Hellas and of Europe. He
WMS now ready to wage war with the great barbarian
commonwealth. We know not whether these events
have anything to do with the fact that about this time
he founded a new city at the foot of yEtna. This
was close by the temple of the Sikel fire-god
Hadranus. We know not whom he planted there, but

DIOXYSIOS' DOUBLE MARRIAGE. 165

the town took the name of the god, Hadranum, now
Aderno, and its people looked on themselves as his
special servants. As for the older cities, there was now,
between Dionysios and the Carthaginians, only one
free Greek commonwealth left in Sicily, namely
IMessana. And by this time the dread of Dionysios
was spreading be}'ond Sicily. The Chalkidian town
of Rhegion began a war with Dionysios, which de-
layed his Punic enterprise somewhat. But as Rhegion
was but feebly supported by IMessana, both cities
were soon glad to make peace. And just then it suited
Dion}-sios not to press hardly on them. To strengthen
his interest in Italy, he thought of taking a wife there.
But the Rhegines, whom he first asked, refused him.
Some say that they added the insult that he might,
if he pleased, take the hangman's daughter. But at
Lokroi they gave him Doris, the daughter of one of
their chief men. On the same day that he married
Doris, he also married the Syracusan Aristomache,
both of them with all usual forms. For a man to
have two wives at once was utterly against all Greek
custom. But Dionysios kept them both ; he had
children by both, and treated them with equal honour.
All this time he was making ready for the war with
Carthage. He hired mercenaries ; he built ships of
greater size than had been seen before, qiiinqiieremes,
with five banks of oars, as well as triremes with three.
He invented the catapult, a machine for hurling great
stones, and made various military improvements.
His skill was shown above all in making troops of
different kinds act in concert. By hiring the best
soldiers of all kinds he was able to do this more

l66 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

thoroughly than generals of commonwealths who com-
manded only their own citizens. When all was ready,
he gathered an assembly, and set forth the grounds for
a war with Carthage. He would begin at once ; for
Carthage, he said, was just now weakened by a plague.
Every one agreed. If they hated the tyrant, they
hated the Carthaginians still more ; and they thought
that in war-time, with arms in their hands, they might
find some chance of getting rid of him. Then he went
through the form of sending an embassy to Carthage
to declare war unless they agreed to set free all the
Greek cities in Sicily. But, without waiting for an
answer, he gave leave to the S)'racusans to plunder
the rich houses and stores of the Carthaginian mer-
chants who were living at Syracuse. We see by this,
as by some cases of intermarriage, that there was a
good deal of intercourse between the Greek and the
Phoenician city when they were not at war. And in
the other Greek towns which were under Carthaginian
dominion or supremacy, the people rose and put to
death all the Carthaginians among them with insult
and torture. Though a tyrant was at the head, it was
a general rising of the Greeks of Sicily against bar-
barian enemies and masters.

And now the first Punic war of Dionysios began
in the year r,.c. 397. How and where to begin he
had learned from his old captain Hermokrates. He
carried the war at once into the Phoenician corner of
Sicily. Never had any such force gone forth from any
Greek city. When the lord of S)'racuse made war,
it was as if Athens had sent forth her fleet, and the
Peloponnesian alliance its army, on the same errand.

ArrAKENT ARCH IN THE WALL OF ERYX.

168

THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

With 80,000 foot and 3,000 horse, Dionysios marched
along the south coast, while 200 ships sailed along
in concert. The Greek towns on the road, which had
just risen against the Punic yoke, added such forces
as they could. He crossed the stream of Mazaros ;
then, finding that the Elymians of Eryx were ready
to revolt against their Carthaginian masters, he
marched thither and received them as allies. Then
he began the great undertaking of this war, the siege
of Motya.

Motya, on the western side of Sicily, was, like his
own Ortygia on the eastern side, an island joined to

MOTYA. C. 400.

the mainland by a mole. But Motya, unlike Ortygia,
was surrounded by its own haven, and the town had
not spread on to the mainland. There was but little
space on the island ; so the houses of the rich men of
Motya were of many stories, rising high above the
wall. The citizens were stout-hearted, and there was
a Carthaginian garrison, among whom, strange to
say, there were some mercenary Greeks. They broke
down the mole, and made ready for the defence.

The mole that was thus destroyed \\as merely a road.
Dionysios began the siege by making it afresh and
making it much wider, so that he could bring up his
engines on it to play on the walls of Motya. Hebrought

12°J0'

MAP OF MOTYA AND F-RYX.

lyo THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

his ships into the harbour. There was then a long
peninsula to the north-west of Motya, where there
now are a number of islands ; the ships were placed
north of Motya by the isthmus. Meanwhile Dionysios
went and made alliances with the neighbouring
Sikans, and laid siege to Entella and Segesta which
held out for the Carthaginians. The two Elymian
towns, Eryx and Segesta, were thus on different
sides. When the mole was finished, he went back
to Motya. Meanwhile Himilkon tried to call off
Dionysios from Motya by sending ten ships to make
a dash on the Great Harbour of Syracuse. So they
did, and destroyed such ships as they found in it ; but
nothing more came of the diversion. Then Himilkon
made another sudden dash on the Greek sliips in the
haven of Motya. They were drawn up on land : but
the engineers of Dionysios contrived to drag them
across the isthmus. Then they w^ere in the open sea,
and sailed round to the north of the haven. But
Himilkon did not care to attack a force that was
stronger than his own, and Motya was left to its fate.
And now began the real fighting for Motya. It
was like the Punic sieges of Selinous and Himera
turned the other way. The distinctive thing at
Motya was the tall houses. The engines of Dionysios
were made of vast height to reach them. Bridges
were thrown across, and men fought high in the air,
many falling down from the height. This went on
for some days. Every evening Dionysios called off
his men, and the defenders took rest. This suggested
a night attack ; by that means the Greeks entered,
and the city was taken. The Motyans fought on

SIEGE OF MOTYA. 171

with true Semitic stubbornness ; but the city was in
the hands of the besiegers. Dionysios stopped the
slaughter as soon as he could, that the people might
be sold as slaves. To the Greek traitors who iiad
taken service with the barbarians he was harsher.
They were crucified, a piece of cruelty which the
Greeks now began to learn from the Carthaginians.
The rich spoil of the merchant city was given to the
soldiers.

This was the greatest success that any Greek had
ever won in Phoenician warfare. Yet in Sicily itself
less came of the taking of Motya than might have
been looked for. It may be that Dion}sios found
that such distant conquests could not really be kept.
He left a garrison, chiefly of Sikels, in ]\Iotya ; he
left his brother Leptines with the fleet to watch the
coast, and he also left forces to go on with the sieges
of Segesta and Entella. He himself went back to
Syracuse for the winter. The next year (396)
Carthage began to put forth her full strength for the
war. Himilkon, now Shophet, came with a vast
army and won back all that Dionysios had gained.
Leptines could not hinder the Punic fleet from reach-
ing Panormos. Eryx was taken by treachery ; the
siege of Segesta was raised ; above all, ]\Iotya was
won back by storm. Unluckily we have no details.
And now Himilkon determined to choose another
point for the chief seat of Phoenician power in Western
Sicily. He forsook Motj'a, and founded another
town on the point of Lih'baion, where we wonder
that no town had been founded before. Lilybaion
became a wonderfully strong fortress, of which the

FOUNDATION OF LILYBAION. 1 73

ditches and parts of the walls are still to be seen.
Under the Arabic name of Marsala, it is the chief
seat of the Sicilian wine-trade.

Having thus provided for the defence of the
Carthaginian dominion, Himilkon determined to
attack the Greeks of Eastern Sicily. He took his
fleet and army along the north coast to attack
Messana, He did not even stay to chastise the men
of Therma, but he sailed to Lipara and made the
islanders pay thirty talents. Then he attacked Messana.
The walls had been neglected, and the horsemen of
the city were with Dionysios. So Messana fell into
the hands of the Carthaginians ; but most of the
people escaped. Himilkon's object now was to
march against Syracuse, but, before that, he went
through a solemn ceremony of destruction, which,
though wrought only against stones and not against
men, reminds one of Hannibal's sacrifice at Himera.
He destroyed the town of Messana in a solemn and
symbolic way, to mark his hatred of the Greeks. But
he could build up as well as pull down, and, on his
road, he struck a blow at Dionysios in this way also.
This leads us to the foundation of another Sicilian
town which came to be famous. The Sikels were
now falling away from Dion}-sios, and Himilkon
wished specially to win over those Sikels to whom
Dionysios had given the lands of Naxos. They were
beginning to settle as a community on the neighbour-
ing hill-side of Tauros. He gave them all help, and
the new town of Tauromenion, in its origin a Sikel
town, arose. Meanwhile Dionysios was building
ships, strengthening fortresses, hiring mercenaries,

SEA-FIGHT OFF KATAXE. 175

doing everything for the defence of Syracuse.
Among other things he persuaded the Campanians
to whom he had granted Katane to go inland and
settle at ^tna. Of the state of Katane itself at this
moment we hear nothing ; but was in some way
under the power of Dionysios.

The great object on each side was of course to attack
and to defend Syracuse. On the road thither it was a
great object with Dionysios to attack the new settle-
ment at Tauromenion, and with Himilkon to defend
it. It was made the meeting-place of the Carthaginian
fleet and army. They were to go on in concert ; but
the land army was stopped in its march by a fresh
outpouring of lava from ALtna, and they had to march
all round the foot of the mountain to reach Katane.
Dionysios thus gained the start of them. He reached
Katane with his fleet and arm}', and brought on a
fight between the two fleets ^^•hile the land army of
Carthage was still on its roundabout road. The fight
was an utter defeat on the Greek side. Dionysios
bade his brother Leptines, who commanded the fleet,
to keep all his ships together, because of the greater
numbers of the enemy. Instead of doing this, he
dashed on with thirty of his best ships far ahead of
the rest. So, after much hard fighting, first his own
division, and then the rest of the fleet, were over-
powered b}- the Carthaginians. More than a hundred
ships and 2,000 men were lost.

It was now clear that the Carthaginian force by
land and sea would go against Syracuse as soon as
Himilkon brought up his land force. The Greek
army generall}- was anxious to risk a battle by land.

176 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

But to Dionysios the safety of Syracuse was the first
of objects. He therefore hastened back ; but many
of those who were Sikeh'ots, but not Syracusans, for-
sook him. He accordingly marched to Syracuse,
and two days later Himilkon reached Katane by his
roundabout march. He did not hurry ; he gave his
men of both forces a rest. He then tried in vain to
win over the Campanians at ^Etna, and then went on
to Syracuse. Two thousand vessels of all kinds, 208 of
them ships of war, sailed into the Great Harbour with
all military pomp, like the fleet of Demosthenes and
Eurymedon twenty years before. The Carthaginian
land-army marched round by the westward of the hill
of Syracuse and entered the low ground by the Anapos.
There, on Polichna and the flats near to it, the great
camp was pitched. The worshipper of Melkart was
not like the pious Nikias ; Himilkon made his head-
quarters in the sacred precinct of Zeus. Syracuse
was thus again besieged, and by a far more terrible
foe than her Athenian besiegers.

From the moment of his return to Syracuse
Dionysios had begun to take every means for the
defence. He sent off embassies to Sparta and also to
Corinth — the war betv/een the two cities had not yet
broken out — at once to ask for help from his allies
and to hire mercenaries in Peloponnesos. Mean-
while Himilkon began with an offer of battle which
was declined. He then took to harrying the land
and destroying its monuments. He came close up
to the enlarged town, and plundered the temple ( f
the goddesses of Sicily, Demeter and Persephone.
From that time, so the Greeks believed, success

CARTHAGINIAN SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. I77

began to forsake him. His army was full of super-
stitious fears, and the Syracusans had the better in
several sallies. He presently saw that the siege
would be a long one ; so he fenced his camp in with
a wall, and built three forts on different points, one
on Plemm}'rion. But he sinned yet more in the eyes
of the Syracusans by destroying the tombs of Gelon
and Damarata, which came within the circuit of his
camp.

Meanwhile Polyxenos came back with thirty ships
from the allies in Old Greece and Italy under the
command of the Spartan admiral Pharakidas. A
strange episode followed. Dion)-sios and Leptines
sailed out with some ships of war to convoy the
provision ships of Syracuse. In their absence, the
Syracusan ships, under whose command we are not
told, defeated a part of the Carthaginian fleet, and
the rest refused their challenge to come out and
fight. Men's spirits were raised by this success ;
they began to think of getting rid of the tyrant ; they
did better against the enemy when he was away. In
the midst of all this Dionysios came back, and he
ventured to summon the people to a public assembly.
This is one of many signs that, under his tyranny,
though all things were done according to his will,
yet the usual forms of the constitution went on.
Dionysios praised the people for their exploit ;
he bade them be of good courage, and he would
soon put an end to the war. Then, it is said, a
speaker named Theodoros, a horseman and a man of
renown in the city, ventured to make a long speech,
denouncing all the acts of Dionysios. The people

178 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSlOS.

hoped that their allies would help them. They
looked specially to Pharakidas, but he answered that
he had no orders from Sparta to overthrow the power
of Dionysios, but to help the Syracusans and Diony-
sios against the Carthaginians. The people were so
wroth at this that Dionysios called for his mercenaries
and dismissed the assembly.

This is a good example of the state of a city under
a tyranny. If the legal course of things was likely to
go against him, the tyrant could at once appeal to
force. But Dionysios learned a lesson ; he began to
treat the Syracusans more mildly, and he presently
had an opportunity of winning a worthier fame than
he had ever yet won. The vengeance of the goddesses
— so the Greeks deemed — now fell on the barbarians
for the plunder of their temple. That is to say, a
plague arose in the besieging army. It was autumn,
and in autumn the swampy ground west of the
harbour, where many of them \\cre encamped, became
deadly. Thousands died ; at last the dead were left
unburied. When the Punic army was seriously
weakened, Dionysios laid his plans for a general
attack by land and sea. He was zealously supported
by his forces of all kinds, Syracusans and allies. But
he had a band of turbulent mercenaries whom he
wished to get rid of, and those he contrived to get slain
by the swords of the Carthaginians. Otherwise the
work of that day makes a thrilling and a glorious
tale. The Punic camp was attacked on all sides by
land and sea ; Dionysios himself made a long march
to make the attack from the west. The forts
were taken ; but the most stirring part of the story is

DEFEAT OF THE CARTHAGINIANS. 1 79

where the Syracusan ships suddenly attacked the
Carthaginians, who had no time to make ready.
I\Iany of their ships were sunk, many were set on
tire ; the old and young who had stayed in the city
manned what ships they could, and came at least to
share in the plunder. A great day's work was done ;
but the camp was not taken, and Dionysios took up
his quarters for the night hard by the Olympieion in
order to besiege it the next day.

Himilkon perhaps knew that Dion}-sios had reasons
of his own for not punishing the enemy to extremities.
After some negotiations he and Dionysios secretly
agreed that, on the payment of 300 talents, Himilkon
should go away with all the Carthaginian citizens in
his army; the allies and mercenaries he was to leave
to their fate. This suited the purposes of Dion}-sios,
as it would hold up the Carthaginians to hatred
throughout Sicily as men who betrayed their allies.
The terms were agreed to. The money was paid,
and the Carthaginians set sail in the night. The
Corinthians, who knew nothing of the agreement,
sailed after them and destroyed some ships. Then
Dionysios led his army to attack the Punic camp.
The Sikel allies of Carthage, knowing the country,
had gone away in the night. The mercenaries were
there still, but they were disheartened by the treachery
of Himilkon, and worn out by sojourn in the unhealthy
ground crowded with dead bodies. The more part
threw down their arms and only asked for their lives.
They were taken and sold as slaves. The brave
Spaniards stood to their arms, but offered peace and
alliance to the tyrant. Dionysios knew their worth ;

l8o THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

he took them into his service, and they helped him
well on many later days.

No treaty followed the withdrawal of Himilkon
from the siege of Syracuse. Things stayed for several
years as they practically were. Dionysios made no
attempt on the Carthaginian possessions in Western
Sicily. On the other hand, the Greek cities were at
least delivered from Phoenician rule, though they had
to accept the dominion or supremacy of the Syracusan
tyrant instead. It seems strange that Dionysios did
not press his advantage further. Carthage was
grievously weakened by the war, by the plague, and
by a revolt of the mercenaries in Africa. The Cartha-
ginians thought that all this was the punishment for
the sacrilege done against the Sicilian goddesses. So
they built them a temple at Carthage, and learned of
the Greeks who were among them what was the right
way of worshipping them. Their consciences being
thus satisfied, they plucked up heart, and were able
to put down the revolt. It almost looks as if
Dionysios, for his own ends, did not wish to press
Carthage too hard.

The successful result of Dionysios' first Punic war
seems to have largely spread his fame in Old Greece.
A little later than the deliverance of Syracuse, the
Athenians, now at war with Sparta and in alliance
with Corinth, sought to win Dionysios to their side.
It was soon after their great naval victory at Knidos
(B.C. 394), and they were pressing their schemes in all
quarters. They passed (B.C. 393) a decree in honour
of Dionysios, of his brother Leptines, and others of
his friends. It was hard to find a way to describe

SETTLEMENTS OF DIONYSIOS. l8l

him ; he appears in the decree as "ruler of Sicily"
C^iKeXia'i ap'^^wv). An embassy was sent with the
decree, one of whose members was the orator Lysias,
a man of Sj'racusan descent. But Dionysios did not
become an ally of Athens till he could be an ally of
both Sparta and Athens at once.

Meanwhile Dionysios had much work to do in
Sicily, and he had many difficulties. He too, like the
Carthaginians, had to deal with a revolt among his
mercenaries, and he had to give up to them the town
of Leontinoi. And the people of Naxos and Katane,
driven out by himself, and the people of Messana,
driven out by Himilkon, were wandering about, seek-
ing for dwelling-places. He restored Messana, but he
did not give it back to its old inhabitants. He peopled
it with colonists from Italy and from Old Greece.
Some came from Lokroi, whence he had taken his
Italiot wife. For her sake he alwa}'s showed every
favour to that cit}', while he in every way persecuted
the Rhegines who had so deeply scorned him. He
also planted a body of settlers from the old Messenian
land in Peloponnesos. But this gave offence to their
enemies the Spartans, his most powerful allies, and
this led to the foundation of a new Greek city, nearly
the last that was founded in Sicily.

On the north coast, it will be remembered, there
was only one of the old Greek settlements, that of
Himera. That was now in a manner represented by
the new town of Therma, which often took its name.
Dionysios now took part of the territory of the Sikcl
town of Abaca^num, between Cephalcedium and the
Messanian outpost of Mylai. He there built a town

l82 rilE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

on a high hill overhanging the sea, ^\•hich forms the
other horn of a bay between itself and Mylai. Here
he planted 600 settlers from the old Mcssenia, and
called the town Tyndaris, after the Great Twin
Brethren of Peloponnesos. The new city grew and
flourished, and soon had 6,000 citizens. This kindled
the wrath of Dionysios' enemies at Rhegion. They
seized on the opposite peninsula of Mylai, and there
planted a body of those men of Naxos and Katan^
whom Dionysios had driven from their homes. They
tried to take Messana itself, but in vain. And it
is to be noticed that their general was Heloris, a
Syracusan exile. Was he the same as Heloris whom
we have heard of as Dionysios' counsellor and adopted
father ? The new Messanians won back Mylai, and
the Naxians and Katanaians were again wanderers.
Thus the north-eastern corner of Sicily was held by
men who were really attached to Dionysios. And he
went on further to extend his power along the north
coast. Sikel Cephala'dium was betraj'cd to him, and
even, it is said, Phoenician Solous, The new Himera
would naturally be friendly to him.

Dion}'sios had thus become a great power in
Northern Sicily, and he was advancing in the central
lands also. Henna itself was betrayed to him. The
Sikel towns were now fast taking to Greek ways, and
we hear of commonwealths and t)'rants among them,
just as among the Greeks. Ag\-ris, lord of Ag}'rium,
was said to be the most powerful prince in Sicil\' after
Dionysios himself. He had gained dominion by
slaying the chief men ; but Agyrium was very power-
ful under him and numbered 20,000 citizens. With

HJS DEFEAT AT TAUROMENION. 183

him Dionysios made a treaty, and also with other
Sikel lords and cities. This seems to have been going
on at the same time as the war at Messana, and
Dionysios was specially anxious to chastise the
Rhegines. But there were several difficulties in his
way, specially the new Sikel town of Tauromenion,
which he hated above all things. It was now (B.C. 394)
winter, and the hill of Tauros was covered with snow.
Greek citizen-soldiers were not fond of winter warfare ;
but the mercenaries, if well paid, would doubtless go
anywhithcr at any time. Dionysios accordingly led
his force in person to attack the new city. He seized,
we are told, one akropolis, that is most likely the hill
where the theatre is. He thence got into the town ;
but the people rose, and not only drove out the
assailants, but sent them tumbling down the hill-side.
Dionysios himself escaped, but he was very nearly
taken alive.

This discomfiture at Tauromenion checked the plans
of Dionysios for a while. Several towns threw off
his dominion. W^e hear specially of Akragas, now
free from the Carthaginians, and doubtless wishing to
be free from Dionysios also. And the Carthaginians
also began to stir again. In B.C. 393 their general
Magon, seemingly without any fresh troops from
Africa, set out from Western Sicily to attack Messana.
Unlike the Punic commanders generally, Magon tried
to win friends in Sicily by good treatment. IMost of the
Sikels therefore joined him, specially those of Abacae-
num, at whose cost Dionysios had founded his town
of Tyndaris. But Dionj'sios marched against him,
defeated him in a battle, and himself crossed the

t84 the tyranny of dionysios.

strait to make an unsuccessful attempt on Rhegion.
Next year a large force came from Carthage to support
Magon ; many of the Sikels again joined him. His
expedition was mainly aimed at Agyrium ; but its
tyrant Agyris was firm on the side of Dionysios. The
story is not at all clearly told ; but a peace between
Dionysios and the Carthaginians followed, by which
the Sikels were handed over to him, and he was
specially allowed to attack Tauromcnion. He took it
the next year (391) ; but we have no such account of
its taking as we had of his vain attempt to take it.

Dionysios was now at the height of his power in
Sicily. We hear nothing more of the movement at
Akragas ; otherwise all the Greek cities were under
his dominion or suprcmac}-. He commanded the
whole east coast, and the greater part of the north
and south coasts. The Sikel stronghold of Tauro-
mcnion he settled with his own mercenaries ; the
other Sikels were either his subjects or, like Agyrium,
his allies. In short Dionysios and Carthage might be
said to divide Sicily between them, and Dionysios
had the larger .share. There was now peace between
the two powers for about nine years (392-383), and
Dionysios now began to give his chief thoughts to
things out of Sicily. In Southern Italy the Rhegines
were his enemies and the Lokrians his friends. The
other Italiot cities had formed a league to withstand
his power. He now, in u.c. 390, planned another
campaign in Italy ; its object was, if possible, to
attack and take Rhegion without any direct hostilities
against the other cities. l^ut his new attack on
Rhegion was beaten back by the prompt help of

WARS IN ITALY. 185

the League, favoured by a storm which drove off the
Syracusan ships, Dionj'sios could do nothing till the
next year (389), when he was not ashamed to mak-c a
treaty \\ith the Lucanians, the barbarian enemies who
were pressing on the Greek cities of Italy. They
were to attack them by land and himself by sea.
The war began b}- incursions of the Lucanians on the
lands of Thourioi, which led the Thourians, without
waiting for their allies, to invade the Lucanian terri-
tory, ^^■here the}- were entrapped and utterly defeated.
The battle was fought near the shore, where the ships of
Dionysios were afloat under his brother and admiral
Leptines. Some of the Thourians swam to the ships
and were kindly received by Leptines. But when
Leptines went on further to make an agreement
between the Lucanians and the Italiots, by which the
war was stopped for a season, that did not at all suit
the purposes of Dionysios. He removed Leptines
from his command as admiral, and gave it to his
other brother Thearidas. And he determined to
make war in person the next year.

So he did (B.C. 389) ; and he began by attacking the
Laliot cities more directly by ]a)'ing siege to Kaulonia,
The Italiots now, Kroton leading the way, gathered
a large army for the relief of Kaulonia, under the
command of the Syracusan exile Heloris, as a special
enemy of Dionysios. But the tyrant met them on
the way ; Heloris was slain and his army defeated.
The remnant escaped to a strong but waterless hill,
where Dionysios and his army watched them from
below. The next day they sent a herald asking to
be allowed to go away on paj-ment of ransom ; but

l86 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

Dionysios demanded that they should surrender at
discretion. To this they could not yet bring them-
selves ; but after several hours more of endurance,
they gave way. Dionysios stood with a rod, and
reckoned them as they came down, above 1 0,000 in
number. They were in great fear, looking for death
or slavery. But Dionysios let them all go free. We
are also told that he made treaties with their several
cities by which he left them independent. We are
not told what cities they were, but Kroton and
Thourioi must have been among them, as we do not
find him warring against cither of them for some
time to come. But he certainly made no peace
with Rhegion or with Kaulonia.

Dionysios naturally won much credit by his treat-
ment of the Italiot soldiers. But it was quite of
a piece with his general conduct. Dionysios, though
he stuck at no crime that served his purpose, had not,
like some tyrants, any pleasure in bloodshed for its
own sake. He hated the Rhegines ; he doubtless
hated the Syracusan exile Hcloris. But Heloris was
dead, and he had no particular reason to hate the
men of Kroton and Thourioi. He saw that he would
gain more by winning a reputation for generous con-
duct than he could gain by selling his prisoners as
slaves. There was no wonderful virtue in the act ;
but it shows that Dionysios did not belong to the
very worst class of oppressors, those who delight
in wrong simply as wrong.

The Rhegines at all events were none the less
afraid of the hatred of Dion)-sios. Finding them-
selves without allies, they sent him a humble message,

DESTRUCTION OF TOWNS IN ITALY. 1 87

praying for mercy. The siege of Kaulonia was still
going on, and he could put off his action against
Rhegion. He spared them for the present, on con-
dition of their giving up all their ships, seventy in
number, and putting 100 hostages into his hands.
Then he went on to finish the siege of Kaulonia.
Here again his different wa}'S of treating different
people comes out strongly. He had no special spite
against Kaulonia ; it simply stood in the way of his
plans. So, when he took the town, he destro}'ed
it, and gave its territory to his beloved Lokrians.
The citizens he carried to Syracuse, and not only
gave them citizenship, but an exemption from taxes
for five years. The next year, he did the like
to the town of Hipponion, its land and people.
Only we do not hear of the exemption from taxes.
The men of Hipponion had not endured so long a
siege as the men of Kaulonia.

But all this was simply the beginning of what
Dionysios had most of all at heart, his attack on
Rhegion. But, as he had so lately made a treaty
with Rhegion, he had to find some excuse for renew-
ing the war. He still had the hostages whom the
Rhegines had given ; so they were greatly in his
power. He first asked them for provisions for his
arm)% promising to send back an equal store from
Syracuse, whither he professed to be going. He
seemingly hoped that they would refuse, so that he
might treat the refusal as a hostile act. They
did give him provisions for some days ; but, as
Dionysios, pleading sickness and other excuses,
stayed in their neighbourhood instead of going

l88 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

to Syracuse, they presently stopped the supply.
This he affected to treat as a wron» done by
the Rhegines ; to put himself wholly in the right,
he first gave back the hostages, and then besieged
the town. The siege of Rhegion was one of the
greatest of Dionysios' acts of warfare. He had to
use all his forces ; for the Rhegines, under their
general Phyton, made a most valiant defence, holding
out against all attacks under every possible disad-
vantage for more than ten months. They had no
ships, no allies, and their stock of provisions had been
lessened by what they had given Dionysios. The
tyrant tried to bribe Phyton to betray the city, as the
generals of several other cities had done. But the
general of Rhegion stayed firm in his duty. Diony-
sios, on his part, took his full share in the work, and
was once so badly wounded by a spear that his life
was for a while despaired of. At last, under sheer
stress of hunger, when many had died for lack of
food and the rest had lost all strength, the valiant
men of Rhegion were driven to surrender at dis-
cretion. Dionysios had gained one of the great
objects of his life ; he was master of the city which
he most hated. And now he showed in a more
notable way than ever what manner of man he was.
In one way he was really less harsh than many other
conquerors had been. It was not very wonderful in
Greek warfare to slaughter all the men and sell all
the women and children of a captured town. Diony-
sios made no general massacre. He sent all the
people of Rhegion to Syracuse, not indeed to be
made citizens like those of Kaulunia. Those who

TAKING OF RHEGION. 189

could pay a certain ransom were let go ; those who
could not were sold. But it was not usual in
Greek warfare to put any man to death with torture
and mockery. But now Dionysios seemed to gather
his whole hatred of the Rhegines into the person
of their brave general who had refused his bribes.
He exposed Phyton in mockery on one of his loftiest
war-engines ; then he told him that he had just
drowned his son. And Phyton answered that his
son v;as luckier than his father by one day. Then
he caused Phyton to be led through the whole army
with scourging and insult of every kind. At last
Dionysios' own soldiers began to murmur at his
cruelty, and he had Phyton and all his kinsfolk
drowned. He appears to have destroyed the town
of Rhegion and to have given its lands, like those of
the other cities that he took, to the Lokrians.

It was a memorable year (B.C. 387) for Greece and for
Europe in which Dionysios, by the taking of Rhegion,
made himself, beyond all doubt, the chief power, not
only in Sicily, but in Greek Italy also. It was the
year of the Peace of Antalkidas, which established for
a while the power of Sparta in Old Greece and gave
over the Greeks of Asia to the dominion of the
Persian. It was also the year in which Rome was
taken by the Gauls. The presence of these last
barbarians in various parts of Italy supplied Diony-
sios with the means of hiring Gaulish mercenaries.
Some of these, as well as Iberians, he sent at a later
time, with other troops, to the help of his Spartan
allies in the wars of Old Greece. The Peace of
Antalkidas supplied patriotic orators with the

IQO THE TYRANNY OP DIONYSIOS.

opportunity of painting Hellas as enslaved at both
ends, in the East under the Persian and in the West
under Dionysios. So spoke the Athenian Isokrates; so,
with more effect, spoke Lysias, once envoy to Diony-
sios, at the Olympic festival next after the Peace of
Antalkidas (B.C. 384). To that festival Dionysios sent
a splendid embassy. Lysias called on the assembled
Greeks to show their hatred of the tyrant, to hinder
his envoys from sacrificing or his chariots from run-
ning. His chariots did run ; but they were all
defeated. Some of the multitude made an attack
on the splendid tents of his envoys. He had also
sent poems of his own to be recited ; but the crowd
would not hear them. This was rather out of hatred
of the tyrant than for any fault in the poems ; for
there is no doubt that Dionysios was a poet of some
merit. He was now at peace with Athens, and he
sent tragedies to be acted there. They gained
inferior prizes more than once, and at last one of
them won the first prize.

It was said that Dionysios was so annoyed at the
ill-fate of his poems that he began to suspect every-
body, and to turn his rage against his nearest friends.
Whether from this cause or from any other, he
certainly banished two of the chief of them, the
historian Philistos, to whom he owed his first rise,
and his own brother the admiral Leptines. Lepti-
nes was soon restored ; but Philistos remained in
banishment till the death of Dionysios. Dionysios,
perhaps in his character of poet, affected, like
Hieron, the company of men of letters ; but they
found that the poet was also the tyrant. The

DlONYSIOS IN THE H ADRIATIC. IQI

philosophers Aristippos of Kyiene and Plato of
Athens both visited him ; but he ill-treated both,
and he is said to have caused Plato to be sold as a
slave. And his fellow poet Philoxenos he is said to
have sent to the stone-quarries for free criticism on
his verses.

But ho\vc\er hated Dion)'sios might be both at
home and abroad, he was still strong both at home
and abroad. His next field of enterprise was the
coasts and islands of the Hadriatic. Here the city of
Ankon or Ancona on the Italian coast was planted by
Syracuse exiles trying to escape from his power. Other
colonies in those seas he himself founded or helped
others to foui'id. Thus the people of Paros, with his
help, planted settlements on the islands of Pharos and
Issos, and he himself founded Lissos on the Illyrian
coast. He then formed alliance with some of the
Illyrians and with a banished prince of Molottis named
Alkctas. Him he was able to restore ; but he failed in a
scheme of making his way into Greece on this side, and
even, it is said, robbing the Delphian temple. This
was too much even for his friends the Spartans, and
a Laceda,'monian force checked all further advance.
He next took up the old Syracusan quarrel with the
Etruscans. For a war against them it was easy to
find an excuse in their constant piracies. His real
object seems to have been to plunder the rich temple
of Ag}lla on the west coast of Italy, whence he carried
off spoil in money, slaves, and other things to the
value of 1,500 talents. Even at Syracuse he did not
fear to plunder the temples ; from the Olympieion
he carried off the golden robe of the statue of Zeus,

192 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYStOS.

saying in mockery that such a garment was too hot
in summer and too cold in winter.

The Etruscan campaign might perhaps win back
for Dionysios some credit both at home and abroad
as a Hellenic champion against the barbarians. He
would get more still when, in the year 383, he began
another Punic war. At no time in our story do
we more lament the lack of a contemporary narra-
tive. Dionysios took advantage of the disaffection
towards Carthage felt by some of her dependencies
to contract alliances with them. We are not told
what cities are meant ; some, we may suppose, of
the Carthaginian dependencies in Sicily, perhaps the
Elymian towns. Carthage, on the other hand, sent,
for the first time, a force into Italy to act along with
the tyrant's enemies there. A campaign followed,
the geography of which is hopeless. Dionysios first
won a great battle in which the Shophet Magon was
killed. The Carthaginians then asked for peace ;
Dionysios refused it except on condition of Carthage
withdrawing altogether from Sicily and paying the
costs of the war. Such terms needed the consent of
the home government of Carthage. A truce was
made; while it lasted, the new Carthaginian com-
mander, the son of Magon, made every preparation
for a new struggle. In a second battle Dionysios was
defeated and his brother Lcptines killed ; the slaughter
was among the greatest that Greeks ever underwent
at the hands of barbarians. Envoys now came from
Carthage with full powers. The terms of peace were
now quite the opposite to what Dionysios had pro-
posed just before. He had to pay a thousand talents,

WAR WITH CARTHAGE. 193

and to make the Halykos the boundary between his
dominions and those of Carthage. That is to say, he
gave up to Carthage SeHnous and its territory and
part of the territory of Akragas.

Hellas was thus again cut short on Sicilian soil,
though not so utterly as had been the case when
Dionysios first rose to power. If we had as clear
accounts of his later days as we have of the earlier, we
should better understand the difference between the
two periods. But we have a very meagre account of
the war which led to the loss of Selinous, and of
the last sixteen years of his reign we know next to
nothing. But we can see that about the year 379
both he and the Carthaginians were warring in Italy,
They were seeking to set up again some of the towns
which he had destroyed ; but they had to give up the
attempt and go back to Africa on account of a plague
and the revolt of their subjects. On the other hand,
Dionysios took Kroton, which had escaped him in his
earlier campaign, and robbed the temple of the Laki-
nian Hera of a precious robe, which he, oddly enough,
sold to the Carthaginians for a huge sum. There is
also a story how he planned the building of a wall
across the narrowest point of the south-western
peninsula. This was, he said, to keep out the
Lucanians ; but the Greeks north of the proposed wall
saw that it was meant only to strengthen his own
power in Italy, After this we hear nothing of his
doings in Sicily or Italy for about eleven years.

In Old Greece meanwhile, where, from the }-ear B.C.
369 onwards, Athens and Sparta were allies against
Thebes, we hear more than once of his sending bar-

19+ THE TYRAyiyiY OF DIONYSIOS.

barian mercenaries, Gaulish and Iberian, to help the
Spartans. And now (369-367) we find two Atlic
inscriptions recording the relations of the Athenian
democracy with the tyrant. All manner of honours
are voted to him and his sons, and in the second an
alliance is concluded between Athens and "the ruler
of Sicily," without any mention whatever of the people
of Syracuse. Each is to help the other in case of
attack by any enemy. It is some little comfort to
think who the enemies of Dionysios at that moment
were.

For, just at the end of his reign, he renewed the
greatest exploit of his earlier days, the invasion of the
Phoenician possessions in Western Sicily. An excuse
for a new Punic war could be easily found in real or
alleged Carthaginian encroachments on the dominions
of Dionysios. In such a war as this he knew that
Greek feeling, in and out of Sicily, would go with him.
With a great force, given as 30,000 foot, 3,000 horse, and
300 ships of war, he again marched westward. Carthage
was believed to be, as so often happened, deeply
weakened by the usual causes, pestilence and the revolt
of her African subjects. He was at first successful. He
recovered Greek Selinous; he took Entella, now in the
hands of the Campanians, and he took Eryx itself for
the second time. He then began to besiege the new
town of Lil)'baion, which had taken the place of his old
conquest of Motya. But he found the resistance too
strong for him. At sea iiowever he deemed himself
so strong that he sent back the more part of his fleet to
Syracuse, keeping 130 ships at anchor at Drepanathe
haven of Eryx. But the Carthaginians, taking heart,

DEATH OF DIONVSIOS. I95

made a sudden dash and carried off most of them.
Then winter came, and botli sides withdrew from the
war. This is all that we hear. Before long a treaty
was again made between S}'racuse and Carthage. We
are not told its terms ; but as Selinous, when we next
hear of it, appears as a Carthaginian possession, the
Syracusan conquests were most likely given back to
Carthage.

But it was not the elder Dionj'sios who made the
treaty. We have come to the end of the reign and
life of a man who had done such great things and
had so largely changed the face of the world of his
day. In the year 367 Dionysios the tyrant died,
after a reign of 38 years. The cause of his death
is said to have been a strange one. It was now for
the first time that a tragedy of his was thought
worthy of the first prize at Athens. The news was
brought to him with all speed. His delight was
unbounded ; he sacrificed to the gods, and indulged
in an excess of wine which was unusual v^ith him.
A fever followed, and he died. His career had been
indeed a wonderful one. He had destro)'ed the
freedom of his native cit}', but he had made it both
the greatest city and the greatest power of Europe.
No man had won greater successes over the barbarian
enemies of Greece ; but no man had done more to
destroy Greek cities, and to plant barbarians in his
own island. With his great gifts, he might, as a
lawful king or as the leader of a free people, have
made himself the most illustrious name in all
Greek histor\'. As it was, he was a tyrant ; he
reigned as such, and he was remembered as such. All

196 THE TYRANNY OF DIONYSIOS.

that we can say for him is that worse tyrants still
came after him His reign was unusually long for a
tyrant, and he was able to leave his power to his son.
He himself had said that he was able to reign so
long, because he had abstained from wanton outrages
against particular persons. His reign marks an sera
in the history of Greece and of the world. He began
a state of things which the Macedonian kings con-
tinued. It is well to note that when Dionysios died,
Philip son of Amyntas was already fifteen years old,
and that eight years later he won for himself the
Macedonian kinedom.

XI.

THE DELIVERERS.

B.C. l6'j—-:,\7.

[Our chief authorities now are still the narrative of Diodoros and
Plutarch's Lives of Dion and Timoleun. Plutarch is commonly the
fuller. There are also Latin hves of both by Cornelius Nepos. Some-
thing may be learned from the letters attributed to Plato, with the
cautions already given.]

The great power of the elder Dionysios, the greatest

power, as it is emphatically said, in Europe, now passed

to the weaker hands of his son. The father had

done great things, even if they were largely evil

things. He had changed the whole face of Sicily,

and had thereby gone far towards changing the face

of the whole Greek world. He had given Syracuse,

as the capital of a ruler, a position such as Athens

herself had hardly held as a commonwealth bearing

rule over other commonwealths. He had done

greater things against barbarians in their own land

than any Greek leader had done before him. Yet,

besides the loss of political freedom in his own and

other cities, he had on the whole done more against the

197

igS THE DELIVERERS.

Greek nation than for it. In his very first dcahngs he
had helped the Carthaginians to win more than he
could ever win back from them. In Sicily itself he had
destroyed some Greek cities and peopled others with
barbarians. He had sacrificed several Italiot towns
to the advancement of one, and he had decidedly
helped towards barbarian advance in Italy. It is
only in his most distant enterprises, in his compara-
tively obscure Hadriatic colonies, that he at all
enlarged the borders of Hellas. His career tended,
on the whole, to a great lessening, not only of Sicilian
freedom, but of Sicilian prosperity. From his time
the Sicilian and Italian Greeks began to find that
they could not stand alone. The main feature of the
times that followed, for about a hundred }'ears begin-
ning with the reign of his son, is the constant inter-
course between Old Greece and the Greeks of Italy
and Sicily. That intercourse takes a new shape.
The Greeks of Ital)' and Sicily are ever sending
to Old Greece for help against domestic tyrants,
against barbarian enemies, or against both together.
A succession of deliverers go forth, some of them
to do great things. But we shall presently have to
distinguish between the republican leader who goes
out simply to deliver, and the prince who does indeed
work deliverance, but who thinks that he has a right
to reign over those whom he delivers.

The history of the younger Dionysios illustrates
the nature of the Greek tyrannies in many ways.
As in many other cases, what the father won the son
lost. The tyrant's son, born, as the saying is, in the
purple, was connnonl}' a weaker man than his father.

DIOA'YSIOS AND HIS SON. Igg

And the elder Dionysios, in his extreme jealousy
of evers'body, had kept his son shut up in his palace,
and allowed him no share in political or military
affairs. He was not without ability or without ten-
dencies to good ; but he was in every way weaker
than 1ms father. Not having his father's strength
of purpose, he was easily impressed both for good
and for evil. He was less cruel, because less deter-
mined, than his father, but, for the same reason, he
fell into the vices from which his father was free. It
is a characteristic story that the old Dionysios found
his son in an intrigue with another man's wife. He
rebuked his son, and asked if he had ever heard of
his doing anything of that kind. " No ; but then your
father was not t}-rant." " And }'our son never will be
tyrant, if }'0U do such things." The new t}rant was
the son of his father's Lokrian wife Doris, and was
about 25 years old at his accession. He was ac-
knowledged, perhaps as general with full powers, by
some kind of vote of an assembly which had no
will of its own. He then gave his father a splendid
funeral, and a tomb, contrary to Greek practice, in
the Island. The elder Dionysios, at the time of
his death, was at war with both Carthaginians and
Lucanians. The new t}'rant presently made peace
with both. The Hal\-kos again became the frontier
between his power and that of Carthage. In Italy
he is said to have founded two new towns on the
coast of Apulia. Otherwise he simpl}' kept his
father's dominion, without extending it or doing
anything memorable in any way.

Under a tyranny, above all where the t)-rant is

200 THE DELIVERERS.

weak and needs guidance, family and personal
relations, marriages, and the power of men whom we
may call ministers, become of importance, just as
they do among lawful princes. Two men specially
stand out during the reign of the younger Dionysios.
The historian Philistos, who had had so great a hand
in setting up the power of his father, was recalled
from exile, either at the beginning of his reign or
somewhat later. He was now an old man, but he
was still vigorous, and he was attached to the system of
the elder tyrant. The other was Dion, the brother
of Dionysios' Syracusan wife Aristomache. His
father Hipparinos had had a hand in setting up the
t}Tanny. Aristomache had two sons, much younger
than Dionysios, and two daughters, Sophrosyne and
Arete — mark the tyrant's choice of names for his
children — who were married, the one to her half-
brother Dionysios, the other to her uncle Dion. It
was only marriage with a sister by the mother's side
which was a sin against Greek feelings. Dion was
enriched and favoured by the elder tyrant, and was
largely employed by him in public affairs, specially
in embassies to Carthage. He was an able man and
a good soldier, stern and haughty in manner, yet
capable of winning influence, strict in life, and with a
tendency to philosophical speculations. He had had
a hand in bringing Plato to Sicily in the days of the
elder Dionysios. Now that the younger tyrant had
succeeded and he himself stood high in his confi-
dence, he hoped to work great things by the help of
his favourite philosophy. He had no thought of
restoring the old democratic constitution, which was

DIONYSIOS THE YOUNGliR. 201

by no means according to Platonic notions. But he
wished to make Dionysios rule well instead of ill, and
even to turn him from a tyrant into something like a
constitutional king. To this end he persuaded Plato
to come again to Syracuse, to act as a kind of
spiritual adviser to the tyrant. Not much good was
likely to come of this. Plato was a speculator on
constitutions, but he had no practical knowledge of
affairs. Dionysios listened to the philosopher for a
while with pleasure ; geometry became fashionable at
his court ; he talked of making reforms and even of
giving up the tyranny. But nothing was really done.
Philistos and his party pressed Dionysios on the
other side, and set him against Dion. The peace
with Carthage was not yet settled, and Dion was
charged with treasonable dealings with the enemy.
He was accordingly suddenly sent away from Sicily,
but was allowed to receive the income of his property.
His wife Arete, the half-sister of the t}'rant, and his
young son Hipparinos, remained at Syracuse.

Dionysios meanwhile kept up a strange kind of
friendship for Plato. He was jealous that the philo-
sopher thought more of Dion than he did of Diony-
sios. He kept him for a while at S}'racuse, and even
persuaded him to pay him a second visit. But nothing
came of it. Dion}'sios at last seized Dion's property
and divided it among his own friends. This was
during Plato's second visit ; after that Plato was very
glad to get away. Presently the tyrant took on him
to give the wife of Dion to another man named Tim.o-
krates, and he took pains to lead her young son into
vice. He also banished one of his chief officers, named

202 THE DELIVERERS.

Herakleides, who then passed for a friend of Dion's.
The tyranny in short was getting worse and worse.

All this happened during the first seven )'ears of
the reign of the younger Dionysios (B.C. 367-360).
Meanwhile Dion visited several parts of Old Greece,
and was everywhere received with honour. At Sparta
he received a most special honour, being admitted to
full Spartan citizenship, a gift which was most rarely
bestowed on any stranger. At Athens he made the
acquaintance of Kallippos, one of Plato's followers ;
indeed he made friends everywhere. He began to
plan schemes for upsetting the t)'ranny of Dionysios,
and he met with encouragement in many quarters.
Herakleides too was planning for the same object ; but
he and Dion did not agree, and each followed his own
course. It is certain that no good came of the friend-
ship of Kallippos ; as for the rivalry of Herakleides,
it is only fair to remember that we have the story
only as it was told by the friends of Dion. At any
rate Dion was ready for his enterprise before Hera-
kleides was. He had gradually raised a small force
of mercenaries and volunteers ; but of Syracusan
exiles, of whom there are said to have been as
many as a thousand seeking shelter in different parts
of Greece, he could get only twenty-five or thirty to
join him. At last, in the summer of the year r..C.
357, ten years after the death of the old I3ionysios,
he set forth on his errand of deliverance. His force
was so small that all could be carried in five
merchant-ships.

Dion and his small fleet did not follow the usual
coasting route of ships going from Old Greece to

COMING OF DION. 203

Sicil}'. The Italian coast was watched by a force
under Phih'stos. Dion therefore struck straight across
the open sea from Zak}-nthos to Sicil}-. His steersman
guided him right to the south-east corner and there
recommended him to land. But Dion did not think
it wise to land so near Syracuse. Then a wind
drove him to the coast of Africa. Thence he was
soon able by a change of weather to reach the south
coast of Sicily at Herakleia or Minoa, now, by the
late treaty, a border fortress of Carthage and called
by the Punic name of Ras ]\Iclkart. Here the officer
in command, S}'nalos by name, was a Greek in the
service of Carthage and a friend of Dion's. He
recei\'ed him and his followers friendly, and while at
Herakleia Dion heard a precious piece of news,
namel}' that Dion}-sios was not at Syracuse, but had
gone with the more pUrt of his fleet to look after the
towns which he had founded on the Hadriatic. Timo-
krates, to whom the t}'rant had given Dion's wife, was
left in command at Syracuse. As soon as Timokratcs
heard that Dion had landed, he sent a letter to
Dionysios, but the messenger professed to have lost
the letter by a strange accident ; so the tyrant only
heard the news some days later by common fame. It
was a great point for Dion to reach Syracuse before
Dionysios should come back ; so he marched with all
speed, Greeks, Sikans, and Sikels joining him at ever\'
step as he went along. The march was done in three
days. The night before the last day they encamped
before the hill of Akrai, the inland outi)ost of S}'ra-
cuse. There Dion heard more of the state of things
in the city. Epipolai was guarded by some of the

204 THE DELIVERERS.

barbarian soldiers to whom the elder Dionysios had
given Katane and other towns. Dion cunningly
spread a rumour abroad that he was not going to
march straight on Syracuse, but on those towns first.
The barbarians believed the story, and in spite of all
the efforts of Timokrates who came out of the Island
to keep them in order, they marched off to defend
their own homes. Thus Dion was able to reach
Syracuse without opposition. He started from
Akrai before daybreak, and reached the crossing of
the Anapos just as the sun was rising. He offered
sacrifices ; the prophets foretold good luck ; and the
whole army marched on with their sacrificial wreaths
on their heads, as if in a religious procession. By
this time men could see them from the hill of
Syracuse. The whole city rose. The people set on
the few mercenaries who were left in the outer city,
who contrived to form and encamp on part of
Epipolai. Timokrates tried to get back to the
Island, but he could not do so for the crowds.
He rode awa}' by the northern road. The tyrant's
soldiers were thus left without a commander, and
Dion was able to enter Syracuse without hindrance.
Meanwhile some of the people set upon the tyrant's
spies and other agents. Others went in their best
clothes to welcome their deliverer at the gate, the
gate of Temcnites, in the new wall of the elder Diony-
sio.s. There they saw Dion in splendid armour, lead-
ing his troops, with his brother Megakles and his friend
Kallippos on each side of him. When he reached
the gate, he announced by sound of trumpet that Dion
and Megaklcs were come to deliver Syracuse and all

DION DELIVERS SYRACUSE.

205

the Greek cities of Sicily from the tyrant. Then he
marched on through Achradina, the people pressing
on him on both sides with wreaths and sacrifices and
drink-offerings. At last he was able to mount a tall sun-
dial which the elder Dion}'sios had made near the gates
between Achradina and the Island. There he made a
speech as to an assembly of the Syracusan people, and
called on them to elect generals. They at once chose
Dion and Alegakles generals with full powers. But
Dion said that they must have colleagues ; so the
people chose as many as twenty, some of them taken
from among the exiles who had come back with Dion.

SYRACUSE. DION S TIME.

He then attacked and drove out the barbarians
on Epipolai ; he set free those who were shut up in
the tyrant's prisons, and built a wall of defence
between the Island and the delivered parts of the city.
Dionysios, owing to the loss of Timokrates' letter, did
not come back with his fleet till seven days after
Dion's entrance. And then he found that all Syra-
cuse, except the Island, had passed away from his
dominion.

Never had an}' man had such a run of good luck as
Dion had up to his time. It was now that his diffi-
culties began. It was alwaj's easy to raise suspicion
aeainst Dion on account of his long connexion with

206 THE DELIVERERS.

the house of the tyrants. And in truth, notwithstand-
ing his popular bearing on the day of his entry, it
may be doubted whether Dion at any time really
thought of restoring freedom to Syracuse in the sense
in which most Syracusans would understand freedom.
He had not lived in a democracy ; he and his friend
Plato seem to have dreamed all manner of impossible
constitutions. There should be a king with limited
powers, or perhaps more than one king, after the man-
ner of Sparta. In short the Syracusans wished to
rule themselves, like any other free Greek city ; Dion
wished to rule them himself or with a few colleagues.
He wished no doubt to rule them justly and well ;
but still to rule them. His haughty manner too
helped before long to make him personally unpopular.
We hear casually that he had a body-guard, like a
tyrant. Dionysios was quite clever enough to know
all this, and to malce his advantage out of it. His
first trick was to try to open negotiations with Dion
personally, and not with the Syracusan people. Dion
told the tyrant not to speak to him, but to the people.
Another message then came ; Dionysios, like more
modern oppressors, promised to make various reforms.
At this the people had the sense to laugh, and Dion
told the tyrant's envoys that no offer could be listened
to e.N'cept a complete abdication of the tyranny. If
he did this, Dion would, out of old friend.ship, procure
good terms for him i)ersonally. Dionysios pretended
to agree ; he asked that envoys should be sent into the
Island to settle terms. But when they came, he kept
them there, and sent his mercenaries to make a sudden
attack on the wall which now hemmed in the Island

DION AND DIONYSIOS. 2oy

by land. A sharp battle followed, in which Dion
showed great courage, and received a wound. In the
end the barbarians were driven back into the fortress.

Dionysios now sent letters to Dion from his wife and
sister whom he still kept in the Island. These Dion
read out to the assembly. But one letter w^as headed
"from Hipparinos to his father;" this the people
told him to keep to himself; it was too private to be
opened publicly. But Dion opened and read it aloud.
And it proved not to be from his son, but from the
tyrant. Dionysios called on Dion to remember their
old friendship, and not to serve an ungrateful people.
He did not wish to rule any longer himself; he would
w^illingly give up his power to Dion. If Dion refused
this, he would do dreadful things to his sister and
wife and son.

It is not 'perhaps very wonderful that the reading
of this letter raised suspicions against Dion among the
people. And these suspicions grew stronger w^hen a
rival to Dion for the good will of the Syracusans
presently came on the field. This was Herakleides,
who now came with a number of triremes, some
say twenty, some only seven, and 1,500 more
soldiers. He was skilful in w^arfare and of more
popular manners than Dion ; so he easily won the
favour of the people. The assembly presently elected
him admiral. Then Dion said that this could not be
without his own consent ; but he presently himself
proposed the election of Herakleides with a guard
equal to his own. This satisfied nobody ; men began
to call Dion a tjrant, and to say that they had only
exchanged a drunken master for a sober one. And

2o8 THE DELIVERERS.

presently Herakleides was able to do real services
which might seem to equal those of Dion.

Dionysios had come back to Syracuse with only
part of his fleet ; the rest was still off the coast of
Italy under the command of Philistos. The historian
of Sicily, vigorous in his old age, was now the main-
stay of the power of the tyrant. He came from
Italy with the ships and troops which had been left
there. He failed in an attempt to win back Leontinoi,
which had revolted from Dionysios. He next met
Herakleides in a sea-fight. Some of the crews of the
tyrant's ships must have joined the patriots ; other-
wise Herakleides could not have had sixty ships to
face the same number which Philistos commanded.
The Syracusans had the better, and Philistos, after
doing his best for his master, was taken alive. To
the disgrace of the delivered commonwealth, the old
man was put to death with insult, and his body was
dragged into the streets and thrown into the stone-
quarries.

With the death of Philistos Dionysios began to lose
heart ; but he still went on with his tricks to discredit
Dion. The victory had naturally made Herakleides
the favourite. Dionysios now sent another message
to Dion, offering to give up the Island on condition of
being allowed to withdraw safely to Italy and to keep
the profits of a large private estate in the Syracusan
territory. Dion again told the tyrant to make his pro-
posal to the people and not to him. At the same time
he counselled the assembly to accept the terms. But
the people hoped to take the tyrant alive, and refused to
hearken. Dionysios now thought mainly of his own

DION DEPRIVED OF THE GENERALSHIP. 209

personal safety. He contrived to escape by sea, taking
witii him most of his treasures and furniture, but leaving
the best of his mercenaries still in the Island under
the command of his son Apollokrates, who must have
been young for such a trust. This rather discredited
Herakleides, as men said that he ought to have kept
better watch. And the story goes that he was thereby
stirred up to make yet further attacks on Dion,
setting on men to propose measures which Dion had
to withstand. At last he was able to carry a vote by
which Dion was deprived of his generalship, and
twenty-five new generals were appointed, of whom
Herakleides himself was one. Hitherto he had not
been one of the body of generals, but had held a
separate command at sea. And it was further voted
to refuse pay to the men who had come from Pelopon-
nesos with Dion. These men were not common
mercenaries ; they had come from zeal in the cause,
and had done great things for it ; but they could not
afford to serve for nothing in a strange country.

The Peloponnesians gathered round Dion, and
prayed him to lead them against the Syracusans.
Meanwhile the party of Herakleides tried to win
them over by offers of citizenship. There had been
a talk of division of lands, and most likely they were
to get land instead of their pay. But the soldiers
clave to Dion, and Dion refused to act against the
Syracusans. He accordingly went away with his
followers, 3,000 in number. They marched towards
Leontinoi ; on the road they were followed by the
new Syracusan generals with their force. Dion's men
were much better soldiers than the Syracusans, and

210 THE DELIVERERS.

they easily drove off their assailants, Dion striving
to shed as little Syracusan blood as might be. He and
his men were welcomed at Leontinoi and received to
citizenship.

The SyracLisans had thus (B.C. 356) got rid of their
deliverer about nine months after their deliverance.
There were faults on both sides ; but Dion undoubtedly
had an honest purpose to get rid of the tyranny, what-
ever kind of government he may have wished to set
up in its stead. The Syracusans had now to besiege
Ort}-gia for themselves, without Dion's help or that
of his men. And their prospects grew worse when
Dionysios sent a large stock of provisions for his garri-
son, and an able officer named Nypsios from the Cam-
panian Neapolis or Naples. He came, like Gylippos,
at the very moment when the garrison had made up
their minds to come to terms with the citizens. The
Syracusan generals, who must have been guilty of
some negligence in letting Nypsios enter the Great
Harbour, repaired their fault by leading out the ships
of the commonwealth to attack the mercenaries while
they were still busy in getting the provisions on shore.
A Syracusan victory followed ; but, just as after the
greater victory over the Athenians, the night was
given up to revelry and drunkenness. Nypsios saw
his opportunity; in the dead of the night he sent
forth his mercenaries with orders to deal with the
citizens as they would. They scaled the wall with
which Dion had Jicmmcd in the Island, sla}-ing the
drunken guards, ]')Ut that night there was little
slaughter, save of such as tried to resist ; the minds
of the mercenaries were bent on plundering the

RETURN OF DION. 211

houses and carrying off the women and children.
This work went on all night through the lower part
of the cit)'. In the morning, those who had come
to their senses and had contrived to escape to the
parts of the town which the enemy had not reached,
held an assembly, and with one voice voted to send
to Leontinoi and to pray Dion to come at once to
their help with his soldiers.

As soon as the message came, Dion at once held
an assembly of his soldiers. He left it to them to
say whether they would go and deliver men who had
treated them so unworthily. For himself he had no
choice ; he must go, if onl\- to die in the ruins of his
native city. The whole body voted to go with him,
and they set out by night. On the way he was met
by contradictory messages. At night-fall Nypsios
had withdrawn his soldiers into the Island. The
enemies of Dion then gave out that there was
no longer any need of Dion's help. The gates
were shut against him, and a message was sent,
bidding him not to come on. But his friends sent
another message, bidding him to continue his march.
Perplexed between the two messages, he marched on,
but with less speed than before. At last, when he was
near Megara, about seven miles off, a most pressing
message came from Herakleides himself, praying him
to come with all speed. As soon as Nypsios heard
that the gates were shut against Dion, he let out his
mercenaries again. This night was yet more frightful
than the other. For this time they did not only
plunder and carry off, but burned houses and slew all
whom they met. Dion's bitterest enemies now felt

212 THE DELIVERERS.

that their only hope was in him. After this last
message, his men came on with all speed. They
came up Epipolai on the north side by the gates
called Hexapyla. All that part of the city was
clear ; they had next to carry the wall of Achradina,
which Nypsios and some of his men defended. Within
the wall, they had to fight their way as they could
among the burning houses and the streets choked
with dead bodies. But they pressed on ; the mer-
cenaries made a last stand near the gate of Ortygia.
The more part escaped into the fortress ; those who
were caught outside, as many as four thousand, were
slaughtered.

Dion had thus saved Syracuse a second time, and
his second entrance was of a very different kind from
the first. His men had to put out the flames and
to clear away the dead. As soon as might be, an
assembly was held. The more part of Dion's chief
enemies had fled ; Herakleides and his uncle Theo-
dotes confessed their fault and craved his pardon.
Many of Dion's friends urged him to put them to
death, and to free the city from their intrigues. But
Dion forgave them, after a somewhat pedantic speech,
saying that it was his business as a philosopher to
outdo his enemies in virtue. He then repaired the
wall which hemmed in the Island ; he buried the
dead, and ransomed the captives. In another
assembly Herakleides himself proposed that Dion
should be made general with full powers by land
and sea. But it is said that the sailors who had
shared Herakleides' victory objected ; so the com-
mand was divided, Herakleides taking the command

RECOVERY OF THE ISLAND. 213

by sea. War with Dionysios went on for some while ;
but each side charged the other with negh'gence and
treason, till Dion and Herakleides were again formally
reconciled through the intervention of a Spartan
named Gais}-los, who had come from Sparta to act,
if need be, the part of Gylippos. We should like to
know something more about his mission ; but our
account is most meagre in everything but what per-
sonally concerns Dion. At any rate Gaisylos behaved
thoroughly well, claiming nothing for himself, but
binding Herakleides by the most solemn oaths to be
faithful to Dion.

Soon after this came the full completion of de-
liverance. We do not hear again of Nypsios ; but
Apollokrates the son of Dionysios found that he
could hold out no longer. He sailed away under a
truce which he made with Dion, by which he was
allowed to take away his mother and sisters, and so
much of his goods and treasure as he could take in
five triremes. But the fortress and the military
stores in it were given up to Dion. And as nothing
is said of the mercenaries, it would seem that they
passed into Dion's service. Dion now went into the
Island and was welcomed by his sister Aristomache,
the widow of the old Dionysios, by his wife Arete,
whom he took back again, and his son Hipparinos,

The joy throughout Syracuse was great ; but it was
soon damped. Dion went to live in his own house
and not in the fortress ; but he kept possession of the
fortress when men hoped that he would destroy it
altogether. We cannot blame him when he refused,
what many wished, to destroy the tomb of the elder

214 THE DELIVERERS.

Dionysios, and to cast out his bones. But he kept
power in his own hands, and kept on his haughty
demeanour. He had no thought of restoring the
democracy as it had stood before the tyranny began.
He was still corresponding with Plato and with
friends at Sparta and Corinth, cities used to aris-
tocratic government. Among them they dreamed of
another beautiful scheme of government, in which
what wc may call king, lords, and commons were all
to have their proper places. Herakleides and his
party, whether they knew anything of all this or not,
at least knew that Dion had not restored the old
Syracusan commonwealth, but kept all power to
himself. They naturally complained. And now Dion
yielded to his friends who again suggested the death
of Herakleides. Dion had refused to put him to death
when it could have been done, if not by a legal sentence,
at least by military execution ; he now sank to con-
nive at the secret murder of Hcrakdeides. Whatever
he had done before, whatever he dreamed of doing,
he was now practically tyrant.

As such he was before long to undergo the tyrant's
fate. With the position of a t)'rant he had not learned
to practise the .system of caution and suspicion by
which t)'rauts maintained their power. He slill put
faith in his yXthcnian friend Kallippos, who all the
while was plotting against him. He had warnings
and visions, and his son threw himself from a ^\•indow
and was killed. His wife Arete and his sister .'\risto-
mache knew better what was going on. 'i"hc\' made
Kallippos take the Great Oath, the most solenni of
oaths in the name of the great goddesses of Sicily,

END OF DION. 215

that he was planning no ill against Dion. But he
cared not for the oath, and he presently compassed the
death of Dion at the hands of some young Zakyn-
thians. These, one would think, must ha\e been
men who had followed Dion when he set sail from
their island, but who turned against him now that he
was looked on as a t}'rant.

Several years of confusion followed the death of
Dion, who had begun so well and had ended so ill.
Kallippos kept himself in power for about a year. He
gave himself out as a deliverer, and wrote a letter
to that effect to his own city of Athens. He threw
Aristomache and Arete into prison, where Arete gave
birth to a son. Next one Hiketas, a friend of Dion,
professed to ha\e the two women released and sent
to Peloponnesos, but he had them drowned on the
voyage. The child seems to have lived. Presently
men began to complain of Kallippos ; but for a while
he got the better of his enemies, who found shelter at
Leontinoi. Then a new claimant appeared, Hipparinos,
son of the old Dionysios by Aristomache, nephew
therefore of Dion, He would naturally strive to get
dominion in Syracuse if he could, and he might even
give himself out as the avenger of his mother and
uncle. When Kallippos was warring against Katane,
Hipparinos contrived to enter Syracuse with his
brother Nysaios, and to get possession of the Island.
Kallippos had to put up with the tyranny of Katane
instead of that of Syracuse, and Hiketas got hold of
the tyranny of Leontinoi. Hipparinos was presently
killed in a drunken fit, and Nysaios kept the Island.

2l6 THE DELIVERERS.

Lastly, their elder half-brother, Dionysios himself
(B.C. 346), tried his luck again. He had been living at
Lokroi, his mother's city, since he had left Syracuse,
and had made himself hated there by his cruelty and
debauchery. He now saw another chance, and he
contrived to drive his brother Nysaios from the Island,
which, with his son Apollokrates, he occupied, and
was tyrant once more. And all this time Plato was
dreaming dreams and writing letters and sketching
another constitution for Syracuse, in which Dionysios
and Hipparinos and the young son of Dion should
all be constitutional kings at once.

It would seem that none of these tyrants who came
in one after the other had occupied all Syracuse ; they
could have held only the Island. At any rate there
were somewhere citizens of Syracuse who were able to
act. Besides all these tyrants, the Carthaginians were
again beginning to be threatening. Men feared lest,
not only freedom but Greek life altogether, should
be wiped out in Sicily. They sought for help ; they
sought it in Old Greece, at the hands of their
metropolis Corinth. Hiketas too at Lcontinoi was
believed to be making plots in concert with Carthage ;
but he openly joined in the appeal to Corinth, and the
free Syracusans chose him general.

And now the purest hero in the whole tale of Sicily,
till his likeness came again in our own day, steps on
the field. What Dion had professed to do, what at
one time we ma\^ believe he really meant to do,
Timolcon did. During our whole story we are struck
with the true and erenerous zeal for the suffering

TIMOLEO.W 217

Sicilian colony which is shown by the Corinthian
commonwealth generally. In Timoleon this zeal
reaches its height. He was a noble Corinthian, son
of Timodamos, and he first distinguished himself
by saving the life of his brother Timophanes in battle.
But when Timophanes presently seized the tyranny,
after exhorting him in vain to give up his ill-gotten
power, he joined with .^schylus the brother-in-law of
Timophanes in putting him to death, though he did
not himself strike the blow. To slay a tyrant was
among the Greeks counted as the noblest of deeds ;
but some doubted whether it should be done by a
brother-in-law and a brother. Men's minds therefore
were divided ; some honoured Timoleon as the slayer
of a tyrant, while others loathed him as the murderer
of a brother. And among these last, to Timoleon's
great grief, was Damarista, the mother both of himself
and of his slain brother. According to one account,
the Syracusan embassy came very soon after these
events, while, according to another, a space of twenty
years had passed. In any case, when the Syracusan
embassy came to ask help from Corinth, Timoleon
was called to talce the command. He was bidden to
go forth as a kind of ordeal ; his former act should be
judged by his acts in his new character.

Just, as in the case of Gylippos, more turned on the
man that was sent than on the force that was put
under his command. Corinth gave Timoleon only
seven ships, but one of these was specially consecrated
to the goddesses of Sicil}-. For the priestess of
Demeter and Persephone at Corinth dreamed that
the goddesses told her that they were going on a

2l8 THE DELIVERERS.

voyage to Sicily with Timoleon. And he and his
men liad many signs on the voyage to show that the
goddesses were with them. They were further
strengthened by human help ; for, of the sister cities
of Syracuse, Leukas gave one ship, and Korkyra,
once more, as in the days of Hippokrates, for-
getting her quarrel with her mother, gave two. But
the force that went was but small, a few Corinthian
volunteers and about 1,200 mercenaries. And these
were mostly men of bad repute, who had served with
the Phokian leaders who had robbed the Delphian
temple. For we must remember that wc have come
to the days when Philip of IMacedon had become a
great power in Greece. Me had already taken Olynthos,
but he had not yet fought the battle of Chaironeia.
With such a force as this Timoleon set forth to drive
Dionysios a second time out of his stronghold in the
Island of Syracuse. And on the wa}^, when the fleet
reached Rhegion, now again a free city, they found
there a Carthagim'an fleet of twenty ships, with envoys
IVom Hiketas. He had, he said, defeated the tyrant ; he
had recovered Syracuse, all but the Island, and there
he was going to besiege Dion)-sios with the help of
the Carthaginians. He would be glad to receive
Timoleon himself, and to consult with him as to
operations ; but the Carthaginians would not allow
the Corinthian ships to come to Syracuse. There was
more reason than ever to go on, as Hiketas now
plainly showed that he \\as in league with Carthage ;
but it was hard to go on in the face of the Punic fleet.
By a clever trick, planned with the Rhegines, who were
zealous in his cause, Timoleon contrived to get hisships

TIMOLEON IN SICILY. 2I9

out, and to land at Tauromcnion without the know-
ledge of the Carthaginians.

Timoleon was now on Sicilian ground, and at
Tauromenion he found his first ally. The chief man
there, one hardly knows his exact position, was
Andromachos, father of the historian Timaios. He
had done much for the city, enlarging it and bringing
in new settlers. He now joined Timoleon zealously.
But the prospects of the dcliv'erer were dark. Dion)--
sios held the Island, and Hiketas the rest of S}ra-
cuse. The other towns, Greek and Sikel, were held
by tyrants, all of whom would be against Timoleon ;
the Carthaginians meanwhile were strong in the West,
besides their fleet in the eastern sea. One Punic trireme
was sent to Tauromenion, with envoys, bidding
Andromachos drive the Corinthians away. The
envoy held the palm of his hand upwards, and said
that, if the Corinthians were not sent away, the city
of Tauromenion should be turned upside down in the
like sort. Then Andromachos turned his hand both
ways, and said that, if the Punic ship did not sail
away at once, it should be turned upside down in the
like sort. The Carthaginians did no more, but sailed
away to S}'racuse, whither Hiketas called them.
Timoleon was presently invited by the people of
Hadranum, at the foot of /Etna, the town which
Dionysios the Elder had founded by the temple of
the Sikel fire-god. Timoleon marched thither ; so
did Hiketas with a larger force. But Timoleon came
suddenly on him and defeated him. He was gladly
welcomed by the people of Hadranum ; and the tale
was told that, while the fight was going on, the

220 THE DELIVERERS.

doors of the innermost shrine of Hadranus opened of
themselves, and the god was seen sweating and
brandishing his spear, as having a share in tlie toil
and the victory of Timoleon.

Timoleon now for a while kept his head-quarters
at Hadranum. His wonderful success made men
believe that he was under the special care of the
gods. Allies now began to flock in to him. Several
cities joined him, specially Tyndaris, the other founda-
tion of the elder Dionysios on the northern coast.
And the tyrant Mamercus of Katane sought his
alliance. And presently a more wonderful message
came than all. Dionysios grew tired of being
besieged in Ortygia, and he gave up all hope of being
able to win back anything beyond Ortygia. And of
the two, he liked better to fall into the hands of
Timoleon than into those of Hikctas. So he offered
to surrender, as it is put, to the Corinthians. He
would give up the stronghold and the horses and arms,
and the mercenaries, on condition of being sent safely
to Corinth with his private property. This offer
Timoleon gladly accepted. He sent two Corinthian
officers with a small body of men, to take possession
of the Island, and Dionysios, with his goods and a
few friends, was sent in a trireme to Corinth. There
the fallen tyrant lived as a private man for the rest
of his days. It was thought the great wonder of the
time to see one who had been so powerful living in a
private station, more wonderful than if lie had been
slain or kept as a prisoner. He became the great
sight of Corinth, and many stories are told of the
sharp sayings that he made to people who came to

RECOVERY OF THE ISLAND. 221

see him. One may be enough, as it was made to so
famous a man. King Philip of Macedon asked him
how his father, with so much else to do, had found
time to write tragedies. Dionysios answered that he
wrote them in the time which himself and Philip and all
the rest who passed for happy spent at the wine-cup.
His old friend Plato had died before he came to
Corinth, or we might have had some reflexions on his
fall.

The surrender of Ort}'gia to Timoleon happened
within fift}- days after his landing in Sicil}'. The
Corinthians now thought it worth while to send out
a larger force. When they were off the coast of Italy,
they were hindered from going on by a Carthaginian
fleet ; so they spent the time in a work of the same
kind as that on which they were sent, namely in
helping the people of the Greek town of Thourioi
against the neighbouring barbarians. Meanwhile
Hiketas went on besieging Ortygia, while Timoleon
still stayed at Hadranum. Thither Hiketas sent two
men to murder him, who were hindered in a wonderful
wa}'. They sought to slay Timoleon while he was
sacrificing to the local god Hadranus. But a man in
the crowd knew one of them as the man who had
killed his father, and slew him on the spot. Then
the other was conscience-stricken, and confessed his
purpose. So Timoleon was thought more and more
to be under the special care of the gods.

Hiketas now prayed the Carthaginian commander
Magon to come to his help with his whole force.
The Punic ships now filled the Great Harbour, and,
for the first time in all the wars between Carthage

222 THE DELIVERERS.

and Syracuse, a Punic force was admitted into the
Syracusan city. Timoleon's men in the Island were
now in great straits ; but he contrived to send them
provisions in little boats ; and when Hiketas and
Magon went to besiege Katane, Neon, the officer in
command in Ortygia, made a sudden sally and
occupied Achradina. And about the same time
the Corinthians in Italy contrived to elude the Punic
fleet there and to cross the strait. Timoleon now
took the command, and marched to Syracuse. There
Hiketas and Magon still held all the city outside
Ortygia and Achradina, as well as the Great Harbour.
But Timoleon was able to encamp by the Anapos,
the old camping-ground of so many armies. Magon
presently grew suspicious of Hiketas, and sailed
away. When he reached Carthage, he was so fearful
of the punishment of this cowardice that he killed
himself, and the Carthaginians could only crucify his
dead body.

The gods had thus again fought for Timoleon. He
now planned a threefold assault on those parts of
Syracuse which were still held by Hiketas. He him-
self attack'cd on the south side of the hill, and other
Corinthian officers led on their troops on the north
side and from Achradina. All the posts were taken ;
Hiketas contrived to escape to Leontinoi, All Syra-
cuse was delivered, and it was a real deliverance.
Timoleon did not do this time as Dion did ; he did not
give the least suspicion that he wished to keep more
than lawful power in his own hands. Dion had kept
possession of the stronghold of the tyrants; Timoleon
called on the Syracusans to come and help with their

NEW SETTLEMENT OF SICILY.

223

own hands in destroying it. The whole fortress was
swept away, and courts of justice were built on the
site. But Syracuse and the other Sicilian cities were
in a sad state through all these tyrannies and wars.
Some towns were quite forsaken ; the tyrants and
their mercenaries held the fortresses, while the citizens
lived in the country. Stags and wild boars were said
to occupy some towns, and in Syracuse itself the
grass grew thick in the agora. Timoleon saw that
one great need of Syracuse and all Sicily was an
increase of citizens. He wrote to Corinth, and at

SYRACUSE. TIMOLEON S TIME. ZEUS ELEUTHERIOS.

his request the Corinthians made proclamation at the
various games of Greece, and sent messengers to the
islands and to many parts of Asia, calling on all
banished Syracusans and other Sikeliots to come
home again. Many such flocked to Corinth, but the
number was by no means so great as was needed.
Another Corinthian proclamation invited all Greeks
everywhere to take a part in what was in truth a
second Corinthian settlement of Syracuse, with
Timoleon as its second founder. Many came at
this invitation, and were carried to Sicily under the
auspices of the metropolis. Others flocked to
Timoleon of their own accord from various parts of

224 '^^^ DELIVERERS.

Sicily and Italy. At last as many as 60,000 return-
ing exiles and new-comers were brought together in
restored Syracuse. Two Corinthian citizens, Kephalos
and Dionysios, were sent to legislate for what might
almost be looked on as a new commonwealth.
Citizens of an aristocratic city, they were wise enough
to restore the old constitution of the democracy and
to enact the laws of Diokles afresh.

All these reforms took time. And while they were
going on, Timoleon had other work to do. He had
to set the rest of Greek Sicily free both from domes-
tic tyrants and from barbarian masters. Of the
tyrants the nearest was Hiketas at Leontinoi.
Timoleon marched against him, and, according to one
account, he now underwent the only failure that is
recorded of him. The walls of Leontinoi were too
strong for him. He therefore marched northwards to
the inland town of Engyum, and to Apollonia near
the northern coast. These were Sikel towns which had
by this time fully taken to Greek ways. They were
held by a tyrant named Lcptines, a Syracusan by
birth, who had murdered Kallippos the murderer of
Uion. He submitted on terms, and Timoleon sent
him to Corinth, that the Greeks of Old Greece might
see another fallen tyrant. A little later, it would
seem, Hiketas thought it time to submit, to give up
his mercenaries to Timoleon, and to pull down his
stronghold at Leontinoi. He was then allowed to live
there as a private man.

The Carthaginians were still threatening, and
making ready for greater efforts in Sicily. Timoleon,
like Dionysios, thought it well to strike first, the more

WAR WITH CARTHAGE. 225

SO as he was in great straits for money to pay his
mercenaries. He sent two of his Corinthian officers
on a raid into the Carthaginian territory (B.C. 343-342).
There they won over several towns to the Greek side,
and brought back great spoil, which was useful both
for paying the soldiers and for making ready for the
greater campaign that was coming.

Before long the great day of trial came. Another
huge Carthaginian fleet and army was gathered
together at Lil)'baion. The numbers were less
than in some earlier invasions ; but what specially
distinguished this expedition was that the need was
deemed so great as to call for the presence of the
Sacred Band, the hope and defence of Carthage,
made up of the noblest and bravest of her citizens.
This time then it was not wholly against hirelings
that the war had to be waged. The Punic com-
manders, Hamilkar and Asdrubal, determined at
once to march against the Corinthians, that is against
Syracuse. Timoleon's object was to march west-
wards as fast as he could, and to meet the barbarians
before they were able to do damage to any Greek
territory. His force was but small, 12,000 at the out-
side, against 70,000 of the enemy. And just now,
when Syracuse and the other Sikeliot cities were in
the very act of settling down after the times of con-
fusion, no great force could be drawn from them.
A large part of Timoleon's army was made up of mer-
cenaries. And his march was delayed by a mutiny
among them. They demanded their pay at once.
Timoleon won over most of them, but he was obliged
to allow a thousand of them to go back to Syracuse.

226 THE DELIVERERS.

Yet, after this loss of time, he was able to meet the
enemy quite in the western part of Sicily, three times
as near to Lilybaion as to Syracuse. He came in time
to save Entella from the Carthaginians, and then he
met them in the greatest battle in the open field ever
fought between Greeks and Phoenicians, the battle by
the river Krimisos.

On their march, as they drew near, the Greek army
was met by a number of mules laden with the plant
called sclinoii, which gave its name to the town of
Selinous. This is commonly translated parsley, but
it is really wild celery. The soldiers called out that
this was a bad omen, as the plant was one used in
funerals. But Timoleon, with ready wit, said that it
was the best of omens ; it was the plant of which the
wreath of victory was made in the Isthmian games
of Corinth. So he put a wreath of it on his own
head, and the officers and soldiers did the like. It
was in the forenoon of a June day that they reached
the top of the hill by the ri\'er, and rested awhile.
Hills and plain were covered with clouds and mist ;
but they heard the hum of a great army below.
Presently the sun shone forth, and they saw the
enemy crossing the river. P"irst came the war-
chariots ; then the Sacred Band in heavy armour,
with huge shields. Timoleon first sent down the
horse to charge them before they had fully crossed
the stream and got into order. He himself followed
with the phalanx, and led them on with a shout so
loud that his men thought that a god was speaking
by his voice. Ikit there was hard fighting with the
Sacred Band ; the Greeks had to do what was

Battle of the krImisos. 227

a most rare thing for Greeks, to throw away their
spears and fight with their swords, Hke Spaniards or
Romans. But at last the whole mass of these bra\'e
Carthaginians was cut to pieces. By this time the
rest of the Punic army had crossed the river ; but
now, as men thought, the gods declared openly for
their favourite. A fierce storm came on ; rain and
hail dashed in the faces of the barbarians, and the
lightning dazzled their eyes. The Greek victory was
complete ; well nigh the whole of the great Punic
host was killed or taken prisoners or swept away by
the river.

As a battle, the fight by the Krimisos ranks along
with that of Himera. As an immediate blow to
Carthage it was the greater of the two, because of the
destruction of the Sacred Band, But it did not give
Greek Sicily so long a time of rest as the battle of
Himera had done. What men most thought of at the
time was the way in which the gods were held to
have given visible help to Timoleon. The spoil
was something wonderful. Great gifts were made to
the gods, and a special share was sent to Corinth,
with an inscription which said how the Corinthians
and Timoleon their general had freed the Greeks of
Sicily from the Carthaginians.

Timoleon had beaten the barbarians ; he had still
to deal with the t)'rants. IMamercus at Katane had
turned against him and had asked for help at Car-
thage. Just now Carthage could only send a body
of Greek mercenaries ; but they seem to have set up
Hiketas again in the tyranny of Leontinoi, and there
was another tyrant Hippon at Messana. These men

228 THE DELIVERERS.

gained some victories . over some of Timoleon's mer-
cenaries, men who had had a share in the sacrilege
at Delphi. So men said that the gods favoured
Timoleon wherever he went himself, but that they
punished his guilty followers when he was not with
them. Presently all these tyrants were put down
by Timoleon. Hiketas was taken at Leontinoi and
put to death as a tyrant and traitor. His wife and
daughters were sent to Syracuse, where the Syracusans
condemned them to death in vengeance for the
murder of the wife and sister of Dion by Hiketas.
It was held to be the one stain on the character of
Timoleon, that, though he did nothing to promote this
cruelty, he did nothing to hinder it. Mamercus sur-
rendered to Timoleon on condition that he should
have a trial before the Syracusan assembly and that
Timoleon should not speak against him. Timoleon
held his peace ; when Mamercus saw how strongly
the Syracusans were against him, he tried to dash his
head against the stone seats of the theatre where the
assembly was held. But he failed, and he was put to
death as a robber. As for Hippon, he fell into the
hands of the Messanians themselves, who put him
solemnly to death, sending for the boys to sec, as the
punishment of a tyrant was held to be an edifying
sight. These things seem harsh to us ; but we should
remember that all Greeks held that a tyrant who had
risen by trampling all law underfoot had lost all right
to the protection of law, and that he might be rightly
dealt with as a wild beast.

And now peace was made with Carthage. The
Halykos was still to be the boundary ; so Carthage

LAST DAYS OF TIMOLEON. 229

still kept Selinous and Herakleia ; but those of the
inhabitants who chose were allowed to move freely
into the Greek territor)^ And the Carthaginians
bound thcmseh'es by a clause most unlike their first
treaty with Dionysios ; they were not to give help to
any tyrant. There were still some to put down at
Centuripa and Agyrium. The people of the last
Sikel town, when set free from their tyrant Apol-
loniades, were admitted to Syracusan citizenship, and
they received Greek settlers in their territory. So
greatly had the distinction between Greek and Sikel, so
clearly marked a hundred years before, now died out.
Timoleon also put an end to the Campanians at /Etna,
and he sent fresh settlers to Gela and Alcragas.
Akragas now again became a place of some import-
ance, though it never rose again to its old greatness.
Thus, if not all Sicily, yet nearly all that part of Sicily
which had ever been either Greek or Sikel, was now
free. It became again a land of free commonwealths,
without either foreign masters or domestic tyrants.

Timoleon's work was now done. He laid down his
office of general, and with it all extraordinary powers.
He became a private man, and, as a private man, he
chose rather to live in the land which he had delivered
than to go back to his own Corinth. He sent to
Corinth for his wife and children, and spent the rest
of his days on an estate close to Syracuse which the
Syracusan people had given him. He became blind,
and he seldom visited the city or took any part in
public affairs. But when the Syracusan people wished
for his advice, he was brought in a carriage into the
theatre, and he told them what was best. Once or

230 THE DELIVERERS.

twice men spoke against him ; then all that he said
was that the wish of his heart was now fulfilled ; every
man in Syracuse could speak as he pleased. At last,
about eight years after his first coming into Sicily, he
died (B.C. 336). As a special honour, he was buried
within the city, and around his monument in the
agora was built a range of public buildings called
after him the Timoleonteion. So died, and so was
honoured, the man of the worthiest fame in the whole
story of Sicily, the man who thought it enough to
deliver others and who sought nothing for himself

But though neither Sicily nor any other part of
the Greek world ever saw such another as Timoleon,
and though the immediate work of Timoleon lasted
only a short time, yet the example of Dion and
Timoleon had a great effect. It became the custom
now for the Greeks of Italy and Sicily, when they
Vv'cre pressed by any enemies, at once to ask for help
in Old Greece. We must remember the state of Old
Greece at the time. When Timoleon sailed for Sicily,
Philip of Macedon was fast advancing to the
supremacy of Greece, and before Timoleon died, the
battle of Chaironcia in B.C. 338 had actually given
him that supremacy. This was a state of things
which made many in Greece dissatisfied, and anxious
to try their fortunes in the West. Presently came the
wonderful conquests of Alexander ; and the establish-
ment of Greek kingdoms in Asia and Egypt by his
generals stirred up ambitious princes to attempt the
like in other lands. There were now no great citizens
like Timoleon or even likx Dion ; but several kings of

ARCHIDAMOS AXD ALEXANDER. 23I

Sparta and of Epeiros showed themselves eager for
western adventure. But even the best of them were
not like Timolcon. They were ready to be dcHverers
in the sense of driving out barbarians from Greek
lands, but they did so to form kingdoms for them-
selves. A succession of them came, the first even
during the life-time of Timoleon. This was Archi-
damos king of Sparta, who had played a considerable
part in the older state of things in Greece, and who
was glad to escape from the new by trying his fortune
elsewhere. The Tarantines, pressed by the Luca-
nians and Messapians, asked help of their metro-
polis Sparta, just as the S}'racusans had asked help
of their metropolis Corinth, Archidamos came out
to their help ; but he was slain (B.C. 338) in a battle
with the barbarians at Manduria or Mandurium. on
the same da\', men said, as Philip's victory at Chairo-
ncia.

We can only guess at the objects of Archidamos.
The next who came, the Molottian king Alexander,
uncle of the more famous Macedonian of the same
name, certainly came to found a dominion for itself
over Greeks and barbarians (B.C. 332-331). He began
the work with some success ; he even made a treaty
with Rome, then a strong power in Central Italy,
but which had not reached so far south. But he
was presently murdered, and his schemes died with
him. Neither of these princes actually touched Sicily.
But their coming was clcarl}' suggested by the careers
of Dion and Timoleon, and some of those who came
after them on the same errand had directly to do with
Sicilian affairs. Meanwhile we have nothing to say

232

THE DELIVERERS.

about Sicily itself for several years, till a new power
arises which brings Sicily into a wider connexion
with the world in general than any that came before
it.

5!^:

XII.

THE TYRANNY OF AGATIIOKLES.
B.C. 317-289.

[Vv'e still have the continuous narrative of Diodoros through the
greater part of the reign of Agathokles ; for the latter part we have only
fragments. At this time Diodoros no doubt largely followed the History
of Timaios of Tauromenion, who was a bitter hater of Agathokles.
There is no other continuous narrative, except the short one in the Latin
epitomator Justin. But there are many references to Agathokles in the
later collectors, Polyainos and the like, and we are getting on so far
that we get a little help from the Latin historian Titus Livius of
Patavium, commonly spoken of as Livy. Polybios himself has some
discussion of the acts of Agathokles, but no narrative of them.]

It i.s grievous to think that the freedom and well-
being which Timoleon brought back to Syracuse and
to all Greek Sicily la.sted hardly more than twenty
)'cars. The tyrant.s could do more lasting evil than
the deliverers could do good. Seventeen years after
Timoleon's death we again hear of civil disputes in
the Greek commonwealths of Sicily, and of wars
between one coinmonwealth and another. Three
years later again there came a tyranny which in some
things was worse than any that Timoleon had over-
thrown. A man in man\' things like Dionysios,

234 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

even more enterprising" and far more cruel, made
S}'racu.se again the centre of a great dominion. This
was Agathokles son of Karkinos. About him several
things are to be noted. Dion\'sios was a born Syra-
cusan, and, after all his dealings with Carthage and
with other barbarians, he was on the whole a champion
of Hellas, and, whenever he showed himself in that
character, he was zealously supported by all Greek
Sicily. Agathokles, on the other hand, was not a
Syracusan by birth, and, though he did greater things
against the Carthaginians than any other Greek, he
was never so distinctly as Dionysios the champion of
united Greek Sicily. Dionysios too lived before, and
Agathokles after, the great victories of Alexander in
Asia. This made a great difference in the position
of the two men. Agathokles saw the Macedonian
captains founding kingdoms for themselves, and he
made himself a king to match them. And there was
a great difference between the kind of tyranny
practised by the two men. Dionysios was harsh and
suspicious ; but, while he stuck at no useful crime,
he seldom showed himself wantonly cruel. Agathokles
affected a frank and jovial demeanour, and thus kept
the good v.'ill of the lower people ; but ever and anon
he did deeds such as Dion}'sios never did. Dionysios
never wrought a massacre ; to Agathokles it some-
times seems as if a massacre was really a kind of
amusement.

The father of Agathokles, banished from Rhegion,
settled at Therma (the Baths of Himera) on the
northern coast of Sicily, then a Greek town under Car-
thaginian dominion. Warned by an oracle that the

HIS EARLY LIFE. 235

child would do great mischief, Karkinos ordered him
to be exposed ; but his mother saved him and per-
suaded her brother to bring him up. Afterwards he
was received by his father, and when Timolcon was
planting new citizens at S}'racuse, the whole family
moved tliither. There Agathokles passed his )-outh
in the trade of a potter ; but he was strong and hand-
some, and he specially won the favour of a leading
man named Damas, whose widow he afterwards
married, and received great wealth with her. He
was a valiant soldier, and Damas got him promotion
in the army. He distinguished himself in a war with
Akragas, and also in an expedition which S>'racuse,
following the best side of Hicron of old, sent into
Italy to help Kroton against the neighbouring
Bruttians. But the generals Sosistratos and Hera-
kleides refused Agathokles the rewards of his valour.
They were then the chief men in Syracuse, and a bad
report is given of them. They were the leaders of
an oligarchic club of 600 men, whom Agathokles
denounced as conspiring to set up a t}'rann}\
Banished, it would seem, he became an adventurer
and mercenary captain in Italy. One time we find
him defending Rhegion, the city of his forefathers,
against a Syracusan army. Presently Sosistratos and
his party were banished, and Agathokles was recalled.
The banished men sought help from the Carthaginian
general Hamilkar, and Agathokles again distinguished
himself in the war against them. Next we hear of
a Corinthian named Akestorides being general at
Syracuse, as if he had been another Timoleon. He
seeks the life of Agathokles, who again escapes.

236 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

Another change brings back Sosistratos and Hera-
kleides, who call Hamilkar to their help, while
Agathoklcs commands a force from the inland
towns, the old Sikcl towns which had now taken to
Greek ways. But he wins over Hamilkar, and by
his mediation, he is again received at Syracuse, on
taking a most solemn oath to be faithful to the
commonwealth. Presently he was chosen general,
and was charged with a special commission to bring
about peace among contending parties.

Never did any man more foully betray a trust than
Agathokles did. Some of the party of Sosistratos
had left Syracuse, and were trying to establish them-
selves in one of the inland towns. Under cover of
marching against them, Agathokles got together
his soldiers, and being joined by his partisans in
Syracuse, they made a general massacre, which lasted
for two days, of the whole party of the six hundred.
Then he called an assembly ; he congratulated the
people on winning back their freedom ; he said that,
as this was done, he wished to lay aside his office
and to live as a private man. They of course again
elected him general with full powers, the style under
which Dionysios had seized the tyranny. But
Agathoklcs did not put on the state of a tyrant ; he
trusted himself to the people, and had no body-guard.
Slaughter and banishment ceased till he found it
convenient to try them again. So in the year B.C.
317, began the new tyranny over Syracuse and a great
part of Sicily.

The object of Agathokles, even more than that of
Dionysios, was to make himself lord of all Sicily, or

HIS RISE TO POWER. 2T,y

of as great a part of it as he could. He first brouglit
under his power many of the inland towns — a little
time back we should have said the Sikel towns — and
he even — with the connivance, it is said, of Hamilkar —
carried his arms into the Punic territory. When this
was known at Carthage, Hamilkar was recalled ; a
lucky death saved him from the fate which he might
have met at home, and another general of his oivn
name, Hamilkar, son of Gisgon, was sent out to take
his place. We hear nothing clearly about the doings
of Agathokles for some time, but about the year 315,
we find him warring against Messana, which was
saved by Carthaginian help. But he took Abacxnum,
the Sikel town from whose territory Dionysios had
cut off his new town of Tyndaris, and there did a
small massacre, only forty of the party opposed to
him. All this showed how dangerous he was to all
the Sicilian commonwealths. Akragas, above all,
ever jealous of Syracuse and now the special shelter
of Syracusan exiles, took counsel how best to withstand
him.

As had been so often done before, the enemies of
Agathokles sent for a leader from Old Greece,
naturally not from Corinth, metropolis of Syracuse,
but from Sparta, even now renowned as the head of
all Dorian states. Fallen from her old power, she
still kept her laws and her kings. As King Archida-
mos had gone to help the Greeks in Italy against
barbarian neighbours, so Akrotatos, son of King
Kleomenes, came to help the Greeks of Sicily against
a Greek tyrant. They no doubt hoped that he would
be as Timolcon ; he was not even as Archidamos or as

238 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

Alexander. He did nothing in war ; he disgusted
men by his pride and his luxury, most unlike a
Spartan. At last he caused the murder of Sosistratos
the Syracusan exile ; and then he had to flee. But,
deprived of this expected help, the Akragantines
and Geloans lost heart, and under the mediation of
Hamilkar, a treaty was made with Agathokles.
Therma, Herakleia, and Selinous, were to remain
Carthaginian possessions ; the other Greek cities in
Sicily were to be free, but under the overlordship of
Syracuse or her master. Messana alone stood aloof,
and there the Syracusan exiles w^ere still received. It
was thought at Carthage that more favourable terms
might have been had, and Hamilkar was greatly
blamed.

Messana had been left out of the treaty. About
the year 312 we again find Agathokles warring against
that city. He did not take it, but he contrived to get
into his hands 600 men from Messana and Tauro-
menion and slew them. He then marched against
Akragas, which was saved by the coming of a Punic
fleet ; but he went on and ravaged several places in
the Punic territory. He was now thoroughly com-
mitted to war with Carthage. The Syracusan exiles
therefore took the opportunity to pray for a great
Punic force to be sent into Sicily. Even in the time
of Dionysios Vv'e should have called them traitors ;
but men now felt that the yoke of Carthage was less
heavy than the j-oke of Agathokles. But, besides
asking for Punic help, they did what they could
themselves. Two gallant, but unsuccessful, attempts
were made by the exiles to free Centuripa and Galaria,

nis coxQUESTs. 239

two inland towns which were held by Agathokles'
garrisons. His recovery of them was niar]<ed by much
slaughter. These successes encouraged liim to march
against the Tunic camp which was pitched on the
hill of Eknomos, the hill stands boldly out in the sea
by the mouth of the southern Himeras. I^y sea the
Carthaginian fleet made an attack on Syracuse ; they
sailed into the Great Harbour; but they did nothing
but sink an Athenian merchant-ship and cut off the
hands of the crew. By land the Punic force did nothing.
It was at the moment weaker than the army of
Agathokles, who brought his full strength to the attack
on Eknomos. The barbarians therefore refused his
challenge to battle, and he went back to Syracuse
with such spoil as he could gather in the country
round about.

The danger from the advance of Agathokles was
well known at Carthage. It was therefore deter-
mined to take to the Sicilian war in good earnest ;
and Hamilkar was sent forth with another of those
great fleets and armies that we have so often heard
of This one was notable for two things. One was
the great number of Balearic slingers ; the other was
that, as in the expedition in Timoleon's day, an un-
usual number of Carthaginian citizens, many of them
men of high rank, w ere sent to serve. But a great
storm met them on their way and sank many ships,
specially those that carried the native Carthaginians.
The blow was so heavily felt at Carthage that the
walls were hung with black as a sign of mourning.
Hamilkar saved what he could of the fleet, and made
up his numbers by levies in Sicily, till he sat down again

240 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

on Eknomos at the head of 40,000 foot and 5,000
horse. This was much smaller than the armies which
the earlier Punic generals had commanded ; but Punic
military skill had grown since then, and Hamilkar
no longer trusted to the brute force of multitudes.
Agathokles set out to meet them, and did one of
his worst deeds on the road. He cunningly surprised
Gela ; he slew many, plundered the rest, and marched
on. He must have heard on the way that twenty of
his ships had been taken by the Carthaginians in the
strait of Messana.

He now came to the broad vale of the southern
Himeras. As Hamilkar held the hill of Eknomos on
the right bank, he occupied another hill on the other
side, the river flowing between them. Neither side
for a while took courage to cross the stream, for there
were old sayings that many men should be slain in that
place. At last the battle, one of the greatest battles
between Greeks and Phoenicians — we could wish that
the Greeks had had a worthier leader — was brought
on by chance. The Carthaginian troops were scattered
over the dale to plunder ; Agathokles sent down his
men to do the like, and planted an ambush of picked
men just on his own side of the river. The Greeks
ventured close up to the Carthaginian camp, and
ch'ovc away the beasts of burthen. Punic soldiers
came out to follow them, and they were cunningly led
to the spot where the liers-in-wait sprang up and cut
them in pieces. Then Agathokles thought tlie time
was come for a general attack. He led his whole
force to the Punic camp ; the Greeks began to fill up
the ditch, to tear up the palisades, and to make their

BATTLE OF THE HIMERAS. 24I

way in. The main body were driven back by the
Balearic sHngers, who were specially trained with
their own weapon, and who met the Greeks with a
storm of great stones. Still the Greeks broke in at
various points, and the camp had almost again fallen
into their hands, when the scale was turned by the
landing of a new bod\' of Punic troops. These had
doubtless been sent from Carthage to make up for
those who had been lost in the shipwreck. They at
once set upon the Greeks, who were now hemmed in
on both sides and gave way. Agathokles and his
army were now driven to flight. It was the very
noon of a hot summer's day ; the heat was frightful ;
some died of the heat and the toil, or of quenching their
thirst with the unwholesome waters of the salt river.
The battle was utterly lost, the first time that a great
battle between the Greeks and Phoenicians had been
lost by the Greeks. The Carthaginians had stormed
several Greek towns ; but Gelon, Dionysios, and
Timoleon had all had the better in their chief battles.
It fared otherwise with Agathokles.

All the towns of central and eastern Sicily now
began to fall away from Agathokles and to join the
Carthaginians. His cruelties had made him generally
hated ; and Hamilkar took care to act in exactly the
opposite way, and to win men and cities over by good
treatment. But Agathokles had a greater plan than
all in view. By his cunning stratagems he was able
to draw off the Punic forces to Gela ; he got safely
to Syracuse, and was able to gather in provisions and
all that he needed, while he made ready for the most
daring enterprise that any man had ever yet thought of

242 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

This was no other than to carry the war into
Africa. Agathokles believed that in no other way
could he strike so heavy a blow at Carthage. He
might thereby recover his own position in Sicily
by drawing the Carthaginians off to the defence of
their own homes. The blow would be more than un-
locked for ; it was something that had never come
into men's minds. Since the Phcenicians had settled
in Africa, no enemy was known to have attacked
them in their own land. That land was fruitful and
rich beyond all lands ; none offered such a plunder.
The Carthaginians were hated by their African
subjects, and moreover were not loved by the other
Phoenician towns. Agathokles therefore held that the
weak point of Carthage was really in Africa, that a
bold attack would at once lead to the revolt of her
African subjects, and that, if nothing more came, the
Punic forces would be withdrawn from Sicily. He
formed his plan therefore, and told it to no man. He
made everything ready, including a good deal of
extortion, and some slaughtering, among those whom
he suspected. But both his mercenaries and the
mass of the Syracusans still trusted him, even after
his great defeat. When he told them that he was
going to sail somewhither for the advantage of
Syracuse, they still believed him.

Syracuse was not at this time really besieged ;
but a Punic fleet watched the mouths of the harbours.
Agat^hoklcs had therefore to watch his time to get
out. At last, at an unlucky moment, he contrived
to sail forth with his fleet, taking with him a large
force, citizen and mercenary, Greek and barbarian.

HE LANDS IN AFRICA. 243

He left his brother Antandros to command in
Syracuse ; his two sons, Archagathos and Hera-
kleides, went with him. Many guesses were made as
to its intended course ; but none knew. The next
day the whole fleet was frightened by an ecHpse of
the sun (April 15th, B.C. 310) ; but all still obeyed, and
on the seventh day of their vo}'age they reached
Africa, They landed in the peninsula opposite to
Carthage, a little way south-west of the promontory
now known as Cape ]?on. The Carthaginian fleet
had followed them ; but the Greeks landed first.
Agathokles then, with a solemn ceremony, burned his
ships as an offering to the goddesses of Sicily. The
action seemed mad ; but, if they were defeated, they
could not sail back in the teeth of the Punic fleet,
and if they were victorious, the Punic fleet would be
theirs.

So the first European army that ever set foot in
Phoenician Africa landed under the command of
Agathokles of Syracuse. He led the way, and many
others in different ages came after him. For a while
he went on conquering and to conquer. The fruitful
and well-tilled land, the rich houses and gardens of
the great men of Carthage, lay as a spoil before
him. Presently he reached the town of Tunis,
lying at the end of the lake at whose mouth Carthage
stands, and looking out at the great city itself. We
are not told how Agathokles got possession of it ; the
men of Tunis may well have welcomed him as a
deliverer from Carthaginian dominion. At any
rate he made Tunis his head-quarters throughout
the war. The Carthacfinians now made all things

244 ^^^ TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

ready for defence, and put two generals, Hannon
and Bomilkar, at the head of their army. This
was on the strange ground that they were personal
enemies, and would therefore each try to excel the
other. Hannon was a brave soldier, and did his
duty ; Bomilkar was already suspected of aiming at
tyranny, and was perhaps in league with Agathokles.
A battle followed between Tunis and Carthage,
which reversed the fortunes of the fight by the
Himeras. The Greeks won a great victory, putting
the Sacred Band of Carthage to flight, and taking
the Punic camp. The whole open country was
now in the hands of Agathokles. The Cartha-
ginians could only keep themselves shut up in their
city. Their consciences smote them that they had
neglected the due honours of their gods. So they
sent sacred embassies to their metropolis Tyre, and
caused five hundred children of the chief houses of
Carthage to pass through the fire to Moloch.

The Carthaginians had one small comfort ; they
had got hold of the brazen prows of the ships that
Agathokles had burned. These were sent to Hamil-
kar in Sicily with the true story for his own ear, but
with orders to spread abroad a report that Agathokles
had been utterly defeated by land and sea, and that
these prows were the spoils. This caused great fear
in Syracuse, and Antandros drove out all friends and
kinsfolk of the exiles, as dangerous persons at such a
time. ITamilkar treated them well ; he then marched
close up to the walls and called on the city to sur-
render. Antandros for a moment thought of yield-
ing ; but the Aitolian Erymnon had a stouter heart.

HIS AFRICAN CAMPAIGN. 245

Just at the moment the true tale came. Agathokles
had sent a vessel directly after his victory, which was
chased by a Punic ship close to Syracuse in the
sight of all the people. By great striving the Syra-
cusan ship, came in with the news. There was no
more thought of surrender, and an attempt of
Hamilkar to storm the walls was defeated. He then
(310) went away from Syracuse for several months.
He was called on to send part of his army to the
defence of Carthage, and he could do nothing against
Syracuse till he had gathered fresh troops.

Meanwhile Agathokles, from his head -quarters at
Tunis, was receiving the submission of many African
towns, and pressing Carthage hard without actually
besieging it. He then carried his arms to some dis-
tance ; he took Hadrumetum (now Susa; on the coast,
and Thapsos, and pressed some way into the interior.
This enabled the Carthaginians to attack his camp
by Tunis ; but he turned back and drove them awa}'.
His affairs were also prospering in Sicil}', and a
ghastly sign of victory w-as brought to him. One
day he rode out in person before the Carthaginian
camp and showed them the head of Hamilkar. Even
in their amazement and grief, they all bowed in
reverence to the head, as if it had been their living
commander. The head of Hamilkar told a truer
story than the brazen prows had told. After some
months waiting (309), Hamilkar, in concert with the
S\-racusan exile Deinokrates, had got together a great
arm)-, (jreek and barbarian, for another and more
dangerous attack on Syracuse. The plan was to sit
down and besiege the city from the 01}'mpieion, as

246 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

SO many had done before. But the soothsayers
told Ilamilkar that the sacrifices foretold that he
should sup in Syracuse the next day. This stirred
him up to an immediate attack. The army went
round in the night by the same path that De-
mosthenes had gone. They tried in the like sort
to climb up Epipolai on the north side, a harder
work since Dionysios had built his walls and his
strong castle. This attack was badly managed, and
was utterly defeated. Hamilkar himself was taken
prisoner ; he was led through the city, shamefully
abused, and at last put to death. His head was sent
to Agathokles, who, as we have seen, knew what to
do with it.

A strange mutiny followed in the army of Aga-
thokles, which shows how dangerous dealings were
with mercenary soldiers. A drunken brawl arose
between his son Archagathos and an Aitolian officer
named Lykiskos, in which Lykiskos was killed. The
whole body of mercenaries rose. They demanded
the death of Archagathos ; they demanded their
pay ; they chose new generals, and took possession
of Tunis, leaving Agathokles to himself. The Cartha-
ginians, hearing this, offered higher pay and rewards
to the soldiers, if they would come over to their
service. Many of the officers were inclined to
accept the offer; Agathokles feared that he was
about to be handed over to the enem}', when he
tried one last chance. He threw aside his general's
dress ; he harangued the soldiers ; he told them of all
their exploits ; he called on them not to betray him ;
he would rather die by their hands than by those

MURDER OF OPHELLAS. 247

of the Carthaginians. They were stirred at once ;
shouts were raised in his favour ; he was called on
to put on his general's dress again, and to lead them
as before. He struck while the iron was hot. The
enemy were looking for the mercenaries to join them;
but the trumpet sounded the war-note ; the Greeks
charged, and drove the Carthaginians back to their
camp. Two hundred only deserted to the Cartha-
ginians.

Agathokles was thus strangely successful, and he
went on winning successes ; but he saw that to take
Carthage was still beyond his power. He therefore
sought for an ally in Ophelias, the Macedonian
officer who commanded at Kyrene for Ptolemy lord of
Egypt. The old kings of Kyrene, and the common-
wealth too, had passed away ; the land had become
part of Ptolemy's dominion. Agathokles proposed
to Ophelias to join him in the conquest of Carthage.
He would leave Africa to Ophelias, and he would then
go back to drive the Phoenicians out of Sicily.
Ophelias believed him ; he gathered an army and
many colonists from all parts, and after a march of
two months he reached the Syracusan camp at Tunis
(307). Agathokles received them friendly ; but after
a few days he accused Ophelias of plotting against
him, and set upon him with his own men. Then he
slew him. The army of Ophelias, not knowing what
to do, entered the service of Agathokles.

Agathokles had now a stronger force than ever,
and about this time news came that all the Mace-
donian commanders in the East, now that the hou.se
of Alexander was extinct, had taken the title of

248 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

kings. The general or tyrant of Syracuse, carrying
on a successful war in Africa, thought he was as
great as any of them, and called himself king also.
First of Sicilian rulers, he put his name and kingly
title on the coin, but he did not go so far as to put
his head. Nor did the new king wear the diadem ;
a sacred wreath belonging to a priesthood that he
held was enough for him. In the strength of his
kingship he went on to new conquests, taking Utica
and other towns which still clave to Carthage, and
slaughtering their inhabitants as usual. Carthage
was now more closely hemmed in than ever ; but
there was still no sign of the city being taken.

The kings of that age called themselves simply
" King," without adding the name of any particular
kingdom. So King Agathokles did not call himself
King of Syracuse or King of Sicily. This last he
was far from being ; beside's the Phoenician posses-
sions, many of the Hellenic and hcllenized towns
had turned against him. After the defeat and death
of Hamilkar at Syracuse, the Akragantines thought
themselves strong enough to take up the cause of
independence against Agathokles, without help either
from Carthage or from Deinokrates and the exiles.
They proclaimed an alliance of all cities that would
join under the leadership of Akragas ; they were
ready to help any that were ready to throw off the
dominion of Agathokles. A crowd of towns, both
strictly Greek and those Sikel towns which had
become practically Greek, speedily joined them.
Gela, metropolis of Akragas, was the first ; then came
Henna, by this time no doubt reverenced everywhere

AGATHOKL^S KING. 249

as the holy seat of the goddesses. Presently others
were won, till the lieutenants of the absent Agathokles
seem to have kept nothing for their master beyond
the actual territory of Syracuse. Akragas had thus
far been in alliance with Carthage ; but such an
'alliance was unnatural, and had been made simply
out of common enmity to Agathokles. Presently
the Akragantines and their allies began to deliver
the towns that were in bondage to Carthage, among
which we can specially see Herakleia on the south
coast, the scene of the legend of Minos, now known
as the Phoenician Ras Alclkart. Thus there were
three wars going on in Sicily at once. The Akragan-
tine alliance was at war both with Carthage and with
Agathokles, and Agathokles and Carthage were at
war with one another. But both of these last were
too busy in Africa to do much in Sicily. Punic ships
cruised off the harbour of Syracuse to keep corn-
ships from coming in, and that was about all. For
about two years (309-307) the Akragantine alliance
was able to go on with very little hindrance in the
work of deliverance. At last (307), its general Xeno-
dikos ventured to attack the Syracusan territory itself
But he was defeated by Leptines and Damophilos,
the generals of Agathokles. The Akragantines were
so disheartened by this failure that they gave up
their great schemes of deliverance, and their alliance
fell asunder. Xenodikos remained general of the
single commonwealth of Akragas only.

Just after this victory of his generals, Agathokles,
the new king, came back from Africa, leaving his son
Archasrathos in command there. He sailed to Seli-

250 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

nous, and thence struck a blow at Carthage and
Akragas at once by seizing the lately freed town of
Herakleia. He then crossed to the northern side of the
island, to his own birthplace of Therma, still a Punic
possession. There he made some kind of terms ;
thence he went on and took the hill-town of Cepha-
kudium with its ancient walls by the sea ; thence he
struck inland, and failed in an attempt to take Ccn-
turipa by treason. He failed in a like attempt on
Apollonia, but after two days' fighting he took it by
storm. It is important to mark these once Sikel
towns, now spoken of without any distinction from the
Greek towns, and seeming to be thought of equal
importance.

Just at this time the cause of the independence of
the Sicilian cities against Agathokles was again pro-
claimed, this time by the Syracusan exile Deino-
kratcs. Many flocked to him from all parts ; as a
private adventurer, he was not so well to be trusted
as an established commonwealth like Akragas, but his
fellow exiles, tried in warfare, were better soldiers than
the levies of Akragas and the other cities. He kept
Agathokles himself in check ; he offered battle, which
the tyrant did not venture to accept. The cause of
the tyrant seemed sinking both in Sicily and in
Africa. There Archagathos still held Tunis ; but he
underwent several defeats from the Carthaginians, and
earnestly i)ra)-ed his father to come to his help. Just
at that moment fortune turned in Agathokles' faVour.
He himself, with the help of some I'.truscan ships,
overcame the Punic fleet before Syracuse ; he brought
in provisions to the city, and had the sea clear for

EXD OF THE AFRICAN EXPEDITION. 25 1

the way to Africa. About the same time Lcptines
invaded the Akragantine territory and defeated
Xenodikos, who was so blamed by his own people
for his two defeats that he withdrew to Gela.
Greatly cheered by these two victories, Agathokles
left Leptines in Sicily and again sailed back to
Africa.

But he found that he had no real hope of success
there. He himself suffered a defeat in attacking the
Punic camp before Tunis. A wonderful night fol-
lowed in both camps. The Carthaginians burned
their choicest captives to their gods. In so doing they
set fire to their camp, and they might easily have
been set upon and routed in the confusion. But
Agathokles' own camp was in no less confusion.
Seeing that success was hopeless, and having a private
quarrel with his son Archagathos, he determined to
decamp privily with his other son Herakleides and to
leave Archagathos and the army to their fate. But
the scheme was found out by Archagathos and the
soldiers, and Agathokles was put in bonds in his own
camp. But a cry came that the enemy was attack-ing
the camp. At such a moment who could lead them
like their old general and king ? Agathokles was
brought out in chains ; the one cry was to set him
free. But the mom.ent he was free, he got away ; he
found a boat and sailed off with a few companions
for Sicily (November, B.C. 307). The soldiers slew
his sons and then made peace with the Carthaginians.
So the famous African expedition of Agathokles
came to an end in utter discomfiture. He had not
strengthened his own power ; he had not seriously

252 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

weakened the power of Carthage. But he had
planned and carried out, and for a while succeeded
in, the most daring enterprise that man had ever
planned. And if he himself came back defeated, he
pcMntcd the way to others who came back victorious.

One mourns again that the first man to brave the
Phoenician at home should have been such an one as
Agathokles, Soured by disappointment, he came
back to Sicily in a more savage mood than ever. He
landed at Selinous ; he made first for Segesta, the
old Elymian city of which we have not lately heard
much. It is said to have been in alliance with him ;
but no barbarian ever treated a city of enemies worse
than Agathokles, in his wrath and disappointment,
treated his friends. He demanded a great contribu-
tion, and when the people of Segesta were loath to
pay it, he charged them with plotting against him.
On this ground he slew the great mass of the people,
save only the boys and maidens, whom he sold to the
Bruttians, in Italy. And he not only slew, but, what
the worst Greeks seldom did, he put to death by
torture. He is said to have revived the old device of
Phalaris ; only, instead of a brazen bull, it was a
brazen bed, on which he could not only hear but see
the sufferings of the victims. Then, having emptied
the town of its old inhabitants, he peopled it afresh
with a mixed multitude, and gave it the new name of
Dikaiopoli.s — City of Righteousness. But the name
of Segesta soon came back, and the new inhabitants
took up the old Trojan tradition. But the city never
was what it had been before ; the great temple, which

254 ^^S TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

must have been in-building when Agathokles came,
is still unfinished.

It seems to have been while Agathokles was at
Segesta that he heard the news from Africa, the
murder of his sons and the rest. In his wrath he sent
orders to his brother Antandros, who commanded for
him at Syracuse, to put to death all the kinsfolk,
young and old, of the men who had served with him
in Africa. And the thing was done. It is wonderful
that the man who did such deeds as these two last
was allowed to live for seventeen years longer, and
then did not die in any public outbreak.

The most wonderful thing in the life of Agathokles
is the strange course of ups and downs that he went
through. When his power seemed on the point of
wholly passing away, it rose up again higher than
before. It was so when, just after his great defeat in
Sicily, he went on his expedition to Africa ; it is so
now that he has come back defeated from Africa to
find stronger enemies in Sicily than ever. A great
part of Greek Sicily was already joined against him
under the leadership of Deinokrates. When he came
back discomfited from Africa, his own general Pasiphi-
los, thinking that his power was now at an end, joined
Deinokrates, carrying with him a large force and the
possession of many towns which he held for Agatho-
kles. We can see that among these were Therma and
Cephaloedium, which he had .seized on his first return
from Africa. Indeed it would seem that Agathokles
could just now have kept very little beyond Syracuse
and its immediate territory. The desertion of Pasi-
philos is said to have put the tyrant so utterly out of

AGATHOKLES AND DEINOKRATES. 255

heart that he thought of giving up all attempts to
keep any great dominion. He certainly entered into
a negotiation which had very much that look ; but it
seems far more likely that he was acting in subtlct}-.
He sent to Deinokratcs, proposing to give up all
dominion at Syracuse. Syracuse should again be a
free cit\-, and Deinokrates should come back as one
of its citizens. For himself he only asked for two
towns, his own birth-place Therma and Cephaloedium,
just to live in. This did not at all suit the purposes
of Deinokrates. Whatever he had been when he had
left Syracuse, he had now put on habits of command ;
he wished to be a ruler of some kind ; lie had no
mind to go back to Syracuse as one citizen in a com-
monwealth. It must have been amusing when Aga-
thokles sent over and over again to beg for his two
towns, and Deinokrates kept putting him off with all
manner of excuses. But all this while Agathokles
was practising with the followers of Deinokrates till
he won many of them to his interests. He then made
a treaty by which, to be safe on the side of Carthage,
he acknowledged the right of the Carthaginians to all
that they had ever held in Sicily. This would take
in his own Therma which he had been just asking for
himself. In return for his acknowledgement he
received a large supply of money and corn, which was
very useful to him just then.

Agathokles now thought it was time to try his
luck against Deinokrates. He had much the smaller
army of the two, but he knew that many of Deino-
krates' men would come over to him. And so they
did. The armies met at a place called Torgium,

256 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

which seems to be the modern Caltavulturo, lying
some way inland both from Termini and Cefalii
(Thcrma and Cephaloedium), the towns which just
now were most concerned. When the battle
began, two thousand men of Deinokrates' army
went over to Agathokles. This still left Deino-
krates' force much the stronger, but it was enough to
throw everything into confusion. Deinokrates' men
gave way ; Agathokles pursued awhile and then
made a proclamation. He did not want to do them
any further hurt ; they had learned by defeat at the
hands of a smaller army that it was no use standing
against him ; they had better go quietly to their own
homes. And so most of them did. But there was
one body, perhaps Syracusan exiles, who kept
together and occupied a strong post in the night.
They came to terms with Agathokles under solemn
oaths ; but, as soon as they had laid down their
arms, his darters shot them to death. Not many
tyrants would have done such a deed as this ; but it
adds little to the shame of the man who had just
wrought the massacres at Segesta and Syracuse.

And now a strange agreement was come to
between Agathokles and Deinokrates. There may
have been some dealing between them all along ;
there certainly was some special feeling between
them. For Agathokles at the very beginning of his
tyranny, when he slew others, let Deinokrates go ;
and now men noticed that, while he broke faith with
every one else, he always kept it with Deinokrates.
Deinokrates now entered the service of Agathokles,
bringing with him the remnant of his army. He

AGATHOKLES AA'D DEIKOKRATLS. 257

perhaps saw that he had no chance of being the first
man in Sicily, but that under Agathoklcs he might
be the second, and as such, more powerful than he
could be as a single citizen or magistrate of Syracuse.
He became Agathokles' most trusted general. His
first act in that character was to slay Pasiphilos, and
to hand over the towns in his possession to his new
master.

Thus Agathokles, baffled in all his attempts in
Africa, rose again to a greater position in his own
island than he had ever held before. He came
nearer to being King of Sicily than any man had
done before him. He was master of all the lands
and cities east of the Halykos, unless possibly of
Akragas. If he did hold Akragas, he was master of
all Greek Sicil}', from which Sikel Sicily v/as no longer
distinguished. And his dominion seems to have
remained unbroken for the remaining seventeen
years of his life. As in the case of Dionysios, we
know much more of his earlier days than of his later.
But we see the undisputed lord or king of Greek
Sicily in an altogether new position. Dionj-sios
spread his power into Italy, and even be}-ond
Hadria ; but the world had now altogether changed
since the time of Dionysios. All Greece and the
East, all the Hellenic and HcllcJiistic lands, were now
disputed for among the kings w^ho had divided the
dominion of Alexander among them. Of those
kings, Agathokles, as we have seen, claimed to be
the peer. And in truth his dominion over Greeks
and hellenized .Sikels had much in common with

258 THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKL^S.

their dominion over Greeks and other hellenizcd
nations. Now that we have got from commonwealths
to tyrants and from tyrants to kings, history becomes
more and more personal, more influenced by the
alliances and family connexions of particular persons.
That in B.C. 304 Agathokles made a piratical attack
on the island of Lipara comes within his usual
Sicilian range ; that we should find him warring in
Italy is only what he had himself done in earlier
days; that he should even win for himself a dominion
east of Hadria is no more than Dionysios had done.
What is special to Agathokles, what marks his age,
is that we find him warring among the Macedonian
princes as one of their number. He wins the island
of Korkyra, twin-sister of Syracuse, by hard fighting
from the Macedonian king Kassandros; he then gives
it as a dowry with his daughter Lanassa to the
Epeirot King Pyrrhos ; when Lanassa tires of
Pyrrhos as a husband and of her father as an ally,
she offers herself and her island as an acceptable
gift to Demetrios the Besieger. Agathokles himself
in his later years, but perhaps before Lanassa's
marriage, himself takes a Macedonian wife, seemingly
the step-daughter of King Ptolemy of Egypt. His
latter years are known only in a most fragmentary
way ; but we see him several times waging war in
southern Ital\-, and indulging in treachery and
slaughter to the last. But all this latter time of
his life belongs to lands out of Sicily. Demetrios
the Besieger, who would allow only himself and his
father to be kings and had nicknames for all the
other princes, called Agathokles the Lord of the

Death of agathokles 259

Island. And so he was. After his settlement with
Deinokrates, we hear nothing of any wars in Sicily.

At last, when Agathokles was seventy-two years old
and had reigned twenty-eight years, he began to think
of his old warfare, and began to plan another expedition
against Carthage. To this end he got together a
great army and fleet, and had a camp pitched near
/Etna, where his grandson Archagathos commanded.
But Agathokles felt himself failing, and thought it
time to provide for the succession. For this he
chose his son Agathokles, which naturally gave
offence to his grandson Archagathos, the son of his
elder son, who moreover had shown greater capacity
for command. The old Agathokles sent orders to
Archagathos to give up the command of the army to
his uncle. On this he rebelled ; he slew his uncle, and
began to conspire the death of his grandfather. He is
said to have engaged one Alainon, a special favourite
of the old tyrant, whom he had spared in the massacre
at Segesta on account of his beauty, to get rid of him
by a lingering poison. When Agathokles felt that
his end was coming, he sent away his wife and his
young children to the care of King Ptolemy in
Egypt, and was quite alone. He held one more
assembly of the people. He told them not to
continue his power to any one else, and specially to
punish the rebellion and impiety of his grandson.
And so he died, his body, some said, being put on
the pile for burning before he was fully dead.

So in the year 289 B.C. ended the dominion of
Agathokles, the bloodiest of all the tyrants of whom
we ha\c to speak, but who seems to have kept the

26o

THE TYRANNY OF AGATHOKLES.

good will of at least the mob of Syracuse through his
whole reign. Syracuse and all Sicily, after so many
revolutions, had almost lost the power of free govern-
ment. The death of Agathokles is followed by a
time of utter confusion, till yet another deliverer
comes, not a Timoleon, not an Agathokles, but a king
of heroic stock, and himself as near to a kingly hero
as the times allowed. When he had tried and failed,
all w^as over. Sicily had no hope but to fall into the
hands of the strongest of her neighbours.

AGATHOKLES, WrrH NAME OF SYRACUSE ONLY.

A(;ATnOKL#-S, WITH NAMK ONLY.

AGAlllUKl.KS, Willi KOYAl. HILL.

XIII.

THE COMING OF PVRRHOS AND THE RISE OF
HIERON.

B.C. 289-264.

[For the acts of Pyrrhos we have no contemporary narrative, nor any
continuous narrati\e except his Life by Plutarch. We have only frag-
ments of Diodoros, and a fragment or two of Dionysios of Halikarnassos
also helps us. Of Livy we have only the Epitome. But so famous a
man of course supplied much material to the compilers and collectors
of later times. So there is a great deal of incidental matter about him.
In all these latter times, inscriptions, so rare in the early days of Sicily,
are getting more and more numerous. And now that we have got into
the age of kings, coins begin to lie of a new use, as being marked with
their heads and names. And towards the end of our period we begin to
get again the guidance of a historian of the first rank, though not con-
temporary. The early acts of Hieron are recorded in the first book of
Polybios.]

On the death of Agathokles it is said that the
Syracusans restored the democracy. But there is
no reason to think that the democracy had been
formally abolished. What is meant doubtless is that
the special powers which had been granted to Aga-
thokles were not granted to any one else, and that
for the moment no one was able to seize them by

262

THE COMING OF PYRRHOS.

force. So there was freedom again, but only for a
little while.

Mainon of Segesta, who was said to have poisoned
Agathokles, was banished. He betook himself to the
camp of Archagathos ; he murdered him, and took
the command of the army himself. With that he
warred against Syracuse ; but the Syracusan general
Hiketas withstood him till he made an alliance with
the Carthaginians. What became of Mainon we are
not told ; but Hiketas fled, and the citizens had to
submit to give hostages to the Carthaginians and to

MAMERTIM AT MESSANA.

receive their exiles. This seems to mean the bar-
barian mercenaries of Agathokles, chiefly Campanians,
who had been serving under Archagathos. Things
now happened exactly as they had happened nearly
two hundred years before, after the fall of Thrasy-
boulos. The mercenaries and the citizens did not
agree ; but at last a peaceful settlement was made
with the mercenaries, by which they were to leave
Sicily and go back to their homes. They set out
and reached Messana, where they were received
friendly. But, just as their countrymen had done
at iMitclla in the time of Dionysios, they seized on

VARIOUS TYRANTS. 263

the town, slew the men, and took the women and
children to themselves. There they founded a new
state, a robber state, ^\•hich spread havoc through all
eastern Sicily, They took the name of ]\Iainerti)ics^
from the Latin god of war, Mamers or Mars, answer-
ing to the Greek Ares. And they called the town of
Messana Civitas JMaincrtiiionnn, which remained its
official nam.e for many ages.

The Syracusan general Hiketas must have betrayed
his trust ; for we presently find him spoken of as
tyrant, in which character he reigned nine }-ears

COIN OF HIKETAS.

(288-279). Other tyrants arose elsewhere, as Tynda-
rion at Tauromenion and Phinti'as at Akragas. This
last puts his name on the coin with the title of king ;
Hiketas also puts his name, but without the title ; we
have not any heads as yet. The old rivalry between
Syracuse and Akragas broke forth again ; Hiketas
o\-erthrew Phinti'as in a battle near the Heraian
Hybla. But IMiinti'as was supported by Carthage ;
the Punic troops pressed Syracuse hard, while Phin-
ti'as was able to form a large dominion. We read
incidentally that Agyrium revolted against him, which
shows how far his power had stretched. Thus nearly

264 THE COMING OF PYRRHOS.

all Sicily was divided between two Greek and two
barbarian powers : Phinti'as at Akragas, Hiketas at
Syracuse, the Carthaginians, and the Mainertines.
These last carried their ravages so far as to reach the
southern coast and to destroy the city of Gela.

We hear of the cruclt)' of Phinti'as, and also how he
afterwards mended his ways. ]kit he must have been
hated at Akragas ; for we find that he was driven
out, and that the Akragantines even took in a Cartha-
ginian garrison to keep him from coming in again.
Yet in the course of his reign he did at least one
good act. When Gela, the metropolis of Akragas,
was destroyed by the Mamertines, he built a new
town for the homeless citizens. It stood just within
the territory of Akragas, at the foot of the hill of
Eknomos and by the southern river Himeras, just
where Agathokles underwent his great defeat at
the hands of Hamilkar. He called his new town
after his own name, Phintias ; but the people still
called themselves Geloans, just as the people of
Therma called themselves Himeraians. Phintias was
the last Greek city founded in Sicily, and it abides
still b}' the name of Licata.

About the year 279 the power of Hiketas at Syra-
cuse was upset by one Thoinon. Presently we find
Thoinon commanding a garrison in the Island, while
one Sosistratos commands in the rest of the city.
The two quarrelled, and led their soldiers against one
another. Yet they do not seem to have been strictly
tyrants, such as held parts of the city at the time
when Timoleon came ; they were rather mere insub-
ordinate officers. Meanwhile the Carthaginians pressed

PYRRHOS OF EPEIROS. 265

Syracuse hard by land and sea, and the Punic ficct
entered the Great Harbour. In this strait the rival
commanders and all the citizens agreed to ask for
help from outside. A cr}' went up, not only from
Syracuse but from all Greek Sicily, calling on the
greatest Greek prince of the time to come and help
all the Greeks of the island, alike against Cartha-
ginians, Mamertines, and tyrants.

This was Pyrrhos, King of Epeiros, the last and
most famous of the men who, from Archidamos
onwards, came from Old Greece to help, or to pro-
fess to help, the Greeks of Sicily and Italy. He
was now in Italy, warring against the Romans on
behalf of the Tarantines. He was about forty years
old, having been born in 318, just before Agathokles
rose to power. He was the near kinsman of the
Epeirot King Alexander who had died in Italy, and
he was believed, like him, to come of the heroic stock
of Achilleus. Those were wild da}-s in Greece and
the neighbouring lands, when each of the kings strove
to win all the territory that he could, and many of
them arose and fell several times. Pyrrhos had his
ups and downs from his childhood. He had been in
exile and had come back more than once ; he won
and lost Macedonia more than once. But he had
greatly enlarged his hereditary kingdom, and he was
now reigning in honour as the most renowned prince
of his time. For though he was as ambitious and as
fond of fighting as any of the other kings, he had
higher qualities than the rest. He was held after his
death to have been the greatest commander after
Alexander. And assuredly no man ever was braver

266 THE COMING OF PYRRHOS.

or more skilful in battle ; but he was too much of a
knight-errant to carry out a whole war wisely. He
was not treacherous or wantonly cruel ; he was beloved
by his soldiers and subjects and admired by his enemies.
In short he was the very model of a warrior-king, a
character as. much above Agathokles as it was below
Timoleon. In 281 he had been asked by the Taran-
tines to come to their help, and the next year he had
gone over himself with a great force of all kinds,
including elephants. Since the wars of Alexander,
these beasts had been brought into Europe, and now
they appeared for the first time in the West.

The war of Pyrrhos with the Romans is one of the
most famous in history, through the many stories
that are preserved of it. His war in Sicily is not
nearly so well known ; but it is a memorable tale.
The two are really parts of one enterprise. Pyrrhos
sought to free the Greeks of the West from all bar-
barians, Carthaginians, Romans, or any others,
and then to set up a great Greek power in the West
such as the other kings had set up in the East. Of
republican freedom there would be an end ; and in
truth there was an end already. Pyrrhos, as a king,
did not come, like Timoleon, simply to deliver,
but to reign over those whom he delivered. The
like had been the aim of the princes who came
before him ; but he came nearer to success than any
of them. If he had succeeded, the whole history of
the world would have been changed ; Rome, if not
altogether conquered, could not have come to be the
head even of Italy. As it was, Pyrrhos simply came
like a thunderbolt on Italy and Sicil}-, and did

HF.LLAS, CARTHAGE, AND ROME. 267

nothing lasting. It must be marked that the Romans
and Carthaginians, whom we shall presently find such
fierce enemies, are as }-et friendly powers, and the
coming of Pyrrhos made them allied powers. He
had to fight against both. It might seem that, as in
the days of Gelon, two great barbarian powers were
leagued again.st Hellas, Carthage and Rome, as once
Carthage and Persia. But Rome, though in the
Greek sense a barbarian power, was not like Carthage
or Persia. It was a power thoroughly European,
ready to take up the championship of Europe against
Asia and Africa when Greece could no longer hold it.
It was the two years' warfare of Pyrrhos in Sicil)'
(278-276) which showed that so it must be. In
Italy he won two great battles over the Romans ; but
his victories were so dearly bought, with such hard
fighting and with such heavy loss, that they were
almost like defeats. When he was prayed to come
into Sicily, he was glad to make a truce with the
Romans and to try his luck in a new field. In Sicil}'
he had no great battles to fight ; but he had hard
work none the less. He had to take his whole force,
elephants and all, by sea ; for the Mamertincs held
the strait, and were leagued with the Carthaginians
to keep him out of Sicily. He avoided them, and
landed at Tauromenion, where the tyrant Tyndarion
joined him. He was joyfully welcomed at Katane ;
as he came near to Syracuse, Thoinon came to meet
him with a body of ships ; he and Sosistratos gave
up to him all their troops, stores, and military
engines, and the whole city received him with de-
light. His fleet, Epeirot and Syracusan, was so strong

258 THE COMING OF PYRRHOS.

that the Punic ships in the Great Harbour sailed
away without striking' a blow. Of the besieging land
force we hear nothing. Akragas, it will be remem-
bered, was held by a Carthaginian garrison. Pyrrhos
set forth to do his first feat of arms on Sicilian soil
by winning the second city in Sicily from the bar-
barians. On the road he was met by the news that
the Akragantines had themselves driven out the
Punic troops, and prayed him to come to their help.
Sosistratos, now an officer in the King's service, was
sent on, and he received the submission of Akragas and
of thirty other towns.

Thus, if it was deliverance to be transferred from
the fear of barbarians and the rule of domestic
tyrants to the rule of a Greek king, all Greek Sicily
was delivered without striking a blow. From Tauro-
menion to Akragas Pyrrhos was as truly king as he
was at Passaron and at Ambrakia. That dominion
on both sides of the sea which Agathokles had begun
from the western side was now more fully carried out
by his son-in-law from the eastern side. P}'rrhos
was spoken of as King of Sicily ; he seems almost
to have looked on it as a hereditary kingdom. He
is said to have designed a division of his dominions,
giving Sicily to Alexander, his son by Lanassa and
therefore grandson of Agathokles, and Italy to his
other son Helenos. But the King of Greek Sicily
would be King of all Sicily ; only a very small part
of his work was done if the barbarians still held all
the north-western part of the island, including more
than one subject Greek city. He would do what Pent-
athlos and D(')rieus and I Ici'mokratcs and I)i()n}'sios

CONQUESTS OF PYRRHOS. 269

had only tried to do. He first marched against the
great Punic stronghold of Herakleia ; it fell into his
hands, whether by storm or surrender is not said.
The subject Greeks of Selinous joyfully welcomed
the Greek king. City after city joined him ; the new
Trojans of Segesta were among them. And now he
drew near to a spot trodden by no foot of invading
Greek since Herakles himself had won it. Eryx, on
its hill-top above the sea, had willingly submitted
to Dionysios ; it never saw him as a conqueror. It
was now a Punic stronghold, defended by the Punic
wall which still abides. The engines were brought
up the mountain-side and set to play on the defences ;
but it was by the hand-to-hand fighting of the King
himself and his immediate companions that Eryx was
won. Vowing games and sacrifices to Herakles,
Pyrrhos was the first man to plant his ladder against
the wall, and to stand victorious on its battlements.
The soldiers of Pyrrhos called their king the Eagle ;
he had now soared to an eyrie worthy of him ; the
descendant of Achilleus had won back the heritage of
Herakles.

But there was a richer prize to win. From Eryx
Pyrrhos marched on into that garden of Sicily of
which Hermokrates alone had once for a moment
gathered the fruits. We read without details that
he took Panormos, that he took her guardian rock
of Herkte. We can say no more ; but, for the first
time of three, the Semitic head of Sicily became
European ground. The Roman and the Norman
were to come, each in his turn ; but it was the man
of Epeiros that showed them the way.

270 THE COMING OF PVRRHOS.

But here was the term of his victories. Solous had
become his aloiii:^ with Panormos, but the great
Phoenician stronghold remained. VViien Dionysios
had entered the barbarian corner, his great blow had
been struck at Motya. Motya was no more ; but
Pyrrhos, on his way to Eryx, had passed by Lily-
baion which had taken its place. And while he was
winning Eryx and Panormos, the Carthaginians had
been making Lilybaion stronger than ever. We are
amazed to hear that Pyrrhos needed urging on to
attack the great fortress. The Carthaginians offered
peace ; they would give up all claim to everything
else in Sicily, but they would keep Lilybaion. They
doubtless hoped, if they kept Lilybaion, to win back
all the rest before long. Pyrrhos was disposed to
agree to the terms. This is perhaps not very won-
derful. He had done enough in Sicily to gratify his
love of enterprise ; he had done far more than any
Greek had done before him ; he was needed in Italy,
where the Romans were not shut up in one fortress,
but were pressing hard on his allies ; the state of Mace-
donia and Greece offered many calls to his ambition.
lUit his officers, above all his Sicilian officers, told
him that he must go on. To the Sicilians it was
a matter of life and death ; now or never the Phoeni-
cians must be driven out of the island, and Sicily
must become wholly Greek. The King therefore
answered that he would make peace with Carthage
on the surrender of everything in Sicily. This was
refused, and the siege of Lilybaion began.

Lilybaion was no more to be taken by Pyrrhos than
it was by Dionysios. After a toilsome siege of two

HE LEAVES SICILY. 27I

months he gave up the attempt. It was perhaps now
that he won several fortresses from the Mamertines.
But he no more recovered Messana than he won
Lilybaion. His whole work really went for nothing
as long as those two great points were held by the
barbarians. He is said to have talked of getting
together a great fleet, and carrying the war into
Africa like his father-in-law Agathokles. But he did
nothing. He went back to Syracuse as to the capital of
his new kingdom, but the man who had hitherto been
the mildest and best beloved of generals and kings now,
in his disappointment, became cruel and suspicious.
He put Thoinon to death, and Sosistratos had to flee.
The new kingdom began to break up ; some towns
revolted to the Carthaginians, some to the Mamer-
tines. The King rejoiced when (B.C. 276) a message
came from Italy, praying him to come once more to
help the Tarantines and the Samnites against Rome.
He set out, and made his way into Italy, almost as a
fugitive, after hard fighting with Carthaginians by sea
and Mamertines by land. In Italy he again began
the war with the Romans ; but he was defeated in the
battle of Beneventum in 275. He went back to
Epeiros the next year, and again began to mix in the
w^ars of Macedonia and Greece. In 272 he was killed
at Argos ; the same year Taras surrendered to the
Romans. The work of the deliverers from beyond
Hadria in Italy and Sicily was over. Or we may, if
we please, say that it stopped for eight hundred or for
thirteen hundred years.

When Pyrrhos left Sicily, he is reported to have

272 THE RISE OF HIERUN.

said : " What a wrestling-ground I leave here for the
Romans and Carthaginians," And so it proved,
though not at once. Just at that moment Rome and
Carthage had been driven into alliance by common
fear of him, and they did not become open enemies
for twelve years. After Pyrrhos was gone, one more
attempt was made to keep the Greek towns of Sicily,
or some of them, together, first as a confederacy and
then under a native king. The chief enemies now
were the Mamertines. Compared with them, the
Carthaginians were beginning to be looked on almost
as friends ; they were at least a regular government
and not a mere band of robbers. They had won
back all that Pyrrhos had taken from them, and a
good deal more. Akragas was in their hands some
years later ; so they most likely got possession of it
now. But part of the kingdom of Pyrrhos, Syracuse
and all the towns of the east coast, and some of the
inland towns also, still kept together, and defended
themselves against the Mamertines. There was now
at Syracuse a certain Hieron son of Hierokles, who
professed to be a descendant of the famous Gelon ;
he might be so through that son of Gelon of whom
we have nothing to say. Many stories were told of
him, how he was the son of a slave-woman and was
exposed in his childhood, somewhat like Agathoklcs,
and how a wolf took away his book when he was a
boy, like his forefather Gelon. It is more certain that
he was an officer under Pyrrhos and won the king's
high esteem and favour. He was still very young
when, after Pyrrhos was gone, the soldiers chose him
general. The citizens at first objected ; but he had

EXPLOITS OF HIERON. 273

powerful friends who gained their consent, and he
gradually won general favour. He next strengthened
himself by a marriage with the daughter of Leptines,
a leading man in S}Tacuse, and the beautiful head of
Queen Philistis is to be seen on man}' of the coins of
King Hieron.

But he was not king yet. As general of the
Syracusans and their allies, he warred against the
Mamertines ; he gave help too to the Romans when
they subdued and chastised a legion of their Cam-
panian soldiers who had done by Rhegion just as the
Campanians of Agathokles had done by Messana.
He warred too against the Mamertines in Sicily. In
one campaign, having taken several towns from them,
he distrusted his old mercenaries, and in a battle with
the enemy, he left them to be cut in pieces, while he
led off the Syracusan citizens in safety. Dionysios
had once done the like ; so did other commanders,
Roman and Carthaginian ; there was in truth no
other way to get rid of dangerous and mutinous
troops. But if we blame Hieron for this as an act
of treachery, we shall find little to blame in him
after ; he did the best that could be done in a bad
time. He next led another army into the IMamertine
territory ; he defeated the freebooters in a battle by
the river Longanos near Mylai, and pressed them very
hard. It was thought that he might have taken
Messana except for Punic jealous)-. Syracuse and
Carthage were allied against the Mamertines, but
Carthage, aiming at the dominion of all Sicily,
did not wish Messana to fall into Syracusan hands.
But the Mamertines were now shut up in Messana

274

THE RISE OF HIERON.

and shorn of their power of doing mischief. In the
general joy at this great success, Hieron, when he
came home was chosen King of the Syracusans and
their Alhes.

There was thus one more chance for Greek Sicily,
under a Greek king, a Sicilian king. But it was too
late .; if Agathokles had been such a man as Hieron
instead of what he was, things might have been
otherwise. Hieron did what he could ; but all that
he could do was to secure well-being, but not freedom,

HIERON II.

for one corner of Sicily. F'or fifty years he reigned
over Syracuse wisely and justly; he was the first
native Sicilian ruler to put his head on the coin ; in
all other things he affected very little of the state of
king.ship. lUit in matters of foreign policy he had to
shape himself to the time. When he was chosen
king, he seemed to have a great career before him ;
the only fear was how far Carthage, his nominal ally,
might stand in his way. Rome too was his all}', and
to Rome he had done a great service ; nor had Rome
any pretence as yet for meddling in the affairs of

HIEKON Kh\G.

275

Sicily. A very few years later he found that the only
way to keep any measure of dominion for himself or
of freedom for his people was to become the depen-
dent ally of Rome.

QUEEN PKILISTIS.

XIV.

THE WAR FOR SICILY.
B.C. 264-241.

[Through the whole of this clmpter we have a guide second only to
Thucydides in the first Ijook of Polybios. He is not contemporary, but he
lived near enough to the time to be well informed. He represents Roman
traditions. Of Livy wc have only the epitome, and of Diodoros only
fragments. There is a li''e of Hamilkar by Cornelius Nepos. The
secondary courses are much the same as before. It is a great loss that
we have not the history of Philinos of Akragas, who, though a Greek,
wrote from the Carthaginian side.]

The fir.st war between Rome and Carthage is
known in general history a.s the Fir.st Punic War. It
i.s spoken of by writers nearer to the time as the War
for Sicily. And so it was. It was a war between the
two great commonwealths which lay on each side of
Sicily for the dominion of the great island which lay
between them. That was what things had come to.
Carthage, mistress of a great part of Sicily, wished
for the rest. Rome, now mistress of Italy, wished for
the island that lay so near to Italy. It was Rome's
first taste of really foreign dominion out of her own
peninsula. I^etween these two great powers, there

THE MAMERTINES. 277

was little hope for Hieron and his independent king-
dom of Syracuse. The blow must have come sooner
or later ; it did come much sooner than any one could
have looked for, and it came in a shape by no means
honourable to Rome.

It was Hieron, the Greek king, who was really
pressing the Mamertines and threatening altogether
to free Sicily from their presence. Carthage was
playing fast and loose. Still Carthage, Rome, and
S}'racuse, were all held to be friendly powers, and
Carthage was supposed to be in alliance with Syra-
cuse against the IMamcrtines, At last, in B.C. 265,
Hieron was pressing the freebooters so hard that they
found that they must seek allies somewhere. There
was a Carthaginian party among them, and a Cartha-
ginian garrison was admitted into Messana. But the
general feeling was for Rome ; the head of Italy might
be ready to give help to Italians against Phoenicians
and Greeks. But Rome had no quarrel with either
S}'racuse or Carthage ; and Rome had just before, with
Syracusan help, heavily chastised her own soldiers for
doing at Rhegion what the IMamertines had done at
Messana. The Mamertines were therefore for awhile
afraid to ask for help from Rome. At last however
they did. After much debate at Rome, help to the
IMamertincs was granted. They became dependent
allies of Rome, like the towns and nations of Ita!\' ;
Messana in short became a piece of Italy on the
Sicilian side of the strait. But help to the Mamertines
meant war with both S}'racuse and Carthage. So in li.c.
264 the First Punic War, the War for Sicily, began.

Of that war, simply as a war between Rome and

278 THE WAR FOR SICILY.

Carthar^e, there is no need for the Story of Sicily to
speak at any length. The fate of Sicily was decided
for her by others ; her own people, Greeks and Sikels
who had practically become Greeks, could do little
indeed. The tale of three-and-twenty years' fighting
might be told by saying that, while the rest of Sicily
became a Roman province, the Mamertines stayed in
the relation of Italian allies, and King Hieron, after
he became the friend of Rome, kept his kingdom of
Syracuse as long as he lived, as happy as a good king
could make it, and as independent as a state could be
which knew that in all foreign affairs it must follow
the lead of a greater power. But in this long w^ar a
great deal happened in Sicily which is of the deepest
local interest to this and that place. Some of the
most stirring events that ever happened in Sicily
happened during these years. And some of these we
must tell, while we leave the general course of the
war to those who have to tell the story of Rome and
of Carthage. But we may notice that, though a good
deal was done by land, yet the characteristic feature
of the war was its great battles by sea, and also the
number of fleets that were destroyed by storms. All
this was off the coast of Sicily. The wonderful thing
is that Rome, whose main strength before and after
was always by land, could in this war, after many ups
and downs, overcome the greatest sea-faring power of
the world on its own element.

Very soon after the Romans entered Sicil)', in the
year 263, they marched with their whole force against
the King of Syracuse. They began by taking the
sacred town of Hadranum by storm. The slaughter

MIERON\s alliance with ROME. 279

done by a Roman army on taking a town by storm
was something to which the Greeks were quite unac-
customed. Several towns were frightened into sub-
mission, and Hieron's Icingdom was sadly cut short
before the consuls drew near to Syracuse. Then he
submitted, and made terms of peace. It was not the
interest of Rome to press him hard. He agreed to
pay a hundred talents of silver, and to become the ally
of Rome. To become the ally of Rome practically
meant to become dependent on Rome. Having been
thus driven to change sides, Hieron became the most
faithful and zealous ally of the Romans, helping them
in every way and receiving all favour and honour back
again. The course taken by the war barely touched
Syracuse ; so the well-being of the city and of the
rest of Hieron's dominions was hardly at all disturbed.
Hieron was the first of many kings whom the Romans
called their allies ; a new state of things in short
began with him. The kingdom left to him took in
the old territory of Syracuse and the towns of the
east coast as far north as Tauromenion. For the rest
of Sicily Romans and Carthaginians went on fighting.
In the next year, 262, it is worth noting that the
people of Segesta, who had a Carthaginian garrison
in their town, rose and slew them and joined the
Romans. Agathokles had rooted out the old Elymian
people of Segesta ; but the mixed multitude whom he
had planted there did as men always do in such cases ;
they took up the old traditions of the place. They
gave themselves out for Trojans ; and it was very
convenient for the Romans to greet them as brethren
and to deal with Segesta as a favoured ally.

TAKING OF AKRAGAS. 28 1

About the same time one of the greatest Greek
cities of Sicily came to the end of its history as a
Greek city. Akragas was now a Carthaginian pos-
session, and it was determined to make it the great
centre of Carthaginian power in Sicily. This led to
the great Roman siege of that city. By a strange
turning-about of things from what we have been used
to see, Akragas was defended by Punic armies. And
of course, whichever side succeeded, it meant the
d}-ing out of the Greek life of the place. The siege
was a long one, with various exploits on both sides.
At last the Carthaginian commander Hannibal, find-
ing no hope of holding the place, cut his way out.
The city was for a moment left to itself ; but the
Romans burst in, and all was over. The horrors of a
Roman storm followed ; those who were not slain were
sold into slavery. Akragas, fairest of mortal cities,
after rising again, though not to its old greatness,
from its first Carthaginian overthrow, finally sinks into
the provincial town of Agrigentum. As such it had
a third life ; but the great city of Theron gradually
shrank up into the present town within the old
akropolis.

This was in 261. The next year is famous for the
first battle by sea won by Romans over Carthaginians,
the great victory of Gaius Duilius in the bay of
Mylai. This was followed by a great deal of fight-
ing in various parts of Sicily and the taking of many
towns by the contending armies. Then Henna was
taken, first by a Punic, and then by a Roman, force.
The Carthaginians strengthened Drepana the haven of
Eryx, and made it one of their chief stations during

282 THE WAR FOR StCILY.

the remainder of the war. More interesting perhaps
is the fact that in 258 the consuls Aulus AtiHus and
Gaius Sulpicius made, like Hermokrates and Dionysios,
an inroad into the land of Panormos. There perhaps
Atilius heard enough to enable him before long to
repeat the exploit, not only of Hermokrates and
Dionysios, but of Pyrrhos himself.

The next year comes the hard -fought sea-fight off
Tyndaris, a dearly bought victory for Rome. Then
for two years the scene changes to Africa. The tales,
true and false, about Marcus Atilius Regulus touch
Sicily only in this, that it is plain that his attack
on Carthage on African soil was suggested by the
invasion of Agathokles. But the year 254 is one of
the most memorable in Sicilian history. The other
Atilius, Aulus, had learned his lesson, and now he
practised it. We have now for the first time to call
up the picture of Panormos with its double haven,
the old city with its long street, between the two
branches of the sea, and the new city, the peninsula
keeping guard between the haven and the outer sea.
Besides these it is plain that a fortified suburb had
grown up between the southern branch of the haven
and the river Oreto. Against this great city, the
ancient head of Phoenician Sicily, the consul Aulus
and his colleague Gaius Cornelius now led the fleet
and army of Rome. The fleet sailed into the
haven ; the soldiers were landed bctv\'cen the south
wall and the river ; the New City, attacked by land
and sea, was taken by storm, and the Old City
presently surrendered in sheer fright. Those of the
inhabitants who could pay a ransom were spared ;

ROMAN TAKING OF PANORMOS. 283

the rest were sold for slaves. Panormos and the
land of Panormos became a Roman possession, save
only that the hill of Herkte was not yet taken, but
was held by Punic troops as a thorn in the side of
its Roman possessors. But, after the fall of Panor-
mos, not a few towns rose against their Punic
garrisons and called in the Romans. It is a
speaking fact that among them was Phoenician
Solous. Carthage was clearly not loved by her
subjects, even by those of her own blood.

Thus was the great Semitic city of Sicily for the
second time won for Europe. The Greek under
Pyrrhos had made his way in for a moment ; the
Roman was to keep his hold abidingl)'. Panormos
was indeed again to see Semitic masters ; but not
till nearly eleven hundred years after the entry of
Atilius and Cornelius. As a piece of general P2uro-
pean history, the taking of Panormos, presently
followed by its defence, is the greatest event of the
War for Sicil)'. Strange to say, this great success
was immediately followed by a time of great down-
heartedness among the Romans. They won some
successes, as the taking of Therma and of Lipara on
its island. Yet they are described as keeping out of
the way of the Carthaginian armies, through sheer
dread of the elephants. There is something strange
in this. The use of elepliants in the Punic armies
was something new. The elephants of India had
been brought into Italy and Sicily by Pyrrhos, and
that liad led the Carthaginians to tame the elephants
of their own continent and to employ them in war
in the like sort. They now take the place in

2S4 THE WAR FOR SICILY.

the Punic armies which had formerly been held by
the war-chariots. But it is not easy to see why
the Romans were so specially afraid of them just
at this time. It was not the first time that they
had met the Punic elephants in Sicily, and before
that they had met and overcome the elephants of
Pyrrhos at Beneventum. Anyhow the elephants
were presently to be put to their trial on a great
scale. It was of course the great object at Carthage
to win back Panormos, and a failure of the Romans
to take Herkte may have raised their hopes higher.
The Punic general Asdrubal now (251) set forth to
attack Panormos, which was defended by the pro-
consul Lucius Caicilius Metellus. The whole cam-
paign was by land ; nothing is said of ships on
either side. Asdrubal marched from Lil}baion with
a great army of the usual kind, and with no less
than 120 elephants, the force in which he chiefly
trusted. They entered the land of Panormos by the
passage in the hills, and found themselves with the
river Oreto between them and the city. The plan
of Metellus was to keep within the city and to draw
on the enemy near to the south wall. Asdrubal was
filled with scorn at the supposed cowardice of the
enem}', and the captains of the elephants asked
speciall)' that they might take the lead in the
attack. Metellus had lined the south wall and its
ditch with light-armed troops, who, as the elephants
drew near, kept up a ceaseless shower of darts and
arrows. The beasts presently became unmanageable,
and the Punic ranks began to fall into confusion.
Then Metellus saw his time ; he threw (jpen the gate,

DEFENCE OF PANORMOS. 285

and charged with his legionaries. The Purfic army
was utterly routed ; the elephants galloped hither and
thither about the plain, with or without their riders.
In the end sixty were taken alive and sent to Rome.
Panormos was saved for Rome and for Europe.

The Roman despondency now altogether passed
away. There now seemed to be a hope of winning
those strongholds in the extreme west of the island
which were now all that Carthage held in Sicily. As
we find Herkte in Roman hands a little later, it was
most likely taken soon after the defence of Panormos.
But the height of Eryx, the new fortress of Drepana,
and the older fortress of Lilybaion, were still held by
Carthage. The greatest efforts of Rome were now
made to take them. The rest of the war, a space of
ten years, gathers altogether round these points, the
centre of warfare being the great siege of Lilybaion,
which went on all the time. Many stirring deeds
were done on both sides ; and in the end, though the
Romans defeated Carthage in the war, they were no
more able to take the great Carthaginian stronghold
than Dionysios and Pyrrhos had been.

Of the first year of the siege of Lilybaion we have
a minute account, recording many stirring events. It
is not quite easy to see why the Carthaginians chose
this moment to destroy Selinous, which had long been
a Greek town under Punic rule, and to move its
inhabitants to the besieged Lilybaion. But this
notice marks the end of Selinous as even a subject
city. The walls no doubt were slighted ; but there is
no reason to think that the temples were destroyed,
for which there was no motive. At Lilybaion the

286 THE WAR FOR SICILY.

siege now began by land and sea. The Roman ships
were moored off the mouth of the harbour to keep
an\-thing from going in : they tried in vain to block
up the haven. But Phoenician seamanship was so
much better than theirs that for a while skilful
captains continued to make their way in. One
specially, out of the many bearers of the name of
Hannibal, distinguished, we know not why, as the
Rhodian, went in and out for a long time as he
pleased with his single ship. But he and his ship
were at last taken. We are not told what became of
Hannibal himself, but his ship became a model to
Roman ship-builders, and no one was able to repeat
his exploit. By land the Romans strove hard to fill
up the great ditch which defended the city, and the
Carthaginians tried to burn the Roman engines. In
this they at last succeeded. After the first year the
long siege seems to have become a mere blockade.
We hear but few details. In 249, after the great
defeat of the consul Publius Claudius off Drepana by
the Punic general Asdrubal, the siege was all but
given up ; but it still went on.

The defeat off Drepana was followed the next year
by a great destruction of a Roman fleet by a storm,
after which the Romans sent out no more ships till
quite the end of the war. But the consul Lucius
Junius struck a bold stroke by land. With the
remnant of his fleet he sailed round to the foot of
Eryx ; he landed ; by a sudden blow he seized the
town and temple and turned the mountain into a
Roman stronghold, lu'v'x, like Panormos, had been
held for a moment by Pyrrhos ; now Rome laid a

HAMTLKAR BARAK. 287

more lasting grasp on the house of the goddess in
whom men saw the mother of yEneas. But now the
last few years of the war were to be made illustrious
by the coming of the greatest man who had as }-ct
had a share in it. Carthage had long been so far
advancing in all that makes a power great that
even the average of her statesmen and generals
is now distinctly higher than that of Rome. She
now sent forth a captain greater than any that
had been before him, the father of a son yet
more famous than himself, though perhaps not of
greater gifts. The Punic proper names were so few
that it is not always easy to distinguish their bearers ;
we have now come to the greatest Hamilkar, the
father of the greatest Hannibal. Hamilkar, called
Barak or the Thunderbolt, was now put at the head
of the Punic forces in Sicily. His exploits were
wonderful ; but their nature shows what the character
of the war had now become. Both the contending
commonwealths were nearly worn out with the long
struggle. But Rome and her allies had now posses-
sion of all Sicily except Drepana and Lilybaion, and
of those Lilybaion was blockaded. There was really
no room for any enterprises on a great scale ; the
question was whether Rome or Carthage could bear
up longest, and all that even Hamilkar could do was
to try to wear Rome out. He first with his fleet laid
waste the shores of southern Italy. He then, by a
sudden blow, seized the height of Herkte just above
Panormos. The city itself he does not seem to have
attacked ; but he occupied a centre from which
he could work every kind of annoyance on the

288 THE WAR FOR SICILY.

Romans in Panormos and elsewhere. He fought no
pitched battles ; he attacked none of the great Roman
strongholds ; but he defeated every attempt to dis-
lodge his force from the hill, and he laid waste the
Roman territory by sea and land.

For three years Hamilkar thus worked hard from his
post on Herkte to wear out the Roman power. It
might look like a confession of failure when, of his
own free will, he left Herkte and chose another point.
This time the Thunderbolt fell on Eryx. But he was
able to seize only the lower town ; the akropolis, with
the temple of Ashtoreth or Aphrodite, remained in the
hands of the Romans. The combatants were thus
close to one another ; for two years endless skirmishes
went on, without any marked advantage to either
side. Romans and Carthaginians alike had to fight for
every morsel of food they got. The War for Sicily
was now waged on the one height of Eryx, save that
outside of Lilybaion there were still Roman besiegers,
and inside of it there were still Punic defenders. But
they seem to have done little more than watch one
another ; we hear of no special exploits on either
side.

In this way the forces of the two commonwealths
which were striving for the dominion of Sicily were
both wearing away. The Romans had quite given
up all action by sea, and, after the first days of Hamil-
kar's occupation of Herkte, we hear nothing of any
such on the part of Carthage. When Hamilkar had
been two years on Eryx, there was no Punic fleet
anywhere in Sicilian waters. In the year 241 the
Romans, under the energetic consul Gaius Lutatiug

BATTLE OF AIGOUSA. 289

Catulus, held that the moment was come for one final
attempt by sea which must bring the war to an end one
way or the other. Ships were built after the pattern of
the famous ship of the Rhodian Hannibal ; the crews
were well practised, and the fleet set forth. There was
no Carthaginian fleet to withstand the Romans. They
took Drepana ; they renewed the naval blockade of
Lilybaion ; nothing was left to Carthage save Lily-
baion itself and Hamilkar's stronghold on Eryx. For
five years naval affairs had been neglected at Carthage ;
but now it was impossible to avoid fitting out a fleet.
It was made ready and manned in haste ; it had to
carry provisions to Hamilkar on Eryx as well as to
meet the Romans off Drepana or Lilybaion. The
object of Lutatius was to meet the Punic fleet while it
was still laden, before it had reached Er}-x. And this
he succeeded in doing by going forth in the teeth of
a contrary wind. It was perhaps the highest tribute
ever paid by enemy to enemy, when Lutatius deter-
mined to attack at once in the face of the storm
rather than wait for a better wind and allow the
Carthaginians to sail round to Eryx. If they did so,
they would take Hamilkar and his veterans on board,
and Lutatius judged that it was less dangerous to face
the storm than to face Hamilkar. The last fight of
the war then began off the isle of Aigousa. Even
naval skill, the special boast of Carthage, seemed to
have gone over to the Roman side. The heavily laden
Punic ships could not bear up against the Romans ;
the W^ar for Sicily was ended by the utter defeat of
CarthaLre on her own element.

290 THE WAR FOR SICILY.

The two commonwealths had each thrown its last
cast, and Rome had won. Lilybaion and Eryx were
not taken ; but Carthage was defeated, not only in the
battle but in the war. A commission was sent to
Hamilkar, empowering him to make peace with the
Romans on any terms that he thought good. Lutatius
had no such powers, but the two generals agreed on
terms, subject to the approval of the Roman people.
Carthage was to give up all claim on Sicily, to with-
draw all troops from Sicily ; to abstain from war with
Hieron, and to pay 2,200 talents within twenty years.
At Rome these terms were thought too favourable to
Carthage ; the money was raised to 3,200 talents, to
be paid within ten years. And a clause was added
by w^hich Carthage was to give up. all claim on the
islands between Italy and Sicily. This meant the
isles of Lipara ; on those islands it was clearly neces-
sary that Carthage should give up all claim. But the
words were afterwards construed, strangely and not
very fairly, to imply a cession of Sardinia and Corsica.
Hamilkar did not refuse, and peace was made. The
unconquered garrisons of Lilybaion and Eryx
marched out and were carried away to Carthage.
The War for Sicily was over, and the island, as far
as Carthage was concerned, was left to the dominion
of Rome.

With the first appearance of Rome as an actor in
.Sicilian affairs, all hope of maintaining any real
Sicilian independence had passed away. It was plain
that the donn"nion of the island must fall to one or
the other of the two great contending commonwealths.
At the time men may have doubted whether Rome

CARTHAGE GIVES UP SICILY.

291

or Carthage had the better chance. We can see that
the advance of Rome could not be checked, and we
see further that it was well that it could not be checked.
If Greek Sicily could not remain free, if it could not
be independent under a Greek king, it was better that
it should at least have European masters. The fight
of Aigousa determined that Sicily should remain
European for 1068 years. In fact it determined that
it should remain European for ever ; it made the
second Semitic occupation something wholly unnatural.
The barbarian corner of Sicily was now won for
Europe ; the Greek subjects of Carthage passed under
the less unnatural rule of Rome ; the kingdom of
Hieron still remained untouched within its own
borders, but practically a dependency of Rome. We
have still some stirring tales to tell before all Sicily
passes under immediate Roman government ; but its
complete subjection is now only a question of time.

XV.

THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

B.C. 241-21 1.

[As we have now come to the great Mannibalian War, the secondary
materials, anecdotes, allusions, references of all kinds, are endless. From
the beginning of the war we have the continuous narrative of Livy,
founded in many parts on Polybios. We have Polybios' own books from
the second to the fifth, and fragments of those that follew. Of Dio-
doros we have only fragments. There is the Life of Marcellus by
Plutarch, and the Life of Hannibal by Cornelius Nepos. The Latin
poet Silius Italicus wrote a long poem on the war, in which there is
much mention of Sicily, and he is very careful in his Sicilian geography.
The only actually contemporary materials for this time are some verses
of the poet Theokritos, addressed to King Hieron, and some fragments
of the poem of the Italian Ennius on the war.]

The establishment of the Roman power in Sicily is
not only a marked event in the history of the island ;
it marks a memorable stage in the growth of the
Roman dominion, and thereby in the general history
of the world. The event of the first war between
Rome and Carthage was to give Rome her first
province and her first dependent kingdom. Others
of both kinds followed in abundance ; but Sicily

supplied the first of each class. Micron, in form a

292

ROiMAN POWER IN SICILY. 293

free ally of Rome, was practically dependent. He
was perfectly free in the administration of his own
kingdom ; but he knew that in his foreign policy he
had nothing to do but to follow the lead of Rome.
The first of his class, he was far better treated than
the royal dependents of Rome were in later times.
The prosperity and the internal independence of
Syracuse were untouched as long as he lived, and if
they perished soon after his death, it was through the
fault of a foolish successor. The territory of the
Mamertines was a piece of Italy on the Sicilian side
of the strait. In the rest of the island, the part
subject to Carthage, Rome now stepped into the
position of Carthage ; it became the Roman province
of Sicily, That is, it became a land subject to Rome,
or rather a possession of Rome, ruled by a Roman
governor. The full organization of all Sicily as a land
subject to Rome, and the exact relation of all its
towns to the ruling commonwealth, did not come yet.
But so much of the island as had been under the
power of Carthage now becomes Roman provincial
soil, the property of the Roman people.

Meanwhile the dominions of Hieron, so long as
Hieron lived, enjo)-ed all the advantages that
can be had from the government of a good king.
And it was well for them that their king lived to be
ninety years old, and reigned forty-seven years after
he became the ally of Rome. To that character he
clave steadil)- ; in all the wars which Rome waged
with the Gauls, in the time between the two Punic
wars, Hieron constantly sent help. And after
the second, the Ilannibalian war, broke out, he

29+ THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

was ever zealous in helping his ally with pro-
visions and troops. Syracuse itself was untouched
by war ; but Hieron kept up a powerful fleet, and
caused the defences of the city to be strengthened,
and every kind of military engine to be kept in
readiness under the care of his kinsman Archimedes,
the most renowned of mechanical philosophers. He
adorned the city with many buildings. Foremost
among them was the second temple of Olympian
Zeus in the agora ; then there was the great altar for
the feast of Zeus Eleutherios near the theatre, and the
repairs of the theatre itself. There Hieron's name
and the names of others of his family may still be
read carved on the stone. His rule was mild and
just ; he observed the old laws and abstained from all
kingly pomp. Still he kept the Island as a separate
stronghold, the dwelling-place of the king and the
place of his treasury and store-houses. He settled
the taxation ; all land paid a tithe to the state ; and
the law of King Hieron remained in force long after
his time, when all Sicily had become a province. He
was famous among other Greek kings, and kept a
strict friendship with the Egyptian Ptolemies, to
which it has commonly been thought that the
presence of the paper-plant of the Nile in the
waters of Syracuse is owing. His bounty
reached to Greeks far away ; he largely helped
the Rhodians when their city had suffered from an
e.irlh(iuakc. Like the former Hieron, he had poets
to sing his praises, and the pastoral poems of Theo-
kritos, of which the scene is chiefly laid in Sicily,
mark his time as the odes of Pindar mark the time

THE HAXNIBALIAN WAR. 295

of the old tyrants. Almost the only drawback to his
prosperity was the death of his only son Gelon, a son
who walked in his ways, in his life-time.

Towards the end of the good old king's reign, the
Hannibalian war began in the year 218. Its early
stages barely touched Sicily, and they were marked
by one conquest which Rome won from Carthage,
that of the island of Melita. But in 216 King Hieron
died, and the good time of his kingdom was over.
It was said that Hieron had wished to restore the
commonwealth. That means that he did not wish
that the special powers which had been granted to
himself should be granted to any one else after him.
This is not unlikely. If Gelon had been alive, nothing
could have been better than that he should succeed
his father ; but there was now no one left but Gelon's
son Hieronymos, a lad of fifteen, who had already
begun to show evil tendencies. But the old king
was, it is said, talked o\cr by his daughters, who
hoped that their husbands, Hadranodoros and Zoippos,
might rule in their nephew's name. So he made a
will, bequeathing the kingdom to Hieronymos, and
putting him under the care of fifteen guardians,
among whom were his two uncles. The will had to
be confirmed by the Syracusan assembly, which
assented, but not very willingly, and the reign of the
last king of S3Tacuse began.

Hier6n}-mos, young as he was, had a will of his
own, and that an evil will. Hadranodoros contrived
to get rid of his colleagues, and hoped to rule his
nephew at his pleasure. Hieronymos gave a certain
amount of heed both to him and to Zoippos ; but he

296 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

ruled for himself. He is charged with every kind
of cruelty and excess ; what seems best proved
against him is that, whereas his grandfather
and his father Gelon had lived among the
people of Syracuse in the simplest way and had
respected all constitutional forms, Hieronymos
surrounded himself with the extreme of rox-al
pomp, and never consulted senate or assembly. In
short, according to Greek ideas, from a lawful king
he became a tyrant. Then came the great political
question of the day. Now that Hannibal was winning
his great victories in Italy, and Rome seemed almost
at the last gasp, it was by no means clear that the
Roman alliance was the safest for Syracuse. It was
quite possible that help given to Carthage might be
rewarded with the possession of all Sicily, Hadrano-
doros and Zoippos both took the Pimic side ; another
adviser, Thrason, who pleaded for Rome, was got rid
of, and in 215 an embassy was sent to Hannibal, then
in Campania after his victory at Cann;i3, offering the
alliance of Syracuse to Carthage. The envoys were
of course gladly received ; Hannibal referred them to
the government of Carthage for the conclusion of a
formal treaty ; meanwhile he sent agents to look
after Carthaginian interests in S}'racuse. These were
two brothers, Hippokrates and Epikj-dcs, men of
mixed descent, Carthaginian by birth, but grandsons
of a Syracusan who had been banished by Agathokles
and had settled and married at Carthage. Hippo-
krates gained gi'cat influence over the young king.
Hieronymos fully made up his mind to join Carthage.
When the praetor in the Roman province, Appius

DEATH OF HIERONYMOS. 2gy

Claudius, called on him to keep his faith to Rome, he
gave a mocking answer. He sent two embassies to
Carthage. The first proposed that he and the Cartha-
ginians should drive the Romans out of Sicily and
divide the island between them, with the river Himcras
for the boundary. He then rose in his demands, and
asked for all Sicily. The Carthaginians consented ;
it suited their purpose for the time, and Hieronymos
became their ally and the enemy of Rome.

But a party in Syracuse was favourable to Rome,
and the misrule of Hieronymos had made him many
enemies. He set out on a campaign against the
Roman province, but was presently killed by con-
spirators at Leontinoi. Two of the slayers, Theodotos
and Sosis, set out at once, hoping to be the first to
take the news to Syracuse. But a slave of the king's
got there before them, and Hadranodoros, who looked
on himself as his nephew's successor, was able to
make some preparations for defence. But when
Sosis and Theodotos came from Leontinoi, bearing
the diadem of Hieronymos and the royal robe stained
with his blood, popular feeling broke forth ; the
soldiers of Hadranodoros would not support him ; the
rule of the senate and people was proclaimed, and
Hadranodoros was called on to submit to the restored
commonwealth. He was at first inclined to do so ;
but his wife Damarcta, daughter of Hieron, stirred him
up to cleave to power. But he had not strength of
mind to take any decided course either way. The
next day he went out of the Island, gave up the keys,
and made his submission to the new state of things.
He was at once elected general, along with Themistos,

2g8 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

the husband of Harmonia the sister of Hieronymos.
With them were joined several of his slayers. They
were of course on the Ronian side, and envoys were
sent to Appius Claudius to negotiate a renewal of
the old friendship between Syracuse and Rome.

Thus far things had gone on the whole quietly ; no
blood had been shed but that of Hieronymos. 13ut
the prospect of renewed friendship with Rome did
not at all suit the purposes of Hippokrates and
Epikydes. At the time of the death of Hieronymos,
they were absent on a military command against the
neighbouring Roman garrisons. They tried in vain
to keep the news of the king's death from their
soldiers, who presently forsook them. They then
went to Syracuse ; they pleaded that they were
officers of Hannibal's, who had come to Syracuse and
served Hieronymos only because their own commander
had sent them. They wished now to go back to
Hannibal, and asked for a guard, as the roads were
not safe. The generals granted their request, but
foolishly did not send them off at once. They thus
had time to intrigue with various kinds of people,
largely with the mercenaries and the deserters from
the Roman service, against the alliance with Rome.
They gave out that the object of the generals was,
under cover of the Roman alliance, to bring Syracuse
wholly under the power of Rome, and to rule them-
selves under Roman patronage. Damareta and
Harmonia are said to have stirred up their husbands
to join in the plot. The other generals professed to
have found evidence against them ; but, instead of
bringing them to trial, they had them murdered at

SLAUGHTER OF HIERON'S DESCENDANTS. 299

the door of the senate-house, and then got the senate
to pass a vote approving the deed. Then they
harangued the pubHc assembly, and pretended to
carry a vote that the whole house of the tyrants — so
the descendants of good King Hieron were now
called — should be put to death. Those who answered
to that description in Syracuse were all women. Not
only were Damareta and Harmonia slain, but a far
more pitiful slaughter was done. Zoippos, the
husband of Hieron's other daughter Herakleia, was
away at Alexandria. He had advised the Cartha-
ginian alliance ; but he disapproved of Hieronymos'
misdeeds, and, when he was sent to Eg}-pt on an
embassy, he chose to stay there rather than come
back to Syracuse. His wife and two daughters were
left at S}'racuse ; they were now slaughtered with
horrible cruelty.

This was one of the worst deeds in Syracusan
history ; but it was the deed of the generals, not of
the people. When the assembly found out how they
had been deceived, orders were sent, but too late, to
stop the slaughter. One is rather surprised that the
generals who had done such a deed were not deposed,
or rather swept away in a burst of wrath. But the
anger of the people showed itself only by a strong
turn of general feeling towards the Carthaginian side.
In this state of mind Hippokrates and Epikydes were
chosen generals instead of the two slain men. They
still had to dissemble ; negotiations were going on
with Appius Claudius, and he sent envoys on to the
new consul who had come into Sicily, the famous
Marcus Claudius Marcellus. The two brothers fjave

30D THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

out that there was a plot to give the city altogether
up to Rome. And they had the more weight when
a Punic fleet came to Pachynos, and when Appius
Claudius thought it prudent to bring the Roman fleet
to the mouth of the Great Harbour. He came only to
watch ; but the people were greatly stirred, and they
were kept from violence only by the speech of a
certain Apollonides, who persuaded them to keep in
the Roman alliance, and to conclude the treaty which
was under negotiation with Marcellus.

A new subject of dispute grew out of the terms of
the treaty, which shows how the old feelings charac-
teristic of Greek commonwealths still lived on. The
treaty provided that all the towns that had been
under the rule of King Hieron should be under the
rule of the S)'racusan commonwealth. Every Greek
knew what that meant. The king might rule in the
interest of his whole kingdom ; a commonwealth of
Syracuse, aristocratic or democratic, would rule in the
interest of Syracuse only. In this Hippokrates and
Epikydes saw their advantage. They were foolishly
sent to Leontinoi with a force of mercenaries and
deserters, to get them and their men out of the wa}-.
They were after all officers of Hannibal's, who cared
for Syracuse only so far as suited the interests of
Carthage. They therefore did not scruple, in a style
that might have been very becoming in a Leontine
patriot, to stir up the Lcontines to assert their in-
dependence of Syracuse, and also to make inroads
into the Roman territory. Marcellus naturally sent
to S\-i-acusc to complain of this breach of the treaty
which had just been made. The generals answered

TAKING OF LEONTINOI. 30I

that Leontinoi was a town subject to Syracuse, and
that Syracuse would join with Rome to put down the
revolt.

Syracuse might thus even now have remained in the
Roman alliance, if Marcellus had not turned all Greek
feeling in Sicily against him by an act in which he
perhaps thought that he was rather merciful than other-
wise. The inland parts of the island had now not seen
war for more than fifty years, and now war was going
to be waged by Romans. The received war-law of
Rome was far harsher than anything to which Greeks
were used anywhere. Very bloody deeds were often
done even by Greek commonwealths, and worse
excesses had now and then been done both by mobs
and by tyrants. But nowhere in Greece was there
any systematic practice like the indiscriminate
slaughter when the Romans took a town by storm.
And the bloodiest military executions among Greeks
were inflictions of simple death, without the addition
of needless pain or mockery. Marcellus now set out
for Leontinoi without waiting for the Syracusan
contingent which was to join him. A fierce assault
carried the town. The usual massacre must have
followed for a while, and some plunder was certainly
done. But Marcellus stopped it as soon as he could.
No citizen of Leontinoi, no soldier who was not a
deserter, suffered anything further : the consul even
ordered the plundered goods to be restored. In all
this Marcellus was certainly acting much less harshly,
than Roman generals often did. But there were two
thousand men in Leontinoi to whom, by Roman law,
he could show no mercy. These were the deserters

302 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

who were all scourged and beheaded. We may
safely say that no such sight had ever been seen in
eastern Sicily. The scourging, yet more than the
beheading, turned general feeling strongly against
the Romans. The story further lent itself to any
amount of exaggeration. Hippokrates and Epikydes,
who contrived to escape to Herbessus, began to spread
reports abroad that the whole people of Leontinoi
had been treated in the way in which only the
deserters had been.

The result of these falsehoods was that the Syracu-
san soldiers, citizens and mercenaries, refused to act
against either Leontinoi or Herbessus. They wel-
comed Hippokrates and Epikydes, when they ventured
to come out and meet them. The mercenaries were
further stirred up by a forged letter from the
Syracusan generals to Marcellus, in which they were
made to thank him for his treatment of the deserters
at Leontinoi, and to pray him to do the like by all
the mercenaries in the Syracusan service. The wrath
of the mercenaries was naturally great ; the generals
fled, without waiting to disclaim the letter; Hippo-
krates and Epikydes had some ado to keep the
mercenaries from massacring all the men in the army
who were Syracusan citizens. The generals fled to
Syracuse ; they were fcjllowed by a messenger who
was sent by the two brothers to repeat all the false
tales which had been told to the army. The city was
divided ; but the more part, specially of the lower
people, were now on the Carthaginian side. When
Hippokrates and Epikydes came to the He.xapyla,
the trencrals found none who would withstand them.

ROMAN SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. 303

They fled with their partisans into Achradina ; but
the wall was stormed ; some of the generals and their
partisans were slain ; others, of whom Sosis was one,
escaped to the Roman camp. An irregular assembly,
in which slaves, strangers, and criminals were allowed
to take a part, restored the two brothers to their
office of general. It is not clear whether any formal
vote on behalf of Carthage was passed. But Syracuse
was now held in the Carthaginian interest by merce-
naries, deserters, and the lowest class of her own
people. A large party still clave to Rome, but they
were overpowered. The Roman siege of Syracuse
(214-212) began.

Marcellus led his troops by a round-about path to
the old camping-ground by the Olympicion, leaving
the northern part of the city untouched. His object
was to act in concert with the fleet in the Great
Harbour. He still made two attempts at negotiation.
His message was that he did not come to besiege
Syracuse ; he came to demand the restoration of
those S}'racusans who had taken refuge in the camp,
and the deliverance of those who were now held down
by the yoke of strangers. Let the fugitives be restored,
let the authors of the massacre be given up, and all
would still be well. If not, Rome must appeal to arms.
Epikydes heard the envoys outside the gate ; he told
them that they would find a siege of Syracuse harder
than a siege of Leontinoi, and shut the gate in their
faces.

The work of the siege now began. It was a siege
carried on mainly from the north side. If the camp by

304 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

the Olympieion was kept up, it was quite secondary to
the main Roman post by the Hexapyla, where Appius
attacked by land, while Marcellus led the fleet against
the cliffs ofAchradina. He had many engines and
crafty devices on board his ships, towers such as those
which were brought against the walls in ordinary
sieges by land, a machine too for throwing ladders,
by which it was hoped that the walls on the cliffs
might be scaled. But there was one within the walls
of Syracuse who knew much better how to manage
such matters than any one in the Roman camp or
fleet. Archimedes still lived, and he devoted his
whole powers to the defence of the besieged cit}-.
Hippokrates and Epikydes had the sense to let him
have full play ; men said that one old man was the
soul of Syracuse, and that all the rest were onl)- his
bod}'. He pierced the walls with eyelet holes for
sharpshooters ; he lined the battlements with artillery
of every kind for the throwing of stones and all
missiles, all proportioned and balanced with wonder-
ful skill. He had iron hands by which the soldiers
who drew near to the wall were caught up into the air.
He had special devices to meet the Roman devices ;
the towers and the ladders were useless ; the ships
that bore them were crushed by stones or huge lumps
of lead skilfully aimed, or they wcyc caught up and
let fall again with the chance of sinking. Against
the skill of Archimedes the Romans could do nothing
by land or sea. If so much as a stick or a piece of
rope was seen on the wall, they ran away, crying out
that Archimedes was bringing his engines against
them. At last the two Claudii gave up the attack

MASSACRE AT HENNA. 305

both by land and sea. Appius sta)-ed to watch
Syracuse from the old quarters by the 01}-mpieion,
and Marcellus set out to recover the other towns
which had revolted.

This failure of the great Roman attack on Syracuse
went far to change the whole face of the war. Hanni-
bal saw that Sicily must now become its main field. He
himself stayed in Italy ; there was his special mission ;
but he wrote to Carthage to plead that strong rein-
forcements should be sent to Sicily. Himilkon
accordingly came with horse, foot, and elephants. He
took Heraklcia and Agrigentum. But he failed in an
attempt to relieve Syracuse by land and sea ; the
Punic fleet which had come with pro\isions for the
besieged town sailed away without giving any further
help. But again the Romans helped their enemies by
a deed of blood which this time could not be ex-
cused even by the Roman laws of war. Lucius
Pinarius, who commanded in Henna, had reason,
seemingly good reason, to believe that there was a
plot to give up the Roman garrison to the enemy ;
but his way of meeting the danger was to summon
the whole people of Henna to their regular assembly,
and then to fall upon them and massacre them.
Marcellus had not commanded this crime, but he in
no way censured it. Such a deed, done too in the
holy city of Henna, turned general Sicilian feeling
yet more strongly against Rome. Many towns went
over to Himilkon. All that Marcellus could do during
the winter (213-212) was to watch, rather than to
besiege, S}'racuse on both sides. Titus Ouinctius
Crispinus commanded the post by the Olympieion

306 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

and the ships in the Great Harbour, while the pro-
consul himself pitched a camp on the north side,
seemingly not far from Thapsos.

There were many Syracusans in the camp of Mar-
cellus, the late general Sosis among them ; and there
was still in Syracuse itself a large party which
would gladly have returned to the Roman alli-
ance. But the mercenaries and deserters who, under
Epikydes, had the upper hand in the town, kept a
narrow watch over them. Communications were
however opened between the Roman partisans inside
and outside the city ; the envoys were taken to
and fro in a strange way ; they were carried in
fishing-boats, covered up with the nets. Marcellus
offered that Syracuse, on submission, should even
now remain a free city governed by its own law.
But the plot was betrayed to Epikydes, and, therein
showing his Punic breeding, he caused eighty
partisans of Rome to be put to death by torture.
Still all intercourse did not cease between besieged
and besiegers. Conferences went on about the ransom
of a Lacedaemonian named Damippos. He had been
sent from Syracuse to try to stir up King Philip of
Macedonia, who had made a treaty with Hannibal,
but had given him no real help. Damippos fell into
the hands of the Romans ; Ivomc had just then her
own reasons for dealing gently with Sparta, and Mar-
cellus was not disinclined to show him some favour.
At a conference held in a tower between the Roman
cam[) and the north wall of Syracuse, a Roman
officer marked a point where it would not be hard to

EPIPOLAI IN ROMAN HANDS. 307

scale the wall. He told IMarcellus, who did not hurry,
but waited for a good opportunity.

Such an opportunity presently came. There was a
three days' feast to Artemis kept in Syracuse, when
there was every chance that bad watch would be kept
and that many would be drunk. As the Romans
were not pressing the city at all closely, Archimedes'
engines were not at work ; there was nothing to be
feared beyond the ordinary risks of war. A chosen party
was sent at night under the guidance of the Syracusan
Sosis. They scaled the wall near the Hexapyla,
and met with no resistance from the sleepy and
drunken guards. Presently the Roman trumpet was
blown from the wall ; the startled sentinels ran hither
and thither; the Hexapyla was opened, and the whole
Roman army marched in. They had now possession
of the whole open ground of Epipolai ; but the older
quarters of the city had still to be besieged. Epiky-
des held Achradina and the Island, and at the other
end the castle of Euryalos was still held against them.
There was still much to do ; but it was something to
have got within the wall of Dionysios. Marccllus, a
stern man but with a good deal of the hero in him,
looked down on the great and famous city, the vastest
in all Europe, which he had gone so far to win. He
thought of its old glories and of all that it might still
have to go through before he had full possession. He
looked and wept — there seems no reason to doubt
the tale — in mingled joy and wonder and hope and
fear.

IMarcellus had now, as had been done more than
once before in Syracusan history, to besiege the inner

308 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE

town of Syracuse from the outer. He once more
offered terms, but the walls of Achradina were manned
by deserters, and the herald could not even get a hear-
ing. He turned his mind to the castle on Euryalos,
where an Argeian mercenary called Philodamos
commanded. Sosis was sent to negotiate with him,
but Philodamos put him off for a while, as he was
hoping for relief from Hippokrates. Meanwhile
Marcellus pitched a camp on the middle of the hill,
between the two later quarters of Tycha and Teme-
mites,the latter of which had now grown into a Neapolis
or Nezvtoivn. Their defences seem to have been much
weaker than those of Achradina ; the inhabitants
presently sent to Marcellus, offering to surrender and
begging only for their lives and dwellings. He took
them at their word. The two quarters were syste-
matically plundered ; but slaughter was forbidden,
and the people were seemingly allowed to go back
to their empty houses. Soon after, Philodamos, de-
spairing of help, surrendered the castle of Eur}'alos
and was allowed to join Epikydes in the Island. The
Romans had now full occupation of the whole hill
outside the wall of Achradina. The siege of the
inner city of Syracuse now began.

If Philodamos had waited a little longer, he might
have given his friends some help. Things looked as
if the besiegers were gf)ing, like the Athenians, to
be themselves besieged by land and sea. Pomilkar
brought a Punic fleet into the Great Harbour.
Himilkon and Hippok'ratcs came with a land army,
Punic and Sicilian, and occupied a point in the low
ground to the south of the camp of Titus Ouinctius.

PUMC FORCE DESTROYED BY PESTILENCE. 309

A general attack was niade ; Epikydes helping with
a sally from Achradina. But the Romans beat off
their assailants everywhere. For a while all remained
watching one another. IMarcellus was on the hill ;
Epikydes was in the inner city ; Himilkon and
Hippokrates with their arm)-, and Ouinctiiis Mith
his, were encamped in the lower ground, and the
Carthaginian and Roman fleets lay in the harbour.
Presently a new and terrible power stepped in.

It was now the autumn of the year 212 ; and the
marshy ground by the Anapos, as ever, became un-
healthy. Pestilence broke out among the armies
encamped there, as it had done in the da)s of the
former Himilkon. It did not greatly touch either the
besieged or the besiegers within the city ; they were in
a purer air ; but it fell on the army of Ouinctius, and
still more heavily on the army of Himilkon. Mar-
cellus was able to help Ouinctius' soldiers by moving
them to healthier ground on the hill ; the Sicilian
soldiers who had come with the Carthaginians also
found healthy spots in the neighbourhood. But the
Punic force was utterly swept away, and with it the
two commanders Himilkon and Hippokrates. The
only hope of Epikydes was now in Bomilkar and the
Punic fleet. Bomilkar went to Africa to ask for rein-
forcements. The reinforcements were granted ; they
came to Sicih', but not to Syracuse. Epikydes went
to stir him up ; he set sail, but he neither entered the
harbour of Syracuse nor met the Roman fleet in
battle. He sailed away, it is not easy to see wh)-, to
Tarentum.

Epik}-des did not come back to Syracuse. He was

310 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

really the officer, not of Syracuse but of Carthage,
and he may have thought that he could do Carthage
better service elsewhere. His absence left Syracuse
in the hands of the mercenaries and deserters. These
last, in case of Roman success, had nothing to look
for but the rods and the axe ; all others, citizens and
soldiers, might have some hope of making terms. So
yet again an attempt at negotiation was made. It
began with the Sicilian troops in the neighbourhood.
Marcellus said that he was still willing to leave Syra-
cuse a free city, enrolled of course as a dependency
of Rome, and paying to Rome the revenue that had
been formerly paid to King Hieron. Envoys were
sent to announce these terms to the mercenary captains
who now had Syracuse in their power. These cap-
tains the envoys contrived to slay, by the help of their
friends in Syracuse. An assembly was then held, the
last assembly of the Syracusan people. Generals were
chosen, who began to treat with Marcellus on the
proposed terms. This sounded like a death-warrant
to the deserters ; they persuaded the mercenaries to
share their luck ; they slew the new generals, and
broke off all communications with the Romans. But
presently the ordinary mercenaries began to see that
their case and that of the deserters was not the same.
The mere mercenaries might make terms, while the
deserters could not. A Spanish captain named
Mericus entered into communication with Marcellus ;
great rewards were promised him, and he agreed to
betray his post in the Island in the night.

When the ai)pointcd time came, a Roman party
came by water, and was admitted by Mericus, At

TAKING OF SYRACUSE. 3II

daybreak Marcellus made a pretended attack on the
wall of Achradina. All the forces in Syracuse went
to defend it ; larger parties of Romans were admitted
b)' Mericus till the Island was wholly in their power.
And now comes the strange part of the story. The
deserters contrived to escape ; it is implied that their
escape was connived at. This look-s as if Mericus
had made some stipulation for them ; if so, Marcellus
might shut his eyes to their escape ; he could not par-
don them, if they came into his hands. But a hard
fate fell on the citizens, a large part at least of whom
were still inclined to Rome. They came out of the
gate of Achradina, asking simply for their lives. The
clemency of Marcellus was afterwards much boasted of;
but it did not go far beyond forbidding any general
massacre. It comes out afterwards that some special
enemies of Rome were put to death and their houses
and lands were forfeited ; but for the mass of the
people the rule was the same that had been followed at
the entrance of the Romans into T\cha and Xeapolis.
In truth it would have been impossible to keep the
soldiers from the expected reward of their long toils.
The houses of Syracuse were given up to plunder ;
but slaughter and outrage were forbidden, and the in-
habitants were allowed to keep their empty houses.
Marcellus took possession of the royal hoard for the
Roman people ; but it proved less rich than had been
looked for. And he began that shameless robbery of
statues, pictures, and other works of art, which went
on constantly from this time. He took awa}- all that
he could to adorn his triumph.

Slaughter and outrage were forbidden ; but, when

312 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

pillage is allowed, some slaughter is sure to follow.
And the taking of Syracuse was marked by the slay-
ing of the most memorable man in Sicily. We
have heard nothing of Archimedes since quite the
early days of the siege ; indeed, since he drove away
Marcellus and Appius, there had been no need of his
engines. The story goes that Marcellus sent for
him ; was it to lead him in his triumph? When the
message came, the philosopher was busy with a
mathematical problem ; he asked to be allowed to
finish it ; the soldier seemingly misunderstood him,
and in his haste drew his sword and killed him.
Marcellus is said to have lamented his death and to
have shown favour to his kinsfolk. Others were slain
by one chance or another ; and those who kept their
lives and houses, but had lost all their goods, were in
a wretched case. Many had to sell themselves or
their children for food. But Rome rewarded those
who had served her Sosis and Mericus both received
Roman citizenship. Sosis was also given a house in
Syracuse and lands in the neighbourhood. Mericus
and those who had helped him to let the Romans
into the Island received lands elsewhere.

Such was the end of the long history of Syracuse
as an independent city, often as a ruling city, the
greatest city of Sicily and of Europe. For more than
a thousand years it remained, in one shape or another,
part of the Roman dominion. Marcellus had now to
deal with the other towns which had come under the
Roman dominion. The kingdom of Hicron was
swept away ; nor was there an)' hope of uniting

EXPLOITS OF MUTIXES. 313

eastern Sicily as a whole or any other shape. Each
town was dealt with according to its deserts towards
Rome. Those towns which had never fallen away or
which had come back before the fall of Syracuse were
received to different degrees of favour. Those which
had simply come in through fear after Syracuse had
fallen Marcellus dealt with as conquered enemies, and
as at Syracuse, he portioned out rewards and punish-
ments as he thought good. In these measures we
see the beginnings of the different relations in which
the towns of Sicily stood to Rome and to one another
in after-times.

But it was only in part of Sicily that Marcellus
could thus act at pleasure. Many towns still clave to
the Punic alliance. Hannon and Epikydes still held
Akragas, and they were now strengthened by Hanni-
bal sending to them a valiant captain of Numidian horse
named Mutines. He was of the mixed breed called
Libyphoenicians, who were shut out from honours
in the Carthaginian commonwealth, but his merits as
a soldier had won him honour and trust in the camp
of Hannibal. At the head of his light cavalry he
scoured the country unhindered. He harried the
lands of the allies of Rome, and became the centre
of the Carthaginian party everywhere. But Hannon
envied his exploits, and, having his own commission
straight from the Carthaginian government, he de-
.spised the officer merely sent by Hannibal. On the
other hand, Mutines cared greatly for Hannibal and
Mutines' soldiers cared greatly for Mutines ; but neither
cared much for Carthage and still less for Hannon. It
was therefore not hard for Roman intrigues to shake

314 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

their allegiance when once they felt wronged. Hannon
and Kpikydes marched as far as Phintias, by the old
battle-ground of the southern Himeras. Marcellus
marched from Syracuse to meet them ; a battle fol-
lowed ; Mutincs was there, and the Romans were
driven to their camp. A strange mutiny followed
among the Numidians ; part rode away to Herakleia;
Mutines went to bring them back ; Hannon would
needs fight a battle while Mutines was away ; the
Numidians sent word to Marcellus that they would
not fight against him. On the day of battle they
stood aloof, and without them Hannon's army was
easily beaten. Marcellus took much spoil and eight
elephants, and went back to Syracuse as a conqueror.
This was his last exploit in Sicily. He was suc-
ceeded in his command by the praetor Cethegus, and
went back to Rome, hoping for a triumph. The
conquest of Syracuse was certainly the greatest
success that Rome had ever seen ; but the war was
not over, and Marcellus had come without his army.
He was therefore refused the triumph, and was allowed
only the lesser honour of the ovation. In that the
general walked instead of being drawn in a chariot ;
flutes were played instead of trumpets, and the sacri-
fice to Jupiter on the Capitol was a ram and not a
bull. J)Ut the rich spoil of Syracuse, the plunder
of gods and men, the engines of Archimedes, the
captive elephants, made so great a show that the
ovation of Marcellus was as splendid as any triumph.
At the election of consuls for the next year (B.C.
21 1-2 10), he was again chosen with Marcus Valerius
La;vinus. All Sicily was frightened at the thought of

OUTCRY AGAINST MARCELLUS. 315

Marcellus coming back ; embassies went to Rome
to beg for mercy ; the fright grew greater when the
Senate voted that Sicily should be the province of
one of the consuls, and when the lot gave it to Mar-
cellus. It seemed, men said, as if Syracuse were
going to be sacked a second time. Marcellus talked
big, and said that the outcry was raised by the intri-
gues of his enemies in Rome. But he found the feeling
against him so strong that he thought it well to
exchange provinces with Lsevinus. The Sicilians
were then formally heard in the Senate, and set forth
their griefs against Marcellus. Many senators spoke
strongly against him ; but it was not thought expe-
dient to pass any formal censure. His acts were con-
firmed ; but La^vinus was bidden to deal as gently
with Syracuse as Roman interests would allow. Then
the Sicilians found it expedient to ask pardon of
Marcellus and to crave his favour. Marcellus and his
house became, according to Roman fashion, hereditary
patrons of Syracuse. And lying legends arose about
his clemency in Sicily and how much he was beloved
there.

While Marcellus was at Rome (210), reinforcements
came from Carthage to Akragas ; Mutincs still fought,
and won over towns for Carthage ; Cethegus had much
ado to keep his army from mutiny. Presently
Laivinus came to his province. He seems to ha\e
done something to satisfy the complaints at S}'racusc ;
but the chief work to be done was at Akragas. But
Laevinus could do nothing as long as Mutines rode to
and fro unhindered. At last the foolish jealousy of
Hannon reached such a pitch that he deprived

3l6 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

Mutines of his command and gave it to his own son.
Then Mutines held that all ties between him and
Carthage were broken, and the Numidians would
serve under no captain but Mutines. He and they
sent to La^vinus, offering to betray the town. So
they did. A party of Romans were let in by the
southern gate ; Hannon, Epikydes, and a few others,
startled at the Roman war-shout, were able to make
their way out by one of the side-gates ; a crowd of
others tried to follow them in vain ; and Akragas
was a second time a Roman conquest. Laevinus
came to sit in judgement ; he had no commission to
be merciful to Akragas, and with a revolted city he
dealt yet more sharply than Marcellus had dealt with
Syracuse. The mass of the people were sold into
slavery ; some special enemies of Rome were put to
death. But some, the remains doubtless of a Roman
party, were left to keep up some shadow of life till,
a kw years later, they were strengthened by the
addition of settlers from other parts of the island.
The history of Akragas now ends. There is only
provincial Agrigentum.

The work was now nearly done. There were still
sixty-six towns in arms against Rome. But the fall
of Akragas spread fear everywhere. Some towns
surrendered freely ; some were betrayed, some were
taken by storm. Rewards and punishments were
dealt out among their people, according to their
merits in Roman e)'es. The war, strictly so called,
was over. Laevinus could exhort the people of
Sicily, now that peace was come, to sit down quietly
and till their fields, and grow the corn which was to

SICILY AN OUTPOST OF EUROPE. ^17

feed themselves and Rome also. It was rather as a
civil magistrate than as a general that he had to put
down a gang of robbers that he found at Agathyrnum.
Four thousand ruffians of every kind had seized the
town, and made it a centre of brigandage. Oddly
enough Lrevinus found an use for them. He took them
over to Italy to defend the lands of Rhegion against
their fellow robbers the Bruttians. He then went on
to Rome ; he reported to the Senate the peaceful
state of his province, and presented INIutines and his
comrades to receive their rewards, in the case of
Mutines that of Roman citizenship. He then went
back to Sicily for several years. He and other
Roman commanders found the use of the island as
the outpost of Europe against Africa. From the
havens of Sicily many expeditions were made against
the coasts of Africa, which Carthage sometimes
threatened to return, but never did. The land was
quiet ; its corn began to feed the Roman armies and
Rome herself.

In the very last stage of the war Sicily becomes at
least the scene of greater c\-ents. Publius Cornelius
Scipio, chosen consul for the year 205, made Sicily
the starting-point for his great enterprise. His plan
was to go in the path of Agathokles, to carry
the war into Africa, to draw Hannibal out of Italy
to the defence of Carthage. All his preparations
were made in Sicily ; it was from Lilybaeum
that he set forth, and it was to Lilybaeum that
he came back. His plan had succeeded. Hannibal
came back to Africa, to meet Scipio in arms, to
fight his last battle and to undergo his first defeat.

3l8 THE END OF SICILIAN INDEPENDENCE.

At Hannibal's bidding Carthage accepted the peace
by which she ceased to be a ruhng city, and became
practically a dependency of Rome. The long strife
was over ; Europe had conquered Africa. Sicily was
delivered from all fear of Phoenician rule, but only at
the cost of submitting to Roman rule. Sicily has
now, for a long time to come, no history but that of a
subject province, an appendage to the history of Rome,
Old and New. For six hundred years she vanishes
from all direct share in the history of the world. This
long, and mostly dreary, interval parts off the great
times of Sicily through which we have passed from
the great times of Sicily which are still far distant. Still
•it is a time from which we may learn much, and it has
some stirring tales here and there. And one change
took place greater than all. When Sicily next shows
herself as having even a passing share in the great
events of the world, it will be a Christian Sicily of which
we shall have to speak. The altars of Baal have to pass
away from Panormus and the altars of Zeus from
Agrigentum. On the day of the victory of Scipio the
number of j'ears that part us from the victory of
Gelon at Ilimera is greater than those that part us
from the preaching of Saint I'aul at Syracuse.

XVI.

SICILY A ROMAN PROVINXE.

B.C. 20I-A.D. 827.

[In this chapter we have to deal with the history of more than a thou-
sand years; but it is only a small part of that time which needs to be
treated at any length. It is needless to say that we have no continuous
history taking in all that time, and that we have no special Sicilian his-
tory at all. Our story, just as at the very beginning, has for the most
part to be put together from all manner of casual sources. But for
several periods we have the help of good authorities, contenii)orary or
nearly so. Thus for the Slave-wars, besides other notices, we have a good
account in Diodoros. He was not actually contemporary, but he was deal-
ing with his own island while the memory of things were fresh. The great
speeches of Cicero against Verres are a store of knowledge about Sicily
at that time, as, more than si.K hundred years after, the letters of Pope
Gregory the Great are for Sicily in his day. Between them, a pretty
full account of the war of Sextus Pompeius may be made out from the
histories of Appian and Dion Cas.sius, and such mention as there is of
Sicily in the Vandal and Gothic wars of Belisarius comes from the high
contemporaiy authority of Procopius, the best historian that we have
had to deal with since Polybios. Otherwise our authorities are piece-
meal. There are of course notices here and there in more general writers,
from Suetonius and Tacitus onwards. For the earlier times we have
notices of the country from Strabo and the elder Pliny in their general
works. In the latter part the Lives of the Saints and other ecclesias-
tical sources give a great deal of help ; but great care must be taken to
distinguish legend from fact. But at the very least they are useful for
local matters, and sometimes they are of a much higher character.
And in the earlier times we have abundant help from inscriptions and

319

320 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE

coins. The great mass of the Sicilian inscriptions date from the Roman
times. We would gladly exchange any of them for a few of earlier days.]

All Sicily was now a Roman province. Part of it,
the first province that Rome held, became such when,
at the end of the War for Sicily, Carthage ceded to
Rome all her possessions in the island. That is, part
of Sicily, from being a province of Carthage, became
a province of Rome. But the kingdom of Hieron
remained a separate state till his death. Then the
second War for Sicily ended in bringing the whole
island to the same state of subjection. The system
of provinces thus began in Sicily ; it went on when
the islands of Corsica and Sardinia were ceded by
Carthage. It was not till later that Rome took .syste-
matically to turning independent lands into provinces.
The kingdom of Hieron was a necessary appendage
to the older Sicilian province. Yet it was none the less
the first example of a kingdom dependent on Rome,
an.d also the first example of the way in which such a
dependency was brought down to a state of subjec-
tion.

For subjection it practically was everywhere. Yet
we must not think that every inch of ground within a
province stood in exactly the same relation to the
ruling city. It suited Rome to allow very different
degrees of internal freedom to cities all of which, in
their external relations, were practically her subjects.
One city might have joined Rome as a free ally when
its alliance was valuable to Rome. It might keep its
old formal alliance, sometimes an alliance on equal
terms, though practically it could have no dealings
with other powers but such as Rome thought good.

RELATIONS OF CITIES TO ROME. 32 1

Such a city, tliough geographically within the bounds
of the province, was not strictly part of the province ;
it was an ally of Rome, not a subject ; it held its
privileges by virtue of a treaty. Other towns might
have privileges above others, not by virtue of a treaty,
but by the favour of the ruling city. Such a town
might be free in its internal administration ; it might
be exempt from all tribute to Rome. And, even in the
districts which were altogether subject, the towns still
kept the character of separate communities with their
own magistrates and assemblies, though they could not
do anything of importance without leave from the
sovereign power. That power was represented in the
province by a proconsul or other Roman governor, in
Sicily by a prator. Practically the prai^tor or other
governor could do pretty much what he chose, subject
to the fear of being accused at Rome when he went out
of office. And this check was but a slight one ; for,
besides the power of bribery, the Roman senators and
knightswere commonlyunwilling to condemn their own
chief men at the accusation of strangers. The Roman
governors were therefore often very oppressive, treat-
ing the provinces as fields for their own enrichment.
We shall see something of this as we go on.

Examples of all the relations of which we have
spoken were to be seen in Sicily. Three towns were
allies of Rome {/(sderatcB). Messana, now officially
called Civitas Maincrtina, kept its place as an Italian
ally on Sicilian soil. The other two were Netum and
Tauromenium — we may now begin to use the Latin
names — which seem to have had more favourable
treaties than IMessana. They were both in the king-

322 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

dom of Hieron, and they must have earned favour by-
special services during the last war. Their position
and that of other allied cities within the provinces was
a good deal like that of the republic of San Marino
and the principality of Monaco in modern Europe.
They remained what the kingdom of Hieron had
been, with the great practical difference, that they
were isolated towns and not a considerable territory.
Five other towns had the lesser, but not unimportant,
privileges of being exempt from tribute to Rome, and of
keeping a free local administration {Civitates libcrcs ct
iinnmncs sifie f<rdere). These were Ccnturipa, Halaesa,
Segesta, Halicyas, and Panormus. The rest of Sicily
stood in the simple provincial relation. The towns
kept their constitutions as municipalities ; but in
every province the Roman People was sovereign and
landlord. As landlord, it received in Sicily the tithe of
the crops by way of rent. Hieron had also taken the
tithe ; but that was as a native sovereign to defray
the cost of a native government. Now it went out of
the country, as tribute to a foreign power. We must
also remember that, by the general rule in all cases of
Roman allies and dependencies, the different towns, in
whatever relation they stood to Rome, stood in no
relation to one another. They were quite isolated. A
citizen of one town could not hold land in the terri-
tory of another, while a Roman could hold land any-
where. Sometimes the same right was granted to
specially Hivoured towns. Thus the people of the old
Sikel town of Ccnturii)a might hold land in any part
of Sicily. They got great wealth by this privilege,
and contri\ecl to oust the people of Leontinoi from
ncarh' the whole of their land.

THE ROMAN PEACE. 323

It is important to remember these differences in the
condition of the different towns, and the large amount
of separate being which some of them kept under the
Roman dominion. Sucli local independence was a
privilege very well worth having ; still it was a poor
substitute for the full freedom of older times, when
each city could itself play a part in the affairs of the
world. On the other hand, peace, the Roman Peace,
was spread over the land ; cities could not make war
on one another, as they did in the old time. Whether
peace may not be too dearly purchased at the price
of freedom and political life is another question.

The Roman Senate and People certainly did not
mean to act oppressively towards the lands which
their victory over Carthage put into their hands. The
fault lay in the system which gave one commonwealth
a practically boundless power over another. And it
lay still more in the great powers which the Roman
officials held in the provinces, and in the way in which
they often winked at unlawful acts on the part of other
Romans. Yet there was clearly a disposition to do
what could be done for the conquered land. Thus
when, in the year 146 B.C., Carthage was taken and
destroyed by the younger Publius Scipio, he gave back
to the cities of Sicily many works of art which had
been carried off to Carthage in the various Punic wars.
Among these he gave back to Agrigentum a brazen
bull which was said, though its claim was very doubt-
ful, to be the real bull of Phalaris. As one effect
of the Roman government, we may mark from this
time a certain change in the relative importance of
the Sicilian towns. Cities like Syracuse, which

324 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

had been the seat of great independent powers,
lost greatly in every way by becoming mere provincial
towns. Their trade and wealth lessened, and they
began gradually to decay. The process began,
though it took a long time fully to carry it out, by
which Syracuse shrank up again into its island and
Agrigentum into its akropolis, as we see them now.
On the other hand, now that the growing of corn
became almost the only business of the island, some
of the inland towns which were centres of the corn-
trade grew greatly in importance. It is needless to
say that the distinction between Greeks and Sikels
is now quite forgotten. Even the Phoenician towns
seem largely to have become Greek. In Cicero's time
the whole people of Sicily could be spoken of as
Greeks. The truth is that Rome herself came to be
so much under Greek influences that she carried
somewhat of a Greek element even into her bar-
barian conquests. Much more then did the Roman
conquest help to make a land wholly Greek which
was already mainly so.

On the whole, Sicily under the Roman dominion
must be spoken of as declining land. Great evils
came of the excessive cultivation of corn. Both rich
Sicilians and Roman speculators became masters of
great estates, which they tilled by gangs of slaves.
The endless wars and conquests of Rome led to a vast
increase of slavery and the slave-trade, and the corn-
growers of Sicily bought captives from all parts.
In the slavery of antiquity the domestic slave, above
all, the educated slave, such as many were, had a good
chance of freedom, and at Rome even of citizenship.

FIRST SLAVE WAR. 325

But nothing could be more hopeless than the state of
the slaves who worked in the fields. They had no
chance of freedom ; they were cruelly treated ; they
were not allowed enough of food and clothing ; they
were sometimes even mockingly told by their masters
that they might supply their wants by robbing on the
highway. On the one hand, the whole country was
made unsafe ; on the other, the wrongs of the slaves
at last led them to revolt. The Slave Wars of Sicily
form some of the most striking incidents in the
otherwise not stirring history of the provincial land

The slaves revolted twice, and both times they
cost the Roman government no small trouble before
the island could be made quiet again. It must be
remembered that most of the Sicilian slaves who
tilled the ground were captives taken in war, men
well used to fighting. They came largely from Asia,
and many of them were Cilician pirates. When
therefore they had once taken up arms and made an
union among themselves, they were able to make a
formidable stand. The first Slave War broke out in
the year B.C. 134. It was a time when the slaves rose
in several other parts of the world ; but it is hard to
say whether the Sicilian revolt had anything to do
with the others. In Sicily the outbreak took place at
Henna. A rich citizen of that town, Damophilos by
name, and his wife Megallis, were specially cruel to
their slaves, of whom they had a vast number. But
their young daughter had always treated the slaves
well, and had given them whatever comfort she could
under the bad treatment of her parents. Another

326 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

citizen of Henna, named Antigenes, had a Syrian
slave called Eunous, who professed to have the gift
of prophecy, and who played various tricks, breath-
ing fire and the like. He gave out that the Syrian
goddess had revealed to him that he should be a
king. Presently the slaves of Damophilos conspired
with the other slaves in Henna. They proclaimed
Eunous king ; they took possession of the town, and
did as they pleased with their former masters and the
other inhabitants. Damophilos was put to death with
many others ; his wife was given to the slave-women,
who tortured her and threw her down the brow of the
hill. But the slaves remembered her daughter's kind-
ness ; to her they did no harm, but sent her under a
trusty guard to some friends at Catina, The slaves
flocked together from all parts ; Eunous was presently
at the head of six thousand men, armed with such arms
as they could get. Such of the freemen of Henna as
were makers of arms they kept alive as prisoners to
make them swords and spears. Eunous took on him
the state of a king, with the name of Antiochos, after
the kings of his own country. He also gave the title
of queen to the Syrian slave-woman who lived with
him , lawful marriage of course could not be among
slaves. King Eunous was nothing great in himself ;
but he had a wise counsellor in one Achaios. Slaves
were often called after their countries, and here was a
slave, no barbarian, but an Achaian, a Greek of the
leading commonwealth of Greece, who had become a
slave, most likely by being kidnapped by pirates.
Presently another body of revolted slaves showed
themselves under a Cilician named Kleon. It was

SECOND SLAVE WAR. 327

thought that he and Eunous would fight against one
another ; but Klcon submitted himself to Eunous as
king. Kleon was a good captain ; so with him and
Achaios the affairs of King Eunous went on very
well for a time.

For three years or more this revolt went on. The
slave king, or his general Kleon, was able to defeat
more than one Roman prxtor with his army. The
slaves seem to have had full possession of the open
country ; but we do not hear of any of the chief
towns falling into their hands, except Henna, where
the revolt began, and Tauromcnium, which they could
hardly have taken by force ; it must have been be-
trayed to them. At last in 132 the consul Publius
Rupilius overcame them. He besieged King Antio-
chos and his followers in Tauromenium, where they
held out till they were brought to the eating of human
flesh. At last Kleon died fighting mafnully in a sally.
The town was betrayed to the consul ; Eunous or
Antiochos escaped with a few attendants, and kept
a while in hiding ; but he was taken and died of
disease in prison. Rupilius stayed in the island as
proconsul; and in the next year 131, he put forth
a code of regulations by which the province was
governed for many years.

The laws of Rupilius however did not put an end
to the evils of slavery. These, bad enough in all parts
of the ancient world, seem to have reached their
highest point in provincial Sicil}-. A second re\olt
of the slaves was the consequence. This lasted from
B.C. 102 to 99, which was also a time of other revolts
of slaves elsewhere. And the time was well chosen

328 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

in other ways, as it was in the middle of the great
war of Rome with the CimbrI and Teutones, when
no great heed could be given to the affairs of Sicily.
The story is in some things very like that of the first
slave-war ; but it has perhaps a greater interest, on
account of its connexion with some of the ancient
sites and religious beliefs of the island. And the way
in which the war began throws great light on the
nature of ancient slavery. We see how commonly
men were kidnapped by pirates, and how they were
made slaves in unlawful ways by Roman officers.
Whole lands were left almost without inhabitants.
The Senate made an order that all slaves in any
Roman province who were subjects or citizens of any
state in alliance with Rome should be set free. The
pr?etor of Sicily, Publius Licinius Nerva, began accord-
ingly to set free all slaves who came under those terms.
So many were thus set free that the slave-owners
began to fear that they would lose all their human
property. They persuaded or bribed the praetor not
to put the law in force, and then the slaves began to
revolt in various places. It carries us back to old
times when we read that they began with solemn
oaths in the temple of the Palici, the old Sikel gods
who befriended the slave. Indeed it is said that even
in these times no master dared to harm a slave who
had taken refuge there. The insurgents carried on
the war for some time, having chosen as their king
one Salvius, who, like Eunous, had got credit for
soothsaying. They fought with success, and were
able more than once to defeat such troops as the
praitor could lead or send against them. But they

END OF THE SLAl'E WAR. 329

could not get hold of any considerable city ; they
won a battle before Morgantina ; but they could not
get possession of the town. Presently another king
arose in the western part of the island about Libybjeum
and Segesta. This was a Cilician named Athenion,
who also laid claim to mysterious powers, but who
was w'ithal a good soldier, having most likely been a
pirate like Kleon. Just as in the case of Eunous and
Kleon, men thought that the two would turn against
one another ; but Athenion, like Kleon, submitted to
Salvius as king, and acted as his general. Salvius
now called himself Tryphon, after the Syrian king
of that name. He assumed all kingly state, and
fixed his capital and court in the small but strong
town of Triocala, that is most likely cither the modern
Caltabellotta, or some point in the hills near it. Like
Ducetius, he chose the Palici to his special protectors.
Not only slaves but many poor freemen joined him,
and they met Roman armies in the field. The przetor
Lucius Licinius Lucullus, father of the Lucullus who
was famous in Asia, defeated them in battle ; but he
could not or would not take Triocala. His successor
Ouintus Servilius did as little. At last the revolt grew
so serious that the Senate was driven to treat it as a
foreign war, and the consul Gains xAquillius was sent
with his full arm)-. Tryphon was now dead, and
Athenion was king. Athenion was killed in battle
with the consul ; the revolt was now thoroughly put
down. Many of the slaves were taken to Rome to
fight with wild beasts ; but thc}- escaped this fate by
slaying one another.

330 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

The slave-wars are by far the most striking events
in Sicily while it was a Roman province. They are
real pieces of Sicilian history, such as it is. We have
now little to tell, save the way in which Sicily, as a
subject land of Rome, was passively touched by the
revolutions of the ruling city, and how much it suffered
at the hands of its Roman governors. Thus in B.C. 82,
in the civil war of Marius and Sulla, some of the chief
partisans of Marius sought refuge in Sicily, and were
followed thither and overcome by the famous Gna^us
Pompcius. But it concerns us more when we read
how one Sthenios, a chief man of Therma, who had
done great things for his own city and was honoured
throughout all Sicily, was charged before Pompeius
on account of his friendship for Marius, but was let
go. This comes from our chief source of knowledge
of Sicilian matters a little later, namely the great
pleading of Cicero against the praetor Gaius Verres,
when he was accused for his oppressions in Sicily.
Cicero had himself been quaestor in Sicily, and he
knew the land well, and we learn a great deal as to
its state from his speeches in this famous cause.

Cicero seems to take for granted that there must
always be some oppression in a provincial administra-
tion. Only the Sicilians, he says, were such good
quiet people that they did not complain unless
oppression got much worse than usual. This is most
likely quite true. The system was bad, specially
the farming of the tithe to speculators. The praetor
himself might mean to be just, but he could hardly
ever keep all his agents in order. But there was a

PRzETORSHIP OF VERRES. 33I

great difference between one Roman officer and
another. Thus Sicily suffered a good deal from
JMarcus Antonius, father of a more famous man of
the same name. He was not praetor in Sicily ; but
having the command at sea, he was able to plunder
various provinces, Sicily among them. But the
prsetor at this time (B.C. 74), Gaius Licinius Sacerdos,
is spoken of as a man of blameless character, against
whom no charge of oppression could be brought.
Then, in 73, came the worst of all the men whom
Rome sent to rule her provinces, Gaius Verres — his
iioincn is not known for certain. By ill luck he stayed
in the island three years. He heeded no law, Roman
or local ; he cared nothing for the privileges of the
towns or for the rights of particular men. He
plundered everywhere ; he practised every kind of
extortion in collecting the tithe, and in buying the
public corn which was needed to be sent to Rome.
He committed every kind of excess ; he imprisoned
and slew men wrongfully. And his hand fell on
others besides the provincials ; for the crime on which
Cicero lays most stress, as the crown of all wickedness,
was one that was absolutely unheard of before, the
crucifixion of a Roman citizen. There is reason to
think that the extortions of Verres really tended to
the lasting impoverishment of the island. But the
most striking thing at the time was his plunder of
the choicest and most sacred works of art. He pro-
fessed to be a man of taste, and in that character he
robbed cities, temples, and private men. And all
this while he neglected the common defence of the
pro\'ince, and let pirates sail freely into Sicilian

332 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

havens. It throws much light on the corrupt state
of things at Rome that such a man as this found
many supporters among the chief Romans. Every
difficulty was put in the way of the Sicilians and
their advocate Cicero. In the end they succeeded.
The case was so clear that, before sentence was given,
indeed before Cicero had finished his pleadings, Verres
went into exile at Massilia. This a Roman could
always do, and he thus escaped further punishment.
In the days of the proscription he was put to death
by the younger and more famous Marcus Antonius,
for the sake of some of his stolen treasures which he
had not given back.

During the civil wars of Rome Sicily becomes at
one stage of special importance. In the civil war
of Caesar and Pompeius Sicily played no great part ;
still it marks the position of the island that when,
in B.C. 47, the Dictator Caesar crossed to his war
in Africa, it was from Lilybasum that he set out.
Men said that his death in B.C. 44 was foretold,
among other signs and wonders, by an eruption of
.^tna, and soon after his death Sicily became for a
while the great centre of strife. Sextus Pompeius,
the younger son of the great Gna^us, had kept on a
desultory warfare in Spain since the death of his
father in B.C. 48. After the death of the Dictator,
his adopted son Gains Octavius, now known as the
younger Caisar and afterwards as Augustus, was for
a moment the professed friend of the republican party
against Marcus Antonius. Then Sextus, who was
strong at sea, was acknowledged as commander of all

DEATH OF CESAR FORETOLD. 333

the naval forces of the commonwealth. Presently
Caesar changed sides, and formed his triumvirate
with Antonius and Lepidus. In the general slaughter
of their enemies that followed, Sextus was set down
among the pnncribcd^ though he had no hand in the
death of the Dictator. His fleet became the refuge
of such of the proscribed as could escape ; he was
joined by discontented men of all kinds, largely by
pirates and runaway slaves. With this force he was
able to occupy, first MyLx and Tyndaris, then
Messana, then Syracuse the provincial capital, and
the whole island (B.C. 43). Sicily thus became for
seven years the seat of a separate power, at war with
the powers of Italy and the rest of the Roman
dominion. Not that Sextus had any thought of
founding a distinct Sicilian dominion of any kind.
The position of the island enabled a Roman party-
leader who was strong at sea to hold Sicily for his
own purposes against other Roman party-leaders.

Writers in the interest of Caesar, as all our authori-
ties are more or less, make a point of speaking of the
war with Sextus Pompeius as a servile war, like those
revolts of the slaves which we spoke of a little time
back. But it is certain that many Romans, some of
high rank, joined him. He showed no remarkable
ability himself, but he was well served by several
freedmen with Greek names, who made excellent
commanders by sea. One suspects that they had
been Cilician pirates. By their help he kept the
dominion of Sicily in the teeth of many attacks for
the space of seven years. He added Sardinia and
Corsica to his dominions, and kept up a plundering

334 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

warfare along the Italian coasts. But he seems to
have been incapable of any great enterprise, and he
did little personally beyond keeping on the defensive
in his head-quarters at Messana. But the loss of
corn from Sicily brought Rome near to famine. On
the other hand, the Sicilians must have lost the market
for their corn. We hear next to nothing of the in-
ternal state of Sicily during the occupation of Sex-
tus ; but shortly afterwards the island is described in
a general way as having lost much of its prosperity
during his time. His aims seem to have been wholly
]3ersonal ; as to the particular crimes laid to his
charge, we must remember that we have only the
statements of his enemies. Thus he is charged with
the murder of several Roman officers who had come
under his suspicion ; but the evidence is not very clear.
The first attempt against Sextus was made by the
younger Caesar in B.C. 42. But the officer sent against
him, Ouintus Salvidienus Rufus, was altogether
defeated at sea. Sextus then gave himself great airs,
and called himself the son of Neptune or Poseidon.
But he failed to take any advantage of the other wars
in which Caesar was engaged, first along with Marcus
Antonius against Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, and
then against Lucius Antonius at Perusia. For a
moment, in i].c. 40, Sextus made an agreement with
Marcus Antonius, but Antonius and Caesar were soon
again joined together against him. Now it was that
his valiant freedman Menas won for him the other
great islands ; but he was more valiant than faithful,
and he was already beginning to have dealings with
Caesar. The people of Rome were now feeling the

PEACE OF MISEXUM. 335

stress of hunger, and they clamoured loudly for peace
with Sextus. They showed their zeal in an odd way,
by paying special devotion to the image of Neptune,
when it was carried round at the games among the
other gods. Cnesar and Antonius were driven to make
peace with Sextus. In the year 39 the three met at
Misenum on the coast of Campania. The two
triumvirs entertained Sextus on land, and he enter-
tained them on board his ship. And the story went
that Menas proposed to his master to sail off with
Caesar and Antonius on board, and so make himself
master of the whole Roman world. And Sextus is
said to have answered : " You should have done it
without asking me ; IMenas may do such things ;
Pompeius cannot." By the terms of peace, Sextus
was to keep his three islands and to receive the
province of Achaia from Antonius. This was the
way in which the Roman leaders parted out the world
among them. The followers of Sextus were allowed
to return to Rome and receive again their rights and
properties, save that the proscribed were to receive
only a part. Magistracies and priesthoods were to be
given to the friends of Sextus ; his father-in-law Libo
was to be consul the next year along with Antonius,
and Sextus himself the year after along with Caesar.
And Sextus' little daughter Pompeia was to be
married to Marccllus the little son of Octavia, sister
of Cjesar and now wife of Antonius.

The peace was received with universal delight, and
many of Sextus' friends went back to Rome. But
nothing more really came of it. Each side of course
laid the blame of the breach on the other. Antonius

336 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

failed to make over Achaia to Sextus, and Sextus'
plundering warfare began again. Presently Menas
changed sides and went over to Caesar, taking the
islands of Sardinia and Corsica with him. Sextus
thus remained master of Sicily only.

There now begins a second War for Sicily, like the
war to which that name properly belongs, except
that it was not waged by two hostile commonwealths
but by two Roman party-leaders. It was a war
between Csesar and Sextus, Caesar could not as yet
persuade the other triumvirs to take any part in it.
And the war was unpopular at Rome, where the
people wanted corn and therefore peace. Still Caesar
had, both now and in his later war with Antonius, a
great advantage from his possession of Rome and
Italy. Sextus too never took advantage of any success
that he gained. He defended Sicily ; elsewhere he
did nothing but plunder. Presently Caesar planned
a great attack on Sicily by land and sea. He was
himself in southern Italy when the two fleets met off
Cumae (38). The battle was chiefly notable for the
meeting in arms of the two freedmen, Menas, w^ho
had now a command under Caesar, and Menekrates,
who led the fleet of Sextus. Their two ships met
and fought fiercely. Menekrates was killed ; Menas
was disabled by a wound. The Pompeians had
greatly the advantage in the battle ; but Dcmochares,
another frecdman who took the command, and all
under him, were too disheartened by the loss of
Menekrates to improve their advantage as they might
have done.

WAR BETWEEN CESAR AND SEXTUS. 337

What they failed to do, the powers of nature, the
power, Sextus would say, of his adopted father, did
for them. Caesar was coming by sea from Tarentum
to join his forces on the west side of Italy ; Sextus
was waiting for him at Messana. Sextus dashed out
on the Caesarian fleet ; a fight followed in the strait,
in which Ceesar was utterly defeated and escaped with
difficulty to land. The next day a storm arose and
broke in pieces the ships that had escaped in the
battle. The division of Menas alone was able to
find safety, through his knowledge of the coast. And
he did Cffisar some service by cutting off a voyage
of Demochares to Africa. Presently he changed sides
again, and went back to his former master. Al-
together Caesar's power was so much weakened that
he put off all attacks on Sextus and Sicily for more
than a year. (B.C. 38-36.)

Meanwhile Caesar had dealings with the other
triumvirs. Antonius gave him 130 ships for Sicilian
warfare in exchange for legionaries to help in his
Eastern campaigns. He persuaded Lepidus to
invade Sicily from the West. Thus Italy and Africa
joined together against Sicily. Above all, Csesar
caused his able lieutenant Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa
to make all things ready for a great naval expedition.
At last, on July i, B.C. 36 — the month was now dedi-
cated to the Dictator as Divus Julius — the great fleet
set forth. The Antonian ships were to come from
Tarentum to meet it. A great storm arose ; Statilius
Taurus, who commanded the Antonian ships, put
back to Tarentum ; Lepidus contrived to land in
Sicily and laid siege to Lilybaeum ; but Caesar's own

338 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

fleet, though he had carefully sacrificed to Neptune
and the Sea, was so damaged by the storm as to cause
thirty days' delay. Sextus now gave himself out more
than ever as the son of Neptune, while Cffisar forbade
the image of that god to be carried at the games,
and said that he would conquer Sicily in spite of him.
Public feeling at Rome was again turning towards
Sextus ; again men wanted Sicilian corn. C?esar would
gladly have put off any more fighting till next year.
He therefore set busily to work to repair his losses,
while Sextus, as usual, did nothing to push his ad-
vantages. It was ominous that Menas changed sides
yet again, and went back to Caesar. Caesar now
formed his plans. The main fleet under Agrippa was
to attack northern Sicily ; the Antonian ships at
Tarentum were to join Caesar in the strait and attack
Tauromenium. Lepidus meanwhile was in western
Sicily ; but Demochares and the other Pompeian
commanders cut off by land and sea the help that was
coming to him from Africa. He came back to
eastern Sicily in time to meet Agrippa in a sea-fight
off the peninsula of Mylae, in which the Ca;sarians
had the better. Sextus then hastened to Messana,
where he heard that Caesar was at Tauromenium. He
had crossed from Italy with part of his forces, and
Sextus was upon him by land and sea before he could
send for the rest. Caesar was again defeated at sea,
and escaped to Italy with great difficulty. His land
force, under Cornificius, made a march of several days
through the inland country, which reminds us of the
retreat of the Athenians from Syracuse. They had
much difficulty in crossing the lava-covered country

CESAR MASTER OF SICILY. 339

under ALtna, and they were constantly beset by the
Pompeian horsemen and darters. At last they were
met by another force sent by Agrippa to meet them,
and they came safely to the north coast.

The war was ended, as far as Sextus was con-
cerned, by another sea-fight. Agrippa won a more
decisive victory over the Pompeian fleet off Xau-
lochus, a point between Mylae and Cape Peloris.
Sextus, who had looked on at the battle from the
shore, forsook Sicily and sailed with a fevv- ships for
Asia. There, after many adventures which do not
concern us, he was killed the next year (B.C. 35).
Meanwhile both Lepidus and the Pompeian Plennius
had come from the West. Plennius still held Messana
for Sextus, and was besieged by Agrippa and
Lepidus. The forces of Plennius and Lepidus
presently joined together and sacked the town.
Lepidus was aiming to make himself master of
Sicily instead of Sextus. But, when Caesar came,
both armies forsook their generals and entered his
service (B.C. 2^). Seven years after its first occupation
by Sextus, Sicily passed under the dominion of Caesar.

The later war between Cssar and Antonius does
not concern us. Caesar was now master of all the
West, of Sicily among the rest. He laid a heavy
imposition on the island, 1,600 talents, and on his
return to Rome, he celebrated an ovation for his
Sicilian conquest. Sicily now came back to its former
state as a province of Rome. But it had suffered
much, and was greatly impoverished, during the war
of Sextus. After all the ci\ il wars were over, Caesar,
now Augustus and master of the whole Roman world,

340 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

began to look to the state of the lands which had
practically become his dominions, and, among other
things, he tried to do something for the advantage of
Sicily. This he did by planting Roman colonies in
several of the towns, specially at Syracuse in B.C. 21.
Of this last large traces remain. The Roman town
seems to have been wholly on the low ground. It
took in the Island, and the lower part of Achradina,
and an extended Neapolis, between the theatre and
the Great Harbour. Here we see the remains of
several Roman buildings, specially of the amphi-
theatre ; for Roman colonists, in Sicily or anywhere
else, could not do without the bloody shows to which
they were used at Rome. Other colonics were planted
at Tauromenium, Catina, Therma, and Tyndaris, and
large remains of Roman buildings are to be seen in
modern Catania and among the ruins of Tyndaris.
Messana, the Mamertine city, got the Roman franchise,
and remained a flourishing town. The lower franchise
of Latium was granted to Netum, Centuripa, and
Segesta. We may remark that by these changes
Messana, Netum, and Tauromenium lost their position
as free cities, and became, on different conditions,
immediate parts of the Roman dominion. Messana,
as getting the full Roman franchise, doubtless gained
by this. But Strabo, who wrote in the time of
Augustus, describes most of the old towns as having
gone to utter dcca)', and he speaks of the country
generally as in a \\rctchcd state.

Sicily thus remained a province of the Roman
Empire till the limpirc began to lose its provinces.

THIRD SLAVE WAR. 34 1

As one of the peaceful provinces, not lying on any
dangerous frontier, it was one of those which Augustus
professed to put under the rule of the Senate and
People, while he kept the more exposed lands in his
own hands. For several ages there is but little to
record. A province hardly has a history of its own,
and the position of Sicily hindered it from being the
scene of any of the great events in the general history
of the Empire. We come across occasional notices of
Sicilian towns, as we do of the other towns of the
Empire ; we hear for instance of this or that temple
being decayed, and perhaps restored by the reigning
Emperor. And one at least of the early Emperors,
Hadrian, who visited all parts of his dominions, did
not fail to visit Sicily also (a.d. 126;, and to study the
wonders of yEtna. And one or two striking events
happened, which sometimes recall past times and
sometimes foreshadow times that were to come.
There can be no doubt that Sicily lost a great deal
by the Roman conquest of Egypt, after which it ceased
to be the chief cornfield of the Roman people. We
may therefore doubt whether a third revolt of slaves
or robbers, of which we hear in the days of Gallienus
(a.d. 260-268) was owing to the same causes as the
two older and more famous Slave-Wars. Anyhow such
an event reminds us of former days, while the next
that we have to speak of is an isolated forerunner of
what was presently to come. Whatever Sicily had
to bear at the hands of Roman masters, she was at
least spared the sight of a foreign enemy for several
centuries. At last, in the da}s of the Emperor Probus
(276-282), a sudden blow fell. Sicily was again

342 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

attacked by barbarian invaders. A body of Franks
— some say Vandals — who had submitted to the
Emperor and had been transplanted by him to new
lands by the Euxine, rose in revolt, got possession of
ships, and laid waste various parts of Greece, Asia,
and Africa. They were driven back from Carthage ;
but they crossed to Sicily ; they seized and sacked
Syracuse, and wrought a great massacre of its in-
habitants. They then made their way into the Ocean,
and sailed safely back to their own land, the Fnmcia
of those days, on the borders of Northern Germany
and Northern Gaul.

These new enemies of Sicily were mere ravagers,
not conquerors. But their comiing marks an epoch.
It was the first appearance of men of Teutonic stock
in Sicily or indeed in the Mediterranean waters. The
days of Teutonic dominion were not yet ; but such an
isolated event as this was a forerunner of their coming.
Meanwhile another of the great elements of the later
life of Europe was making its way in Sicily, as in
other parts of the Empire. Christianity was preached
in Sicily in very early times. The Acts of the
Apostles record a three da}'s' stay of the Apostle Paul
at Syracuse. But local legend gathers rather round
Saint Peter, who is made to send his disciples from
Antioch. .Saint Paul, legend tells us, found a bishop,
Marcian b\' name, already at S)'racuse, and preached
in his church. The story has its local habitation in
the undoubtedly very ancient church of Saint ]\Iarcian
in lower Achradina. Another disciple of Saint Peter
was Pancratius of Tauromcnium, whose church, made

GROWTH OF CHRISTIAN LEGENDS. 343

out of a small temple, still remains outside the wall
of his own city. Like many other saints, he has
conflicts with evil powers, in his case the idols Lyson
and Phalkon, in which last we are tempted to see a
survival of the old Sikel Palici. Saint Peter is also
said to have come to Sicily in person, and a round
building of Roman date at Catania is shown as a
church which he consecrated to Our Lady while she
was still upon earth. Some other legends are yet
wilder. The old Sikel town of Agyrium took its
later name of San Filippo d'Argiro from a Philip who
is sometimes made a disciple of Saint Peter and
sometimes placed in the reign of the Emperor i\rca-
dius (395-408). In his story we first hear of /Etna as
an abode of evil beings. Saint Kalogeros, who is
plainly an impersonation of Eastern monasticism, is
also made into a disciple of Saint Peter. He gives
himself to the discovery of healing springs and
vapours, and his memory lives on two hills on the
two sides of Sicily, by the Himeraean and the
Selinuntine Thenna, now Termini and Sciacca.

The virgin saints of Sicily are also many and
famous. Two especially have had a great name out
of the island. Saint Agatha of Catania has in some
sort taken the place of the Pious Brethren. After
her martyrdom under the Emperor Decius (249-251),
her veil, preserved as relic, stops an eruption of
-^tna. Saint Lucy of Syracuse, first of several of
the name, is martyred under Diocletian (305), whose
character is misconceived in the usual wa}-. This
Lucy, one of the virgin patronesses of the island,
must be distinguished from a matron Lucy, who in

344 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

the story appears as a personal victim of Diocletian
at Rome. That is, the legend forgot that Diocletian's
seat of rule was at Nikomedeia. Presently, under
Constantine, came the peace of the Church, By that
time we may safely say that the older bishoprics of
Sicily, those which claim an apostolic origin, those of
Syracuse, Panormus, Catina, Messana, Agrigentum,
and Tauromcnium, were all in being. We hear of
Sicilian bishops attending at councils, and of the
island being troubled, like the rest of the West, with
the Pelagian heresy. In short, the early ecclesiastical
history of Sicily is much like that of any other part
of Western Christendom. It was later events which
gave it, like its temporal history, a character of its own.

Sicily, it is well again to remember, was the first
Roman province, the first land out of Italy possessed
by the Roman People. Its position was that of a
subject land ; its inhabitants were not Romans,
except such Romans as settled in the island as
colonists or otherwise, and except any natives who
were personally admitted to the Roman franchise.
After a while the distinction of Romans and pro-
vincials was taken away through the Empire by the
edict of the Emperor Antoninus, commonly called
Caracalla (21 1-2 17). By that edict all the free in-
habitants of the Empire were admitted to the name
and rights of Romans. Under the practical despotism
of the lunperors those rights were not worth very much,
and it ma)' be doubted whether the provincials found
any immediate practical gain in becoming Romans.
But the change had its effect nevertheless ; the people

BEGINNING OF TEUTONIC INVASIONS. 345

of Sicily or of any other province became proud of the
Roman name as opposed to the barbarians outside the
Empire. A kind of artificial Roman nation was formed,
at all events in the West, and no Roman anywhere
willingly submitted to a barbarian ruler. Now that
one land was no more subject than another, the word
province lost its old sense of a subject land, and simply
meant an administrative division of the Empire, whether
in Italy or elsewhere. When the Empire was mapped
out into such divisions by Constantine, Sicil}' and
Italy were drawn closer together : the province of
Sicily became part of the diocese of Italy — a formula
which must not be confounded with the ecclesiastical
use of the word. It was governed by a consular under
the superior authority of the praetorian praefect at
Rome. In the beginning of the fifth century the
central island of the Mediterranean began to share
in the revolutions which had long touched those
provinces of the Empire which had exposed inland
frontiers. The Teutonic invaders of the Roman
dominions, long known in north-eastern Gaul and in
the South-eastern lands, began to touch Sicily and
other Mediterranean lands in a more lasting way than
the momentary landing of the Franks in the third
century. And we again, as of old, mark the central
position of the island. It can be attacked either from
Italy or from Africa, and conquerors or deliverers can
come from the lands east of the Ionian sea. The
first invasion was threatened from Italy ; but it was
onl\- a threat. This was from the West-Gothic king
Alaric, who, after his taking of Rome in 410. designed
an invasion of both Sicily and Africa, and died just

34^ SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

as he was on the point of attempting it. The West-
Goth was thus hindered from becoming the first
Teutonic master of Sicily. The next enemy was
the Vandal king Gaiseric, who in 429 estabhshed
a Teutonic kingdom in Africa. He made Carthage
his capital, and, as soon as that city was once more
the seat of an independent power, it sprang again to
something like its old position in its Phoenician days.
The Vandal king became the great naval power of
the Western Mediterranean ; he conquered and
plundered almost at pleasure. He invaded Italy
many times ; he sacked Rome itself ; he made him-
self master of Sardinia and Corsica and the Balearic
islands. He invaded and plundered Sicily many
times ; he took and destroyed several towns, and he
seems in the end to have established his dominion
over the whole island. Besides being, in the speech of
the time, barbarians, the Vandals, though Christians,
were deemed heretics in religion, having like all the
Teutonic nations except the Franks, first learned
Christianity in its Arian form.

Towards the end of his days (477) Gaiseric gave up
the possession of Sicily to Odowakar on payment of
a tribute. Odowakar was a leader of mercenaries
who had become master of Italy when the first
succession of Emperors in the West came to an end
There was now only one Emperor, he who reigned
at Constantinople, and Odowakar, practically an
independent prince, was held to be his lieutenant
with the title of patrician. Sicily thus, without being
formally separated from the Roman Empire, really
passed under the rule of Teutonic masters. The

kULE OF THEODORlC. 347

same was the case when Odowakar was displaced by
the great East -Gothic king Theodoric (493). Sicily,
as well as Italy, passed under his rule. Theodoric
looked carefully after all his dominions, Sicily among
the rest, and we have occasional notices of Sicilian
matters in the documents of his reign collected by
his minister Cassiodorus. We find from them that
the people of Sicily were, as we might expect, ill
disposed towards Gothic rule, and Cassiodorus is
praised by the King for winning them over to his
allegiance. We find that corn was now sent from
Sicily into Gaul, and that the church of Milan, as we
shall presently hear of the church of Rome, held
lands in Sicily. There are also some notices of
particular places. Thus Syracuse had a Gothic
count ; the amphitheatre of Catina had fallen into
ruins, and the magistrates and citizens were allowed
to make use of the stones for the repair of their walls.
Theodoric gave one of his daughters in marriage to
the Vandal king Thrasimund, and gave him Lilybaeum
as her dowry. The Vandals thus again got a foothold
in Sicily. One thinks of the times when, first Pyrrhos
and then the Romans, had won all Sicily except
Lilybaeum from the Carthaginians. One wonders at
Theodoric giving up so important a point to the new
masters of Carthage. But LilybcX-um must have soon
passed back to the Goths, as it was in their hands
when we next hear anything about Sicily.

We have thus seen Sicily, in the changes which
swept over the Empire in the fifth century, come
under the power of barbarians, but still of European

348 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

barbarians, men indeed of Teutonic race. But we
cannot say that the island was wholly separated
from the Roman Empire, unless perhaps for a
moment under Gaiseric. Presently, under the
Emperor Justinian and his great general Belisarius,
the Empire began to win back many of the lands
which it had lost. Some were won back only for a
short time ; but Sicily was won back for several
centuries. The first land to be won back was Africa.
In the year 533 Belisarius came to Sicily, a friendly
land under the dominion of the Goths, and made it his
starting-point for his expedition against the Vandals.
We may thus add his name to the long list of those, from
Agathokles onwards, who invaded Africa from Sicily.
He did not however set sail either from Syracuse or
from Lilybaeum, but from the harbour of Caucana on
the south coast. The Romans of Sicily — so we may
now speak — received the Imperial general gladly.
But after Africa had been won back for the Empire,
a special Sicilian dispute arose between the Empire
and the Gothic masters of the island. Those who
had overcome the Vandals in Africa claimed also
their possessions in Sicily, the fortress of Lilybceum
ceded to Thrasimund as his bride's dowry. This the
Goths refused to restore.

Within two years the question between the Empire
and the Gothic king Thcodahad came to touch more
than Lilybaium ; it touched all Sicily and all Italy.
In the year 535 began the great Gothic war of
Justinian. And it was in Sicily that it began. The
consul Belisarius landed at Catina ; Syracuse and the
towns of Sicily generally submitted willingly. It was

GOTHIC WAR OF yUSTIMAN. 349

only at Panormus, where there was a strong Gothic
garrison, that the Imperial forces met with any
resistance. It would seem that Panormus had begun
to shrink up like Syracuse, and that the suburbs
which had grown up north and south of the two arms
of the haven were now forsaken. Belisarius sailed
into the haven without resistance. The masts of his
ships were higher than the walls of the inner city ; so
he was able to bring the garrison to submission by
showers of arrows from a greater height. He went
back to Syracuse ; while he was there, the year of his
consulship came to an end, and he laid down his
office with the usual ceremonies at Syracuse instead
of at Constantinople. All Sicily was now won back
for the Empire, and when Belisarius went on the next
year to win back Italy, he left garrisons at Syracuse
and Panormus only. The Goths never forgot the
ease with which Sicily was lost, and at a later stage
of the war we find the Gothic king Totila breathing
vengeance against the Sicilians, both for the loss of
the island and because Sicilian cornships had come to
Rome and helped the defenders of the city to hold
out against his siege of it. In 549-50 Totila invaded
Sicily ; he could not take any of the chief towns, but
he ravaged the island and left garrisons in four places
which are not named. In 551 the Goths were finally
driven out of the island.

Thus Sicily again became an undisputed province
of the Roman Empire. We must remember that the
seat of the Empire was then at Constantinople, the
Kew Rome, even after the Old Rome and all Italy
was won back by Belisarius. A large part of Italy,

350 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

north and south, was presently torn away again from
the Empire by the Lombards. The theological dis-
putes of the eighth century caused the Emperors to
lose all practical authority in the Old Rome ; and at
last in 800 the Empire was finally parted asunder,
when the Frank king Charles the Great was chosen
and crowned Emperor there. But neither Lombards
nor Franks touched Sicily, nor did they ever occupy
the whole of Italy. The Eastern Emperors, as we
may now distinguish them, the Roman Emperors
at Constantinople, kept Sicily and part of southern
Italy long after a Western, a Frankish, Emperor
was chosen at Rome. The island was governed by a
prcBtor or stratcgos sent from Constantinople, who
commonly held the rank of patrician, the highest rank
which did not imply any association in the Empire,
and he was often spoken of as Patrician of Sicily.
This connexion between Sicily and the Eastern, the
Greek-speaking, parts of the Empire no doubt helped
largely to strengthen the Greek clement in Sicily.
Belisarius the Roman consul did in effect repeat the
work of Timoleon and Pyrrhos by winning the island
again for the Greek world. Whatever Latin had
come in with the Roman colonics gradually died
out, as it did in the Roman colonies in the East,
of which the New Rome itself was the greatest. The
Eastern connexion again was strengthened when, in
the eighth century, the Bishops of the Old Rome
opposed the course taken by the Emperor Leo in the
controversy about images, in return for which he took
Sicily out of their ecclesiastical jurisdiction and put
it under that of Constantinople, and confiscated their

CONNEXION WITH EAST-ROMAN EMPIRE. 35I

temporal estates in the island. Everything tended to
make Sicily, like the rest of the East-Roman Empire,
once more part of the Greek world.

It is to the fact just mentioned, that the Bishops
of Rome as well as those of Ravenna and Milan,
held large estates in Sicil}^, that we owe a good deal
of knowledge of the state of things there during the
early part of the connexion of the island with
Constantinople. We learn much from the letters of
Pope Gregor}' the Great (590-604) to his officers
in Sicily. He writes about all matters public and
private, from an appeal to the Empress Constantina,
wife of Maurice (582-602) to do something to relieve
the burthens of the island, to the smallest matters
concerning the property of his church. Many letters
are written to praetors and others in authority, many
to bishops and other churchmen. As at once Roman
Patriarch and a great Sicilian landlord, Gregory looked
after everything. Sicily was then full of churches
and monasteries ; the great majority of the people
were Catholics, but there were some heretics, a great
many Jews, and still a few pagans. Gregory has a
great deal to say about the Jews, many of whom lived
on the church lands. They were not to be in any
way oppressed, but those who turned Christians were
to have their rents lowered. And when the Bishop
of Panormus took possession of a Jews' synagogue
and turned it into a church, Gregory gave judgement
that the act was a wrongful one, that, as the building
had been consecrated, it could not be given back to
the Jews, but that the Bishop must pay them the
value of it. We find also that Sicilian corn was still

352 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

sent to Rome ; the holding of SiciHan lands by the
Roman Church would help to keep up the practice.
Not very long after Gregory's time we hear a good
deal of Saint Zosimus, Bishop of Syracuse. He
first, in 646, turned the great temple of Athene in the
island into a church as we see it now ; and we gather
from his story that Syracuse had now shrunk up into
the Island, and that nothing was left on the mainland
but scattered churches and houses.

During these ages when Sicily was ruled from Con-
stantinople, the island did not often see its sovereign.
But in 665 the Emperor Constans the Second, whose
crimes had offended men at both the New and the
Old Rome, came to Sicily and dwelled at Syracuse.
Some have thought that he came with the purpose of
making Syracuse the head of the Empire. But his op-
pression was great in Sicily also, and in 668 he was
killed in a bath. On his death the Sicilians set up one
Mezetius — his name is spelled in several ways — as
Emperor. But the next year Constans' son Con-
stantine the Fourth (called Pogonatus or the Bearded)
came to Sicily, overthrew Mezetius, and won back the
island. This may need some explanation. What
happened at this time in Sicily had often happened
before in other parts of the Empire, but never in
Sicily. Nothing was more common than for an ambi-
tious man, most commonly a successful general, to
set himself up as Emperor. This happened several
times in Britain. His object was to seize the whole
luTipire, if he could, but at any rate to seize some
part of it. If he succeeded in so doing, he went down
in history as an Emperor ; if not, he was called only

CONSTANTINE THE FIFTH. 353

tyrant. That is to say, the word tyrant had now got a
meaning which answered exactly, in the changed state
of things, to its old use in the days of the Greek com-
monwealths. It means an usurper or pretender, a
man who sets himself up against lawful authority,
only now against the authority of a prince and not of
a commonwealth.

In the reign of Constantine the Fifth, called
Copronymus (741-775), we hear a great deal of
the Bishop Leo of Catina and of the magician
Heliodoros, who was said, when condemned to
death at Constantinople, to have fled through the
air back to Catina. Legend also makes him the
artist of the lava elephant which is still to be
seen there. In the reign of this Emperor, Calabria
was made part of the theme or province of Sicily.
In the reign of Constantine the Sixth, in 781, Elpi-
dius the praetor or stratcgos of Sicily set himself up
as tyrant ; but he was put down and took refuge
with the Saracens in Africa. The Saracens had
plundered in Sicily more than once as early as the
seventh century ; in the ninth century their invasions
began on a greater scale, and before the end of the
tenth (827-965) they had complete possession of the
whole island.

With their appearance a wholly new period in the
history of Sicily begins. The island is gradually
torn away from the Roman Empire, and thereby
from Europe and from Christendom. It is next, in
the eleventh century (1060- 1090), won back by the
Normans. In all this we have the old history of

354 SICILY A ROMAN PROVINCE.

Sicily over again. The old struggle between Europe
and Africa, between Greeks and Semites, is fought
over again, but it is this time made more keen by the
religious opposition between Christendom and Islam.
One Story of Sicily ended with the Roman conquest
of Syracuse ; another Story of Sicily begins with the
Saracen conquest of Mazzara. The time between is
the mere record of a province, a land subject to
distant masters. With the coming of the Saracens
the island again begins to have a history, and a long
history, of its own. But that history will be best told
in another volume.

INDEX.

Abaccenum, land of, taken for
Tyndaris, i8l ; joins Magon,
1S3 ; taken by Agathokles, 237

Achaia, province of, 335

Achaios, counsellor of King Eu-
nous, 326

Achradina, out post of Syracuse, 43;
joined to Ortygia by Gelon, 73 ;
Dionysios' works on, 164 ; see
also Syracuse

Aderno, see Hadranum

/Egates, see Aigousa

^lian, his history of animals, 29

^.schylus, at Hieron's court, 83

^schylus, brother-in-law of Timo-
phanes, 217

^tna, Mount, 18 ; legends about,
31, 343 ; legend of Empedokles
at, 96 ; eruption of, thought to
portend Cresar's death, 332 ;
visit of Hadrian to, 341

/Etna (town), founded by Hieron,
84 ; his death at, 90 ; men of,
support Thrasyboulos, 90 ; drives
out Deinomenes, 92 ; renamed
Katane, 93, 99 ; transferred
to Inessa, ib. ; taken by Duce-
tius, 99 ; horsemen of Syracuse
escape to, 154; joins Syracusan
revolt against Dionysios, 158,
159 ; Dionysios drives away
refugee horsemen, 160 ; Cam-
panians settle at, 175, 229; camp
of Agathokles at, 259

Africa, Phoenician colonies in, 14,
23 ; campaign of Agathokles in,
242 seijq. ; Roman invasions of,
282,317, 332; Vandal kingdom
in, 346 ; Belisarius's campaign
in, 348

Agathokles, compared with Diony-
sios, 234, 257 ; his early life, 235 ;
chosen general at Syracuse, 236;
his rise to power, 236 ; Spartan
expedition against, 237 ; his
treaty with Akragas, 238 ;
attacks Messana and Akragas,
238; recovers Centuripa and
Galaria, ib. ; attacks the Punic
camp on Eknomos, 239 ; takes
Gela, 240 ; defeated at the
Himeras, 240, 241 ; his designs
on Africa, 242 ; his African
campaign, 243-251 ; assumes
the title of king, 248 ; returns
to Sicily, 249 ; takes various
cities, 250 ; his treatment of
Segesta, 252 ; massacre ordered
by, 254 ; his dealings with
Deinokrates, 255-257 ; his
kingly position in Sicily, 257 ;
attacks Lipara, 258 ; takes Kor-
kyra, ib.; later wars in Italy, ib.;
called Lord of the Island, ib.;
plans a fresh Carthaginian
expedition, 259; his death,
ib.

Agathokles the younger, slain by
Archagathos, 259

356

INDEX'.

Agathokles, defrauds the temple of

Athene at Syracuse, 60
Agalhyrnum, centre of brigandage,

Agrigentuni, bishopric of, 344 ; see
also Akr.Tgas

Agrippa, M. V., his expedition
against Sextus, 337-9

Agylla, temple of, plundered Ijy
Dionysios, 191

Agyris of Ag)-rium, his treaty
with Dionysios, 1S2, 184

Agyrium, Sikel site, 20 ; Herakles
worsliipped at, 31 ; admitted to
Syracusan citizenship, 229 ; re-
volts against Phinlins, 263 ; its
later name, 343

Aigousa, isles of, 17, 55 ; battle off,
289

Aiolos, isles of, sec Lipara

Akestorides of Corinth, plots
against Agathokles, 235

Akis and Galateia, legend of,

Akragas, foundation of, 51 ; works
of Theron at, 89 ; tyranny of
Thrasydaios at, ih. ; its wealth,
93 ; banishes Empedokles, ib. ;
its war with Ducetius, 100 ;
with Syracuse, loi ; Athenian
envoys at, ill; Selinuntines
take refuge at, 143 ; prepares
for Carthaginian attack, 147 ;
siege of, 149 ; surrender and spoil
of, 150; refugees accuse Syra-
cusan generals, 151; subject to
Carthage, 154 ; revolts against
Dionysios, 183 ; re-settled by
Timolcon, 229 ; withstands Aga-
thokles, 237 ; makes terms with
him, 238 ; his fresh attempt on,
ib. ; its alliance against Agatho-
kles, 248 ; at war with Carthage,
249; tyrannyof I'hintias at, 263 ;
drives him out, 264 ; submits to
I'yrrhos, 268 ; taken by Mamer-
tines, 272 ; by Rome, 281 ;
known as Agrigentum, ib. ;
taken by Himilkon, 305 ; held
by Ilannun, 313 ; reinforcements
sent to, 315; betrayed to Laj-

vinus, 316 ; brazen bull restored

to, 323 ; decay of, 324
Akragas, river, 51
Akrai, outpost of Syracuse, 50
Akrotatos of Sparta, his expedition

against Agathokles, 237
Alaric, king of the West-Goths, 345
Alexander of Epeiros, 231, 265
Alexander the Great, his conquests,

230 ; their effect on Agathokles,

234

Alexander, son of Pyrrhos, king-
dom of Sicily designed for, 268

Alketas of Molottis, restored by
Dionysios, 191

Alkibiades, supports appeal of
Segesta, 113; appointed general,
114 ; is for attack on Syracuse,
116; charged with impiety, 117;
his speech and counsel at Sparta,
120

Alphabet, the, its Phoenician
origin, 22

Alpheios, legend of, 37

Amphinomos, 46

Anapios, 46

Anapos, river, 43 ; battles by,
118, 123

Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegion, his
action towards Zankle, 69-70 ;
his alliance with Terillos of
Himera, 74 ; asks help from
Carthage, 78 ; makes peace
with Gelon, 82 ; threatens
Lokroi, 84 ; his death, 85 ;
his sons' dealings with Miky-
thos, 90; their fall, 91

Ancona, see Ankon

Andromachos of Tauromenion,
joins Timoleon, 219

Ankun, foundation of, 191

Antalkidas, peace of, i8g

Antandros, left in command by
Agathokles, 243 ; hears rumours
of his defeat, 244; executes
massacre at Syracuse for Aga-
thokles, 254

Antigenes of Ilenna, 326

Antiochos, king, see Eunous

Antiochos of Syracuse, his Sici-
lian hislf)ry, 8, 39, 104

INDEX.

357

Antonius, L. , his war with Cxsar,

334.

Antonius, M., the elder, pUmders
Sicily, 331

Antonius, M., the younger, puts
Verres to death, 332 ; one of
the triumvirate, 333 ; his agree-
ment with Sextus, 334 ; joins
Cxsar against him, i/i. ; makes
peace with Sextus, 335 ; sends
ships against him, 337

Apollokrates, commands in Orty-
gia, 209 ; his truce with Dion,
213 ; re-enters Ortygia, 216

Apollon, statue of, taken from
Gela to Tyre, 153

Apollon Archegetes, his altar at
Naxos, 41

Apollonia, submits to Timoleon,
224 ; taken by Agathokles, 250

Apolloniades, tyrant of Agj'rium,
229

Apollonides, his speech at Syra-
cuse, 300

Aquillius, G., sent against the
slaves, 329

Archagathos, accompanies Aga-
thokles to Africa, 243 ; mer-
cenaries demand his death, 246 ;
left in command, 249 ; prays
his father for help, 250 ; Aga-
thokles plans to desert him, 251 ;
his death, zl>.

Archagathos, the younger, con-
spires against his grandfather,
259 ; slain by Mainon, 262

Archias, founder of Syracuse, 42,

Archidamos, king of Sparta, slain
at Manduria, 231

Archimedes, kinsman of Hieron
II., 294; at the siege of Syra-
cuse, 304 ; his death, 312 ; his
engines in Marcellus's ovation,

314 _

Archonides I., Sikel king, helps
Ducetius to found Kale Akte,
1 01, 161 ; ally of Athens, 108,
124 ; his death, 124

Archonides II., Sikel king, founds
Haljesa, 161

Arete, daughter of Dionysios, and
wife of Dion, 200, 201 ; given
in marriage to Timokrates, 20I ;
taken back by Dion, 213 ; sus-
pects Kallippos, 214 ; his treat-
ment of, 215 ; her death, id.

Arethousa, fountain of, 37, 42

Argos, sends contingent to Athe-
nian army, 114; Pyrrhos slain
at, 271

Aristijipos of Kyrene, Dionysios'
treatment of, 191

Aristomache, wife of Dionysios,
165, 200 ; welcomes Dion's re-
turn, 213 ; suspects Kallippos,
214 ; his treatment of, 215 ;
her death, ?7;.

Ariston of Corinth, improves Syra-
cusan naval tactics, 12S

Aristos of Sparta, supports Diony-
sios, 160

Asdrubal, his defeat at the Krimi-
sos, 225-7

Asdrubal, his attack on Panormos,
284 ; his victory off Drepana,
286

Ashtoreth, worshipped at Eryx,
14, 27

Assinaros, river, Athenian slaugh-
ter at, 136

Athenagoras, his speech at Syra-
cuse, 115

Athenion, general under Salvius,
329 ; succeeds him as king, id. ;
killed, id.

Athens, her relations to Sparta,
105 ; her alliances in Sicily,

106, 108 ; helps to found Thou-
rioi, 106 ; Sikeliot appeals to,

107, 108 ; generals accept peace
ofCiela, IIO; embassy to Sicily
422 B.C., Ill; Segesta a]ipeals
to, 1 12 ; story of the envo)s, 113;
ex])edition to .Sicily voted, 114 ;
action of Nikias, 117; battle
by the Anapos, 118; Nikias
asks for reinforcements, 119;
beginning of siege of Syra-
cuse, 121 ; second expedition
voted, 127 ; defeat at sea, 12S,
131 ; coming of Demosthenes,

358

INDEX.

129 ; last battle and retreat,
132-6 ; end of the invasion,
137 ; Sikeliots, imprisoned by,
139 ; decrees in honour of
Dionysios, 180, 194 ; recep-
tion of Dionysios' tragedies at,
190, 194 ; her alliance with him,
194
Atilius, A., invades Panormos,

146, 282 ; takes it, 282, 283
Augusta, see Xiphonia
Augustus, see Ciesar, G. O.

Bacchiads of Corinth, 58
Balearic Isles taken by Gaiseric,

346
Barbarians^ meaning of the name,

21
Belisarius, his expedition against

the Vandals, 348 ; wins back

Sicily, 348, 349 ; effect of his

conquest, 350
Beneventum, battle of, 271
Boeo, Cape, see Lilybaion
Bomilkar, in command against

Agathoklcs, 244
Bomilkar at the siege of Syracuse,

30S; seeks reinforcements, 309;

goes to Tarentum, ih.
Bruttians, war of, with Krolon,

235 ; Segestans sold to, 252

Cadiz, 23

Ccesar, G. J., at Lilybseum, 332 ;
his death foretold, ib.

Csesar, G. O. (Augustus), his war
with Sextus, 333-5 ; makes
peace with him, 335 ; his second
war with Sextus, 336-9 ; master
of Sicily, 339 ; his Sicilian
ovation, ib. ; plants colonies in
Sicily, 340

Calabria part of the tlienie of
, Sicily, 353

Caltabellotta, said to be site of
Kamikos, 33 ; whether identical
with Triocahi, 329

Caitavulturo, see I'orgium

Campanian mercenaries, under
Hannibal, 141 ; help Diony-
sius, 159; take Entella, ib.;
settle at /Etna, 175; Timo-
leon's dealings with, 229 ; in
the camp of Archagathos, 262 ;
seize on Messana, ib. ; take the
name of Mamertines, 263 ; ra-
vage Rhegion, 273 ; chastised
by the Romans, 273, 277

Canaan, gods of, worshipped in
Sicily, 21, 26

Caracalla, Emperor, his edict,

344
Carthage, origin of the name, 23 ;
her dependencies in Sicily,
24, 66 ; war with, to avenge
Dorieus, 74; her alliance with
Persia, 77 ; invades Sicily under
Hamilkar, 77-81 ; Shophetini
of, 79 ; treaty with Gelon, 82 ;
cult of the goddesses at, 82, 180;
Athenian embassy to, 120;
second invasion of Sicily, 140
seqq.; spoil from Akragas sent
to, 150 ; treaty with Dionysios,
154 ; his embassy to, 166 ;
Sicilian Greeks rise against, ib.;
sends Himilkon, 171 ; victory
off Katane, 175 ; besieges Syra-
cuse, 176-179; defeat of, 179;
invasion of, under Magon, 183;
makes peace with Dionysios,
184 ; first war in Italy, 192 ;
fresh peace with Dionysios, ib. ;
robe of Lakinian Hera sold to,

193 ; fresh war with Dionysius,

194 ; makes peace with his son,
I95i 199 ; Hiketas in league
with, 216, 218 ; envoys at Tauro-
menion, 219 ; admitted into
Syracuse l)y Hiketas, 222 ; cru-
cifies Magon, 222 ; war of, with
Timolcdn, 225-227 ; defeat at
the Krimisos, 227 ; supports
the tyrants, 227 ; makes peace
with Timoleun, 228 ; recalls
Hamilkar, 237 ; treaty with
Agatiiokles, 238 ; help sought
by Syracusan exiles, ib. ; naval
losses, 239 ; victory at the Hi-

INDEX.

359

meras, 240, 241 ; her position
in Africa, 242 ; expedition of
Agathokles against, 243-251 ;
Akragas throws off her aUiance,
249 ; defeats Archagathos, 250 ;
peace made with, by the Greek
soldiers, 251 ; treaty of Aga-
thokles with, 255 ; Mainon's
alliance with, 262 ; supports
Phintias, 263 ; besieges Syra-
cuse, 264 ; her alliance with
Rome, 267, 272 ; withstands
Pyrrhos, 267, 271 ; fortifies
Lilybaion, 270 ; alliance with
Hieron, 273, 277 ; wars of, with
Rome, 276-290, 295-317; makes
peace with Rome, 290 ; em-
bassy of Hieronymos to, 296 ;
second peace of, with Rome,
318; taken by Scipio, 323;
under Gaiseric, 346

Cassibile, see Kakyparis

Cassiodorus, his notices of Sicilian
matters, 347

Castrogiovanni, origin of the
name, 20

Catania, plain of, 17, 18, a)!d see
Katane

Catulus, G. L. , his victory off
Aigousa, 289 ; makes terms
with Hamilkar, 290

Caucana, Belisarius sets sail from,

Centuripa, Centorbi, Sikel site,
20 ; tyrants at, 229 ; held by
Agathokles, 238 ; attacked by
him, 250 ; position of, under
Rome, 322, 340 ; specially
favoured as regards land, 322
Cephalcedium, Cefalii, Sikel site,
20; betrayed to Dionysios, 182;
taken by Agathokles, 250 ; joins
Deinokrates, 254 ; Agathokles
negotiates for, 255
Cethegus, Prcetor, 314, 315
Chaironeia, battle of, 230
Chalkis, metropolis of Naxos, 40,
41 ; of Zankle, 48 ; its treat-
ment by Athens, 1 19
Charles the Great, crowned at
Rome, 350

Charondas, his code of law's, 57,
65 ; story of his death, 65

Charybdis, tale of, 30

Chersikrates, founder of Korkyra,
42

C/iJia, land of the Pha'nicians,
21

Christianity preached in Sicily,

.342
Cicero, his speeches against Verres,

.319, 330-332
Cilician pirates enslaved in Sicily,

.325

Citizenship, right of, in old com-
monwealths, 58

Claudius A., Roman pr?etor,
296 ; Syracusan negotiations
with, 298, 299 ; with the fleet
at Syracuse, 300 ; at the siege
of Syracuse, 304

Claudius P., defeated off Drepana,
286

Colonies, nature of, 10, 11

Constans II., Emperor, at Syra-
cuse, 352 ; killed, id.

Constantina, Empress, appeals to
Gregory the Great on behalf of
Sicily, 351

Constantina IV., Emperor, wins
back Sicily, 352

Constantine V., Emperor, 353

Constantine VI., Emperor, 353

Constantinople, seat of the Em-
pire, 349 ; its connexion with
Sicily, 350

Corinth, her colonies and their re-
lations, 41, 42 ; mediates be-
tween Syracuse and Hippo-
krates, 71 ; Ducetius sent to,
100 ; Syracusan embassy to,
120, 160 ; embassy of Dionysios
to 176; Syracusan appeal to,
216 ; sends Timoleon, 217 ;
Dionysios the younger sent to,
220 ; sends settlers to Syracuse,
223 ; Leptines sent to, 224;
Carthaginian spoil sent to, 227

Corn, Sicily the market of, for
Rome, 19, 317, 324, 334, 338,
351 ; for Gaul, 347

Cornelius G. takes Panormos, 282

360

INDEX.

Cornificius, Q., his retreat before
Sextus, 338

Corsica, possible Syracusan settle-
ment in, 98 ; claimed by Rome,
290 ; ceded by Carthage, 320 ;
taken by Sextus, ^1,1,, 334;
confirmed to him at Misenum,
335 ; joins Coesar, 336 ; taken
by Gaiseric, 346

Crete, independent cities in, 14;
settlers from, at Gela, 49

Crispinus, T. Q., commands at
siege of Syracuse, 305, 308 ;
pestilence in his army, 309

Cuma;, battle off, 336, and see
Kyme

Cyprus, compared with Sicily, 5 ;
rhoenicians in, 22

Daidalos, stoiy of, 32

Uamarata, wife of Gelon, 74 ;
marries Polyzelos, 83 ; her tomb
destroyed by Himilkon, 177

Damareta, wife of liadranodoros,
297 ; put to death, 299

Damarista, mother of Timoleon,
217

Damas, promotes Agathokles, 235

Damippos, as to his ransom, 306

Damophilos, defeats Xenodikos,
249

Damophilos of Henna, his treat-
ment of his slaves, 325 ; killed
by them, 326

Daphnaios, Syracusan general, be-
fore iVkragas, 149

Darius I., King of Persia, 69 ; re-
ceives Skythes of Zanklc, 70

Darius II., his alliance with
Sparta, 137

Deinokrates, joins Ilamilkar, 245;
withstands Agathokles, 250,
254 ; negotiates with him, 255 ;
his defeat, 256 ; Agathokles'
treatment of, il). ; slays I'asi-
philos, 257

Deinomenes, father of (ieli'in, 71

Deinomenes, son of Ilicrnii, King
of /I'Una, 84, 90; (hi\eii cnil of
yEtna, 92

Delphi, designs of Dionysios on,
191

Demagogues at Syracuse, 94

Demeter and Persephone, legend
of, 29, 35 ; temple of, at Syra-
cuse, 83, 176; temples of Car-
thage, 82, 180 ; solemnity of
oath by, 214; Corinthian ship
consecrated to, 217 ; Agathokles
ofiers up his ships to, 243

Demetrios the Besieger, 258

Demochares, in command under
Sextus, 336, 337 ; cuts off Lepi-
dus' reinforcements, 338

Democracy, origin of, 58 ; defined
by Athenagoras, 115

Demos of Athens, 59

Demosthenes, appointed general,
114, 127; his plan of attack,
129 ; counsels retreat, 130 ;
surrenders, 134; put to death,
136

Dexippos, commands at Akragas,
147 ; suspected of bribery, 149,
150; commands at Gela, 151;
sent back by Dionysios, 152

Dikaiopolis, see Segesta

Diodoros, his Sicilian history, 8,
31, 76, 104, 140, 156, 319 ; his
version of the l)attle of Himera,
So ; gives the kingly title to
Gelon, 82

Diokles of Syracuse, his code of
laws, 138 ; negotiates with
Plannibal, 143 ; marches back
to Syracuse, 144 ; banished from
vSyracuse, 146

Dion, Life of, by Plutarch and Cor-
nelius Nepos, 156, 197 ; favoured
by Dionysios the elder, 200 ; per-
suades Plato to revisit Syracuse,
201 ; banished, ib. ; treatment of
his property and wife, ib. ; re-
ceives S])artan citizenship, 202;
his expedition against Dionysios
the younger, 202 seqq. ; enters
Syracuse, 204 ; chosen general,
205 ; drives out the mercenaries,
//'. ; negotiations of Dionysios
with, 206 ; Dionysios' letter to,
207 ; charges against, ib. ;

INDEX.

361

counsels acceptation of Diony-
sios' terms, 20S ; deprived of
his generalship, 209 ; retires to
Leontinoi, i/i.; his return, 211,
212 ; his treatment of his
enemies, 212 ; reconciled to
Herakleides, 213; recovers the
Island, 213 ; refuses to destroy
tomb of Dionysios, ib. ; con-
nives at murder of Herakleides,
214; plots against, ib.\ his death,
215; Plato's schemes for his son,
162
Dionysios the elder, escapes the
fate of Hermokrates, 146 ; his
speech in the assembly, 151 ;
chosen general, ib.; his conduct
at Gela and Leontinoi, 151,
152 ; established as tyrant, 152;
his marriage, ib. ; empties Gela
and Kamarina, 153 ; treatment
of his wife, ib. ; recovers his
power at Syracuse, 154 ; his
treaty with Himilkon, ib.; great-
ness of his power, 157, 184 ;
fortifies Ortygia, 158; his Sikel
wars, 158, 161 ; revolt against,
ib.; his policy to his besiegers,
159; his alliance with Sparta,
160 ; his treatment of Naxos
and Katane, 161 ; extends the
Syracusan fortifications, 164 ;
founds Iladranum, z'/!'. ; his war
with Rhegion and Messana,

165 ; his double marriage, ib. ;
his preparations against Car-
thage, 165, 175, 176; his speech,

166 ; besieges Eryx, 16S ; and
Segesta and Entella, 170, 171 ;
defeated off Katane, 175 ; his em-
bassies to Peloponnesos, 176 ;
calls an assembly, 177 ; defeats
the Carthaginians, 178; his
agreement with them, 179 ;
Attic decrees in his honour, 156,
180, 194 ; his settlements, 181,

182 ; his defeat at Tauromenion,

183 ; defeats Magon, ib.; makes
peace w'ith Carthage, 184; takes
Tauromenion, ib. ; his wars in
Italy, 1 84- 1 89 ; takes Rhegion,

1 88; his embassy to Olympia,
190; his tragedies at Athens,
I90> 195 ; liis treatment of men
of letters, 190, 191 ; his Hadri-
atic and Etruscan campaigns,

191 ; fresh war with Carthage,

192 ; terms of peace, ib.; takes
Kroton, 193 ; wall planned by,
ib.; invades Western Sicily, 194;
his death, 195 ; effect of his reign,
1955 197 ; bis tomb in Ortygia,
199, 213 ; his sun-dial, 205 ;
compared with Agathokles, 234,
257

Dionysios the younger, compared
with his father, 198, 199 ; ac-
knowledged by the assembly,
199 ; makes peace with Car-
thaginians and Lucanians, ib.;
his marriage, 200 ; his friendship
for Plato, 201 ; his treatment of
Dion, ib. ; banishes Herakleides,
ib. ; his negotiations with Dion,
206, 208 ; his letter to Dion,
207 ; escapes from Ortygia, 209 ;
sends Nypsios to Syracuse, 210 ;
re-occupies Ortygia, 216 ; sur-
renders to Timoleon, 220 ; sent
to Corinth, ib.

Dionysios of Corinth, 224

Dorian settlements in Sicily, 41,
46, 49

Dorieus of Sparta, his expedition
to Western Sicily, 66 ; war to
avenge him, 74

Doris of Lokroi, wife of Diony-
sios, 165

Drepana, haven of Eryx, 194;
stronghold of Carthage, 281,
2S5 ; Roman defeat olT, 2S6 ;
taken by Rome, 289

Ducetius, helps to drive out Deino-
menes, 92 ; union of Sikels
under, 98, 99 ; founds Menae-
num, 99, 102 ; and Palica, 99 ;
takes /Etna, ib. ; his war with
Akragas and Syracuse, 100 ;
throws himself on the mercy of
the Syracusans, ib. ; sent to
Corinth, ib. ; founds Kale Akte,
loi ; his death, ib.

362

INDEX.

Duilius, G., his victary off Mylai,
281

East and West, their strife in
^ Sicily, 4, 354

Ebbstleet, compared witli Naxos,4i
Egypt, Roman conquest of, its

effect on Sicily, 341
Eknomos, Punic camp on, 239,

240
Elba, 98
Elephants first used in the West,

266; use of in the Punic armies,

283-285
Eleiitlieria, feast of, at Syracuse,

9^ .

Elpidius, Sicilian tyrant, 353

Elymians, hold Segesta and Eryx,
13, 20; as to their Trojan origin,
20, 30, 31

Empedion of Selinous, 143

Empedokles, his Life by Diogenes
Laertios, 87 ; legend of, 96 ;
refuses tyranny of Akragas, ib. ;
banishment and death, ib.

Empire, Eastern, its connexion
with Sicily, 350

Empire, Roman, Sicily a province
of' 339> 340, 344> 349 ; division
of the empire, 350

Engyuni, submits to Timoleon,
224

Entella, taken by the Campanians,
159 ; besieged by Dionysios,
170; taken by him, 194 ; saved
by Timoleon, 226

Epicharmos, at Hieron's court, 83

Epikydes, his mission to Syracuse,
296 ; intrigues against Rome,
298, 299 ; chosen general, 299 ;
stirs up the Leontines, 300 ;
spreads falsehoods about Mar-
cellus, 302 ; re-enters Syracuse,
303 ; his answer to the Roman
envoys, ib. ; puts Roman parti-
sans to death, 306 ; holds Ach-
radina, 307, 309 ; asks for
re-inforcemcnts, 309 ; leaves
Syracuse, ib. ; holds Akragas,
313 ; escapes from it, 316

Epijjolai, see Syracuse

Ergetion, conquered by Mippo-
krates, 68

Erineos, river, Athenian halt by.
134

Erymnon of Aitolia, withstands
Hamilkar, 244

Eryx, temple at, 14, 27 ; Phce-
nician remains at, 27 ; attempted
foundation of Durieus on, 67 ;
Athenian envoys at, 113 ; joins
Dionysios against Carthage,
168 ; taken by liamilkon, 171 ;
retaken by Dionysios, 194 ; won
by Pyrrhos, 269 ; taken by
Rome, 2S6 ; lower town seized
by Hamilkar, 288 ; prolonged
strife for, 288-290 ; garrison
marches out, 290

Eryx, eponymos hero overthrown
by Herakles, 31

Etruscans, Hieron's victory over,
85 ; war of, with Syracuse, 98 ;
help Athens, 120, 131 ; war of
Dionysios with, 191

Euboia, island, independent cities
in, 14

Euboia in Sicily, a settlement of
Chalkis, 46 ; its treatment by
Gelon, 73

Eumelos, the poet, settles at Syra-
cuse, 59

Eunous the slave. King of Henna,
326 ; calls himself Antiochos,
ib. ; defeats the Romans, 327 ;
his death, ib.

Ell pat rids of Athens, origin of,

59 . .

Euphemos, his speech at Kama-

rina, 1 19

Euryalos, occupied by the Athe-
nians, 121 ; Dionysios' castle at,
164 ; surrendered to Marcellus,
308 ^

Euryleon, founds Herakleia, 67 ;
his tyranny and overthrow at
Selinous, ib.

Eurymedon, conmiander of second
Athenian expedition, 127 ; joins
in attack on E])iix)lai, 129 ;
counsels retreat, 130 ; dies in
the sea-fight, 131

INDEX.

363

Euthydemos, Athenian general,
127 ; joins in attack on Epipo-
lai, 129

Faro, Capo del, .we Peloris

Fiiimare, 18

Floridia, 133

Franks invade Sicily, 342

Gadeira, Gades, 23

Gaiseric, King of the Vandals, his
African kingdom, 346 ; invades
Sicily and Italy, ib. ; gives
Sicily up to Odowakar, ib.

Gaisylos of Sparta, 213

Galaria, held by Agathokles, 238

Galateia, legend of, 31

Gainoroi of Syracuse, 59 ; politi-
cal disputes among, 60 ; driven
out of Syracuse, 62 ; restored
by Gelon, 72

Gaul, corn sent to, from Sicily,

347

Gauls, their wars with Rome,
189, 293 ; take service under
Dionysios, 189, 194

Gaulos, island of, 17

Gela, foundation of, 49 ; founds
Akragas, 51 ; secession to Mak-
torion from, 67 ; tyranny of
Kleandros, 68 ; of Hippokrates,
68-71 ; of Gelon, 72 ; metro-
polis of new Kamarina, 91 ;
makes peace with Kamarina,
109; congress at, ?V^. ; peace of,
1 10 ; joins Gylippos, 124 ; asks
for help from Syracuse, 151 ;
siege and forsaking of, 153 ;
tributary to Carthage, 154 ; re-
settled by Timoleon, 229 ;
makes terms with AgathoklCs,
238 ; taken liy Agathokles,
240 ; joins Akragas against him,
248 ; destroyed by the Mamer-
tines, 264

Gelas, river, meaning of the name,
49

Gellias of Akragas, his death, 150
Gelon, son of Deinomenes, his
treatment of the sons of Hippo-
krates, 71, 72 ; becomes tyrant
of Syracuse, 72 ; his dealings
with oligarchs and commons,
73 ; enlarges Syracuse, ib. ;
grants citizenship to strangers,
74 ; allies himself to Theron,
ib. ; alleged treaty with Car-
thage, 75 ; embassy from
Greeks of the Isthmus to, 78 ;
his victory at Himera, 80, 81 ;
honours paid to at Syracuse,
81, 83; his treaty with Syra-
cuse, 82 ; his gifts and temples,
83; his death, ib.\ his tomb
destroyed by Himilkon, 177
Gelon, son of Hieron II. ; his

death, 295
Geryones, his oxen, 31
Girgenti, see Akragas
Gongylos of Corinth, 124
Gorgias of Leontinoi, teacher of
rhetoric, 94 ; his embassy to
Athens, 107
Goths, their rule in Sicily, 347-

349
Gozo, island of, see Gaulos
Greeks, independent political sys-
tem of, 9; national migrations
of, 10 ; their settlements in
Sicily, II, 14, 39 seqq.; com-
pared with the Phcenicians, 22;
ask Gelon's help against Xerxes,
' 78 ; Sikel attempt against, in
I Sicily, 98 ; share of Sicily in
[ their wars, 105 seqq., 160
', Gregory the Great, Pope, Sicilian
[ notices in his letters, 351
; Gylippos, sent to Syracuse,
' 121 ; collects contingents, 124;
126 ; his proposals to Nikias,
i 125 ; his forts and w'all, ib. ;
urges attack on the fleet, 127 ;
takes Plemmyrion, 128 ; l^locks
the roads, 133 ; takes Nikias
and his army prisoners, 136 ;
pleads for Athenian generals,
ib.

364

INDEX.

Hadranodoros, uncle of Hicrony-
mos, 295 ; supports Carthage,
296 ; hopes to succeed Hier-
onymos, 297 ; elected general,
tf>. ; put to death, 298

Hadranum, foundation of, 34,
165; Timoleon's victory at,
219 ; attempted murder of Timo-
leon at, 221 ; taken by Rome,
278

Hadranus, Sikel fire-god, 29, 34,

35 .
Hadrian, Emperor, his visit to

Sicily, 341
Hadriatic, the, settlements of Di-

onysios on, 19 1
Iladrumetum taken by Agatho-

kles, 245
Haleesa, foundation of, 161 ;

position of under Rome, 322
Halikyai, Halicyre, Sikan town,

106 ; position of, under Rome,

322
Halykos, river, 18 ; boundary be-
tween Syracuse and Carthage,

193, 199

Ilamilkar, son of Ilannon, in-
vades Sicily, 79~8i ; his defeat
and sacritice, 80, Si ; his death
avenged by Hannibal, 143

Hamilkar, his defeat at the Kri-
misos, 225-227

Hamilkar, Syracusan generals seek
help of, 235, 236 ; won over by
Agathokles, 236 ; his recall and
death, 237

Hamilkar, son of Gisgon, suc-
ceeds his namesake, 237 ; his
treaty with Agathokles, 238 ;
fresh expedition under, 239 ;
his victory at the Himeras,
240, 241 ; his policy towards
the Sicilians, 241 ; his attemjHs
on Syracuse, 244, 245 ; his
death, 246; head exposed by
Agathokles, 245, 246

Hamilkar Barak, sent against
Rome, 287 ; takes Herkte, //■'. ;
and lower l'>yx, 288 ; makes
peace with Rome, 290

Hananiah, meaning of name, 21

Hannibal, meaning of name, 21

Hannibal, son of Giskon, his
hatred of Greeks, 141 ; be-
sieges and takes Selinous, 142 ;
takes and destroys Himera,
144 ; his second invasion, 147 ;
his death, 149

Hannibal, Carthaginian comman-
der, at the siege of Akragas, 281

Hannibal, son of Hamilkar Ba-
rak, Syracusan embassy to,
296 ; sends envoys to Syracuse,
29S ; pleads for reinforcements
in Sicily, 305 ; sends help t(5
Akragas, 313 ; his war with
Scipio, 317 ; makes peace with
Rome, 318

Hannibal the Rhodian, at the
siege of Lilybaion, 2S6 ; his ship
copied by Rome, 286, 289

Hannun, in command against Aga-
thokles, 244

Hannon, holds Akragas, 313 ;
his jealousy of Mutines, 313,
315 ; his victory and defeat
at Phintias, 314 ; deprives Mu-
tines of his command, 315 ; es-
capes from Akragas, 316

Harmonia, wife of Themistos,
298 ; put to death, 299

Hebrew tongue same as Phoeni-
cian, 21

Pleliodoros the magician, 353

Heloris, of Syracuse, his advice to
Dionysios, 158; whether the
same as the Rhegian general,
182 ; his death, 185

Ileloron, outpost of Syracuse, 50

Ileloros, river, battle of, 70

Henna, Sikel site, 20; its modern
name, i/i. ; legend of the god-
desses at, 35 ; attacked by Di-
onysios, 161 ; betrayed to him,
182 ; joins Akragas against
Agathokles, 248 ; taken by
Carthage and by Rome, 28 1 ;
massacre at, 305 ; revolt of the
slaves at, 325

lleiakleia Minoa, founded by
Eurykon, 67 ; destroyed by the

INDEX.

365

Carthaginians, 75 ; T>\Cm lands
at, 203 ; held hy Carthage, 203,
229, 238; delivered by Akra-
gas, 249 ; seized by Agathokles,
250 ; taken by I'yrrhos, 269 ;
taken by Himilkon, 305

Ilerakleia, daughter of Hieron,
put to death, 299

Ilerakleides, of Syracuse, ban-
ished by Dionysios the younger,
202 ; plots against him, zd. ;
elected admiral at Syracuse,
207 ; defeats Philistos, 208 ; his
attack on Dion, 209 ; ap])ointed
general, z'l). ; sends to Dion for
help, 211 ; Dion's treatment of,
212; reconciled to him, 213;
secret murder of, 214

Herakleides, Syracusan general,
denounced by Agathokles, 235 ;
banished, zd. • seeks Ilamilkar's
help, 235, 236

Ilerakleides, son of Agathokles,
243, 251

Herakles, legends of, 31

Ilerbessus, besieged by Dionysios,
158 ; Hijipokrales and Epi-
kydes at, 302

Ilerbita, attacked by Dionysios,
i6i

Ilerkte, rock of, 25 ; taken by
Pyrrhos, 269 ; held by Carthage
283 ; taken by Rome, 285 ; re-
covered by liamilkar, 287

Ilermokrales of Syracuse, his
speech at Gela, 109, no; his
speech at Syracuse, 114; and
at Kamarina, 119; appointed
general, 119 ; driven back from
Euryalos, 121 ; deposed, 124 ;
advises attack on fleet, 127;
his stratagem, 132; pleads for
mercy to Athenian generals,
136 ; his action in Asia, 137 ;
his banishment, 138; his deal-
ings with Pharnabazos, 138,
145 ; occupies Selinous, 145 ;
his war with Motya and Panor-
mos, 145. 146 ; enters Syracuse
and is killed, 146; his daughter
marries Dionysios, 152

Herodotus, on Sicilian history,
57 ; his account of Gelon, 76,
78 ; of the battle of Himera, So

Hieron I., son of Deinomenes, 72 ;
his victories commemorated by
Pindar, 76, 83 ; his helmet, 76,
85 ; his dialogue with Simon-
ides, 76 ; succeeds Gelon, 83 ;
his war with Theron, t6. ; re-
conciled to him, 84 ; founds
^Etna, id. ; sends help to Lok-
roi and Kyme, 84, 85 ; his
death, 90 ; his tomb at /Etna
destroyed, 93

Hieron H., stories of his ancestry
and birth, 272 ; chosen general
at Syracuse, id. ; marries Phi-
listis, 273 ; his war with the
Mamertines, 273, 277 ; his rule
in Syracuse, 274, 293, 294 ; his
alliance with Rome, 279; posi-
tion of his kingdom under
Rome, 293 ; strengthens and
adorns Syracuse, 294 ; his
law as to tithe, 294, 322 ; his
death, 295 ; slaughter of his
descendants, 299

Hieronymos, son of Hieron II.,
kingdom of Syracuse be-
queathed to, 295 ; his character,
295, 296 ; joins Carthage, 296,
297 ; killed at Leontinoi, 297

Hiketas, puts Aristomake and
Arete to death, 215 ; tyrant of
Leontinoi, id. ; in league with
the Carthaginians, 216, 218,
219, 221 ; defeated by Timo-
Ie6n,2i9; besieges Ortygia, 219,

221 ; his plots against Timo-
leon, 221 ; besieges Katane,

222 ; escapes to Leontinoi, //;. ;
submits to Timoleon, 224 ; set
up again by Carthage, 227 ; put
to death, 228

Hiketas, Syracusan general, with-
stands Mainon, 262 ; tyrant of
Syracuse, 263 ; defeats Phin-
tias, id. ; overthrown by Thoi-
non, 264

Hill towns in Sicily, 20

Himera, founded by Zankle, 50 ;

366

INDEX.

its hot baths, 51 ; held liy The-
ron, 78 ; battle of, 79-Si, 227 ;
betrayed by Hieron to Theron,
84 ; Pindar's odes to the citi-
zens, 87 ; refuses Athenian al-
liance, 117; joins Gylippos,
124; vengeance of Hannibal
on, 143, 144 ; Hermokrates at,
146

Himeras, river, 18 ; battle of,
240, 241 ; proposed boundary
of Hieronynios, 297

Himilkun, colleague of Hannibal,
besieges Akragas, 147, 150 ;
sacrifices his son, 149 ; be-
sieges Gela, 153 ; his treaty with
Dionysios, 154; tries to defend
Motya, 170; recovers Western
Sicily, 17 1 ; founds Lilybaion,//;. ;
destroys Messana, 173; founds
Tauromenion, td. ; his victory
off Katane, 175 ; besieges Syra-
cuse, 176 ; plunders temples,
td. ; and destroys tombs, 177;
his defeat, 179; makes terms
with Dionysios, td.

Himilkon, Carthaginian general,
his expedition to Sicily, 305 ;
besieges Marcellus at Syracuse,
309 ; his death, j^.

Hipparinos, father of Dion, 200

Hipparinos, son of Dion, 201 ;
his alleged letter to him, 207 ;
welcomes his father back, 213

Hipparinos, son of Dionysios,
takes Ortygia, 215 ; killed,
t'd.

Hippo, Phoenician colony, 23

Hi]ipokrates, tyrant of (Jela,
his concjuests, 68 ; his dealings
with Zankle, 69, 70 ; his war
with Syracuse, 70 ; refounds
Kamarina, 71 ; his death, i7>. ;
Gelon's dealings with his sons,
71,72

Hippokrates, of Carthage, his
mission to Syracuse, 296 ;
intrigues against Rome, 298,
299 ; chosen general, 299 ;
stirs up the Leontines, 300 ;
spreads falsehoods about Mar-

cellus, 302 ; re-enters Syracuse,

303 ; joins Himilkon against

Marcellus, 308; his death, 309
Hippon, tyrant of Messana, 227 ;

put to death, 228
Hipponion, Dionysios' treatment

of, 187
Holm, A., his Geschichte Sici-

iieiis, 8
Hybia, Sikel goddess, townscalled

after, 33 ; temple of, at Paterno,

34
HybIa the Greater, see Megara

Hyblaia
Hybla, Galeatic, worship of the

goddess at, 34 ; unsuccessful

Athenian attack on, 117
Hyljla Heraia, called after the

goddess, 33 ; death of Plippo-

k rates at, 71
Hyblon, Sikel prince, helps Me-

garian settlers, 47
Hykkara, taken by Nikias, 1 17
Hypsas, river, at Selinous, 51 ; at

Akragas, 53

lapygians defeat the Tarcntines,

Iberian mercenaries under Diony-
sios, 189, 194

Iliyrians, alliance of Dionysios
with, 191

Inessa, name changed to ^tna,
93 ; Syracusan garrison at, 108

Inscriptions, Sicilian, mainly
Roman, 320

Ischia, see Pithckoussa

Isokrates, on the Athenian siege,
104 ; on the Peace of Antal-
kidas, 190

Issos, island settlements from
Paros on, 191

Italy, wars of Dionysios in, 184,
193 ; Punic invasions of, 192,
193 ; intercourse of, with old
Greece, 198 ; campaign of
Pyrrhos in, 267, 271 ; designed
for his son Helenos, 268 ; under

INDEX.

3^7

the Goths, 347 ; war of Bcli-
sarius in, 349

Jchohanan, same as Hananiah, 21
Jews in Sicily, dealins^s o( Gregory

the Great with, 351
John, origin of the name, 21
Junius, L., takes Eryx, 286
Justinian, Emperor, Sicily re-
covered by, 348, 349

Kadmos of Kos, 79

Kakyparis, ris'er, guarded by Syra-
cusans, 133

Kale Akte, proposed Greek settle-
ment at, 69 ; settlement at by
Ducetius, loi

Kallimachos, his mention of
Henna, 35

Kallipolis, Chalkidian settlement,
46 ; conquered by Hippokrates,
68

Kallippos, his friendship with
Dion, 202 ; enters Syracuse,
204 ; plots the death of Diun,
214 ; his rule at Syracuse, 215 ;
turned out, iV?. ; murder of, 224

Kamarina, outpost of Syracuse,
50 ; its war with Syracuse and
destruction, zl>. ; refounded by
Hippokrates, 71 ; destroyed by
Gelon, 73 ; Pindar's odes to,
87 ; set up again by Gela, 91 ;
allied with Athens, 108 ; makes
peace with Gela, 109 ; refuses
Athenian alliance, 116, 120; de-
bate in the assembly, 1 19 ; joins
Gylippos, 126 ; emptied by
Dionysios, 153; tributary to
Carthage, 154
Kamikos, built by Daidalos, 32 ;

its ]irobable site, ;i^
Karkinos, father of Agathoklcs,

234

Kasmenai, outpost of Syracuse,

50 ; occupied by the Gatiioroi,

62, 72

Ka«sandros, King of Macedon, 258

Katane, Catina, Catania, founda-

tion of, 45 ; legends of the
lava at, 46, 343 ; Charondas
makes laws for, 65 ; enforced
migration and repopulation by
Hieron, 84 ; name changed
to zEtna, ib., see /Etna ; its
old name restored, 93 ; joins
Athenian alliance, 1 16; Athe-
nian headquarters at, 116, 1 18,
121 ; camp at, burnt, 1 19 ; war
of, with Syracuse, 140 ; treat-
ment of, by Dionysios, 161 ;
sea-fight off, 175 ; Kallippos,
tyrant of, 215 ; welcomes
Pyrrhos, 267 ; Roman colony
at, 340 ; Saint Peter at, 343 ;
bishopric of, 344 ; amphitheatre
at, 347 ; Belisarius lands at,
348 ; stories of Heliodoros at,

^353

Kaulonia, siege of, 1S5-1S7
Kephalos of Corinth, 224
Kleandros, tyrant of Gela, 68
Kleon, general under Eunous,

326, 327 ; his death, 327
Knidos, metropolis of Li]:)ara, 55 ;

Athenian victory at, 180
Kokalos, King of Kamikos, 32
Korax, teacher of rhetoric, 94
Korkyra, colony of Corinth, 41,
42 ; mediates between Syracuse
and Hippokrates, 71 ; asks help
of Athens, 106 ; sends contin-
gent to Athenian expedition,
114; meeting of Athenian fleet
at, 115 ; sends help to Syracuse,
218 ; won by Agathokles, 258 ;
dowry of his daughter, ib.
Kossoura, island, 17
Krimisos, river, 18 ; battle of, 226
Kroton, at war with Sybaris, 66 ;
sends help to Kaulonia, 185 ;
makes treaty with Dionysios,
186 ; taken by Dionysios, 193 ;
at war with the Bruttians, 235
Kyana, legend of, 36, 43
Kydippe, wife of Terillos, 74
Kyklopes, 30

Kyme, f(jundation of, 40, 42 ;
settlers from, at Zankle, 48 ;
delivered by Hieron, 85

368

INDEX.

Kyrene, 247

LcCvinus, M. V., chosen consul,
314 ; his exchange with Mar-
cellus, 315 ; Akragas betrayed
to, 316; his deahngs with the
brigands, 317

Laistrygones, 30

Lamachos, appointed general, 114;
is for attack on Syracuse, 116;
his plan carried out, 121 ;
killed in battle, 123

Lamis, his attempt at settlement
in Sicily, 46 ; his death, 47

Lanassa, daughter of Agathoklcs,

258

Land tenure in Sicily, under
Rome, 322

Landowners of Syracuse, see
(jamoroi

Latin tongue, akin to Sikel, 12, 27

Leo, Bishop of Catina, 353

Leo, Emperor, deprives the Popes
of jurisdiction in Sicily, 350

Leontinoi, Lentini, plain of, 17,
18; foundation of, 45; its war
with Megara, 63 ; taken by
Hippokrates, 68 ; peopled from
Naxos and Katane, 84 ; its
treaty with Athens, 106 ; wars
with Syracuse, 107 ; asks help
of Athens, 107, 1 12; absorbed
by Syracuse, m ; Athenians
atltempt to restore, ih. • Akra-
gantine refugees settled at, 151 ;
independent of Syracuse, 155 ;
treatment of, by Dionysios, 161 ;
given to his mercenaries, 181 ;
revolts against Dionysios the
younger, 208 ; welcomes Dion,
2 10; Iliketas, tyrant of, 215;
Hiketas escapes to, 222; Ti-
moleon's attempt on, 224 ;
Hicronymos slain at, 297 ; re-
volts against Syracuse, 300 ;
taken by Marcellus, 301

Lepidus, M. /E., invades Sicily,
337-339 ; his designs on Sicily,

339 . . ,

Leptincs, commands Dionysios

fleet, 175, 177 ; Attic decrees
in his honour, 180; his treat-
ment of the Thourians, 185 ;
banished by Dionysios, 190 ;
his death, 192

Leptines, tyrant of Engium and
Apollonia, 224

Leptines, general of Agathokles,
defeats Xenodikos, 249, 251

Leptines, father of Philistis, 273

Leukas, sends help to Syracuse,
218

Libyphcenicians, 313

Licata, see Phintias

Libo, father-in-law of Sextus, 335

Lilybaion, its geographical posi-
tion, 16; foundation of, 25, 171 ;
besieged by Dionysios, 194 ;
Carthaginian fleet at, 225 ;
besieged by Pyrrhos, 270 ;
besieged by Rome, 285, 288,
289 ; garrison marches out,
290 ; Scipio at, 317 ; Csesar sets
out for Africa from, 332 ;
besieged by Lepidus, 337 ;
marriage portion of Theodoric's
daughter, 347 ; Lnperial claim
to, 348

Lindioi, akropolis of Gela, 49

Lipara, 17 ; Knidian settlement
on, 55 ; Himilkon at, 173 ;
attacked by Agathokles, 258 ;
taken by Rome, 283 ; ceded to
Rome by Carthage, 290

Lissos, founded by Dionysios, 191

Lokroi, delivered by Hieron, 84 ;
Thrasyboulos retires to, 90 ;
its union with Messana, 108 ;
refuses peace of Gela, 1 10 ;
gives a wife to Dionysios, 165 ;
IMessana repeopled from, 181 ;
lands given to Dionysios, 187,
189; Dionysios the younger at,
216

Lombards in Italy, 350

Longanos, river, battle near, 273

Lucanians, tlieir treaty with
Dionysios, 185 ; wage war on
Tarcntincs, 231

Lucullus, L. L., defeats Tryphon,
329

INDEX.

369

Lykiskos of Aitolia, 246

Lysandros, Spartan envoy to
Syracuse, 160

Lysias, Attic orator, 156; his
embassy to Dionysios, 181 ; his
speech against Dionysios, 190

Lyson, idol, 343

Maccaluba, mud volcano of, ^^

Macrobius, on the Palici, 29

Ma<i6n, defeated by Dionysios,
183 ; his death, 192

Magon, comes to help of Hiketas,
221 ; kills himself, 222

Mainon, of Segesta, said to have
poisoned Agathokles, 259 ;
banished, 262; murders Archa-
gathos, id.

Maktorion, secession from Gela,
67

Malta, see Melita

Mamercus of Katane joins Timo-
leon, 220

ISIamertines at Messana, 262 ;
destroy Gela, 264 ; withstand
Pyrrhos, 267, 271 ; wars of
Hieron II. with, 273, 277 ;
alliance of Syracuse and Car-
thage against, 273, 277 ; seek
help irom Rome, 277

Mamercus, tyrant of Katane, asks
help Irom Carthage, 227 ; his
death, 228

Manduria, battle of, 231

Marcellus, M. C.,299 ; negotiates
with Syracuse, 300 ; takes Leon-
tinoi, 301 ; his treatment of the
deserters, i7>. ; falsehoods about,
i/>. ; besieges Syracuse, 303-7 ;
takes the outer city, 307 ; con-
tinues the siege, 308 ; Syracusan
negotiations with, 310; his treat-
ment of Syracuse, 31 1 ; of other
Sicilian towns, 313 ; his victory
over Hannon, 314; his ovation,
id. ; re-elected consul, z'd. ;
Sicilian feeling against, 315 ;
his exchange with Lcevinus, id. ;
patron of Syracuse, id.

Marcellus, M. C, betrothed to
Pompeia, 335

Marius, C, his war with Sulla, 330

Marsala, see Lilybaion

Massilia, Verres in exile at, 332

Mazaros, river, Selinuntine out-
post on, 51, 142

Megakles, brother of Dion, enters
Syracuse, 204 ; elected general,
205

Megallis, her treatment of the
slaves, 325 ; killed by them, 326

Megara, Old, its colonies in Sicily,
46-48 ; trial and execution of
Thrasydaios at, 89 ; Empedo-
kles buried at, 96

Megara, Hyblaia, foundation of,
33, 48 ; metropolis of Selinous,
51 ; its war with Leontinoi, 63 ;
its treatment by Geion, 73

Melita, island of, 17 ; won by
Rome, 295

Melkart, his relation to Herakles,

Mengenum, temple of the Palici
near, 34 ; founded by Ducetius,
99, 102

Menandros, Athenian general,
127 ; joins in attack on Epipolai,
129

Menas, freedman of Sextus, 334 ;
his proposal at Misenum, 335 ;
joins Cpesar, 336 ; wounded at
Cumoe, id. ; returns to Sextus,
337 ; changes sides again, 338 ;

Menekrates, killed off Cumce, 336

Mercenaries, Sikeliot, decree as to
their settlement, 92 ; see also
Campanians

Mericus, betrays Syracuse to Mar-
cellus, 310 ; his rewards, 312

Messana, Messene, Messina, name
of Zankle changed to, 92 ; its
shifting politics, 108 ; attacks
Naxos, id. ; its union with
Lokroi, id. ; refuses Athenian
alliance, 116 ; independent of
Syracuse, 155 ; joins Syra-
cusan revolt against Diony-
sios, 1 58; makes peace with
Dionysios, 165 ; destroyed by

370

INDEX.

Himilkon, 173; repeopled by
Dionysios, 181 ; puts Hippun
to death, 228 ; war of, with
Agathokles, 237 ; refuge of
Syracusan exiles, 238; attacked
by Agathokles, z7). ; massacre
at, by mercenaries, 262 ; called
Civitas Mamertina, 263, 321 ;
Carthaginian garrison in, 277 ;
its alliance with Rome, 321 ;
occupied by Sextus, 333 ; Cajsar
defeatedat,337 ; getsfuU Roman
franchise, 340; bishopric of, 344

Messapians, their wars with the
Tarentines, 85, 231

]\Iessenia, settlers from, in Sicily,
92, 181, 182

Metellus, L. C, defends Panor-
mos, 284

Metropolis, relations of, to the
colony, 10, II

Mezetius, set up as Emperor in
Sicily, 352

Mikythos, his rule at Rhegion, 85,
90 ; his retirement and death,
90

ISIilan, church of, holds lands in
Sicily, 347, 351.

Milazzo, see Mylai

Milesians share in the Samian
expedition to Sicily, 69

Miletos, Tissaphernes' castle at,

137
Mineo, see Menrenum
Minoa, foundation of, 32, see also

Herakleia Minoa
Minos, King of Crete, 32
Misenum, peace of, 335
Monaco, principality of, 322
Morgantina, battle of, 329
Motya, Phcenician settlement of,
24; Ilanniljal at, 142; war of
Ilermokrates against, 145; be-
sieged by Dionysios, 168-71;
won back by Himilkon, 171 ;
forsaken for Lilybaion, ih.
Motyon, taken and lost by

Ducetius, 100
Mulines, his exploits in Sicily, 313,
314 ; deprived of his command,
316 ; betrays Akragas to Rome,

ib. ; receives Roman citizenship,

Mylai, said to be site of Thriitakie,
30 ; outpost of Zankle, 48, 50 ;
attacked by Athens, loS ; seized
by Rhegion, 182; won back by
Messana, il>. ; Roman victory
off, 281 ; occupied by Sextus,
333 ; sea-fight off, 338

Myletids, banished from Syracuse,
60

Naulochus, sea-fight off, 339

Naxos, island, gives its name to
Sicilian Naxos, 41

Naxos, Sicilian, foundation of, 41,
42 ; analogy with Ebbsfleet,
7h. ; conquered by Hippokrates,
68 ; people of, moved to Leon-
tinoi, 84 ; attacked liy Messana,
108 ; joins Athenian alliance,
116; Athenian fleet at, 118;
war of, with Syracuse, 140 ;
destroyed by Dionysios, 161

Neaiton, Netum, outpost of Syra-
cuse, 50 > 'ts position under
Rome, 321, 340

Neptune, Sextus claims him as
father, 334, 338 ; devotion to,
at Rome, 335 ; Caesar's edict
against, ib.

Neon, 222

Nerva, P. L., sets free the slaves,
328

Nikias, opposes Sicilian expedi-
tion, 113; appointed general,
114; counsels return, 116;
his delays, 117, 123, 125 ; his
stratagem, 118; asks for horse-
men and money, 119; in sole
command, 123 ; sends ships to
meet Gylippos, 124 ; his letter
to the Athenians, 126 ; refuses
to retreat, 130; his energy
during the retreat, 133 ; sur-
renders to Gylippos, 135, 136 ;
put to death, 136

Nikotelcs, of Corinth, 160

Norman kingdom in Sicily, 6, 353

Noto, see Neaiton

INDEX.

371

Numidians under Mutines, 313,

Nypsios, holds Ortygiafor Diony-

sios, 210-212
Nysaios, in possession of Ortygia,

215 ; driven out, 216

Odowakar, 346

Odyssey, sites for, sought in

Sicily, 16, 30, 48; mention of

Sikels in, 39
Olympia, embassy of Dionysios to,

190 '

Olympieion, temple at Syracuse,

43; Himilkon'shead-quartersat,

176 ; robbed by Dionysios, 191
Ophelias of Macedonia, 247
Orethos, river, 18
Ortygia, story of Arethousa at, 36,

42 ; see also Syracuse
Ostracism, meaning of, 94

Pachynos, Promontory of, 16

Palazzuolo, see Akrai

Palermo, Semitic and Norman
capital of Sicily, 26 ; Phcenician
tombs in museum, 27 ; see also
Panormos

Palica, founded by Ducetius, 99 ;
destroyed by the Syracusans,
102

Palici, their lake and worship, 34,
99 ; temple of, refuge for the
slaves, 32S ; protectors of King
Tryphon, 329 ; whether they
survived in god Phalkon, 343

Panaitios of Leontinoi, 63

Panormos, harbour of, 17, 26 ;
Plireiiician settlement at, 26 ;
Semitic head of Sicily, 26 ;
Hamilkar lands at, 79 ; invaded
by Hermokrates, 146; taken by
Pyrrhos, 269 ; taken by Rome,
2S2 ; attacked by Asdrubal, 284 ;
position of, under Rome, 322 ;
bishopric of, 344 ; withstands
Belisarius.349 ; see aha Palermo

Pantagias, Panlakyas, river, 46

Pantellaria, see Kossoura
Papyrus at Syracuse, 294
Paros, settlements of, 191
Pasiphilos, joins Deinokrates,254;

slain by him, 257
Passero Cape, 16
Paterno, see Hybla Galeatic
Peithagoras, tyrant of Selinous,

67
Pellegrino, see Herkte
Peloris, 16
Pentathlos, counted as founder of

Lip^ra, 55
Pergus, Lake, 35, 36
Persephone, see Demeter
Persia, its alliance with Carthage,

77 ; invades Greece, 78
Petalism, instituted at Syracuse,

95
Phalaris of Akragas, his forged

letters, 57 ; stories of, 64 ; his

bull, 64, 323
Phalkon, idol, 343
Pharakidas, Spartan admiral, 177,

Pharnabazos, his dealings with
Hermokrates, 138

Pharos, Parian settlement on, 191

Philinos of Akragas, 276

Philip of Macedon, his conquests
in Greece, 218, 230 ; interviews
Dionysios, 221

Philistis, wife of Hieron II., 273

Philistos, Sicilian historian, 8, 76,
140 ; takes part in the war
against Athens, 104 ; his friend-
ship with Dionysios, 1 51, 158;
banished by him, 190 ; recalled,
200 ; in command against Dion,
203, 208 ; taken by Herakleides
and slain, 208

Philodamos of Argos, 308

Philoxenos, treatment of, by
Dionysios, 191

Phintias, tyrant of Akragas, 263 ;
defeated by Hiketas, ib.; driven
out of Akragas, 264 ; town
founded by, ib.

Phintias (town), foundation of,
204 ; battle of, 314

Phcenicians, their political system.

372

INDEX.

9; plant colonies in Sicily, 11,
14, 21-28 ; oiit^in of the name,
21 ; their tongue the same as
Hebrew, id. ; their relations
with the Greeks, 21, 22 ; their
Mediterranean colonies, 22, 23,
26 ; alphabet taught to Greeks
by, 22 ; hold the west of Sicily
against Greeks, 24 ; remains of
their walls at Motya, 25 ; tombs
of, in Palermo Museum, 27 ;
their coins, z/>. ; their wars with
the Greeks, 66

Phyton, Rhegian general, 188 ;
Dionysios' treatment of, 189

Pinarius, L., his massacre at
Henna, 305

Pindar, notices of the goddesses
in, 35 ; refers to Phalaris, 57 >
Sicilian references in his odes,
76, 83, 87 ; entertained by
Hieron, 76, 83 ; gives Hieron
title of king, 82

Pious Brethren, legend of, 46

Pithekoussa, island, 85

Plato, his alleged letters on Syra-
cusan affairs, 156, 196 ; treat-
ment of by Dionysios, 191 ;
visits the younger Dionysios,
201 ; his constitutional schemes
for Syracuse, 214, 216

Plemmyrion, peninsula, 42 ; occu-
pied by the Athenians, 125 ;
recovered by (iylippos, 128 ;
Himilkon's fort on, 177

Plennius, 339

Polichna, early Greek outpost, 43 ;
occupied by Syracuse, 125 ;
Himilkon's camp on, 176

Pollis, king of Syracuse, 62

Polyphemos, legend of, 31

Polyxenos, brings help from Old
Greece to Syracuse, 177

Polyzelos, son of Deinomencs, 72;
marries Damareta, 83 ; Hieron's
plots against, ?7>.

Pom]jeia, daughter of Sextus, 335

Pompeius G., in Sicily, 330

Pompeius S. , his war in Sjiain,
332 ; his war with the Trium-
virs, 23^; charges made against.

334; claims divine origin, 334,
338 ; his agreement with An-
tonius, 334 ; makes peace with
Cffisar and Antonius, 335 ; pro-
posal of Menas to, z/>. ; his
second war in Sicily, 336-339 ;
his death, 339

Porcari, see Pantagias

Probus, Emperor, 341

Province, Roman system of, 320,

344, 345 ,.
Ptolemy, King of Egypt, his
friendship with Agathokles, 258,

259
Punic Wars, see Carthage
Pylos, won back for Sparta, 1 39
Pyrrhos, King of Epeiros, marries
Agathokles' daughter, 258 ;
(ireek Sicily seeks his help,
265 ; his wars against Rome,
265, 266, 267, 271 ; withstood
by the Mamertines, 267 ; lands
at Tauromenion, i/>. ; received
at Syracuse, 267 ; wins Akragas,
268 ; his title of" King of Sicily,
z'l'. ; his campaign in North-west
Sicily, 268, 269 ; takes Panor-
mos, 146, 269 ; besieges Lily-
baion, 270 ; fails to recover
Messana, 271 ; leaves Sicily,
?7'. ; defeated at Beneventum,
?/>. ; killed at Argos, id.

Ragusa, see Hybla Heraia

Ras Melkart, see Herakleia Minoa

Ravenna, church of, holds lands in

Sicily, 351
Regulus, M. A., his attack on

Carthage, 282
Rhegion, tyranny of Anaxilas at,
69, 70 ; rule of Mikythos at,
85, 90 ; sons of Anaxilas at, 90,
91; treaty with Athens, 106;
asks help of Athens, 107 ;
Athenian fleet at, 115 ; joins
Syracusan revolt against Diony-
sios, 158 ; makes peace with
Dionysios. 165 ; refuses him a
wife, 165, 181 ; seizes on Mylai,

INDEX.

37^

182 ; attacked by Dionysios,
184 ; sends embassy to him,
186 ; siege and taking of, 188 ;
destruction of, 189 ; Timoleon
at, 218 ; ravaged by Agathokles,
235 ; by the Campanians, 273 ;
defence of, by Laevinus, 317
Rhodes, her settlements in Sicily,
49' 53j 55 > bounty of Hieron
II. to, 294
Roman Peace in Sicily, 323
Rome, Romans, Sicily the granary
of, 19, 317. 324, 334, 338, 351;
war of I'yrrhos with, 265-7, 271 ;
allied to Carthage, 267, 272 ;
dealings of, with the mercen-
aries, 273 ; wars of, with
Carthage, 276-290, 295-317 ;
Hieron's alliance with, 279 ;
establishment of her power in
Sicily, 292 ; Hieronymos re-
volts against, 296 ; war-law of,
301 ; uses Sicily as an outpost
against Africa, 317 ; relations of,
to subject cities, 320 ; state of
Sicily under, 321-323, 330-2 ;
enactment as to slaves, 328 ;
colonies of, in Sicily, 340 ;
rights of, extended by edict of
Caracalla, 344 ; taken by Alaric,
345 ; besieged by Totila, 349
Rome, Church of, deprived of
jurisdiction in Sicily, 350 ;
estates therein, 351
Rome, New, see Constantinople
Rufus, Q. S., sent against Sextus,

334
Rupilius, P., takes Tauromenium,
327 ; his laws, zb.

Sacerdos, G. L., Praetor in Sicily,

331

Sacred Band of Carthage, de-
stroyed at the Krimisos, 225-
227

Saint Agatha of Catania, 343

Saint Kalogeros, 343

Saint Lucy, Matron, 343

Saint Lucy of .Syracuse, \'irgin,
343

Saint Marcian, bishop of Syra-
cuse, 342

Saint Paul, at Syracuse, 342

Saint Peter, legends of, at Syra-
cuse, 342 ; said to have been at
Catania, 343

Saint Pancratiusof Tauromenium,
342

Saint Zosimus, Bishop of Syra-
cuse, 352

Salvius, king of the slaves, 328 ;
calls himself Tryphon, 329 ;
his revolt against Rome, il>.

Samians, take Zankle, 69 ; treaty
of Hippocrates with, 70; turned
out by Anaxilas, ?7'.

Samnites, pray Pyrrhos for help
against Rome, 271

.San Filippo d'Argiro, 343 ; sec
Agyrium

San Marino, repulilic of, 322

Saracen invasion of Sicily, 4, 353

.Sardinia, ceded by Carthage to
Rome, 290, 320 ; taken by
Sextus, 333, 334 ; confirmed to
him at Misenum, 335 ; joins
Cffsar, 336 ; taken by Gaiseric,
346

Sciacca, hot springs near, 33, 343

Scipio, P. C, his expedition
against Hannibal, 317

Scipio, P. C, the younger, re-
stores to Sicily %\)o\\ from
Carthage, 323

Segesta, Elymian site, 13, 20;
wars of with Selinous, 55,
112, 141; with Dorieus, 67;
its treaty with Athens, 106,
108 ; appeals to Athens, ili. ;
trick played on Athenian en-
voys, 113 ; helps Athens, 120 ;
alliance of, with Carthage, 141 ;
besieged by Dionysios, 170;
siege raised, 171 ; treatment of,
by .\gathokles, 252, 279 ; joins
Pyrrhos, 269 ; joins Rome, 279 ;
p)Osition of, under Rome, 322,

340
Selinous, foundation of, 51 ; wars
with Segesta, 55, 112, 141;
tyranny of Peithagoras and

374

INDEX.

Euryleon at, 67 ; her relations
to Carthage, 74, 82, 154, 229,
238 ; promises help to Hamil-
kar, 80 ; joins Gylippos, 124;
sends help to Greece, 137;
taken by HannilDal, 139, 142;
fortified by Hermokrates, 145 ;
recovered by Dionysios, 194 ;
origin of the name, 226 ; wel-
comes Pyrrhos, 269 ; destroyed
by Carthage, 2S5

Selinous, river, 51

Servilius, Q., his war with the
slaves, 329

Shophetiin of Carthage, 179

Sicily, its historical importance,
1,2; its geographical position
and character, 3, 9, 15 se.jq. ;
strife between East and West
for, 3, 26, 354; compared with
Cyprus and Spain, 5 ; Norman
kingdom of, 6, 353 ; Phoenician
colonies in, 11, 14, 21-28;
Greek colonies in, 11, 14, 39
seqq. ; older inhabitants of, 1 1-
14 ; becomes practically Greek,
16, 324 ; its triangular shape,
16 ; sites for Odyssey sought in,
16, 30, 48; mountain and rivers
of, 17-19 ; chief granary of
Rome, 19, 317, 324, 334, 338,
351 ; hill towns of, 20 ; legends
of, 29 seqq. ; Hamilkar's in-
vasion of, 77-81 ; independence
of its cities, 87 seqq. ; share of,
in the wars of Greece, 104
seqq., 160 ; Athenian expedi-
tion to, I i^seqq. ; second Cartha-
ginian invasion of, 140 seqq. ;
effect of the reign of Diony-
sios on, 197, 198 ; new settle-
ment of, 223 ; freed by Timo-
leon, 229 ; position of Aga-
thokles in, 257 ; war of Pyrrhos
in, 265-271 ; a wrestling ground
for Rome and Carthage, 272,
276 seqq. ; given up by Carthage,
290 ; becomes a Roman pro-
vince, 292, 320, 339, 344 ; main
battlefield of Hannibal, 305 ;
outcry in, against Marcellus,

315 ; an outpost of Europe,
317 ; Scipio's starting point for
Africa, 317; relation of its cities
to Rome, 320-322 ; Roman
Peace in, 323 ; increase of
slavery, 324 ; slave wars of,
325-329, 341 ; Cicero's account
of, 330; Juhus Cesar's starting
point for Africa, 332 ; occupied
by Sextus, 333 seq. ; war be-
tween Cresar and Sextus for,
336-339 ; Cresar master of,
339 ; Roman colonies in, 340 ;
Hadrian's visit to, 341 ; Prank-
ish invasion of, 342 ; Chris-
tianity in, 342-344 ; effect
of the edict of Caracalla on,
344 ; part of the diocese of
Italy, 345 ; Teutonic invasions
of, 345 seq. ; under Theodoric,
347; won back by Belisarius,
348-349 ; its connexion with the
Eastern Empire, 350 ; lands of
the Roman Church in, 347, 351,
352 ; Constans H. in, 352 ;
Mezetius Emperor in, 352 ; re-
covered by Constantine IV., ih.;
Saracen invasions in, 353 ; won
back by the Normans, 353

Sidon, probable settlement from
in Sicily, 24 ; its hatred to-
wards the Greeks, 77

Sikania, name of Sicily, 1 1 ; men-
tioned in Odyssey, 39

Sikans, the, II-13, 27 ; hill towns,
characteristic of, 20 ; remains
of, in Sicily, 27 ; traditions of,

32.

Sikelia, 11 ; subject to Carthage,

Sikeliots, distinguished from Si-
kels, 41

Sikels, the, 11-13; gradually
become Greek, 13 ; language
of, akin to Latin, 12, 27 ; hill-
towns of, 20 ; remains of, in
Sicily, 27 ; tale of their migra-
tion from Italy, 29 ; their beliefs
and traditions, 33-37 ; men-
tioned in Odyssey, 39 ; driven
out of Syracuse, 45 ; Theokles'

INDEX.

375

dealings with, 47 ; war of, with
Skythes, 69 ; their union under
Ducelius, 98 ; helpNaxos, 108 ;
help Athens, 120; guaranty of
their independence, 155

Simonides, Sicilian references in
his poems, 76 ; entertained by
Hieron, 76, 83 ; said to have
reconciled Hieron and Theron,
84

Skylla, tale of, 30

Skythes of Zankle, his war with
the Sikels, 69 ; Hippokrates'
treatment of, 70 ; escapes to
Asia, z7>.

Slaves, increase of, in Sicily, 324;
wars of, 325-330 ; Roman order
for their liberation, 32S ; third
revolt of, 341

Solous, Solunto, Phoenician settle-
ment of, 25 ; taken by Pyrrhos,
270 ; joins Rome, 283

Sophrosyne, daughter of Diony-
sios, 200

Sosis, slays Hieronymos, 297 ;
takes refuge with Marcellus,
303, 306 ; leads the Romans
into the Hexapyla, 307 ; re-
warded by Marcellus, 312

Sosistratos, denounced by Aga-
thokles, 235 ; banished, id. ;
seeks Hamilkar'shelp, 235, 236;
his death, 238

Sosistratos, in command at Syra-
cuse, 264 ; welcomes Pyrrhos,

267 ; takes service under him,

268 ; flees from Syracuse, 271
Spaccaforno, st'c Kasmenai
Spain, compared with Sicily, 5 ;

Phcenician colonies in, 14, 15,
23, 26

Spanish mercenaries of Diony-
sios, 179

Sparta, compared with Athens,
105 ; Syracusan embassy to,
120; her alliance with Darius,
137 ; Pylos won back for, 139 ;
supports Dionysios, 160; em-
bassy of Dionysios to, 176;
objects to settlement of ]\Ies-
senians by Dionysios, iSi ;

Dionysios sends help to, 189,
194 ; checks his advance, 191 ;
admits Dion to citizenship, 202 ;
sends help against Agathokles,

237
Sthenics of Therma, 330
Stesichoros, 64
Strabo, his description of Sicily,

39, 340

Sulla, L. C, his war with Marius,
330

Sulpicius, G., invades Panormos,
282

Susa, see Hadrumetum

Sybaris, its war with Kroton, 67

Symaithos, river, 18

Synalos, receives Dion at Hera-
kleia Minoa, 203

Syracuse, foundation of, 42 ; her
relations to Corinth, //'. ; im-
portance of her topography,
43 ; her outposts, 49, 50 ; her
war with Kamarina, 50 ; cham-
pion of Europe against Africa,
56 ; Gamoroi of, 59-62 ; war of
Hippokrates with, 71 ; tyranny
of Gelon at, 72 scqq. ; enlarged
by him, 73 ; temples at, built
by Gelon, 83 ; drives out Thrasy-
boulos, 90 ; feast of the Ekii-
theria at, 91 ; exclusion of the
new citizens, ib. ; demagogues
at, 94 ; institution of petalism,
95 ; her wars with Akragas,
96, loi ; with Etruscans, 98 ;
with Ducetius, 100 ; with Leon-
tinoi, 107, III ; attacks Naxos,
108 ; Athenian expedition
against, 114 seqq. ; debate in
the assembly, ib. ; embassies to
Peloponnesos, 120 ; beginning
of the siege, 123; coming of
Gylippos, 124, 125 ; improve-
ment of naval tactics, 1 28 ;
Athenians surrender to, 134,
136 ; treatment of prisoners,

136 ; sends help to Greece,

137 ; threatened by Hannibal,
144 ; feeling towards Hermo-
krates, 145-6 ; sends help to
Akragas, 149 ; generals accused

376

INDEX.

of treason, 151 ; recalls the
exiles, 151 ; Dionysios tyrant at,
152, 156; revolt of the horse-
men, 153 ; return of Dionysios,
154 ; subjection to Dionysios
guaranteed by Carthage, 155 ;
fortification of the Island, 158 ;
revolts against Dionysios, ih. ;
fortified by Dionysios, 164 ; be-
sieged by Himilkon, 176 ; Olym-
pieion plundered by Dionysios,
191 ; her treaty with Carthage,
195 ; position of, under Diony-
sios, 197 ; delivered by Dion,
203-5 ; Island held by Dionysios
the younger, 205, 207 ; treatment
of Philistos by, 20S ; gets rid of
Dion, 209 ; prays him for help
against Dionysios, 211 ; Dion's
entrance into, 212 ; Plato's
schemes for, 214, 216 ; tyrannies
in, on Dion's death, 215-6;
embassy to Corinth, 217 ; de-
livered by Timoleon, 220-2 ;
second Corinthian settlement of,
223 ; treatment of Hiketas'
family, 228, of Mamercus, ib. ;
massacre at, by Agathokles, 236 ;
his tyranny at, ib. ; Carthaginian
attack on, 239 se(jq. ; Hamilkar
retires from, 245 ; his first
attack on, 246 ; wars of with
Akragas, 249, 263 ; Hiketas
tyrant of, 263 ; prays Pyrrhos
for help against Carthage,
265 ; welcomes Pyrrhos, 267 ;
allied with Carthage against
Mamertines, 273, 277 ; Hieron's
kingdom of, 274, 278-9 ; pros-
perity of, under Ilierun, 293,
294 ; misrule of Ilieronymos in,
297 ; negotiates with Appius
Claudius, 298, 300 ; slaughter
of Hieron's descendants, 299 ;
Leonlinoi revolts against, 300 ;
effect of Marcellus' treatment
of the deserters on, 301-2 ;
Roman siege of, 303, 311; Mar-
cellus, hereditary patron of, 315 ;
gradual decay of, 324, 352 ;
occupied by Sextus, 333 ; Ro-

man colony at, 340 ; sacked by
the Franks, 342 ; SS. Peter
and Paul at, ib. ; bishopric of,
344 ; Gothic count of, 347 ; sub-
mits to Belisarius, 348 ; temple
of Athene turned into a church,
352 ; Constans II. at, ib.

Taormina, see Tauromenion

Taras, Tarentum, helped by Mi-
kythos, 85 ; asks help of Sparta,
231 ; helped by Pyrrhos against
Rome, 265, 266, 271 ; submits
to Rome, 271 ; head-quarters of
Antonian ships, 337, 338

Tauromenion, foundation of, 173;
defeat of Dionysios at, 183 ;
taken by him, 184 ; Timoleon
lands at, 219 ; Punic envoys at,
ib. ; men of, slain by Aga-
thokles, 238 ; Pyrrhos lands at
267 ; its alliance with Rome,
321 ; taken by the slaves, 327 ;
Roman siege of, ib. ; Ccesar at,
338 ; Roman colony at, 340 ;
church of Saint Pancratius at,
342 ; bishopric of, 344

Taurus, S., in command under An-
tonius, 337

Tegea, Mikythos dies at, 90

Telemachos of Akragas, 65

Telines of Gela, 68

Temenites, outpost of Syracuse,
43 ; taken into the city, 119

Tenea, settlers from, at Syracuse,
59

Terillos, tyrant of Himera, 74 ;
driven out by Theron, 78

Termini, see Thermal of Himera

Terranova, see Gela

Teutonic invaders of Sicily, 342,

345

Thapsos, peninsula, 43 ; Megarian
settlement at, 47 ; Athenian
station at, 121 ; taken by Aga-
thokles, 245

Thearidas, admiral of Dionysios*
fleet, 1 85

Themistos, elected general, 297 ;
put to death, 298

INDEX.

377

Theodahad, king of the East Goths,

348
Theodoric, king of the East

Goths, 347
Theodoros, denounces Dionysios,

Theodotes, Dion s treatment of,2 1 2

Theodotos, slays Hieronymos, 297

Theokles of Chalkis, founds
Naxos, 40 ; and Leontinoi, 45 ;
his dealings with the Sikels
and Megarians, 47

Theokritos, his verses to Hieron
II., 294

Therma, Thermal, of Himera,
51, 343 ; colony of Carthage at,
33, 147 ; becomes Greek, 147 ;
subject to Carthage, 154, 238;
Agathokles born at, 234 ; taken
by Agathokles, 250 ; joins
Deinokrates, 254 ; Agathokles
negotiates for, 255 ; taken by
Rome, 283 ; Roman colony at,
340

Thermai of Selinous, 343

Theron, tyrant of Akragas ; his
alliance with Gelon, J^ ; drives
out Terillos, 78 ; his share in
the battle of Himera, 80, 81 ;
his war with Hieron, 83 ; recon-
ciled to him, 84 ; his works at
Akragas and death, 89 ; de-
struction of his tomb, 149

Thespia, sends contingent to
Syracuse, 126, 129

Thoinon, of Syracuse, overthrows
Hiketas, 264 ; welcomes Pyrr-
hos, 267 ; put to death, 271

Thourioi, foundation of, 106 ;
treatment of by Leptines, 185 ;
makes treaty with Dionysios,
186 ; helped by Corinth, 221

Thrasimund, king of the Vandals,
347^

Thrason, adviser of Hieronymos,
296

Thrasyboulos, son of Deino-
menes, 72, 83 ; his tyranny at
Syracuse, 90 ; withdraws to
Lokroi, id.

Thrasydaios, his oppression at

Himera, 84 ; his tyranny at
Akragas, 89 ; put to death at
Old Megara, zi>.

Thrinakic , 16, 30

Timokrates, Dion's wife given to,
201 ; left in command at Syra-
cuse, 203 ; his letter to Dio-
nysios, 203, 205

Timoleon, his share in Timo-
phanes' death, 217 ; sent to
help Syracuse, ib. ; lands at
Tauromenion, 219; defeats Hi-
ketas at Hadranum, ib. ; Dio-
nysios surrenders to, 220 ; plots
against, 221 ; takes Syracuse,
222 ; re-founds it, 223 ; repulsed
at Leontinoi, 224 ; Leptines and
Hiketas submit to, ib. ; his war
with Carthage, 225 ; his victory
by the Krimisos, 227 ; his treat-
ment of the tyrants, 227, 228 ;
makes peace with Carthage,
228 ; sends settlers to Gela and
Akragas, 229 ; ends his days at
Syracuse, ib. ; the Timoleon-
teion built in his honour, 230

Timophanes, of Corinth, his
tyranny and death, 217

Tisias, teacher of rhetoric, 94

Tissaphernes, his alliance with
Sparta, 137 ; withstood by
Hermokrates, ib.

Torgium, battle of, 255

Totila, king of the Goths, invades
Sicily, 349

Trinacia taken by Syracuse, 107

Ti-inaks'ia, 16, 30

Triocala, capital of King Tryphon,.

329

Trotilon, first Megarian settlement
at, 46

Trojan traditions at Segesta, 13,
252, 269, 279

Tryphon, see Salvius, 75

Tunis, head -quarters of Aga-
thokles, 243 ; victory of, over
Carthage, 244 ; taken by the
mercenaries, 246; Ophellasslain
at, 247

Tycha, (quarter of Syracuse, 92,
165

378

INDEX.

Tyndarion, his attempt at tyranny
at Syracuse, 94

Tyndarion, tyrant of Taurome-
nion, 263 ; joins Pyrrhos, 267

Tyndaris, foundation of, 182 ; joins
Timoleon, 220 ; Roman victory
off, 282 ; occupied by Sextus,
333 ; Roman colony at, 340

Tyrants, use of the name, 62, 353 ;
Greek view as to slaying of,
217, 228

Tyre, probable settlements from
in Sicily, 24 ; its hatred to-
wards Greeks, 77 ; the Geloan
Apollon sent to, 153 ; Carthagi-
nian embassies to, 244

Utica, Phoenician colony, 23 ;
taken by Agathokles, 248

Vandals, alleged invasion of Sicily
by, 342 ; in Africa, Italy, and
Sicily, 346 ; Belisarius' cam-
paign against, 348

Vet res, C. , Cicero's speech against,
3I9>.330, 332; his oppression
in Sicily, 331 ; goes into exile,
332 ; put to death, ib.

^^olcanic mountains and lakes in
Sicily, 33, 34

Xenodikos of Akragas, defeated

by Leptines, 249, 251
Xerxes, invades Greece, 78
Xiphonia, peninsula, 43, 46

Zankle, foundation of, 48; founds
Himera, 50 ; ruled by Skythes,
69 ; seized by the Samians,
ib. ; its army enslaved by
Hippocrates, 70 ; occupied by -
Anaxilas, ib. ; name changed
to Messana, 70, 92 ; rule of
Mikythos at, 85, 90 ; sons of
Anaxilas at, 90, 91 ; see Messana

Zoippos, uncle of Hieronymos,
295 ; supports Carthage, 296 ;
sent to Egypt, 299 ; slaughter
of his family, ib.

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