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OF
COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
MINISTER, AMBASSADOR, COUNCILLOR OF STATE,
AND MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE, BETWEEN THE YEARS
1788 AND 1815.
EDITED BY
GENERAL FLEISCHMANN.
Shorn tljc JFrrncf; bg
MRS. CASHEL HOEY and MR. JOHN LILLIE.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
Vol. 1.
C 3 * * J ' J #
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LONDON:
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON,
CROWN BUILDINGS, 188 FLEET STREET.
1881.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, Limited,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
...
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• • • • •
PREFACE BY THE EDITOR.
My purpose in placing before the public the recol-
lections of Count Miot, my father-in-law, as a con-
tribution to the large number of works which treat
of the Great French Revolution and the events of
the early years of the nineteenth century, is to aid
writers who desire to throw a new light upon the
history of those times. I believe that no materials
supplied by contemporaries can be superfluous for
the accurate and sufficient representation of all that
was memorable, great and terrible in that epoch,
and for a true estimate of the influence which it
has exercised and still exercises upon the destinies
of mankind.
Count Miot passed through a great revolution,
but his recollections of it were untinged by personal
regret. He had nothing to disguise or to excuse. It
was for many years his constant habit to write
down every evening all that he had learned or
observed during the day. These noies of the
events in which he was nearly concerned, contain
226502
iv PREFACE BY THE EDITOR.
important details, for the most part unknown, and
place the origin of those events in a clear and accu-
rate light. In arranging them to meet the eyes
of the public I have thought it advisable to suppress
all that possesses interest for the family of Count
Miot only, but I have scrupulously refrained from
adding anything that might affect the nature of the
impressions which were produced by the events on
the mind of the author. This book must not
therefore be confounded with the fabricated Memoirs
so profusely offered to the public within the last
thirty years ; works not indeed without merit, and
in many instances written with ability, but in which
their reputed authors have little share.
The readers of his Memoirs will probably agree
with or differ from Count Miot's views and judg-
ment of men and things, according to their own
opinions, likes and dislikes ; but they cannot fail
to close the book with sentiments of esteem and
regard for its author ; as a good man, and one who
sincerely loved his country and mankind.
General Fleischmann.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
PAGE
.cREFACE .. .. ,, ,. .. .. in
CHAPTER I.
The Author enters upon his career — The training-camp
at Saint-Omer — Cornte de Guibert — The effect produced
upon the troops by an ill-timed attempt to introduce
the Prussian system of military organisation—The
camp is abruptly broken up — The changed aspect of the
Court of Versailles at the close of the year 1783 — The
various parties at the Court — The deputies of the Tiers
Etat are ill-received — Opening of the States-General —
Establishment of the National Guard — The Court forms
projects hostile to the National Assembly — The banquet
of the Body Guard — Intention of the Court to leave
Versailles — Events of the 5th and 6th of October — The
King and the Royal Family are taken to Paris
CHAPTER II.
The 10th of August, 1792 — The Author escapes a decree
of accusation — M. Lacuee provisional Chief of the War
Department — Joseph Servan, Minister — The Author
ceases to be Chief of Division at the Ministry, and enters
the Administration of Military Affairs as Comptroller-
General — Servan is succeeded in the Ministry by Pache
and Hassenfratz, who disorganise its administration —
vi CONTENTS.
PAGE
Pache is dismissed, and succeeded by Beurnonville-
Thc Author resumes his former post at the Ministry —
Bouchotte succeeds Beurnonville — The Author is made
Secretary-General in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
under Deforgues — Sketches of some of the leaders of the
Terror — Fall of Deforgues, who is succeeded at the
Foreign Office by a schoolmaster named Buchot — The
Author, denounced as a " Moderate," is placed under a
decree of accusation, together with MM. Otto, Colchen,
and Reinhart — They are saved by the 9th Themidor —
The Author is appointed Commissioner of Foreign
Affairs — His communications with the Committee of
Public Safety — Treaties of peace with Tuscany and
Prussia.. .. .. .. .. .. 36
CHArTEK III.
The Author is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the
Grand Duke of Tuscany — The 12th Germinal — The
Author embarks at Marseilles for Genoa, and proceeds
from thence to Florence — Report to the Committee of
Public Safety on the political state of Florence — Diffi-
culties caused by the presence of the French Emigres at
Leghorn, and by the ill-will of the Tuscan authorities
towards the Republic — General Buonaparte appointed
to the command of the army of Italy — Opening of the
campaign and series of victories obtained by the young
General — The Governments of Italy take steps towards
obtaining peace — The Author determines to proceed to
Buonaparte's headquarters .. .. .. 70
CHAPTER IV.
Tho Author's interview with General Buonaparto — Con-
clusion of the armistice between the General and Prince
Pignatelli, Plenipotentiary at Naples—The Author
CONTENTS. vii
PAGB
returns to Florence — Tie goes away again to visit
General Buonaparte at Bologna — His interview with him
— The Author does not succeed in preventing the viola-
tion of the neutrality of Tuscany and the occupation of
Leghorn by the French — In returning from Leghorn,
General Buonaparte stops at Florence, visits the Grand
Duke and dines with him — A treaty being concluded
between the Pope and the French Eepublic, the Author
goes to Eome to secure the fulfilment of its conditions —
The gloomy fanaticism reigning in Rome — Some discon-
tented Italians having claimed the intervention of the
French for the purpose of introducing Republican Insti-
tutions in Italy, the Author, instructed by the Directory
to inform them of his views, strongly opposes the project
— Being superseded by Cacault in the duty of superin-
tending the fulfilment of the terms of the armistice at
Rome, the Author returns to Florence — Rumours of the
reverses experienced by Buonaparte produce great
excitement in Italy — The Governments no longer con-
ceal their tendencies, and the Author sends M. Freville
to Paris to point out to the Directory the necessity of
excluding Austria from all influence in Italy, and of
destroying the Papal Government — The Author is
appointed Ambassador at Turin, but before entering upon
the exercise of his functions, he has to undertake a
mission to Corsica as Commissioner- Extraordinary of the
Government — Sketch of the State of Tuscany, the con-
ditions of life, and customs of the Florentines .. <J\)
CHAPTER V.
Letter from General Buonaparte — The Author embarks at
Leghorn and arrives at Bastia, where he finds Salicetti —
He is instructed to adopt a system of conciliation, and to
endeavour to reconcile party divisions — He publishes a
proclamation accordingly — Political situation of Corsica
viii CONTENTS.
d T • • • PAGE
— borne seditious risings are repressed and tranquillity
re-established — Administration and laws organised, first
in the department of Golo, and next in that of Liamone
—Journey from Bastia to Ajaccio by Corte and the
Col de Guizzavano, and from Ajaccio to Bonifacio by
Gartena .. .. ., 259
CHAPTER VI.
The Author leaves Corsica with Joseph Buonaparte, goes
to Florence, and from thence to Milan — He visits
General Buonaparte, then residing with his family at
Montebello, after a brilliant campaign terminated by
the treaty of Tolentino — The peace preliminaries of
Leoben and the transformation of the Governments of
Venice and Genoa — Lukewarm Republicanism of the
General — A remarkable conversation in which Buona-
parte reveals his future plans — The Author goes to
Turin — Political situation of Piedmont and its Govern-
ment — Embarrassment caused to the Author by the
secret agents maintained in Piedmont by the Directory
with revolutionary objects — The Sardinian Government,
supported by Buonaparte, displays excessive severity in
putting down the partial insurrections in Piedmont
The Author goes to Milan to have an interview with
Buonaparte— Situation of the different parties in the
Directory and the Councils in Tan's before the Coup
d'Etat of the 18th Fructidor — Buonaparte decides on
supporting the Revolutionary party — The Author ac-
companies General and Madame Buonaparte in an
expedition to Lake Maggiore- Ee returns to Turin after
having agreed with the General upon the course he is to
tak" ilicrc -The isth Fructidor lis consequences as
regarded the position of the Sardinian Government,
which, as a result of the treaty of Campo-Formio, found
IfdeDiivedof Buonaparte's supporl The Directory
CONTENTS. ix
TAGK
separates the General from the Army of Italy by giving
him a command in the interior — Buonaparte, in going
to Rastadt, passes through Turin — His conversation
with the Author — The position of the Sardinian Govern-
ment becomes more and more precarious .. .. 180
CHAPTER VII.
The Author is recalled from the Embassy at Turin, and is
succeeded by Ginguene — Joseph Buonaparte, having left
Rome after the assassination of General Duphot, stays
with the Author at Turin, on his way to Paris — Berthier
marches on Rome, overthrows the Pope's Government
and proclaims the Roman Republic — Monge and Dannou,
being sent by the Directory to organise the new Republic,
pass through Turin — The hostile dispositions of the
Directory towards the King of Sardinia are more and
more openly displayed — Ginguene, accompanied by
Garat, arrives at Turin on his way to Naples as ambassa-
dor there — The Author presents his letters of recall to
the King of Sardinia, and takes advantage of his leisure
to make an excursion in the Alps — On returning, he
leaves for Paris — Sketch of the state of Italy at the be-
ginning of 1798, and of the events that took place after
the departure of the Author . . . . ..231
CHAPTER VIII.
The Author arrives in Paris — He finds certain changes in
the manners and habits of Parisian society — He is
received coldly by the Members of the Directory, and by
the persons who frequent their salons — He sees Bona-
parte — The General's motives for undertaking the expe-
dition to Egypt — Popular rising at Vienna, in conse-
quence of which the French Legation leaves that city —
The Directory, fearing that war with Austria will break
xii CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
PAGE
A Treaty of Peace with the United States is signed —
Incident connected with the date of that Treaty — The
active part taken by the First Consul in the deliberations
of the Council of State — The proposed law on the forma-
tion of lists of Eligibles is abandoned — The Republican
conspiracy of Ceracchi and its consequences — Reform
of the laws on Emigration — Letter from Louis XVIII.
to the First Consul — Arrival of Count von Cobentzel to
negotiate for peace — Rudeness of the First Consul to that
Minister, who leaves Paris on his way to Luneville —
Dissensions between the First Consul and his brother
Lucien — Violent dispute between the latter and Fouche
— Lucien is removed from the Ministry of the Interior
and appointed Ambassador to Madrid — The Author is
selected for a second Mission to Corsica — Opinions ex-
pressed by the First Consul during the debates of the
Council of State .. .. .. .. .. 371
CHAPTER XII.
Moreau gains a victory at Hohcnlinden over tho Austrians
— Celebration of that victory in Paris — The Author
prepares for his journey to Corsica, but his departure is
deft rred in consequence, of the attempt of the 3rd Kivose
— Details of that event — Its immediate result — Wrath
of the First Consul with the Terrorists — Extra-legal
measures proposed against that faction, by means of
unconstitutional powers conferred on the Senate — Ex-
traordinary sitting of tho Council of State — Reports by
the Police— Debate, and decrees of the Consuls now
converted into a SenatusConsultum — The Police prove
Ili.it the authors of theattempt of the 3rd Kivose bolong
to the Royalisi part)', ami arrest the real criminals —
CONTENTS. xiii
PAGE
Successful issue of the peace negotiations at Luneville —
The Author sets out on his journey, having received his
instructions from the First Consul — Disorganised state
of the south of France — Admiral Ganteaume and his
squadron — The author leaves Toulon in the war-sloop
Hirondelle and lands at Calvi .. .. •• 402
CHAPTER XIII.
State of Corsica at the period of the Author's arrival — His
proposed system for the administration of the country —
Difficulties thrown in his way by the partisans of the
Bonaparte family, and the military authorities — He dis-
misses General Muller, Commandant of the Division,
from the island — Improvements introduced into the
country — An account of the Author's excursion to
Monte-Eotondo — Curious fete given in his honour at
Cervione — The organic laws of the Concordat con-
cluded with the Pope — The Life-Consulship — Little
interest shown by the Corsicans in voting for it —
Numerous adverse votes among the troops — Journey to
Monte d'Oro — Information concerning the Bonaparte
family and their origin — The Author is recalled, and
Corsica is again placed under the rule of the Constitu-
tion — Sketch of the state of the island and the customs
of the inhabitants .. .. .. .. 444
CHAPTER XIV.
The Author returns to Paris — His reception by the First
Consul — Monarchical customs and strict etiquette with
which the First Consul surrounded himself — Joseph
Bonaparte imparts the secret designs and great projects
of the First Consul to the Author — Lord Whit worth,
the English Ambassador in Paris— General Moreau is
xiv CONTENTS.
PAG E
feted at the Ministry of War — Government-mourning
on the occasion of the death of General Leclerc — New
coinage with the effigy of the First Consul — Lavish en-
dowment of the Senate — The political relations between
France and England become strained — Irritation of the
First Consul with the English Press — Conversation be-
tween Bonaparte and Lord \\ hitworth — Colonel Sebas-
tiani's Report, published in the Moniteur — The King's
speech to Parliament is hostile to France — Effect
produced by it in Paris — Progress of the crisis and of
the negotiations, official and secret, prior to the defini-
tive rupture between France and England — Simulta-
neous departure of Lord Whit worth from Paris and of
General Andreossy from London — Appendix : Lord
Whitworth's Despatch of February 21, 1803, to Lord
Hawkesbury .. .. .. .. ..487
CHAPTER XV.
Commencement of hostilities — Severe treatment of the
English in France — The First Consul's anger with
England is shared by the great Bodies of the State —
Disloyal conduct of the English Government towards
France — French troops enter the Kingdom of Naples
and occupy Hanover — A strict etiquette is established
by the First Consul — A Theatrical representation at the
Palace of Saint-Cloud is followed by the dolivery of an
Ode composed by M. do Fontanes — Adoption of the first
chapters of the Civil Code — Remarkable share taken by
the First Consul in the debates on this work — His
journey to Belgium — Servility shown towards him by
tin- authorities, Civil, Military, and Clerical — Disgust
feU by the Parisians at such excessive flattery — The
First Consul's onward progress towards supreme power
— lie causes propositions tube made to Louis XVIIL,
who declines his offers Dissensions between Napoleon
CONTENTS. xv
PAG E
and liis brothers — Disagreement between France and
Russia — First preparations for an invasion of England
— M. de Fontanes, President of the Legislative Body —
Re-imposition of taxes on food, under the name of droits-
reunis .. .. .. .. .. .. 552
CHAPTER XVI.
Reconciliation between Napoleon and Joseph Bonaparte —
Real, Councillor of State, is entrusted with the
Superintendence of Police — Establishment of General
Commissioners of Police in the principal towns of
France — Debate on this subject in the Council of State
— Plot against the First Consul's life by Georges,
Cadoudal, and Pichegru — Complicity of Moreau —
Details of the examination of the accused — The Chief
Judge's report on the facts of the case is communicated
to the Chief Bodies, of the State — Their replies —
Examination of Moreau's papers by Regnault de Saint
Jean-d'Angely and the Author— State of the contribu-
tions levied by Moreau in Germany — Plan and intentions
of the principal conspirators — Royalist character of the
plot — Pichegru and Cadoudal are arrested — The dis-
coveries made by the Police respecting this conspiracy
compromise indirectly a great number of persons — Cares
and troubles of the First Consul — The Due d'Enghien
is seized at the Chateau d'Ettenheim in Baden by a
detachment of French troops— The Prince is brought
before a military commission at Vincennes, is condemned
to death, and shot — Consternation in Paris — Bonaparte's
speech to the Council of State concerning this event —
Ball given by Talleyrand three clays after the death of
the Due d'Enghien .. .. .. .. 587
I J
...
MEMOIRS OF
COUNT MIOT DE MELITO,
, CHAPTER I.
The Aii tli or enters upon his career — The training-camp at
Saint-Omer — Comto de Guibert — The effect produced upon
the troops by an ill-timed attempt to introduce the Prussian
system of military organisation — The camp is abruptly
broken up — The changed aspect of the Court of Versailles
at the close of the year 1783 — The various parties at the
Court — The deputies of the Tiers Etat are ill-received —
Opening of the States-General — Establishment of the
National Guard — The Court forms projects hostile to the
National Assembly — The banquet of the Body Guard —
Intention of the Court to leave Versailles — Events of the
5th and 6th of October — The King and the Royal Family
are taken to Paris.
I was born at Versailles in 17G2, and my parents
destined me from an early age to be employed
in the military administration. With the exception
of a few excursions, for purposes of instruction, to
Havre, Metz, Holland, and the Low Countries, I
passed my first years of youthful manhood in the
War Office, in which my father was one of the chief
VOL. T B
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• . • • , . . ' ■ . ,
2 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
clerks. In 1788 I was appointed "Commissary of
War," and sent to one of the military divisions
which had recently been established. This, which
used to be called "■ the model division," was com-
manded by Lieutenant-General the Due de Guines.
The celebrated Comte de Guibert, the Marquis de
Lambert, both members of the Council of War
formed under the Ministry of M. de Brienne, and
M. Blanchard, one of the most eminent of the
" organising 1 commissaries," were included in it.
The general officers of the " model division ' : were
the originators of a completely novel system of
military administration, which, however, found no
favour with the troops. Their plan was to train
the French army in the Prussian discipline and
tactics, and the national pride repelled those inno-
vations, which were undoubtedly dangerous at a
moment when the public mind was seriously dis-
turbed by other proceedings on the part of the
Brienne Ministry. The effects of the ferment pro-
duced by these combined causes were destined to
manifest themselves in the course of the ensuing year.
Meanwhile, two training-camps were established;
one at Saint-Omer, under the command of the Prince
de Condi', the other at Metz, under thai of Marshal
de Broglie. I was employed at the former, which
included the troops of the division in which 1 served.
I arrived in September L788 at the camp, which
OPPOSITION TO INNOVATIONS.
was situated on a wide heath, at a little distance
from the town. About 30,000 men were assem-
bled there ; among that number were included
the Swiss regiments of Salis-Sansade and Diesbach.
They had already made great progress in the study
of the new manoeuvres ; and these foreigners, who
adapted themselves to the novel regime more readily
than Frenchmen could, were much admired and
highly favoured by the admirers of the Prussian
discipline who composed the staff. Being perpetu-
ally quoted as an example to all the other corps,
these regiments excited jealousy and aversion rather
than emulation, and it may safely be affirmed
that the first seeds of the insubordination after-
wards exhibited by the French army were sown
by attempts which were both imprudent and op-
posed to the national character.
The discontent excited by these innovations found
expression in the camp in the usual way, by means
of jests and songs directed against the "jobbers"
(faiseurs), as they were called, and especially
against M. de G-uibert, who, being much superior
in talent and administrative ability to his colleagues
in the Council of War, and therefore supposed to be
the most influential member of it, was a butt for
every epigram. The malcontents went farther than
epigrams ; conspiracies to insult the Count publicly
were formed among the young officers; the ma-
b 2
4 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
noeuvres directed by him were purposely ill-executed,
and made to fail ; his title, and even his claim to the
status of a gentleman were disputed. In short, no
means of casting ridicule upon him was left untried,
and the unworthy manner in which he was treated
at the assembly of the nobles of his province for
the election to the States-General was due to the
jealousy inspired by his remarkable ability, and the
decided repugnance with which the changes he had
endeavoured to introduce were regarded.
In addition to all this, in spite of the constant
occupations and the perpetual movement of the
camps, mens minds were not uninfluenced by what
was happening just then at Versailles. The enter-
prises of the Brienne Ministry were the theme of
sreneral conversation ; the resistance of the Parlia-
merits was highly applauded; the conduct of the
Court was mercilessly condemned, while its scandals
were not only exposed but exaggerated. Count
Charles de Lameth, Colonel of Cuirassiers, was fore-
most among the malcontents, and had already made 1
a public profession of the opinions which afterwards
brought him into such notoriety. Grave discussions
on llie rights of peoples, and the inevitable lic-
it y of a great change, were thus mingled with
tin' sarcasms and epigrams which were ceaselessly
showered upon the military innovators. Certain
English officers who had crossed the Channel for the
THREATENING SYMPTOMS.
purpose of witnessing the manoeuvres at the camps,
were, on the contrary, objects of openly expressed ad-
miration and esteem. " There," it was said, " are free
men ; there are the models whom we ought to imitate,
and not the machine-soldiers of a despot-king ! "
Thus, while the throne, around which clouds
were gathering heavily, was beginning to totter, its
chief prop, the army — which ought to have been
treated with the utmost consideration — was wounded
in its tastes, feelings, and habits; and, revolting
against a system offensive to it, against an appren-
ticeship for which the French soldier is unfit, did
not hesitate to discuss questions of high policy, and
to take an active part in them.
This disposition of men's minds could not possibly
escape the notice of the Prince who was in command
of us. The camp was broken up, and the troops
sent back into garrison ; but they took thither with
them ideas and opinions which had developed
themselves amidst the great gathering of which
they had formed a part. According to observa-
tions made at the time, the state of affairs at the
camp of Metz was almost identical with that at
Saint-Omer. Only a deplorable degree of blindness,
and that thirst for renown which beset men impatient
to secure the triumph of their own hazardous notions,
could account for such an act as the massing together
of troops, for the sole purpose of worrying them,
6 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
under such circumstances. The very moment at
which they were shaking their chains was selected
for imposing fresh fetters upon the soldiers, for
reducing them to the condition of automatons.
Never was a more foolish deed perpetrated, or one
that was followed by results more fatal to those
who were g-uilty of it.
I returned to Versailles in October 1788. During
my absence, which had only extended over a feAV
weeks, the aspect of the Court had undergone a great
change. The respectful silence of the courtiers and
the attendants, the strict forms of etiquette formerly
so scrupulously observed, had given place to a freedom
of speech and a method of expression to which the
ears of our princes were unaccustomed. A drawing
together of the different classes of society had become
perceptible, the interior of the Palace was more easy
of access, in short, that sort of familiarity which
is established between men by services requested
and promised was making itself felt. The two
Assemblies of the Notables, the failure of the plans
of Cardinal do Lomei lie's Ministry, the positive
promise of the Convocation of the States-General,
the first stirrings of sedition which had manifested
themselves in Paris, the return of M. Necker, and
the publications of the day, had produced this great
change. External customs still existed indeed, but
they were frequently violated with impunity. In
VERSAILLES AT THE CRISIS.
short, the Court, such as Louis XIV. had made it,
existed no longer : it has not re-formed itself since,
and probably it never will re-form itself.
It is not my intention to recapitulate the events
which took place between the Convocation of the
States-General and their meeting. I was too far
from the councils in which that momentous mea-
sure was so lightly discussed and so imprudently
adopted, to be able to throw any light upon such
a subject. Besides, several writers have handled it
more ably than I could do ; I should be obliged
either to copy them, or to extract fragments from
the pamphlets of the time, were I to write the
history of that epoch after my fashion. My object
is not to follow in the track of other writers, but
only to relate what I have seen, and how I have seen
it. I shall therefore confine myself to detailing a
few particulars of what happened at Versailles from
the beginning of 1780, until the 5th of October of
the same year, that famous and disastrous day
which forced Louis XVI. to take up his abode at
the Tuileries, and to quit the sumptuous palace of
Versailles, never again to behold it.
Prior to those times of disturbance and revolution,
when the Court was the whole State, three principal
personages divided it among them, and each ex-
ercised a more or less decisive influence ; the Queen,
Monsieur (afterwards Louis XVIII. ), and the Comte
8 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
d'Artois (afterwards Charles X.) ; but the Queen's
party had always been the strongest. The Queen's
domination was chiefly exercised through her in-
fluence over the mind of her husband, a man of pure
life and good intentions, but whose qualities were
injured by weakness of character and temperament
which rendered him incapable of forming and ad-
hering to any resolution; and this although he was
capable of profound dissimulation, the fruit of the
evil education which was given to the princes of
the House of Bourbon, and which was partially the
cause of their misfortunes.
The three powers were seldom agreed. The
Comte d'Artois, who put no restraint upon his
passions, indulged to excess in gambling and pro-
fligacy. While he was the intimate companion of
the young men of the Court, who were led by his
example, lie was at the same time duped and robbed
by old debauchees, who took advantage of his inex-
perience. For the rest, lie meddled but little with
the administration of affairs or the selection of
Ministers, requiring nothing of the latter except
money wherewith to pay his debts, which amounted
to .hi enormous sum at the epoch of the first
Assembly of the Notables. He did not begin to take
part io public affairs until the beginning of the year
L787, when, by declaring himself against any conces-
. ion I" the ideas ol the times, and by supporting M. de
TTIE TI1REE PARTIES AT COURT. 9
Calonne, he exhibited opinions and took a line entirely
contrary to those adopted or followed by his brother.
Monsieur was a clever man, but he was held to be
pedantic. He was disliked in the Queen's circle,
where he was nicknamed " Hortensius." Being
repulsed by that clique, which, according to him,
did not do justice to his merit, he made one for
himself, more intimate and less restrained, formed
relations, and had love affairs in which the intel-
lectual rather than the animal side of his character
was, it was said, engaged. The resentment which
he cherished against the Queen, and the natural bent
of his mind, led to his appearing in the Assembly of
the Notables as the chief of the Liberal party, and to
his being regarded as belonging to the sect of the
philosophers. Henceforth he stood high in the
opinion of the public, and if he had had sufficient
courage and real attachment to the new ideas to put
himself at the head of the movement which was then
beginning, he would probably have been able to
prevent some of its excesses. But it seems that he
aimed rather at rendering himself formidable to the
Queen, who had scorned him, and turned him into
ridicule, than at achieving a more serious sort of
distinction, and when he had gratified his private
revenge, he withdrew from the stage on which he
had made a brief appearance, and hid himself from
all observers.
10 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
The Queen's party, composed of a number of
amiable and clever men and women, but who had no
sound importance resulting from superior ability or
the eclat of great services rendered to the country,
held exclusive domination at Court, disposed of all
patronage, and succumbed, so to speak, under the
mere weight of favour, wealth, and honours. But,
just in proportion as the circle which the Queen
had formed around herself was calculated to secure
to her all the enjoyments of intimate friendship in
private life, and the satisfaction of making those
whom she loved happy, it was also likely to become
fatal to her peace so soon as the eye of the public
should penetrate it. This was exactly what hap-
pened at the moment when the imperative needs
of the social condition of the country turned men's
minds towards projects of improvement, the demand
for which became increasingly evident with each
rent in the veil which covered so much prodigality.
When the crisis came, the Queen found no one
among her intimates who could aid or sustain her.
Her friends had no credit with the outside world ;
they enjoyed no public esteem, they were objects
either of hatred or of envy ; and their own safety
being seriously menaced, what could they do but
escape from the country ?
They neither could nor would give her any but
lud advice, for they themselves must have been
THE CONVOCATION OF THE STATES. 11
the first to suffer by wise counsels. It was impos-
sible for tliem to snatch her away from the brink of
the precipice to which they had led her, and they
soon found their only resource in flight.
Such was the aspect of the Court of Versailles
when the States-General were convoked. Neither
good faith nor sincerity had dictated this act. Far
from seeking to smooth the difficulties as to the
method of deliberation, which were raised by the
excited state of public feeling, and the twofold repre-
sentation granted to the Third Estate, those difficulties
were increased by the affected silence maintained on
so material a point. The courtier's last hope was
that the obstacles would become so entirely insur-
mountable as to render the meeting of the States
impossible, and for that end they all schemed. As
a result of this system, the Deputies arriving at
Versailles — and particularly those of the Third
Estate — far from being made welcome by the
Court, were offended by sarcasms and jests from the
Queen's circle and that of the Comte d'Artois. The
language, the manners, even the names of these
new-comers were turned into ridicule, and the very
men who were destined to shine soon afterwards
by their superior talent and by their impressive
speeches, and to dictate to the Throne and tins
heedless Court, were at first regarded as pro-
vincials whom the fine ladies and gentlemen of
12 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Paris and Versailles might mystify with impunity.
An obsolete ceremonial, forms of etiquette that
had fallen into disuse since greater freedom had
penetrated into the atmosphere of the Court, were
revived, and thus, between the other two orders
and the Deputies of the Third Estate, a line of
demarcation, as marked as it was humiliating, was
drawn.
In proportion, however, as their reception by the
Court was insulting, their welcome in the town was
warm and affectionate. They were cordially received
into the homes of the citizens, where many of them
had arranged to board, and there they freely ex-
pressed their resentment and found it shared. Thus,
notwithstanding the injunctions of the Court, not-
withstanding the dependence upon it of nearly the
whole population, the people openly declared them-
selves in favour of the new opinions, and became so
strongly attached to them that in the end they were
absolutely hostile to the Court. The sequel has shown
that the popular tendencies were not to be despised.
It was in the midst of this agitation that the
opening of the States-General took place. I was
present, as a spectator, at the ceremony which
preceded it on the previous day. In the long
procession winding through the wide streets of
Versailles, the public remarked with dislike those
distinctions of rank and of costume which divided
PUBLIC DISCONTENT. 13
into three separate classes the men on whom our fate
was about to depend, and who ought to have pos-
sessed equal rights. It was mortifying to see the
gold-embroidered cloaks of the noble Deputies, the
plumes waving on their caps, the episcopal purple
proudly displayed by the clergy, while a humble
cloak of black woollen 'stuff and a plain round cap,
a strange costume revived from the feudal ages,
marked the Deputies of the Third Estate. Never-
theless, their firm demeanour, their steady gait, their
expression of mingled dissatisfaction and confidence,
drew all eyes upon them, and they were received
with hearty salutations not offered to the other
orders. There was a crowd of courtiers round the
Princes, but they passed on amid silence. The
King's countenance expressed neither emotion nor
interest. He advanced, as usual, without dignity,
and seemed to be merely accomplishing some duty of
etiquette. Monsieur, who walked with difficulty, was
serious and thoughtful ; he seemed to be thoroughly
impressed with the importance of the day's proceed-
ings. The Comte d'Artois, casting disdainful glances
right and left on the crowd lining the streets, showed
evident signs of vexation and ill-humour. The
Queen, with anxious brow and close-shut lips, made
vain endeavours to hide her uneasiness and to im-
part a look of satisfaction to her noble and majestic
countenance; but the weight at her heart, full of
14 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
anxiety and bitter thoughts, made her unable to
maintain it. At length the States-General, which
had opened on May 5th, began to assemble in
earnest. I followed their debates with eagerness,
and shared in all the agitation of the interval
between the opening of the States and their trans-
formation into the National Assembly. When the
re-establishment of the National Guard was decreed,
I hastened to enrol myself in the section then forming
at Versailles. This must have been displeasing to
the Court, for it was forbidden to any one belonging
to it to join the new militia, and no one wearing
the uniform might present himself. And, in fact,
I also incurred the blame of the circle in which I
had moved since my entrance into society, while some
few persons considered that my action did honour
to my courage and independence. I deserved, how-
ever, neither praise nor blame ; for in this I had
simply followed the dictates of my conviction. I
did not remain long in the National Guard, where
I fulfilled the duties of adjutant. A post confided to
me by the Comte de la Tour du Pin, the then
Minister of War — that of facilitating the arrival
of provisions in Paris — took me, in the capacity
of War Commissioner, to Rouen for a month,
and obliged me in the first instance to suspend
my service in the National Guard. After this, tin;
events that took place shortly after my return
STIRRING EVENTS. 15
compelled me to resign it altogether, and to leave
my native town.
Before my departure for Normandy, I had wit-
nessed all the events that took place at Versailles
during the three months following the opening
of the States-General. I had been present at
the famous Royal sitting of June 23, at the
oath of the Tennis Court ; I had seen the foreign
regiments in the pay of France enter Versailles,
summoned thither in order to dissolve the States-
General ; I had seen them marching at night
through streets crowded with a silent and startled
multitude. I had seen the Queen and her circle
with the Comte d'Artois go to the Orangery, where
the foreign troops were quartered, applaud their
games and dances, share in them, and address words
of encouragement and praise to the officers and even
to the private soldiers. The headquarters of Marshal
de Broglie were at that time established in one of
the suites of rooms on the ground-floor of the Palace
opening on the South Terrace. I had seen the
aides-de-camp and the officers of the staff come in
with their reports, and carry away from the very
palace of the King orders to march on Paris and
punish its inhabitants. Artillery was despatched
from Douai and Metz ; in a word, warlike prepara-
tions, the preludes to sanguinary engagements
were displayed on all sides, in places where, ever
16 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
since the time of Louis XIV., nothing had been
heard but the sound of festivity, and the pomp of
peace and royal magnificence had reigned undis-
turbed. I had also seen how, in an instant, at the
first news of the capital in insurrection, and of the
taking of the Bastille, terror had succeeded to warlike
impulse ; how the brilliant staff and the troops
brought from so great a distance had vanished
like shadows, and the silence of fear had fallen on
the Palace so full of tumult a few days before. All
this formed a striking picture of the fragility of
human designs, when they are neither matured by
reflection nor sustained by high-souled courage.
On rallying from the violent shock of July 14,
the Court party adopted a more tranquil attitude,
and seemed for a time to resign themselves to their
fate. But their conduct had been so false and so
contradictory, that no approbation was accorded
even to this resignation; and as they had lost all
external influence, as suspicion rested on even their
most indifferent actions, as, in short, no one had the
least doubt of their bad faith, they had nothing to be-
st nw, and their favour was a burden which those with
whom they sought to ally themselves could not bear.
Meanwhile the Court had time to breathe, and
once more look to listening to perfidious coun-
sels and cherishing chimerical hopes. The Comte
d'Artois and the Polignacs had indeed gone
THE DISSOLUTION DISCUSSED. 17
away, but their influence bad not departed with
them. They had reached a foreign country, and
thus secured their personal safety, so they were
more than ever urgent in advising violent mea-
sures, and represented that the help of foreign
Powers would as certainly be lent in carrying such
measures into execution.
Then once more arose the questions of flight and
of the dissolution of this formidable National As-
sembly. In consequence of a scheme by which the
Municipality of Versailles was induced to request
the help of some troops of the line in order to secure
the safety of the town, the regiment of Flanders
was summoned thither. It was at this time, to-
wards the end of August 1780, that I came back
from Rouen. The aspect of Versailles was quiet, but
gloomy. The National Assembly were discussing
the most important questions of social order with
equal precipitation and improvidence, to the accom-
paniment of almost universal applause. Threat-
ened — and they could not be ignorant of the
threat — by the Court, they threw themselves en-
tirely on the people, whose passions they flattered
and whose excesses they excused. Thus they laid
the foundations of that formidable power which in
a short time was not only to rival but to exceed their
own. The two parties were drawn up opposite
to each other, although hostilities had not begun,
vol. i. c
18 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
when the Court thought itself strong enough to
throw aside the mask, or rather, in its impatience,
it laid that mask by unwittingly, without having
made any preparations for acting an openly
inimical part. The Court party were skilful in
sowing dissension among the National Guard at
Versailles, they had succeeded in inducing several
who had joined it to abandon the service. They
distributed white cockades to some young men, who
wore them in the Palace apartments, and this mark
of devotion to the Royal cause was rewarded with
grateful smiles. The officers of the Flanders
regiment were loaded with favours ; reciprocal com-
plimentary attentions had led to friendship among
that regiment, the Body Guards, and a small mi-
nority of the National Guard. The Body Guards
gave a grand banquet, to which were invited the
officers of the Flanders regiment, those of the
National Guard, those of the Household troops
who were then stationed at Versailles, and also
some gentlemen holding high positions at Court
and in the Government, or posts in the munici-
pality or the law. Every one knows that this
banquet became an orgy, in which the National
Cockade was trampled under foot, and that the
Court party, which should have used its authority
to prevent such a scandalous scene in the palace
of the monarch, with inconceivable folly actually
THE BANQUET IN THE THEATRE. 19
went to the theatre where the banquet was held, and
endorsed its disgraceful excesses by their presence.
Every one knows that the King", accompanied by the
Queen carrying the Dauphin in her arms, made the
tour of the table ; that they accepted and proposed
toasts, and ended by applauding a sham assault made
on the Royal box, in which were the King and the
Royal Family, by guests excited with wine and
political passion, while a military band played the
air — " Richard ! 6 mon roi ? ' :
I had declined an invitation to the banquet, and
during this strange scene was walking alone in the
gardens of Versailles, when I perceived a disorderly
crowd rushing towards the windows of the Queen's
apartment. I drew near, and saw them forming
into irregular dances, with shouts of " Vive le roi ! '
" Down with the National Assembly ! '' They con-
tinued to indulge in noisy and senseless demonstra-
tions during great part of the night. I began then
to suspect from what was taking place outside how
matters had progressed within, and I felt greatly
grieved, foreseeing the fatal consequences of the
extravagant conduct of that evening.
Nor were those consequences long delayed. Many
external symptoms made it evident to the public that
the Court was returning to its former projects ; in-
tending either to dissolve the Assembly, or to leave
Versailles and take up its abode in some stronghold
c 2
20 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
on the frontier — the city of Metz being named in
particular.
In order to carry out the execution of either
plan, the four companies of Body Guards, of whose
opinions and devotion there could be no doubt
since the scene of the banquet, had been assembled
at Versailles.
The Court flattered itself also that some of the
officers of the Flanders regiment, and also of the
National Guard belonging to the town, who had
taken part in the fete, would be carried away by the
example of the Body Guards. Thus did they cherish
illusions, while the ever-growing agitation in Paris,
now raised to the highest pitch of excitement by
the account of the extravagant scenes just enacted at
Versailles, ought to have roused the Court to alarm,
and induced it either to give up such ill-concerted
designs, or to hasten to put them in execution.
But the King had to make up his mind, and Louis
XVI. was incapable of coming to a decision. He
was as impassive as ever, and altered none of his
habits. Every day, as usual, he went out hunting.
He was hunting on October 5, and it was in the
woods of Rambouillet that a messenger on horse-
back, despatched at 1 p.m., brought him the news
of the movements taking place in Paris, and of
the inarch of a mob of ruffians on Versailles.
I will noi attempt to relate here the events of that
THE FIFTH AND SIXTH OF OCTOBER. 21
day and the following (October 6) ; I shall merely
relate without comment what I saw and what I
did on those two days.
At 2 p.m. on October 5, I was informed by one
of my comrades, an officer of the National Guard,
of what was taking place in Paris. I was not on
duty, but I thought it right to put on my uniform
and hold myself in readiness for a summons. At
half-past three the drums beat the general roll-call,
and I crossed the Place d'Armes, on my way to the
headquarters of the National Guard, which was at
the barracks of the French Guards on the right of
the Place. As I passed before the outer courtyard
of the Palace — the gates were closed — the Comte
de la Tour du Pin, Minister of War, recognised
me and called me in. The Court was almost filled
by the Body Guards, on horseback, drawn up in
order of battle.* I walked up and down for some
time with the Minister, who told me that a terrible
crisis was at hand ; that they were expecting
the arrival of a mob of men and women, coming
from Paris on pretext of asking for bread, but
from whom the utmost violence was to be appre-
hended ; that no precautious had been taken; that
the King had not yet returned from hunting,
but that it could not now be long before he came
back ; and that in the meantime, as a preliminary
* The French Guards had left Versailles some weeks before.
22 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
measure, the Place had been closed and the Body
Guards ordered to mount. He remarked that I
was in uniform, and asked me where I was going,
and what I intended to do. I replied that the
general roll-call had been beaten, and that I was on
my way to headquarters. He approved, and begged
me not to leave the National Guards now assembling,
but to unite my efforts with those of the other
officers to induce them effectually to resist the attack
with which the Palace was threatened. He added
that his son, the Marquis de Gouvernet, who was
second in command of the Versailles National Guard,
of which the Comte d'Estaing was Colonel, had just
mounted, and would bring us orders.
I was on the point of taking leave of M. de la
Tour du Pin, when he begged me to go from him
to the Comte de Saint-Priest, then Minister of the
King's Household,* in order to learn whether he had
received any further information as to what was
occurring in Paris, and to propose that they should
concert together such measures as it was desirable
to take. M. de Saint-Priest received me rather
ungraciously, my uniform was not pleasing to him.
He seemed to be in a very bad temper, and told
me there was nothing to be done, all that was
happening was the consequence of the mistaken
* The Minister of the King's Household included in his
department Paris and (lie interior of the kingdom.
M. DE SAINT-PRIEST. 23
conduct of the Court and the weakness of the Kinc :
moreover, there was, so far as he knew, only a mob
of drunken women and poor ragged wretches to
deal with — that they had no arms, and that the
least movement of regular troops would easily put
them to flight ; but that action would be neces-
sary, and above all no fear must be shown. Finally,
he told me he would meet the Comte de la Tour du
Pin at the Council, which was certain to be called
immediately on the King's return.
I carried this reply to M. de la Tour du Pin,*
and was not a little astonished to find on his
staircase a dozen women from Paris. The Suisse
had allowed them to come in, and they were seated
on the stairs. They seemed exhausted by fatigue
and hunger, and had been supplied with food.
They told me they had started in advance from
Paris in order to ask the King for bread, and that
they were followed by a larger number, who were
coming on with the same intention. While one of
them was telling me these things, the others were
crying out, " Vive le roi ! let him give us bread ! "
The Suisse told them to be silent, and they obeyed.
The scene was at once piteous and absurd.
After I had repeated to the Minister what M. de
Saint-Priest had said to me, I resumed my way to
* The four Ministers, Secretaries of State, resided in the
first Court of the Palace, called the Ministers' Court.
24 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
the barracks ; but instead of going by the Ministers'
Courtyard, I crossed what is called the Princes'
Courtyard, and I perceived the Duke of Orleans at
the window of the apartments on the ground-floor
on the right. He was leaning on the ledge of the
window, and speaking, with some gesticulation, to a
person standing in front of him. He was in full
dress, and wore on his coat the Order of the Holy
Ghost. It was then about four in the afternoon.
T went on to the terrace of the Palace facing
south, and there I found a squadron of the Body
Guards on horseback. Finally, after making the
round of the Palace, I returned to the Place d'Armes
and reached the barracks of the French Guards.
The aspect presented at that moment by the Place
d'Armes was as follows. The Flanders regiment
was drawn up in line reaching from the left angle
of the Palace gate to the Avenue de Paris. Several
persons, among whom I recognised some Deputies
of the National Assembly, were walking in front of
I lie troops with the officers of the regiment. Part
of the population of Versailles had rushed in to the
Place and filled it, but all was quiet, and there was
no perceptible movement. Opposite the Flanders
regiment was the National Guard of Versailles in
front of the barracks, but within the wooden barrier
which separates the precincts of the barracks from
the Place itself This sruard was in small numbers
THE NATIONAL GUARD. 25
and in very bad order. Instead of finding- it com-
plete, as I expected, I saw that the small number of
men who were mustered were out of uniform, poorly
clothed, and badly armed. None of the men of
mark in this militia, whether by fortune or position,
showed on that occasion ; and those who at reviews
or on days of ceremony appeared in brilliant uni-
form and wearing epaulettes, now kept themselves
shut up within doors. The National Guard under
arms at the moment — their number did not exceed
two hundred — also remarked these facts. Their ob-
servations were accompanied by insulting criticisms
and abusive language. I felt that no reliance could
be placed on men thus ill-disposed, and that far
from finding in them a force which we might oppose
to the dangers with which we were threatened,
they would lend their aid to disorder. I remained,
nevertheless, at their head, with a few superior
officers who arrived one by one.
All, however, continued quiet, and the ill-humour
of our men was evaporating in more or less
abusive talk against their chiefs and the Court,
when, although the daylight was beginning to fade
(it was about six in the evening), seven or eight of
the King's carriages were seen leaving the great
stables situated on the right of the barracks, and
proceeding, by the Rue Satory, to the gates of the
Orangery which open on the high road to Chartres
26 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and Brittany. At this sight several of the National
Guards exclaimed that the King certainly intended
to go, and that he must be prevented. The troop
wavered, and, heedless of the remonstrances of their
officers, about thirty men rushed forward, and taking
short cuts through by-streets, reached the gates of
the Orangery and closed them before the arrival of
the carriages, which they forced to return the way
they came. This unexpected incident destroyed all
the projects that had been formed at the Palace.*
The King, who could have mounted his horse and
placed himself at the head of his Body Guard,
was disconcerted by a mischance which it would have
been very easy to foresee, or to repair, by sending a
picket of guards to the gate, and he again sank
into his usual state of indecision, and awaited events.
The National Guards who had hastened to stop the
Royal carriages, returned to barracks more irritated
and angry than before, and I felt certain from their
language that nothing would now check them ; those
who did not share in their feelings having taken
advantage of the dusk to disappear one by one.
Thus there remained but fifty or sixty men under
arms. It was six o'clock in the evening.
* The carriages were to have received the Court at the foot
of the Orangery steps, and nothing then could have prevented
the flight of the King. The road was free, and the Body Guards
assembled in the courtyard and on the terrace would have
applied a sufficient escort.
FIBST FIBE. 27
At about the same hour, the gates of the Palace
were thrown open, and Body Guards from the court-
yard as well as those from the terrace— their presence
being no longer necessary, since the King had given
up the thought of departure — began to defile past
so as return to their Hotel, in the Avenue des
Sceaux. These troops, in order to reach the Avenue,
had to pass through the Place d'Armes, crossing it
in front of the French Guards' barracks, then occu-
pied by us. On perceiving them, part of the National
Guard moved forward towards the wooden barrier
which, as I have said, separated the precincts of the
barracks from the Place ; the rest remained in front
of the building. The head of the column of Body
Guards which were defiling at a trot, four abreast,
had barely passed the barrier, when I saw a flash of
fire-arms from among them. At the same moment,
the National Guards, without waiting for orders,
replied by an irregular volley, levelling their guns
at the Body Guards. The latter instantly set off
at a gallop, before the shooters, terrified at what
they had done, had thought of reloading their arms.
A gloomy silence succeeded to this momentary
tumult. We afterwards approached the barrier,
but could find no trace either of the discharge
from the column of the Body Guards, nor of the
shot fired from the barracks. Shortly after, M. de
Gouvernet arrived on horseback ; he ordered us
28 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
to withdraw all the Guard except that part which
was on duty. He assured us that the King had
no intention of leaving Versailles : that everything
was now tranquil ; that the Body Guards and the
Flanders regiment had returned to their quarters ;
but that if anything extraordinary should happen,
the drums were to beat to arms.
As I was not on duty, I withdrew, and repaired to
a house where I habitually spent my evenings. I
found the company much excited by the events of
the day, and especially by the shots they had heard.
Each one explained them according to his own
opinions or passions, some asserting that the National
Guard had fired first, and others that one of the Body
Guard had fired his pistol at one of the National
Guards who was near the barrier. I narrated what
I had seen, and as nothing absolutely decisive in
favour of one opinion or the other could be drawn
from my account, each individual maintained his
own, and even to the present day the question
remains unsettled.
On returning home at eleven in the evening, I
again passed by the barracks. I found only a few
men there, but near the barrier I remarked a large
fire. I approached, and saw, gathered round tin's
fire, a group of men armed with pikes, and
women of hideous aspect. They were busied in
cutting up a dead horse, and roasting the ilesh.
THE LAST DAY AT VERSAILLES. 29
I was told that the horse had been found on the
Place ; it had been probably killed by a shot from
the barracks when the National Guards had fired.
I could learn nothing farther.
I had scarcely reached my house when I heard the
drums beating. On inquiry, I found that the National
Guard of Paris was approaching, with M. de la
Fayette at its head. A grenadier in one of the Paris
battalions, who was a friend of my father, came to
see us, and quieted our apprehensions as to the aim
of this disturbance. He said that the two churches
of Versailles had been assigned as quarters to the
different battalions, but that he had preferred asking
us for a night's lodging. We made him welcome,
and I went to bed. It was then midnight.
At seven in the morning, October 6, I heard the
drums beating. I arose in haste, and made my
way towards the Palace across the gardens. In the
courtyards I saw the vanguards of the battalions of
the Parisian National Guard, which were arriving
in good form, and falling successively into order.
M. de la Fayette was at their head. While these
troops were advancing and occupying different posts,
I ascended the marble staircase and entered the
interior of the Palace, all the intricacies of which I
knew perfectly. The posts generally occupied by the
Body Guard and the Hundred Swiss were vacant ;
the guard-room and the antechambers leading to the
30 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Queen's apartment were deserted ; there were stains
of blood on the floor and on the stairs. The greatest
disorder prevailed ; men clothed in rags and armed
with pikes were hurrying down the steps which I had
ascended; the doors of the Queen's apartment lay
open ; not a servant was to be seen, either man or
woman ; the furniture, including even the Queen's
bed, was knocked about or moved from its place.
From all this it was plain that the rooms had been
forcibly entered, that the Body Guards, no more nu-
merous than usual, had been taken by surprise, and
that, after having defended the entry, they had been
obliged to yield to force and retreat ; and also that
several of them had shed their blood in making- a
hopeless resistance.
The King's apartment, on the contrary, was closed.
I returned by the same way I had come, and then I
beheld the National Guard of Paris, in the court-
yards, in line of battle, with flags flying and in
perfect order. A crowd of people, and numerous
groups of men and women, strangers to Versailles,
were pressing behind the troops, uttering shouts and
howls, and brandishing their pikes, on some of which
were human heads. It w r as a horrible and revolting
spectacle! The furious mob was, however, kept in
check by the presence of the National Guard,
and ;i portion of it, even, seeing there was no-
thing more for them to do, began to return along
THE LAST DAY AT VERSAILLES. 31
the road to Paris, whither they bore their bloody
trophies.
Lost in the crowd, and dumb with horror, I was
contemplating this fearful scene, when another of a
more imposing kind presented itself. The windows
of the balcony of the King's apartment, looking on to
the inner courtyard, called the Marble Court, were
thrown open. The King appeared on the balcony,
accompanied by the Queen, by his children and by the
Princesses.* Their appearance was saluted by cries
of " Yive le roi ! vive la famille royale ! ' ; M. de la
Fayette and M. Necker stood near the King and
Queen, and behind them was a group consisting
principally of Body Guards, disarmed and bareheaded.
The King seemed to be begging that his faithful
servants should be spared, by placing them, in some
sort, under the protection of the Parisian National
Guard, and M. de la Fayette was endeavouring to
explain the meaning of the King's gestures. I was
at too great a distance to hear distinctly the words
that were used, but the National Guard replied by
cries of assent. Then the Body Guards, throwing
their sashes and white cockades over the balcony,
received in exchange tricolor cockades and caps
belonging to grenadiers of the National Guard.
They fastened in the cockades and put on the
caps. After this kind of treaty of peace, confirmed
* Madame Elisabeth and the aunts of the King.
32 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
by loud shouts, I heard some voices, at first few in
number, but afterwards becoming more and more
general, and proceeding from every rank in the
National Guard, demanding that the King should
come to live in Paris. At first these cries seemed to
receive no attention, but the clamour soon became so
loud, and was mingled with so many threats, that it
was impossible to evade a reply. The King and
Queen were in consultation with M. de la Fayette
and M. Necker on the balcony, and at last, after
a quarter of an hour's indecision, the latter came
forward — a profound silence prevailed — and I dis-
tinctly heard the Minister announce that the King
consented to proceed to Paris, and to take up his
abode there for the future.
M. de la Fayette confirmed this resolution by voice
and gesture. A transport of joy impossible to depict
or to express instantly pervaded the crowd, salvos of
musketry were fired, and shouts of " Yive le roi ! "
resounded on every side. When the tumult had
somewhat subsided, the King retired with his
family into the private apartments, and it was
announced that the Court would leave Versailles
at one o'clock in the afternoon. It was then about
A.M.
The National Guard of Paris piled their arms in
the courtyards ofthe Palace, and dispersed about the
town, while awaiting the hour fixed for the King's
THE KING'S DEPARTURE. 33
departure, when they were to resume them, and
escort the Royal travellers. The greater part of the
crowd of men armed with pikes had already set out
for Paris, followed by some of the women. In the
meantime, the National Guard of Versailles was
assembling on the Place d'Armes, by order of its
commanding officers, and I, having put on my uni-
form, hastened to join the ranks. The Guard was to
line the way when the King passed, and as nothing
more than a ceremonial parade was in question,
there was a numerous muster, and all was in good
order.
At about one o'clock the cortege began to move.
A strong advance guard was formed of several
battalions of the National Guard of Paris. Tipsy
women were seated on the gun-carriages, singing
and waving aloft boughs which they had torn from
the trees. But I did not see the heads carried on
pikes, of which mention has been made in certain
narratives. The men who took those horrible spoils
of a night of crime back to Paris were already far
away. The King's carriages came next ; they were
surrounded by several of the Body Guard ; some
seated on the box, or on the shafts of the coaches,
and looking much more as though they had sought a
refuge there, than as though they were occupying a
post of defence. A great many of them still wore
VOL. I. D
34 MEMOIRS OF COUNT M10T DE MELITO.
the grenadiers' caps, and all displayed the tricolored
cockade.
As I have already said, we lined the way, and
from my position in front of the men I could
easily observe everything. The King's face was
quite unchanged, but the countenance of the Queen
betrayed agonizing grief, notwithstanding the
strong efforts which she made to repress the out-
ward signs of her feelings. Monsieur's carriage
followed that of the King, and the others were
occupied by persons of the household. There were
ten or twelve carriages in all. M. de la Fayette was
on horseback, now at the side of the King's carriage,
anon riding forward to give orders. Two ranks of
National Guards marched in parallel lines with the
carriages; the remainder of that numerous body
formed the rear-guard. I followed this strange
procession with my eyes until it reached the turn
into the Avenue de Paris, where at length it
disappeared.
During the rest of the day I wandered about the
deserted gardens and palace, and through the streets
of the town, where the silence was broken only by
the wheels of the carriages in which the Deputies
and Ministers, all eager to leave Versailles, were
setting out for Paris. All night the town was
patrolled. This was an unnecessary precaution,
A LAST TURN OF DUTY. 35
perfect quiet reigned everywhere. I was at the
head of one of the patrolling parties, and this was
the last turn of duty I did with the National Guard
of Versailles. Two days later I resigned, and set out
for Paris, whither I had been summoned by M. de le
Tour du Pin, who was still Minister of War.
i) 2
36 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
CHAPTER IL
The 10th of August, 1792 — The Author escapes a decree of accu-
sation — M. Lacuee provisional Chief of the War Department
— Joseph Servan, Minister — The Author ceases to be Chief of
Division at the Ministry, and enters the Administration
of Military Affairs as Comptroller-General — Servan is
succeeded in the Ministry by Pache and Hassenfratz, who
disorganise its administration — Pache is dismissed, and
succeeded by Beurnonville — -The Author resumes his former
post at the Ministry — Bouchotte succeeds Beurnonville —
The Author is made Secretary-General in the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs under Deforgues — Sketches of some of the
leaders of the Terror — Fall of Deforgues, who is succeeded
at the Foreign Office by a schoolmaster named Buchot —
The Author, denounced as a " Moderate," is placed under
a decree of accusation, together with MM. Otto, Colchen,
and Reinhart- — They are saved by the 9th Thennidor — The
Author is appointed Commissioner of Foreign Affairs — His
communications with the Committee of Public Safety —
Treaties of peace with Tuscany and Prussia.
I had been settled in Paris since October 1780,
and I continued in the service of the Military
Administration which I had entered at Versailles.
I occupied at first the post of " Chief of the Bureau,"
and afterwards thai of "Chief of Division," under
A NABBO W ESCAPE. 37
the different Ministers who succeeded each other at
the War Department up to August 10, 170 2.
I was included at this period in the proscription
which fell upon a great number of Government
employes, and I was to have been arrested and
thrown into prison, where 1 should probably have
been one of the victims of the massacres of the
2nd of September. But, fortunately as it turned
out, I was anxious about the health of my wife
and daughter, then at Versailles, and on the very
morning of the 10th of August I had left Paris
by the Clichy Gate, and had made my way to
Versailles, across the plain of Sablons, the Bois de
Boulogne, St. Cloud, and the woods above the
ancient palace of our Kings, the pathways of which
were perfectly familiar to me. During my progress,
the noise of cannon and musket-shot in Paris caused
me terrible anguish of mind ; but I only hastened
the more quickly on my way, and reached Versailles
about noon, trembling with apprehension, ignorant
of what had taken place in Paris, and unable to
reply to any of the questions put to me. In the
evening the details of that terrible day became
known. I concealed myself carefully on the
morrow, fearing to be arrested as non-domiciled,
and on the succeeding day (August 12), 1 took
my place in one of the little carriages that for
some time had been running between Versailles
38 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and Paris. We passed without difficulty through
the gates, which were closed against all who wanted
to leave the city, but freely open to all in-comers.
On reaching my father's house, I found that a
warrant for my arrest had been issued, and that
a search had been made for me, in order that it
might be put in force. I also heard that my brother-
in-law, M. Arcambal, Commissioner-Director of War
and Secretary-General of the Ministry, and my uncle,
M. Vauchelle, chief Clerk of Artillery, had already
been arrested. After acquainting me with this sad
news, my father added that he had stated that he
did not know where I was, but that I might be
heard of at the residence of the War Minister.
Thereupon I quickly decided on my course of
action, which was to proceed to the War Office.
I learnt there from my fellow-clerks that emissaries
of the Commune had in fact come on the previous
day to arrest me; that, not finding me, they had
left one of their number behind to seize me on my
return, and enforce the warrant against me, but
that the individual, weary of waiting to no purpose,
had departed, and had not since reappeared. The
Legislative Assembly had appointed M. Lacue'e, one
of its members, to administer the department until
the arrival of the new Minister of War. I thought
it right to wail upon him, and found him, wear-
ing a tricolor sash, and installed in the Minister's
M. JULLIEN. 39
cabinet. I told him that I presented myself, in
order that he might not suspect me of trying to
escape the search now being made for me. He
received me politely, said he had no orders to take
any steps against me, but that, on the contrary, he
requested me to return to my work, and to assist
him in the difficult position in which he found
himself. He complained of the excesses of the
Commune in Paris, which had disorganised every
official department by its arbitrary arrests ; and
in fact he was equally indignant at the acts of
that seditious authority as he was powerless to re-
press them.
I therefore resumed my usual occupations, ex-
pecting every instant to be arrested at my desk.
But I was not arrested ; either it was believed that
the warrant had already been executed, or I was
forgotten ; at all events, I remained at libertv. I
even had the very great happiness of saving one
of our friends, M. Jullien, who took refuge in
my house, and of aiding with him in the release of
my uncle and my brother-in-law, whom I have
mentioned above, and who were, marvellous to re-
late, set at liberty a few days before the 2nd of
September.
Meanwhile the Legislative Assembly had ap-
pointed Joseph Servan Minister of War. He was
brother to the celebrated Advocate-General of the
40 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
same name, and had already occupied that post, to
which he had been appointed by the King. He
had connected himself with the now triumphant
Girondist party, and sent in his resignation some
months previously. The Assembly had solemnly
declared that on quitting his post he carried with
him the regrets of France. During his first tenure
of office I had frequently been brought into contact
with him ; he was acquainted with my opinions and
knew that I did not share his. In fact, although
I occupied a somewhat obscure position, I had
not been permitted to conceal my opinions ; and
I was naturally opposed to any disguise of the
kind. I was — and he knew it — what was called at
that time a Constitutional Monarchist, a Moderate, a
u feuillant." I belonged to the club so-called, although
my dislike of assemblies of that kind generally kept
me away from it. All these circumstances being
known to M. Servan, he could not feel confidence in
me; and although my thorough acquaintance with
the details of the Ministry rendered me useful, he felt
that by retaining me he might incur censure, and
would expose himself to danger without being able
to protect me. Nevertheless he received me with
some cordiality, after his appointment to the War
Office by the Assembly ; but as my views of my
position there were the same as his, we soon agreed
lo separate. He accepted my resignation of I he post
A NEW MINISTER. 41
of Chief of Division — I sent it in on the pretext
of ill-health — and placed me as Comptroller-General
in the Administration of Military Affairs, a position
little known and quite obscure, where I hoped to be
out of the reach of investigation. But it was fated
otherwise. The National Convention had just met,
and the Girondists who had placed Servan at the
head of the War Office, having lost by degrees
the powerful influence they had exercised over the
Legislative Assembly, Servan was attacked, dis-
missed, and replaced (October 4, 1792) by Pache,
a creature of the Communist party. On the arrival
of the new Minister, the whole War- Administration
was upset. Every man of intelligence or experience
was dismissed, and Hassenfratz, placed by Pache
at the head of one of the most important divisions
of the department, raised confusion to its highest
pitch ; he persecuted all the former employes
by his denunciations, and treated them with the
severity inspired by instinctive ill-will, disguised
under the hypocritical mask of enthusiastic republi-
canism. Nor was I to escape : in the month of
December there was some thought of entrusting me
with a mission connected with the administration to
which I belonged : he refused me my passports and
the necessary orders, expressing surprise that my
name had been left on the list of employes in his
department. This expression of opinion on the part
42 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of a man who was at that time all-powerful, was
equivalent to a sentence of death, and doubtless I
should have perished had my persecutor had time
to carry his evil intentions into execution.
At this critical moment of my fate Pache himself
was violently attacked by Dumouriez. The latter
had just entered Belgium after his brilliant victory
at Jemappes, and could not carry on the war with
a Minister who was disorganising everything. He
had great influence in the Convention ; prevailed
over the Commune, and carried the dismissal of
Pache early in February 1793. Pache was succeeded
by Beurnonville, who had served with distinction
in the Belgian campaign, and was nicknamed by
Dumouriez "the French Ajax."
Beurnonville, on coming into office, sent for
me and offered to restore me to my former post.
Since the time when Hassenfratz had declared war
against me, and during the trial of Louis XVI., I had
frequently absented myself from Paris, to avoid
the dangers that threatened me, and also the sight
of the terrible tragedy then impending, of that
sanguinary execution which shortly afterwards
polluted the capital of France ; but I had not re-
linquished my habitual residence. I was there
when Beurnonville's propositions were made to
inc. I aeeeded to them, and re-entered the War
Office.
BEUBNONVILLE. 43
Under the new Minister the Administration becan
to work more regularly, and to emerge from the
lethargy into which Pache and Hassenfratz had
plunged it. But this state of things did not last
long. The reverses experienced by the French
army, and which in the early part of 1793 forced
us to evacuate Belgium ; the defection of Dumouriez ;
the internal discord in the Convention, a stormy
prelude to the Reign of Terror that followed the
execution of Louis XVI. and which was now
developing itself; these were among the causes
that combined to efface every trace of a short-
lived improvement. Beurnonville, who was sent
with Camus, Guinette, Lamarque, and Bancal,
Commissioners of the Convention, to arrest Du-
mouriez, wished to take me with him, as he was
very friendly to me. I had agreed to go, when
fortunately the necessity for retaining a confidential
person in the War Department, in which Beurnon-
ville intended to resume his post after a short
absence, led him to decide on leaving me in Paris.
We know the fate that awaited him ; and I should
no doubt have shared his long imprisonment.
When, in April 1793, Beurnonville was arrested
by order of Dumouriez, together with the Commis-
sioners of the Convention, and the post of War Minister
became vacant, the Convention appointed Boucbotte
to succeed him. Boucbotte was Commandant of
41 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Arms at Cambrai, and had hitherto been undistin-
guished in the military career on which he had
barely entered. It was only the favour of the
Paris Commune that had placed him among the
candidates. The Commune hoped to find in him a
second Pache, and in some respects were not dis-
appointed. The devotion of the new Minister to
this odious faction was unquestionable ; he gave
frequent proofs of it. Nevertheless, under a plain
exterior, with foolish ways, and a bearing which
often caused him to be wrongfully accused of total
incapacity, Bouchotte had talents and qualities for
administration, an upright mind, and the capacity
for steady application to business. He even displayed
great activity, which seemed at variance with his
physical organisation. It was while he was Minister
that the garrison of Mayence was removed to La
Vendee, and this strange enterprise, the manage-
ment of which devolved upon me, was carried
through with remarkable precision. At this period,
too, the telegraph, an invention which rendered
great service to military correspondence, came
into use.* Notwithstanding the severity exercised
* M. Chappe, tlio inventor (or supposed to bo so) of the
telegraph, came to me at the War Office. David, 1 lie famous
painter, introduced him. Chappe explained to me the method
of using his machine, to which he gave the name of tachygraphe
("writes quickly"). I proposed to him to substitute for this
imperfect description that of telegraphe ("writes from afar").
BOUCriOTTE. 45
in those deplorable days towards so many general
officers whose lives were taken by the Convention,
I had opportunities of observing that Bouchotte
was altogether opposed to these condemnations,
and that he saved the lives of many persons who
do not know they are under any such obligation
to him. Among others, I may name General
Canclaux.
When a man appointed by the Paris Commune
made his appearance at the Ministry of War, I
believed myself irrecoverably lost, and I confidently
expected the reappearance of all the officials who
had been formerly employed by Pache, such as
Hassenfratz, Sijas and others, who had withdrawn
with their chief. But, to my great surprise, Bouchotte
did not reinstate them. He even insisted on retain-
ing me, treated me with the fullest confidence in
everything regarding the affairs of the Adminis-
tration, neither inquired into my political opinions,
alluded on any occasion to his own, nor solicited
me to embrace them, although I worked with him
many hours daily. Nevertheless, I felt my position
to be one of constant constraint. A reverse to our
troops, an act of forgetfulness or of negligence, any-
thing that should give room for the most trivial
He adopted this alteration. The name "telegraph" has
become, so to speak, a household word.
46 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
denunciation, might bring irretrievable ruin upon
me, and I ardently longed to escape from so critical
a position. I saw that I owed the consideration with
which I was treated solely to the necessity that
existed for making use of my experience in the
Administration, and that so soon as that necessity
should subside, I should be left alone and without a
protector to repel the attacks upon me that would
inevitably be renewed. I was convinced that the
Minister would not willingly dismiss, nor would
he denounce me, but I was also aware that he
had some difficulty in maintaining his own position,
and that, as he was obliged to purchase by continual
concessions such protection as was afforded him
by the party which had placed him in office, he
would be unable to defend me, and certainlv would
not for my sake put his own popularity in peril.
While I was in this state of perplexity, an oppor-
tunity of leaving my perilous post offered itself, and
I eagerly embraced it. Several assistants had been
appointed to the War Ministry. One of these,
named Deforgues, with whom I had been brought
into constant contact, was appointed Minister of
Foreign Affairs, on June 24, 1793. He proposed
that I should change into that department with him,
and take the place of Secretary-General. I accepted.
Bouchotte was with difficulty induced to part with
me, bnl eventually he consented. I therefore
A NEW ERA. 47
relinquished at this time the career I had adopted
in my youth, but resumed it, as will appear in the
course of my narrative, just after the 18th Brumaire,
year VIII.
A new era had now begun for me. This
change in my career eventually called me to high
functions in the public Administration, when, after
the Reign of Terror, a regular Government was
formed in France.
My first experiences in the new course on which
I was entering justified the decision I had taken, and
realised some of my expectations. I had calculated
that, foreign relations with France being for the
present almost at an end, I should be less exposed to
remarks in a department which had next to nothing
to do than in the War Office, which at that time
was the centre of attention ; and that Deforgues,
who, on attaining to the Ministry, had called me to
his side in consequence of the events of May
31st, and who was a man of a firm and decided
character, would be a more substantial support to
me. It was also with great inward satisfaction that
I found myself in an Administration where I should
have to work with men of high intelligence as well
as of honourable character, such men as MM. Otto,
Colchen, Reinhart and Boissonade, who were at the
head of the principal divisions of the Ministry. The
mere difference in speech seemed to me an inesti-
48 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
mable advantage ; to the coarse, rough ways adopted
in the War Office, succeeded politeness and elegance
of manner, the result of a gentlemanly education and
the habit of association with foreigners. I found
traces of the former customs of the monarchy still
existing in this department. Far from seeking to
efface them, Deforgues, who, notwithstanding the
party he had joined, had natural good sense and
sound judgment, seemed to take pleasure in them,
and to desire a restoration of order, decorum, and
urbanity.
In this way, with less personal danger than I had
hitherto incurred in the terrible storm then de-
vastating France, I passed through the six months
which elapsed between June 1793 and the end
of the year. During that period I had several
opportunities of seeing Danton, the patron of
Deforgues, at whose house he frequently dined. I
was often invited, as were also my colleagues, Otto
and Colchen. These dinner-parties often included
Lacroix, Legendre, Fabre d'Eglantine, Camille
Desmoulins, and less often Robespierre, whom,
indeed, I met but once.
I will pause here for an instant, and endeavour to
describe the impression which was produced on me
by the appearance and conversation of those famous
and criminal Revolutionists, whom I saw for a few
moments, as it were, in their private life, and away
DANTON. 49
from the bloody stage on which they daily displayed
their fury. My colleagues and I had our places at
the end of the table, and took no part in the con-
versation ; we were mere observers, and it is the
result of my observations that I am now about to
record.
Danton, the most remarkable of all the personages
whom I have named, had a hideous face. His pro-
portions were athletic ; in that respect he was even
thought to resemble Mirabeau. But the complexion
of the latter was of a livid pallor, while that of
Danton was of a reddish-brown, and his countenance
was very animated. The tone of his voice was impres-
sive, he spoke with warmth and energy that appeared
natural to him. His elocution was fiery, and always
accompanied by violent gesticulations ; at table he
generally struck the key-note of the conversation,
and made frequent use of figurative expressions —
" The chariot-wheels of the Revolution will crush its
enemies ; " " The Revolution is like Saturn : it will
devour its children " — and other phrases of the same
kind. He felt profound contempt for the Girondists,
regarding them as fools who had recoiled before
the logical results of their principles. He made
no secret of his love of pleasure and of money,
and sneered at vain scruples of conscience and
delicacy. Intrenched in the club of the Cordeliers,
which he looked upon as a citadel always open to him,
vol. I. E
50 MEMO IBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
he believed himself to be unassailable. The cynicism
of his morals exhibited itself in his language, for he
despised the hypocrisy of some of his colleagues, and
his sarcasms on this vice were principally directed
against Robespierre; whom, however, he did not
venture to name. Nevertheless it was easily to be
seen that Robespierre was the enemy whom he most
dreaded, although he affected to despise his party.
" They would not dare," he often said, and this rash
confidence was his ruin. He thought himself suffi-
ciently strong to leave Paris in the spring of 1704
with impunity, for the purpose of passing a few days
on an estate he had acquired at Bar-sur-Aube. He
gave himself up when there to the enjoyment of the
luxury he had procured by his extortions in Belgium,
and thus absented himself from the battle-field. On
his return he had lost his influence, and Robespierre,
all powerful at the time, sent him to the scaffold.
Lacroix, a friend of Danton's, and his colleague
in his mission to Belgium, where they both enriched
themselves, was of gigantic stature, but of fine pro-
portions, and was a haudsome man. He had taken
Danton for his model, imitated his manners, and
repeated or paraphrased his speeches. The whole
of his oratorical talent lay in this imitation. He
spoke little, ate a great deal, and applauded the
sayings of his master by gesture only. lie followed
him to the scaffold.
FABBE DEGLANTINE. 51
Fabre d'Eglantine's manner of talking was grace-
ful, but affected. Notwithstanding his efforts to
conform to the Revolutionary style of speech, it
was evidently antipathetic to him, and the ring of
a refined education was heard through a coarse
exterior. When the conversation turned, as rarely
happened, on literary subjects, he eagerly joined
in it, and displayed great acquirements. He was
an admirer of Moliere, and spoke of him enthusias-
tically. I have heard him make remarks on
the works of that great genius which were as
striking as they were novel. I remember that,
when descanting one day on the merits of the
" Bourgeois Gentilhomme," he said : " It is a great
mistake to think in this play that Moliere intended
to insult the middle classes. He aimed it at the
nobility, and was merciless. He certainly holds up
to ridicule the folly of a bourgeois who wants to pass
for a nobleman ; but M. Jourdain, with all his
folly, is none the less a very upright man ; a good
husband, a good father, a generous and practical
friend. The rogue, in the play, is the gentleman,
Dorante, who is both a flatterer and a cheat. He
is a wretch, who deserves only our contempt.
All Moliere's talent was needed to mislead as
to his real meaning, and at the same time it
required immense courage thus to exhibit the vices
of courtiers on the stage, under the very eyes of
E 2
52 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the Court." This view of Moliere's genius reveals
discernment in the critic, and Fabre d' Eglantine has
proved by his own writings for the stage that lie
could appreciate and successfully imitate him whom
he had taken for his model. He was indicted as an
accomplice of Danton, and perished with him.
Legendre, a Paris butcher, was of small stature,
and deeply pitted with small-pox. He spoke with
the greatest facility. Grifted by nature with ex-
traordinary but quite uncultivated eloquence, his
speeches in public, bis conversation in private, were
full of original and happy turns. He was an ardent
patriot, and fell into the greatest revolutionary ex-
cesses, but there is no doubt that he acted in good
faith and sincerity, following the impulses of a
passionate but misguided love of liberty, and a mind
never restrained by the curb of reason or reflection.
I often admired this man when, on leaving the Con-
vention where he had supported the most blood-
thirsty proceedings, he would return to private life,
and talk to us of its charms with an accent of truth
impossible to simulate. He would speak of his own
domestic happiness, of his wife and children, in the
tone of the best of husbands and fathers, sometimes
U'traying his emotion by the tears that stood in his
eyes. He was an incomprehensible mixture of
political ferocity and social virtues, proving that
man, with his strange mobility of imagination, can
LEG END BE. 53
unite in himself the most wondrous contradictions.
He was a partisan of Danton, whom he regarded, he
said, as the Hercules of the Revolution, and was
never weary of praising him when speaking of his
talents in a public capacity ; but he blamed him
openly for his manner of life, and for his luxurious
tastes, and never joined in any of his disgraceful
speculations. Animated discussions on this subject
would frequently arise between them ; and although
Danton always turned the matter into a jest, and
pretended to laugh at the preaching of his colleague,
Legendre never yielded, and it was evident that his
words pierced to the quick. Lastly, this remarkable
and singularly-organised man had succeeded in in-
spiring such a general respect that, notwithstanding
his openly-avowed attachment to Danton, Saint-Just
did not venture to include him in the indictment of
the latter. And although, even after the death of
Danton, Legendre continued to defend him, he was
never proscribed, but was in a position to attack
Robespierre on the 9th Thermidor, and to contribute
to his fall. He was therefore an exception, and
although one of the most enthusiastic members of the
Convention, he escaped almost alone from the fate
which the fiery revolutionists of that terrible time
had to endure. After the establishment of the Con-
stitution of Year III. he was elected member of the
Council of Former Members (Conseil des Anciens),
54 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and died in his bed, at Paris, at the beginning of
year VI. (end of 1797), being still a member of the
Council, and leaving no fortune behind him.
Camille Desmoulins was also among the number
of those who dined pretty frequently at Deforgues'.
His personal appearance was commonplace, lie had
no external advantages, nor did his conversation
belie the grudging hand with which Nature had
endowed him. Gloomy and silent, his countenance
wore an expression of profound melancholy, and it
was difficult to recognise the orator of the early days
of the Revolution of 1780, the orator who, standing
on a chair at the Palais Royal, had by his stirring
speech produced the great popular movement of
that famous period. At the time when I was in the
habit of seeing him, he was horror-struck at the
terrible scenes which passed before his eyes every
day, and was endeavouring to arouse a spirit of
humanity. In several numbers of a newspaper
entitled * Le Vieux Cordelier,' which was edited by
bim, he ventured (for it was then an act of the
greatest courage) to advocate a return to clemency.
Danton laughed at him for what he chose to call his
weakness, but Camille Desmoulins, who was also
excluded by each so-called patriotic society for having
advocated these new doctrines, made no reply. His
gloom announced lli;il lie already foresaw llie i'ale
awaiting him, and the few words that he uttered
CAMILLE DESMOULINS. 55
were always inquiries or observations on the
sentences of the Revolutionary Tribunal, on the kind
of death inflicted on the condemned, and on the most
dignified and decorous way of preparing for and
enduring it. His presentiment was soon realised.
He was included by Saint-Just in the indictment of
Danton and his party, although no appearance even
of complicity justified that strange combination, and
he was brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal.
He was astonished, he says, to find himself associated
with rogues, and made a strange and impious reply,
but one which is characteristic of the times,* to the
interrogatory of the President, who asked him his
age. He went to the scaffold in the same tumbril
with Danton.
I have still to speak of Robespierre. I saw him,
as I have already said, once only. Elegant in dress,
carefully curled and powdered, composed in manner,
he formed the most curious contrast with the
disorder, affected neglect, and coarseness that ap-
peared in the attire and manners of his colleagues.
His deportment was grave, and he took hardly any
part in the conversation, speaking only now and
then a few sententious words. But notwithstanding
the immobility of his pale and sinister countenance,
it was evident that he did not feel at his ease, and
* Camille Desnioulins replied : " I am of the age of that goorl
sans-culotte Jesus — thirty-three years."
56 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL IT 0.
I learned afterwards that he owed a grudge to
Deforgues for having thrown him into the company
of men whom he pretended to regard as very
uncertain patriots, or what was still more criminal
in his eves, as " Moderates." Thus the conver-
sation at dinner was constrained. I also thought
I could perceive by the few words uttered by
Robespierre that he especially desired to be dis-
tinguished as a great statesman. He spoke of the
foreign relations of France, of the necessity of
extending them and of making a fresh alliance with
Switzerland. He had already made some enquiries
in the Foreign Department on the latter subject, and
I recollect that M. Colchen, who was at the head of
the division of the Ministry which includes the
Swiss Confederation, received with no little alarm an
invitation to a conference at the Minister's at which
Robespierre was to be present. I recall this anecdote
only to show that even at this period Robespierre
flattered himself he might become the head of the
Government, and that his ambition was to acquire
the reputation of a statesman and great politician.
After this digression, I resume the thread of my
narrative. But before continuing, I would remark
I hat the beginning of the Republican Era having
been fixed at September 22, 1702, the second year
of the I 'epublic commenced on September 22, 17!K'?,
and, dating from that period, the use of the vulgar
THE NEW CALENDAR. 57
era was interdicted.* Therefore all dates that I
shall mention will be according to the New Era,
and I shall merely indicate the years of the Old
Calendar to which they refer. I shall follow this
plan until January 1, 1806, when the Republican
Era was abolished and the use of the Gregorian
Calendar restored.
I passed the remainder of the year 1793 (the
early part of year II.) in discharging the duties of
Secretary-General at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
and I took advantage of the frequent leisure which
my post afforded, at a time when we had scarcely
any dealings with Foreign Powers, to examine the
archives of my department, and to extract from them
knowledge of a kind which up to that time I had
had no opportunity of acquiring. This period of
tranquillity, which I owed to my obscure position,
did not last long. Danton, accused on Germinal 12,
year II. (April 1, 1794), by the Committee of Public
Safety, of which Saint-Just was the reporter, had
been arrested on the preceding day. Being brought
five days later before the Revolutionary Tri-
bunal, his head fell on the scaffold (Germinal 10).
* As the New Calendar was not decreed until several weeks
after September 22, 1793, the ' Moniteur,' counting from October
16 of that year, is dated the second month of the Eepublic, and
only from October 31 by the new names of the months. The
first of these new dates, Decadi, Brumaire, year If., heads the
' Moniteur ' of October 31, 1793.
58 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
The fall of Danton was soon followed by that of
Deforgues. He was arrested, and until the Com-
missions which were to take the place of the
Executive Council, and that of the Ministers who
had been suppressed by a decree of Germinal 12
should be established, the Convention appointed
Hermann to succeed him. That provisional Minister
did not, however, appear at the Office of Foreign
Affairs ; the new Commissioners were appointed
soon after. (Germinal 29, year II., April 18, 1794).
The " Commissioner of Exterior Relations," a de-
nomination substituted for that of Minister of Foreign
Affairs, arrived to take possession of that department.
This Commissioner's name was Buchot. He came
from the Department of the Jura, where he had been
a schoolmaster in a small town. His ignorance, his
bad manners, his stupidity surpassed anything that
can be imagined. During five months that he was at
the head of the department, he did not occupy him-
self with it in the least, and indeed was incapable of
so doing. The heads of divisions had abandoned the
idea of working with him; he neither saw them nor
asked for them ; he was never to be found in his
Cabinet, and when it was absolutely necessary to
obtain his signature for the purpose of legalising
documents— he had reduced his functions to tins
act alone— he had to be fetched from the billiard-
table at the Cafe Bardy, where he generally passed
BUCHOT. 59
his days. On the other hand, apathetic as he was
in business, Bucliot was fatally active when called
upon to second the bloodthirstiness of Robespierre's
party, who had appointed him because he was a friend
of the President of the Revolutionary Tribunal ; and
it was not long before the effects of the hatred he
bore to my colleagues and to me became apparent.
When Robespierre, threatened by a section of the
Convention, multiplied the number of victims whom
he sacrificed each day in order to diminish the number
of his enemies, Buchot denounced us as " Moderates,"
who could not too quickly be got rid of. On
8th Thermidor, year II. (July 27, 1704), he obtained
a warrant for the arrest of Otto, Colchen, Reinhart,
and myself, from the Committee of General Safety.
The next morning, Buchot, with a devilish smile,
announced our fate to me, and went out to defend
Robespierre's interests at the Commune. But it was
the 9th Thermidor ! We were saved, although on
the following day, notwithstanding the events of
the 9th, an attempt was made to enforce the warrant
of arrest. This decree, with a great many others of
the same kind, had passed in due course through
the office of the Committee of General Safety, which
had proceeded to carry it out. In fact it was only
through the solicitations of M. Humbert, the chief
of the Finance Department of our office, that we ob-
tained the revocation of the sentence, and, free from
GO MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
fear, could share in the universal joy displayed
throughout Paris when the fall of the monsters who
had enslaved France and drenched her in blood
became known. M. Otto only, in consequence of a
further denunciation, was arrested a few weeks after.*
For some months after the 9 th Thermidor, the
National Convention, engaged in destroying the
remnant of a party whose head only had been
wounded, did not set about re-establishing order in
the public administration. The Commissioners who
had succeeded the Ministers continued to occupy
their places, and we beheld the reappearance of
Buchot ! He was somewhat humbler and less
formidable, but no less incapable. At the end of
year II. (September 1794) the offices of the Minis-
try of Exterior Relations were removed from Rue
Cerutti (now Rue Lafitte), where they had been
established, to the Hotel Gallifet in the Rue du Bac.
At last, the Committee of Public Safety of the
National Convention, which held the reins of Grovern-
* M. Otto was taken to the Luxembourg Prison, but lie
remained there only a short time, and the suspicions which had
led to this act of severity were quickly dispelled. Deforgues,
who was much attached to him, was released from the same
prison after the 9th Thermidor. lie worked with the greatest
zeal to obtain the liberty of his companion in misfortune.
I was luckily able to assist liini in his efforts, and we succeeded
in procuring an order of release from the Committee of General
Safety, armed with which we went to fetch M..Otto from the
Luxembourg al live in the morning.
ADMINISTRATIVE BEF0B3I. Gl
ment, was brought by the force of circumstances to
ideas of order, and felt the necessity for a reform of
the public administration, which was completely dis-
organised by revolutionary excesses, by the internal
divisions of the Assembly, and by the incapacity
of the lately-appointed officials. The Government,
anxious to assume a more dignified attitude towards
the European Powers, showed a disposition to listen
to the overtures of peace, which the astonishing
victories of the French army had induced some of
the Foreign Cabinets to make privately. In this
new phase of the public mind, it was impossible to
leave the Commission of Exterior Relations in the
abject and absurd state to which its ridiculous chief
had allowed it to sink. MM. Otto, Colchen, Reinhart
and myself, were therefore summoned before the
Committee of Public Safety early in Brumaire,
year III. Four members of the Committee had been
ordered to hold a conference with each of us, in which
we were to pass a kind of examination. Merlin (of
Douai), Cambace'res, Thuriot and another, whose
name I do not recollect, had been selected. I fell to
the share of Thuriot.
He put questions to me as to my antecedents,
asked me whether I had passed through a regular
course of study, and knew Latin, and he appeared
pleased when I told him I was acquainted with that
language, and that I had also learned some others,
G2 MEMOIRS OF COUNT M10T BE MELITO.
viz., Italian, English and German. After tliis inter-
rogatory, which lasted half an hour, he informed
me that the Committee of Public Safety intended to
propose to the Convention that the " Department of
Exterior Relations '' should he so organised as to
enable it to carry on certain political negotiations
which had been already opened, and that he had
thought of me as successor to the present Com-
missioner, whose incapacity was generally acknow-
ledged.* We then parted, and on rejoining my
colleagues I found that they had undergone much
the same sort of examination.
The results of this singular conference were not
long delayed ; by a decree of the Convention dated
18th Brumaire, year III. (November 8, 1794), I was
appointed Commissioner of Exterior Relations. MM.
Otto, Colchen and Reinhart were specially attached
to the Committee of Public Safety. They were to
attend to details, as well as to diplomatic corre-
spondence, and I took up my abode in the offices to
which, as I have said before, the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs had been transferred two months previously.
These various changes had taken place without
the knowledge of Buchot, who learned them from
a newspaper which he bought in the street on
that evening. I nevertheless called upon him on
* This awkward appellation was substituted for that, of
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which was subsequently restored.
AN EX-MINISTEIi. 63
the day after my nomination, and treated him with
the courtesy usual on such occasions. This, however,
he seemed to appreciate but little, He only told me
that he should he much inconvenienced if I insisted
on his immediately vacating the apartments he occu-
pied at the Hotel of the Commission. I assured him
that, as I had no intention of sleeping there, he was
at liberty to remain until he had provided himself
with another residence. He thanked me, and said
that the Committee had done well in appointing me,
but that it was very unpleasant for him to have
been brought to Paris, obliged to give up his
profession in the country, and afterwards left in
the lurch. And then he took it into his head to
ask me for a place in my office ! I tried to make
him understand that it would be the height of
indecorum on his part to accept a secondary post
in a department of which he had once been the
head. He thought such a scruple very extraordinary,
and finding that I hesitated to give an affirmative
reply, he said that in the event of my not finding
him capable of filling the place of clerk, which he
was soliciting, he would be satisfied with that of
office-boy. I felt ashamed to witness such meanness,
and, after a few vague excuses, I left him. He
continued to sleep at the Hotel for about a week,
but I did not see him again. One morning I was
told that he had not come in on the previous evening,
64 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
and that he had removed his property. I am ignorant
of what happened to him afterwards ; he was an ex-
traordinary character ; the most singular mixture of
baseness, ignorance and ferocity that can be imagined.
The organisation of the Department of Exterior
Relations being decided on, as I have previously
stated, a satisfactory activity set in. I worked
systematically with the Committee of Public Safety,
which at that time consisted of men to whom, what-
ever we may think of their political conduct in the
course of the Revolution, we cannot deny the posses-
sion of great ability. Among these are Merlin
(of Douai), Cambaceres, Sieyes, Fourcroy, Boissy
d'Anglas, Carnot, and others. I endeavoured to
renew our foreign relations, so far as the isolation
in which the coalition of all the Powers against
France bad placed her rendered it possible to do so.
Consuls were despatched to all countries where
there was a hope of their being received. A circular
letter addressed to the agents of the Republic abroad,
instructed them to regard enquiries into the state
of science, of art, and of social progress in general,
in 1 1 10 countries where they exercised their functions,
as one of their first duties. The famous Tolney,
with whom I became intimate at that time, and
who honoured me with bis friendship until his death,
drew up ;it my request a series of questions on poli-
tical economy, which I forwarded to those agents, and
THE STATE OF THINGS. 65
the answers conveyed to us a tolerably accurate
idea of the peoples among whom they dwelt.* I
ordered foreign publications and newspapers to be
sent to me, and formed a plan of founding a library
and reading-room on the premises of the Foreign
Office, which should be available for all who might
choose to come to these for information. Trans-
lators paid by the G-overnment would assist per-
sons ignorant of the original languages in their
researches.
The Committee of Public Safety supported my
views, and readily accepted the propositions that
I laid before it. We were then endeavouring to
emerge from the abyss of anarchy, and it would
be unjust not to acknowledge the efforts of the
Committee to re-establish order, and to restore
France, if I may so express it, to Europe, whence
she had been in a manner exiled. Although sur-
rounded by dangers which were the work of the
still smouldering factions, and which on the 12th
Germinal, 3rd Prairial, year III., and 13th Ven-
de'miaire, year IY. (April, May, and October,
1795), threatened it with overthrow; in constant
alarm on account of the famine that was laying
Paris waste, and making a popular rising immi-
* These questions, which are a model of precision and
sagacity, were published in Nivose, year III. (January 1795),
together with the Circular Letter that accompanied them.
They form a small volume in 18mo., now rather scarce.
VOL. I. F
GG MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
nent ; obliged to supply the enormous necessities
of fourteen armies, so as to enable them to con-
solidate their first triumphs and obtain fresh
successes ; finally, although hampered in all its
movements, and suspected in all its purposes, the
Committee did not flinch from the burden, but
evinced the most astonishing activity and the most
unwavering fidelity — I will not say to the con-
fidence reposed in it by the public (neither the
nation nor even the Convention honoured it with
any), but to the greatness of the task imposed on it
Dy destiny. History bears witness that during the
administration of the Committee which lasted over
a year, from the 9th Thermidor, year II. (July 28,
1794), until the establishment of the Constitution of
year III. in the month of Vendemiaire, year IV.
(October 1795), France was victorious everywhere;
and if not respected abroad, she was at least feared,
for during that interval several foreign cabinets
solicited peace, and so far sacrificed their pride
as to treat with a Republic that they had openly
scorned.
The negotiations entered into by the Committee
of Public Safety came to a speedy and prosperous
issue. Count Carletti, Envoy from the Grand Duke
of Tuscany, came to Paris to negotiate a renewal of
neutrality between the French Republic and Tus-
cany. The treaty of peace concluded by this
THE TREATIES. 67
Minister with the Committee of Public Safety was
ratified bv the National Convention on 25th Phi-
viose, year III. (February 13, 1795), on being
reported by Richard.*
Another more important treaty was signed shortly
afterwards (16th Germinal, year III., April, 5, 1795),
between Prussia and France. Holland, Spain, and
the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel also recognised and
treated with the Republic in the course of the same
year.f
"With the exception of the treaty with Tuscany,
which, as I have said, was negotiated at Paris,
directly, between Count Carletti and the Commit-
tee of Public Safety, the others were negotiated
and signed at Bale by the French Ambassador,
M. Barthe'lemy, according to instructions from the
Committee. The negotiations entrusted to this
diplomatist were conducted with all the skill he
had acquired in his long experience of affairs ; but
they did not present the difficulties that might have
been expected in first transactions of this kind be-
tween a Government quite recently established, and
long-existing powers which had but lately shown
so deep an aversion to the doctrines on which it was
* The treaty itself bears date 21st Pluviose (February 9).
t Holland on 27th Floreal (May 15); Spain, 4th Thermidor
(July 22); the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, 11th Fructidor
(August 28), year IIT. (1795).
F 2
68 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
founded. It is certain, I have had opportunities of
ascertaining the fact, that the advances were not
made by the Republic, but that, on the contrary,
all the preliminary steps were taken by the foreign
cabinets. Two powerful motives induced the latter
to hasten the conclusion of peace ; first, the fear of
bringing troops full of enthusiasm, elated by a long
succession of victories, and whom no obstacle seemed
able to stop, on their territory; and secondly, the
dread that the principles professed by these troops,
and which rendered them so formidable, might
penetrate into the heart of the ancient political
constitutions of Europe, carrying with them the
germs of revolution.
The third year of the Republic may then be
justly considered as one of the most brilliant in the
history of the nation. During the course of this
single year France, victorious within, over the
tyranny of Robespierre and the revolutionary mad-
ness, closed the den of the Jacobins, made for
herself a constitution in which, although it had
imperfections that might have easily been removed,
the first principles of the balance of power were
laid down, and a regular Government, offering such
sufficient guarantees that other Governments no
longer feared to treat with her, was established.
Abroad, she regained a high degree of political
consideration, made peace with enemies hitherto
THE PRICE OF GLORY. 69
bent on her ruin, imposed severe conditions on them,
and herself submitted to none that could lower her
dignity. Finally, she carried her arms into the
neighbouring countries, while she no longer suffered
a single foreign soldier to tread her soil. Every-
thing promised a great and lasting prosperity for
her in the future ; but the rulers whom the Con-
stitution of year III. placed at her head possessed
neither ability nor worth; and when, five years
later, she repudiated that constitution, the nation,
dazzled with glory, heedlessly adopted institutions
which, as they deviated completely from her pro-
fessed principles and rested on no solid basis, were
speedily overthrown.
Victory alone was for long years faithful to France,
and it dazzled her ; but her glory was bought at the
heavy price of the loss of liberty.
70 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL1TO.
CHAPTER III.
The Author is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Grand
Duke of Tuscany — The 12th Germinal — The Author embarks
at Marseilles for Genoa, and proceeds from thence to
Florence — Eeport to the Committee of Public Safety on
the political state of Florence — Difficulties caused by the
presence of the French Emigres at Leghorn, and by the ill-will
of the Tuscan authorities towards the Eepublic — General
Buonaparte appointed to the command of the army of Italy
— Opening of the campaign and series of victories obtained
by the young General — The Governments of Italy take
steps towards obtaining peace — The Author determines to
proceed to Buonaparte's headquarters.
The re-establishment of political relations between
France and several of the European Powers, and
an impulse of greater activity given to those which
had not been entirely broken off, with Sweden,
Denmark, Switzerland, and thu United States, had
once more thrown open the career of diplomacy.
I was only thirty-two years of age; 1 was
longing for knowledge, for 1 ravel; I desired there-
fore to obtain a diplomatic post, and the Committee
of Public Safety showed itself willing to accede to
MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY. 71
my wishes. I was permitted to choose between the
mission to Florence and that to the United States.
My tastes led me to select the former.
On 9th Pluviose, year III. (February 6, 1795), I
was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. The decree of the
Committee of Public Safety containing my nomi-
nation is signed by Cambace'res, Merlin (of Douai),
Maret, Pelet, Carnot, A. Dumont, Fourcroy, Boissy
d'Anglas, Chazal and Dubois de Crance. M. Fre-
ville* was appointed Secretary of Legation, and
M. Finet, a painter, was at my request nominated to
reside with me at Florence. In his capacity as an
artist he was to negotiate an exchange of pictures
between the two Governments, to their mutual
advantage.
Meanwhile the Grand Duke published through-
out his States, on March 1, 1795, the treaty of
peace he had just concluded with France, and
despatched letters accrediting Count Carletti to
the functions of Minister Plenipotentiary in Paris.
M. Carletti was solemnly received in that charac-
ter by the Convention on 28th Yentose (March 17),
and the minutes of this extraordinary sitting are
recorded in French and also in Italian at the
National Printing Office. This was the first political
triumph obtained by the Republic.
* He died at Paris, a Councillor of State and a Peer of France.
72 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
M. Colclien succeeded me a few days later as
Commissioner of External Relations, and my letter
of credit, together with my instructions, were handed
to me on the 9th Germinal (March 24).
All being thus in order, I was preparing to start,
when a fresh disturbance threatening the Con-
vention led me to postpone my journey, in order
that I might observe its tendency and effects.
The remnant of Robespierre's faction was still
active, and as the conduct of the Committee of
Public Safety deprived that party of all hope of
regaining power in the Assembly, whether by
eloquent speech, or by influence over men's minds,
it attempted, by an insurrectionary movement, to lay
forcible hands on the authority of which the 9th
Thermidor had deprived it. Numerous bodies of
armed men, delegated by various sections, forced
their way into the hall of Assembly during the
session of the 12th Germinal (April 1), shouting
loudly for bread, for the constitution of 1793, and
for the release of the patriots, viz., Collot dTIerbois,
Billaud-Yarennes and others, who had been arrested
some time previously. The Assembly maintained
its tranquillity during this attack; Boissy d'Anglas,
especially, distinguished himself by the courageous
firmness which was afterwards put to a terrible lest.
At length the Assembly passed a decree at this
memorable silling, which lasted until six o'clock in
A MEMOBABLE SITTING. 73
the morning, ordering the immediate transportation
of Collot d'Herbois, Billaud-Varennes, Barrere and
Yadier ; and the arrest of several members of the
Convention, including Chaudieu, Leonard Bourdon,
and others. Pichegru, who then appeared for the
first time on the political stage, was entrusted with
the command of Paris, and the city was declared to
be in a state of siege. Numerous patrols perambu-
lated the streets of the capital during the night, and
I myself made part of the patrol ordered by the
" Section " in which I resided. In spite of some
opposition, immediately quelled, the decree of the
Convention was carried out. Collot d'Herbois and
Billaud-Yarennes left for Rochefort, and were sent
thence to Sinnamari. Two days later, perfect quiet
was restored. Feeling convinced that, after this
success, public tranquillity would not again be dis-
turbed for a long time to come — a conviction that
shortly afterwards unfortunately proved to be un-
founded — and having nothing to detain me in Paris,
I began my journey to Italy on the 20th Germinal,
year III. (April 9, 1795).
As the war in which France was then engaged
against Austria and the King of Sardinia precluded
me from travelling through Upper Italy, I proceeded
to Marseilles, whence I embarked for Genoa. We
were obliged to put into harbour at San Remo,
and I performed part of my journey on horseback,
74 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
crossing the outposts of our army of Italy. This
army, which was destined to accomplish such great
deeds, was at that time very weak. The troops
occupied difficult posts in the mountains, where they
were subjected to the greatest privations. But they
endured them with the most admirable resignation,
and prepared by heroic patience for the glory that
was soon to immortalise them. I found Kellermann
at Alassio, he had come to take command of the
place ; and also my countryman Berthier, with whom
I had been intimate from my youth and who had
been appointed chief of the Staff. After having
consulted with both as to the means of carrying
on a correspondence, and on the services which the
diplomatic post I was about to occupy would enable
me to render to the army, I took my leave and pro-
ceeded to Genoa, whence I despatched a felucca to
Leghorn with my luggage, and I continued my
route on horseback by the banks of the Levanto.
At last, having thus made my way through Larici,
Sarzano, and Pisa, where I found my luggage, I
arrived at Florence on the 1st Prairial, year III.
(May 28, 1795). I had passed nearly six weeks on
the journey ; but I had profiled by the opportunity
of visiting Nimes and its antiquities, and the bridge
over the Gard, and L had passed a few days at
Genoa and Pisa, where many objects worthy of a
traveller's attention had detained me. Freed from
PUBLIC FEELING IN TUSCANY. 75
the terrible agitation of our political troubles, I took
a great deal of pleasure in this journey, although
anxiety as to what was taking place in Paris, the
grievous reports that were prevalent, and the news,
true or false, that reached me at every moment, ren-
dered me frequently indifferent to the ever-varying
spectacle before my eyes. In this respect, how-
ever, I was but serving an apprenticeship to the
arduous position in which I was about to find myself
in a foreign land, amid a people where, in consequence
of our excesses, every man was our enemy ; where we
met with no sympathy in our misfortunes, no excuse
for faults or crimes whose perpetrators were abhorred,
while the victims were not pitied, and no justice was
shown towards those who had punished the guilty.
Notwithstanding the manifestation of hostile
feeling, which was carefully encouraged by the
French emigres residing at Pisa and Leghorn, the
news of the neutrality re-established between
France and the Grand Duke had been received with
universal satisfaction in Tuscany. Even the English,
although they affected displeasure, in reality regarded
this event with inward satisfaction. It rendered
them, in a manner, masters of the port of Leghorn,
where by reason of the neutrality they could land
without fear. English merchants felt they possessed
a guarantee for their property which was denied
them in a state of war, when at any moment French
76 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
troops might enter Tuscany. Moreover, the
English, as masters of the sea and possessors of
Corsica, had nothing to fear from our feeble navy ;
and our privateers, which were almost the only
vessels that hoisted the national flag in those seas,
were in greater danger than ever.
The English, in fact, blockaded the entrance of
the port with their men-of-war, and it was the only
place of safety for our privateers ; even there they
barely found means of escape from enemies who had
the upper hand at Leghorn, and did not respect the
neutrality of a feeble prince. Finally, the population
of Leghorn, and even its authorities, were entirely
devoted to the English, who felt certain beforehand
of impunity for the numerous breaches of neutrality
which they committed. In everything, therefore,
the advantage was on the side of our enemies.
These inferences I drew from the particulars first
given to me by M. Fre'ville. He had preceded me
into Tuscany by some weeks, and had come to meet
me at Pisa. In the end I was fully convinced that
he had not been mistaken in his estimate of the
situation.
After the first few days, which were taken up with
the delivery of my letters of credit, with my pre-
sentation at Court, and the duties imposed by
etiquette, against which I was careful not to offend,
in order to show that I was anxious to conform to
A MEMOBANDUM. 77
the customs of the country, I began to investigate
matters for myself.
During about a month's stay at Florence and a
few days at Leghorn, the observations I made were
sufficient to enable me to form a tolerably precise
opinion, which I communicated to the Committee of
Public Safety. The events of the 3rd Prairial, year
III., which as I had learned on the loth (May 22,
1795) established the triumph of the National Con-
vention, had endowed the Provisional Government
of France with steadiness and confidence it had not
hitherto possessed, and its heads felt the necessity,
with a view to the execution of their plans, of
learning what was the true position of Italy, towards
which their eyes were turned, the principles of the
first government with which they had treated, and
the character of those who directed it. I took every
pains to satisfy curiosity so well founded, and the
following is nearly what I wrote on the subject to
the Committee of Public Safety, 20th Messidor, year
III. (July 8, 1795).
" After the famous era of the Florentine Republic,
Tuscany had been erected into a Grand Duchy
under the sceptre of the descendants of the Medicis,
and was scarcely distinguishable from the other
secondary States of Italy, nntil Peter-Leopold gave
her a more important part to play. Considering this
prince in his capacity as a Grand Duke, we cannot but
78 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
recognise in him an enlightened ruler. The wisdom
of his commercial regulations, his efforts to reduce
the authority of the nobles, and to restore to the
middle classes of society the influence they had lost,
prepared a happier existence for Tuscany than she
had enjoyed during the reign of his predecessor.
But while for these reasons he won the approba-
tion of enlightened men, he was in the highest
degree displeasing to the class whose privileges and
prejudices he attacked. Meanwhile his absolute
authority, the unsparing rigour with which he used
it when necessary, and the strength afforded him
by his great popularity, were sufficient so stifle every
germ of discontent.
" The death of Joseph II. and the French Revolu-
tion brought about a new order of things. Leopold
reigned in Vienna, and as Emperor seemed to forget
or to repudiate the principles he had professed as
Grand Duke. His accession to the Imperial throne,
and his death, which took place very soon afterwards,
caused the government of Tuscany to devolve on his
second son, Ferdinand III., then hardly more than
a youth, and the pupil of the Marquis de Manfredini,
to whose care his father had confided him.
" The retrograde movement of the Emperor Leopold,
in declaring himself against the French Revolution,
became an occasion of triumph to the class he had
kept down in Tuscany. His government and his laws
A MEMORANDUM. 70
were attacked, his memory was insulted, and a party
antagonistic to the system he had established was
soon formed. The influence of Manfredini and the
inertia natural to a government which was opposed
to all violent measures, had the advantage in the
struggle with this party ; but eventually, assisted by
the emigres, and by English influence, it succeeded
in pushing Tuscany into the coalition against France,
an imprudent step which nearly caused her ruin.
" French victories, the counsels of Manfredini, and
still more, perhaps, the tendency to inaction natural
to the country, soon made the danger of so impolitic
a rupture evident. Peace was solicited, and France
acquiesced.
"But it would be a great mistake to suppose that
this reconciliation was the result of friendly feeling,
or of any similarity of principle. All that I have
said proves the contrary. Fear has done it all. There
exists but one man here, whose actions seem to be
dictated by wider views, by philosophic ideas, and by
a general philanthropy. That man is Manfredini.
" He is attached to the principles of Leopold's
government, and although perhaps he is not at one
with him as to the means of carrying them out, he
seems to take a pride in maintaining his system. He
has hitherto retained great ascendency over the mind
of his pupil, and I must do Ferdinand III. the
justice to say that he is himself disposed to follow
80 MEMOIRS OF COUNT M10T BE MELITO.
the path traced out by Manfredini. Meanwhile the
opposite party, taking advantage of the youth and
inexperience of the Prince, acquire fresh strength
every day, and while waiting until they may venture
openly to attack Manfredini, they seek stealthily by
every means to weaken his authority and diminish
the respect in which he is held.
" Leopold's plans have already been abandoned in
many respects. The laws on the freedom of trade
have been modified ; poverty in the country districts
and dearness of provisions, the result of the re-
strictions on trade, are already beginning to be felt.
There is a project for restoring the penalty of death
which was suppressed by the code of 1774. The
power of the priests, which had been considerably
restricted by means of wise regulations, is again
springing up. The men employed by Leopold have
been set aside. In a word, this country, which has
latterly made such strides towards philosophical
ideas and a better government, and which has even,
in that respect, outstripped other nations, is now
evidently falling back, and ready once more to take
up the yoke of prejudice, from which the genius of
one man had delivered it.
" Manfredini is a witness of these ill-starred inno-
vations, but he either makes no effort to arrest them
or In' feels himself powerless to do so. I am strongly
of opinion thai it is in order to secure the triumph of
FERDINAND AND MANFBEDINI. 81
his opinions as regards neutrality, that he has thought
it well to yield on other points. If I am not mistaken
in this conjecture, he has committed, I apprehend, a
great blunder. He should have taken up his position
on the basis of Leopold's government, and should
have deduced the maintenance of neutrality as a
consequence from it. By relinquishing that basis,
he gives a great advantage to his enemies. He
will be imperceptibly drawn into measures entirely
opposed to his own views, and it will afterwards
be easy to overthrow him, when surrounded only
by the ruins of a government which was the safe-
guard of his reputation and political existence.
" It is quite true that Ferdinand would be un-
willing to part with Manfredini. The habit of con-
sulting him in everything, which public esteem has
justified, makes him necessary to the Prince. More-
over Ferdinand, although gifted, so far as I have
been able to judge, with an upright mind, simple in
his habits, much better brought up and better in-
formed than men of his rank in general, is perhaps
more averse than any one else to the measures pressed
upon him, and of all persons that one to whom they
would be most repugnant. Consequently he seems
to me to be thought little of by the nobles, and
though he is one of the most estimable men whom I
have met with here, I have not heard a single word
in his praise. But with all these qualities he is young,
VOL. I. G
82 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and the fears that may be instilled into him for the
security of his power, amid the events that are
now disturbing Europe, must react on him, and
weaken the opposition to the proposed innovations
to which his education and his natural character
would urge him.
" On the other hand, it seems to me equally im-
possible that he should entirely release himself from
the influence of the Emperor, and certainly the
Cabinet of Vienna is not in accord with Manfredini.
The hopes of the latter — he did not conceal them from
me — were to bring back the Emperor to his former
principles, and to make Tuscany mediate for peace
between Austria and the French Republic. The
steps latterly taken at Vienna, the alliance between
Russia and England, the subsidies granted by the
last-named Power ; finally, the report that has got
abroad, that the overtures of such a negotiation,
if there is to be one, would take place at Basel,
have wrecked Manfredini's hopes, and consequently
lessened his influence, which such a negotiation, if
crowned with success, would have raised higher
than ever.
" I shall not discuss the question whether France
should desire or dread the realisation of Manfredini's
ideas. My immediate concern is with the conse-
quences to the Government of Tuscany that may
ensue from all these facts.
MANFREDINrS POLICY. 83
" It is evident that the present conjuncture is
favourable to that numerous party who are hostile
to the system of government adopted by Leopold,
and who will make every effort to turn it to their
own advantage. That party will therefore intrigue
with the object of influencing the selection of a
Prime Minister, whose functions comprise those of
the department of Foreign Affairs, and whose place
may be said to have been vacant for a long time
past, for Senator Serristori who occupies it is a mere
figure-head. The post, however, must soon become
actually vacant through his death or retirement.
Manfredini, having hitherto directed the action
of the Grovernment, without official title, has made
no change in the Ministry. He has restricted him-
self to preparing beforehand a man whom he can
trust as a successor to Serristori. Neri-Corsini,* at
present Secretary of State, is named for that office.
He belongs to an illustrious family ; he is young, and
never having left Italy, his experience and his know-
ledge of affairs seem to me limited to the ancient
ways of the astute policy that has always prevailed
in the Cabinets of this country. Being connected
* Since then he has been Councillor of State in France,
where I found him when, in 1813, I resumed my place in the
Council of State. He was, like myself, a member of the Interior
Section. We little thought, in 1795, at Florence, that we
should be colleagues eighteen years later.
a 2
84 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
with the aristocracy, both by family interests and by
birth, he seems to me to be widely divided from us
in principles ; but he acts with dissimulation, and
lets his real sentiments appear as little as possible.
Nevertheless it is plain that Manfredini has but an
ungrateful pupil in this young man, one greatly
inclined to go over to the side of his enemies if their
party prevails.
" Corsini is aware that in such an event he need
not aspire to the post now destined for him. He
feels that, strictly speaking, he might be able to fill
it under the tutelage of Manfredini, but that, left
to himself, he could not sustain its weight, and that
his youth alone would be a sufficient reason for
excluding him. Such a competitor being therefore
by no means formidable, the eyes of this political
party would turn, after the overthrow of Manfre-
dini, towards Signor Francesco Serrati, the present
Governor of Leghorn, who, by reason of his age, his
gravity, the importance of the posts he has filled and
the reputation he has acquired, may at any moment
be invested not only with the title but with the
actual functions of Prime Minister ; may succeed to
Manfredini in the direction of affairs, and may
even exercise, though in an opposite sense, equal
influence in the general administration of the
State."
Such was the situation of the Tuscan Government,
THE SITUATION IN TUSCANY. 85
and such the view of it that I sought to impress upou
the Committee of Public Safety, by insisting on the
indispensable necessity of serious attention to the
war in Italy, which until then had been almost dis-
regarded. It will be seen hereafter that I was not
greatly mistaken in my judgment, in the results
I foretold, and in the nature of the remedy. But
in the meantime I had serious difficulties to over-
come, for it is evident that until we had acquired
the upper hand in Italy by force of arms, we
should possess neither the security of neutrality nor
the advantages of conquest. Every prejudice had
been aroused against us. The nobles, whose pri-
vileges and influence were attacked by the spread
of our doctrines, bore us an ill-concealed hatred ;
the people, excited by the priests, and also, it must
be confessed, by the violent speeches and odious
calumnies of the emigres, were ready, at a word, to
rush into the greatest excesses against the French,
and many of our countrymen have fallen victims
to their fury, on occasions when it could be vented
with impunity.
Amid the hostile feelings prevailing among the
two extremes of society, my arrival at Florence
had caused a sensation and excited malevolent
curiosity. The strangest rumours had preceded me.
People expected to see a sort of savage, clothed in
an extraordinary manner, using the coarsest Ian-
86 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
guage, having no idea of the rules of society, and
ready ostentatiously to violate them. My habits,
my mode of life, the deference to the customs of
the country I was scrupulous to show, and the care
with which I respected even its prejudices, soon dis-
pelled these first impressions ; I was even received
by the middle and most cultivated class of its in-
habitants, and by men of letters, artists and men of
science, such as Fontana, Fossombroni, Fabbroni,
Galuzzi, &c, more favourably than I had ventured to
expect. I must, however, except Alfieri, who was
then in Tuscany, where he lived on terms of great
intimacy with Madame d'Albany.* It is well
known that this remarkable genius — one of the most
illustrious writers of Italy, who displayed in his
work on Tyranny an ardent hatred of despotism,
and was one of the warmest apologists of the French
Revolution — taking offence at the severity of the
decrees of the Constituent Assembly which attacked
Madame d' Albany's property, and disgusted probably
by the excesses which subsequently dishonoured the
cause of liberty, had entirely changed his opinions.
Ho bitterly hated the whole French nation and had
* Mailamo d'Albany was the widow of one of tho last descen-
dants of the Stuarts. Of that House, so celebrated for its
misfortunes, thcro now remained only the Cardinal of York,
whom I met at Home. On his death, the Stuart family became
completely extinct.
ALFIERI. 87
expressed his enmity in most insulting verse. I
should have liked to have made the acquaintance of
a man of such remarkable talent, in the hope of
gradually overcoming an enmity which passed the
bounds of reason and justice ; but he was too in-
flexible to yield, and after some overtures, which he
rejected, I abstained with regret from any further
effort.
Meanwhile, although my conduct and my domestic
life had, on becoming known, removed the popular
prejudice against me, political opinion had not
altered, and in proportion as I progressed in the
management of affairs, it became more and more
adverse. Leghorn was almost daily the scene of
contests between the emigres and the little band of
Republicans whom trade or privateering brought to
the town. Some Frenchmen, taken prisoners by the
English,* who had carried them to Leghorn, were
insulted and wounded during an altercation which
arose between them and the emigres. The populace,
being friendly to the English, encouraged these acts
of violence, and the Tuscan Government, fearing to
compromise itself, had acted towards the guilty
persons with reprehensible supineness. My first
care, therefore, was to prevent the recurrence of these
deplorable quarrels, by demanding the expulsion of
* These prisoners were part of the crew of the inen-of-war
the Qa-ira and the Censeur.
88 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
those who, regardless of the tranquillity of the
country which had given them hospitality, were
continually bringing it into difficulties, and at the
same time were wanting in every sentiment of
generosity towards the brave soldiers whose mis-
fortunes should have excited the sympathy of their
countrymen. Their banishment, on which I insisted,
was in the interest of the Grand Duke and of the
emigres themselves. The latter would have found
a more peaceful retreat in other parts of Tuscany,
and the Government, by appointing the interior of
the country for their residence, would have avoided
a continual subject of complaints and recriminations,
which constantly compromised it with France, and
in the end brought down the arms of the Republic
on Leghorn.
The most evident self-interest counselled them
to follow so reasonable a course, and yet Ferdi-
nand's Ministers would not adopt it. Our armies,
detained in the Riviera of Genoa, had not yet entered
Italy. Not being worked on by fear, the Ministry
stuck to the tortuous and evasive policy, generally
adopted by Italian cabinets. They made promises only
to break them ; they replied to complaints by other
complaints ; accusations were met with rival accusa-
tions ; they extended impunity to those who were
guilty <>f llie excesses I had denounced, while they
demanded the punishment of a few Frenchmen ac-
THE GOVERNOR OF LEGHORN. 89
cused by the Tuscan Government. I went myself
to Leghorn to ascertain the real state of things, so
as to be on my guard against the exaggerated re-
ports brought to me, but my journey was almost in
vain. The only thing of which I convinced myself
was that Signor Serrati, Governor of Leghorn, was
an open enemy of France. In the very warm dis-
cussions which I had with him relative to the affair
of the French prisoners to which I have previously
alluded, his partiality for our enemies was discernible
through his affected assurances of sincere respect
for neutrality. He was opposed to all the measures
that I had proposed, and I returned to Florence con-
vinced that we should not obtain any satisfaction, so
long as my demands were not sustained by dread of
our arms. But the time was approaching when the
irresistible strength of victory was to display itself,
and the Tuscan Government to perceive too late
that its ill-disguised partiality had aroused so much
resentment, that it could no longer hope to save itself
from the torrent which was about to be let loose on
Italy.
The events of the 13th Yende'miaire, year IV.
(October 5, 1795), had placed on the political stage
a man who was to fill the whole of Europe with his
name in less than three years. Buonaparte, who
was called to the defence of the National Convention
against the combined sections which menaced it, had
90 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
triumphed easily over the brave but undisciplined
crowd led by its ignorant chiefs. The importance
rather than the merit of his success had drawn
public attention to him ; and when the constitution
of year III. placed a Directory composed of five
members at the head of the Government, Barras, one
of the five, who had put forward the young General
during the days of Vende'miaire, either through
gratitude or because he recognised his genius,
occupied himself with his fortunes, arranged a
marriage between him and Madame de Beauharnais,
and, six months later, gave him the command of the
army of Italy.
This post was not a popular one. The army of
Italy, the smallest of all those we had in action,
was least fit for action.* Scherez — one of the
most incapable of French generals — who succeeded
Kellermann, had been attacked and beaten by the
Austrian General De Tins. Obliged to evacuate
Yado,f his communications with Genoa were cut
off, and when by some subsequent successes he re-
gained the line, he did not know how to profit by
it to penetrate into the plain, but remained in
complete inaction. The French, hemmed in between
the coast and the mountains, unable to get supplies
* At the end of year III., and the beginning of year IV. (six
last months of 1705).
f In the month of Meseidor, year III. (July 17'J.">).
BUONAPARTE. 91
except by sea — an uncertain and often a dangerous
method — could scarcely hold their difficult position,
by dint of valour and endurance, against the attacks
of an enemy now elated by success. Already
people imagined us driven hopelessly from the
frontier of Italy, which we had not dared to pass,
and fancied the Austrians on the point of invading
our Southern Departments. The inimical G-overn-
ments of Rome and Naples, emboldened by our
reverses at Yado, took an active part in the war, and
furnished both men and money to our enemy.
Venice and Genoa, who had remained neutral, were
vacillating, and sought to obtain pardon for not
having joined the coalition, by using their neutrality
in the service of Austria. Even Tuscany, which
had just entered into a treaty with us, assumed an
air of patronage, disdainfully deferred her replies to
our just complaints, and appointed Signor Serrati as
her Prime Minister, replacing him at Leghorn by
Signor Spanocchi, formerly a naval captain in the
service of Naples, regardless of the annoyance which
appointments so disagreeable to us and so unfavour-
to our interests must necessarily produce.
It was with an army apparently so little to be
feared, it was with means so limited, and in presence
of difficulties so great, that Buonaparte had to act.
But he felt his own strength, his genius had already
suggested a plan different from all those of the
92 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
commanders who had preceded him, and nothing
was ever more admirable than the conception of
that plan, unless indeed the astonishing rapidity
with which he put it into execution.
Meanwhile the Executive Directory, which had
sent me fresh letters of credit, signalised its accession
to the Government of the Eepublic by energetic
measures. It made known to me its intention of
giving a fresh impulse to the war in Italy, and
ordered me to support the generals of the army by
every means in my power, and to assume a firm and
threatening attitude towards the Government to
which I was accredited. The Directory had dis-
missed M. Carletti, the Grand Duke's Minister, from
Paris, because he had asked permission to visit the
daughter of Louis XVI. The young Princess was
on the point of leaving Paris for Vienna, and was to
be exchanged at the frontier for the former Com-
missioners of the Convention, General Beurnonville,
who had been arrested by Dumouriez in April 1793,
and MM. de Semonville and Maret, who were made
prisoners by Austria during the same year, while
passing through Switzerland on their way to Con-
stantinople as diplomatic agents of the Republic.
The Grand Duke, alarmed by so decisive a proceed-
ing, put up with it without venturing to complain,
although deeply aggrieved ; and Carletti, censured by
* The leih Frimaire, year IV. (December 1, 17i>5.)
NERI-CORSINI. 93
his own Court for his imprudence, was succeeded at
Paris by Neri-Corsini.* Without in reality approv-
ing the conduct of the Directory, who in this affair
appeared to me to offend against all diplomatic
custom, and to punish with uncalled-for severity a
merely formal request which they might simply have
refused, I could not but perceive that its stern action
had inspired a salutary fear. If it did not make
us loved — an impossibility, no matter what we did
— at least it made us feared, and to some extent
facilitated my dealings with the Tuscan Government.
I took advantage of this state of feeling to obtain
from the Government the refusal of free passage
through Tuscan territory to the regiments sent by
the Court of Naples to the Austrian army. During
this negotiation, in which I was opposed by family
interests,! I was ably seconded by M. Manfredini,
who strongly urged the strict observance of
neutrality. Of this they made a crime at Vienna,
whither a copy had been sent of a letter I had
written on the subject to Charles Lacroix, Minister
of Foreign Affairs, containing an account of con-
versations between myself and Manfredini, in which
the neutrality question had been discussed. This
* The new Minister arrived in Paris on the 15th Nivose,
year IV. (January 5, 1796). Carletti had already left, and
reached Basel on the 7th Nivose (December 28, 1795).
f The Grand Duchess was a daughter of the Queen of Naples.
94 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
copy, stolen from the bureaux of the Ministry in
Paris by some treacherous person who was probably
bribed, was used, as an act of accusation, against
Manfredini, and he was obliged to go to Vienna to
clear himself.*
The fears by which from time to time the Tuscan
Government was swayed, were in themselves proof
of its weakness. I in vain expected from it the
firmness necessary to bring to an end the outrages
of which Leghorn was so often the scene. Acts of
violence against the French, incited in turns by
the emigres, the Neapolitans or the English, were
constantly committed, and provoked the bitterest
resentment, skilfully augmented by men who coveted
her wealth, against the town. They ultimately
succeeded in ruining Leghorn.
The war in Italy was assuming a formidable
aspect. Buonaparte had arrived at Nice at the
beginning of Germinal, year IV. (April 170G). I
received a first letter from him, in which he an-
nounced that he was about to put the army in
motion. At the same time he asked me to give
him any information I could about the state of Italy.
I saw at once by his style, which was concise and
animated, although careless and incorrect, that lie
* This took place in April 179f). lie came back in May,
ami In- assured \nc himself that ho had seen the copy of the
letter of which T speak.
SPLENDID TRIUMPHS OF THE ARMY. 95
was no ordinary man. I was struck with a breadth
and depth of view on military and political subjects,
such as I had not found in any correspondence which
I had held up to that time with the generals of our
army of Italy. I predicted, therefore, either great
success or great reverses. My uncertainty did not
last long. The campaign was opened, and a series
of victories as dazzling as they were unexpected,
succeeding each other with surprising quickness,
raised the glory of our French soldiers, and that of
the great captain who led them daily to fresh
triumphs, to the highest.
It does not enter into the scope of this work to
relate in detail the military events of that memor-
able campaign. The battles of Montenotte, of Mil-
lesimo, of Mondovi ; the engagements at Dego and
at St. Jean ; the passage of the bridge of Lodi, are
among the great facts of history ; and their names, re-
calling so much valour, such deeds of daring, such
a display of talent, genius so audacious in design,
so fertile in resource, have become immortal. The
news reached to the centre of Italy, and the bulle-
tins giving descriptions of these wonderful deeds of
our troops, at first contradicted, produced sheer
bewilderment, when the force of truth convinced
the most incredulous. Nothing was then thought
of but how the torrent of war was to be turned
away from regions it had not yet reached.
96 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
The victories of the French, the armistices
concluded with the King of Sardinia, and the
Dukes of Modena and Parma, and the occupation
of the country round Milan, had disconcerted the
policy of Upper Italy. I received more atten-
tion from the Cabinet of Florence than had yet
been shown me. Notwithstanding Neri-Corsini's
efforts to oppose it in Paris, notwithstanding his
complaints of what he called my haughtiness, a
proclamation was issued, ordering the emigres to
leave Leghorn, and this measure, which in reality
did them a service, was carried out with all the
consideration demanded by humanity and with the
respect due to misfortune. Rome and Naples,
especially the former of those two Powers, which was
more exposed to immediate attack from the con-
queror, began to take steps to obtain peace, or at
least a suspension of hostilities. Prince Belmonte-
Pignatelli, ambassador from Naples to the King of
Spain, came to Florence with instructions from his
Court to make the first advances to me. Count Man-
fredini introduced him, and begged me to second the
steps he proposed to take with respect to the General
Commander-in-Chief of the French army. As an
armistice with Naples, of which one condition would
be to close the ports of that kingdom against the
English, and to withdraw the Neapolitan cavalry
regiments from the Austrian army, seemed to me
BUONAPARTE AND ITALY. 97
advantageous both in a political and military point
of view, I readily undertook to second the proposals
of Prince Pignatelli, and I even promised to go
myself to Buonaparte's headquarters to open the
negotiation.
Apart from this motive, which was in itself
sufficient to make me undertake the journey, I was
resolved upon it for other reasons. It was im-
portant for me, with a view to the ordering of my
future conduct, to know what political bent a general
who had already assumed an almost independent au-
thority, and was inclined rather to dictate orders to
the Directory than to receive them, intended to give
to our dealings with the various Powers of Italy.
Did he intend to transform the conquered States
into a Republic, as he was urged to do by all the
numerous vehement Republicans who were begin-
ning to make their voices heard throughout the
country ? Did he, by leaving these countries under
their former modes of government, mean only to
keep them dependent on France ? What were his
designs respecting Rome and the Pope ? Would he
recognise the latter under the twofold aspect of a
temporal and spiritual power ?
In the views of the advantages to be reaped from
our victories in Italy, and of the use we should
make of the preponderance they gave us in that
country, which I had submitted to the Directory,
VOL. I. H
98
MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T DE MELITO.
I had particularly insisted on two results which I
looked upon as the real fruit of our conquests :
the complete destruction of the power of Austria in
Italy, and the overthrow of the Papal Government.
I was firmly convinced that emancipated France
had no more formidable and implacable enemy than
that Power ; it was therefore indispensable that I
should be in harmony with a conqueror who, after
subjugating Italy by force of arms, was not the
man to neglect its political administration.
I was quite sure he would agree with me as to the
exclusion of the House of Austria from all power
and even from all property in Italy ; but I was not
so certain of his views on the other question.
I 99 )
CHAPTER IV.
The Author's interview with General Buonaparte — Conclusion
of the armistice between the General and Prince Pignatelli,
Plenipotentiary at Naples — The Author returns to Florence
— He goes away again to visit General Buonaparte at
Bologna — His interview with him — The Author does not
succeed in preventing the violation of the neutrality of
Tuscany and the occupation of Leghorn by the French — In
returning from Leghorn, General Buonaparte stops at
Florence, visits the Grand Duke and dines with him — A
treaty being concluded between the Pope and the French
Eepublic, the Author goes to Koine to secure the fulfilment of
its conditions — The gloomy fanaticism reigning in Rome —
Some discontented Italians having claimed the intervention
of the French for the purpose of introducing Republican
Institutions in Itaty, the Author, instructed by the Directory
to inform them of his views, strongly opposes the project —
Being superseded by Cacault in the duty of superintending
the fulfilment of the terms of the armistice at Pome, the
Author returns to Florence — Rumours of the reverses
experienced by Buonaparte produce great excitement in
Italy — The Governments no longer conceal their tendencies,
and the Author sends M. Freville to Paris to point out to the
Directory the necessity of excluding Austria from all
influence in Italy, and of destroying the Papal Government
— The Author is appointed Ambassador at Turin, but before
entering upon the exercise of his functions, he has to under-
H 2
100 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
take a mission to Corsica as Commissioner-Extraordinary of
the Government — Sketch of the State of Tuscany, the con-
ditions of life, and customs of the Florentines.
After having confided the guidance of affairs during
my absence to M. Fre'ville, I began my journey
on the 3rd Prairial (May 22, 1796). I went by
Prato and Pistoja, and crossing the Apennines by
the magnificent road made by Leopold's orders
a few years before, I reached Rubiera, and from
thence Reggio, without having touched Pontifical
territory. This I thought prudent, on ac-
count of the hostility which still existed between
France and the Pope. It was with a view to
placing his States in a direct line of communica-
tion with the other possessions of the House of
Austria in Italy that the Grrand Duke had ordered
this road, which terminated at Rubiera, to be
made.
From Reggio I went by Parma and Placenza to
Milan. The armistices recently concluded with the
Dukes of Modena and Parma opened a free passage
to the French through their territories, and the
neighbourhood of our triumphant armies held the
population in check. But, in spite of the terror and
astonishment produced by our victories, the aver-
sion of the inhabitants was visible on every occasion.
Revolts had broken out, and I was detained one
whole day at Placenza by a riot at Binasco, a large
> »
1
SALICETTI. 101
town between Milan and Pavia. This revolt, in con-
sequence of which the latter city shut its gates and
imprisoned the French garrison, assumed a serious
aspect, and was only suppressed by sanguinary mili-
tary executions. As the roads were very unsafe, in
consequence of these disturbances, I did not cross
the Po until tranquillity was re-established on both
sides of the river.
I reached Milan on the 6th Prairial (May 26,
1796), but found that General Buonaparte was not
there. Having retraced his steps with his ordinary
rapidity, punished the rioters and reduced Pavia to
submission, he had proceeded to besiege Mantua,
the only stronghold in all Lombardy which, with
the fortress of Milan, still remained in the power
of the Austrians. I was therefore obliged to go to
headquarters to find him. I remained, however,
several days at Milan, and there saw Salicetti, the
Commissioner of the Executive Directory, with
whom I had no previous acquaintance. Judging
from the reputation he had acquired in the Conven-
tion, and which had preceded him into Italy, I
expected a cold reception, and was not a little
surprised to meet a man of the greatest politeness
and urbanity of demeanour, and who received me
with the utmost courtesy. Salicetti, of whom I
shall have to give a detailed account further on
in these Memoirs, and of whom I shall sav no more
102 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
here than that he possessed great ability, recognised
the necessity of conforming in manner and style of
conversation to the fashion of the country in which
he now lived. In this, at first sight, he appeared to
have perfectly succeeded ;* but in the course of our
frequent interviews I found we were not at one as to
the political course to be pursued in Italy. I insisted
especially that the neutrality of Tuscany must be
respected. While admitting the justice of our com-
plaints against its Governmeut, I maintained that it
would be worthy of the generosity of France to
pardon its errors, and of her justice to observe
the confidence manifested by the Grand Duke by
his treating with us, and being the first to
set the example of the re-establishment of political
relations between the Republic and the Continental
Powers. But I soon saw that the Commissioner of
the Directory had other views, and differed with
me from another motive than that of avenging
the injuries which the French had sustained at
Leghorn. It was the wealth of that city which
tempted his cupidity. Its riches were all regarded
as English property ; and, under that pretext,
lie had, however, exercised some severity in driving from
Milan certain distinguished citizens whose influence lie feared.
^.mong the nuinhcrwas Signor de Melzi, who afterwards played
a great pari in the annals of his country. Ho went to Florence,
Where I saw a good deal of him, and a friendship sprung up
l>el\veen US which lasted until his death.
BRESCIA. 103
should we become masters of Leghorn, everything
would fall into our hands. The imagination of
man had never conceived a more splendid prize.
Part of the booty, no doubt, would have to go to the
State, but a great deal would remain in the hands
of those charged with its distribution. From the
moment that I recognised his real end I despaired
of the success of my own views, and saw that the
only chance of prevailing was my having better
luck with the Commander-in-Chief.
I left Milan on the 15th Prairial (June 3), and
directed my steps towards headquarters; but on
reaching Brescia I learned that Buonaparte was
expected there from day to day. I therefore re-
mained at Brescia, where 1 found Prince Belmonte-
Pignatelli, who had arrived there before me.
On the 17th Prairial, Buonaparte came to Brescia
from Verona. He had entered the latter city on
the 15th, after having forced the remainder of the
Austrian army, commanded by Beaulieu, to recross
the Adige and to retire upon Trente by the valley
watered by that river. He was on his way back to
Milan, and I was with him a few moments after he
dismounted. I was quite astonished at his appearance.
Nothing could be more unlike the idea my imagination
had formed of him. In the midst of a numerous
staff, I saw a man below the middle height, and of
an extremely spare figure. His powered hair, oddly
104 MEMOIRS OF COUNT M10T BE MEL I TO.
cut and falling squarely below the ears, reached
down to his shoulders. He was dressed in a straight
coat, buttoned up to the chin, and edged with very
narrow gold embroidery, and he wore a tri-colored
feather in his hat. At first sight he did not strike me
as handsome ; but his strongly-marked features, his
quick and piercing eyes, his brusque and animated
gestures revealed an ardent spirit, while his wide
and thoughtful brow was that of a profound thinker.
He made me sit near him, arid we talked of Italy.
He spoke in short sentences and, at that time of his
life, very incorrectly. He said that nothing would
be really done until we were in possession of Mantua ;
that then only could we consider ourselves masters
of Italy ; that so difficult a siege must necessarily
last long ; that we had not the means even of com-
mencing it, and that for the moment we must be
content with surrounding the place; that it could
not be doubted but that Austria would put another
army on foot in order to succour so important a
stronghold, but that she required time in which to
assemble an army ; so that we had consequently a
month before us, which he intended to employ in
advancing towards the centre of Italy, making him-
self master there, and securing tranquillity on that
side when the war in Upper Italy should recom-
mence. His discourse naturally led me to men-
tion the overtures that Prince Belmonte-Pignatelli
THE ARMISTICE. 105
had made to me at Florence ; I informed him
of the Prince's presence at Brescia, and of my
desire to present Pignatelli to him. He said that
this was good news, and that he, like me, saw no
objection to treating for an armistice.* I proposed
that he should stipulate as one of its conditions that
the ports of the kingdom of Naples should be closed
to the English, " Ah ! that is the policy of the di-
plomatist," he answered abruptly. " What we must
stipulate for just now is that Naples shall imme-
diately withdraw her troops from the Austrian
army. The infantry is worthless ; but you are
aware that they have four excellent regiments of
cavalry which have already given me a great deal
of trouble. I should like to get rid of these as
speedily as possible. Send M. de Belmonte to me ;
the treaty shall soon be made." And, in fact, the
treaty was drawn up, and signed in the course of
that day — in less than two hours. I managed,
however, to have a clause inserted by which it was
stipulated that the Neapolitan vessels should se-
parate at the earliest opportunity from the English
squadron. f
* He used the word amnesty for armistice throughout the
whole conversation.
f This armistice, called simply a suspension of hostilities, is dated
from Brescia, June 5 (19th Prairial, year IV.), and signed
Buonaparte and Belmonte-Fignatelli. It contains five articles
only, of which the fourth relates to the Neapolitan vessels.
106 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
This affair concluded, I began to discuss the
general policy of Italy with Buonaparte. I saw
that lie was ill-disposed towards Tuscany and already
contemplated the occupation of Leghorn. I tried to
discuss that point, but as he was in haste, I saw
clearly that he would not listen ; T therefore con-
fined myself to giving him a memorandum drawn
up at Milan, in which I had exhaustively treated
the question, which I could not argue with him
verbally. I told him that I had left a copy in
Salicetti's hands, although I perceived that the re-
puted wealth of Leghorn tempted him towards so
profitable a conquest. " The Commissioners of the
Directory," he answered impatiently, " count for
nothing in my policy. Let them busy themselves,
and welcome, with the administration of the public
revenues, for the moment at least, the rest does not
concern them. I do not expect they will long retain
their posts, nor will the Directory send me others in
their room. On the other hand, Citizen Miot, I will
read your Memorandum, and I liope you will meet
me at Bologna, where I shall be, no matter what are
; This Memorandum turned on tlio points before indicated:
I he expulsion of the Austrian power from Italy, and the
annihilation of the Papal (iovenmient. I also endeavoured to
show thai i be dignity of France, as well as her manifest interest,
demanded that she should refrain from a violation of the
Hi hi rality of Tuscany.
VENICE. 107
my future plans, in a fortnight's time. I shall send a
courier to inform you of my arrival. Adieu."
The horses were harnessed. He crossed the rooms
adjoining that in which he had received me, and
gave some orders to Murat, Lannes and Junot, his
aides-de-camp, and the other officers in attendance.
Every one maintained towards him an attitude of
respect, and I may even say of admiration. I saw
none of those marks of familiarity between him and
his companions that I had observed in other cases,
and which was consonant with republican equality.
He had already assumed his own place, and kept
others at a distance.
I saw him off, and then returned to my hotel,
greatly struck and in some sort bewildered by what
had just taken place. I immediately occupied myself
with committing the particulars of this interview to
paper, and I then took leave of Prince de Belmonte,
who was returning to Naples by way of Milan,
much surprised and delighted at a diplomatic nego-
tiation being concluded during a change of horses.
I passed the night at Brescia, and left the town next
morning for Venice. I was too near that celebrated
city not to gratify the curiosity I had long felt, by
a visit to it.
The mainland of the Venetian Republic was
partly in the occupation of the French. Dezensano,
* General Berthier was not just then with Buonaparte.
108 MEMOIRS OF COUNT M10T DE MELITO.
Peschiera on Lake Guarda, and Verona, an important
post at the entrance of the valley of the Adige, were
garrisoned by French troops, and, as had always
happened in Italian wars, Venice, unable to enforce
respect for her neutrality, was again in this cam-
paign fated to supply a field of battle to the armies
that were disputing the conquest of that beautiful
and hapless country. I found, however, no French
troops beyond Verona. From the gates and towers
of Vicenza and Padua the standard of St. Mark was
flying ; the smiling valley of Brenta lay before the
traveller, adorned by the luxurious dwellings of the
wealthy owners of a hundred magnificent palaces,
rising from the banks of the river, whose waters were
furrowed in ever}* direction by boats and gondolas.
During this journey I forgot the busy scenes I had
left behind, and enjoyed the tranquil landscape
passing before my eyes, and it was through scenes of
continual enchantment that I reached Fusino on the
lagoon. There, a far different spectacle presented
itself, and I beheld, at last, the superb city, once the
proud Queen of the Adriatic, rising from the bosom
of the waves on which she seems rather to float than
to repose.
Venice, when I saw her in June 170(i, was still
what she had been for twelve centuries. The same
government, the same customs subsisted ; I beheld
ancient Venice, although her existence was almost
VENICE. 100
at an end. It was therefore with lively interest
that [ visited her squares, her churches, and above
all her ducal palace, and the halls which had
witnessed so many great and sanguinary measures ;
the secret tribunals, the terrible prisons ; mute walls
which though about to fall, were still standing,
eloquent of remembrances which strike the imagina-
tion with that terror which they can no longer in-
spire. The powerful institutions which had so long
sustained that formidable government, now shaken
to their foundations by the French Revolution and
the presence of our armies, were tottering, and
could no more support the grand edifice ; the least
shock must bring it to the ground. Nothing,
indeed, was changed in appearance, but every-
thing was about to change, and a presentiment of
this was universally felt-
After having passed a few days at Venice, where
I did not meet the Minister of the French Republic,
M. Lallemant, but where M. Jacob, the Secretary of
Legation, took the greatest pains to gratify my
curiosity, I set out on my return to Florence. When
I had passed the Adige and the Po, I resolved on
continuing my route by Ferrara and Bologna. The
Pope was at this period endeavouring to obtain an
armistice, which was concluded shortly afterwards.
The strict orders by which Frenchmen were for-
bidden to enter the Papal States had already been
110 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
modified. I was not, therefore, in any way impeded,
and although I stayed but a few hours at Bologna,
the Governor, on being informed of my arrival,
sent to offer me any facilities I might desire for
the continuance of my journey. I thanked him,
and passing the Apennines on the following day
reached Florence on the 25th Prairial (June 13).
Great changes had taken place in the Tuscan
Government during my short absence. The Grand
Duke, alarmed by our successes, trembling for
Leghorn, and aware that the Directory was not
satisfied with the reparation he had already made, had
resolved, in hopes of dispelling the storm which he
saw was coming, to give the conduct of Foreign
Affairs to Signor Fossombroni, one of his chamber-
lains, who had acquired a distinguished reputation
in mathematical science.* By this arrangement he
terminated the correspondence between the French
Legation and Signor Serrati, a correspondence
which had become more than ever strained and
intricate owing to the dislike that Serrati, as
Governor of Leghorn, had always evinced for
the French, and his exlreme partiality for the
English. But although the new arrangement was
agreeable to us in that respect, it produced no
Signor Fossombroni is the author of a highly esteemed
work, published at Avezzo in L 731, entitled, 'Saggiodi Ricerche
suir [ntensita del Lume.'
BOLOGNA. Ill
change in the mind of the Cabinet. Signer Fossom-
broni was evidently only an intermediary between
us and Signer Serrati, whose influence still existed,
and who, in fact, really regulated the conduct of
affairs.
Meanwhile the causes of complaint to which
the weakness of the Tuscan officials at Leghorn had
given rise, far from diminishing, increased, and
excited great discontent among the French. It
looked as if the officials were acting in concert
with the persons who, for other reasons than those
stated above, were urging the Commander-in-Chief
to an expedition on Leghorn. The danger to
Tuscany was evident, and I soon perceived that it
was no longer possible either to avert it, or preserve
the neutrality of the country. The French army
was approaching in two columns ; one was ad-
vancing on Reggio by the new Apennine route, and
was approaching Pistoja, the other was marching on
Bologna. Thus our troops were on the point of
entering the territory of the Grand Duke. No hope
of preventing the violation of the treaty remained,
all that could be done was to regulate the movement
and to see that it caused as little damage and dis-
order as possible. I had received from Buonaparte,
as he had promised me, an intimation of his
arrival at Bologna, and I waited upon him in that
town on the 4th Messidor (June 22). He was con-
112 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
versine; with General Berthier when I was shown in.
Berthier was, like myself, a native of Versailles ;
I had been very familiar with him during my
childhood and youth, and we addressed each other
with our old intimacy, using the "thou " and " thee."
Buonaparte remarked this, and when he had dis-
missed Berthier, said lie wished to have a private
conversation with me. Before entering on this,
he asked me, " How long have you known Ber-
thier, I see you are very familiar with him ? " I
explained in a few words. " Very well," he
answered, " but do you, like so many people, believe
what I have read in the country newspapers,
that it is to Berthier that I owe my success, that
he directs my plans, and that I only execute what
he has suggested to me ?"*
" Not at all," I replied ; " I know him too well to
attribute to him a kind of ability which he does not
possess. And if he did, most decidedly he would
not give up the glory of it to you !" " You are
right," answered Buonaparte with warmth, " Berthier
is not capable of commanding a battalion ! "j* He
* Certain foreign newspapers, in order to lessen Buonaparte's
;j;lui-y, delighted to represent him as the pupil of Berthier, who
certainly was at least fifteen years older than he.
| In these words there was perhaps exaggeration, and cer-
tainly ill-humour. It is, however, ;i fact, that Buonaparte never
confided an expedition to Berthier, nor ever employed him
except as Chief of the Staff. He did give him in L798, when
AN IMPORTANT INTERVIEW. 113
stopped there, and we began to discuss the object of
my journey seriously. This interview lasted a long
time, and he heard me with great attention.
I explained to him in detail my reasons for
insisting on the observance of the neutrality of
Tuscany. " What are you going to do ? " I asked
him. " You are departing from the real object of
the war, instead of pursuing the Austrians in their
retreat, and going either through Tyrol or by Styria
to threaten Austria with the presence of a victorious
army, as I proposed in the despatches which I have
written to Paris. By withdrawing from Upper Italy
you give the enemy time to breathe and to put a
fresh army into the field, larger than that which you
have just so completely and gloriously defeated. In
the meanwhile, as you must occupy Leghorn and
maintain your line of communication with that town,
you weaken yourself by the necessity of leaving
a portion of your forces there. And do not be
deceived ; you will not gain the advantages you
expect from the occupation of Leghorn. A large
part of the wealth that the English possess there has
already been removed or hidden. No sooner will
you have entered the port of Leghorn, than the
leaving Italy, the command in chief of the army, hut, as the
reader will see, he did so only to justify the opinion which he
expressed on the occasion of my second interview with him.
VOL I. I
114 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
English will enter Porto-Ferrajo,* and we shall
have no right to complain of a violation of neu-
trality, of which we ourselves shall have set the
example. Of course, notwithstanding the precau-
tions of the English merchants, there will still be
merchandise and property of theirs in Leghorn.
Seals will be put on their warehouses ; their goods
will be sold ; but who profit by those seizures and
sales ? The Commissioners of the Directorv : the
•/ 7
crowd of agents who follow your army, attracted by
the hope of gain. You will be engaged in military
operations, which must occupy your every moment
and your every thought, and you will soon lose
sight of Leghorn. Frightful abuses will result from
the occupation, scandalous fortunes will be made,
and I shall be the reluctant witness of countless
transactions dishonouring to the French name, but
which I shall be powerless either to prevent or to
punish. Everything will be disguised under the
grand names of patriotism, insults to avenge, and
respect for the national flag. Immediately on your
departure, a dictatorial power will be established,
tliure will be vexations of all kinds, and the popular
feeling, already averse to us, will become still
more inimical. Then if the fortune of war should
waver for a moment, the French would be exposed
The English, in fact, seized upon l'orto-Fcrrajo on 28th
Messidor (Jnly 1 1), less than a fortnight after the French entered
I leghorn.
TOO LATE. 115
to the most merciless reprisals, and neither an
armistice nor even a treaty of peace could insure
their safety."
" If I had heard what you had to say sooner,"
replied the General, " perhaps I should not have
given orders for the movement that is taking place
to-day ; but it is too late now, it has commenced.
The Directory is expecting to find mountains of gold
at Leghorn, and has its head turned. Every one
sides with its action ; I am powerless. I will try to
prevent disorder, you may assure the Grand Duke of
that. But, then, he must give the strictest orders
that the troops are to be respected and their wants
abundantly supplied. I shall go to Florence on
my return from Leghorn. I shall finish with the
Pope to-morrow. I mean to grant him an armistice,
but on condition that he give us money, paintings,
and statues. If you will go to Rome and undertake
the execution of the treaty, I will forward it to you
from Pistoja, where I shall be in two days' time, and
where I shall be glad to see you again, if your
occupations will permit. In any case v r e shall meet
at Florence."
I answered in a few words. The General's in-
tention of treating with the Court of Rome proved
that, supposing him to have looked over the memo-
randum I had forwarded to him a fortnight previously
at Brescia, he had not adopted the opinions expressed
i 2
116 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
in it. To treat with the Pope was to recognise his
power, and to guarantee his existence hoth as Prince
and as Pontiff. I pointed this out to Buonaparte,
but he evaded an explanation, and I perceived
that he had no intention of taking advantage of our
victories to destroy the double power of the Holy
See, and that, notwithstanding the sacrifices he was
about to exact from the Papal Court, he was careful
to maintain the principle of its existence and
anxious for its safety. Was he already thinking of
the use which he would one day make of it ? That
he was, cannot be proved ; but subsequent events
have shown that the conjecture is at least plausible.
Seeing therefore that there was nothing more to
be done to advance the principal object of my
journey, that the neutrality of Tuscany was to be
violated, and that Rome would escape with the sacri-
fice of some money and pictures, I confined myself
to asking that Buonaparte would at least, when he
moved the columns of his army, avoid sending
any troops through Florence. I represented to
him that the Grand Duke was particularly anxious
to spare his capital the inconveniences and in a sense
the shame of foreign troops passing through it, and
that it seemed to me to be right to .satisfy him on
this point The General gave me his promise, and
we parted. In the course of the day I saw the
Commissioners of the Directory, Salicetti and (Jarrau.
FLORENCE. 117
They purposed following the march of the army to
Leghorn, and announced to me that after having
regulated the affairs of the administration they
would come in their turn to visit me at Florence.
I entered into no particulars with them ; and left
Bologna on the following morning, 5th Messidor,
year III. (June 23, 1795). I arrived at Florence
on the same day.
I found the Government there in a state of the
greatest alarm. Notwithstanding the promise made
to me at Bologna, a column of the French army
was marching on Florence, and in two days' time
was to pass through the city. The excitement was
extreme, and the conjuncture all the more un-
fortunate, that the passage of the troops would
occur on the Feast of St. John, which is celebrated
with great pomp at Florence, that Saint being the
patron of the city.*
I saw the Grand Duke on the morning of the
6th Messidor (June 24), at a place which he had
appointed in the Boboli Gardens. I protested to
* On the Feast of St. John, the Grand Duke with his Court
proceeds in the morning to the Palazzo- Vecchio square, to
receive the homage of the magistrates of Florence and of the
other towns of his States. On the eve of the Feast, also, he is
present in great state at the horse-races, which attract vast
crowds. On these two days in the year, only, does the Court of
Tuscany, which is very simple in its habits, display any
magnificence.
118 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T BE MELITO.
him that I had received a positive promise from
General Buonaparte that no troops of any kind
should pass through his capital, that I suspected
there must be some misunderstanding about the
order, but that I was going to send off a courier
and had no doubt it would be countermanded. In
fact, the courier on his return brought me a despatch
from the Chief of the Staff which informed me that
through an official mistake only, some troops had
been ordered to pass through Florence, and that the
error had been rectified.
Meanwhile the French army destined for the
occupation of Leghorn had entered Tuscan territory
by way of Pistoja on the 5th Messidor, and Buona-
parte, who was already in the town, sent me his
aide-de-camp, Martnont, on the 8th, with a letter
announcing to the Grand Duke that the Executive
Directory had ordered a march on Leghorn. To
that information the General added, that, although
forced to take this step by the repeated insults which
the national flag had suffered in Leghorn at the
hands of the English, the French Government
desired to maintain friendly relations with Tuscany.*
The aide-de-camp was also the bearer of a letter
for me from Berthier. He informed me that
* This Letter, together with theanswer made to it by Fossom-
broni in tli'' li.uiic of the Grand Duke, may ho found in the
( razette de Florence,' "I' Tuesday . June 28, 1796.
WAITING FOR BUONAPARTE. 119
General Buonaparte wished to see me, but that I
must come that same night, because he intended to
leave early on the morning of the 9th for Leghorn.
I could not start, accompanied by Marmont, until
very late on the night of the 8th, and I learned at
Prato that the General had already gone on. I
went no farther, therefore, but returned to Florence,
where I waited to see him on his way back from
Leghorn.
The French army, which had begun to move on
the 6th Messidor, was advancing on Leghorn from
Pistoja, without crossing the territory of the Re-
public of Lucca although that route, being the
shortest, seemed the most natural.* On the 9th
* M. Eedon de Belleville, then Consul of the Bepublic at
Leghorn, assured me some time after the occupation of that
town, that good treatment fur Lucca had been dearly bought
by the magistrates of the Bepublic. According to information
which he had obtained, a sum of from £240,000 to £280,000 was
placed by the Commissioners of Lucca in the hands of an agent
of Salicetti, at a house in the suburbs of Leghorn. This agent
was the elder Arena. He was a compatriot of the Commissioner
of the Directory, and had been a member of the Convention.
He was appointed afterwards one of the Council of the Five
Hundred, and on the 18th Brumaire, year V1IL, was one of those
deputies who most strenuously opposed the designs of Buona-
parte. His brother, Joseph Arena, afterwards played a part in
the conspiracy of Ceracchi, year IX., and perished on the
scaffold. I do not know how far the truth of the fact I relate
may be relied on, but I am certain that M. de Belleville was
incapable of inventing it. The immense fortune that Salicetti
made in Italy gives it probability.
120 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MBLITO.
Messidor (June 27) a division of cavalry reached
the gates of the town. The officer in command
having presented himself at the house of Spanocchi,
the Governor, was at first coldlv received ; but after
a few difficulties, which were promptly settled,
the troops entered the town and made themselves
masters of the most important positions. A pro-
clamation was placarded to tranquillise the inhabi-
tants, whose hostile feelings towards the French
were freely manifested. Buonaparte arrived that
evening, and ordered the arrest of the Tuscan
Governor, of whose conduct the general of the van-
guard had complained. The following is a letter
which Berthier sent me by one of his aides-de-camp
to inform me of these events. With it came a letter
from Buonaparte to the Grand Duke.
" Headquarters, Leghorn, 10th Messidor,
" Year IV. of the French Kepuhlic,
" One and Indivisible.
" The Chief of the Staff to his friend Miot.
" Everything here, my dear friend, is going on
well. The late Governor played scapegoat for all.
lie certainly showed very different feelings towards
us from those evinced by His Royal Highness.
After you have read the letter of the Commander-
in-Chief to the Grand Duke, send it onto him as
quickly as possible.
BERTHIER'S LETTER. 121
" The Comraander-in-Cliief will reach Florence the
day after to-morrow. We shall come to your house.
He desires me to tell you that he expects you to give
a grand ball and supper. I sincerely hope that our
ambassador will display dignity and magnificence
worthy of the French Eepublic. I must tell you
that we want to be put up at the Legation.
" Adieu. I embrace you. My aide-de-camp will
tell you all I have left unsaid.
"Alexander Berthier."
I handed Buonaparte's letter to the Grand Duke,
excused as well as I could the violence used towards
the Governor of Leghorn, and announced the speedy
arrival of the General. The Grand Duke received
these communications with ill -concealed concern,
but at the same time with resignation. He told
me that he would give orders for the reception of
the General with the honour due to his rank, and
spoke to me with the greatest admiration of his
military talent and of the glory he had acquired by
his victories. I assured him on mv side that the
General would hasten to solicit the honour of being
presented to him_, and the audience, equally painful
for both parties, was brought to a close — coldly, but
without auy rupture.
Buonaparte, according to promise, reached Florence
on the 12th Messidor, year IV. (June 30, 1796),
122 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
at about seven in the evening.* He alighted at
the palace in which I lived, f whither the Grand
Duke had sent a company of infantry with a flag
to receive him. He was accompanied by General
Berthier and two aides-de-camp, Murat and Leclerc ;
and escorted by a picket of dragoons. I received
him and his staff into my house, and thus there
was no need to quarter any one in the town. The
soldiers were lodged in a vast orangery belonging
to the gardens of the Ximenes Palace. The in-
habitants of Florence were thus in no way incon-
venienced by the presence of the French dragoons,
and all vexatious incidents were avoided. I had
invited a great many people to dinner, and there
was a crowd at my house, both before and after
the play. Curiosity to see a man who had ac-
complished such prodigious exploits attracted great
numbers to the theatres ; the streets through which
Buonaparte passed, from the San Fridiano Gate,
by which he entered, to the Pitti Gate, near
which I lived, a distance forming the diameter of
the town, were filled with the whole population who
Hocked from every quarter to behold the spectacle.
His was truly a triumphant entry, although no
* He had remained on tho 20t,h of .June at San Miniato, where
Canon Philippe Buonaparte, one of his relatives, lived. He left
San Miniato again on the 30th.
t Palazzo Ximenes, via porta Pitti.
BUONAPARTE AND THE GRAND DUKE. 123
shouts were uttered by the multitude, and astonish-
ment rather than admiration prevailed over every
other sentiment in the reception of the conqueror.
The next morning I accompanied him to the Court
and presented him to the Grand Duke,* with whom
lie conversed for some time. His Imperial Highness
invited the General to dinner, and left it to him to
name the officers of his staff to whom he desired the
same honour to be extended. The dinner took place,
but the Grand Duchess, pleading an indisposition, did
not appear. The Grand Duke placed my wife on
his right hand, and Buonaparte on his left. A few
ladies of the Court were present. After dinner the
General took leave of the Grand Duke, and we went
down with him into the Boboli Gardens, where a
courier, arriving from headquarters, handed him
despatches announcing the surrender of the fortress
of Milan. I had arranged to give the ball he had
wished for on the next day, but he could not stay
Ion o-er, and left at once to return to headquarters
by way of Bologna. In the various conversations
that I had with Buonaparte during those two days, he
appeared to me to be intent upon the movements of
the Austrians, and very anxious to rejoin his army.
* Fourteen years after, in 1811, I saw this same Grand Duke,
at the Tuileries, standing unnoticed amid the crowd who besieged
the doors of Buonaparte, now become Emperor and King, and
awaiting, with the other courtiers, the hour of his "lever."
124 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T BE MELITO.
I know that it was with regret he left troops in
Tuscany, although he had reduced their number as
low as possible. I entreated him to deal as gently
as he could with the country, so as not to enrage the
inhabitants at a moment when he had so few men
to control their discontent, and secure his own line
of communications from interruption.
I suggested to him that he should put forth a
proclamation enjoining on the superior officers the
necessity of the strictest discipline during the passage
of the French troops through Tuscany. He consented,
and I began to draw it up ; but he was offended by
a phrase in which I used the expression, " the Com-
manders of the French army" and erasing these
words with some irritation, he told me that the army
had but one Commander, and that was himself. After
several attempts at drawing up the proclamation, he
resolved to issue it from Bologna, where he was to
arrive next day, but I heard nothing more of it.
Notwithstanding this slight cloud, we parted on
very good terms, and from that time forward our
correspondence was carried on in a confidential and
friendly spirit, which subsisted between us for a
long time.
After the General's departure for Northern Italy,
I Ik- Commissioners of the Directory, who had rc-
mained a1 Leghorn, placed seals on the English pro-
perty there, Bold part of it, ami used the rest for
JOSEPHINE. 125
the supply of the army. But as I was in no way
concerned in these financial transactions, I can give
no details on the subject. When the preliminary
arrangements had been made, the two Commissioners,
Salicetti and Garrau, came to spend a few days at
Florence. Madame Buonaparte, who was curious to
see the town, also arrived there a short time after-
wards. On that occasion I renewed my acquaintance
with her. I had met her in society at Paris, but not
often, and I had formed an estimate of her which
my increased intimacy with her during her stay at
Florence only served to confirm. Never has any
woman united greater kindness of heart with greater
natural grace, never has any woman done more good
with more pleasure than she. She honoured me with
her friendship, and the recollection of the kindness
she showed me until the last moments of her too
brief existence will never be erased from my heart.
When my guests had departed, I began to prepare
to leave Florence for Rome. But in order to ex-
plain the motives of this journey, I must go back a
little in my narrative.
At the commencement of the war in Italy, and
especially when the temporary success of the
Austrians in the Riviera of Genoa, under General
de Vins, during the month of Messidor, year III.
(July 1795), had restored confidence to the Powers
inimical to France, the Pope had taken an active
12G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
part in the war, and once more roused against ns the
same populace which in January 1793 had murdered
Consul Basseville. After that event, no Frencli
agent had remained at Rome; our artists had all
sought refuge at Florence, and we had thus been
three years without holding any communication
with Rome. When Spain recognised and entered
into a treaty with the French Republic, on the
4th Thermidor, year III. (July 22, 1795), a share
of the enmity that we inspired devolved on the
Spaniard, and his residence in Rome soon became
unbearable to the Chevalier d'Azara, ambassador
from Spain to the Holy See.
He also established himself at Florence, in the
spring of 1796, and I then enjoyed the advantage
of intimacy with that cultivated lover of the fine
arts, who had adopted Rome as his second father-
land. He was a sincere friend to France, and
shared our joy at the victories of our troops,
while he at once foresaw that our success would
occasion a change of language, if not of feeling, at
the Court of Rome. He was not mistaken, and lie
was soon solicited, by the very Court which had in
some sort exiled him, to employ his own best en-
deavours and the mediation of Spain, whom he
represented in Italy, to obtain a suspension of
hostilities until peace could be definitively arranged.
M. d'Azara', having accepted this honourable mission,
THE TREATY WITH ROME. 127
came to the Commander-in-Chief at Bologna, accom-
panied by M. Antonio Gruendy, whom the Pope had
appointed his Minister Plenipotentiary. I saw them
both on the 4th Messidor at Bologna, and on the
next day, the 5th (June 23, 1796), the armistice
was signed in the name of the Pope, by the Chevalier
d'Azara and M. G-uendy, and in the name of the
French Republic by Buonaparte, Salicetti, and
Grarrau. The Pope undertook to pay twenty-one
millions of Roman lire, and to hand over to France
one hundred pictures, busts or statues, together with
five hundred manuscripts.* The matter in hand
was to get this armistice carried out, its conditions
being very hard, and not as yet ratified by the
Pope.f Buonaparte, as I have before said, had
already informed me that he wished me to undertake
the business, and had caused a copy of the treaty to
* The following is the text of the 8th Article of the Treaty,
containing the agreement in question : " The Pope shall deliver
up to the Bepublic, at the choice of the Commissioners who shall
be sent to Eome, one hundred pictures, busts, vases or statues ;
among which will be included the bronze bust of Junius Brutus
and the marble bust of Marcus Aurelius, both in the Capitol,
also five hundred manuscripts, at the choice of the said Com-
missioners." It is to be remarked that the first Article states
that the French Government consents to treat only in order
to five a proof of its deference to the wishes of His Majesty the
King of Spain.
+ The ratification, although dated June 27, was not then
made known. It was handed over to me at Eome in July.
128 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
be sent to me from Pistoja. He persisted in this
resolution when at Bologna, and sent me, through
Berthier, an official intimation that I was to repair to
Rome. The Chevalier d'Azara, having returned
from Bologna, was still at Florence when the despatch
reached me, and I communicated it to him. He
seemed pleased to find himself associated with me in
matters of a delicate nature and requiring much
moderation and good management. We had no
troops in the neighbourhood of Rome, nor would we
in any case have had recourse to force. He advised
me, therefore, to defer my journey for a few days,
that he might have time to precede me to Rome,
whither he would repair without delay and whence
he would write to me. I took his advice, and a few
days afterwards I received the following letter
from him :
" Rome, July 14.
" I readied Rome yesterday, having got through
my journey satisfactorily, notwithstanding my bad
state of health. You can easily imagine that since
my arrival I have been occupied only with your
journey. I liavc seen the Pope, and have informed
him of all that you and I agreed on. You may set
out therefore, and you will not meet with the
slightest obstacle, either on your road, or in Rome.
You will come to the Hotel de Sarmiento, opposite
tlie Spa nisi i Embassy.
TIIE TEE AT Y WITH HOME. 129
" Immediately on your arrival, we will meet and
arrange together all that is to be done. I will in-
troduce you to the Secretary of State ; afterwards
you shall visit the Pope, and I hope you will be
satisfied with everybody. So far as I am concerned,
you may rely on my desire to serve you and to
ensure the success of your mission. I am anxious
to embrace you, and to prove to you the interest I
take in yourself personally, and the friendship I feel
for you," &c.
Some few days before this letter reached me, the
Marquis Massimo, the Pope's envoy for the negotia-
tion of a definitive peace, had arrived at Florence,
and I had seen him. He had assured me that his
Holiness's dispositions were most pacific, and that
no obstacle would be offered to the carrying out of
the armistice. Reassured, therefore, on all sides as
to the success of my mission, and no longer de-
tained in any way at Florence, where I left the
Commissioners appointed by the French Govern-
ment to collect objects of art in Italy,* with in-
junctions to join me as soon as possible, I started
on the 30th Messidor (July 18), and reached Rome
on the 3rd Thermidor (July 21). M. d'Azara came
as far as Ponte Molle to meet me, where I got into
* This Commission comprised MM. Monge, Berthollet,
Thomir, Barthelemy the painter, Moitte the sonlptor, and
Tinet, draughtsman and painter.
VOL. I. K
130 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
his carriage, and I entered the city with him in
the midst of an immense crowd, who followed me
with unfriendly glances, and whose traditional en-
mity was aroused by the tricolor-cockade in my
hat, and in the hats of the persons who composed
my suite.
Rome, at that time, presented a very singular
and revolting spectacle. A gloomy fanaticism,
kindled by the monks and fed by absurd fables,
had filled the minds of all.
The populace was exclusively absorbed in
religious practices, and listening to fanatical
preachers, and the higher classes of society dared
not hold themselves aloof. The streets were
choked with long files of priests or monks, walk-
ing in procession and followed by enormous crowds.
Men's imaginations were excited, and only dwelt
on marvels, on murders and on vengeance. Far
from quieting this commotion, the Government
secretly encouraged it, regarding it as their strong-
est safeguard against the propagation of revolu-
tionary principles, which they dreaded above
all things. My presence and that of a few
other Frenchmen, in the midst of a people ready
at any moment to commit the greatest excesses,
could not but increase the popular excitement,
and I perceived that there would be no safety either
for niv countrymen or myself if the terror in
PliESTIGE. 131
spired by our victories and the near neighbourhood
of our armies were dispelled for even a single day,
or if the fortune of war ceased for one instant to be
favourable to us. The latter contingency arose.
The news of Wurmser's arrival at the head of a
second Austrian army had revived all the hopes of
our enemies. His success was considered certain ; it
was announced beforehand, although no operations
were as yet begun, and the siege of Mantua was
carried on uninterruptedly.
We, in the heart of Italy, already felt the con-
sequences of these ominous reports, and we might
have been seriously endangered before the news
of the victories which soon after lent a new
lustre to French arms had once more filled the
people with that terror which was our only security.
I must, however, do justice to the conduct of
the Pope's Government towards me. Although
the reports abroad were of a nature to make it
less docile in the carrying out of the armistice
just concluded at Bologna, I did not at first meet
with all the difficulties I expected. The Chevalier
d'Azara, who seconded me admirably at each step
I took, accompanied me to the Secretary of State,
Cardinal Zelada, who gave me a positive assur-
ance of the payment of the first instalment of
the contribution which the Court of Rome was to
furnish, by virtue of Article 9 of the armistice, and,
k 2
132 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
in fact, I received proof that this first instalment
was on its way to Bologna. I obtained also, and
on the spot, the liberation of certain men who had
been imprisoned for their political opinions, and
of whom General Buonaparte had sent me a list.
On the next day, after my interview with the
Secretary of State, I was conducted by M. d'Azara
to the Monte Cavallo* Palace, to have an audience
of the Pope. I was accompanied by M. Fre'ville,
Secretary to the Legation. We each wore the
uniform of the National Guard. The Pope was
seated on a dais, raised one step from the ground,
with a canopy. In front of him was a table on which
were a number of papers, writing-materials, and
a bell. When I was announced by the chamber-
lain, who drew back the door-hangings, his PToliness
rose, came down from the dais, and advanced to
meet me. M. d'Azara made a genuflection on
entering ; I only bowed profoundly, and the Pope,
having taken me by the hand, led me up to the
dais, where he resumed his place, and, pointing to
a seat on his left hand lower than his own, invited
me by a gesture to be seated. M. Freville sat
near me, and the Chevalier d'Azara opposite the
Holy Father's writing-table. Pius VI., although
lie had reached ;iu advanced age, was still a rcmark-
* Formerly (lie Quirinal Hill. The Pope resides there in
i ummer, tin 1 air being more salubrious than ;il the Vatican.
PIUS VI. 133
ably handsome man. He was distinguished by an
elegant and well-proportioned figure, and a coun-
tenance full of nobility and mildness. He lacked
none of the outward gifts of Nature, and it was
impossible to approach him without a feeling of
respectful admiration. This, at least, was the senti-
ment which I experienced on seeing him. The con-
versation was in Italian. I assured the Pope that, in
carrying out the conditions of the armistice, I would
do all in my power to render them less onerous,
while I ventured to hope, in return, that his Holiness
would deign to give orders that the Commissioners
who had been entrusted with the selection of the
works of art should have all needful facilities for
fulfilling their mission. " I will do so," he answered
eagerly ; " the execution of these conditions is a
sacred thing (S cosa sacro-santa) . Rome will still
be rich enough in objects of Art, and I do not
think that in making this sacrifice I have bought
the peace of my States too dear. Here," added
his Holiness, " is the ratification of the treaty.
I wished to hand it over to you myself, in order
to convince you that I have no repugnance to in-
vesting this act with my consent."*
The conversation then turned on more general
topics. We spoke of Rome, and of all that attracts
* The ratification, correctly drawn up, was signed Pius
Papa VI.
131 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the curiosity of strangers. At last, after an inter-
view of half an hour, the Pope rose to dismiss me.
A few days after this audience, the Commissioners
whom I had left at Florence rejoined me.
I found them much alarmed by the reports they
had heard everywhere on the road between Florence
and Rome, and by the ill-feeling they had observed
at the places at which they had stopped. I could
not wholly tranquil lise them ; I myself was anxious,
and I had received no reassuring despatch either
from the headquarters of the army or from
Florence.
I advised them, however, to set about the mission
entrusted to them ; I put them in communication
with the Pope's agents, and it was those same agents
whom they employed to pack the valuable works
which they selected.
In the brief leisure afforded by my numerous
occupations, I visited Rome and made myself ac-
quainted with the neighbouring country. But I
could barely satisfy the most urgent demands of my
curiosity. When I visited Italy ten years later,
and made a longer slay at Rome in more tran-
quil times, I had an opportunity of thoroughly
investigating that famous city. I shall therefore
defer speaking of it until 1 shall have readied the
later period of my narrative.
While the animosity of the Italian people to us
THE BEVOLUTIONISTS. 135
was revived by the first report of our reverses, which
their enmity led them to receive as certainly true,
a few men of sounder sense, and many others
stimulated by private dislike, and especially by
ambition to play a part in the history of their
country, had hastened to the Commander-in-Chief,
and even to Paris, with plans of revolution in Italy,
and claimed the intervention of the French to help
them to upset absolute government and, as they
expressed it, to restore liberty to their country.
The importunity of these patriots, who displayed
no less enthusiasm in their republican fanaticism
than did the rest of their fellow-citizens in their
religious fanaticism, made an impression on the
Executive Directory, which was already disposed
towards political proselytism, and I foresaw that if
Buonaparte would lend a helping hand, it would
not be disinclined to let this leaven of Revolution
ferment, and to aid its development. A despatch
which I received during my stay at Rome, revealed
this to me. It contained one leading query : " Is
it possible, is it desirable for the French Republic
to republicanise Italy ? " 1 was perhaps better
able than any other political agent to discuss this
question. I was in the heart of Italy. I had
lived more than a year in the country ; I had
closely observed the conduct and the feelings of
the people and their governments in the various
136 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
positions we had held towards them, whether as
victors or as vanquished ; I knew how much either
of submission or resistance we had to expect from
them. I believed it therefore to be my duty to
put forward the opinions which circumstances had
led me to form.
As I also desire to clear my character of the
suspicion that during my stay in Italy I was guilty
of participating in acts of violence or in breaches of
faith, which, on the contrary, I always resisted or
blamed, I will here copy the reply which I made
to the question put to me by the Minister of
Exterior Relations. That reply is dated Rome,
9th Thermidor, year IV. (July 27, 1796).
" Citizen Minister.
" I have received your letter of 29th Messidor
since my arrival in this city. I will devote mine
to answering the questions you address to me, by
placing before you the result of the observations
I have md.de on the state of public feeling in
Italy, on the resources it offers, and on the use
that may be made of it for the conception or the
establishment of a new political system in the
countries that have been subjugated by French
arms. My further residence in Rome may furnish
me with additional means of clearing up many diffi-
culties and of forming a more general opinion.
A DESPATCH TO THE MINISTER. 137
" The chief question which is put to me, is the
following : 'Is it possible, is it desirable for the
French Republic to republicanise Italy ? ' The
second part of this question depends clearly on the
first ; for it is evident that if such a change were
possible it would certainly be desirable. All that
is required, therefore, is to examine that possibility.
" If by the word republicanise is to be understood
the establishment of a system of government
founded on the same principles as our own, resting
merely on such simple bases as those of political
liberty and equality, and divested of all prejudices,
I do not see as yet any means of attaining that
end in Italy. We shall doubtless find a few sin-
cere persons, but many others moved by private
interests, and especially by a spirit of revenge, who
will be anxious to persuade us that a complete
revolution is possible and even easy. A cursory
examination of the means they propose to employ,
the monstrous alliance they would attempt between
superstition and policy, the use they would actually
venture to make of that execrable weapon in order
to found a revolution, will, however, show how im-
practicable it would be as yet — in the full complete-
ness I have just sketched out, and the Directory
cannot be too much on its guard against such
projects.
" If, on the contrary, in order to make our victories
133 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
conducive to our true interests, we confine ourselves
in the present state of Italy to practicable political
changes which will be useful to its inhabitants, the
question, from that point of view, becomes more in-
teresting and its discussion assumes real importance.
" You will remember, Citizen Minister, what I
have stated in my correspondence as to the object
which I believed should be aimed at in the war
of Italy.
" To wrest his possessions in this part of Europe
from the Emperor, to lessen the power of the Pope,
since we can no longer think of destroying it
altogether ;* these were the principal results to
which I pointed as the fruits of our victories.
" We have now the means of obtaining these two
great results. We hold the country round Milan ;
the legations of Bologna and Ferrara are in our bands.
" To remove those beautiful and fertile provinces
for ever from the domination of Austria and the
Popes, is to attain as completely as possible the aim
that we ought to propose to ourselves.
"It now becomes necessary to inquire under what
government we must leave these countries, which
we cannot and ought not to retain.
"That which has been done in Holland may
* From the moment that we treated with him we acknow-
ledged lii^ Government, and we could not, withoul flagrarri
i ri .i'li "I Faith, b< ei •<> ovei I hrow it.
A DESPATCH TO THE MINISTER. 139
serve us as a guide here. We have delivered
Lombardy, Bologna and Ferrara from a despotic
flrovernment, but we have no desire to violate their
independence. It is for their inhabitants and not
for us to make a revolution, and this distinction
appears to me to be of the greatest importance.
It is not for us to dictate laws for them, still less
to impose on them our own. Let us watch their
progress in the exercise of the power we have
restored to them, but let us not take on ourselves
the task of directing it. Let them seek, while
protected and defended by a Power which watches
over their safety, an organisation suited to their
genius, and their religious opinions, in harmony with
the ideas circulating among them ; our part is to
oppose the intrigues of a party who would bring
them again under the yoke that we have broken,
but not to force forward fruits of a kind which
the climate can not as yet produce.
" The first step towards this result — the only
one that appears to be desirable — would be a
precise statement on the part of the Directory,
declaring that these provinces shall never be
restored to their former masters by any treaties
concluded by the Republic. Until this is done,
we can hardly hope that they themselves will take
a decisive part; and even if they did, they would
afterwards find themselves without sufficient means
140 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3110 T DE ME LI TO.
to resist the attacks which might be made upon
them.
" The Directory is probably not as yet prepared to
make such a declaration. A moderate policy there-
fore, such as I have indicated above, seems to me the
right course to follow. In any case, I think we must
not for a long time abandon the forms of military
government in the countries we have conquered in
Italy ; and that, without forcing on the organisation
of a new national government which would be
without the necessary resources for self-maintenance,
we should allow it to develop itself under our eyes.
And when a general peace shall have secured the
independence of those provinces, it will still be
desirable for our interests to maintain our garrisons
in them for a long time, or at any rate, in order to
avoid any reproach from other nations of violating
this same independence, to leave some French troops
in the pay of the separate governments which will
have been formed. Such, in my opinion, is the
only means of consolidating the task we shall
have accomplished, and a sound policy demands
that, amid so much enmity and passion directed
against us, which unhappily will not lie completely
quieted by the peace in Italy, we should continue
to keep before her eyes a portion of the armies
which have terrified and conquered her.
" A complete revolution in Ilalv is, to my
A DESPATCH TO THE MINISTER. 141
mind, impossible. If in the present state of public
feeling such a revolution could take place, it
would be terrible, owing to the excesses to which
fierce and unprincipled men would abandon them-
selves. It would not result in any advantage to
humanity or in- the welfare of society, because it
would be the work of fanaticism and revenge.
" But a change of government in the conquered
States,. the establishment of a new order of things,
modified according to the surrounding circumstances,
is both possible and desirable."
To this letter I received no reply. Subsequent
events have made it plain that the ideas of mode-
ration and respect for the independence of peoples,
which I had put forward, were not well received.
I had been two weeks in Rome, and, although the
business of the execution of the conditions of the
armistice was going on, I perceived that for some
days past the Government had been acting in the
matter with dilatoriness that led me to suspect that,
being better informed than I of what was taking
place in Upper Italy, they flattered themselves that
the reverses we were sustaining there might eventu-
ally dispense them from keeping their promises.
The darkest rumours were secretly spread about,
and, as I had no means of refuting them, I soon
found myself in a position as false as it was dangerous.
112 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Things were in this state, when Oacatilt,* an
agent of the French Republic, who had remained
in Italy without ostensible title since 1703, arrived
at Rome from headquarters. He brought me two
letters, one from Buonaparte and one from Berthier.
The first, on the supposition that I had not yet left
Florence, advised me to remain there, and to delegate
to Cacault the task of superintending the execution
of the armistice concluded with the Pope. This
change of plans was evidently the result of some
manoeuvres of Cacault, who had wished for this post,
and easily persuaded Buonaparte that the numerous
acquaintances he had formed at Rome would afford
him better means of filling it, and other advantages
which I did not possess. Besides which, Buonaparte,
who knew my feelings about the Papal Government,
and who intended to treat it tenderly, was sure
of finding in Cacault a more yielding negotiator
than I ; one indeed, inclined by his own private
views to second the General's views.
The other letter, Berthier's, dated, like the first,
* M. Cacault know Italy, where ho had long resided,
perfectly well. Ho had boon ordered to repair to Borne after
the assassination of Bassoville, bnt not having succeeded in
getting there, lie had remained at Florence, as an agent of
the Republic, but without official position until my arrival.
Ee successively occupied various diplomatic posts in Italy, and
on liis return to Prance he was created a Senator in 180.'?.
lie died at Clisson in 1805,
A PERILOUS JOURNEY. 143
from the headquarters at Castiglione, on the 3rd
Thermidor, and consequently hefore the raising of
the siege of Mantua, was full of confidence and
hope of fresh successes. But as it was already
twelve days old, and more recent news had
reached Rome, it had become valueless for the
purpose of forming any opinion, and I could make
no kind of use of it.
However, in spite of the dangers to which a
journey in the midst of the general ferment pro-
duced by the accounts of our reverses, magnified
by active ill-will, might expose me, I did not
hesitate to undertake it. I handed over the
business to Cacault, and started, the very evening
of the day of his arrival, on my return journey
to Florence.
I had not been misinformed as to the state of
feeling throughout the Roman territory. I therefore
avoided passing through Yiterbo, where I knew
that the excitement was greater than in any other
part, and took the route through Civita-Castella,
Narni, Terni, where I stayed a few hours in order
to see the celebrated cascade, and Spoleto, where I
intended to pass the night. But it was impossible
to carry out my plan ; a furious mob surrounded
my carriage, and if I had not displayed coolness
which took them aback, I should probably have
been subjected to very bad treatment. I therefore
144 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL1T0.
merely changed horses, and continued my journey
by way of Foligno, Assisi, and Perugia .* I entered
the Tuscan territory through Cortona and Arezzo,
and although I was then in a country where I bore,
so to speak, a sacred character, I saw, by the animus
displayed by the inhabitants of the last-named town,
that even that character would barely serve to
protect me should we cease to be conquerors. As
we drove from the gates of Arezzo, stones were
thrown at my carriage ; but it was dark, and this
insult had no serious consequences ; my horses
quickly placed me beyond reach. Finally, I arrived
at Florence on the 17th Thermidor, year IV.
(August 4, 1796).
Profound consternation prevailed among the few
French who were then at Florence. For several
days the most disastrous accounts had succeeded each
other without interruption, and my first interviews
with the Tuscan Government convinced me that,
if exaggerated, they were not unfounded. The
populace of Florence, who until then had taken
no decided part, now awoke from the calm indif-
ference which characterised them. Inflamed by
the monks, they began to imitate the Romans;
they also had their miracles and their prophecies.
* I must do justices hero to tho Governor of Perugia, who
received me with the utmost courtesy, ami watched over my
safety with sedulous care.
EXCITEMENT AT FLOEENCE. 115
Their excessive credulity made them credit the
most absurd rumours ; they were persuaded that
I had brought back Buonaparte in my carriage
wounded ; that he had died at my house, and
that I had buried him in my garden. An im-
mense crowd collected about my door ; I was
obliged to come out and address them, and I had
great difficulty in preventing their forcing their
way into my house in order to satisfy their stupid
curiosity.
This state of alarm lasted for twelve days, and
during that time the Grand Duke's government
acted with such weakness as to make it evident
to me that, far from wishing to repress the dis-
turbance, it intended to make use of it to free
itself from any remaining consideration for me, in
the event of our sustaining further reverses. From
the moment that we were or were supposed to be
no longer formidable, it would have been useless
to appeal for security to treaties which had simply
been extorted by fear.
At last, on the 23rd and 24th Thermidor (10th
and 11th August), couriers despatched from head-
quarters made their appearance, and put an end to
our anxieties. During my stay in Rome, and my
journey thence, hostilities had recommenced in
Northern Italy. Wiirmser, at the head of a fresh
Austrian army, had forced Buonaparte to raise the
VOL. I. L
146 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
siege of Mantua, leaving all his artillery on the
spot, But this check, news of which had spread
so rapidly, had been as quickly repaired by the
wonderful victories of Salo, Castiglione, and Lonata
(17th and 18th Thermidor). Never had so rapid
and complete a change taken place in war ; never
had such genius, talent, and valour been displayed.
A campaign of less than ten days' duration
had reconquered Italy and routed all the pro-
jects of our enemies. But in proportion as the
news of our reverses had been readily believed,
did that of our victories meet with incre-
dulity, and it was only after the lapse of several
months, and when the surrender of Mantua rati-
fied, as it were, the bulletins of our army, that
the people were at last induced to credit our
success.
For the time being, our reverses had brought
back the Powers of Italy to their former policy and
their former enmities. The negotiations for peace
between the Pope and France had been interrupted,*
the conditions of the armistice were no longer
carried out ; the Commissioners whom I had left at
Rome had withdrawn, and gone back to Florence
* They were not completely broken off until ;i month later,
the luin th complementary day of year I V. ( September L'O, 1 7!Hi ).
The Pope declined any arrangement, nor would he state what
were llu- modifications he would have desired in the stipulations
of the treaty.
FBESH VICTOBIES. 147
to wait for more favourable circumstances and fresh
instructions.
Cacault only remained, and was carrying on
some private communications, the Papal Government
not having as yet decided on an open rupture.
Meanwhile, Buonaparte having pursued Wurmser's
army into the valley of Adige and Brenta, forced
the General to shut himself up in Mantua. But
another army, commanded by D'Alvinzi, soon made
its appearance in Italy, and, to save this important
stronghold, opened a fresh campaign, in the course
of which the engagement at Areola and the battles
of Rivoli and Favorita immortalised the glory of
the French arms.
While military events were thus hastening on,
and Victory, still undecided, had not declared
herself for either side, the difficulties of my posi-
tion increased daily. The Tuscan people openly
displayed their dislike to the French. I was
grossly insulted several times, and my time was
entirely occupied in hearing and laying before the
Grand-Ducal Government the complaints which
were addressed to me by the French inhabitants
of Tuscany.
At length, being convinced by the facts before
my eyes that there was no hope of security for
the French, nor any real advantage to be obtained
from our victories in Italy, so long as the House
l 2
148 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of Austria should possess any of its territory,
and that the Pope's Government should endure,
I resolved on sending M. Freville, Secretary
of Legation, to Paris, with a despatch, in which
I laid before the Executive Directory my obser-
vations on the state of Italy, and stated my
views of the direction in which our policy should
move.
I will here give a summary of the plan which I
had drawn up.
I pointed out that Austria and Spain had been
dominant in succession in Italy, but that Prance
had always tried in vain to establish a permanent
influence in the country ; notwithstanding her
victories, dominion had invariably slipped from
her grasp.
" Austria, then, was exclusively powerful in Italy
before the war. Venice was trembling, Genoa was
sold, Naples shared in all the passions of Austria ;
the Pope was at her beck. This brilliant structure
was overthrown by our first victories. Austria
wants to build it up afresh ; she calls on the people
as auxiliaries to her army and succeeds in inflaming
them ; she is preparing another Sicilian Vesjxrs
for us in Italy. The various Governments approve
:u id second her views. But for our recent victories
we should be irretrievably lost.
"At the first wind of our reverses, neutrality
THE SITUATION. 149
disappeared, the execution of treaties was suspended.
We have therefore acquired no guarantee by nego-
tiation, and we can only count on force, or on the
establishment of a political system which will be a
real guarantee. Now, therefore, is the time at which
to treat this question.
" The first idea that presents itself is to alter
the political situation of Italy entirely, in a word,
to use the language of the day, to revolutionise
her. I have opposed that solution ; insurrection,
even rebellion, may be kindled in Italy, but not
a revolution.
" Let that part of Italy which we have conquered
adopt a form of government of whatever kind, and
let us protect it, provided these countries detach
themselves altogether from Austria and the Pope.
Let us possess nothing ourselves in Italy, but let
us acquire influence there, and be a prepondera-
ting power only in the conquered part. As for the
rest of the Peninsula, we must have another allied
Power with us, which, acting on Rome and Naples,
will keep them within defined bounds. Let Spain
be that power.
" Spain is alive to her true interests ; she has just
made peace and allied herself with France ; she will
be responsible to us for Southern Italy. Let us give
to her, or a Prince of her House, those possessions of
Austria which form a part of her States in Northern
150 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Italy, and which we will render independent.* By
such a political arrangement Leghorn would be in
the hands of Spain, and the neutrality of that port
would no longer be an empty name. This plan
involves, it is true, a complete rupture with the
G-rand Duke of Tuscany, but he himself has
furnished us by his recent behaviour with a pretext
for, and also with a right to it."
Freville left Florence for Paris early in Fructidor,
year IV. (middle of August, 1796). He had several
interviews with the Minister of Foreign Affairs,
and presented a further development of my pro-
posals in a detailed memorandum. In the end they
were not adopted, and he rejoined me at Florence
towards the end of Vendemiaire, year V. (October
1706). He was the bearer of a letter from the
Minister, Charles Lacroix, very flattering to me, but
altogether evasive. I gathered from this letter and
from the details added by Freville that the French
Government desired to remain on cool terms with
Tuscany, in order to take a decisive step of rupture
or alliance, according to circumstances, and to be in
a position to justify either the one or the other. It
was easy to satisfy the Government in this respect.
The intercourse between the two Cabinets had
become more strained than ever; recriminations
This plan was afterwards adopted by Buonaparte, when
In oreated the kingdom <>f Etruria for an Enfant of Spain.
RECRIMINATIONS. 151
abounded on our side because of the weakness
of the Tuscan Government, which allowed its
neutrality to be disregarded, and showed itself alto-
gether partial towards the English ; and on the
side of Neri-Corsini, the Grand Duke's Minister in
Paris, because of the disrespect with which the
Tuscan Government treated our military commanders
and troops at Leghorn. It must be admitted that
both sides were in the right. The partiality of
the Tuscan Government towards the English was
not more evident than the behaviour of our officers
and men towards the authorities of the country was
insulting. They acted in defiance of all rules, or,
if the term be preferred, in defiance of every
popular prejudice.*
Whether my views as to the line of policy to
be pursued in Italy had awakened some personal
dislike towards me, or whether it was thought
desirable to appoint an agent in Florence more
dependent on the Commander-in-Chief than I was
— and I have not discovered which — my mission
in Tuscany was drawing to a close. Fre'ville had
scarcely left Paris, when a decree of the Directory,
dated the 2nd Brumaire, year V. (October 23, 1796),
* General Hullin, in command at Leghorn, celebrated the
fete of the 10th of August there with a brilliant military display.
Nothing could be more offensive to the Tuscans, nor more
uncalled-for by the French.
152 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
changed all the diplomatic corps in Italy. I was
appointed Ambassador to the Court of Sardinia ;
Cacault succeeded me at Florence as Minister
Plenipotentiary, and Joseph Buonaparte was named
resident Minister of the French Republic at the
Court of the Infant-Duke of Parma. I did not,
however, receive the decree containing my new
nomination and its accompanying instructions until
five months later. I was destined before I reached
Turin to undertake a troublesome mission, for which
I was in no wise prepared.
Corsica, which had been delivered to the English
by Paoli, and occupied by them as a fourth kingdom
annexed to the crown of the King of Great Britain,
had just been evacuated by its new masters. They
had never succeeded in subduing the interior of the
island, frequent insurrections had kept them in con-
tinual alarm, and free communication between the
various towns could only be effected by sea. The
victories of the French army in Italy, under the
command of one of their countrymen, had redoubled
this internal ferment in Corsica, and the English
had decided on entirely abandoning their conquest.
hi September 170 G they withdrew their troops,
and also removed from Corsica their chief parti-
sans, such as General Paoli, Pozzo di Borgo,
* Tho crown of Corsica was carried to London, in October
IT'.M, l>y four Corsica.!] deputies.
CORSICA. 153
Beraldi and others, who sought an asylum in
England. On the first intelligence of the English
preparations for evacuating the island, Buonaparte
despatched General Gentili thither at the head of
two or three hundred banished Corsicans, and
with this little band Gentili took possession of the
principal strongholds. The island being thus
restored to the rule of France, it became indis-
pensable to provide temporarily for its civil admistra-
tion and to prepare for the establishment of the
constitution. Salicetti, Commissioner of the Directory,
with the army of Italy, hastened to assume those
functions, and had already repaired to Corsica,
where he was beginning to exercise them. But the
Directory had felt that it would not do to leave
them in the hands of a man born in the island,
having personal injuries to avenge, and who, even
supposing him to be impartial in the conduct of
affairs, could never persuade his countrymen that
he was so. An administrator had therefore to be
found, who should be an entire stranger to the
country, having no interests but that of restoring
order, healing quarrels, and bringing Corsica as
soon as possible under the laws and institutions
common to the rest of France. The choice fell on
me, and on the 5th Frimaire, year V. (November
25, 1706), I received a decree of the Executive
Directory, dated the 7th Brumaire, appointing me
154 MEMOIIiS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Commissioner-Extraordinary of the Government in
Corsica, and ordering me to proceed thither at once.
Accordingly I prepared to set out, and left the Lega-
tion in the hands of Fre'ville, who succeeded me
with the title of Charge' d' Affaires.
On returning from Corsica on my way to Turin,
I stayed at Florence for a few days, hut without
any official character. My mission therefore came
to an end at the period I have now reached, and
as I shall have no further occasion to speak ol
Tuscany, I will summarise here in a few lines the
observations I made on the country during a resi-
dence of nearly twenty months.
During the whole time that Leopold governed
Tuscany, her prosperity had gone on increasing,
her population had sensibly augmented and was
still tending towards increase ; while free-trade in
grain had materially added to the products of
agriculture. These results proved the beneficial
influence of the principles adopted by Leopold, while
the restrictions subsequently imposed on the grain
trade have, by diminishing the products of the earth,
confirmed the disadvantages of a prohibitive system.
The events of the French Revolution, which brought
war and all its attendant evils upon Italy, arrested
the progressive impulse that Leopold had given to
Tuscany. The administration which succeeded his,
dreading the introduction of the principles which
A RETROGRESSIVE POLICY. 155
were triumphant in France, believed, as it generally
happens, that the best means of opposing the evil
was not to yield points, which the spirit of the age
and the new ideas which were circulating freely
made it necessary to yield, in order to satisfy
the needs of society, but to withdraw all that had
been hitherto granted, and to return completely
to the past. In all Leopold's institutions it detected
the germs of Revolution, and it could think of no
better way to kill those germs than by destroying
the institutions. The nobility and the clergy,
whose privileges had been restricted and whose
alarm increased as the Revolution made progress
in France, applauded this course of action, and
aided it with all their influence. Nevertheless,
it would be an error to believe that society in
general attached much importance to these ques-
tions, and a still greater mistake to conclude that
the people took any active part in them. With the
exception of a few movements promoted with great
difficulty at critical junctures, and of which I have
had occasion to speak, the prevailing aspect of all
classes was that of indolence. For two centuries and
a half, Florence had lost the antique energy which
had distinguished that noble city in the stormy
times of the Republic. Her peaceable inhabitants,
deprived of all their rights, were no longer the dis-
trustful citizens, whom love of freedom, and of inde-
15G MEMO IBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
pendence had so often roused to the most courageous
measures and the most generous sacrifices. They
were no longer so many illustrious Mascenas who
offered magnaminous hospitality to science and
letters. Almost everywhere my eye fell on men
basking in a beautiful climate, occupied only in the
dull details of a monotonous life, and vegetating
beneath a beneficent sky. As for the women, a
mixture of piety and intrigue was, as it is
throughout all Italy, their distinguishing character-
istic. Morals were extremely relaxed, but as that
relaxation was universal and, singularly enough, the
result of a generally admitted social convention, it
gave rise to no criticism, and so long as a woman
kept on good terms with her cavaliere servente, and
that she used some secrecy and a sort of decency
in her infidelities towards him, she enjoyed a
spotless reputation. The domestic habits of Fiance
were therefore regarded as not a little ridiculous ;
and although the report of the disappearance of
all modesty from our manners since the beginning
of the llevolution had preceded us at Florence,
and turned the public mind against us, our
women were, to our great astonishment, set down
as in tolerable prudes, and their 1 1 n^l >:i iiclts' conduct
in accompanying them in public, contrary to the
customs of the country, was considered unpardon-
able. I>ul it' the ladies of Florence were nol
TUSCAN MORALS. 107
very scrupulous as to conjugal fidelity, they were
scrupulous in inverse proportion as to religious
practices, and a woman who, with a perfectly easy
conscience, violated conjugal duties which are held
sacred everywhere else, would not eat meat on a day
of abstinence for any consideration. Nor were the
other duties of religion observed less rigorously.
They interfered a little, it is true, with the pleasures
of intrigue ; but they also served as a pretext for
escaping from wearisome bonds, and it was usually
at Easter that old intimacies were broken off
and new ones formed. It was also at that holy
season that the husband's consent to a change of
cavalier e servente was asked and obtained, for
changes of this kind are family affairs.
I do not, however, pretend to include the whole
of society in this generalisation. No one has had
better opportunities than I of knowing what remark-
able exceptions were to be found at that time in
Florence and the other principal towns of Tuscany ;
men and women of sterling merit and incapable of
the weaknesses I have commented on. The famous
physician Fontana, MM. Fabbroni, Fossombroni
and Paoli, who have borne great names in natural
science and mathematics ; M. Pignotti, a writer
of charming fables ; M. Galuzzi, who wrote a
history of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, and other
learned and literary men, did honour to Tuscany and
158 MEMOIRS OF COUNT BE MEL1T0.
preserved to her a remnant of her ancient renown.
Several ladies, Madame Fabbroni among the
number, were distinguished for their talents and
cultivation, and would have shone with brilliant
lustre in any country and in any society.
( 159 )
CHAPTER V.
Letter from General Buonaparte — The Author embarks at Leg-
horn and arrives at Bastia, where he finds Salicetti — He is
instructed to adopt a system of conciliation, and to endeavour
to reconcile party divisions — He publishes a proclamation
accordingly — Political situation of Corsica — Some seditious
risings are repressed and tranquillity re-established — Ad-
ministration and laws organised, first in the department of
Golo, and next in that of Liamone- — Journey from Bastia to
Ajaccio by Corte and the Col de Guizzavano, and from A jaccio
to Bonifacio by Gartena.
On receiving the decree of the Directory which
appointed me Commissioner Extraordinary of the
Government in Corsica, accompanied by instructions
bearing date the 12th Brumaire, I had hastened to
inform Buonaparte of my appointment, and to ask his
advice respecting the best way of fulfilling a mission
whose difficulties I fully recognised. He sent me the
following reply :
" Headquarters, Verona.
" 3d Frimaire, year V.
" I have received, Citizen Minister, the letter you
wrote me before your departure for Corsica. The
160 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
mission you are about to undertake is an extremely
difficult one. Until all the work here is finished, it
will not be possible to send any troops to Corsica.
You will find General Gentili in commaud of this
division there. He is an honourable man, and gene-
rally esteemed in the country. The people of Corsica
are difficult to understand, their imagination being
very lively, and their passions extremely active.
" I wish you health and happiness.
" Buonaparte."
This letter was not encouraging. The General
entered into no details, and sent me no help either in
men or money. Nevertheless I did not despair of
success, and 1 embarked at Leghorn on the 11th
Frimaire, year Y. (10th December, 1796).
We were obliged to put into harbour at Capraja *
to avoid the English cruisers, and I was blockaded
there for six days. I decided at last to leave the
Aviso and to embark on board a felucca, and I took
advantage of a calm, which detained the English ships,
to row across the canal between Capraja and Corsica.
Tn this way I landed on the 22nd Frimaire on the east-
ern coast of the island, near Erba Lunga, five miles
from Bastia, whither I proceeded on the following day.
I bad just left one of the most civilised cities in
* A small island to tho west of Leghorn, about half-way
between the mainland and the inland of Corsica.
IMPRESSIONS OF CORSICA. 161
Italy, and it was with strange sensations that I
found myself in a country whose wild aspect,
barren mountains, and inhabitants all clothed
alike in coarse brown cloth, contrasted so strongly
with the rich and smiling country of Tuscany and
with the comfortable, I might almost say the elegant,
dress worn by the fortunate cultivators of that fertile
soil. My disembarkation, on a dark winter's night,
on an almost uninhabited coast, where I had found
no better shelter than a smoky cabin, had inspired
me with gloomy forebodings. But a few days passed
on the island were sufficient to accustom me to
its aspect, which had at first seemed so repulsive.
The rich natural vegetation clothing the hills that
slope downwards to the sea, the beauty of the sky
and the mildness of the climate, in a season which
is often very severe in France and Northern Italy,
speedily dispelled my unfavourable impressions.
I found many reasons, subsequently, to convince
me that in the variety of its sites, the characteristic
grandeur of its mountains, and the majestic solitude
of its forests, Corsica need not fear competition with
the countries most renowned for beauties of the same
kind, whether the traveller studies it with the eye of
an artist or that of a naturalist.
On my arrival at Bastia, I found Salicetti there.
He told me that he had been informed of my ap-
pointment, that he had put everything in training so
VOL. I. M
162 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
as to secure me a favourable reception, and that I mi girt
rely on bis influence and that of his friends for the
success of my mission. I expressed my gratitude for
his zeal, but I was obliged to let him know that my in-
structions prescribed a different course of action from
that which he had adopted. I told him that I could
not introduce the Constitutional regime into the
island without having first assured myself that the
state of popular feeling and opinion would allow of
its establishment without danger to the public tran-
quillity ; and that I should therefore adjourn the
meeting of the Primary Assemblies, and the exercise
of the political rights of the inhabitants, until I should
have acquired that assurance. And, indeed, such a
delay was warranted by common prudence : it was
evident that if the Constitutional system were sud-
denly adopted, authority would fall, without any
counterpoise, into the bauds of all those who, having
left the island in order to escape from the influence
of Paoli and of the English, were now returning
in crowds, full of vengeance against such of their
countrymen as, having taken the opposite side, had
remained in the island, and were necessarily ex-
cluded from all public employment. Thus nothing
could have been more detrimental to the end which
T proposed to attain, that is to say, the effacement
of those sharp divisions so as to blend them in sub-
mission Lo the Constitutional system, than an attempt
SALICETTFS VIEWS. 163
to establish that system in the midst of so much
enmity and so many ardent passions. Salicetti ad-
mitted that this system might have some advantages,
but he looked on it as a mark of weakness on the
part of the Directory. He thought that conciliatory
dealings with men, who, according to him, had be-
trayed their country and the cause of Liberty, was
a sort of concession likely to disgust patriots and
occasion more internal difficulties than it would
prevent. General Gentili, a most upright man, and
raised by his high character and his social position
above every suspicion of intrigue, was in favour, on
the contrary, of the course that I proposed adopting,
and which, in fact, I could not relinquish without
deviating from the intentions of the Government.
I therefore decided on making known at once by
a proclamation,* which I published on the 24th
Frimaire, year V. (December 14, 1796), my arrival
in the island, and the course I intended to pursue.
A few days afterwards, Salicetti left Bastia, to return
to the continent, and I was then enabled to exercise
freely the authority confided to me.
Before entering into details of my operations, I
will devote a few lines to the political situation of the
island at the time of my arrival. This is necessary
in order that a correct estimate of my conduct may
be formed.
* This proclamation appears in the ' Moniteur,' of the 19th
Nivose, year V.
M 2
164 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T DE MEIITO.
The inhabitants of Corsica may be represented, at
the time of my arrival there, as divided into three
classes : first, that of the Republicans who had taken
refuge in France and were then returning to their
native country, with claims to the national gratitude,
and to demand indemnity for the losses they had sus-
tained ; secondly, that of the inhabitants who had
remained on the island, but had not been employed
by the English in any public capacity, and many of
whom had been ill-treated on account of the attach-
ment to France which they often manifested ; and,
thirdly, that of the partisans of Paoli, who had
served the English and taken advantage of the
period of their supremacy to enrich themselves,
and to plunder or devastate the property of their
absent fellow-citizens.
It behoved us to adapt ourselves to a people com-
posed of such opposite elements, and above all to
prevent collisions between them ; and it was therefore
necessary to renounce the idea of any settlement
which would have brought individual interests into
opposition, in a country where public spirit had no
existence and where those interests predominated over
all others. I had already acted in this sense, by sus-
pending all popular meetings; and to this preliminary
measure I added another, which was dictated by pru-
dence. On proclaiming a general amnesty, I was
careful not to mention the exceptions which the Exe-
THE GENERAL AMNESTY. 165
cutive Directory had made to this act of clemency.
These comprised, first, the deputies who had carried
the crown of Corsica to the King of England in
London ; * secondly, the members of the Council of
the Viceroy ; "j" thirdly, the emigres who were described
as such on the lists of the Departments. But as these
exceptions were meaningless as regards the two first-
named classes, none of the individuals composing
them being at that time in the island, so that, con-
sequently, they could only fall on the third, I soon
perceived how dangerous and impolitic it would be to
make them known. Indeed, the emigration had but
j ust taken place at the time when Paoli, who had been
recalled to his country by a decree of the Constituent
Assembly j came back to the island, where he seized
* This deputation, consisting of four persons, fulfilled its
mission in October 1794. The King of England had been
recognised as King of Corsica by the Constitution of June 19,
1794 (see Chapters xi. and xii. of that Constitution). Corsica
had been handed over to the English on May 21, 1794, in virtue
of a capitulation concluded with Admiral Hood, and signed by
Stephen Monti, President of the Department of Corsica, John
Baptist Galeazzini, Mayor of Bastia, Charles Francis Emmanuel
Couthaud and John Baptist Franceschi, adjutants-general of the
French army.
t Sir Gilbert Elliot. He was at first Lieutenant of the kin<r
1 O
in Corsica, and afterwards received the title and authority of
Viceroy. He was assisted by a Council of State, consisting in
great measure of Corsicans. Paoli was a member of the Council.
J This decree is dated November 30, 1789. Paoli returned
to Cortdca as a simple citizen only ; but the ascendency be
exercised over his countrymen rendered him virtually sovereign.
The National Convention decreed an indictment against him on
166 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
the reins of power, and, by violence and threats,
forced all those who would not recognise his authority
or serve his projects, to expatriate themselves.
How was it possible, then, to inflict the terrible pen-
alties adjudged against the emigres, on those who had
only fled from the tyranny of a man who had seized
on illegitimate power, and at the same time, by a
verbal equivoque, to pardon those who had supported
the usurper, and afterwards aided him in selling part
of the territory of the Republic to England ? This
omission, for which I was not censured by the Go-
vernment, facilitated my first operations, and though
it gave rise to discontent among those pretended
patriots who were already casting their eyes on the
property of the emigre's, that they might indemnify
themselves for the losses they had sustained, it was
generally acknowledged as well done, and I obtained
the confidence of the public by means of it *
April 2, 1793, and on the 17th of the following July declared
him a traitor to the country. Paoli revenged himself by deliver-
ing the Island of Corsica to the English, who soon abandoned it,
and merely offered him a rofugo in London, whore he died on
February 3, 1807.
* I ought, howovor, to state that, just as tho Primary
Assemblies were about to meet, that is to say, on 1st Germinal,
I consented, on tho representations of the Contral Administration
of the Department of Golo, to have these exceptions put in force
against some lew persons included in them, in order to avert
the disturbances which their presence would not, havo failed in
excite in the Primary Assemblies. For this severity I was
denounced ; with how little reason I have already shown.
INSUBBECTIONABY MOVEMENTS. 1G7
I could not, however, prevent some insurrectionary
movements winch took place in a part of the island
known by the name of Balanga.* These movements,
set on foot by some former partisans of England who
considered themselves not sufficiently guaranteed by
the recent amnesty, had assumed a rather serious
character.f I felt the necessity of suppressing them
promptly by an immediate expedition, and as, to
my great regret, the health of General Gentili
did not allow him to take the command, I deter-
mined to proceed in person to the spot with
Adjutant- General Franceschi, who directed the
military movements. The rapidity of our march,
and our unexpected arrival at Alziprato, a Ca-
puchin Convent, situated in the mountains, and
which was the centre of the insurrection, imme-
diately dispersed the rebels, with whom we ex-
changed a few shots only. Order was quickly re-
established. By a further proclamation, which I pub-
lished at Calvi the 21st Nivose, I calmed the fears
of the inhabitants respecting the consequences of
these seditious risings, and thenceforth tranquillity
was restored. Nor was it interrupted for a single
moment during the remainder of my stay in Corsica.
* Koussa, a harbour on the west coast of Corsica, is the capital
of this province.
f A report had also been spread that the French were about
to abandon Corsica, and that the English were bringing back
Paoli with a considerable force.
168 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Having strengthened and consolidated my posi-
tion by the success of this expedition, I returned to
Bastia, and occupied myself exclusively with the
civil organisation of the country, beginning with the
department of Golo, in which I resided* Profiting
by the information which I had acquired in the
course of a month, I had, before my departure for
Calvi, nominated the individuals to compose the cen-
tral administration of this department, so that, had
my absence been prolonged, the town and department
would have been provided with a regular govern-
ment. The new administrators had completely
justified my confidence, and I ascertained during
my journey that my selection of men was gene-
rally approved. This first success was encouraging,
and I believed that I ought no longer to delay
the organisation of the law-courts, which was now
urgently required. I proceeded therefore to instal
the judges I had appointed by a decree of the 16th
Nivose, year V. (January 5, 1707), and also, by
decrees passed on the Gth Pluviose (January 26)
to institute the Tribunal of Commerce, the Munici-
palities, and the Magistrature, in the different cantons.
A regular order of things being thus established
in the department without opposition, I ceded to the
* Corsica was then divided into two departments, Golo and
Liamone, lli<' names of tho two principal rivers by which they
are reaped i\ elj watered.
COBSICAN SCENERY. 169
administrations and tribunals, in succession, the
powers I had exercised extraordinarily, and I pre-
pared to leave the department of Grolo for that of
Liamone, of which Ajaccio is the capital.
I left Bastia on the 10th Pluviose (January 20).
I first crossed the beautiful plain which extends from
Bastia, north and south, to the banks of the Golo.
Thence a road, excellent throughout its whole length,
made since the conquest, leads to Corte up the valley
of the Golo, which is crossed by a very fine bridge
at about thirty miles from Corte.
The variety of a landscape which at every step
assumes a new aspect, renders the road from the
point at which the traveller reaches the river, until
he arrives at Corte, very agreeable ; but it has the
drawback of passing through no inhabited parts, it
merely skirts villages on the right and left without
entering them. The mania of making the directest
and shortest roads had been imported from France
into Corsica by the engineers, very skilful men no
doubt, who had made this one, and a road, which by
a circuit of perhaps two or three miles would have
given life to several villages, has been of no service
to civilisation, whose progress it would undoubtedly
have accelerated, had it been constructed on a
different plan.
The town of Corte, situated at the foot of the
mountains in the centre of Corsica, cou tains from
170 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
three to four thousand inhabitants. The houses of
which it consists are scattered over several low hills,
and present no regularity of aspect. Its situation is
wonderfully picturesque : two rivers, or rather two
torrents, celebrated for the clearness of their waters,
the Tavignano and the Restonica, the latter uniting
with the former,* water the surrounding country. Its
air is healthy at all seasons, and its situation had caused
it to be selected as the seat of the Administration
when the island consisted of only one Department.
The English during their occupation had also ap-
pointed it as the residence of the Viceroy, and the
seat of the Corsican Parliament. But since the
return of the French, and the division of the island
into two Departments, Corte had lost all its former
importance. I stayed there for two days, and after
settling some business, I left the town for Ajaccio.
The carriage-road at that time ended at Corte, and
from thence as far as the coasts of the Gulf of
A jaccio, there were but narrow pathways which were
barely practicable on horseback. The department of
Golo is separated from that of Liamone by the lofty
chain of mountains situate in the centre of the island,
and from which rise the two peaks of Monte Eotondo
* Both theso torrents descend from Monte Kotondo, and, united
under the name of tho Tavignano, flow into the sea near Alexia,
tho ancient Alalia, Pounded, according to Herodotus, by the
Phocians.
COBSICAN SCENERY. 171
and Monte d' Oro, which both reach a height of
between 1300 and 1400 fathoms above the level
of the sea. This chain is traversed by a passage,
called Foce di Guizzavona, which may be perhaps
400 fathoms above the level of the sea.
It becomes impracticable at times from the ac-
cumulation of snow, and is frequently even dangerous
during the terrible storms so common in the Alps, and
to which the mountains of Corsica are equally liable.
The passage was free at the time of my arrival,
and I had full opportunities of admiring the wild and
magnificent landscape spread out before me. The
slopes of the Col, on the side of Yivario, a village
situated at the foot of the Foce, and from whence the
ascent of the sides of the mountain begins, are,
as well as those that lead down towards the Gulf
of Ajaccio, clothed with most beautiful vegetation,
almost wholly with the kind of pine special to
Corsica, the Pino Caricia (pinus pinaster). This
magnificent tree sometimes attains a height of more
than 720 feet, and in the distribution of its branches
and the beauty of its leaf, is rivalled, among the
numerous family of pines, only by the Cedar of
Lebanon, or Lord Weymouth's Pine-tree (pinus
strobus) when growing in their native soil. The
Col properly so called, or the Foce di Guizzavona,
consists of a flat table-land which may be half a
mile in length by about a quarter in width.
172 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
A tower, with a facing and moat, which forms
a little fortress, has been erected there and is
sometimes occupied by a small garrison for the
purpose either of watching over the safety of
travellers, or in times of disturbance of supporting
military expeditions into the mountains, and pre-
serving communications between the northern and
southern parts of the island. This little fort was
deserted and almost in ruins when I passed through
the Col, but I had it restored subsequently.
After the table-land has been crossed the descent
commences, and from its southern extremity the
waters fall into the Western Sea, which soon be-
comes visible through the trees, on the verge of the
horizon. The mountain torrents rushing and bound-
ing over granite rocks, the sound of their waters,
the whistling of the wind as it shakes and bends
the gigantic trunks of the pine-trees, all give a
charm to the descent which make the traveller for-
get the fatigue and danger of a path which is safe
only for the Corsican horse and the mule. The
spectacle was new and interesting to me and to
most of my companions, and we arrived without
accident at Bogognano, where the steep slope
comes to an end. We were then eighteen miles
from Ajaccio, and I reached that town on the 13th
Huviose (February 1).
Before I entered the town, I saw a number of Ihe
JOSEPH BUONAPARTE. 173
inhabitants, all of them on horseback, coming to wel-
come me according to the custom of the country.
Among them was Joseph Buonaparte, the elder
brother of the General. I met him with great
eagerness. His mild and refined countenance, affable
manners, and polished language, prepossessed me in
his favour. I may say, that I date from this our
first meeting the sincere affection I have ever enter-
tained for him, and which the intimacy which sub-
sequently existed between us has only served to
strengthen and increase. I attached myself to him,
as will be seen, in all the different phases of his
fortune ; and his friendship has been the reward of
my fidelity.
So long as I was settled, I occupied myself unre-
mittingly with the organisation of the department
of which Ajaccio is the chief place. I met with
fewer difficulties than in the department of Golo.
The confidence I felt in M. Joseph Buonaparte
greatly alleviated my labours ; I followed his advice
in the various appointments I had to make, and
I have had reason to congratulate myself on
the result. Every nomination that I made by his
counsel has been since confirmed by the approbation
of the public. Nevertheless, although my selection
of persons was complete within a week after my
arrival at Ajaccio, I did not think it well to make
the list known until I had inspected the greater
174 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T BE MELITO.
portion of the department. I wished to collect on
the spot information respecting the persons whom I
proposed to appoint to various offices. I wished espe-
cially to profit by the judgment of General Grentili
on so important a matter. He had preceded me
to Ajaccio, and had agreed to accompany me on the
journey I intended to make into the interior as far
as Bonifacio. I bade a temporary adieu to M. Joseph
Buonaparte, who remained at Ajaccio, and started
on the lOthPluviose (February 8) for Sartena.
The district through which I had to pass in order
to reach Bonifacio is one of the most uncultivated in
Corsica. Entirely separated from the great line of
communication exsisting between Bastia and Ajaccio,
lying away from the route of any traveller, it retains
traces of the character of its ancient inhabitants, and,
like Niolo and Fiumorbo, districts also placed beyond
the reach of intercourse, it has not benefited by the
progress which civilisation has made in the other
cantons, especially in the towns on the sea-coast.
Before reaching Sartena * I passed through several
villages where hereditary feuds, which had originated
more than fifty years back, divided the inhabitants
into parties constantly hostile to one another.
Houses with battlemented walls, for the purpose of
defence against the attacks of an enemy, and from
* My route lay through Cauro-Ornano, Santa Maria d' Istria,
while there exists a branch of the house of Coloima, ami Sartena.
CORSICAN FEUDS. 175
which the indwellers only issued in armed gangs in
order to procure provisions and making preparations
for enduring a siege, proclaimed a continual state of
warfare in many villages. Meanwhile these singular
people had suspended hostilities by formal treaties
in honour of my arrival ; the chiefs of the warring
factions came together to meet me, and each solicited
my preference of himself as a host eager to afford me
hospitality. Had I been induced to make a choice, it
would have been a fresh cause of quarrel between
them ; so that I did not accept the invitation of
either of the rivals in any instance, but generally
took up my residence in the house of some less
wealthy person, where I did not, it is true, meet with
so splendid a reception, but whose owner holding him-
self in a neutral attitude inspired no jealousy in the
dominant families ; or, if this resource failed me, I
would lodge in one of the Capuchin Monasteries. *
These were the only Religious houses established in
the interior of the island, and a few of them were still
in existence. The poverty of the country had never
attracted thither the sons of Benedict and Bernard ;
the Jesuits only had braved this inhospitable soil ;
the Society had an establishment at Ajaccio.
* This is the course I adopted in travelling from Bastia to
Ajaccio ; when the two principal families of that district, the
Vivaldis and the Peraldis, fired on each other in their dispute
as to which should have the honour of entertaining me.
176 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
My journey into the interior, which gave me a
clearer idea of the habits and character of Corsicans
than I had until then acquired, was also rendered me-
morable by a remarkable circumstance. At a short
distance from Sartena, I was joined by a courier
who had been despatched to me from the Army
of Italy, to announce the surrender of Mantua on
the 14th Pluviose (February 3). This courier, not
finding me at Ajaccio, had followed in my footsteps,
and came up with me on the road, in a very wild
spot, which soon re-echoed with the joyful shouts of
our little caravan. No piece of news could, in truth,
be more welcome to me ; while the fall of Mantua
made our conquests in Italy secure, and was a
presage of those which followed and which extended
our rule over the remainder of the peninsula ; it also
rendered my arduous mission less difficult, and gave
me, so to speak, a pledge of its success.
After remaining half a day at Sartena, I arrived
at Bonifacio on the 22nd Pluviose (February 10).
This town, situated at the southern extremity of
Corsica, is built on a chalk cliff which projects over
the Straits of Bonifacio, from east to west, and se-
parates the port, formed by a deep inland bay, from
the open sea. lis situation, which is wonderfully
picturesque, gives it the command of the channel
and the islands which traverse it in various direc-
tions, and also of Sardinia, whose nearest village,
CURIOUS GROTTOES. Ill
Lungo-Sardo, is so near that a current saying in
the country, is : " the inhabitants of Bonifacio are
awaked by the crowing of the cocks of Sardinia."
There are remarkable grottoes along the shore,
into which the sea flows : these grottoes deserve
the notice of travellers, on account of the beauty
of the stalactites, produced by infiltrations of chalk
from the soil above, which hang from their roof.
I was very well received by the inhabitants, and
I found the people generally well-disposed towards
the Government. I passed three days at Bonifacio,
where I had to regulate some affairs of local interest ;
after these were settled, I began to think of return-
ing to Ajaccio as quickly as possible. The journey
that I had just accomplished by land was fatiguing
and long ; the sea offered a quicker mode ; it was
calm, the wind was favourable and, by keeping near
the coast during the night, there would be little to
fear from any English vessels which might be cruis-
ing in the neighbourhood.. I therefore decided
on embarking with General Gentili on the 24th
Pluviose, in the evening. The next morning we
doubled Cape Mulo, and entered the Gulf of Ajaccio,
where I landed in the afternoon. On the same day
I published the regulations for the organisation of
the Central government and the tribunals of the
department of Liamone. I installed the appointed
officers on the 27th Pluviose (February 15), and on
VOL. I. n
178 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the 28th a public fete took place in honour of the
surrender of Mantua. Prizes were distributed for
horse-races and gondola-races with oars. These
contests, of which the Corsicans are very fond, at-
tracted a crowd of spectators from the mountains,
who came to the show in their national costume.
The weather was superb, and the view from the Gulf
of Ajaccio, which, as I have since convinced myself,
is greater in extent than that of Naples, was truly
magnificent.
All that I had to do was now accomplished, and
the administration was in regular working order ; so
that I did not require to prolong my stay at Ajaccio,
where I left men and things in a satisfactory state.
On the 2nd Ventose (February 28) I set out on my
return to Bastia ; and, as I adopted the same route
as in coming to Ajaccio, I have nothing more to say
about it.
I stayed another month in Corsica, in order to
superintend the first steps of the Government I had
established there. But, as my mission naturally
came to an end on the 1st Germinal, year V. (March
21, 1 71) 7), the period at which, according to the
constitution of year III., the Primary Assemblies
were to be held, and to confirm or annul by their
votes the appointments made by me, I did not wish
to prolong my stay beyond that date. By taking
my departure, I avoided, on the one hand, the ;ip-
FAREWELL TO CORSLCA. 179
pearance of putting pressure on the popular choice,
and, on the other, responsibility for any disturb-
ance which the first exercise of their political rights
might occasion among a people in whom, notwith-
standing all my efforts, the spirit of party was not
completely extinguished. I was resolved therefore to
relinquish all my functions on the 1st Germinal, and
I had arranged to meet Joseph Buonaparte at the
beginning of the month, and cross with him to the
mainland. I took advantage of the time which
still remained to me on the island to gather together
and put in order the documents I had collected
during my stay, and from which I drew up a report
addressed to the Minister of the Interior on the
state of Corsica, its productions, its trade, and its
industries ; and also on the habits and character of
its inhabitants.
x 2
180 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE 3IELITO.
CHAPTER VI.
The Author leaves Corsica with Joseph Buonaparte, goes to
Florence, and from thence to Milan— He visits General
Buonaparte, then residing with his family at Montehello,
after a brilliant campaign terminated by the treaty of
Tolentino — The peace preliminaries of Leoben and the
transformation of the Governments of Venice and Genoa —
Lukewarm Republicanism of the General — - A remark-
able conversation in which Buonaparte reveals his future
plans — The Author goes to Turin — Political situation of
Piedmont and its Government — Embarrassment caused
to the Author by the secret agents maintained in Pied-
mont by the Directory with revolutionary objects —
The Sardinian Government, supported by Buonaparte, dis-
plays excessive severity in putting down the partial in-
surrections in Piedmont — The Author goes to Milan to
have an interview with Buonaparte — Situation of the
different parties in the Directory and the Councils in Paris
before the Coup <VEl<d of the 18th Fructidor — Buonaparte
decides on supporting the Revolutionary party — The Author
accompanies General and Madame Buonaparte in an expe-
dition to bake Maggiorc — lie returns to Turin after having
agrei (1 with the General upon the courso ho is to take
i hero — The 18th Fructidor — Its consequences as regarded
the position of the Sardinian Government, which, as a
result of the treaty of ( !ampo-Fonnio, found itself deprived of
Buonaparte's support — The Directory separates (lie General
B UONAPABTJE IN EXGELCIS. 1 8 1
from the Army of Italy by giving him a command in the
interior" — Buonaparte, in going to Eastadt, passes through
Turin — His conversation with the Author — The position
of the Sardinian Government becomes more and more
precarious.
At the end of the month of Yentose, Joseph Buona-
parte joined me at Bastia, and on the 8th Germinal
we embarked to return to the mainland. We had
to stop at Capraja, in order to evade the English
cruiser, and we left the island in the night of
the 10 th- llth Germinal in very stormy weather.
Favoured by the darkness and a strong wind, we
reached Leghorn in less than four hours. I went
to Florence, where I had to wait for the papers con-
cerning my nomination to the embassy of Turin.
I did not receive them until the end of the month
of Floreal ; my letters of credit and instructions
awaiting me at Turin.
I left Florence on the 10th Prairial (May 29) for
Milan, where 1 remained for several days in order
to see General Buonaparte, and to consult with him
on the new functions I was about to exercise.
At this epoch Buonaparte seemed to have attained
to the zenith of military glory. The fall of Mantua
had set him free to march on Rome, and if the
treaty of Tolentino,* signed on the 1st Yentose
(February 19, 1797) had not re-established peace
* It was only afier this treaty that the articles of the armis-
tice, relative to the cession of the art objects, were executed.
182 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
between the Republic and the Holy See, the ancient
capital of the world would have been occupied by
a French army. But not only did Buonaparte wish
to spare the Pope, but policy forbade the pursuance
of a campaign which would remove the French
from Upper Italy, where they had to fight a new
Austrian army commanded by the Archduke Charles,
and it was with reason that Buonaparte said, " If I
went to Rome I should lose Milan." Thus, after his
short expedition into the Romagna, rapidly retracing
his steps, he crossed the Tagliamento and the Isonza,
pursued the Austrian army, which was flying before
him, into Carniola and Styria, and arrived at the
gates of Vienna. Austria, in great alarm, asked for
an armistice, which was granted her on the 18th
Germinal (April 7) at Judenbourg, and signed
preliminaries at Leoben the 2Gth (15th) of the same
month. In returning to Italy, after arranging this
treaty, which had become as necessary to France as
to Austria, on account of the insurrection against
the French that had just broken out in the States of
Venice, Buonaparte avenged his country for the
perfidy of the Venetian Senate by overthrowing for
ever that formidable oligarchy, which had maintained
itself for so many centuries, in the midst of the poli-
tical convulsions and wars that had ravaged Italy.
As the conqueror of four Austrian armies, Buona-
parte, the destroyer of the mosl ancient government
MONTEBELLO. 183
of Europe, came back to Milan, where he received
the deputies of the people of Venice, dictated to them
his laws, and established an absolute Democracy* on
the ruins of the Senate and the Grand Council, which
had sent in their resignation. He had at this time
been barely a year in Italy.
He then settled himself down at Montebello,f
where conferences commenced by a definitive treaty
of peace concluded between France and Austria,
and where the affairs of Genoa were discussed at the
same time. Intimidated by the example of Venice,
Genoa consented, like her rival, to renounce her
ancient organisation. J
I was received by Buonaparte, at the magnifi-
cent residence of Montebello, on the 13th Prairial
(June 1), in the midst of a brilliant court rather
than the headquarters of an army. Strict etiquette
already reigned around him ; his aides-de camp and
his officers were no longer received at his table,
and he had become fastidious in the choice of
the guests whom he admitted to it. An invitation
* This treaty is of the 16th Floreal, year V. (May 5, 1797).
\ Chateau and park about four miles from Milan.
\ The convention which regulated the affairs of Genoa,
signed by Buonaparte and Faipoult, then Minister of the
Kepublic at Genoa, bears date the 17th and 18th Prairial
(June 5 and 6, 1797). It is signed for the Genoese by
Michel-Ange Cambiaso, Louis Carbonara, and Jerome Fraucois-
Serra.
184 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
was an honour eagerly sought, and obtained with
great difficulty. He dined, so to speak, in public ;
the inhabitants of the country were admitted to the
room in which he was eating, and allowed to gaze
at him with a keen curiosity. He was in no wise
embarrassed or confused by these excessive honours,
but received them as though he had been accustomed
to them all his life. His reception-rooms and
an immense tent pitched in front of the palace
were constantly full of a crowd of generals, ad-
ministrators, and great contractors ; besides members
of the highest nobility, and the most distinguished
men in Italy, who came to solicit the favour
of a momentary glance or the briefest interview.
In a word, all bowed before the glory of his
victories and the haughtiness of his demeanour.
He was no longer the General of a triumphant
Republic, but a conqueror on his own account, im-
posing his laws on the vanquished.
Austria had sent two Plenipotentiaries to Monte-
bello; one of them was Count de Meerfeld, and the
other the Marquis de Gatto, ambassador from Naples
to Vienna. The latter was afterwards ambassador
to Paris, and Minister of Foreign Affairs, under the
successive reigns of Joseph Buonaparte, king of Na-
ples, and Murat, who succeeded him on that throne.
On its side, the Directory had sent to Buonaparte
General Clarke (afterwards Due de Feltre), who bad
CLARKE. 185
on the lGth of the preceding Germinal concluded a
treatv of alliance, offensive and defensive, between
the French Republic and the King of Sardinia.
Jealous of the preponderance, or rather of the ab-
solute independence that Buonaparte affected in the
conduct of political affairs, and uneasy at his am-
bition which was already showing itself without dis-
guise, the Directory had contrived this appointment
under the pretext of assisting General Buonaparte,
but in reality to place a spy on his designs and
provide a counterpoise for his authority. But an
expedient of this sort was not likely to succeed
with such a man as Buonaparte. He saw through
the intentions of the Government at once, and, far
from giving his colleague a share in the conduct
of the negotiations, he concealed their progress
from him more closely than from any other
person, and Clarke was positively, of all the
negotiators then at Montebello, the individual in
whom Buonaparte confided the least.
Such was the state of things when Buonaparte, to
whom I had written on arriving at Milan, invited
me, though Bourienne (who for some time past had
been his private secretary), to come and see him at
Montebello, where he even proposed that I should
establish myself. This offer I refused, in order not
to be separated from my family, who were with me,
and besides, the distance between Milan and Monte-
186 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
bello was sufficiently short to enable me to come and
go every day.
In addition to the persons whom I have already
mentioned, as either living at Montebello or coming
there regularly, I met Madame Buonaparte, the
General's wife ; Madame Lastitia Buonaparte, his
mother, who had just arrived from Genoa ; his
brothers Joseph and Louis, the latter then very
young ; his sister Pauline, who was shortly after-
wards married to General Leclerc, and Fesch his
uncle. Fesch had at that time an interest in the
army supplies, and, according to rumour, had little
of the priest about him ; he did not even wear
clerical costume, although he had been Grand Vicar
to the Bishop of Ajaccio. In this numerous society
I frequently met Begnault de Saint-Jean d'Angely,
whom up to that time I had known only by the repu-
tation he had acquired in the Constituent Assembly,
and soon became intimate with him. He had official
employment connected with the hospitals, but he had
attracted Buonaparte's attention by his editing of a
French journal which came out at Milan. He dis-
played rare facility, as well as remarkable talent, as
;m editor, and to this circumstance, which frequently
brought him in contact with the General, he owed
his subsequent fortune.
In the first conversation that 1 hail with Buona-
parte :it Montebello, and which began with I he
BUONAPARTE AND CLARKE. 187
subject of my Corsican mission, in which he thought
I had acquitted myself well, I saw, so soon as he
touched on more important topics, that he had by
no means decided upon treating definitively with
Austria, and still less upon promoting the negotia-
tion or concluding it promptly. He recognised all
the advantages of the position he had acquired, and
feared that peace might change it. This actually
happened after the treaty of Campo-Formio. He
seemed to me to hold the negotiators the Emperor
had sent him cheap, and made some very bitter jests
at their expense. He took especial care to tell me
that Clarke, whom the Directory had chosen to
associate with him, was there merely for form's sake,
that he had no influence, and never received any
communication.
" He is a spy," he added, " whom the Directory
have set upon me ; besides, Clarke is a man of no
talent — he is only conceited."*
I perfectly recognised by what he said at our
first interview, and in all my subsequent conversa-
tions with him during my stay at Milan, the same
views and the same designs that I had detected in
our previous interviews at Breccia, Bologna, and
Florence. In a word, I still found in Buonaparte
a man thoroughly opposed to Republican forms
* Nevertheless, he afterwards raised Clarke to the highest
dignities.
188 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and ideas ; be treated everything of the sort as idle
dreams.
He withdrew the mask more completely on a
certain occasion, which I cannot pass over in silence.
Among the crowd which surrounded and followed
him eagerly, I observed that he particularly dis-
tinguished M. de Melzi, a Milanese noble, and one
of the most enlightened and honourable citizens of
Lombardy.* I happened to be with him one day
at Montebello, and Buonaparte invited us both to
walk with him in the vast gardens of that beautiful
palace. Our walk lasted about two hours, during
which time the General talked almost incessantly,
and either the confidence with which we inspired
him led him to reveal his mind undisguisedly, or he
was carried away by the longing he frequently
experienced to give expression to the ideas crowding
upon his brain to the first comer. He spoke with
entire frankness of his projects for the future.
" What 1 have done up to this," he said, " is
nothing. I am only at the beginning of the coursel
must run. Do you imagine that I triumph in Italy
* M. do Melzi d'Eril (ai'ter wards Duke of Lodi) was subse-
quently named Vice-president of the Italian Republic, and
wlicn, in 1S05, that Kepublic was changed into a kingdom, he
received the title of " ( 'hancellor-Keeper of the Seals of tho
Crown." 1 had known him at Florence (see note, page 102),
and I saw him again, a few years later, al Paris. He died
iu 1816.
BUONAPARTE REVEALS HIMSELF. 189
in order to aggrandise the pack of lawyers who form
the Directory, and men like Carnot and Barras ?
What an idea ! a Republic of thirty million men !
and with our manners, our vices ! how is it possible ?
That is a fancy of which the French are at present
full, but it will pass away like all the others. What
they want is Glory and gratified Vanity ; but as for
Liberty, they do not understand what it means.
Look at the army ! the victories we have just won
have already restored the French soldier to his
true character. To him, I am everything. Let the
Directory try to take the command from me, and
they will see who is master. The nation must
have a chief, and a chief rendered illustrious by
glory, not by theories of government, by phrases,
by theoretic speeches, which Frenchmen do not
understand. Give them baubles — that suffices them ;
they will be amused and will let themselves be
led, so long as the end towards which they are
going is skilfully hidden from them.
" As for your country, Monsieur de Melzi, it
possesses still fewer elements of Republicanism than
France, and can be more easily managed than any
other. You know better than any one that we shall
do what we like with Italy. But the time has not
yet come ; we must temporise with the fever of the
moment, and we are going to have one or two Re-
publics here of our own particular kind — Monge will
190 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
arrange that for us. In the meantime I have already
expunged two from Italian territory, and although
they were quite aristocratic Republics, they had
more public spirit and more fixed opinions than we
found anywhere else. They would in the end have
hampered us. For the rest, I am quite determined.
I will not give up either Lombardy or Mantua to
Austria. You may reckon upon that " (he was still
addressing himself to M. de Melzi), "and you see
that, whatever decision we arrive at with respect to
your country, you may enter into my views without
having anything to fear either from the return or
the power of Austria. I will give her Venice, and a
portion of the terra firma of that ancient Republic
as an indemnification."
We both together exclaimed against such a
proposition, which would once more set Austria at
the gates of Italy, and crush all the hopes of a
population which he himself had freed from the
yoke of an odious oligarchy, only to transfer them
to an absolute monarchy, which would hold them in
a no less intolerable slavery than that from which
lie had just delivered them. He answered thai
we need not cry out before we were hurt.
"I shall not do that," he continued, "unless, by
sonic blunder in Paris, I am compelled to make
peace; for it is not. my intention to finish so
promptly with Austria. IYaee is not to my interest.
BUONAPARTE REVEALS HIMSELF. 191
You see what I am, and what I can now do in Italy.
If peace is made, if I am no longer at the head of the
army, which is attached to me, I must renounce the
power, the high position I have made for myself,
in order to pay court to a lot of lawyers at the
Luxembourg. I do not want to leave Italy, unless
it be to play a part in France similar to my part
here,and the time has not yet come ; the pear is
not ripe. But the management of all this does not
depend exclusively on me. There are disagree-
ments in Paris. One party is in favour of the
Bourbons ; I do not intend to contribute to its
triumph. I am quite ready to weaken the Repub-
lican party ; some day I shall do it for my own
advantage, not that of the former dynasty. In
the meantime I must act with the Republican party.
A.nd then, if peace be necessary in order to satisfy
our Paris boobies, and if it has to be made, it is
my task to make it. If I left the merit of it to
another, such a concession would place him higher
in public favour than all my victories have
placed me."
The foregoing contains the substance and the
most remarkable expressions of this long allocution,
which I both consigned to paper, and retain in my
memory.
After the General had left us, I continued to
converse with M. de Melzi, during our return
192 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
journey to Milan, on the serious subjects he had
suggested to us.
In my final conversation with Buonaparte, the
mission I was about to undertake at Turin was
discussed.
The General assured me (and the sequel has
proved that he was not insincere) that he had no
intention of disturbing Piedmont, and that I might
give ample assurance that such was the case ; but
he added that he could not be answerable for the
intentions of the Executive Directory in this respect,
surrounded as it was by schemers, who would not
fail to stir up dissensions in the country.
He said enough, on the whole, to make me feel
that my mission would be a difficult one.
At last, after spending a week at Milan, I left
that city for Turin. I crossed the Ticino on the
21st Prairial, and on the right bank of the river I
found a detachment of cavalry which the Govern-
ment had sent forward to meet me. It escorted
me to Turin, where I arrived the next day, the
22nd Prairial, year V. (June 10, 1707).
I shall now endeavour to describe the political
situation of the country, and the government to
which I was accredited.
The peace concluded with the King of Sardinia
,,n the 2Gth Floral, year V. (May 15, 1796),
ensuing <>n the victories of the French in (lie early
THE SABDINIAN COURT. 193
months of the same year had saved the Court of
Turin from complete ruin. Victor Amadeus III.,
who had concluded the treaty, died a few months
after its ratification, October the 16th, 1796 (26th
Vende'miaire, year V.). His son Charles Emmanuel
IV. had succeeded him, and had hastened to appoint
an ambassador to the Executive Directory in Paris,
in the person of Count Prosper de' Balbi. My
appointment to the same post at the Court of the
King of Sardinia had immediately followed. Inde-
pendently of these reciprocal marks of a friendly
understanding between the two Governments, nego-
tiations had been commenced with a view to a treaty
of alliance, offensive and defensive, between France
and Piedmont, and one of the conditions was the
cession of the island of Sardinia to France, in
exchange for an increase of territory in Italy.*
General Clarke had been entrusted with these nego-
tiations, and he found the dispositions of the Cabinet
of Turin favourable. On the one hand, that Cabinet
was displeased with Austria for her desertion of
it in the hour of danger,f and on the other, the
fear lest France might support the revolutionary
* This stipulation was not contained in the treaty itself,
but in a secret convention signed on the same day.
"j" The King of Sardinia and the Emperor had concluded a
treaty of alliance, signed at Valenciennes on May 23, 1794, by
Baron de Thugut and the Marquis d' Albany. The conditions
of this treaty were ill-observed by Austria.
VOL. I. O
194 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
projects of certain Piedmontese subjects, held the
Sardinian Government in bondage to France, and
made it ardently desire an alliance, which would be,
in reality, a guarantee of its existence.
These negotiations which, it might be thought,
would, under such favouring circumstances, advance
rapidly, hung fire for several months. Buonaparte,
who was informed of the delay, pressed for a con-
clusion, in order to get hold of the contingent which
Piedmont was bound by one of the articles of the
treaty to furnish, and which would have been of
considerable use to him. He even asked the
Sardinian Government to anticipate the conclusion
of the treaty, and to order to No vara the troops
which were to be added to the French army when
the casus foederis should take place. But he asked
in vain. The treaty was eventually signed at Turin
on the 16th Germinal, year V. (April 5, 1797), be-
tween General Clarke, Plenipotentiary of France,
and the Count de Prioca (Clement Damiano), Pleni-
potentiary of the King of Sardinia and his Minister
for Foreign Affairs.
By this time, however, the importance that might
have attached to the men and guns which the treaty
placed at the disposition of the French Commander-
in-Chief, bad ceased to exist.
Buonaparte was already in the heart of Styria, and
lie affixed his signature at Leoben to the prelinii-
THE TREATY. 195
naries of peace with Austria nearly on the same day
as that on which the treaty, which gave a new enemy
to the Court of Vienna, was signed at Turin.* The
time had gone by, and the Directory, which then
wished to conciliate Austria so as to facilitate a
definitive peace, showed no haste in proposing the
ratification of the recently-concluded treaty to the
Legislative Councils. The Court of Turin relapsed
into its former anxieties, which were daily in-
creased by the revolutionary movements then dis-
turbing Italy and penetrating into Piedmont, where
secret agents employed by the Executive Directory
were disseminating a spirit of revolt, and the first
germs of those disturbances which broke out shortly
afterwards.
In allying itself with the French Republic, the
Court of Turin was far from embracing or condoning
the principles of the French Revolution. Fear
alone had induced it to form that alliance, and the
Government continued to treat all in the Sardinian
States who showed any favour to those principles,
or appeared as their partisans, with extreme severity.
Barbarous executions had just taken place in
Sardinia, in consequence of disturbances in the
island. All persons who evinced friendship for
France and her institutions were prosecuted, ban-
* The preliminaries of Leoben are dated 18th Germinal
(April 7).
o 2
196 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
ished, and dismissed from public employment, and
the surest method of incurring disgrace with the
Sardinian Government was to show friendship
to its new ally, or to rejoice in the triumphs of
France.
On the other hand, the Executive Directory,
which at the beginning would perhaps have desired
to establish its power on principles of moderation,
was led away by that extreme party within it which
was urging Revolution on all the Italian States.
This party, owing to the victory which it obtained
shortly afterwards, on the 18th Fructidor, acquired
the mastery and grasped the whole direction of
affairs. On neither side, therefore, was there any
guarantee of lasting harmony between two Govern-
ments so utterly opposed in their views. Buonaparte
alone desired tranquillity for Piedmont. He was
resolved to permit neither disturbance nor agitation
on his rear, and he deprecated equally any move-
ments that might take place, either for or against
political revolution, in a country which he desired to
maintain in quietude, so as to afford him, whatever
happened, a secure and easy retreat.
It was not, however, in his power to put a stop to
the intrigues of numerous agents who were person-
ally unknown to him, and who bad a central rendez-
vous in Paris. The Executive Directory, moreover,
began seriously to dread Buonaparte's ascendency
BUONAPABTE AND THE DIRECTORY. 197
in Italy, and the totally independent attitude he had
assumed since the preliminaries at Leoben, and was
therefore not unwilling to create difficulties for him.
During this conflict, a twofold impulse was given to
affairs ; one, public and patent to all, by Buonaparte ;
the other, secret and disguised, by a party in the
Directory and its obscure co-operators.
This state of things subsisted until the 18th
Fructidor. Then Buonaparte, obliged to declare
himself, supported the extreme party (in the revo-
lutionary sense) in the Directory, so as to avoid
supporting that party no less extreme in ideas, but
much more timid in action, who desired the return
of the Bourbons. It is not yet time for me to speak
in detail of this event, and of its influence on the
fate of Piedmont and of Italy. I have said enough
to show that I took up my residence in Turin at a
moment of difficulty, the greater because I could not
know the real intentions of the Executive Directory,
divided, as it was, into two factions, nor could I guess
which of those factions would triumph. But being
incapable by nature of dissimulation, and ignorant
of the art of adroitly contriving a way out of the
dilemma, whichever should be the triumphant party,
I unhesitatingly adopted the line of conduct that
seemed to accord best with the honour of the French
name, that of proving my fidelity to the treaties, of
refusing all countenance to agitators, whatever the
198 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
mask of patriotism they might assume, and holding
myself altogether aloof from them.
Acting on these principles, I conformed at once to
the customs of the country and of the Court to which
I was accredited, however they might differ from
those which the Revolution had introduced among
ourselves. I carefully avoided any affectation of
republican austerity in my manners or mode of life
which might have been a cause of offence. It was at
Turin that two Princesses, related by ties of blood to
the King who had just ascended the throne, had
sought a refuge.* I allayed the fears which my
arrival at Turin had excited in his mind ; their
place of exile was respected, and I supported the
request that Mademoiselle de Conde' had made to
the Directory, to be allowed to take up her abode
in Piedmont.
The line of conduct that I adopted was one — as
may be imagined — far from likely to win the confi-
dence of the secret agents in the employ of the
Directory. One of these, a certain Edward Maurin,
represented the conduct of the Court of Turin in
the most unfavourable light, and sought by every
possible imputation to damage it with the French
Government, Nor did he spare me either, but I
■ The Iwn daughters of Victor- Amadous ; one of whom had
married the Comte tic Provence; (Louis XVIII.), and the other
the < 'ointe d'Arliiis (Charles X.).
TROUBLOUS TIMES. 199
must do the Minister of Exterior Relations the
justice of saying that the tale-bearing of this person
did not outweigh in his estimation those documents
which he received from a purer source. In his
report to the Executive Directory, dated 1st
Germinal, year V., he declared that, since the new
King's accession, the conduct of the Turin Cabinet
had been frank and irreproachable.
Meanwhile, my endeavours to maintain tranquillity
in the country by refusing all countenance to those
who were incessantly seeking to promote revolution
were powerless to arrest the evil. Secret machina-
tions, directed from Paris, exposed the public peace
to constant danger, and the alarm of the Piedmontese
Government increased daily, especially as it could
not conceal from itself that the middle classes
inclined towards a change of political system which
would, at the least, have converted the absolute into
a constitutional monarchy. In Buonaparte alone, up
to this time, had the Court of Turin felt any confi-
dence ; but, notwithstanding the assurances which he
continued to give, the changes that had taken place
at Genoa, and the establishment of the Cisalpine Re-
public, whose constitution was at this very moment
being discussed under the General's eyes, rendered
the position of a monarchical State very precarious,
surrounded, as it soon would be, by Governments
acting on opposite principles, and animated by ill-
200 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
concealed zeal for proselytism. The King, hoping
to escape from so critical a position, had despatched
M. de Saint-Marsan to General Buonaparte, and the
former, by prudent conduct and very distinguished
talent, inspired the General with confidence and
regard, which Buonaparte, when he had become
Emperor, felt for him to the last. M. de Saint-
Marsan, in describing the position of the Turin
Court, had little difficulty in convincing Buonaparte
of the dangerous consequences to the French army,
of an insurrection in Piedmont ; and the General,
who had not concluded with Austria, and had not as
yet declared himself for either of the two parties in
the Directory, perceived them at once. For which-
ever party he might decide, it was necessary that
access to Piedmont and the passage of the Alps
should be free and secure for the army, with which
he must, in all cases, be in a position to threaten
Paris. Therefore he had no hesitation in giving
to M. de Saint-Marsan the strongest assurances
of his friendly disposition towards the Court of
Turin, and his satisfaction with the conduct of the
Sardinian Government. At the same time he an-
nounced that he had caused several individuals, who,
niter preaching insurrection in Piedmont, had taken
refuge in the Milanese territory, to be arrested.
These assurances of friendship and, if we may say so,
of avowed protection, are to !><■ found in a despatch
BUONAPARTE PROTECTOR OF PIEDMONT. 201
of the 20th Messidor (July 8), addressed to M. de
Saint-Marsan. The General sent me a copy of this
despatch. The letter which he wrote to me, and
which accompanied the despatch, ends with these
words : " I own, my dear ambassador, that this
letter " (one which M. de Saint-Marsan had taken to
him) "has opened my eyes as to the affairs of Pied-
mont. Since they are so apprehensive, something
must be going on that we do not know. I beg you
to inform me precisely of the state of things and of
the tone of popular feeling. You will understand
that it is of the greatest importance that Piedmont
should be tranquil, in order that my line of com-
munication and the rear of my army may be secure."
The following is an extract from my reply, dated
the 24th Messidor.
" It is certain that M. de Prioca's fears are, at any
rate for the moment, exaggerated. But it is true,
nevertheless, that the political changes which have
taken place in the neighbouring States have
revived the hopes of all who wish for a change
particularly desired by the middle and best-educated
class in Piedmont ; but equally deprecated by the
two extreme classes — the higher nobility and the
clergy, on one hand, and the populace on the other.
So long as we do not favour the Revolutionary party,
there will be no revolution in Piedmont ; at least, a
singular and hitherto improbable concourse of events
202 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
would be required to produce one spontaneously.
It is then for you, General, to declare your mind
strongly, because it is always you whom the Revo-
lutionists put forward. But, above all, insist on the
ratification of the treaty of alliance. That will be
the best means of tranquillising the Cabinet of
Turin."
However, neither the line taken by General
Buonaparte, nor the pains I took to second it, had
sufficient influence to arrest movements which re-
ceived their impetus from another centre of action
quite independent of us. Disturbances, instead
of diminishing, increased with redoubled violence
during the summer of 1797, notwithstanding the
concessions which the Court of Turin had made to
public opinion in the hope of preventing them, by
abolishing feudal prerogatives by an edict of July 29
(11th Thermidor), which suppressed both entails
and trusts*
The Sardinian Government, however, being as-
sured beforehand that the agitators had no support
to expect from General Buonaparte, proceeded with
great energy to put down partial insurrections in
various places, and succeeded in doing so. But, like
;ill weak Governments, which are always the most
violent, it afterwards inflicted such severe, I may
even say atrocious, punishments upon the insurgents,
Los substitutions, ei lee fid6i-oommis."
* u
CRUELTY OF THE GOVERNMENT. 203
that I could not refrain from making some repre-
sentations, upon the score of common humanity, in
the hope of checking the course of the horrible
executions that were daily taking place. This pro-
ceeding of mine was not well received by M. de
Prioca, who complained of it in Paris, through the
medium of M. de Balbi, as an interference with the
internal administration of the kingdom, and it was
equally disapproved by M. de Talleyrand, who had
just entered the Ministry of Exterior Relations.
Both these personages were perhaps formally in the
right ; but I the less regretted the step I had taken,
because I understood that my representations did in
the end convince the Sardinian Government of the
need of greater moderation and a different course of
action ; and on the 24th of August a general amnesty
was published. Buonaparte had written on the
15th Thermidor (August 2) to M. de Prioca, con-
gratulating him on the fortunate issue to the crisis
into which the last disturbances had thrown the
Piedmontese Government. The Directory of the
Cisalpine Republic, newly established at Milan, had
formally informed the King of Sardinia of its
installation, and the King recognised that Govern-
ment and received an ambassador from the new
Republic.
Thus the suppression of revolutionary movements
in the interior of the country, the neutrality observed
204 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
by France during these disturbances, the congratu-
lations of General Buonaparte on the success just
achieved by the Sardinian Government, and the
renewal of friendly relations between the Cisalpine
Directory and the King of Sardinia, had all contri-
buted to render the position of the Court of Turin
better than it had been since the peace of the 26th
Prairial, year IV. Quiet was restored for a time ;
there was, so to speak, a truce between the parties.
But this state of things did not last long. A fresh
storm, far more serious than any that had yet
broken out, was gathering on the political horizon,
and finally led rapidly to the ruin of the King of
Sardinia. I will endeavour to narrate its causes and
its various phases, such as they appeared to me from
my point of view.
M. de Talleyrand, having been appointed by the
Executive Directory to the Ministry of Exterior
I delations, had entered on his office in the month
of Thermidor, year V., and I received on the 12th of
that month (July 30, 1707) an official intimation
of his appointment. The reputation which the new
Minister had acquired at different epochs of the
Revolution and the fame of his diplomatic ability
had preceded him to the post he was about to
occupy. Tims I naturally expected that my new
chief would maintain a correspondence with me at
oner, more regular and more statesmanlike than ilia!
M. DE TALLEYRAND. 205
which lils predecessor had kept up. I hastened
to lay the situation of the country before him,
hoping to receive instructions for my guidance
in the conduct of affairs, which would enable me to
take a firmer attitude. But these hopes were disap-
pointed ; I received no answer to my communication,
and, in fact, it soon became evident to me that
M. de Talleyrand, observing the agitation in the
Directory and Councils, and still uncertain which
side he should take, hesitated to commit himself
to any pronounced opinion in his political corre-
spondence. Meanwhile, events were hastening on.
The Cabinet of Turin, better informed than I as to
what was taking place in Paris, began to flatter itself
that the Royalist party of the Rue de Clichy was
getting the upper hand, and would accomplish the
restoration of the Bourbons. The hopes to which
the possibility of such an event gave birth increased
every day, and the Sardinian Government was
already taking a tone of self-assertion in its dealings
with us which it had not hitherto adopted.
From these various indications I foreboded an ap-
proaching crisis, but of what character I was unable
to divine. As, however, I was persuaded that what-
ever its nature might be, Buonaparte would inevitably
lay hold of it and up to a certain point direct it,
because one of the two parties must necessarily turn
to him to obtain his support, which neither could
206 ME3IOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL1TO.
do without, I resolved to go to him at Milan. I
therefore accepted an invitation to visit him, which
he made me before his departure for Udine, where
the Conference for the peace with Austria was to be
held. MM. de Meerfeld, de Gallo, and Clarke had
already arrived there, and were awaiting the arrival
of General Buonaparte. But he would not start
until he had made certain arrangements at Milan,
rendered necessary by coming events in Paris.
I left Turin on the 24th Thermidor (August 11),
and reached Milan on the following day. I found
Buonaparte established in the Serbelloni* Palace,
and more occupied with Paris affairs than with
the negotiations. During the week which I passed
at Milan, I had frequent conversations with him,
and I will here summarise their principal results.
The Executive Directory and the Legislative
Councils were divided ; a numerous section wished
to restore the Bourbons ; but this party was
unsupported alike by public opinion and public
sentiment. It was not even unanimous in its
views; several members of the Clichy clique
merely desired the overthrow of that portion of
1 lie Directory which had sprung from the Conven-
tion, but did not desire the restoration of the ancient
dynasty. Among those who went farther, some
Serbelloni, at that time President <>f tho Directory of tlio
Cis- Alpine Repnblio, resided in the Palace of the Government.
THE CLICITY CLIQUE. 207
would only consent to a restoration under constitu-
tional conditions ; others wanted a conditional re-
storation, and aspired, therefore, to a complete
counter-revolution. The opposite side, which was
composed of the former members of the Convention,
and all those who had taken an active part in the
events of the Revolution, had the advantage over
its adversaries of being perfectly agreed upon its
aim — the destruction by violent measures of the
Royalist party ; postponing all dispute as to the
distribution of authority until it should be recon-
quered. The people, tired of coups d'etat, and of
the frequent alternations of power, which for four
years had been seized upon by opposite parties in
turn, were not only neutral, but indifferent as to
the result, and would be mere spectators of the new
scenes that were being secretly arranged. Thus
neither party could rely on the people, and conse-
quently neither attempted to stir them up to action.
This, however, was not the case with the troops.
Their influence must inevitably insure the success of
the party for which they should pronounce, and there-
fore both parties sought their support. The Clichy
party had intrigued with Pichegru and Moreau ;
but although those generals, as subsequent events
have sufficiently proved, declared themselves in its
favour, they acted, there is no doubt, against the feel-
ing of the soldiery, which at this time was distinctly
208 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
republican, and it was only by underhand means
that they could hope, not indeed to bring them over
to the side of the party they wished to serve, but,
at best, to mislead and render them inactive during
the struggle.
It was not thus with Buonaparte and the army
of Italy, and on them the democratic party built all
its hopes. Success was assured if those troops and
their chiefs declared themselves in its favour, and
nothing ought to be neglected to secure their
support.
Talleyrand was the principal intermediary in the
communications which were now established between
this party and Buonaparte, and I found myself at
Milan at the very moment when those communica-
tions were most active. The General had just
formed his decision, for the following reasons, as
I heard from his own lips.
Nothing could be more opposed to the projects
he entertained than the recall of the Bourbons.
That would ruin all the ambitious hopes, which he
afterwards realised, and, judging from some docu-
ments found in a portfolio belonging to the Count
d'Entraigues at the time of his arrest in Venice, no
doubt could exist that their recall was the real
object of the majority of the Clichy party.* Talley-
This portfolio was opened at Montebello, 5th Prairial,
year Y. (May 24, L797), by Berthier, in the presence of
BUONAPARTE'S JEALOUSY. 209
rand also, who from personal motives was equally
averse to the return of the ancient dynasty, strongly
urged him to a course opposed to its recall. Other
motives also, of a secondary nature, which were
not, however, without influence on such a mind as
his, contributed to inflame him. He would endure
no military renown but his own ; all other annoyed
him. Carnot in the Directory was an offence ; for the
reputation he had acquired during the Convention
by the ability he had displayed and the direction
he had given to the war, he retained as a member
of the Government. That which Moreau had made
for himself with the army of the Rhine was no
less repugnant to Buonaparte, who encouraged an
angry rivalry between that army and the army of
Italy, based chiefly upon the outward forms adopted
in each. The army of Italy glorified in being a
revolutionary and citizen body, while that of the
Rhine passed for an army of Messieurs, as it was called
Buonaparte and Clarke. I do not know whether its contents
were immediately forwarded to Paris, or whether Buonaparte
held thein in reserve. It is certain, however, that they were
not published until the 18th Fructidor (see the 'Moniteur'
of the 23rd of that month). I onlv heard of these docu-
ments on the occasion of my journey to Milan, through the
conversations of which I give a summary. But it is evident
that Buonaparte had alluded to them in the interview which
took place in Prairial between himself, M. de Melzi and me,
and this may be an explanation of certain things which he
said on that occasion.
VOL. I. P
210 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
at Milan. One division, brought by Bernadotte
from Germany to Italy, and which was distinguished
by more polished manners and by the denomination
of Messieurs, at that time considered to be an
aristocratic form, had become a subject of sharp
jesting, often degenerating into serious quarrels
between the officers and men of the two armies.
Buonaparte encouraged these dissensions by constant
sarcasms pointed at Bernadotte and Moreau. In
fact, he flattered himself that the party to which
he should secure the victory would remain entirely
dependent upon him, and that he should govern
in its name. He was mistaken in this, and he
soon discovered that to have bestowed power is
not a reason for being admitted to share it. His
Minister, Talleyrand, was also obliged to acknow-
ledge the truth of this maxim after the Restoration.
To resume. Buonaparte had no sooner made
up his mind, from the motives I have just enu-
merated, to back the Revolutionary party in the
Directory, than he began to act on his decision with
all the vigour and activity of his impetuous character.
Availing himself as a pretext of the anniversary of
the 14th of July, 1780, he organised a military fete
at Milan on the 1st Thermidor (July 10). Five
divisions of the army were brought together to
solemnize the occasion, and each of them published
addresses vying with the other in threats and
MILITARY ADDRESSES. 211
insults directed against the Government of the
Republic, and the Monarchical faction. The divi-
sions commanded by Angereau and by Massena
were especially remarkable for the violence of their
language. " Are there more obstacles on the road
to Paris than on that to Vienna ? "* " Tremble !
from the Adige to the Rhine and to the Seine
there is but a step."f Such was the text more or
less enlarged on in these diatribes. The toasts at
the banquet were all conceived in the same spirit,
and announced similar intentions. The address
of Bernadotte's division only is in less highly
coloured language, and is, indeed, remarkable for
moderation,}; a circumstance which did not tend
to restore harmony between that division, which
had been only lately incorporated with the army
of Italy, and its original regiments.
After this demonstration, which left no doubt of
Buonaparte's intentions and created a profound
impression in Paris, he had no longer any appear-
ances to keep up ; moreover, it was not in his nature
to shrink from consequences, whatever they might
be, when once he had made up his mind to a course
of action. He therefore kept a body of troops in
* Address of Massena' s division ('Monitcur' of the 26th
Thermidor, year V.).
f Address of Angereau's division (Ibid.).
X See ' Moniteur ' of same date.
p 2
212 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
readiness to enter France, if that which Hoche was
already leading on Paris should not be sufficient,
and he had already sent forward Angereau to com-
mand it. Angereau was a brave and daring leader,
but impulsive, and without any intellectual capacity.
He had also sent Bernadotte to Paris, the bearer of
twenty-one flags taken at the battle of Rivoli, and
in a letter to the Directory announcing their de-
spatch tie had highly praised that General. But
his chief object was to get rid of a man with whom
he was already not on good terms, and whose in-
fluence he wanted to weaken.
He was now master of the field, at the head of a
triumphant and devoted army, whose patriotism
and unreasoning love of liberty he had just roused
to an enthusiastic pitch ; he reckoned on unfailing
success, and even flattered himself that he might at
once make use of it to further the designs he had
formed, and which he realised two years later.
He appeared to me to reckon especially on the
effect which the publication of the papers found in
D'Entraigues' portfolio would produce ; this led me
to presume that he had not laid them before the
Directory until after lie had resolved on supporting
the Revolutionary party. As he had still, how-
ever, to wait, before his departure for Udine, for
some letters from Paris, which did not arrive until
two or tli ice days later, he profited by the kind of
A TBIP TO MAGGIOBE. 213
inaction which always supervenes between great re-
solutions and their execution, to make an excursion
to Lake Maggiore ; and he invited me to accompany
him. My desire to see that celebrated lake, and at
the same time to prolong my stay with so extra-
ordinary a man, whom I should have an opportunity
of knowing and appreciating better in the course
of this little excursion, made me accept so agreeable
a proposal with readiness.
We left Milan on the 1st Fructidor (August 18).
I had a place in Buonaparte's carriage with his wife
and Berthier. During the drive, he was gay and
animated, told us several anecdotes of his youth,
and said that he had just completed his twenty-ninth
year. He was extremely attentive to his wife,
frequently taking little conjugal liberties that rather
embarrassed Berthier and me ; but his free and easy
manners were so full of affection and tenderness
towards a woman as lovable as she was good, that
they might easily be excused. Although the con-
versation occasionally turned on grave matters, he
did not betray the subject that was engrossing his
thoughts. He avoided talking politics before
Berthier, whom he valued only for his usefulness
as chief of the staff, the duties of which post he
fulfilled with marvellous activity- — no one could
surpass him in that quality.
In speaking of Talleyrand, Buonaparte took occa-
214 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
sion to praise him, his humour, and his ability,
and in this the General's wife agreed. The con-
versation turned also on other personages who
might play a part in public affairs in Paris, and
among these, I named Rcederer, dwelling on his
penetration, his ability as a writer and his exten-
sive knowledge. Buonaparte, however, expressed
an extreme aversion to him. He severely censured
his conduct toward Louis XYI. and the Royal
Family on the 10th of August, declaring that it
combined both treason and duplicity, and adding
that he could never feel confidence in a man who
had laid himself open to such a reproach. I did
my best to defend him, but Madame Buonaparte
did not support me ; she, like Berthier, kept silence.
The sequel has shown that Rcederer succeeded in
overcoming Buonaparte's aversion ; probably his
services on the 18th Bmmaire blotted out the
recollection of the 10th of August.
After a journey which the heat of the season
made rather fatiguing, although we did most of our
1 ravelling during the night, we arrived at the shore
of Lake Maggiore, and took up our abode at the
magnificent palace erected in the centre of Isola
Bella, the most beautiful of the islands which rise
from the bosom of the lake. I will not enter here
into a description of these lovely scenes. Art is un-
fortunately sometimes too conspicuous in them; but
ISOLA BELLA. 215
the charms which they owe to Nature solely made
an uneffaceable impression on my mind. The snow-
capped summits of St. Gothard and the Simplon
reflected in the clear and tranquil waters of the lake ;
the Ticiuo rushing in torrents from the mountain
heights, and mingling its waters with those of that
vast reservoir, whence it afterwards escapes to ferti-
lise the plains of Lombardy by countless streams ;
the smilling hill-sides dotted with dwellings which
bound the lake on the north, and the rich harvest
covering the plains bathed by its waters on
the south, all contributed at this period of the year
to render the panorama which passed before our eyes
more splendid than at any other season, and at the
same time more enchanting on account of its perfect
tranquillity. We enjoyed the delicious calm; it
contrasted with the terrible scenes of war so close to
us, and calmed the agitation into which the j)resenti-
ment of an uncertain Future had thrown us.
Those two days at' Isola Bella were most agreeable.
Walking, bathing, and the pleasures of the table
filled up our every moment, and it was with re-
gret that we quitted the delightful scene to return
to Milan. There we would have to re-enter the
vortex from which it had been delightful to me to
escape, though for so brief an interval.
After our return from the Borromean Islands, I
remained only a few days at Milan. Buonaparte at
1
216 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
last started for Udine, and I set out in order to
resume the duties of my post at Turin. Before we
parted, we had settled upon the line of conduct
which I was to pursue in the critical circumstances
which impending events in Paris would probably
bring about. The following was the plan adopted :
1 . Not only was I to take no part in any political
troubles which might break out in Piedmont, but to
tender an assurance that our troops should even be
employed to disperse any gatherings of people whicl
might take place on the territory of the Cisalpine
Eepublics or of Genoa, the centres of insurrection in
the States of the King of Sardinia.
2. I was to demand of the Sardinian Government
that, in order to carry out the treaty of alliance, the
ten thousand men to be supplied by Piedmont be
asrain assembled at Novara in readiness to march,
if fresh hostilities with Austria should break out.
3. At the same time that I should require this
movement of the troops, in order to support the
negotiations in progress at Udine, I was to press
for the ratification of the treaty of alliance by the
Legislative Council in Paris, as the best guarantee
to the Cabinet of Turin of the real intentions of the
Executive Directory.
1. I was to insist, however, since quiet had been
restored in Piedmont, on the cessation of severe
measures which were keeping up a feeling of irri-
M. DE PRIOCA. 217
tation injurious to the real interests of the King of
Sardinia.
Furnished with these instructions, on the 7th
Fructidor I reached Turin (August 22), where I had
left M. Jacob as Charge d' Affaires. His corre-
spondence with the Sardinian Government during
my absence had been principally on the subject of
an unfriendly discussion which had arisen between
the Minister and me respecting the steps I had
taken to put an end to the excessive severity of the
Cabinet of Turin towards those persons who had
taken part in the last insurrection. M. de Prioca
had complained bitterly at Paris of my conduct
in this respect, and I was not unaware of the fact.
In an interview with him a few days after my re-
turn, during which I again insisted on the necessity
of more moderate measures, advancing General
Buonaparte's opinion in support of my demands,
M. de Prioca replied that the French Government
took no interest in the fate of the condemned, and
had, on the contrary, highly approved of the con-
duct of the Piedmontese Ministry ; and in truth, M.
de Talleyrand, as I have said before, had disapproved
of my interference, without, however, owning that
he had used the words attributed to him by M. de
Balbi, and which M. de Prioca had repeated to
me. It was plain, from these facts, that the Cabinet
of Turin, in the constant persuasion that a coming
218 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL I TO.
crisis would restore a Monarchical Government in
France, with which it would be better able to agree,
was using its influence at Paris to get me recalled.
I do not know whether in so doing it acted wisely ;
it is certain that my successors consummated the ruin
of the Monarchy ; and that I, on the contrary, so far
as it lay in my power, had contributed to its preser-
vation. Nevertheless, I endeavoured with no less
zeal to obtain the ratification of the treaty, to which
the Sardinian Government attached great impor-
tance at that time. But nothing decisive was done,
and the daily expectation of a crisis, which it was
thought must occur, kept all business in suspense.
The catastrophe was not long delayed. The 18th
Fructidor brought about the ruin of the Rovalist
party, but the Constitution of the year III. fell with
it. That day dealt it a blow from which it never
entirely recovered ; the 1 8th Brumaire completed
the work, and on both the one and the other oc-
casion Buonaparte was the agent of its destruc-
tion. It had not been in existence two years when
it received this first great check. Afterwards it
declined away, and until its final overthrow was a
Revolutionary rather than a regular Government.
A few days after t lie 18th Fructidor, 1 received
a letter from M. de Talleyrand, probably a copy of a
circular letter addressed to all the diplomatic agents,
containing a complete Apologia of thai day. 1 com-
THE TREATY. 219
municated this document to the Sardinian Govern-
ment, which, being forced to renounce the imperious
attitude it had hitherto taken and more alarmed than
ever for its own existence, now openly threatened by
the triumph of the democratic party in France,
showed itself better disposed and amenable than
before. Fresh requests were made to me to obtain
the ratification of the treaty of alliance ; but the
shape that Buonaparte was giving to the peace-
negotiations at Udine made the aid that had been
asked of Piedmont less necessary, and the expec-
tation of this always-deferred ratification prolonged
the suspense of the Turin Cabinet from day to day.
At last the ardently-desired instrument arrived.
Although M. de Talleyrand had written to me on
the 14th Vende'miaire, year IV. (October 5, 1797),
that circumstances would no longer permit us to
contemplate this alliance, the Directory, probably
urged by Buonaparte, suddenly changed front, and
two or three days afterwards sent the treaty to the
two Councils for ratification. But the alliance
was effected too late to save Piedmont ; moreover,
Royalty was about to lose its only support in Italy.
Buonaparte was to remain there no longer, and his
influence on the fate of Italy was on the point of
ceasing. In order to make these matters plain, I
must go back a little.
I have sufficiently explained Buonaparte's motives
220 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
for supporting the democratic party in the Direc-
tory, and his adhesion secured its triumph on the
18 th Fructidor. It was sufficiently clear that the
principles professed by this party were not those
which the General wished to defend, and that he had
in no wise adopted them ; but he was obliged to
choose between two parties, of which one, had it
carried the day, would necessarily have brought back
the Bourbons and ruined for ever his ulterior
designs, so he decided in favour of that party which
some day he might more easily overthrow, and on
whose ruins he might establish his own power.
Perhaps he even believed the catastrophe to be then
at hand, and it was only on examining the situation
more closely that he was convinced the moment had
not yet arrived. In any case, it was needful that
Peace should be the first gift of the new Government
that owed its birth to the 18th Fructidor, in order to
compensate for the alarm which that day had caused
every sincere friend of liberty. The Directory felt
this, and no longer opposed any measure which
might bring about that result. On the other hand,
Buonaparte, observing the eagerness of the Directory,
justly fen red that the matter might be concluded
without him ; and this would indeed have been easily
done, either by carrying the negotiations on in
France, or by entrusting them to Angcreau, who
bad just been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the
THE SIGNATURE. 221
army in Germany. Finally, he would cede to no
other the credit of making peace, for he intended to
assume that France and the Directory itself were
beholden to hirn for it. He therefore hastened on
the end. The negotiations, which had dragged along
for more than six months, were now carried on with
despatch, and peace was concluded at Campo-Formio
(near Udine) on the 26th Vendemiaire, year IV.
(October 17, 1797), one month and twelve days
after the 18th Fructidor. The treaty is signed by
Buonaparte alone, in the name of the French
Government. Clarke was not admitted to the
honour of signing, although he had gone to Udine
as one of the Plenipotentaries. Buonaparte suffered
no other name beside his, that the gratitude on which
he relied might not be divided.
But this gratitude weighed especially on the
Directory, which soon showed how heavy a burden it
was. Buonaparte had sent Berthier and Monge to
the Directory as bearers of the treaty of Campo-
Formio. They reached Paris on the 4th Brumaire
(October 25). The Directory ratified the treaty
on the 5th, and on the same day appointed
Buonaparte Commander-in-Chief of an army which
was to be assembled on the coast, and to which
was given the pompous name of the Army of
England.
By this appointment Buonaparte was snatched
222 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
from the scenes of his conquests, and separated from
the army he had so often led to victory, and which
was entirely devoted to him. The ties which had
heen formed between the illustrious Captain and his
soldiers were broken, and the Directory hoped
to escape from all the attempts upon which an
ambitious mind, relying on so many glorious deeds
and on the devotion of the troops, might venture
against a power still dazzled by an unexpected ele-
vation, a power, nevertheless, supported neither by
public opinion nor by renown, and which the least
shock might overthrow.
Although the appointment of Buonaparte to the
command of the new army was accompanied by
the most flattering expressions of esteem, and the
Directory added a striking mark of confidence by
entrusting the political conduct of the negotiations
about to be opened at Bastadt for treating for peace
with the German Empire,* to the Conqueror and
Peacemaker, Buonaparte could not mistake the
real meaning of the Directory. From that moment
he formed a resolution to remain in France only if
he could in one way or another place himself at the
head of affairs, but if he should find that the times
were not yet ripe to afford him the position he aimed
at, as the only one suited to his genius, to absent
* This Congress was to take placo in virtue of one of the
articles of the treaty of Campo-Formio.
THE TURIN CABINET. 223
himself on some extraordinary expedition which
would add to his fame.
The news of the recall of General Buonaparte,
and the absolute silence of the Campo-Formio Treaty
as to Piedmont, threw the Turin Cabinet into the
greatest ferment. It addressed itself once more to
me, but I could serve it but little. I foresaw already
that immediately on Buonaparte's departure from
Italy the Revolutionary party would again get the
upper hand ; that I should be by no means favour-
ably regarded by that party, which, as M. Botta
wrote,* looked upon me as a lukewarm republican,
and that it would very soon be powerful enough to
remove me. I could therefore neither sway the
action of the Directory, nor tranquillise the un-
easiness of the Court of Turin on this subject. M.
de Talleyrand, moreover, instructed me to avoid
entering on any explanation respecting the conse-
quences of the treaty with Austria ; so that the
reserve that I was compelled to adopt increased the
alarm of the Government, which perceived that it
was in more danger than ever at the very time
when it had reckoned on a greater security. My
relations with it dwindled day by day, until our
interviews were restricted to discussions relating to
the execution of the secret convention annexed to
the treaty of alliance of the 20th Germinal, year V.,
* In his ' Histoire des Guerres d'ltalie.'
224 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
by which the island of Sardinia was ceded to us ;
discussions which resulted in nothing, and to a
rather troublesome correspondence on the emigres
in Nice and Savoy, to whom the Directory, which
had become more suspicious, now wanted to forbid
asylum there. It was at this time that, having
been again questioned respecting the residence of
the Comtesse d'Artois at Turin, I succeeded in
procuring the exemption of that Princess from the
laws against emigration, which were then being
rigorously enforced.
Such was the state of affairs in Piedmont, and
such were the causes that had brought it about,
when Berthier, after he had presented the treaty of
Campo-Formio at a solemn audience on the 10th
Brumaire, year VI. (October 31, 1797),* returned
to Milan and took command of the army of Italy,
which Buonaparte, who was preparing for depar-
ture, had handed over to him.f Joseph Buonaparte
* Sco tho ' Monitour ' of 12th Brumaire, for tho details of this
ceremony and the curious speeches delivered b}' Borthier and
Monge.
f Bernadotte, who had roturned to Milan about a month
previously, and had resumed tho command of his division,
expected to succeed Buonaparte, but, probably becauso tho
hi rectory had already formed the hostilo views with regard
to Italy, which wero afterwards made manifest, and which
Bernadotte would not perhaps have zealously seconded, he
was appointed to the Fmibassy of Vienna, and left Milan for
Paris towards the middle <>f Brumaire. I saw him on Id's
BUONAPARTE AT TURIN. 225
had already parted with his brother and gone, as
ambassador, to Rome. He was accompanied by
his wife, his youngest brother, Jerome Buonaparte,
and his sister Caroline.
Buonaparte left Milan on the 26th Brumaire, and
arrived at Turin on the morning of the 28th. His
wife had preceded him by a few days, on her way to
Paris. She dined at my house, and brought with
her a casket containing some valuable trinkets, from
which she could not bear to be separated for a
moment.
Buonaparte had sent me word that he would be
at Turin on the morning of the 27th Brumaire ; but
he did not leave Milan until the night of the 26th,
too late to keep his promise. I waited for him in
vain until midnight and then withdrew.
I was aroused at half-past two in the morning of
the 28th. Buonaparte had just arrived, and while
the dinner that had been prepared for the preceding
evening was being got ready, I remained for an hour
by the fireside alone with the Greneral. From notes
I made at the time, I will now give an exact account
of our interview.
He took up the conversation almost where he had
way through Turin, when he informed me of his appointment,
which was not as yet officially known. He did not proceed
to Vienna until the beginning of Ventose, year VI. (end of
February 1798).
VOL.
22G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
dropped it on the occasion of our last interviews
at Milan. He defended the resolution he had taken
to support the 18th Fructidor, by arguments which
I have already recorded. " But do not imagine,"
continued he, "that I resolved on so doing because
of any conformity of ideas with those of the men
whom I supported. 1 did not choose that the
Bourbons should return, especially if brought back
by Moreau's army and by Pichegru. The papers
found in d'Entraigues' portfolio had sufficiently
enlightened me as to the projects of those two
Generals. I do not care to play the part of Monk ; I
will not play it myself, and I do not choose that
others shall do so. But those Paris lawyers who
have got into the Directory* understand nothing of
government. They are poor creatures. I am going
to see what they want to do at Rastadt ; but I doubt
much that we shall understand each other, or
long agree together. They are jealous of me, I
know, and notwithstanding all their flattery, I am
not their dupe ; they fear more than they love me.
They were in a great hurry to make me General of
the army of England, so that they might get me out
of Italy, where I am the master, and am more of a
sovereign than commander of an army. They will
see how things go on when I am not there. I am
* Merlin (of Douai) and Francois de Ncufehatcan, who had
been elected in place of Barthelemy and Carnot.
BUONAPARTE AT TURIN. 227
leaving Berthier, but he is not fit for the chief
command, and, I predict, will only make blunders.
As for myself, my dear Miot, I may inform you, I
can no longer obey ; I have tasted command, and I
cannot give it up. I have made up my mind, if
I cannot be master I shall leave France ; I do not
choose to have done so much for her and then hand
her over to lawyers. As for this country " (speaking
of Piedmont), " it will not be at rest for long. I have
done all in my power to secure the tranquillity of the
King, but the Directory is surrounded by a set of
patriots and idealists who understand nothing of
politics. They will set Italy in flames, and get us
driven out some day."
" In that case," I replied, " I do not think they will
leave me here. I am far from sharing their exag-
gerated ideas. I have got on well with you, but I
do not think I could get on with others. Will you
ask for an appointment in Germany for me ? "
Buonaparte promised that he would do so. I
spoke to him next of the Court of Turin. " I will
not go to it," he answered ; " I want no fetes, no
attentions. I do not choose to deceive, and my
presence at Court or an interview with the King
would raise hopes which I could not realise ; he
would believe himself to be secure if I accepted
distinctions and favours from him ; and he would
find out his mistake."
Q 2
228 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Accordingly, during the thirteen hours that he
passed at Turin he did not leave my house. When
our conversation was over, we sat down to table. It
was then four in the morning.
Day had hardly dawned when a crowd, attracted
by curiosity and the desire of seeing so famous a
General, assembled before my house. The King sent
one of his principal officers with compliments on the
part of his Majesty. Buonaparte afterwards received
the Ministers, and welcomed M. de Saint-Marsan
with special fervour. He also received the generals
and superior officers who were in Turin, as well as
some private individuals who tried to induce him
to favour a revolution in Piedmont. But he gave
no heed to these suggestions. In the course of the
morning the King sent him a very fine Sardinian
horse. The Queen * had hung on the animal's neck
a necklace of precious stones, the last of her jewels ;
she had sacrificed all the others to the needs of the
State. Buonaparte could not venture to refuse
either the horse or the necklace, but he seemed
moved by this pathetic gift and the circumstances
under which it was offered. To the King's officers
who had brought it he presented snuff-boxes set in
diamonds, and valuable rings, and made presents to
the royal household greatly exceeding in value
those which lie had accepted.
* Madamo Clotildo of France, sister to Louis XVI.
BUONAPARTE LEAVES TURIN. 229
He drove away in his carriage at four in the
afternoon, crossed Mont Cenis the next day, and
passing through Switzerland arrived at Bale on
the 5th Frimaire (Nov. 25). He proceeded thence
to Rastadt, where he remained only a short time,
and finally reached Paris on the 16th Frimaire
(December 6).
At the time of Buonaparte's departure the Cabinet
of Turin, becoming more and more uneasy, had
caused some suggestions to be made to him by M. de
Saint-Marsan, to the effect that Sardinia should be
represented at the Congress of Rastadt ; but they
were evaded. I, however, consented to grant an
ordinary traveller's passport for Grermany to the
Cavaliere Napioni, by means of which he proceeded
to Rastadt. The Court of Turin, coldly treated by
France, was trying, at that time to ally itself with
Austria, which just then was re-entering Italy by
the cession of Venice, as stipulated in the treaty of
peace at Campo-Formio. But all these endeavours,
all these expedients of a constrained policy, were
destined to failure, from the force of circumstances,
and the new departure which affairs had taken in
France since the 18th Fructidor. In virtue of the
first treaty of the 26th Floreal, year IV. (May 15,
1796) we held several fortified places in Piedmont ; *
* Coni, Ceva, Tortona, Exilles, la Brunette, Alexandria, &c.
See Article 12 of treaty (' Moniteur ' of 4th Prairial, year IV.).
230 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
and so long as Buonaparte remained at the head of
the army of Italy, the commandants of the French
troops in these places exercised military authority
only. But hardly had he crossed the Alps, than
those commandants began to assume a political
attitude, assisted instead of restraining the enter-
prises of agitators, and promulgated orders for the
expulsion of emigres from Nice and Savoy, before the
question of right of asylum had been decided between
the French and Sardinian Governments. General
Casabianca, renowned for his military feats, and
especially for the defence of Calvi in 1794, but in
other respects a passionate and reckless man, par-
ticularly distinguished himself by every kind of
violence. I sent complaints of his conduct to Paris,
but was not listened to.
Casabianca kept up a correspondence with Barras,
in which I was not spared by a man who had much
to do with the overthrow of the throne of the kings
of Sardinia. It would, however, be giving him too
much credit to suppose that he acted thus either
through conviction or from principle; he was merely
an instrument in the hands of the secret agents
employed by the Directory in Italy.
( 231 )
CHAPTER VII.
The Author is recalled from the Embassy at Turin, and is
succeeded by Ginguene — Joseph Buonaparte, having left
Eome after the assassination of General Duphot, stays with
the Author at Turin, on his way to Paris— Berthier marches
on Eome, overthrows the Pope's Government and proclaims
the Roman Eepublic — Monge and Dannou, being sent by the
Directory to organise the new Eepublic, pass through
Turin — The hostile dispositions of the Directory towards the
King of Sardinia are more and more openly displayed —
Ginguene, accompanied by Garat, arrives at Turin on his
way to Naples as Ambassador there — The Author presents
his letters of recall to the King of Sardinia, and takes ad-
vantage of his leisure to make an excursion in the Alps —
On returning, he leaves for Paris — Sketch of the state of
Italy at the beginning of 1798, and of the events that took
place after the departure of the Author.
Towards the end of 1797, when the storm that hung
over Piedmont was gathering volume from every
quarter, I learned from a letter written by the
Minister of Exterior Relations, on the 5th Nivose,
year XI. (December 25, 1797), that the Directory
had thought proper to recall me, and to appoint M.
Gingue'ne' as my successor. As, however, this letter
232 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
did not assign any motive for my recall, I remained
officially ignorant of the reasons for that step, but I
have said enough to make them intelligible to the
reader. From the moment that I was apprised of
my recall, I began to long ardently for the arrival
of my successor. The Sardinian Government, which
was probably informed that I had been recalled be-
fore I knew the fact, considered itself dispensed from
any consideration for me. The disturbances which
were breaking out in every direction, and by which
the safety of the French soldiers who passed through
Piedmont was frequently endangered, gave rise to a
disagreeable and fruitless correspondence. I received
no directions from my Government, and I was
ignorant of the instructions that had been given to
my successor. The latter unfortunately had resolved
on converting a diplomatic journey into one of self-
improvement, and after having taken two months to
make up his mind to leave Paris, he turned his steps
towards Switzerland, and did not arrive in Turin
until more than three months after his nomination.
Those three months of suspense were very
painful to me, for I found myself deprived of all
moral influence, and I had become, as it were, a
stranger to our diplomacy, which the Directory had
almost entirely remodelled since the 18th Fructidor.*
* Guillemardet was appointed, at this period, ambassador to
Spain, Garal to Naples, Sotin to Genoa, (iinguene to Turin, and
JOSEPH BUONAPARTE ARRIVES. 233
Evidently the project of revolutionising Italy was
beginning to preponderate. Every man who was
appointed in Paris, and among them I hasten to
acknowledge that there were men of real merit and
incorruptible honesty, such as Garat and Gingue'ne,
owed his promotion more or less to the dogmatic
and proselytising spirit which was for a while
triumphant, but which, lacking the support of either
military success or civic worth, raised up for us
implacable enemies in Italy, and ultimately drove
us out of that country.
In this state of things, I was endeavouring still
to hold my position with dignity, when, on the
25th Nivose (January 14, 1798), Joseph Buona-
parte and his family arrived unexpectedly. He
had left Rome abruptly, after the events which
took place there on the 6th of the same month
(December 26), and resulted in the assassination of
General Duphot. Rumours of these events had
already reached us, but I knew none of the details.
Joseph passed one day at my house in Turin and
then immediately resumed his journey to Paris.
From the particulars which he gave me, I foresaw
that the legitimate pretext for seizing upon Rome
Trouve to the Cisalpine Kepublic at Milan. Everything in our
Exterior Relations was assuming a new complexion, and the
whole system established by Buonaparte in Italy was overturned
by these appointments.
234 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
which such excesses would furnish to the Directory,
would be eagerly embraced, and that a Revolution
which would shortly spread all over Italy must
ensue. We congratulated each other on our not being
obliged to witness that revolution, and we agreed to
meet in Paris, where I hoped he would precede me
by a few days only. I have already said that the
delay in the arrival of Gringue'ne' detained me at
Turin much longer than I then expected.
Only a short time elapsed ere the consequences
of the events at Rome became manifest. Berthier,
whom Buonaparte had left at Milan, received orders
towards the end of Nivose to march on Rome.
He arrived there on the 27th Pluviose (February
13), drove out the Pope, proclaimed the restoration
of the Roman Republic, made a ridiculous speech at
the Capitol, and despatched to Paris as a trophy — the
Pope's walking-stick ! But he did not make a long
stay at Rome. Buonaparte, who was then planning
the expedition to Egypt, recalled him to Paris, and
he was succeeded in the command of the army of
Rome by Massena, who was appointed on 6th
Ventose (February 24). General Brune had already
succeeded Berthier in the command of t lie army of
Italy — its headquarters were still at Milan.
Before receiving information that the French
troops had reached Koine, the Executive Directory
which, reasonably enough, entertained no doubt ol
MM. MONGE AND DANNOU. 235
the success of that expedition, had hastened to
appoint Commissioners to organise the future
.Republic. Monge and Dannou were chosen for the
task, both men of great worth, but more given to
political theories than distinguished for knowledge
of the world, and consequently little fitted for the
management of men. I saw them at the end of
Pluviose (towards the middle of February) on their
way through Turin, when they paid me a visit,
accompanied by M. de St. Martin, who was formerly
almoner to the Paris National Guard, and at present
Secretary to the Commission. The visit was a
purely formal one. They said very little of the
object of their mission, sought for no information
from me upon the present state of Italy, and would
not even accept the dinner to which I invited them.
They were going to make a revolution, to restore
the former Roman Republic, and those things were
miracles in which I did not believe. They dis-
covered afterwards which of us had judged rightly.
I was sooner undeceived than they, and had over
them the melancholy advantage of foreseeing that,
with the instruments of which we were obliged to
make use, with generals and agents equally corrupt
and greedy of gain, it was perfectly visionary to
attempt the regeneration of an ignorant and
fanatical populace.
But I must do both Monge and Dannou the
23G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
justice to say that they were actuated by the purest
motives and uninfluenced by any desire of personal
gain. Dannou's high-mindedness never varied for
a single instant; and if Monge, his colleague,
displayed less firmness of principle, the immense
services he has rendered to science, and especially to
its diffusion, will cause some little weakness of
character to be forgotten, and posterity, remem-
bering his merits only, will hold his name in
undying honour.
While Monge and Dannou, full of hopes that were
not to be realised, were hastening towards Rome,
the Cabinet of Turin, aware of their mission, of the
Directory's projects against the authority of the
Pope, and of the revolution which was brewing in
the centre of Italy, was much cast down, and now
dreaded the arrival of Gingue'ne' as much as it had
recently desired my recall. Meanwhile, it sought to
avert the undeniably imminent danger, by renew-
ing the negotiations for the accomplishment of the
convention annexed to the treaty of alliance of 20th
Germinal, year V., and M. deBalbi had presented on
16th Ventose, year VI. (March G, 1798), the outline
of a treaty for the exchange of the island of Sardinia,
against the States of the Infant of Parma, annexing
to it the title of King. ]>ut the coldness with which
this proposition was received, served only to confirm
the fears with which the hostile attitude of the
GINGUENE. 237
Executive Power inspired the Sardinian Govern-
ment. For my own part, as all my efforts on behalf
of this proposition, and also those which I made to
obtain an exact explanation with respect to
Piedmont, were equally fruitless, I was convinced
that the final intention of the Directory was to
abandon that unhappy country to its fate ; and so
I left off all political correspondence, deeming it
henceforth superfluous, and confined myself to
the formal business of the embassy. I observed
this attitude of reserve while expecting from day
to day the arrival of my successor, who was to
bring with him fresh instructions, and probably
the sentence of the Directory upon Sardinia.
Ginguene arrived at Turin on the 3rd Germinal,
year VI. (March 23, 1798). He had travelled with
Garat, who was going as ambassador to Naples.
They were both very clever men, but in proportion
as I took pleasure in conversing with them on
literary and philosophical subjects, I was surprised
at their diplomatic language, and their strange
ideas of the functions which they were about to
fulfil. They were quite in the clouds; they were
preceptors of kings, and not ambassadors. As they
had never had any experience of the difficulties
which the habits and prejudices of peoples oppose
to innovators, they seemed to be unaware that time
only wears out errors, that they must be sapped at
238 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
their bases by the patient spread of instruction in
the lower classes of society, and that to attack pre-
judices in the front is to give them new strength.
Not such were the means which these gentlemen
proposed to employ. They were resolved to respect
neither public nor private manners or customs, to
conform to no usages, and, above all, to withstand
the etiquette of courts. They intended to be as
inflexible in outward forms as in principles, and
brought philosophical intolerance to the overthrow
of religious intolerance. I soon perceived that I could
not attain to their height, and that they pitied my
simplicity and the timid course I had observed.
At our first meeting, G-inguene assured me that
his wife, the French ambassadress,* would never
submit to the ridiculous costume of the Turin Court,
but would go to Court in a white gown, a bonnet,
and white cotton stockings. I replied that I had
thought it well to act in a contrary manner ; that on
principle I would never offend against established
usage, especially in such trifles as the shape of a
gown, or a head-dress ; that my wife had con-
formed to the customs of the country, without incur-
ing blame from any quarter whatsoever; but that
* This title is given by courtesy only. The wife of an
ambassador is nut an ambassadress. M. de Talleyrand, in his
correspondence, ridiculed (Jingue.m', for giving the title of
ambassadress to his wife,
GINGUENE. 239
probably he had very good reasons for not imitating
my conduct. He next asked me if I had made any
speech to the King on presenting my letters of
credit. I replied that I had not, and that having
been received, as he himself would be, at a private
audience, nothing would have seemed to me more
inappropriate than to deliver a speech, either from
writing, or from memory, to a man with whom I
was tete-a-tete, so that there could be no one pre-
sent to testify to what I had said. He answered
that he should nevertheless make his speech, and
that, moreover, he should have it published. I
returned, that undoubtedly he must have reasons
for acting thus, and that no doubt they were
excellent ones. Garat, who was present at our
conversation, strongly approved the intentions of
Ginguene', which I indeed in no wise controverted.
Nor had we any other discussion, and I feel bound
to say that, with the exception of these little differ-
ences of opinion, there was a similarity in our
principles conducive to mutual esteem.
Gingue'ne' brought me my letters of recall. On
5th Germinal (March 25) I presented them to the
King, who was good enough to express some regret
at losing me ; and if he already felt a presentiment
of the misfortunes which soon were to overwhelm
him, I must believe his regret to have been sincere.
Gingue'ne had an audience on the 11th of the same
240 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
month, made his speech, and took the direction of
affairs, which I gladly handed over to him.
Free, as I now was, from all official cares, I
wished before returning to my own country, from
which I had been absent more than three years, to
profit by a few weeks of pleasant leisure to make an
excursion in the Alps.
I left Turin on 15th Germinal (April 4), and passed
the night at the house of the Count de Brusasco, with
whom I had become intimate duriug my residence in
Piedmont, and who resided on the pretty estate of
the same name ; at a short distance from Crescentino
on the banks of the Po. I spent two very pleasant
days there, in the company of my host, a man of
remarkable talents and a good musician. From
thence, I resumed my journey, in company with the
venerable Molineri, an excellent botanist,* one of
the fellow-workers of the famous Allioni, in the
classification of the Flora of Piedmont. Notwith-
standing his age, he consented to accompany me
on my excursion, and his knowledge of natural
history, and his familiarity with the mountains I
was about to visit, and which he had already ex-
plored several times, were of infinite service to
me.
We went first up the valley of the Doira-
* I To was attached as head gardener to the Valentino Botanical
I lardens, near Turin.
TEE VALLEY OF THE DOIRA. 241
Baltea,* from Ivrea to Aosta, f where we arrived on
the 19th Germinal (April 8), and although it was
very early in the season, my companion remarked and
pointed out to me a number of rare plants, which
we gathered. The road passing through the valley
was at that time a fine one, well kept, and offering
a delightful variety of view. At Aosta we hired
mules, to take us to Cormayeur, a large district
situated at the foot of the eastern and southern
slopes of Mont Blanc, and celebrated for its mineral
springs. We continued to ascend the valley of the
Doira, passing through Villeneuve d' Aosta, Avisa,
Lasalle and Storges.
Cormayeur, according to the calculation of M. de
Saussure, is 625 fathoms above the level of the Medi-
terranean, that is to say, about a quarter of the
height of Mont Blanc* I took up my quarters there
lor four days, and employed my time in making
excursions in the neighbourhood. J. L. Jordany,
called " Patience," an inhabitant of Cormayeur, ac-
companied me — he had also served as guide to M. de
Saussure during his expeditions in these parts of the
Alps. Under his guidance we explored the valley
* In Piedmont the name of Doira is given to all streams
descending from the Col de la Seigne and the Col de Ferret,
where the watershed of the Adriatic commences.
| This village is known in the country under the name of the
■Capital of the Cretins (or idiots), from the great number of these
unfortunate beings among its inhabitants.
VOL. I. R
242 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
of Cormayeur, the Alle'e Blanche, the Yalley of
Ferret and the Breuva Glacier, one of the finest in
the Alps. This glacier is reached by crossing a
beautiful forest of larches, which bounds it on the
lower side. After passing the moraine,* which is
very lofty, we climbed to a considerable height,
crossing, with the help of our guide, the numerous
and profound crevasses that intersect it. Mont
Blanc towered above our heads to the north, but
the aiguilles, especially the Giant, at whose foot we
were, hid its summit from our sight. Our curiosity
not being completely satisfied, we resolved on climb-
ing, as a last expedition, a mountain, to which our
guide gave the name of Chicouri, situated on the
north-west of Cormayeur, and from whose summit
Mont Blanc and its aiguilles are all visible. We
started on the 24th Germinal, an hour before dawn,
and by steep pathways, every turn of which was
known to our guide, we succeeded in reaching the
summit of the mountain. The sun, which had just
risen, cast a bright radiance on the magnificent
landscape that surrounded us. The rose-coloured
summit of Mont Blanc was scarcely distinguish-
able among the nearest aiguilles.
Across the valley of Cormayeur and the Alle'e
Blanche, wo saw the Breuva and Miege glaciers
* A moraine is a heap of stones which generally forms the
exterior boundary of a glacier.
A STORM IN THE MOUNTAINS. 243
reflecting back the sunlight in a thousand glittering
peaks. Never had I beheld so grand a spectacle.
Our guide had arranged our day's journey so that
we should return to Cormayeur by the opposite slope
of Chicouri from that which we had taken in ascend-
ing, and reach the extreme end of the Allee Blanche
and the valley that terminates it. We were
preparing to commence the descent, when the wind,
rising from the depths of the valley and heaping up
the clouds, hid all the landscape beneath us by
degrees, while the sky overhead remained blue and
serene. But the clouds continuing to rise, sur-
rounded us on all sides, and bore with them the
storm they carried in their bosom. In one instant
the ground on which we were walking was covered
with snow as fine, powdery, and penetrating as
dust. Our footmarks on the former snows were
effaced, and a north-east wind, which took away our
breath, began to blow with violence, causing us
intolerable discomfort. At last all unevenness in
the ground disappeared, and we could no longer
distinguish any of the landmarks. In spite of
his great experience, our guide seemed anxious.
He at once abandoned his intention of taking us
back by the northern slope of the mountain, and
set about returning by the same way we had come.
His thorough acquaintance with the mountains and
a kind of instinct guided him in the right direction,
r 2
244 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and we were advancing with confidence, when all of
a sudden he disappeared in a chasm that had been
filled up by snow, but was not sufficiently firm to
bear the weight of a man. We ran to his assistance,
and succeeded with some trouble in dragging him
out of the crevasse, which happily was not deep.*
We set off again, using our alpenstocks for the
steepest descents. At last the storm, after having
lasted more than two hours, died away ; impercep-
tibly the rocky points, the mountain-tops, the
summits of the trees in the valley reappeared, and,
without incurring fresh dangers, we accomplished
the rest of the distance to Cormayeur.
The time at my disposal did not permit me to
renew the attempt that had just failed. I left Cor-
mayeur the next day, the 25th Germinal (April 14),
to return to Aosta. There I took a day's rest, and
started on the 27th for the Great St. Bernard.
On leaving Aosta the traveller still sees vines
and cultivated fields ; but, in proportion as he
ascends, the temperature becomes colder. We were
very glad to reach St. Remy,f where we found
* Our little party was composed of five persons; Molineri,
Patience the guide, a porter Loaded with provisions, a servant,
:iik1 myself.
f St. loiiiy, situated at 1604 yards above the level of the
sen, is the last village of Piedmont; bul the territorial limit of
the States of the King of Sardinia and of the Republic of Yalais,
is bighet n]> on the mountain.
THE GREAT ST. BERNARD. 245
an excellent inn and well supplied-stoves. We
hired guides for the ascent of Mount St. Bernard
by the path which leads to the monastery.* The
time of year was not favourable for this ascent; the
snow had disaj^peared in the valley, but that which
during the winter had been heaped up on the steep
mountain-sides now threatened to descend in ava-
lanches. It is at this season that avalanches occur
most frequently, and the route is consequently dan-
gerous. Nevertheless, the fear of so formidable an
accident did not deter us, but, following the advice
of our guides, we left the mules at St. Reniy and
performed the journey on foot. The guides advised
us to maintain perfect silence, and we followed the
narrow mountain-path in single file. The distance
from St. Eemy to the monastery of the Great St.
Bernard is about six or seven miles, and we accom-
plished it in three hours. At a mile and a quarter's
distance from the last chalets on the road we began
to distinguish the monastery buildings, and to the
west of these and on our right we perceived the lake,
which was still frozen over in many places. The
landscape here is melancholy and impressive. Not
a tree, not a trace of vegetation is seen on the rocks
rising on every side, and whose black peaks detach
* The monastery of St. Bernard is situated on the verge
of the perpetual snow-line ; this line in the Alps is hetween
1300 and 1400 fathoms above the level of the sea.
246 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
themselves from the almost eternal snows that fill up
the interval and which had not yet begun to melt.
A small garden, lying to the south and sheltered by
the monastery wall, is with difficulty made to yield
a few vegetables during the summer. They are of
indifferent quality.
Every kind of provision, even the wood for fuel, is
carried to trie hospice on the backs of mules from
Yalais and Piedmont.
I was extremely well received by the hospitable
monks. In the room in which we dined, the
barometer was a few lines above twelve inches,
an observation which agrees pretty well with
those that have been taken with greater exactitude
in order to ascertain the height of the pass of the
Great St. Bernard. According to the calculation of
M. de Saussure, the convent is at a height of 1257
fathoms, and the pass at its highest points, accord-
ing to the ' Annuaire du .Bureau des Longitudes,' is
2491 yards above the level of the sea.
I went over every part of the hospice, a wise
and humane foundation, and I spent the night there.
On the following morning, we returned in the same
order and with the same precautions as before to
the village of St. Kcrny. In the evening of the
2.'»nl Germinal I was back at Aosta, well pleased
to have so happily accomplished a journey whose
difficulty and danger was even at that period
COGNES. 217
exaggerated. No one then could imagine that, four
years later, the road which was considered barely
practicable for mules would be traversed by a pow-
erful army ; that a large body of artillery would be
transported along the narrow pathway hanging over
a precipice, and that Italy's most formidable barrier
would thus sink before the genius of the greatest
captain of modern times, and the dauntless heroism
of the French soldiery.
I purposed returning immediately to Turin ; but I
was prevailed upon by the Intendant of the Province
of Aosta, who had received me with the greatest
courtesy, and had given me every assistance towards
the success of my expedition, to make a three days'
excursion with him into the valley of Cognes, to
visit the iron mines situated on a slope of Mount
Iseran which closes in that valley.
Although less frequented by travellers than the
other valleys of the Alps, Cognes is one of the most
picturesque. We ascended towards its source the
course of a torrent which descends from Mount Iseran
and falls into the Doira near Aosta. The banks of
this stream are wooded, and display rich and
beautiful Alpine vegetation. At every step we
beheld the rarest plants ; my companion Molineri
gathered the Linncea borealis, the Rhododendron fer-
rugineum, the Artemisia glacialis and others — which
my taste for botany made me regard as very precious.
248 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELlfO.
We thus made our way along a road, made
delightful by charming views and interesting con-
versation, to the village of Cognes, where we passed
the night. Early on the following morning we
proceeded to the iron-mines. These mines are
worked in the open air, and consist of a group of
rocks entirely composed of carbonate of iron, which
is broken off in large blocks. These blocks are
rolled down the mountain to the site upon which the
factories are built over the torrent which waters the
valley of Cognes. The entire mass of the mountain
consists of the mineral itself, and is of such extent
that if worked it would afford an enormous supply.
But the great elevation of the site, which may be
reckoned at more than a thousand fathoms above the
level of the sea, and the impossibility of working it
during the greater part of the year, considerably
lessen its produce. From Cognes to the mines, the
road is very steep and vegetation gradually dwindles
away. A few dry plants and stunted birch-trees are
still to be seen here and there, but at length even
the Arenaria biflora, which Molineri considers as
the last plant which flourishes on the heights of
the Alps below the line of everlasting snow,
disappears.
After this excursion we returned to Cognes,
thence I made my way tc-Aosta: and immediately
afterwards lefl For Turin, where I arrived on 2nd
PIEDMONT. 249
Floreal (April 20). I remained there a few hours
only, and set out at once for Paris.
I must not, however, take leave of Italy without
giving some idea of the condition of that beautiful
country at the time of my departure, and a sketch of
the events which took place immediately afterwards.
Although I no longer held an official position, the
notes I had taken, a few confidential correspondences
which outlived my public duties, the abiding interest
I felt in a country to which I was so warmly
attached, and, finally, the desire to justify my own
conduct there, led me to amass an amount of infor-
mation which enables me to throw some light on the
causes of the disasters that so soon succeeded to our
triumphs, and I will take the present opportunity of
pointing them out.
I will begin with Piedmont. The first steps taken
by Ginguene had alarmed the Cabinet of Turin, and
dealings with him had been difficult. An argument
which, to say the least, was inexpedient, had arisen
on the subject of Madame Gingue'nes presentation.
She had, as I have already said, refused to wear the
conventional Court dress, and yet insisted on being
received at Court. Ginguene, however, had pre-
vailed ; the presentation had taken place, and when
I saw him on my way through Turin after mv
Alpine excursion, he was delighted with and proud
of his triumph. But these feelings were greatly
250 MEMOIES OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
qualified by the difficulties of his position. Distur-
bances were breaking out in all parts of Piedmont,
and Brune, who for two months had had the com-
mand of the army of Italy, far from acting on
Buonaparte's principles, seemed to have no intention
of opposing any effectual resistance to those distur-
bances. The seat of the insurrection was at first at
Carosio, a small province belonging to Piedmont, but
enclosed within the territory of the new Ligurian
Republic, which had just risen from the ruins of the
ancient oligarchy of Genoa. The revolt w T as headed
by a man named Trombetta, a Piedmontese by birth,
but who wore the French uniform, and even described
himself as an agent of the French Republic. Not-
withstanding the protestations of the Cisalpine and
Ligurian Directories, it was evident that neither one
nor the other observed a strict neutrality, and that
the spirit of proselytism, which made further pro-
gress every day, inclined both these Governments to
encourage disturbances which must bring about the
destruction of a monarchical State, whose existence
in the midst of so many republics seemed to them a
political paradox. M. de Balbi made serious com-
plaints in Paris of the hostile feeling against
Piedmont openly displayed both at Milan and
Genoa, and he certainly was not wrong in regarding
those two Governments as the greatest enemies of
his country. But his complaints were unheeded.
PIEDMONT. 251
The Directory of the French Republic, far from
disapproving of the disturbances, was waiting im-
patiently for the results that must needs follow,
and was preparing to profit by them.
Meanwhile the first attempts of the insurgents
were repulsed by the troops which were sent against
them by the Piedmontese Government. But after
some few checks, they were renewed with greater
force, and the insurgents contrived to establish and
maintain a position in the village of Casosio,
whence they traversed the Ligurian territory, which
was free to them, but on which the King's troops
might not follow them, and carried the signal of
revolt to other points of Piedmont. At the same
time gatherings of the people at Milan were causing
alarm on the frontiers on the side of Lake Maggiore.
These insurrectionary movements were fomented by
outrageous libels on the King of Sardinia, and by
proclamations which clearly conveyed that their
authors were under the protection of France.
The following is a rather curious extract from
one of the latter :
" The French Government, in order to promote
peace and the triumph of the Grand Army, has
been forced for the time being to look upon kings
as the representatives of their subjects. This sup-
position, though unlawful, was necessary for the
opening of negotiations, but it is at the present time,
252 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
circumscribed and limited. To protect the weak, is
it not a means of exhausting them ? The alliance of
the King of Sardinia with the French Republic was
really an act by which he morally abdicated his
sovereignty."
It must be admitted that the authors of these
writings reasoned well. They expressed the real
feeling of the Executive Directory, as elected on
the 18th Fructidor.
All the grievances of the Turin Court, of which
these details will give a sufficient idea, were laid
open in Paris by the Sardinian ambassador, and in
his notes to the French Government he made no
mention of Ginguene. Certainly the latter seemed
to exercise little influence on the Generals of the
army of Italy, who every day showed themselves
more favourable to the insurgents, and openly
supported them in every place. These grievances
were for a lonir time unnoticed. At last, on the 1st
Prairial, year VI. (May 20, 170S), M. de Talleyrand
wrote a reply to the pressing notes of M. de Balbi.
The .Minister begins by disavowing all partici-
pation in the disturbances then Inking place in
Piedmont, and protests that the French have no
share in them. I>nl at the same lime he declares
his conviction that those Piedmontese who have
joined the insurrection have been misled, and that
immediately on being warned that they are the
TALLEYRAND SPEAKS. 253
unconscious instruments of crime, they will hasten
to return to their allegiance. " Consequently," he
adds, " the ambassador of France at the Sardinian
Court is instructed, first, to ask for an immediate
and entire amnesty in favour of the Piedmontese
insurgents who have taken up arms. He will after-
wards press the Sardinian Government to use its
strength against any gatherings of berbets* which
may still exist in the country.
" On these conditions the French Government pro-
mises to use all its influence with the Cisalpine and
Ligurian Republics, to maintain them in tranquillity
and within the territorial limits assigned to them."
It will be recollected that this almost derisive
letter, and which advances so curious a doctrine, is
written by the same Minister who, four months
previously, had blamed me for my endeavours to
check the unheard-of cruelties that were perpetrated
upon Sardinian subjects, far less guilty than the
insurgents in Piedmont.
The Court of Turin, driven to extremity, ordered
its ambassador in Paris to sign any kind of con-
vention, in order to put an end to the insurrec-
tion. But the French Government refused to treat
directly, and referred the negotiation to Gingue'ne,
notwithstanding the dislike to treat with that am-
* These berbets were brigands, no doubt, but at that time they
were supporting the King's cause.
254 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
bassador, which was manifested by the Sardinian
Minister.
Gingnene, having been authorised to begin the
negotiation, went first to Milan to consult with
General Brune, and on the 5th Prairial (May 24)
handed a note to M. de Prioca, which, both in style
and in arrogant requirements, far exceeded the in-
structions sent from Paris. Its language is that of
a man who cannot conceal his satisfaction at being
authorised to indulge his feelings of enmity against
the Cabinet of Turin ; and, with a singular disre-
gard of diplomatic customs, Ginguene hastened to
despatch a copy of his note to the French ambas-
sadors at Naples, Milan and Genoa. He even wrote
privately to M. de Talleyrand, to urge him to have
this note published in the French newspapers — so
greatly did he think his literary and republican
reputation interested in it.
The Sardinian Government, justly offended by the
tone of this communication, despatched a courier to
Paris to renew the request that the negotiation
should be carried on in that city, but the appli-
cation had no success. In proportion as the internal
situation of Piidmont became more critical, by reason
of the insurrections which broke out in all parts, so
did the Executive Directory become more exacting.
Finally, <>n obtaining the amnesty, it required that
the citadel of Turin should be garrisoned by French
FRANCE AND PIEDMONT.
troops, and this demand, repeated in a series of diplo-
matic notes, each more imperious than the preceding,
was acceded to at a Conference which took place on
8th Messidor (June 25) between G-inguene and M.
de Prioca. The treaty regulating the conditions of
this garrison was signed, not at Turin but at Milan,
by General Brune and M. de St. Marsan.*
The political existence of the King of Sardinia
was virtually at an end ; by giving up his capital
he ceased to reign.
The occupation of the citadel of Turin inflamed
to the highest degree the enmity of the Piedmontese
towards the French, and the patriotic party instead
of being strengthened by this circumstance was
weakened. All the men of elevated minds whom
it had comprised felt that their national honour
had been wounded, and withdrew, so that the party
soon consisted only of intriguing malcontents, who
hoped to enrich themselves by the misfortunes
and humiliations of their country. These deep and
well-founded sentiments of enmity could not remain
concealed; they showed themselves in innumerable
ways, and were the cause of desperate encoun-
ters, in which the lives of Frenchmen travelling
alone through Piedmont were sacrificed. G-inguene',
on this, recommenced writing his threatening notes,
* The French troops entered Turin, 15th Messidor, year IV.
(July 3, 1708).
256 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T BE MELITO. Nj/)l
he insisted that the Sardinian Government should
put an end to these hostile demonstrations, that the
officials should exhibit good-will towards the French,
and in order to attain this end he asked for the dis-
missal of many of them. Lastly, he wanted the
Archbishop of Turin to publish a pastoral letter,
recommending his flock to live on good terms with
the French. How was it that a man of good sense
did not see the absurdity of such a proceeding ? Have
governments the power of suddenly changing the
minds and opinions of the people ? Could the viola-
tion of every principle involved in the occupation of
an ally's capital during perfect peace, could the
arrogant and irreligious conduct of the French in the
midst of a population attached to the forms of their
religion, have any other result than the hatred of the
Piedmontese? If that violation was a political
necessity, if the occupation of the citadel of Turin
was an unavoidable military measure, we should have
been ready to stand by its consequences, to look upon
the enmity incurred as a necessary evil, to have been
on our guard against it and tried to avert its effects ;
but to request an insulted Government to put an
end to it was folly.
However, it would seem that the Executive Direc-
tory, though approving in the main what was taking
place in Piedmont, would have preferred more suavity
and dissimulatioD on the pari of (Jinguc'nc. Their
FRENCH INSULTS TO TURIN. 257
confidence was withdrawn from him by degrees, and
an event happened which, although he was not
concerned in it, completed its withdrawal.
The Feast of the Virgin, which falls on the 8th of
September, has been from time immemorial celebrated
at Turin with great solemnity. It is ushered in by
numerous salvoes of artillery ; a grand procession
winds through the streets ; the feast is always looked
forward to with eagerness, and the people take the
largest share in it. It was therefore feared, with
reason, that the presence of French soldiers in the
town and the disrespect they might show for the
ceremony would occasion affrays and bloodshed.
The General commanding the citadel, having taken
counsel with the French ambassador, confined the
garrison to their barracks, and on the 8th of
September not a French soldier was to be seen in
the streets of Turin.
But a week later, on Sunday, September the 16th
(30th Fructidor), a number of French officers and
soldiers, in masks, some dressed as women, or in
caricatured costumes of the Court or town, others
as jockeys, drove out in the evening from the citadel,
and paraded through the town. This scandalous
masquerade, intended to ridicule the ceremonies
which had taken place on the Feast of the Virgin,
displayed itself on the promenades, in the vicinity
of the churches, disturbed Divine worship and
vol. i s
258 NEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
gravely endangered the tranquillity of the town.
The Piedmontese garrison took up arms, and for a few
moments it was feared that a bloody conflict would
ensue. The disgraceful farce was disavowed by the
General and the ambassador, but its effect was not
less fatal. It completed the alienation of the people,
it embittered the already existing enmity, and it
placed the Sardinian Government at an advantage.
It will always remain inexplicable that the French
Generals at Turin, and especially the Commandant
of the citadel, should have been ignorant of a project
whose execution involved a great deal of preparation ;
and the blame of acceding to it, or at least of wilfully
closing their eyes, will be justly imputed to them in
perpetuity.
These events made a gloomy ending to Ginguene"s
mission. He was recalled on the 2nd Vendemiaire,
year VII. (September 23, 1708).
Shortly before his departure, the Comtesse d' Artois,
who had until then resided unmolested at Turin, was
ordered to leave that city.
Such are the principal events which took place in
Piedmont between the time of my departure and the
beginning of year VII. Those which followed, and
which completely ended the drama by the expulsion of
the King, and his exile in Sardinia, belong to a later
chain of circumstances with which [am oot concerned.
A> for the rest of Italy; on the departure of
THE STATE OF NAPLES. 259
Buonaparte, the political conduct of the Generals
and diplomatic agents everywhere assumed an
aspect which closely resembled their policy in Pied-
mont. M , who had succeeded Berthier in
the command of the army occupying Rome, so mis-
conducted himself that the French troops, deprived
of their pay while he was appropriating enormous
wealth, revolted, and refused to recognise him any
longer as their commander. His extortion, his
plunder, his shameless rapacity, dishonoured the
laurels he had won, at the very moment that the
departure of Buonaparte left the field open for
him to eclipse the fame of his illustrious rival, and
to bear away the palm from the only General who
could vie with him in military talent.
The new Roman Republic, established under
these melancholy auspices, had only an ephemeral
existence.
At Naples, where Garat had acted on the same
principles, and made use of the same forms of
diplomatic communications as Ginguene' at Turin,
there was a commencement of disturbance, in anti-
cipation of the revolution that broke out shortly
afterwards, flourished for a while and then came to
an end on the bloody scaffolds erected by Cardinal
Ruffo, and amid the tragic scenes of an angry
Queen's vengeance, which Nelson carried out in
order to please Lady Hamilton.
s 2
260 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
At Milan, Trouve, a turbulent patriot, with an mi-
satiable desire for innovation, but weak and without
capacity ; at Genoa, Belleville, no less extravagant,
but superior in nobility of character, and solidity
of principle, encouraged and infused life into the
revolutionary movement, loosened all social ties
and forced the people into republicanism, just as
violent fanatics had formerly forced nations into
Catholicism. But as none of these innovations were
founded either on a change of customs or on
newly-acquired and strongly-held opinions, the whole
fabric was shattered in a moment, when fortune
turned against us, and by all our triumphs, all
our brilliant victories, we gained only the enmity
and aversion of the peoples. Our glorious conquest
slipped from our hands in less time than we had
taken to accomplish it, and the first conqueror of
Italy had to come back from the banks of the Nile
to replace her under the yoke ; as if it were the
fate of that beautiful laud to submit herself to him
only.
( 261 )
CHAPTER VIII.
The Author arrives in Paris — He finds certain changes in the
manners and habits of Parisian society — He is received
coldly by the Members of the Directory, and by the persons
who frequent their salons — He sees Bonaparte — The
General's motives for undertaking the expedition to Egypt
— Popular rising at Vienna, in consequence of which the
French Legation leaves that city — The Directory, fearing
that war with Austria will break out afresh, decides
on sending General Bonaparte to Eastadt— The dangers
with which the Directory would be threatened by the
ambitious projects of the General, cause them to re-
scind this decision, and Bonaparte leaves at once, to
embark at Toulon — The Author is summoned to join a
Council called together on account of disputes in the
Department of the Interior — Failures of the Directory in
the management of public affairs — Beverses of the French
arms — Partial overthrow of the Directory, and Ministerial
changes — The Author goes to Holland with Deforgues, who
is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to the Dutch
Eepublic — In passing through Morfontaine he hears that
Bonaparte's brothers had sent a communication to the
General which may induce him to return to France —
Deforgues and the Author travel by way of Lille,
Bruges, Antwerp, Botterdam, Amsterdam and Harlem, and
arrive at Alkmaer, the headquarters of Brune — Situation
of military affairs in Holland— The travellers proceed to
262 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the Hague — Political state of the country — Capitulation
of the Duke of York, and evacuation of the territory of the
Dutch Republic by the Anglo-Russian army.
Notwithstanding the melancholy presentiments
which had filled my mind, and been only too
speedily verified, I left Italy with regret, and it
was not without pain that, from the heights of
Mount Cenis, I gazed for the last time at the
plains of Piedmont, and gradually lost sight of the
beautiful country which at that time I had no hopes
of revisiting. I reached Paris on the Gth Flore'al,
year VI. (April 25, 1798). What a change had
taken place during my three years' absence ! To
the too-simple manners, to the coarse language of
the Republic under the Convention, had succeeded
politeness of speech, and elegance in manners and
dress. Thee and thou were no longer used; "Car-
magnoles" were no longer worn; the women,
especially, had returned with eagerness to their
former tastes; fashion had resumed her sway, and a
passion for the antique regulated her decrees, to the
detriment of decency. Not that the luxury and
magnificence of a Court had as yet been restored;
we had still some steps to take before returning to
those. Our habits were still tinged with the rough-
ness we were leaving behind as, and with (lie
contempt for the "convenances" that we had so long
professed. Society was nol yel formed; there was
TEE DIRECTORY. 263
no division between its various classes. All was
confusion, and the salons were crowded indifferently
with Contractors and Generals, with women of easy
virtue and ladies of the ancient nobility, with
patriots and returned emigres. One only thought,
common to all, occupied and drew together this
crowd of beings differing so widely by birth and
education, the desire to acquire money ; and all
means were good which led to that end. A woman
dressed with the greatest elegance, did not disdain
the " transaction " of a contract, and would even
exhibit specimens of the goods in which she
or her protege had speculated. At that time
patronage was only to be obtained by a division of
profits. Each of the five members of the Executive
Directory held a separate Court at the Luxembourg.
They bad their respective reception days, their own
particular circles, their courtiers. But among them
all, he who imitated the ways of the nobles of
the ancient regime most closely was Barras. He
kept horses, dogs, mistresses ; his manners were
haughty and abrupt; and it was marvellous to see
the proud Republicans, the Aristides and Brutus
of the Convention, bow down before their new idol
and adore his tastes.
I went with the rest of the world, to pay my
court at the Luxembourg, but I had little cause
to boast of my reception there. Merlin, in whose
264 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
department the ' Exterior Relations ' were included,
and from whom I endeavoured to learn the cause
of my recall, made me a diplomatic answer, and re-
ferred me to his Minister, Talleyrand. With the
exception of Francois de jSTeufchateau, who received
me kindly and invited me to dinner, the Directors
either did not speak to me, or barely condescended
to look at me. So soon as it was perceived that
I was out of favour, all those in the rooms with
whom I had formerly been acquainted turned their
backs on me also. I became convinced that I was
altogether in disgrace, and thenceforth I gave up
those fatiguing and useless visits. I merely went,
as Merlin had advised me, to call upon Talleyrand.
He received me with urbanity, but I could not.
obtain from him any more light on my destiny than
from his Director. He asked me, for form's sake, for
a memorandum of my mission and of the state of the
country I had just left. 1 promised to draw it up ;
but convinced, as 1 was, that he would not read it,
and that it would be pains wasted, I spared myself
the task, and I did well, for I heard nothing more
either of the Minister or the memorandum.
When 1 arrived in Paris, Bonaparte* was still
there. I saw him several times before his departure
* After the Italian campaign the- (ieneral discarded the "u"
in the spelling of his name, and adopted the French form,
'• Bonaparte."
BONAPARTE'S DISCONTENT. 265
and be continued very friendly towards me. He
treated me with the same confidence as in Italy,
and in our conversations he threw some light on the
circumstances that had led him to undertake the
expedition to Egypt. I shall narrate them here.
Bonaparte had left Italy, dissatisfied with the
Treaty of Campo-Formio, which was signed by him
in a fit of vexation at Angereau's appointment to
the command of the army of Germany. The
conditions of this peace were — and he knew it —
altogether impolitic ; extremely unfavourable in the
present, and still more unfavourable for the future.
In pursuance of what he had told me at Turin,
he had gone to Rastadt in hopes of amending his
work ; but his dislike to Treilhard and Bonnier,
the Plenipotentiaries, whom he met at the Congress,
and still more, perhaps, the scandalous disunion
between those two negotiators, prevented his suc-
cess, and he returned to Paris entirely absorbed in
the idea of a descent upon England.
The survey which we made of the channel and
ocean coasts, and the remarks of some able men
whom he met on his way,* induced him to abandon
this project, whose execution seemed to him, at
* On his way through Calais he closely interrogated
M. Gallois, who was returning from England. That gentle-
man's replies contributed not a little to dissuade Bonaparte
from an attempt, which, had it failed, would have fatally injured
his reputation.
266 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
any rate for the time, impossible. But, having
given it up, his impatience of his position, the risks
to which he believed himself exposed in Paris, his
dissatisfaction with the Directory, whose members
dreaded the pretensions of the favourite of Fortune,
confirmed him in his resolution to play an isolated
part, and to seek at the head of an army that
independence which the absolute power he had
wielded in Italy had made both a habit and
a necessity to him. The world too must be
dazzled by fresh exploits, and France prepared
for what was to come by the glory of the nation
being raised to the highest attainable point. Thus
the project of an expedition to Egypt, of which
j\Ionge had conceived the first idea during his
stay at Passeriano,* assumed consistency, and
measures were taken to carry it out. Bonaparte
ardently entered into it. He carried away the
Government by his fiery speeches and the ascen-
dency of his reputation, and they on their side were
glad to get him out of France, at any price. It was
still easier for him to influence men who were
greedy of glory, and lovers of daring enterprise.
Every preliminary was dictated by him, the decrees
of the Directory were minuted by his own hand,
and copied out by Francois de Neufchateau, the
* Near Udine, where Monge and Bonaparte were during tho
negotiations of the treaty of 4 lampo-Formio.
THE EXPEDITION TO EGYPT. 267
youngest of the Directors, who took the place of
Lagarde, the secretary ; for the latter was not
admitted to the secret. In fact, everything was his
doing, and it would be unfair to accuse the Govern-
ment of the day of an enterprise which had such
fatal results. Plans, projects, political and military
combinations, all were Bonaparte's ; the Directory is
to be reproached only with having consented to
them.
While all was in preparation, rather with
affected mystery than really in secret, the unfor-
tunate incident took place in consequence of which
Bernadotte and the French Legation left Vienna
after a residence there of two months.* Scarcely
was this occurrence known in Paris, than the Direc-
tory, fearing that it might entail further hostilities,
and feeling that Bonaparte would be infinitely
useful to them in such a conjuncture, threw them-
selves completely upon him for aid. By a spon-
taneous decree, full powers were granted to the
General, on whom the task of repairing the mischief
devolved.
* Bernadotte, having, as ambassador of France, hoisted the
tricolor flag over the door of the Embassy, the populace of
Vienna made a disturbance which endangered the safety of
the ambassador and the other French there. This led to the
withdrawal of the Legation. It is said that Bernadotte hoisted
the national colours only in consequence of a reprimand ad-
dressed to him on the subject by the Directory.
268 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
It was just at this crisis that I arrived in Paris
from Turin.
I found Bonaparte pleased both with himself and
with his position. He complained bitterly of what
he called Bernadotte's mistakes. "See," he said
to me, " what they cost us : I must give up the
greatest expedition I have as yet planned, in order
to return to Rastadt, and I must renounce a project
whose execution might change the political face
of Europe." But behind this feigned resentment
I could easily perceive that his satisfaction was
greater than the regrets he expressed ; for, by
entrusting him with the negotiations occasioned
by the Vienna affair, the Directory replaced him
in the position he coveted ; once more the fate of
France and of her Government was in his hands.
He was the arbiter of peace and war, he commanded
the one or made the other, according as his interest
rendered peace or war necessary. Lastly, either
as the conqueror of Austria for the second time, or
;is a worshipped peace-maker, he would return to
Paris with his power increased by all the moral
influence either title would have given him over
the nation, ami he would then carry out what, in
fact, lie did afterwards put in execution on the 1 8th
Brumaire.
But either because lie did Q01 conceal liis in-
tentions and hopes with sufficient care, so that the
VACILLATION OF THE DIRECTORY. 260
Directory perceived some of the dangers it was
amassing about itself, or because a letter written
by Bonaparte to Count von Cobentzel * had informed
the members of the Directory of the part which
the protector, whose support they wished to obtain,
intended to play, the Government changed its mind.
It was decided that Bonaparte should not go to
Eastadt, but that Francois de Neufchateau, who
was to go out of the Directory in a month,f should
undertake the negotiations. Barras was selected
to inform Bonaparte of the change, and the manner
in which he acquitted himself of his task was, no
doubt, one of the causes of the dislike with which
Bonaparte regarded him from that time forth.
I am ignorant of the particulars of that interview,
but I was a witness to what followed.
I was with Bonaparte on the evening of the 16th
Flore'al. He had been talking to me a great deal
about his jonrney to Eastadt ; the expedition to
* This letter was written unknown to the Directory. Berna-
dotte's affair was little touched upon, but great stress was laid
on the necessity of a new arrangement which would end the
difficulties caused by the treaty of Campo-Forinio. Thus the
question of peace or war was re-opened, and the aim of Bona-
parte was accomplished.
f During the first five years of the Constitution of year III.,
these changes were to be decided by drawing lots, but it had
been agreed upon beforehand that the lot should fall to Francois
de Neufchateau, who was appointed to the Ministry of the
Interior as a compensation.
270 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Egypt seemed quite forgotten. He was even telling
us of the kind of life he meant to adopt on his return
from Germany. Just at that moment Barras entered
the room, looking extremely gloomy. He took little
part in the conversation, and after a few moments'
silence, he and Bonaparte went into an adjoining
cahinet.
The interview lasted barely a quarter of an hour.
Barras came out first, and passed through the draw-
ing-room, scarcely exchanging a word with Madame
Bonaparte. The General next made his appear-
ance, spoke to nobody, and returned to his cabinet,
slamming the door behind him. During the night
he started for Toulon, and I saw him no more until
after the 18th Brumaire.
This anecdote seems to me to explain everything ;
and when I reflect on what took place before my
eyes, I can only see in the expedition to Egypt,
which proved so disastrous and so fatal to our navy
— sacrificed by the Directory to their desire to rid
themselves of a man they dared not openly attack
— a fresh proof of the incalculable evils which are
inflicted on nations by the private dislikes or the ex-
aggerated pretensions of the men who are placed at
their head either by chance or by a fatal celebrity.
Bonaparte, for whom there remained no alter-
native but that of undertaking this expedition or
of losing his position altogether, did not disguise
TALLEYRAND'S CONDUCT. 271
from himself the risks he was about to run,
although at the time of his departure he hoped
that the steps taken at Constantinople might
obviate some of these risks, and that the Porte
would be induced to consent to the occupation
of Egypt by France. This, no doubt, was a great
delusion, and I shall never believe that Talleyrand,
who encouraged Bonaparte on this point more than
any one, can have sincerely shared it. Mean-
while Bonaparte, who generally endeavoured to im-
plicate those men whose advice he had followed in
any risk that might arise from acting on it, thus
obtaining a guarantee against treachery or desertion,
had not forgotten to insist that Talleyrand should
be sent as ambassador to Constantinople, and when
he left Paris he was convinced that Talleyrand
would be installed in his new post before his own
arrival in Egypt. But this time he was dealing
with a man who was more subtle than himself.
Talleyrand let him depart, and, foreseeing the
issue of the expedition, remained quietly in Paris,
where he continued to abet the passions and the
policy of the Directors, until the hour when the
mistakes of that Government and its consequent
reverses dragged down the Minister in the fall of
the Directory. It was thus that Talleyrand got the
better of Bonaparte, whom he supported neither
in Paris nor at Constantinople, and also of Francois
272 ME MO IBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
de Neufchateau, who had consented to go out of
the Directory only on condition of succeeding Talley-
rand, but had to content himself with the Ministry
of the Interior.
Bonaparte's departure left me in Paris quite
isolated from public affairs. I saw neither the
Directors nor the Ministers, who distrusted me on
account of my intimate relations with the General.
I then attached myself more closely to Joseph
Bonaparte ; but he had little influence. Perhaps
the friendship he evinced for me was one reason
why the Government gave me no further employ-
ment. However, Francois de Neufchateau, the
Minister of the Interior, having appointed a
Council to advise him on the affairs of his depart-
ment, I was named one of its members. But
events were hurrying on, and I was destined shortly
to return to the stormy career of politics.
The Executive Directory, having vanquished the
National Representation, which was decimated on
the ISili Fructidor, and having rid itself of Bona-
parte, who had so powerfully contributed to the
success of that fatal day, had failed to profit by
its victory — had indeed made one blunder after
another from that moment. The Administration
of 1 1 10 Interior, the general policy and manage-
ment of the war, were all marked al the end of
year VI., and during the firsl nine months of
STATE OF THE COUNTRY. 273
year VII., by total incapacity. Victory had al-
together forsaken the French flag, and notwithstand-
ing some partial successes obtained by Generals
Ohampionnet and Joubert, the arrival of Suwarrow's
army, the surrender of Mantua, and the defeat of
Macdonald on the Trebia, had caused our loss of
Italy. War was again declared with Austria ;*
the Congress of Rastadt was broken up, its last
sittings being marked by the assassination of the
French Ministers, Bonnier, Roberjot and Jean Debry ;
a terrible event whose causes have not been com-
pletely ascertained even yet. The opening of the
campaign against Austria had been unfortunate,
and the retreat of General Jourdan before the
superior forces of the Archduke Charles, which,
although admired by military men, was fatal to
France, had reduced us to a perilously defensive
attitude. Switzerland was invaded by the Russians
and the Austrian s, who were restrained with diffi-
culty by Massena and Lecourbe. The ancient
frontiers of France were already endangered, and
insurrection was again raising its head in La Vendee
and the other Western Departments. So many
reverses, misfortunes and ill-advised combinations,
had exasperated the public mind, and the Directory,
assailed by reproaches and clamour on all sides, was
unable to withstand the storm. The Legislative
* On the 2nd VentSse, year VII. (March 12, 1799).
VOL. I. T
274 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Body, supported by public opinion and by a new
Jacobin Club, which held its meetings in the Riding-
School of the Tuileries,* could now retaliate on
the 18th Fructidor, and in its turn dismissed three
Directors. By these fresh attacks on the Constitu-
tion of year III., the way was prepared for its
conrplete destruction.
The three dismissed Directors, Merlin, Lareveillere-
Lepaux and Treilhard, were replaced by Gohier,
Roger-Ducos and G-eneral Moulin, three men hither-
to unknown. Barras and Sieyes remained. The
overthrow of the Directory involved that of a
portion of the Ministry. Cambaceres was made
Minister of Justice ; Quinette, Minister of the In-
terior; Reinhart, formerly my colleague at the
Foreign Office, succeeded Talleyrand in the same
office ; and Bernadotte was made Minister of
War.f
The departure of Francois de Neufchateau was
soon followed by the suppression of the Council of
which I was a member. However, as Bernadotte
was brother-in-law to Joseph Bonaparte, with
whom I had continued on friendly terms, the latter
thought I should do well to return to the War
* On account of its meeting in this placo, the Club was known,
during its existence of soven or oight months, as the " Club du
Manage."
f This little political revolution occurred on the 27th to
30th Prairial, peai \ II. (June 15 to 18, L799).
TEE AUTHOR'S OWN POSITION. 275
Department, and proposed me to the Minister as
Secretary-General. But Bernadotte, who was just
then completely devoted to the new Jacobins, and
surrounded by the most violent members of the
Riding-School Club, on whom he bestowed every
vacant place in his department, did not consider
me sufficiently patriotic, and declined to accede to
Joseph Bonaparte's request.
This annoying state of things had lasted for
four months, when an accidental circumstance came
to my aid, and caused me once more to leave
Paris.
Deforgues, of whom I had occasion to speak in
the second chapter of these Memoirs, and to whom
I owed my entry into a diplomatic career, was
appointed in Vende'miaire, year VIII., as Minister
Plenipotentiary to the Batavian Republic, where
he was at first to be associated with, and after-
wards to succeed, Florent-Gruyot, then at the
Hague. Deforgues, with the consent of the Direc-
tory, made me an offer to accompany him, but
without an ostensible position. A letter from the
Minister of Exterior Relations entrusted me only
with a financial negotiation at Amsterdam, for the
purpose of claiming for France the Batavian scrip
that belonged to us, as payment of the contributions
agreed upon between the two States, and which had
been deposited in that city.
t 2
276 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
I eagerly embraced this opportunity of escaping
from the trying position in which I found myself,
and I accepted both Deforgues' proposition and the
mission offered me by the Minister of Exterior
Relations. Bernadotte, who had not been able to
agree with the Executive Directory, had already
left the War Office. He was succeeded by Dubois-
Crance, a still more ardent patriot than he,
but who did not entertain a similar prejudice
against me.
I left Paris on the 13th Vendemiaire, year VIII.
(October 5, 1799), just as the news was arriving
of the victory, or rather the succession of victories,
gained by Massena over the Russians in his fourteen
days' fighting before Zurich ; memorable days during
which Massena displayed the highest military talent.
Never was victory so disputed, never was victory
more necessary. France would have been invaded
had Massena been defeated.
In passing through Morfontaine, I stayed with
Joseph Bonaparte. He approved my reasons for
leaving Paris ; but at the same time let me see that
he hoped my absence would not be long, and that
the return of his brother would bring it to an end.
On this occasion he told me that means had been
found of informing the General of the situation in
France, and even of sending him an order of recall,
to which I lie signatures of the members of the
A CLEVER DEVICE. 277
Directory had been obtained from them unawares,
while they were signing other papers. Bourbaki,
a Greek, long attached to the Bonaparte family,
had undertaken to convey the message and the
order to Egypt, for the sum of 24,000 francs
(£9 GO), which had been handed over to him. The
two brothers, Lucien and Joseph Bonaparte, the
contrivers of this clever device, were waiting im-
patiently for news of the result. The only return
I could make for their confidence was by earnest
wishes for their success. At that time I regarded
Bonaparte's return as the happiest event that could
befall my country. He, alone, seemed to me able
to save her from the ruin now impending ; and
on resuming my journey I carried with me at least
a glimmer of hope which consoled me for the
necessity I was under of separating myself from my
family and of leaving France.
We journeyed through Lille, Menin, and Bruges,
whence we intended to go on to Zealand ; but
Deforgues, who was in haste to reach Holland,
having relinquished that idea, we crossed the
Scheldt, and proceeded to Antwerp, where we
stayed one clay. In spite of the preparations for
commerce made at the mouth of the Scheldt, the
city remained deserted and without trade. There
were no signs that she would ever recover her
ancient splendour.
278 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
We left Antwerp for Helvoetsluys on the 13th
Vendemiaire (October 9), and arrived there, after a
most fatiguing day, at ten in the evening. Helvoet-
sluys is situated on the Bies Bosch, and both wind
and tide being favourable, we embarked at night
on a decked vessel, which brought us to Rotter-
dam in six hours. I had already (in 1788) made
a pleasure trip to Holland, but the pleasure with
which I contemplated the aspect of that city when
approached from the Meuse was quite new. The
approach to Venice by the lagoons has been greatly
admired ; I was now enabled to compare the two
points of view, which in some respects are much
alike, and I do not hesitate to give the preference
to Rotterdam.
At Rotterdam we were but a few leagues from
the Hague. Deforgues, however, thought it of
great importance to see General Brune, before
making his mission officially known, and the General
was just then at the extremity of North Holland.
We therefore avoided the Hague, and travelled by
land to Gouda, and thence to Amsterdam. It is
when journeying along this route that a fair idea
of Holland may be gained. Nothing can equal the
charm of the landscape; the eye dwells with delight
on the emerald-green pastures, with their herds of
<;ittlc, on the innumerable winding canals covered
with constantly moving vessels. While the heart is
HOLLAND. 279
gladdened by this rich and smiling panorama of
peace and plenty, which, in spite of its monotony, is
always fascinating, the imagination is struck with
amazement by the works that have been undertaken,
by the victories won over Nature, in order to wrest
these half-submerged lands from the waters, and to
turn pestilential and uninhabitable marshes into
delightful gardens and fertile pasturage. These
miracles of art, these noble results of liberty, rank in
the estimation of a friend of humanity far above all
the marvels of antiquity.
We slept at Amsterdam, and on the next day, the
20th Yende'miaire (October 12), we started very early
in the morning to make our way through Haarlem
to Alkmaer, the headquarters of the French army
in North Holland.
The road alongside the canal from Amsterdam to
Haarlem is a very fine one. Halfway between the
two towns are the sluices which preserve communi-
cation between the Lake of Haarlem and the gulf
called HetY.* The waters of this gulf are, at high
tides, higher than the surrounding land, and in the
construction of the dykes every means has been
*• Het Y, properly the Greek I, on account of its shape, is a
mass of water which issues from the Zuyderzee, and is con-
nected with it by the Strait of Pampus and by the canal on
which Amsterdam is built. The canal bears the same name as
the river. Het Y spreads far over the country, where it takes
the name of Brclte Wasser, Wide Water.
280 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
resorted to, to restrain this mass of water, which
would inundate ail Holland. The dykes present the
appearance of a wide belt, following and marking out
the outline of the gulf. They are closed at the lower
end by a wattle-fence, against which is an embank-
ment of earth supported by strong piles, in close
proximity to each other. There are four sluices,
placed two by two, in parallel lines. Two of them
open on to HetY and two on to Lake Haarlem.
The sea beats unceasingly against this barrier, and
its waves, which seem to threaten destruction to the
low-lying land, have for three centuries broken
against it in vain, nor succeeded in breaking it down.
At low tide the level of the waters of Het Y becomes
lower than that of Lake Haarlem, and the sluices
can then be opened to let out the overflow of the
lake into the sea, and thus diminish the volume of
its waters.
After admiring these daring and splendid works,
we continued our way by Haarlem, Beverwick, and
Castricum, traversing the battle-field where, a few
days before, the French had gained a decisive
victory over the united forces of the English and
Russians. We at last reached Alkmaer on the
evening of the 20th Yendcmiaire.
The following is a sketch of the military situation
at that time :
The English had appeared on the Dutch coasts,
THE MILITARY SITUATION. 281
near the Helder foreland, in the middle of August
1799, and had seized on the Dutch fleet stationed
at Texel. The crews of these vessels, having been
previously bribed, had mutinied. The English
had, at the same time, effected a landing, and not-
withstanding some opposition offered by General
Daendels at the head of the Dutch troops, they
had taken up a position in the Zype.* Meanwhile,
General Brune, having been despatched by the
Directory to command the French and Batavian
troops, had arrived at Alkmaer, on the 17 th Fructi-
dor, year VII. (September 3, 1799). But the division
which were to form his army not having come up,
he had not been able to act on the offensive, and had
restricted himself to checking the enemy. The
English army in the meantime, having been rein-
forced towards the middle of September by the first
division of the Russian troops, comprising from twelve
to thirteen thousand men, mustered from thirty
to thirty-five thousand. This force was commanded
by the Duke of York, who resolved on attacking
General Brune before he should have been joined
by the troops he was expecting from Belgium. The
* A large tract of land in North Holland, formerly unculti-
vated, but which had been tilled by tbe labours of the Dutch.
The canals and roads which bound or traverse this island, as it
may be called, are natural entrenchments, rendering it almost
impregnable.
282 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
engagement took place on the third complementary
day of year VII. (September 10, 1700), in the neigh-
bourhood of Bergen. The victory was undecided,
and after the battle the two armies again took up
the positions they had held on the previous day.
The English once more intrenched themselves in the
Zype where they awaited the coming of the second
Russian division. General Brune, on his side, forti-
fied his position, and held himself on the defensive.
The two armies remained thus until the 11th
Yende'miaire (October 3), on which day the Duke
of York led a general attack on the French and
Batavians. General Brune evacuated Alkmaer, and
fell back on an excellent position, fixing his head-
quarters at Beverwick, about seven miles from
Haarlem, where, having received considerable rein-
forcements between the 12th and 13th Yende'miaire,
he maintained his defensive attitude. Lastly, on
the 14th Yende'miaire, the Duke of York, unable to
draw the enemy out of his position, made a des-
perate attack along the whole line of the Gallo-
Dutch army. This affair, which took place be-
tween Beverwick and Castricum, was very bloody
and undecisive from daybreak till nightfall, when
Brune himself, charging at the head of his column,
forced the English to relinquish the battle-field. All
tli- advantages gained <>n that day were, however,
by no means fully known. The first despatches ol
RESULTS OF THE VICTORY. 283
the General confined themselves to announcing 1 his
repulse of the enemy, and the capture of fifteen
hundred prisoners.
It was not until the next day that the brilliant
results of the victory were properly appreciated.
The English abandoned all the positions they had
held a few days before, and returned once more
to the shelter of the entrenchments of the Zype,
after evacuating Alkmaer, and all the towns of
North Holland. The French and the Batavians
re-entered these towns on the 16th Vendemiaire,
and even took possession of several places they had
not occupied before their retreat, and which enabled
them to press the enenry still more closely.
Such was the position of the armies when we saw
General Brune at Alkmaer. He was full of hope
and confidence as to the issues of the campaign, and
did not for one instant doubt the success of our arms.
He only hesitated to attack the enemy in his formid-
able entrenchments, because an attempt to force them
would entail great bloodshed. On this account he
thought it well to examine whether it would not
be wiser to wait until the difficulty of obtaining
supplies, and the approach of the winter, which
would soon prevent an embarkation, should deter-
mine the Duke of York to capitulate.
The General was ill-disposed towards the Batavian
Government. He seemed to have no doubt that some
284 MEMOIRS OF COUNT 3II0T BE MELITO.
of its members had come to an understanding with
the English, and as a proof of this, he cited the con-
fidence displayed by the Duke of York in the good-
will of those magistrates which, according to him,
had induced the English to undertake the expedition.
We left Alkmaer on the 21st Vendemiaire, and
the following day we arrived at the Hague.
For the clear comprehension of the events that
took place during my stay in that city, and which I
shall have to narrate, a succinct account of the
political state of the country is necessary.
Holland had been conquered by the French in the
middle of the winter 1704, 1705. Pichegru had
entered Amsterdam the 21st Nivose, year HI.
(January 10, 1705). The Stadtholder had fled ; the
English had re-embarked, and the whole of Holland,
left to herself, had imitated France and adopted a
Republican Constitution. But this Constitution had
been of slow growth. The habits of the Dutch, who
are more phlegmatic than we are, the obstacles
raised by the numerous and powerful partisans of
the House of Orange and <>l the feudal system, had
prolonged the debates on the form of the Constitution
for more than two years. Two National Assemblies
had met successively in the years 17'.».~>, 1 7 1 M » and
L 7 9 7, and the result of their labours, on being sub-
mitted to the approval of the Dutch people, had
been rejected. The Public Administration, existing
A COUP D'ETAT. 285
provisionally under the name of States-General or
National Assembly, was almost paralysed, and this
state of things, sedulously fostered by the enemies of
France, laid the country open to foreign invasion
at a time when the fear of renewed hostilities in
Germany prevented our retaining sufficient troops
in Holland for the defence of that country.
In this dangerous conjuncture the Executive
Directory in Paris, which never acted except in an
irregular manner, could find no other expedient than
a Coup d'Etat, whose result, being similar to that of
the 18th Fructidor in France, would overthrow the
Stadtholder's party and the Federals, and would
throw the direction of affairs into the hands of the
Patriots, as they were called at that time.
This Coup d'Etat was effected on January 22, 17D8
(3rd Pluviose, year VI.). A kind of popular insurrec-
tion having occurred, the principal members of the
Provisional Government and twenty-two deputies of
the National Assembly were arrested, the acts of the
last States-General were annulled, the unity and
indivisibility of the Batavian Republic were pro-
claimed, and the National Assembly took the name
of Constituent Assembly. Following the example of
the capital, the provincial administrations and the
municipalities were changed, the Federalists were
exiled, and the party of the Patriots was everywhere
triumphant. The new Constituent Assembly acted
286 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
with as much celerity as the preceding Assemblies
had acted with procrastination. An Executive
Directory was appointed, and in two months a new
Constitution was drawn up.
This was adopted on March 17 (27th Ventose),
and was submitted for the sanction of the Dutch
people, who, being gathered together in primary
assemblies on April 23 (4th Floreal), bestowed their
approval on it. The Constitution was an exact
reproduction of that of France ; there was a Legisla-
tive Body divided into tw T o Chambers, and consisting,
when first formed, of two-thirds of the members of
the Constituent Assembly ; an Executive Directory,
Ministers, &c. A general fete, held on May 19,
1708 (30th Floreal, year VI.), inaugurated the new
Institutions. But, notwithstanding this outward
demonstration of universal satisfaction, the various
parties were by no means reconciled. The so-called
Patriots, so soon as they had seized on power, abused
it, removing from their places and prosecuting all
those who were not exclusively of their opinion, and
arousing discontent that was justified by their
conduct. They estranged, in particular, General
Daendels, a man of an enterprising spirit, and of
justly deserved military reputation acquired under
Pichegru and Moreau. The G-eneral seemed
first to approve of the events of January 22, but
when he perceived thai authority was falling into
DAENDELS. 287
the hands of men whose fanatical republicanism he
was far from sharing, he became the enemy of the
Government, and assumed so threatening an attitude
that the Dutch Directory resolved to have him
arrested. On being informed of this intention,
Daendels fled to Paris. Once there, he curried
favour with the Directors, decried the Government
of his country to them, and obtained their approval
of a project he had conceived for its overthrow,
and for the substitution of one more in accordance
with his own views.
Armed with an assurance that he would not
be disowned by France, the General returned
to the Hague, gained over to his party five of the
Ministers of the Directory, and, at the head of a few
grenadiers, he invested the Directory in broad day
and arrested the members. The result of this daring
deed was an entire change of the Government and
the Administration. A new Directory was formed ;
Daendels was placed at the head of the Batavian
army, and the extreme Patriot party was checked.
Thus the supreme power passed into the hands of
less fanatical men, better qualified to manage public
affairs, but who, like their predecessors, found them-
selves forced to adopt violent measures for the
maintenance of their authority.
More than a year had elapsed since this last
revolution, when the English carried out their
288 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
project of invading Holland. So soon as it was
known that they had appeared on the coast, the
Patriot party failed not to spread the report that
this attempt was made in consequence of an under-
standing between the English and the members of
the Government, and that the former expected to
find the interior of the country favourable to them.
Nor indeed can it be doubted that the English
really reckoned on this. Their own conduct, as well
as the mutiny of the crews of the Dutch fleet,
which surrendered to them without having fired a
gun, prove that they had made use of means of
persuasion, and that they counted on their effect.
We must, however, do justice to the Dutch
authorities, who showed more firmness and decision
in these critical circumstances than might have been
expected ; General Daendels, especially, whom the
Patriot party had. formerly accused of having
ungarrisoned the Holder in order to deliver up the
fleet to the English, acted with great resolution and
courage in the first engagements with the enemy.
He was unable to repel them, but he kept them in
check until the arrival <>f General Brune. Shortly
afterwards the victory of Beverwick, by dispelling
the fears or the hopes which were aroused by the
presence of the English, according to the various
interests by which men's minds were moved, hnd
strengthened the Qovernmenl and united the parties,
DAENDELS. 289
at least in appearance. The Directory had acquired
some confidence, but it was beginning to perceive the
advantages that his military successes secured to
the French General, and felt more than ever its
dependence on France. On the other hand, General
Daendels, although this Directory was his own work,
became clay by day more formidable to it, on account
of his overweening pretensions, and gratitude for his
services became very burdensome to the Government.
Such was the position of affairs when we arrived
at the Hague. The aim of the mission confided to
Deforgues was not clearly defined. At the time
of the landing; of the Eno-Hsh in Holland the French
Directory, ill at ease as to the consequences of that
aggression, and with little reliance in the talents or
trustworthiness of Florent-Guyot, whom, neverthe-
less, they had appointed Minister Plenipotentiary
at the Hague a few months before, conceived the idea
of giving him a colleague on whom they could more
confidently reckon, and who, bearing the same title
and invested with the same attributes, would direct
affairs in conformity with the views of the French
Government. Nothing more wildly extravagant
can be conceived. It was evident that the two
could not agree, and that the Minister who until
now had exercised his functions independently,
would never consent to submit to the instructions of
the new comer. I was therefore not at all surprised
vol. i. u
290 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
at the failure of this plan. Florent-Guyot received
us very coldly ; a long discussion arose between him
and Deforgues, in the course of which Florent-
Guyot made bitter complaints of the insult inflicted
on him, declined to come to any kind of terms, and
made us feel that our position was an embarrassing
one. On the very next day, therefore, after our
arrival at the Hague, I wrote to Keinhart that it
was imperatively necessary one of the two Ministers
should be recalled. While awaiting a reply to that
letter, we could not remain inactive. Deforgues
presented his letters of credit, and saw the members
of the Dutch Directory, who, being unable to
understand this diplomatic anomaly, knew not with
which of the two Ministers they ought to deal.
Fortunately, circumstances had changed, and fear of
the progress of the English arms was nearly at an
end. Our mission was therefore almost objectless ;
only its absurdity remained.
Very soon, in fact, all danger completely dis-
appeared. General Brune had just concluded the
terms of a capitulation with the Duke of York, in
virtue of which the Anglo-Russian army was to
re-embark and evacuate the lands, coasts, islands
and seas of the Dutch Republic within fifteen
days.* Brune had demanded the restitution of the
* This capitulation was signed at Alkmaer, 26th Vendemiaire,
y ear VIII. (Ootohef 18, L799), between Brigadier-General
THE CAPITULATION. 291
Dutch fleet as one of the conditions ; but the
Duke of York did not hold himself authorized to
agree to the restitution, and had confined himself
to promising his good offices with the English
Government ; an intervention from which nothing
was to be expected.
The capitulation was, however, advantageous on
every point ; it put an end to the war, freed the
Dutch territory from a formidable enemy, and in-
flicted disgrace upon the English, while it ruined
their credit in the country. These were considerable
results, and nothing was wanting to the glory of
the French General.
He hastened to the Hague in order to enjoy his
triumph.
The flags taken at the battle of Beverwick were
presented with great pomp to the Dutch Directory ;
public fetes were given, Brune was received with
great magnificence by the Dutch Government and
was loaded with honours and flattering distinctions.
But, in escaping from the English and Russian
armies, the Dutch Republic fell under another
yoke, no less heavy. Victory had made the French
absolute masters of the country ; the victorious
General demanded large sums of money and con-
stantly complained of not receiving enough. He
Rostolan and Major-General Knox. The text will be found in
the Muuiteur of 5th Brumaire, year VIII.
u 2
292 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
imperiously dictated laws which had to be obeyed,
and, notwithstanding the deference shown to his
wishes, his dissatisfaction with the Directory increased
in the measure of his exactions. In the course of
several conversations with President Yan Hoff, I was
enabled to perceive how intolerable this state of
dependence had become, and that it still further es-
tranged the inhabitants, who were already so ill-dis-
posed towards us. However, far from incurring
blame in Paris, the General was encouraged rather
to multiply his exactions than to restrict them. He
had induced the French Directory to adopt his pre-
judices against some of the members of the Dutch
Government, and particularly against Yan der Goes,
the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Reinhart, who
by having Florent-Guyot recalled, had made our
position more tenable, and augmented our influence,
wrote to us in a more pacific sense ; but Brune paid
no attention to our information and laughed at our
moderation. In short, he completely carried his
point, and on the 11th Brumaire (Nov. 10) we
received orders from the Directory to demand the
dismissal of the four Ministers: Yan der Goes,
from 'External Relations,' Pyman, from War;
Spoores, from the Navy; and Gogol, from Finance.
All four were disliked by the Patriot parly,
who could not forgive them the part they had
taken in the Revolution of the L2th of June, 17 ( ,)S.
A CRISIS IN HOLLAND. 293
Yet they were men of worth ; Gogel, especially,
was distinguished as a financier, and was believed to
be perfectly conversant with the resources of Hol-
land. It was easy to see by this action on the part
of the Executive Directory in Paris that, since the
30th Prairial, and the expulsion of Merlin, Treilhard
and Lareveillere-Lepaux, the Government, led by
the new Jacobins of the Riding-School Club, leaned
exclusively on the extreme Patriot party, and wished
to establish it also in the Dutch Republic, by
undoing what had been accomplished on the 12th
of June, 1798. Daendels, who at this period was
at the Hague, had lost all his influence, and Brune
gave him no chance of regaining it.
Thus everything announced a fresh political
crisis in Holland ; and tin's would inevitably have
occurred, with the help of Brune, if the events
then taking place in Paris, which were far from
being suspected at the Hague, had not forestalled
a third revolution.
294 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
CHAPTER IX.
The news of the Kevolution of 18th and 19th Brumaire reaches
the Hague — The Author, who is summoned to Paris to fill
the office of Secretary-General to the Ministry of War, leaves
the Hague — The physiognomy of Paris — Narrative of the
events of Brumaire — Interview of the Author with Bona-
parte — Sieyes' plan for a Constitution is rejected — The
Constitution of year VIII. is adopted — The Author is
appointed a member of the Tribunate — The nature of that
Institution — A spirit of opposition within it is developed
at an inopportune moment — Papid increase of the authority
and power of the First Consul, who adopts monarchical
forms more and more decidedly — Rumours of conspira-
cies servo as a pretext for arbitrary measures — Fouche
and Lucien Bonaparte quarrel violently in the presence of
the First Consul — The system of fusion of parties carried
out with success by the First Consul.
On the 25th Yendemiaire (October 15) we learned
that Bonaparte had landed on the 16th of the
same month. From what I knew of the proceed-
rags of his brothers the news did not surprise me.
I was calculating the chances that tins unexpected
event might bring about a great change for the
nation. Neither news nor letter, however, came from
BONAPARTE'S LETTER. 295
Paris to enlighten us, and the Dutch Directory was,
or at least appeared to be, in a similar state of
ignorance. Brnne only had received a letter from
Bonaparte, which he showed us. In that letter the
General congratulated himself on having " again
found one of his lieutenants at the head of a victo-
irous army." This expression had greatly incensed
Brune ; and indeed what more could Caesar have
said? If we had already a Caesar in our Republic,
it was in a bad way. Nothing, however, had yet
transpired, and every day I became more astonished
at the inexplicable calm. At last, on the 22nd
Brumaire (November 13), at seven o'clock in the
morning, we received a visit from the President
of the Dutch Directory. A courier had arrived
during the night, bringing him the news of the
events of the 18th and 10th Brumaire. But the
slight information that the newspapers afforded us,
being only up to the date of the 19th Brumaire, the
reserve of the President, who was afraid of com-
mitting himself, prevented us from forming an
opinion as to the nature of these events, and we
did not know whether to rejoice or fear. All I
could perceive clearly was that Bonaparte was
becoming the arbiter of the destiny of France, and
that if he rescued her from the anarchy and degrada-
tion into which the Directory and the Legislative
Councils had plunged her, it was to be feared,
296 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
judging from what I knew of him, that he would
make her pay for that service at the price of her
liberty.
The President who brought us this news, was,
it was easy to see, notwithstanding all his caution,
well satisfied with a movement which, by placing
Bonaparte at the head of the French Govern-
ment, saved the Dutch Republic from danger.
Brune, on the contrary, whom we saw afterwards,
was evidently uneasy ; and in the uncertainty as
to which party would triumph, he thought it well
to be prepared to join one side or the other with
his army, and gave immediate orders to stop
the march of some demi-brigades which, as they
were no longer necessary since the embarkation of
the English, were about to return to France. But
this notion of opposition to Bonaparte did not last
long. A revolution which placed political power
in the hands of the military suited the Generals
too well to be opposed by them ; — a few days later
Brune wisely declared his adherence to Bonaparte,
and thenceforth served him honestly.
We passed the 21)1(1 Ihmnaire in great anxiety. At
last, in the evening, full particulars arrived, and the
fust impression J received from them was, I admit,
a very painful one. The Legislative Body had been
ignoniiniously dismissed, ihe Constitution of year
III. eomplelely upset, and liberty seriously imperilled.
BERTHIER SUMMONS THE AUTHOR. 297
The names of those who had been actors in this
Revolution, or who had been privy to it, and whose
principles were known to rne, were, however, re-
assuring ; I could not believe that such men would
lend their aid to one who avowed himself inimical
to those principles. I was therefore in the state of
restlessness which is always produced by events not
thoroughly understood, when I received despatches
from General Berthier, who had just been appointed
Minister of War, and who sent for me to fill the very
place of Secretary-General which the Patriot Berna-
dotte had refused to give me a few months previously.
I soon made up my mind to accept the offer, although
as yet I was unable to form an exact idea of what had
taken place, or to judge of it with coolness. Brune
gave me a letter for Berthier, and said sufficient to
let me see that he had relinquished his warlike
projects. I saw M. Van Hoff, the President of
the Dutch Directory. He had great hopes in the
new order of things now in preparation, and
flattered himself that he should be rid both of Brune
and Deforgues, whom he disliked equally. I also
paid a visit to M. Van der Goes, Minister of Foreign
Affairs, against whom the French Government was
strongly prejudiced, and on whose dismissal it
imperatively insisted. Van der Goes complained
with great moderation of the unjust persecution he
had suffered, and at the same time showed no anxiety
208 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
respecting its result. Nothing could have happened
more opportunely for the Dutch Government than the
18th Brumaire,* and he was quite aware of this.
Deforgues, on the contrary, was grieved at my de-
parture, and very anxious about his own future
prospects. His anxiety was not unfounded, for
shortly afterwards he was recalled from the Hague,
and succeeded by Se'monville.
I began my homeward journey on the 20th
Brumaire (November 17), and left Holland re-
gretting that I had been unable to acquire a more
thorough knowledge of the country. The short
term of my second stay in Holland had con-
firmed me in the opinion I had formed of the moral
excellence of its inhabitants, and of the domestic
virtues generally prevailing there. I had beheld
with regret the conduct of the French Government
towards a nation which offered it such valuable re-
sources, and whose good-will it would have been
quite possible to gain. But we had delivered it over
to schemers, harshly subjected it to military authority,
and had made ourselves hated. It was only force
that held Holland to France, no other point of
contact had been touched. The Paris Directory,
which had despotically oppressed Holland, was no
■ Tlir I'.Mh liniiiuiiic, mtlier, for it was on thai day only that
the Revolution took place. Nothing derisive occurred <>n iho
previous day.
AFTEB THE 1STH BRTJMAIRE. 299
longer in existence, and her greatest enemy was
overthrown ; was she destined to be happier and
more independent under the new power which had
just arisen in France ? The lapse of time has
answered that question in the negative.
I was impatient for fuller information, and I
hastened on to Paris as quickly as possible. I ar-
rived there on the 1st Frimaire (November 22).
The capital seemed very quiet ; satisfaction and
hope were expressed in every countenance ; great
things were expected of the newly-accomplished
Revolution. But I was surprised to find that very
different versions were given, not only of the causes
of that revolution, but even of its events. I made
great efforts to solve the mystery that seemed to
envelope the facts. A knowledge of these things
was indispensable, both to put an end to my state
of uncertainty and for the ordering of my own
conduct. My friend Gallois rendered me a great
service in this uncertainty. He was an eye-witness
of the events, and being a profound and unpre-
judiced observer, he was peculiarly fitted to appre-
ciate them. I will therefore give his own narrative,
which is indisputably accurate and perfectly im-
partial.
On Bonaparte's arrival in France, he desired
to protect himself from the risks of a state of in-
action such as had subsisted during his former stay
300 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
in Paris, before his departure for Egypt. He found
the conjuncture favourable to his wishes. The
Directory, so to speak, no longer existed. The unfit
and unknown men who had been appointed to it after
the 30th Prairial inspired neither respect nor fear.
Barras, who was now irretrievably discredited,
was concluding a reign usurped too long. Sieyes,
only, had still a party, but he was eager to secure
the adoption of his own plan of a Constitution,
and ardently desired a revolution which would allow
him to bring his composition to light. Talleyrand
undertook to bring together the two men, who, with
very different ends in view, were yet agreed on that
one point, the overthrow of the existing order of
things. To Bonaparte he said " You want power,
and Sieyes wants a new Constitution ; unite together
to destroy that which now exists, since it is an
obstacle to both of you." He said to Sie'yes, "You
wish to put your theories in practice, and all that
Bonaparte wants is a guarantee against the
Jacobins, and a post in which he will be safe from
their attacks. Join him then; he will give you the
practical means you require, and you will ensure
1 1 in i the place he is seeking."
The ice being broken, a Committee was formed,
consisting of Bonaparte, Sieyes, Talleyrand,
Roederer, Cabanis, Lucien Bonaparte, and Regnier
of the Council of the Ancients. In this Committee
THE FACTS OF THE BEVOLUTION. 301
the elements of the Revolution of Brumaire were
discussed and arranged. When the first steps had
been agreed upon, a few persons were admitted to
confidence ; among these were Volney and Boulay
(de la Meurthe). It was decided next, that the
Commission of Inspectors of the Council of the
Ancients should be informed of the resolutions that
had been come to. But it is to be noted that the
latter were not entrusted witli the secret of the plan
in its entirety ; they were spoken to only of the
necessity of crushing the Jacobins, who were be-
coming more dangerous every day, and that they
consented solely in view of this to the project of
removing the Legislative Body out of Paris. The
same motive acted on the Commission of Inspectors
of the Council of the Five Hundred. The real aim,
change of Constitution, was concealed from all those
who were not comprised in the Committee.
Every one knows perfectly well what took place
on the 18 th Brumaire. The proposal to transfer
the Legislative Body to St. Cloud was made at the
Council of the Ancients, and was adopted. The
command of the Armed Force was given to Bona-
parte. General Moreau consented to serve under
him. Other steps were taken, but that day was, so
to speak, one of preparation only. The following
day, the ] 9th Brumaire, was decisive and much
more important. Its particulars are less well known,
302 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
because it was the interest of the victorious party to
conceal many of them.
In accordance with a resolution taken on the 18th
Brumaire, the Council of the Five Hundred was con-
voked at St. Cloud on the 19th. The hour of meet-
ing was nine in the morning. If the Deputies, who
arrived in the hired conveyances of the suburbs of
Paris, had found the place in readiness and the
sitting begun at that hour, there is no doubt that,
having had no opportunity of consulting together,
they would have agreed without difficulty to the
measures proposed to them. The chiefs and leaders
of the Assembly would only have had to act on iso-
lated individuals, who, being ignorant of the extent
to which measures had been taken for forcing their
consent from them, would have been alive only to
the danger and uselessness of resistance. But it was
otherwise, and through an unaccountable negligence
nothing was ready at the appointed hour. The
Deputies therefore dispersed into the gardens, where
groups soon gathered together ; questions were
asked reciprocally; it was asked what could be the
motive of this extraordinary removal, and a report
soon spread that the hidden purpose of the step was
to effect a change in the Constitution. From that
moment every one was alive to the consequences of
bo greal a convulsion, and the fear of losing an easy
position, which would be the inevitable result of
THE FACTS OF THE BE VOLUTION. 303
such a movement, and which a great number of
Deputies contemplated with dismay, made all those
not in the secret cast in their lot with the Jacobin
minority of the Council of the Five Hundred.
In such a disposition of men's minds, the aspect
of the Assembly at the opening of the sitting was
altogether different from what had been expected.
Emile Graudin, who appeared first at the Tribune,
was hooted, and cries of " Long live the Constitution
of year III.," interrupted his speech. Grandmaison,
one of the most extreme members of the Council,
turned this movement to account, and proposed to
verify the sentiment spontaneously manifested by
the Assembly by an oath administered to each
member. The oath was taken by every one of the
members, including Lucien Bonaparte himself,* to
the great surprise of those who, being in the secret
of the plan, beheld all the hopes they had indulged
vanish in a moment. It was easy to detect astonish-
ment and dismay in the altered countenances of
Maret, De Laborie,f and others who had hastened to
St. Cloud.
But it was precisely the time required for the
" nominal appeal " necessary to the taking of the
oath, that gave the authors of the scheme an oppor-
tunity of rallying their forces. Under sucli circum-
* He was President of the Council of the Five Hundred.
| One of Talleyrand's confidants.
304 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELEE 0.
stances a delay of two hours was a great chance for
them, and they took advantage of it. Bonaparte
determined to enter the Assembly; hut scarcely had
lie appeared, when furious cries of " Hors la loi I '
were heard. " What does this man want ? ' : was
shouted on all sides ; " by what right does lie enter
here ? " These cries, and especially the words " Hors
la loi I " seemed to affect Bonaparte deeply ; he with-
drew, pale and downcast. His retreat increased the
boldnesss of the opposite party, which then found
itself in a large majority, and the minority, trembling
and discouraged, gave up the contest. The most
violent motions were made in succession and in-
stantly carried. Lucien Bonaparte, who was obliged
to apologise for his brother, and to excuse him on the
ground of the importance of his past services, was
without strength or ability to stem the torrent by
which the Assembly was carried away. He was with-
drawn from this critical position by a picket of grena-
diers, who took him from a committee-room and
escorted him to beyond the Hall of Assembly.
When Lucien reached the outer court of the
Palace, where ibc troops were assembled and under
arms, be declared that force alone could complete
wlut had been begun, and iliat thev must either
perish or employ thai last resource. II*' mounted
bis horse, and vehemently harangued the soldiers,
denouncing angrily "the daggers lifted against his
LUCIEN'S IIARANGUE. 305
brother," * then, taking advantage of the momentary
enthusiasm he had kindled, he ordered a battalion
of grenadiers to follow Murat into the Assembly.
The soldiers charged, dispersed the Assembly in
an instant, and drove out the Deputies. Incom-
moded by their "togas," and holding their classic
headgear in their hand, the discomfited Deputies
dispersed into the woods, where many of them,
in order to escape the pursuit of the soldiers, left
behind them those melancholy symbols of departed
dignity. The spectacle was at once painful and
ridiculous, an indelible affront which was a signal
for a long-lasting annihilation of any true repre-
sentation of the nation.
The troops who had been engaged in these pro-
ceedings left a picket of fifty men in the interior
of the Hall, and returned to the courtyard, where
they were received with applause. The appro-
bation was, however, not unanimous ; many of the
spectators regretted that applause should be bestowed
upon a deed which, while perhaps necessary to pre-
vent greater evils, was repugnant to every lover
of liberty. Some field-officers even expressed their
displeasure, and shortly afterwards the soldiers would
have refused to obey.
* This was a figure of speech. It has since heen represented
as a reality, and an assertion has heen made that a Corsican
who happened to he at St. Cloud turned aside the stroke
intended for Bonaparte.
VOL. J. X
306 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
The victory was now won, and the business of
the moment was to profit by it. The mistake of
supposing that by the consent of the majority of the
Council of the Five Hundred an appearance of
legality could be given to the purposed changes,
and the errors of detail that had been committed,
had thrown everything out of gear, by rendering
the substitution of force for the ordinary progress
of a debate necessary. In truth, there existed now
only a usurper, and that usurper was Bonaparte.
How would he be looked upon by France ? To
what danger would he not be exposed by that
odious appellation ?
In the midst of the general confusion and uncer-
tainty, it occurred to Joseph Bonaparte to assemble
the remains of the Council of the Five Hun-
dred, and, with the aid of that mutilated body,
to carry out the measures which they had in-
tended to adopt in the complete Assembly in the
morning. At nine in the evening about fifty
members of the Five Hundred assembled; this
fraction was called the majority of the Council.
Tlie same thing was done with respect to the
Council of Ancients, and that mutilated Assembly
passed the decrees, that were published the next
day, for the suppression of the Councils, the abo-
lition of the Directory, and the creation of three
( lonsuls.
THE TRUE AND THE FALSE ACCOUNT. 307
When we compare this account with those con-
tained in the Moniteur and the newspapers of the day,
we see how the truth was distorted in official publi-
cations, and we also understand the motives of that
distortion. We are struck, above all, with the
small share taken by Bonaparte in the events of
a day which founded his immense power. Although
the truth was known to numerous eye-witnesses, and
suspected by many others, by the time of my arrival
in Paris success had justified the means. The
contempt into which the Directory had sunk, the
fear of falling once more under the rule of the
Jacobins, the hopes awakened by Bonaparte's talents
and the fame he had acquired, rendered the Pa-
risians very indulgent to the means which had
brought about a result from which increased happi-
ness and increased glory were alike expected. Thus
I found all the lovers of their country rallying
round Bonaparte ; crowds flocked to the Luxemburg
where he resided ; he was looked upon as the
well-spring of wealth and honours, and every one
tried to approach him.
I saw Bonaparte on 4th Frimaire (Nov. 25).
He embraced me cordially, and received me with
the same affection he had formerly shown me. I
thought his tone in conversation firmer and fuller
than before. His naturally strong mind had gained
in vigour under the strain of the perilous expedition
X 2
308 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
to Egypt, and he was full of courage. As he knew
my opinions, he expressed a firm determination to
respect public liberty, but at the same time he in-
sisted on the necessity of creating a stronger magis-
tracy than that which had just been overthrown,
and inclined towards all that tended to centralise
authority. His manners were less abrupt, and
he cultivated a more graceful method of speech,
but his impatient nature still made itself felt
throughout.
Our conversation turned almost wholly on the
new scheme of a Constitution then occupying the
Commission, which consisted of a certain number of
the members of the Council of the Five Hundred
and of the Ancients. It seemed to me that he was
far from satisfied with the progress of the delibera-
tions. He considered that the part assigned to
liim in the Government was not adequate, and he
had resolved to impart another direction to the
labours of the ( Ymnnission.
I heard a few days afterwards that the scheme
of a Constitution as evolved by Sieves had not met
with the success expected by its author. But tin's
check to liis vanity received ample compensation
in the riches with which he was loaded. In the
distribution of a sum of 600,000 francs (£24,000)
that was found in the treasury of the Directory
a1 the moment of its overthrow, Sieves received
SIEYES' SCHE3IE. 309
350,000* (£14,000), and Bonaparte, in addition,
made him a present of the estate of Crone. f He
found consolation in the price paid him for the
mutilation of his scheme, of which, nevertheless, I
will here subjoin a sketch, procured for me at the
time by Regnault cle St. Jean-d'Angely. It contains
some ideas worth noting.
Five authorities govern the Republic : —
1. The Legislative Authority,
2. The Governing Authority,
3. The Executive Authoritv,
4. The Administrative Authority, and
5. The Judicial Authority.
I. The Legislative Authority.
To compose the Legislative Authority, the terri-
tory of the Republic is supposed to be divided into
large Communes. J One-tenth of their population
* This sum was distributed as follows : To Sieyes, 350,000
francs; to Poger Ducos, 150,000 francs; and to Lagarde,
Secretary-General, 100,000 francs.
f On this subject the poet Lebrun made the following-
epigram :
" Sieyes a Bonaparte avait promis un trone,
Sous ses debris brillants voulant l'ensevelir ;
Bonaparte a Sieyes a fait present de Crone
Pour le payer et l'avilir."
| These Communes were much the same as the Sub-Prefec-
tures have since been.
310 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
forms the body of Communal Notables. From
among these the Communal Administrators are
chosen.
Four of these Communes form a Department. The
tenth of the Notables of four united Communes
form the Notables of the Department. From among
these the Administrators of the Department are
taken. Lastly, the Notables of the Departments,
gathered together and reduced to a tenth, furnish
the Notables of the nation. They elect the Legis-
lative Power from among the Notables only.
The Legislative Power is composed of two
Chambers, one called the Senate, the other the
Tribunate.
Neither of the two Chambers debates. When
the Consuls propose a law, they may send to the
Tribunate three of their State Councillors, who
discuss the project in presence of the Assembly,
with three Tribunes previously appointed by the
Assembly. After the discussion, the Tribunate pro-
nounces. The law is then sent up to the Senate,
before whom it is again discussed by the three
Councillors of Stale and the three Tribunes. The
Senate by secret ballot accepts or rejects the proposed
law.
SIEYES' SCHEME. 311
II. The Governing Authority.
The Governing Authority is composed of two
Consuls, one for the Interior, the other for the
Exterior. They have a Council of State, whose
members they appoint.
The Interior comprises everything connected with
the administration of the country ; finance, taxes,
trade, public instruction, economy, &c.
The Exterior comprises the army, the navy, and
political matters.
The Consuls are appointed by a Magistrate called
the Grand Elector, who may dismiss them at
pleasure.
The Grand Elector has no other action upon the
Government than the appointment and dismissal of
the Consuls. But he is surrounded with great
splendour. He is the head of a body of magistrates
known by the name of Conservators, and is appointed
by them, as will be seen hereafter.
These Conservators, a hundred in number, are
chosen from the wealthiest classes of society. Each
must have an income of 100,000 francs (£4000)
drawn from a landed estate. They have a guard
and great honorary rights.
Among the hundred Conservators, twenty places
are to be kept vacant. They are intended as the
means of withdrawing from the Tribunate and the
312 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Senate any individual who either by his ambition
or his talent might be dangerous to liberty, and
likely to overthrow the order of tilings. Those
members of the two Chambers, who might thus by
a kind of ostracism be called into the body of Con-
servators may refuse to join it, but they are allowed
no other alternative ; from that moment their legis-
lative functions have ceased.
The Grand Elector is appointed for life. He is
balloted for by the Conservators.
Six ballots are taken during the first year, inde-
pendently of that one which will have brought about
the first nomination. These six ballots are secret,
and deposited in a closed urn. Every year the
body of Conservators will hold a fresh ballot, and
one of the former ballots will be annulled, so that
there will never be more than six. These six ballots
in constant existence serve for the nomination of
a new Grand Elector in case of death, or in case
he should be recalled to the rank of a simple
Conservator, by the joint will of the body of
( Vtnservators.
III. Tin l-li>cnlirf Authority.
The Executive Authority is entrusted to the
Ministers of Hie Interim- and of the Exterior, de-
pendent on the Consuls of the Interior and of the
'•i KM-.
SIEYES' SCHEME. 313
There are six Ministers of the Interior and four of
the Exterior.
For the Interior : Ministers of Justice, of Police,
of Finance, of the Public Treasury, of Internal Ad-
ministration and Public Works, and of Commerce.
For the Exterior : Ministers of War, of the Navy,
of Exterior Relations, and of the Colonies. Under
the latter heading are comprised not only the
Colonies properly so called, but conquered territories,
and the Departments as a whole. Each Minister
has a special delegate in each Department.
IV. The Administrative Authority.
The Administrative Authority comprises the ad-
ministration of the Departments, the Communes, and
the Municipalities. It regulates the distribution and
the collection of the public taxes.
V. The Judicial Authority.
The Tribunals and Courts of Justice ....
Such was the scheme presented by Sieycs to the
Commission entrusted with the task of drawing up
a new Constitution. It was easy to predict its fate.
It is a metaphysical day-dream, a sort of machine
ready wound up, which supposes in mankind an
entire absence of passions and will. How can we
conceive of a Grand Elector contenting himself with
314 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the simple part assigned to him, concerning himself
not at all in public administration, and of two
Consuls who might be dismissed by a magistrate
necessarily incapable of judging of their conduct
and their intentions, since he was never to be
allowed to know them ? The six urns containing
the votes, of which a portion was each year to be
annulled and renewed in order to avoid the intro-
duction of the hereditary principle or the intrigues
of an election, were but a way of evading the diffi-
culty without solving it, and had, moreover, the
grave disadvantage of being open to ridicule — and in
France nothing can stand against ridicule.
The practical impossibility of this scheme struck
every one. Bonaparte, who was destined for the
post of Grand Elector, was not the man to content
himself with such a part. That of Consul would
bave suited him no better. Never would he have
consented to depend on the will or the caprice of
another. He craved for real power, not its outward
show; lie knew well that were authority once in
his hands, the outward show would not lono- be
'.-i
wanting.
So soon as the rejection of Sieves' plan was
decided upon, it became necessary to substitute
another in iis place, and the Constitution of the
year VIJI., as it was called, was adopted. But it
was unfortunate that the Commissioners worked on
THE CONSTITUTION OF YEAR VIII. 315
the canvas of Sieves. Their labours bore in every
part the impress of the original design and of the
influence exercised over them by the victor of the
18th Brumaire. A First Consul was substituted for
the Grand Elector, a Senate for the Bodv of Con-
servators, and the worst part of the scheme, that
which condemned the Legislative Body to absolute
silence, was retained. From this fatal device may
be dated the overthrow of those barriers which might
have saved France from invasion by despotism.
The shallowness of the French character on
the one hand, and on the other the fear of again
falling under the yoke of the Jacobins, from
which the new " social act " and the well-known
character of Bonaparte guaranteed the nation,
caused this Constitution, however imperfect and
however dangerous to public liberty, to be
adopted with joyful eagerness. It was debated,
resolved on, and presented for the sanction of the
people in less than six weeks, and in Nivose,
year VIII. (January 1800), all the new institu-
tions were at work. Bonaparte, First Consul,
was residing with Lebrun, Third Consul, at the
Tuileries ; and Cambaceres, Second Consul, was occu-
pying a house on the Place du Carrousel.
The establishment of the Constitution of year VIII.
opened a new career to me. After having for two
months filled the place of Secretary-General for War,
316 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
I was appoined a member of the Tribunate, and was
present at the first sitting of that body, which took
place on the 11th Nivose (January 1).
The Tribunate was the sole guarantee of public
liberty, and it had escaped almost miraculously
from the sweeping reduction of the representative
system. It was the organised opposition, and the
lawful adversary of the Government. But the
more this opposition might, in time, become
tutelary, the more did it need prudence and mode-
ration to gain the public confidence. Now, at
the time of the establishment of the Tribunate,
the nation was weary of deliberative assemblies,
of tribunal discourses and discussions, and eager
for a strong government. A powerful one was
indeed necessary to hold in check the monarchical
party, which had not been entirely destroyed by
the 18th Fructidor, and the Jacobin party, which
had revived a few months before under the auspices
of the Riding-School Club, and those of Bernadotte
and Jourdan.* Public opinion was then clearly in
favour of the Government; the Opposition would
;it first be looked upon as serving the one or the
other of these two parties, and not as a whole-
General Jourdan, as a member of the Council of the Five
Hundred, had ial<<n a wry aeiivo part <>n (lie l.'.th Prairial,
when ihree members of the Directory had been set, aside, and
tic had also o])]n .scil the IStli I'.i uina i n-. He was among those
members of the Council struck out on die I'.Mh Brumaire.
THE TB IB UN ATE. 317
some tempering of the governing' power and its
excesses. But the Tribunate, although it comprised
many very enlightened and well-meaning men, had
not been so composed that it could adopt that prudent
and premeditated course of action which alone could
lead to this desirable end, The greater number of
the members had been taken from the Councils of
the Ancients and of the Five Hundred,* and the
remembrance of the day of Saint-Cloud, and of the
injury sustained by the national representatives, was
still fresh in their minds, and turned them naturally
against the author of those insults. Among the
new members (and I designate under that name
those who, like myself, had not belonged to any
Legislative Assembly) there was a desire for dis-
tinction and fame, and this led some of them astray ;
nevertheless, moderate ideas generally prevailed, and
wise men recognised the danger of beginning by a
contest with the Government, in which the public
would have sided with the latter. They felt that
time alone could strengthen the Tribunate, and that
it w r as only by remaining silent for the present that
they could one day acquire the right to speak, and
to make themselves heard.
No efforts of the moderate party of the Tribunate
: " Out of one hundred members of the Tribunal, no less than
sixty -nine had belonged to one or the other of these two
Councils.
318 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
could, however, prevent the blunders which signa-
lised the opening of its political career. At the
first sitting, Duveyrier made a speech in which
he invited the Assembly to remember the locality
in which it was sitting,* and reminded it that
within those very walls the Revolution had first
seen the light ; he besought it to draw from that
recollection the energy requisite to oppose Tyranny,
should it again raise its head. This invocation,
which seemed to justify the excesses of 1780, and
to forebode others, was ill-received, and excited sus-
picions as to the spirit which the Tribunate might
develop ; and the attack, which was inconsiderate
rather than dangerous, was speedily followed by a
more serious one, by which the Government seemed
to be much more alarmed. The Consuls had just
sent up to the Tribunate the project of law for
the regulation of the relations between them and
the Legislative Body, with regard to the mode of
presentation of projects of law, and the time to be
accorded to the Tribunate for pronouncing its re-
jection or adoption of them.
The Commissioners to whom the enquiry into lliis
proposition bad been entrusted, and of whom I was
one, were in favour of ils adoption, although we
had perceived thai the Government reserved to itself
* The Palaia Royal, which then toot the name of Palais du
Tribunal.
BENJAMIN CONSTANT. 319
certain advantages which tended to augment its own
influence. But, on the one hand, the objection to
conferring on the Tribunate the monstrous privilege
of paralysing every political measure, by allowing it
to defer deliberation on projects of law at its plea-
sure, and on the other, the necessity of deciding as
soon as possible a difficult point which ought to
be regulated before any other, had prevailed with
the Commissioners and a favorable report was
presented.
A debate had begun on this report, when, in
the sitting of 15th Nivose (January 5), Benjamin
Constant made a speech, in which he pointed out all
the defects of the project, did not spare the Govern-
ment with whom it originated, and cast a portion of
the blame upon its head.
The next day Rioufife replied to Benjamin
Constant, and went to the opposite extreme. His
speech contained a pompous panegyric of the First
Consul, couched in language so exaggerated that the
orator was interrupted and recalled to the question.
Benjamin Constant's attack and Riouffe's clumsy
defence greatly displeased the First Consul, and
when I saw him, on business, a few days later, I
found him very angry. I tried in vain to a] lay his
irritation by apologizing for Benjamin Constant,
whose remarkable abilities, which might be so useful
in public affairs and also to the Government, de-
320 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE 3IELITO.
served consideration. He would not listen to me.
"My enemies," he repeated several times, "my
enemies deserve nothing from me but steel." And
in fact from that moment he took a dislike to the
celebrated orator, whose fame was but increased by
persecution, and was not reconciled with him until
fifteen years later, on returning from Elba. But
Tiiouffe's mishap did not injure him, and the First
Consul, by appointing him to one of the best
Prefectures in France, that of Dijon, proved that
in the matter of praise, excess, even when clumsy,
is never an unpardonable offence in the eyes of
a great man.
Thus from the very beginning of the Constitution
of year VIII. germs of dissension between the two
powers which were intended to balance each other
Ix-irayed themselves. The Tribunate, by its pre-
mature attack on the Government, lost at the onset
tin' favour of the public, who looked upon it only as
the remnant of the former Legislative Assemblies,
inheriting some of the same spirit which had so
often misled those Assemblies, and threatening 1 the
continuation of a revolution of which every one was
sick. The Government, on the contrary, gained in
authority all thai its opponenl lest. The farther it
diverged from democratic practices, the nearer it
approached to those of a monarchy, so much ilie
better did ii please the people, and so much the
THE FIBST CONSUL'S ENCROACHMENTS. 321
greater was the influence it acquired. The First
Consul, actuated by his secret views and his love
of power, was perfectly ready to take advantage
of the popular tendency. He diverged from
Republican manners by small degrees, imper-
ceptible at first, but becoming every day more
marked. From the first, he had held himself apart
from the other Consuls. Many of the acts of the
Government bore his name only. Very soon the
palace in which he dwelt assumed a different aspect.
It had been open at first to all the great public
officials ; but afterwards access was denied them ;
formalities were required to obtain an audience ; a
ceremonious etiquette was introduced ; and if there
were any murmurs at this, the desire to gain
access to a magistrate who was the source of all
favour, and whose power increased daily, made
people submit to it with a tolerably good grace.
And then, no sooner had the men who lie in wait
for the weaknesses of governments, to turn them
to profit, perceived the First Consul's taste for show
and the pleasures of vanity, than they hastened to
applaud and encourage that taste. " Nothing," they
told him, " is more congenial to the tastes of the
French, who always like the governing power
to be surrounded with pomp and splendour.
The Revolution did violence to those tastes, but
it has not eradicated them, and they will revive
VOL. I. Y
322 31EM0IRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
naturally on all sides." Bonaparte therefore found
us ready to submit to these innovations ; we antici-
pated his wishes, and so soon as he desired to have a
Court, courtiers were forthcoming.
For my own part, I perceived, even at the
commencement of the new order of things, that the
scene was being shifted. I had hitherto been on
those familiar terms with the First Consul which
were kept up by the remembrance of our former
association in Italy. But this state of things
did not last long. I only saw Bonaparte, thence-
forth, at long intervals, and the sort of familiarity
that had subsisted between us gradually subsided.
It must not, however, be supposed that, absorbed
in the delights which the flexibility of the French
character so easily accorded to him, he neglected
public business. His indefatigable activity was
more than ever apparent. He obtained nearly
every law lie asked for, from the Legislative Body,
and the most important one of all, that which
abolished the administration of Departments, and
substituted the establishment of Prefectures, was
adopted <>n the report of Dannou.* This law, by
concentrating tin' administrative authority in the
hands of Prefects and Sub-Prefects appointed by
the Bead of the Government, in reality destroyed
* This law dates from 28th Pluvidse, year VIII. (February 17,
It was partly the work of Roederer.
RUMOURS OF CONSPIRACY. 323
the Eepublican system. Police, Finance, and Ad-
ministration passed away from the delegates of the
people, to agents appointed by the Government, and
who might be dismissed at pleasure. The Govern-
ment must henceforth be served in all things, by
all who desired to retain brilliant or lucrative
posts. So well has the institution of Prefectures
served the reigning power that it has outlived all
others and held its place in every Government that
has subsisted since that time.
The triumphs of the First Consul were, however,
occasionally disturbed by difficulties at home and
abroad, by rumours of conspiracy and the fear of
fresh outbreaks of war. The apprehension caused
by the rumours of conspiracy was more affected
than real ; yet it is difficult to believe that those
rumours were entirely unfounded. Bernadotte and
even Lucien Bonaparte were said to be at the
head of the alleged conspiracy. The inordinate
self-love of the former, who through Joseph Bona-
parte's influence had been appointed Councillor of
State, although he had openly proclaimed himself
against the 18th Brumaire, rendered it not unlikely
that he would yield to the persuasions of the Jacobins,
who always regarded him as their staunchest
supporter. lie was not dangerous in himself, but
he might become so during a disturbance, as the
instrument of others. As for Lucien Bonaparte,
y 2
324 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
who was Minister of the Interior, it is true that his
immoral policy, the absence of public honesty in his
administration, the shameful extortions and insa-
tiable cupidity of his officials, did much injury to
his brother's government, but is the story of his
projects and his desire to put himself at the head
of the malcontents credible ? At that time he had
nothing more to wish for than what he had already
obtained, and he greatly deceived himself if he
imagined that his name alone would carry suffi-
cient weight to enable him to play an isolated part.
The rumours of conspiracy, although there
was but slight foundation for them, were used as
a pretext for various arbitrary measures. Several
newspapers, whose too liberal tone was displeasing
to the Government, were suppressed.* Exile and
banishment were said to be destined for such men
as Raisson, Vatar, and others, who during the Revo-
lution had been remarkable for their opinions,
and who were regarded as the leaders of the Jacobin
party. They were ordered to leave Paris. Madame
de Stael also was threatened. She was the patron
of Benjamin Constant, who had declared himself so
openly against the First Consul as to involve his
The newspapers suppressed on L8th Germinal (April 7),
and re-established since then, \vero three in number, — the
•Journal des Bommes libres,' the 'Bien Inlbnuc,' and the
'Journal des De*fenseurs de la Patrie. 1
FOUCHE. 325
friend in his disgrace. Foucbe', at the head of the
Police, seconded with marvellous zeal and sagacity
the tendencies of the Chief of the Government,
for whom he professed at that time indefatigable
and boundless devotion ; and his former friends,
although he privately protected them, were not ap-
parently spared more than the rest. An angry scene
took place at this time (18th Germinal) between
Foucbe and Lucien Bonaparte, in the presence of
the First Consul. The quarrel began by an allusion
to the alleged conspiracy, sharp words were ex-
changed, and Foucbe went so far as to say : " I
would arrest the Minister of the Interior himself, if
I knew that he was conspiring." In consequence of
this altercation, which increased the First Consul's
confidence in Fouche, the question of removing
Lucien from the Ministry was mooted, and his dis-
missal was talked of publicly. But the services he
had rendered on the 19th Brumaire were still too
recent for this extreme step to be ventured on. The
First Consul would have been thought ungrateful,
and the matter was adjourned. Nevertheless, the
differences between the two brothers, which soon
afterwards became manifest, date from that period,
and ended in enmit}' which kept them long apart,
and which was scarcely extinguished even by the re-
verses which afterwards befell the Bonaparte family.
It was at this epoch also that Bonaparte established
326 MEMOIES OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
that system of fusion among the various parties of
which he availed himself so skilfully, and which
hecame the foundation stone of his power. With
the utmost sagacity he sought out men of talent,
whom he employed wheresoever he found them.
Equally inimical to the partisans of the ancient
dynasty, to the Jacobins, and even to those who
afterwards bore the name of Liberals, he took all
his agents indifferently from among those three
classes. Prefects, judges, administrators, and finan-
ciers, were all drawn from them. There was great
discontent. The authors of, and actors in, the
events of the 18th Brumaire, who thought they
had an exclusive right to those appointments, felt
injured at having to divide them with men whom
they had beaten. It was therefore with extreme
disgust that they saw M. Dufrene, an avowed
Royalist, entrusted with the Public Treasury, al-
though his honesty and ability justified the selection,
Carnot placed at the head of the War Office, and
Merlin (of Douai) appointed Assistant to the
(Jovernment Commissioner in the Court of Appeal.
The two first appointments were indeed approved
by all impartial men; but the last excited universal
discontent. The appointment of the framer of "the
law of llic Suspected'' to (unctions so high, and
which might so greatly influence the honour and
the fortunes, nay, oven Ihe lives of citizens, justlj
BONAPARTE'S INSTBU3IENTS. 327
alarmed the whole community.* Other nominations,
to less important posts, gave as little satisfaction,
and, to use the expression of M. de Se'gur, it was
hard to reconcile oneself to the Government's
"sprinkling Jacobins all over the public service."
But the First Consul soared above these timid
scruples, and the sequel has shown he was right,
so long at least as Fortune was favourable to him.
He thus smoothed down all the political asperities
of France, rendered those whom he selected from
each class ' suspect ' by it, and so weakened them
all. Lastly, by, as it were, casting into the same
mould all the men whom he called to the conduct
of affairs, he made them willing subordinates, vying
with each other in devotion to himself, and ready
to execute, without discussion, all he might require
of them ; but at the same time he fitted them for
the service of his own power only. When authority
passed into other hands they followed it, and be-
came the most docile instruments of the ruin of him
who had indeed elevated, but had then so trained
them as to destroy every noble sentiment.
* It would seem that gratitude had something to do with
this appointment. It was Merlin, a member of the Directory,
who, on 30th Prairial, year VII., proposed the recall of Bona-
parte, then in Egypt. A decree sanctioning the proposition had
even been passed, but it was not sent. The Bonaparte family
contrived to procure a duplicate of this decree, and despatched
it to Egypt, as I have related above.
328 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
CHAPTER X.
The peace negotiations with Austria are broken off, and a
renewal of hostilities is decided xipon — The First Consul en-
deavours to make the people believe in his attachment to
the Constitution and to reassure the friends of Liberty —
He leaves Paris, to take command of the Army — His vic-
tories — The state of feeling in Taris after the departure
of the First Consul — Euinours of changes to be made in
the Constitution in favour of the power of the First Consul'
and for the purpose of introducing the principle of heredi-
tary succession — Discussion on the consequences of the
possible death of the First Consul — The news of the victory
<if Marengo cuts this short, and throws Paris into transports
of joy — Great position of the First Consul — His return to
Paris — Negotiations for peace are opened with Austria —
The dispositions of the belligerent parties — The real designs
of the First Consul more and more clearly revealed — His
solicitude to gain the affection of the army — Arbitrary con-
demnation of General Latoui-Foissac — Modification of laws
concerning the " SmigrSs"- — Manifestation of the sentiments
of the First Consul on religious matters — Steps are taken
to bring about an understanding with tho Pope- The
hereditary idea makes progress in the public mind — Tho
palace of Saint-Cloud is placed at the disposal of the Govern-
ment- Great influence of Canihaeeres and Talleyrand over
the First Consul — The Author IS named Councillor of State.
The establishment of the system adopted by the
Government did nol depend entirely on its adroii w
WAR A NECESSITY. 329
or on our weakness — fresh victories were necessary
to restore to Bonaparte the eclat which had been
dimmed rather than increased by the expedition to
Egypt, and to the national glory, which only could
blind it and conceal the J fetters that were being
forged for it to wear. War had become neces-
sary, and its success was imperative. By means of
war, good fortune and his ability would combine
to establish the authority of the conqueror, and
the last of our liberties might be buried under his
laurels.
Up to the present month of Germinal, year VIII.
(April 1800), negotiations for peace had been carried
on with Austria, less in the hope of coming to a
satisfactory conclusion, than with a view to gaining
time for the preparation of another campaign.
At the epoch to which I am now referring, these
negotiations had been broken off, and war resolved
upon. Berthier had left the ministry and joined the
army assembling in the neighbourhood of Dijon,
then modestly called the Reserve Army. Bonaparte
hesitated, or rather pretended to hesitate, about
leaving Paris. In a conversation which I had with
him on the 6th Germinal, he assured me he had no
intention of going far from Paris, and that if he left
the capital for the moment, it would be merely to
hold a review, after which he would return. " I don't
mean," he said, " to act the General." I said all I
330 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
could to confirm him in that resolution ; hut I
soon perceived it to be a feigned one, and
that he had really determined upon an opposite
course. The First Consul felt his own presence
necessary to ensure the success of a difficult cam-
paign, and, above all, he would not leave its laurels
to be reaped by any other person. In this con-
versation, as well as in two other interviews that I
had with him, on the 8th and 29th Germinal
respectively, he was emphatic in asserting his
adherence to the new institutions, and said all he
could to reassure me respecting the plans which
he had disclosed to me in Italy, and which he now
wished me to believe he had abandoned. And, in
fact, he almost persuaded me. Besides, how could I
imagine his ambition unsatisfied, with the power he
had already attained, and which was guaranteed to
him by a Constitution cutout, so to speak, by himself.
" There are only three ways," he said, " of placing
oinself at the head of a nation: by birth, by right
of conquest, and by an avowed and recognised
government. It is not to birth that I owe the place
I occupy ; I would not wish to appear to owe it to
conquest ; a Constitution, only, can secure it to me;
and I inn nothing if that ConstitutioD which has
given me my place be not maintained. It can never
!><• lor my interest, then, that it should be altered, or
that its course should not have all possible liberty.
BONAPARTE'S POLICY. 331
Let the Tribunate continue to sit, otherwise it will be
thought that the Grovernment dreads its permanency,
or that its existence is immaterial to the actual order
of things : this belief would undermine the founda-
tion of the Constitution that rules us, and which
alone can maintain me in my position." *
He still held these sentiments, or at least chose to
renew the expression of them, in an interview with
me which took place on the 26th Germinal. Our
conversation turned particularly upon the selection
to be made of members for the Tribunate, to replace
those who had accepted prefectures. He seemed
desirous that choice should be made of persons with
oratorical pretensions rather than men of ordinary
abilities, who t would be merely useful in the discus-
sion of laws, and committee work. Considering the
annoyance he had felt at the speeches of Duveyrier
and Benjamin Constant from the very first sittings of
the Tribunate, I was astonished to hear him express
such an opinion, and I reminded him how, at the
time, he and all right-thinking men had disapproved
of the Tribunate's falling into the ways of preceding
Legislative Assemblies, and letting itself be carried
* There had been some talk of adjourning the Tribunate
after the session of the Legislative Body, but I, with many
of my colleagues, had been of opinion that it ought to continue
to exercise its functions, oven during the vacations of the
Legislative Body.
332 MEMO IBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
away by declamation. "You are right," he replied,
" as regards ordinary times. But circumstances may
arise, in which it is absolutely necessary, to save the
res publicce, that the Tribunal should be enabled to
display energy and vigour which can only be mani-
fested by men who are in the habit of speaking from
the Tribune, although those qualities themselves may
be possessed by many of its members. Besides,"
added he gravely, " as a Republican, one ought to
foresee everything ; the case, for instance, of my own
death." This reflection, uttered either spontaneously,
or with design, made a strong impression on me, and
the dark uncertain future that would follow such an
event struck me very forcibly. w I have not dared,"
I replied, " to contemplate for a moment such a
situation, and cannot therefore tell what I should
think it expedient to do in such a case, nor how we
ought to act." " It is nevertheless necessary," said the
First Consul, smiling, " to think seriously about it."
By talking in this style to all who approached
him, he endeavoured to reassure the numerous
friends of liberty who had begun to grow alarmed,
and also to create a sombre idea of the danger
France would incur in the event of bis death. It
pleased him to attribute bis success to his good
fortune. The ideas of fatalism and predestination
that lie had Introduced into his proclamations in
Egypt, he now endeavoured to spread around him
BONAPARTE LEAVES PARIS. 333
in France, and, believing in them himself, he wanted
to make others believe in them. " Cesar," he said
to some persons who were with him on the 9th
Flore'al (April 29), "was right to cite his good
fortune, and to appear to believe in it. That is a
means of acting on the imagination of others without
offending anyone's self-love." On the same day he
said, speaking to Gallois and Yolney, " Why should
France fear my ambition ? I am but a Magistrate
of the Republic. I merely act upon the imagination
of the nation : when that fails me, I shall be nothing,
and another will succeed me."
In the meantime the army collected under the
walls of Dijon began to march, and advanced by
the Rhone Valley. Every preparation was made
for the campaign ; only the chief who was to lead
it was wanting, and he did not tarry long. Bona-
parte left Paris on the morning of the 16th Flore'al
(May 6).
I will not follow him through this extraordinary
campaign, which for boldness and success surpasses
all that imagination can picture, and which has been
described and commented upon a hundred times.
As I was not an eyewitness, and as I desire in these
memoirs to speak only of what I have myself seen
and heard, I shall simply relate what was taking
place in Paris, while the most audacious of military
enterprises was deciding our destinies.
334 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
The departure of the First Consul, which produced
a general sensation in Paris, was regarded in dif-
ferent lights, according to various opinions. His
enemies — their number increased every day — hoped
he might meet with reverses, and flattered them-
selves that defeat would wrest his power from him ;
but they kept silence while awaiting the issue of the
campaign. His partisans, who were confident of
success, did not doubt but that victory would in-
crease his authority, and thinking already to share
it, or turn it to the profit of their ambition and their
vanity, they openly announced a project for chang-
ing the Constitution in favour of more personal
power, and introducing the Hereditary Principle.
These rumours at first seemed to have been pur-
posely spread from mere malevolence, and I wrote
of them in my notes of the 23rd Floreal (May
13), only eight days after the departure of the
First Consul for the army, as follows :
"No one seems to doubt that the sole object of
these rumours is to bring disfavour and cast ridicule
on IJonaparte and his family; but I, who know the
man and his projects; I, who know that no name
would frighten him, attach more importance to them,
and I think I he question merits serious discussion in
our Society.* On discussing it, we were led to the
* This Society, which mel on the 3rd of each d( cade, was com-
posed of the Senators Cabanis, Lenoir-Laroche, and Garat, and
A DISCUSSION. 335
conclusion that, considering the actual state of public
opinion, it would not be surprising were such
an innovation attempted with success, and that if
the idea had originated with Bonaparte — as I was
inclined to believe — it would immediately be well
received, and neither devisers nor makers of Con-
stitutions, who would undertake to demonstrate that
it is compatible with a system of democratic govern-
ment, would be wanting ; for it is marvellous, now-
a-days, how we contrive to change things while still
retaining their former names.
" I think it well, therefore, for the guidance of
my memory, to note down in this place the funda-
mental points of the plan as it has been expounded
to me. In them there will be found a tolerably
exact, imitation of the English system of govern-
ment. They include :
" A First Magistrate, who is to retain the title of
Consul, or will take another. This is of no import-
ance. The dignity to be hereditary in his family.
" A Senate, or Upper Chamber, composed of the
present Senators, and in part of some members of
the minority of the nobles at the States General.
Their dignity to be likewise for life and hereditary.
" A Legislative Body, or Chamber of Commons, in
which the Tribunate and the existing Legislative
of the Tribunes Adet, Girardin, Beranger, Lebreton, Gallois,
and myself.
336 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Body will be merged, but whose members shall be
elective and removable.
" Such are the materials of the fifth Constitution
which awaits us. And who shall venture to say
that all this will not take place ? Not I, for one.
I have become credulous in the matter of Constitu-
tions, and, in truth, the distance is less between
that of to-day and the proposed change, than be-
tween the Government in existence before the 18th
Brumaire and that which succeeded it ? "
It is, then, evident that the plans which have since
been realised date much farther back than the epoch
at which they were openly proclaimed ; and the first
glimpses of those plans afforded to the public, far
from being the result of malice, were, on the con-
trary, a skilful move in the game : the rumours
were set afloat to accustom Republican ears in
good time to the detested word " heredity." But,
although the moment to establish this new
system had not yet arrived, and in 1800 it might
still be looked upon as purely speculative, there
was connected with it another question far more
pressing, and of the actual hour. 'flu's ques-
tion had been raised by the First Consul himself,
a few days before leaving Paris, and it occu-
pied every mind. " What is to be done in the
evenl of Bonaparte's death? Who is to succeed
him?"
MOBFONTAINE. 337
The solution of this question could not be a matter
of indifference to any party. Friends and enemies
of Bonaparte, Republicans and Royalists, all were
concerned in it, and all those who possessed any
influence discussed it urgently. I myself did not
abstain from the general topic. My association
with Joseph Bonaparte had become more and more
intimate. The gentleness of his nature, his kind
heart, the value he placed upon true friendship, had
gained him my affection at a moment when I little
suspected the influence which that feeling was
destined to exercise over my future life. I had
left Paris on the 29th Flore'al (May 19), to pass
a few days on the beautiful estate of Morfontaine,
where Joseph Bonaparte then lived, and which he
was occupied in improving. There our conversa-
tions turned most frequently on the political situa-
tion. Joseph had just been named Councillor of
State, and I had imagined that the principal object
of this nomination was to secure greater influence
over the deliberations of that body to the First
Consul. "You are mistaken," said Joseph; "my
brother had no need to place me in the State
Council for any such purpose ; the devotion of
all its members to him is so thorough, that there is
nothing more to be desired in that respect. But I
am obliged to look to the future, and calculate on
the possible misfortune of the General's death. Since
VOL. I. Z
338 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE 3IELIT0.
I am no longer allowed to be "nobody," since, on
account of the name I bear, I may not live in the
retirement which I should have greatly preferred,
I have thought it well to become " somebody " in
case so great a misfortune should befall us, and to
secure beforehand that influence of which I and
my family will have so much need."
This led us to speak of the consequences that might
ensue on the event in question : " My brother,"
continued Joseph Bonaparte, " thinks he ought
not to be succeeded by a soldier. ' It requires, as it
is,' he says, * very great tact to control the crowd of
generals, full of impatience and overweening pride,
who aspire to the brilliant post that I occupy.
Where is the man, who, if I were gone, could keep
down all these conflicting passions? Mind, I tell
you, if I die before the actual order of tilings has
been consolidated by a two years' existence, you will
have another Convention after my death."
This statement, while giving me much to think
of, was but a prelude to the following, made to
me dining an interview, in which we entered more
at length into this question.
Grirardin, my colleague in the Tribunate, was also
at Morfontaine, and a discussion on the subject
which bo deeply interested us, took place between
him, Joseph Bonaparte and myself, on the 11th
Prairial (May 31).
AN IMPORTANT INTERVIEW. 339
Joseph Bonaparte began by asking us whether
we knew that a meeting of the partisans of Sie'yes
had taken place.
On our reply in the negative, he gave us the
following details :
" The members of the two Legislative Commissions
which succeeded the national representation, broken
up by the events of the 18th and 19 th Brumaire, re-
assembled a few days ago, with the exception of
Boulay (of the Meurthe), Lucien Bonaparte, and
several other members who were not summoned.
The question for discussion was : What should be
done if Bonaparte were to fall at the head of the
army he commands, and which from the moment
it crosses the Alps is in reality in the field ? "
In order to define the situation in which they
would then be placed, the meeting assumed the
event to have actually taken place, and the news
to have just reached them. What course was to
be taken ?
All began by agreeing that the Constitution ought
to be upheld ; and as the maintenance of the
actual order of things gave to .every one of them
a position of prosperity such as they could not
reasonably hope for from a change, they took that
as the basis of the discussion. The ground was
therefore narrowed to the choice of a successor
to Bonaparte.
z 2
340 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
" Several candidates were proposed in turn.
Moreau was the first mentioned, but his name was
not favourably received. He had, it is true, great
military ability in his favour. At that moment he
was victorious, and could perhaps as easily as
Bonaparte command peace by his ' victories —
but what guarantee did he offer to those who had
composed the Convention and voted the death of
the King ? He was a patriot of more than dubious
principles and conduct: he was suspected of con-
nivance with Pichegru on the 18 th Brumaire ; he
might, at the first shock of events, betray the
interests confided to him, treat with Foreign Powers,
or even play the part of Monk, a sufficiently
tempting role to a man of his character, and one
which seemed to accord better than any other with
the vacillation of opinion he had hitherto manifested.
Brune was next named ; but a multitude of objec-
tions of an opposite nature were raised against him.
As an accomplice of the revolutionary excesses lie
could only rally round him the remains of a party
which had become odious to the sounder sense of
the nation.
Both one and the other were therefore set aside
by motives which, though differing in origin, had
the same cause ; the fear of a disadvantageous
result for those who were discussing the matter.
Finally, Carnot was proposed, and it seems that
CABNOT. 341
every one was already so well disposed in his favour
that the proposition was not so much debated as sup-
ported by every argument that the meeting could
adduce in his favour. Carnot, they said, had voted
the death of the King ; in that vote the partisans of
Sieyes possessed a sufficient safeguard for them-
selves. He had been deported on the 18th Fructidor ;
therefore all the moderate party rallied round him.
He enjoyed a great reputation for military capacity ;
the army would be glad that he should be at the
head of the Government. Moreau, whose friend he
was, whom he had called the Fabius of France, would
answer for the troops under his command, and would
counterbalance the wrath of the army of Italy and
of the Bonapartists. Lastly, he had supported the
Jacobins after the 9th Thermidor, and made common
cause with Barrere, Collot, and Billaud-Varennes ;
thus their partisans would attach themselves to him.
So much reciprocal suitability, so many pledges given
to all parties, placed Carnot in a unique position.
His elevation to power would be a security for all,
without being alarming to any.
Echasseriaux,* in particular, supported this pro-
posal. Others spoke at greater or less length, and
finally the opinions of all, doubtless formed before
the meeting, were brought into unanimity. It was
* A former member of the Council of Five Hundred, now
a Tribune.
342 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
agreed that another meeting should be held, and it
was even proposed that Lucien Bonaparte should be
invited to the second conference. They owed him
great obligations ; he alone, in the new order of
things, had upheld the Patriotic party ; it was he who
by his influence had placed its members in the posts
attached to the Ministry of the Interior, and who
defended them daily against reiterated attacks. He
was not like his brother Joseph, who under a feigned
moderation, an apparent incapacity, hid a fiery soul
and a boundless ambition. It seems, however, that
the meeting broke up without any decision on this
last point having been come to.
Such was the account Joseph Bonaparte gave us,
and on its conclusion he seemed to expect that
we should express our opinions respecting it.
Girardin and I were little prepared for such a con-
fidence. As, however, we were agreed in principle,
we jointly endeavoured to show Joseph Bonaparte
how greatly that proposal, which, according to the
account he had given us of the meeting, had been
the most favourably received there, was opposed to
his own interests ; especially as it had been made un-
known to him, and apparently without any appre-
hension that his family might oppose it, or any idea
that his consent was needful to ensure its success.
"Carnot," we said, "was indeed the enemy of
Sieyes, and in that respeel offered some advantage
CABNOT. 343
to the Bonapartes, but was it to be supposed that he
would not conceal or even renounce that enmity
from the moment that so brilliant an inheritance was
in question ? was it, above all, to be believed, that,
having attained such an elevation, Carnot would
permit the inheritors of the name of Bonaparte, the
only men whom he had cause to fear in the career
open to him, to retain influence ? Moreover, the
differences which existed between Carnot and the
Constitutional party were only individual ; one
common principle, the fear of one common danger,
united them, and the party of the Convention knew
this perfectly well. The Committee of Public Safety
was naturally reconstructing itself; and while doing
Carnot the justice to separate him from that Com-
mittee in so far as the crimes with which it was
reproached under the rule of Robespierre Mere
concerned, it would be going too far to believe that
he was a total stranger to them.
His conduct in the affairs of Billaud and Barrere
proved clearly that if he was not bloodthirsty like
them, he was at least the apologist of their actions
and had tried to justify them by specious arguments.
It might, therefore, be feared that if Carnot were
in power he would, perhaps, in spite of himself,
bring back the men of the Convention with their
principles, an act which would be fatal both to
liberty and to the repose of France, just now
344 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
beginning to breathe freely, relieved from the yoke
she had borne too long.
Objections were indeed plentiful ; but while
making them, we knew not whom to propose.
The great defect in the Constitution of year VIII.
was that it made no provision for replacing the
First Magistrates of the Eepublic, and confined
itself to enacting that they should be chosen from
the list of Notables of the nation, without indicating
either how this list was to be drawn up, nor in what
manner the election was to take place. In pro-
portion as we became more and more strongly
convinced that our governing institutions offered
no possible means of security against the conse-
quences which would follow Bonaparte's death,
the future of our country presented itself to our
imagination in darker colours.
Our first reflections led us to believe that this
defect had been intentional, so designed that the
necessity of remedying it must one day be re-
cognised, but that great care would be taken not to
remedy it until men's minds had been insensibly led
to tolerate, first, Power for Life, a temporary means
of putting aside the chances of election, and secondly,
Hereditary Power, the simplest means of avoiding
danger, and to which the first steps would infallibly
lead. We perceived so clearly that this was the
< nd Inwards which we had travelled without being
A SUCCESSOR TO BONAPARTE. 345
aware of it, that before the conclusion of the inter-
view, whose principal circumstances I record in this
place, we came to the conclusion that the choice of
the successor to the First Consul must lie between
Moreau, Carnot, and the brothers Joseph and Lucien
Bonaparte.
Now it was evident that the two last candidates
could only be proposed on account of their name ;
this therefore was to acknowledge a privileged
family. From that acknowledgement to Hereditary
Right was but a step. And yet, at what a moment
were these novel ideas put forward ! The younger
of the two brothers who were in a position to aspire
to this great inheritance, had the greater force
of character and political ability, and had already
made himself a name in the Revolution, but he had
inspired aversion by his immorality ; while the elder
was of far superior character, but almost unknown,
and had not as yet any hold on public favour. Yet
we had to submit to the drawbacks of a system of
government vicious in its very essence, and which,
being neither a monarchy nor a republic, combined
the faults of both, without possessing the decided
advantages of either.
Thus all that remained to Girardin and me after
our discussion, and the details given us by Joseph
Bonaparte, was the certainty that, should the death
of the First Consul occur while we were still en-
346 MEMOIBS OF COUNT 3110 T BE MELITO.
gaged on these questions, no one could foresee
the results of that event, and that it would be
impossible to escape from the internal divisions and
misfortunes which it would occasion ; but if, on the
contrary, Bonaparte returned victorious, and his
life was prolonged, the Constitution would be re-
modelled, and, it was greatly to be feared, not in a
sense favourable to liberty.
We did not remain long in doubt. While in
Paris all parties were engaged in calculations and
projects respecting the entire or divided inheritance
of Bonaparte, he was striding on from victory to
victory, and the news of the glorious battle of
Marengo, which reached Paris on the 2nd Messidor
(June 20), put all these ideas to flight, and left in
their place only a universal sentiment of astonish-
ment and admiration. Never had the national
pride been more flattered, never had the hope of
national prosperity risen so high, and never was the
nation more disposed to gratitude towards the man
from whom it then expected to receive the greatest
of all benefits, a lasting peace, the fruit of his
victories. For two whole days Paris was drunk
with joy. The illuminations were general and
spontaneous. The Senate and the Tribunate held
an extraordinary silling to receive the messages
sent to them from the Consuls officially announcing
the greal victory, and those messages were welcomed
REJOICINGS AFTER MARENGO. 347
with shouts of applause. Political enmities and
discords seemed to be extinguished, and were at
least suspended. Every apprehension was allayed,
and no one regretted any longer that so much
power had been entrusted to a man who used it so
nobly. So great, so unexpected a triumph justified
everything.
The victory of Marengo placed France in a more
favourable position than she had occupied for a long
time. Abroad, she had regained her military glory.
The Austrian army had demanded and obtained an
armistice. Negotiations for a definitive peace were
about to open, and if we did not abuse our victory
by exaggerated pretensions, a Continental peace was
certain. At home, Jacobinism was destroyed, the
partisans of the ancient dynasty were overthrown ;
liberal ideas began to display themselves openly,
and notwithstanding some attempts on the liberty
of the press by Lucien Bonaparte, that tutelary
guarantee of popular institutions was enabled to hold
its own against attack. The public profession of
irreligion, and the affectation of a shocking cynicism
had disappeared, but the priests, while they were
free to exercise their functions, had not yet regained
a dangerous influence. No sect had obtained the
preference or received a salary from the State. The
necessity for a strong government had been felt, but
we had not as yet had to blush for a humiliating
348 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
servitude. Returning confidence had everywhere
brought about a revival of credit. Military glory
did not as yet weigh upon the citizens, because
soldiers and officers were taken indifferently from all
the ranks of society, and returned to them without
effort. The army belonged to the country, and had to
all appearance victoriously served it only ; it had not
as yet become the property of the Chief of the State.
Science, arts, and letters, began to flourish again,
and needed only the establishment of peace to acquire
fresh lustre. Public education was based on ex-
cellent principles, and, keeping clear of subjects of
contention, confined itself to providing the country
with enlightened and well-informed citizens. The
institution of the Polytechnic School had attained a
high degree of perfection. Pupils formed by such
men as Monge, Laplace, Lacroix, Fourcroy, and many
other celebrated professors, were ready each year for
the Artillery, the Engineers, or the Sappers and
Miners; and young savante, after a few years of
instruction from their masters, took their places by
their side as Professors in their turn.
What then was wanting to confirm this prosperity
and to afford Europe the spectacle and example of
a great regenerated people, enjoying liberty without
falling into licence, triumphantly led by capable
chiefs, but not becoming the slave of those chiefs: —
what was wanting for this? a Washington. If
BONAPARTE TBIU3IPRANT. 349
Bonaparte on his victorious return from the field
of Marengo had taken that illustrious citizen as his
model, what might he not have done for the happi-
ness of France, for his own true glory, and even for
the duration of his authority ! No resistance was
opposed to him — he could do all he wished. The
storm of the revolution had swept his way clear, and
violently overthrown every obstacle, the ground was
levelled and ready to sustain a solid edifice. All the
evil was already done ; and now all that remained
was to consign it to oblivion, by the reparation of
private misfortunes through the action of wise and
humane laws.
But instead of seconding this great impulse, the
man on whom our destinies began to depend
arrested it. He preferred to lead us back upon the
traces of the Past, and, unhappily for France and for
himself, he was but too successful, and too well
served in that endeavour.
The First Consul reached Paris on the night of
the 12th Messidor (June 30), eighteen days after
the battle of Marengo. The political bodies of the
State, the magistrates, the administrators, in short,
all that Paris contained of men distinguished by
office or personal position, hastened to congratu-
late him, and the crowd filled even the vast
apartments of the Tuileries. Adulation, praise,
and flattery of all sorts were rife ; never before
350 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
in France bad a conqueror enjoyed so great a
triumph.*
Each tried to outdo his fellow in exalting the
man whom he had come to adulate, and in finding
obsequious and emphatic expression for the public
gratitude ; so that the nation, whom these flatterers
pretended to represent, seemed to be courting the
yoke. Besides, however, the great admiration which
so brilliant a victory inspired, it was intolerable that
all this rapturous praise should be lavished on
the Chief alone, without any mention being made
of the army which had so gloriously seconded
him.
Amid the torrent of adulation, hardly a word
was said of our grief for the blood which the
victory had cost us, and for the loss of that brave
soldier, General Desaix, called the Just Sultan
by the Arabs in Egypt, who had fallen on the
field of Marengo. In the evening fresh illumina-
tions, more brilliant than before, testified to the
public rejoicing.
The First Consul profited very cleverly by the
enthusiasm he had inspired, and used to the full, but
wisely, the advantage which the suppleness and
flexibility of the national character placed in his
band. In the midst of all these demonstrations of
* Tho reason is obvious; tho General might bo praised
without any risk of displeasing the Head of the State.
AUSTRIA. 351
devotion to his person, he was perfectly well aware
that the most urgent need of France was peace, and
that he owed his power in a great measure to the
helief that he alone could obtain that boon, and that
he also desired it. He therefore seconded the public
aspiration with a great appearance of zeal. Joseph
Bonaparte, who was to preside over the negotia-
tions, had set out for Milan immediately on receipt
of the news of the first successes of the French army.
He, however, arrived too late. The march of
events had been so rapid that he could not be com-
missioned to treat for the armistice' after the battle
of Marengo. Nevertheless, he remained several
days at Milan after the departure of his brother, in
expectation of some overtures from Austria. The
First Consul had written to the Emperor, reminding
him how moderate his conduct had been with respect
to the House of Austria, during the preliminaries
of Leoben and the peace of Campo-Formio. He
proposed either to resume the conditions of the latter
treaty, without negotiations, and to adopt them
anew, or to name a place of meeting where negotia-
tions for their modification might be entered into.
In the event of the Emperor's declining both these
proposals, the First Consul declared that he would
be forced, in order to carry on the war, to give it
another direction, and to continue it only with the
view of extending the revolution to Germany.
352 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Austria having deferred her reply to this overture,
Joseph Bonaparte had left Milan, and returned
to Paris on the 15th Messidor (July 4). Shortly
after his return, he, with the Councillors of State
Fleurieu and Roederer, received instructions to treat
with the three Commissioners from the United
States, who had just landed in France, for the nego-
tiation of peace between the two nations. We also
learned at this period that an armistice had been
signed between General Moreau's army and that
of General Kray, and that Count St. Julien had
arrived in Paris, with powers from the Emperor to
treat with the French Government. Joseph Bona-
parte, who was at Morfontaine, was summoned to
Paris to conduct the negotiations with the Count.
Everything, in fact, seemed to wear a pacific
aspect, and the hope of attaining to the desired end
of so many struggles and so much bloodshed had
restored general good-humour. But, for my own
part, I remained only a very short time under a
delusion ; I speedily perceived that the conclusion
of peace would be again delayed. Count St. Julien
had arrived in Paris, persuaded that peace was so
absolutely required in the interests of the First
Consul and for the maintenance of his authority,
that there were no conditions to which the French
Government would not accede in order to obtain it.
His surprise was great to find the Government far
BONAPARTE'S AMBITION. 353
otherwise disposed ; not only would Bonaparte in
nowise modify the conditions of the Treaty of
Campo-Formio, but he was even more exacting.
In short, judging from what Joseph Bonaparte said
to me in the course of a conversation at Morfontaine
on the 12th Thermidor (July 31), I perceived that
peace was not desired by the First Consul so strongly
as was generally believed ; he was, on the contrary,
anxious to persuade France that he desired, rather than
in reality to conclude peace. His enterprising genius
soared above the present moment. Faithful to the
aims he had conceived in Italy, he believed war to
be still necessary to him, and ever looking forward
to the future, he did not regard himself as having
reached the end of the career which the Ee volution
had opened up to him. " You understand nothing
about it," he said to his brother Joseph,* who was
speaking to him of the necessity of concluding
matters with the American Commissioners ; " you
understand nothing about it. In two years' time
we shall be masters of the world. If the kings
make peace, they are lost ; two years of prosperity
to France will destroy their power ; and if they
continue the war, they are still more surely lost."
And then, colouring his political prophecy with
that tinge of superstition which he mingled with
* I quote the exact words repeated to me by Joseph
Bonaparte.
VOL. I. 2 A
854 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
everything, he continued : " Nothing- has yet hap-
pened to me that I have not foreseen ; I alone
am surprised at nothing that I have accomplished.
Even so I can also divine the future, and even so
I shall reach the end I propose to myself.*
With dispositions such as these on either side, it
was not surprising that the negotiations had at first
no result. The Count of St. Julien, having con-
cluded nothing, left Paris towards the middle of the
month of Thermidor (the beginning of August) on
his return to Vienna. But as Austria, who before
entering seriously into negotiations, wished to try
the chances of a campaign in Germany, was trying
to gain time so as to recover from the reverses she
had sustained ; and as on the other hand the First
* These fatalistic notions seem to have been shared more or
less by all the family. M. Charles Bonaparte, the father, died
at Montpcllier, in his thirty-seventh year, of a very long-
standing chronic disease. Joseph Bonaparte, who was with
hi in in his last moments, often beard him, when partly delirious
from pain, asking for his son Napoleon. "Where is he?" he
exclaimed repeatedly. " Where is my son Napoleon ? Ho whose
sword will make kings tremble ! he who will change the face
of Europe! lie would defend me from my enemies ; he would
save my life!" Joseph Bonaparte, who told me this anecdote,
added, " I am almost ashamed of what T say to you, and certainly
I would say it to no one but yourself. But the thing is certain.
There exists moreover another witness to this singular fact;
Peach, my mother's brother. He, as well as I, was present
at ley father's deathbed, and can confirm what I have just told
you."
BONAPARTE'S TACT. 355
Consul wished to encourage the hope of peace
which was so ardently desired by France ; the two
Powers agreed to open a Congress at Lune'ville and
to transfer the negotiations thither. Everything
was adjourned until the opening of this Congress,
which also had to be put off to the beginning of
winter.
While the First Consul thus cleverly averted
the disgust which would have been created by
a sudden renewal of hostilities, and gratified
the national feelings by opening negotiations with
the American Commissioners, whose progress, al-
though slow, promised a satisfactory issue, he was
giving the Government and the Administration
a new direction, which, notwithstanding his care-
fulness to keep the public mind in a state of
indecision, revealed his real intentions. Confident,
through the enthusiasm he had inspired, and re-
lieved by the death of Kleber, who was assassinated
at Cairo on the 24th of June, 1800,* from the
* The First Consul was at Morfontaine, where he was
passing a few days in the month of Fructidor, when the news
of this event reached him. It was another of Fortune's favours
to him, and Joseph admitted that his brother so considered it.
Kleber was the personal enemy of Bonaparte; he could not
forgive him for having deserted him in Egypt, and as he was
highly esteemed in the army, he would have been, had he
returned to France, a serious obstacle in the way of the First
Consul.
2 a 2
3 56 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELTTO .
fear of any formidable rival in the army,* he ven-
tured farther than he had hitherto ventured. He
appointed Chamberlains for himself, under the name
of Prefects of the Palace, and four Ladies of Honour
for his wife under a less ambitious designation ;
thus making a marked distinction between himself
and the other two Consuls. The etiquette of the
Tuileries became every day more punctilious, and
Republican manners gave place by degrees to those
of a monarchy. At the same time the First Consul
took all possible pains to acquire the exclusive
affection of the army, and to accustom it to look to
him only as the rewarder of military services. The
Institution of " arms of honour " was wonderfully
well adapted to this end. As the First Consul con-
ferred them without consultation with his colleagues,
and his signature alone appeared on the warrant,
the soldiers soon came to look upon him as their
only chief, and as the distributor of all the favours
to which they could aspire. The conviction that
the fortune of soldiers and officers depended solely
on him, was the origin of that absolute devotion
* Massena and Moreau, whoso military reputation came next
to Bonaparte's, wero not in a position to dispute the sove-
reignty with him. The first was rejected by public opinion
lor well-known reasons; the second, from weakness of cha-
ncier, lei the moment slip when he might by asserting himself
have overturned a power which afterwards was too firmly estab-
[\t hed for such an al tempt.
BONAPARTE'S POWEE. 3b;
to him which the army displayed, a devotion of
which he took every possible advantage. Nor
did he omit to gratify the military by every kind
of favour which tended to distinguish them from
other citizens. The greatest honour was paid to the
memory of General Desaix ; a public subscription,
encouraged by Bonaparte, was opened to defray the
cost of a monument, and was responded to as much
from a desire to please him as from gratitude for the
services of the deceased General. He also took pains
to please the army, by causing public honours to be
paid to the brave Latour-d'Auvergne, First Grena-
dier of France, who lost his life on the 9th Thermidor,
year Till. (July 28, 1800), at the battle of Neueburg.
But the First Consul also arrogated to himself a more
dangerous power, by assuming, together with the
right of bestowing favour and honour on the soldiery,
that of awarding blame and punishment, a terrible
right, which should never be exercised except by a
legal tribunal. On the 9th Thermidor, year VII.
(July 27, 1799), General Latour-Foissac had sur-
rendered the stronghold of Mantua to the Austrians.
Had this capitulation been rendered necessary by
the condition of the citadel and the advance of the
enemy ? This was a question which a military
tribunal alone could decide. Bernadotte, at that
time Minister, had already summoned a court-
martial, and the inculpated General had published
358 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
a justificatory statement. But the First Consul,
instead of waiting for the decision of the Council,
took the initiative, and in a simple letter to the
Minister of War pronounced sentence on the General
without trial or judgment.
On the other hand, persevering in the system of
fusion that he had adopted, he summoned to the most
important functions of the State men of the most
opposite opinions and political conduct. Thus, on
the same day, Barbe-Marbois, who had been banished
on the 18th Fructidor, was called to the Council of
State ; General Jourdan, who having declared himself
against the 18th Brumaire, had been excluded from
the Council of the Five Hundred, w T as appointed
Minister Extraordinary in Piedmont,f and Bernier,
a former member of the Convention, who had voted
for the King's death, and was then a Councillor of
Stale, was appointed President of the Council of
Prizes of War. In order to complete the political
fusion, the laws relating to the em'ujres were modi-
fied, and the amnesty that had been granted to the
Yendeans was extended to the neighbouring depart-
ments. Lastly, the First Consul being persuaded
lhat much might be gained from the gratitude of
* This letter is in flic 'Monitcur' of 6th Thermidor.
I" General Jourdan on accepting llu v appointment made a
very noble speech. Ii may be found in the 'Moniteur'of 12th
Thermidor, year VIII.
BONAPARTE'S RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS. 359
the clergy, and that he might one day make them
useful towards the ends he proposed to himself,
took an early opportunity of proving that, far from
being the enemy of religious feeling, he was dis-
posed to encourage its revival in France. He wrote
therefore to the Prefect of La Vendee to send
him twelve of the inhabitants of that depart-
ment, as he wished to have information respecting
them, and if there were any priests who could form
part of the deputation, to choose them in preference.
" For," added he in this remarkable letter, " I love
and esteem priests, who are good Frenchmen, and
who know how to defend their country against the
eternal enemies of the French name, those wicked
heretics, the English?'* This, the first manifestation
of Bonaparte's sentiments in matters of religion,
excited a lively interest. It was praised by some
as a wise stroke of policy, and blamed by others,
who at that time were called Ideologists. But
neither insidious praise, nor the clamour of philo-
sophy could stay the First Consul.
A few days later (27th Thermidor) I heard
from Joseph Bonaparte that his brother was
engaged in contriving a reconciliation with tho
Pope. Overtures in that direction had been made
through Mgr. Gardoqui, Auditor of the Rota, for
* See this letter in the 'Moniteur' of 8th Thermidor,
year VIII.
360 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Spain, and had been well received. It was hoped
that they would end in an arrangement, in which
a kind of mezzo termine, agreeable to both parties,
would be taken. Joseph Bonaparte told me at
the same time that, in the event of dealings with
Rome, he would be appointed to negotiate and to
sign the treaty. " It is essential," the First Consul
had said to him a few days previously, "it is essen-
tial for you to efface the recollection of what you
have done against the Papacy, for you are looked
upon as its destroyer.* And as you cannot have the
troops for your followers, since you did not embrace
a military career, and have not shared in their
glory, it is important that you should obtain the
support of a powerful party. The only one able
to counterbalance the influence of the army is
composed in France of the priests and the Catholics.
Now you will certainly obtain this result by recon-
ciling the French clergy with the Pope."
To these various circumstances which afford
some notion of the ideas then occupying the mind
of the First Consul, and which he subsequently
put into execution, I will add an anecdote relating
to the same subject. I had passed the evening of the
3rd Thermidor (July 22) at Bonaparte's house, where
* The First Consul is alluding here to events that took place
in Rome on (ill. Nivo.M", year VI. (December 2(1, 1797),at which
time Joseph Bonaparte was Minister of (he French Republic.
BONAPARTE'S DIFFICULTY. 361
I had met the celebrated Laplace. A rather long
conversation took place between us three, turning
more on scientific subjects than on any other. In
the midst of this, the First Consul, struck by some
reply or some objection of Laplace's, turned towards
him and exclaimed : " But, citizen Laplace, you are
an atheist."
While the various impulses thus given to public
opinion were keeping men's minds continually on
the stretch, fresh rumours of a change in the Con-
stitution arose, and although the First Consul, at a
State dinner, which he gave at the Tuileries to
celebrate the anniversary of the 14th of July, had
proposed a toast to " the anniversary of the 14th of
July, and to the French people our sovereign ! '
everything foreboded that this sovereignty of the
people, the base of each succeeding constitution since
1789, was approaching its end. In all his con-
fidential intercourse with the members of the Senate
and Tribunate, Bonaparte complained that the
Constitution did not prescribe any mode of pro-
ceeding to the election of a successor to the First
Consul. " There is a lacune," he said to Cabanis
on the 12th Thermidor, "in the actual social contract
which ought to be filled up. If the repose of the
State is to be secured, it is indispensable that there
should always be a consul-elect. I am the object
aimed at by all the Royalists and Jacobins ; every
3(32 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
day my life is threatened, and the danger will be
greater if I am obliged, on recommencing the war,
to put myself again at the head of the army. What
in that case would be the fate of France, and how
can the evils which would be the inevitable result
of such an event be averted ? "
Twenty days later (1st Fructidor), while I was
walking with him in the gardens of Malmaison, he
spoke on the same subject, on the occasion of the law
which was then before the Council of State for the
regulation of the formation of the lists of eligibles
for the various public functions, according to the
Constitution of year VIII. The framing of this
law presented great difficulties, and the strange
device of the ' Notables,' a remnant of Sie'yes' plan,
appeared to have been introduced into our institu-
tions, only to exhibit the insufficiency of all the
methods which were proposed as substitutes for the
hereditary principle. The First Consul, however,
seemed to be at that time against the hereditary
principle, " because," as he said to me, " he regarded
it as impossible of establishment without also esta-
blishing an intermediate body participating in its
advantages, that is, without the revival of a nobility.
Such a revival would offend too many opinions,
recently formed, and still in their iirsl fervour, loi-
ns to be able to attempl it." He wished therefore
that for the present "efforts should be restricted to
BONAPARTE'S ARGUMENTS. 363
framing the best law possible on the composition of
the lists of notability. If the debate which was
to take place at the Tribunate should prove its in-
sufficiency, without substituting a more practicable
scheme for it, the impossibility of forming these lists
would be demonstrated. And so soon as this truth
was recognised, it would seem allowable to have
recourse to means foreign to the Constitution in
order to supply the want. In that case such an
innovation would be called for by public opinion
instead of being opposed by it."
This, as any one might have seen, was merely
hovering about the difficulty, in order to bring the
question constantly back to its real aim ; the demon-
stration of the necessity for the establishment of the
hereditary principle. Therefore, in spite of the
apparent caution of the First Consul and the scruples
he affected, there was little hesitation in promoting
what were believed to be his real wishes, and a new
Constitution was sketched out, on the bases of
heredity, as I have indicated them above only, in
order to gain the suffrages of the other two Consuls,
that prerogative was extended to their families also.
This was a piece of folly, for though the hereditary
principle may be admitted in a deliberative body,
such as a Chamber of Peers or a Senate, or in a
body of nobles, because it transmits merely certain
privileges and honorary rights ; it can only exist, as
3G4 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
regards the executive power, in the person of one
single magistrate, he who is at the head of the
Government ; and it is for this reason that the
heredity of the executive power of necessity consti-
tutes monarchy. Lastly, the divorce of Bonaparte,
and his marriage with one of several princesses who
were named, was already spoken of. An infanta of
Spain was at first proposed as a bride for the First
Consul, but as he replied to Volney, who was jesting
with him about that alliance, "If I were thinking
of marrying a second time, I should not seek a wife
in a house that is falling into ruin." This scheme was
abandoned, and a German princess was mentioned.
It was observed also that at this time the First
Consul gathered together a picked corps, consisting of
Grenadiers and Chasseurs (Light Infantry), to form
the nucleus of a future guard ; that he had ap-
pointed Junot Commandant of Paris, and given the
command of the Artillery to Marmont, two of his
most devoted aides-de-camp. Some political inten-
tion was supposed to be hidden under these military
measures, but I have ascertained this conjecture to
he unfounded. Ilis own personal safety was his
only motive, and the plots which were successively
laid against the life of the First Consul are sufficient
proof that these precautions were not unnecessary.
Moreover, even supposing that he desired to pre-
cipitate the changes which lie subsequently effected,
BONAPARTE'S MISTAKES. 365
and which he was too wise to attempt before he had
made his peace with the religious party, and gained
them over by the re-establishment of the former rela-
tions between France and the Pope ; supposing this,
— he would have had no need of staunch and devoted
troops in order to carry them out. The country was
anxious to anticipate his sovereign power ; he was
urged to grasp it. There was a universal infatuation ;
no honours could be too great for the First Consul,
no marks of public gratitude could be excessive.
Shortly after his return to Paris, the Commune of St.
Cloud petitioned the Tribunate that the palace, the
gardens, and the domain of St. Cloud should be placed
at the disposal of the First Consul. The Tribunate
seemed inclined to grant this petition (which was
believed to have been suggested), giving it however
the character of a national reward by changing the
name of the palace from St. Cloud to Marengo, after
the example of that which had been done in England
for Marlborough after the battle of Blenheim. But the
First Consul, whom I saw the day after the petition
had been laid before the Tribunate, was opposed to
any concession which should be personal to himself.
" Not that I think," said he, " that this kind of recom-
pense to the generals and magistrates of a great
nation should not be introduced into France, but it
seems to me that such a gift, which I should look
upon as an honour from the nation, can only be
36G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
offered me when I shall cease to exercise the func-
tions with which I am now invested. And in truth,"
he added, " of what use would the gift of St. Cloud
be to me at this moment, and how could I have the
deed of gift drawn up, since it could only be effected
by passing a law, and every proposition of a new law
is attributed exclusively to me by the Constitution.
Therefore all that can be done is in a general way to
place St. Cloud at the disposal of the Government."
This took place shortly afterwards. But the petition
and the sensation produced by it, and the manner
in which ideas which were so completely alien to
the Eepublican principles hitherto loudly professed
were received, were sufficient indications of the un-
spoken tendencies of men's minds. Not only interested
friends of the First Consul were impelling him towards
the sovereign power (his true friends and those of
France were very far from doing so), but his most
dangerous enemies, the partisans of the former
dynasty, were also pressing him in the same direc-
tion, for they were convinced that if monarchy
were but established, they would only have to drive
away the parvenu monarch, or, if he could not be
thus disposed of, to await his death, in order to give
hack the throne he had reared again to its former
possessors.
Thus in the same way thai ten years previously
the impulse given to society carried it headlong
1800. 3G7
towards the destruction of fill our ancient institutions,
and a universal demand for change and innovation
prevailed in every quarter, so, in 1800, all those
who exercised any influence over the nation, tended
to make it retrace its steps, and what had been of old
was now held up as a model for that which ought to
be. Nothing was good but the Past, and as a prelude
to its restoration in the forms of government, every
former custom was adopted that did not too openly
offend against the habits which had been contracted
during the course of the Revolution.
Cambaceres and Talleyrand, two persons who began
at this time to exercise a great ascendency over the
First Consul, because they flattered his inclinations,
now entered heartily into his plans, and smoothed
the path which he desired to take. Cambaceres
made himself answerable for the former members of
the Legislative Assembly, and for the magistracy,
which by favours and gifts of places in the
Government and on the Bench, he trained to retro-
gression towards the Past ; and if a few acceded
unwillingly or even refused to be bribed, the greater
number forsook without difficulty the principles they
had hitherto professed, for the sake of honour and
wealth. Talleyrand undertook to bring the nobility
to the feet of their new Master, and found his
task less difficult than did Cambace'res. Madame
Bonaparte's receptions were crowded with nobles
368 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
and returned emigres. No favour offered by Bona-
parte was refused, no employment was disdained,
and these gentlemen seemed only to be waiting for
the First Consul to ascend the throne in order to
resume their own titles and their former functions
at the Court of our kings.
Seconded on both sides by this double influence
of two such opposite parties, the First Consul main-
tained his own equilibrium between them, without
allowing either to encroach upon the other for a
moment. He advanced with increased confidence
towards his aim ; yet he never neglected the public
business, but worked at it with indefatigable ardour.
No one had ever so assiduously endeavoured to esta-
blish the Administration on such a solid basis as that
which he gave to it, and which is still the ground-
work, not only of the Administration existing to this
day in France, but also of tbose in other countries
which have adopted his system. lie enforced the
st liefest order in the management of the public
funds, and if he was at first obliged to shut his eyes
to the extortions of Talleyrand, Lucien Bonaparte,
Bourrienne, and the rascally subordinates who
served under them, he was not unaware of their
existence, lie repressed them by degrees, and even
punished them.
Sueli was the state of France at the close of
year VIII. (September L800). In the course of
FBANCE AND EUROPE. 369
that eventful year, the nation had risen from her
ruins and reappeared in all her glory on the stage
of the world. Abroad, she was regarded with
mingled fear and admiration. Europe already felt
that her destiny would depend on that of France,
and that the destiny of France hung on the ex-
traordinary man who had placed himself at her
head. This man, therefore, became the one sole
object of every plot and every conspiracy. To
beat France on the field of battle was no longer
the question ; there were too many adverse chances,
and the struggle was too formidable ; but the
destruction of the man who ruled her would once
more deliver her up to a state of anarchy which
must complete her ruin.
I had watched the course of events closely, and
the consequences that I have just deduced from
them were clear to my perception. The friendship
and confidence of Joseph Bonaparte, my conversa-
tions with the First Consul, who was still occasionally
accessible to me on account of our former intimacy
in Italy, had initiated me into certain secrets, and
had enabled me to detect certain hidden meanings
unknown to others. Yet I had no place in the
Government up to the end of year VIII., and, as a
Member of the Tribunate, I was opposed to, rather
than associated with, its acts.
My position w r as about to undergo a change. On
VOL. I. 2 B
370 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
the fifth complementary day of that year (September
22), I received a note from Cambace'res, asking
me to call on him at eight o'clock in the evening.
I went. He had been desired by the First Consul
to inform me of his intention to summon me to
the Council of State on the 1st Tendemiaire, and
to ask whether this appointment would meet my
views.
The new functions which were offered to me were
more in accordance with my tastes and habits than
those I should have to relinquish. I accepted with
eagerness.
Five other Councillors of State were appointed
at the same time as I. General Gouvion-St.-Cyr
to the War Section ; Portalis and Thibandeau to
the Section of Legislation ; Francois de Kautes and
Slice, like myself, to the Section of the Interior.
The promotion of citizens chosen from such
widely differing parties was dictated by the system
of fusion to which the First Consul at that time
adhered in all his appointments, with the purpose
which I have already explained.
( 371 )
CHAPTER XI.
A Treaty of Peace with the United States is signed — Incident
connected with the date of that Treaty — The active part
taken by the First Consul in the deliberations of the Council
of State — The proposed law on the formation of lists of
Eligibles is abandoned — The Eepublican conspiracy of
Ceracchi and its consequences — Reform of the laws on
Emigration — Letter from Louis XVIII. to the First Consul
■ — Arrival of Count von Cobentzel to negotiate for peace —
Rudeness of the First Consul to that Minister, who leaves
Paris on his way to Luneville — Dissensions between the First
Consul and his brother Lucien — Violent dispute between
the latter and Fouche — Lucien is removed from the Ministry
of the Interior and appointed Ambassador to Madrid — The
Author is selected for a second Mission to Corsica — Opinions
expressed by the First Consul during the debates of the
Council of State.
The ninth year of the Republic began auspiciously.
The armistice with Austria had been prolonged
for forty-five days ; peace with the Americans had
been signed on the 4th Vendemiaire (September
26, 1800) ; the Congress at Luneville was about to
open ; the Russian Minister at Berlin had been
directed to treat with our Minister, General Bour-
2 b 2
372 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
nonville, and the Czar, Paul L, had become in-
fatuated with Bonaparte, of whom he spoke with the
wildest enthusiasm ; all these things contributed to
strengthen the hope of a near and general peace.
The fete at Morfontaine, in honour of the conclusion
of the Treaty of Peace with the United States, was
consequently most brilliant and animated. I was
present, as were also the American Commissioners,
the Consuls, the Ministers, and a considerable
number of Generals, Tribunes, and members of
the Legislative Body. Among other persons of
note who had received invitations was General
La Fayette, and the compliment paid to that famous
citizen was universally approved.
An incident occurred connected with the con-
clusion of peace which will not, I think, be out of
place in this narrative.
The treaty had really been signed at Morfontaine,
where the conferences had been held and where
they terminated : and Joseph Bonaparte greatly re-
gretted that the Act should bear the date of Paris
instead of that of Morfontaine. He was attached
to the place, which would thus have acquired
a kind of historical celebrity. He spoke of his dis-
appointment to mo, and as, after a few minutes'
consideration, we came to the conclusion that (here
would probably si ill be time to effect the desired
alteration, I undertook to be the bearer of the
A CURIOUS INCIDENT. 373
proposal to Talleyrand. An express despatched by
that Minister to Havre might easily arrive there
before the embarkation of the American Commis-
sioners, and by means of a letter from Mr. Murray,
the United States Minister in Paris, who had nego-
tiated the treaty, the change of date might be made
on the copy which they were to take back with
them.
I saw Talleyrand on the 13th Vende'miaire
(October 5) at Auteuil, and, at first, he seemed quite
disponed to fall in with the plan ; but I afterwards
had reason to believe that his acquiescence was not
quite sincere. We agreed to meet on the following
day, and I accompanied him to the Tuileries. He
went in to see the First Consul, and I waited for
him in a drawing-room. I had scarcely been there
five minutes, when Bonaparte, opening the door of
his private room himself, called me in. The con-
versation was animated, he said that his brother
had missed his opportunity, and that opportunities
when missed did not recur ; then he took a higher
flight, and said that missed opportunities were
the cause of great revolutions, and of the over-
throw of empires ; that it would have been very
easy to have had the thing done, as his brother
wished it, at the time of signing the treaty, but
that now he would never consent to the proposed
proceeding. I tried in vain to alter his decision,
374 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
and Talleyrand supported me, although feebly. The
First Consul, however, took umbrage at the media-
tion of his Minister in an affair which he might
have arranged himself had he sincerely desired it,
and, turning sharply to him, he said, "Why did
you come and consult me about it? You should
have done it without asking, and afterwards I
should have thought it quite right." Talleyrand
stammered out that he had told him, because it was
necessary to tell him everything, but that there were
certain things that he might know without being
supposed to know them, and this one was of the
number. Notwithstanding all this fencing, I soon
perceived there was nothing to be done, and I with-
drew. Talleyrand was more than civil to me on our
way back, he tried very hard to persuade me that in
the step I had just taken the First Consul could only
see a proof of my affection for his brother, and that,
in reality, he must feel pleased at it. We parted,
and I returned to Morfontaine. I have narrated
this anecdote, not very interesting in itself, only
because it was a revelation to me of a trait in the
character of Bonaparte. From his own words
I perceived the great importance which, according
to the maxim of one of the sages of Greece,* he
attached to knowing how to seize Opportunity; a
rittacus ; his motto was ^aipbv yv&Bi, oceanonem nosce. The
King of Prussia called ( Opportunity " the mother of grout ovonts."
BONAPARTE'S ADMINISTRATIVE SAGACITY. 375
doctrine that during the most brilliant period of
his career generally guided his conduct with great
advantage.
On returning to Paris, whither I was called by my
new duties, I was assiduous in my attendance at the
sittings of the Council of State. I was also present
at various Councils of Administration, to which the
First Consul summoned me, and which were some-
times prolonged to a late hour at night. No branch
of the government was unfamiliar to him, and he
entered into the minutest details with wonderful
sagacity.
The Council of State was particularly occupied at
this time in framing a law for the formation of the
lists of eligibles, who by the terms of the Consti-
tution were to furnish the candidates for the various
public offices, and even for the renewable consulships.
But the deeper we plunged into this discussion, the
less could we see our way. Roederer and I were
jointly charged with the task, and we had contrived
and framed a project of law ; but we were well
aware that the difficulties of its execution would
be serious. I read it aloud to the Council of
State. It was printed, and each member studied it ;
but, either I had not succeeded in expressing my
own aud my colleague's ideas clearly, or the executive
details appeared impracticable, or — as I can readily
believe — our difficulties were purposely multiplied
376 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
so as to lead to the abandonment of a scheme which
did not suit the views of the First Consul ; at any
rate, it was ultimately given up. Although the
plan was at first adopted, as Bonaparte had not
given it his approval, it was sent hack for exami-
nation to the Sections of the Interior and of Legis-
lation, so that they might either amend our project
or propose another. But the subject was threadbare,
time went by, and subsequent events caused the pro-
jected law to be lost sight of; it perished still-born.
The power of the First Consul was increasing
through a concourse of circumstances produced
by his own genius, and which he contrived to
turn to the advantage of the nation, by the
order that he introduced into every branch of the
government, and to his own, by making himself
the sole source of benefits or rewards. But his
enemies were also increasing in number, and being
more than ever persuaded that by striking down
this one man they could overturn the Government,
they were secretly sharpening the daggers with
which they hoped to strike him.
The extreme Republicans and the partisans of
the former dynasty, united by a common interest,
witliniii maintaining any mutual relations, were
hatching the same plots, and seemed only to be
disputing who should strike the first blow.
The Republicans did the deed. A few enthu-
TEE CONSPIRACY OF CEB ACCEL 377
siasts formed a plot to assassinate the First Consul
at the Opera. The particulars of the conspiracy,
which was discovered, and those of the trial and
condemnation of its authors, are to be found in the
writings of the period, and especially in a pamphlet
entitled, " Proces instruit par le tribunal criminel
contre Demerville, Ceracchi et autres accuses." I
shall confine myself, therefore, to narrating some few
details of the event which came to my knowledge
in course of time.
The conspirators, nine in number, desired, before
putting their plan into execution, to add four to
their association. They proposed to a retired
soldier to join them, believing they could rely on
him. He feigned consent, and introduced three
other malcontents who were but spies in the pay
of the police, and the execution of the plot was
fixed for the 13th Vende'miaire (October 10). The
conspirators, armed with carbines, pistols and
poniards, were to surround the First Consul as he
entered his carriage after the Opera; to kill him,
to set fire to the theatre, distribute innumerable
copies of a proclamation drawn up in the name of
an Insurrectionary Committee, and accomplish an-
other revolution in the Government.
Bonaparte was informed of these details early in
the day. He summoned the other two Consuls and
held a conference with them. It was resolved,
against their advice, that the First Consul should go
378 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
to the Opera as lie had originally intended.* On this
the other two Consuls resolved to accompany him
thither. The Guards were doubled, and during the
performance, which passed off very quietly, one of
the principal actors in the plot, Ceracchi, a Roman
by birth and a celebrated sculptor, was arrested,
together with one or two other conspirators.
Ceracchi confessed everything on being examined
by the Minister of Police. He admitted the con-
spiracy, and said that it was his intention to have
assassinated Bonaparte, whom he abhorred as the
oppressor of his country ; in short, his replies
revealed an extraordinary state of excitement, and
a fanaticism approaching to insanity. He named
Barrere's Secretary as having distributed arms and
money to the conspirators. Each of them had
received a pair of pistols, a dagger, and twenty
louis in gold ; and in fact, arms and gold were
found, as Ceracchi had said, on those who were
arrested, lie added that he was not to strike
the blow himself, but he was recognised as their
chief by the conspirators, and he had placed himself
above the First Consul's box to give the signal. He
was perplexed at the non-appearance of the others,
came down, and was arrested on the staircase. f
' Lea Horaces' was to be performed for the first time.
+ I li;nl not, lii'cn personally acquainted with Ceracchi during
my residence in Italy. bu1 I had often heard of him. His talent
for sculpture was very remarkable.
BABBEBE. 379
Police officers were despatched to Barrere's house
to arrest his Secretary, but he was not there ; he had
gone into the country two days before, and it was
resolved, though unwillingly on the part of Bona-
parte, that Barrere himself should be arrested. This
decision was come to in consequence of Barrere's
singular conduct on the preceding day. He had
gone to Junot, to warn him that a plot was
being hatched against the life of the First Consul,
and that precautions should be taken ; but he had
not explained himself further.
After the event, this half confidence was thought
to be a clever way of sheltering himself from
suspicion, if the plan did not succeed, since he had
not said enough to ensure its failure. It was
believed, therefore, at first, that Barrere was well
aware of the conspiracy, but the arrest of his former
secretary, named Demerville, of Joseph Arena,* and
of Topius-Lebrun,f which took place a few days
afterwards, dispelled every suspicion that had been
entertained against Barrere, and he was immediately
set at liberty. Many persons of note were com-
promised likewise, and in particular several Italian
refugees, among them the Duke de Bonnelli and the
* He was a Corsican and a personal enemy of Bonaparte.
I had met him in Corsica. He was a man of ability, of very
active mind, and had much decision of character.
f A painter, pupil of David. He had been one of the jury
of the Revolutionary Tribunal under Robespierre.
380 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Prince de Santa-Croce. Madame Visconti, whose
house was a place of meeting for all Italians,
received, notwithstanding her intimate friendship
with Berthier, an order to leave Paris. It had been
remarked that on the day appointed for the execu-
tion of the conspiracy she had gone to the Opera,
escorted by Salicetti,* who had excused himself on
some trifling pretext from dining that evening with
Joseph Bonaparte. Carnot's resignation of the post
of War Minister, which he sent in two days be-
fore the date on which the life of the First Consul
was threatened, likewise gave rise to comments,
which the well-known character of that General
should have sufficed to prevent. But all these
suspicions were dispelled by the light which was
thrown on the conspiracy by the ' instruction ' in the
case.f Only those who were really guilty were
prosecuted, and after prolonged proceedings, lasting
over three months, their heads fell on the scaffold.
The results of this conspiracy were, as always
happens in similar cases, rather favourable than
injurious to the authority of the First Consul, and
they contributed to confirm his power. The Council
* Salicetti was very intimate with Joseph Arena.
| I'.onaparto hesitated for some time hefore lie gave orders for
the drawing up of the instruction against the conspirators. lie
feared the publicity of the defence and even the confessions of
the ;k en ;-ed, who prided themselves on their attempt, and pro-
claim^! themselves the avengers of oppressed liberty.
BESULTS OF THE CONSPIBACY. 381
of State went in a body to the Tuileries to express
their sympathy with the head of the Government in
the danger he had just escaped. The Tribunate
followed their example, and anticipated the propo-
sitions that might be made to it concerning the
precautions to be taken against a repetition of this
attempt. It was, in fact, at this period that the
functions of the Prefect of Police in Paris were
extended beyond the limits of the capital, and to
the Commune of St. Cloud in particular, and that
the action of the police, who had given proofs of
ability, fidelity, and activity on the occasion, ac-
quired greater importance, and became one of the
most powerful auxiliaries of the Government. It
was at this period also that Fouche' gained the
entire confidence of the First Consul, and began
to exercise an influence over him from which
Bonaparte could never entirely free himself, not-
withstanding the numerous proofs which he had
of faithlessness and treachery.
The plot of Ceracchi and his accomplices, who
all belonged to the extreme revolutionary class,
contributed to convince the First Consul that his
greatest and most dangerous enemies were to be
found in that party ; and that consequently he should
arm himself chiefly against the remaining Jacobins
and Terrorists. The emigres and partisans of the
former dynasty ceased to be formidable in his eyes,
382 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MEL1T0.
and he thought lie should gain them entirely to him-
self by relaxing the rigour of the laws against emi-
gration in their favour. With this view he proposed
for discussion in the Council of State the celebrated
decree of the 28th Yende'miaire, year IX. (Oct. 20,
1800), whose effect was the reversal of all the
former terrible legislation existing since 1793, that
had been the cause of so much individual wrong and
suffering. The new decrees, which met with no
serious opposition in the debates of the Council of
State, proved that the Government, while performing
this act of justice from motives of moderation and
equity, was entirely convinced that in throwing open
the gates of France to the emigres, it was not open-
ing them to enemies. Apart from the confidence
inspired by gratitude on which he reckoned, nothing
could be more adapted to confirm the First Consul's
views than a curious circumstance which I shall now
relate, and which, if true, as I have every reason to
believe it was, must have decided Bonaparte's line
of action towards the emigres. I wrote it down as
follows, on the very day on which Girardin and I
heard it from Joseph Bonaparte.
One confidence had led to another, and lastly
Joseph Bonaparte revealed a very singular cir-
cumstance. "About three months ago," said he,
" the First Consul received from the Pretender
(Louis XVI 1 1.) a Idler of four pages, written entirely
A LETTER FROM LOUIS XVIII. 383
in his own band. It contains a kind of renunciation
of the throne ; but at the same time calls upon
Bonaparte to consider whether, since he has been so
great a benefactor to France, it would not be conso-
nant with his greatness, his generosity, nay even his
humanity, to recall the true heir of this ancient mon-
archy to the sovereign power, by securing to him
the position that would become vacant on the death
of the present Head of the Government. The letter
also contains warm praise of our First Magistrate,
and states that commands have been laid on all
Royalists dwelling on French soil, to remain per-
fectly quiescent, and neither to plan nor attempt
anything against the existing Government."
Our informant had seen this letter, but it was
not in his possession. I did not therefore see it
myself; but I can affirm that if this statement be
untrue, the falsehood cannot be laid to the charge
of Joseph Bonaparte. After the temporary disturb-
ance caused by the conspiracy which had just failed,
public business was resumed with more activity than
ever. The sittings of the Council of State became
increasingly interesting from the various discus-
sions that took place on different branches of the
Administration. Amid the general activity, I too
found myself busier than I had hitherto been. The
First Consul appointed me one of the Assistant Re-
porters of the Councillor of State charged with the
384 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
National Domains, and in that capacity I was
enabled to get justice done in the cases of several
citizens who had been deprived of their property by
the misapplication of the emigration laws. Shortly
afterwards, I and five of my colleagues were em-
ployed in makingeliminations from the lists of emigres,
in virtue of the decree of the 28th Yendemiaire.
" The arrival of the Austrian Minister, Count von
Cobentzel, at the Congress of Lune'ville was made
known in the beginning of Brumaire (end of October),
and added to the general satisfaction afforded by the
recent acts of the Government. So soon as Joseph
Bonaparte was informed that the Austrian nego-
tiator was on his way, he set out to join him at
Luneville. But he met him on the road, going to
Paris, without having stopped at Lune'ville. The
two Ministers entered the same carriage, and
Joseph Bonaparte, retracing his steps, returned to
Paris with Count von Cobentzel. They arrived
on the 8th Brumaire (October 30). This friendly
proceeding and the confidence that seemed to be
already established between the two negotiators
were apparently good omens for the issue of the
conference. But I was speedily undeceived by a
few words from Joseph Bonaparte. Count von
Cobentzel liad come without any positive authori-
sation from his Court, and it was only the fact that
M. de Lucchesini, the Russian .Minister, had come
COUNT VON COBENTZEL. 385
direct to Paris without stopping at Luneville,
that had induced him to come there also. And
moreover, although he had been received with
cordiality which excited M. de Lucchesini's jealousy,
he promptly repented of his journey to Paris, which
had been undertaken in ignorance of the invasion of
Tuscany by the French troops. He learned the fact
in Paris ; and his presence there became embarrassing
in consequence. In reality affairs were not so ad-
vanced as it was hoped, and as the First Consul
wished us to believe. Count von Cobentzel made
a formal announcement that he had only powers to
treat in common with England ; to this Joseph
Bonaparte replied that he had none on his side
except to treat separately, and that he must de-
cline all communication with Sir Thomas Grrenville,
who had been designated by the English Govern-
ment, unless a naval armistice were concluded, as
a necessary preliminary to the admission of the
English negotiator. The question was further com-
plicated by the intervention of M. de Lucchesini,
speaking for the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, which
insisted strongly on the integral restoration of the
King of Sardinia. It was feared that the resolution
of Paul I. on this point would hinder the progress
of the negotiations. Bonaparte having already dis-
posed, so to speak, of Piedmont,* could not undo
* By a decree of the 30th Fructidor, year VIII. (Sept. 17, 1800)
VOL. I. 2 C
386 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
what had been so recently effected, and would
only hold out some hope of an indemnity in Italy
for the King of Sardinia. This was a difficult
expedient, and one which must be impracticable,
so long as the Cisalpine Republic, which had
been restored after the victory of Marengo, should
be in existence. Those, therefore, who were at
all in the secrets of the Government foresaw a
renewal of hostilities, and were convinced that
the Luneville negotiations could make no progress
until the issue of the campaign about to be opened
should be decided in favour of either France or
Austria.
Count von Cobentzel did not prolong his stay in
Paris beyond a few days. He set out for Luneville
on the 18th Brumaire (November 4), and Joseph
Bonaparte started on the same day for the same
destination. This resolution was arrived at after
a discussion, held in Joseph Bonaparte's presence,
between the First Consul and Count von Cobentzel,
and during which the negotiation was nearly broken
off. The principal difficulty had arisen from Count
von Cobentzel's formal refusal to treat without the
the First Consul had annexed all that portion of Piedmont
which was Bituated beyond the Sesia to the Cisalpine Republic
He had not pronounced on the fate of the rest of the country, but
it was evident that h< • would novcr consent to restore it to its
formor rulers.
COUNT VON COBENTZEL. 387
concurrence of England, while France, on the con-
trary, insisted on treating separately. The First
Consul was very impatient during this interview.
" If you have nothing more to say," he ex-
claimed, addressing Count von Cobentzel, " you may
return as quickly as you came."
It appeared, moreover, that the Count had more
extended powers than he admitted, since at Lune-
ville he consented to open negotiations without
the concurrence of England. It is true, however,
that they proceeded very slowly at first.
On the evening of the day on which this interview
had taken place I saw Madame Bonaparte. She,
like myself, felt but little confidence in the success
of the negotiations, and she told me that Count von
Cobentzel had written to her, complaining of the
manner in which he had been treated by the First
Consul. What could she do in the matter ?
While Bonaparte was assuming that haughty
attitude towards the foreign Powers, which for a
long time was tolerated, on account of his greatness
and glory, by Kings who had become his flatterers,
internal discussions in his family were leading up
to the scandalous quarrels which subsequently took
place between the brothers, and produced such
disastrous results.
A pamphlet published in the beginning of
Brumaire, under the title of " Parallele entre Ce'sar,
2 c 2
388 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Cromwell, Monk et Bonaparte," and which was very
widely circulated, had made a great sensation. It
was not easy to detect the aim of the author at first ;
in fact, it was only on carefully studying it to
the end that its meaning became apparent, and the
reader perceived that France was warned of the
risk she was running by giving up the inheritance
of Bonaparte to the Generals and the military.
The writer did not, however, point out the precise
remedy for this evil, but it was evident that his
principal object was to indicate one of the First
Consul's brothers. The style, the affectation of the
antitheses, and especially the exclamation on page
14, " Where is he, the successor to Pericles ? '
caused the authorship of this pamphlet to be attri-
buted to Lucien Bonaparte.*
Popular feeling was not yet sufficiently favourable
to the views it put forth to receive it well. It
attacked the military, whom it was the First Consul's
interest to conciliate, and even supposing that
in his heart he did not dislike that publication,
since it tended to familiarise the people with certain
* In four days this pamphlet went thremgh two editions.
In the first wero these words, page 16: "You may fall once
more under the dominion of foreigners, under the yoke of
S " an abbreviation which was interpreted as meaning
Si eyes. In tho second edition tho abbreviation had disap-
peared, and was replaced by tho words " Under the yoke of
the military," which gavo rise to tho belief that in tho first the
phrase Bhould have been read " Under the yoke of soldiers."
A REMARKABLE PAMPHLET. 389
words, which until recently would have greatly-
offended them, he yet thought it advisable to ex-
press dissatisfaction. " It was a work," he said to
Roederer, " of which he himself had suggested the
idea, but whose concluding pages were written by
a madman." *
This circumstance, added to the universal com-
plaints of Lucien Bonaparte's administration, made
the First Consul decide on removing his brother
from the Ministry of the Interior, and sending him
out of France. He was despatched to Spain as
Ambassador Extraordinary under the pretext of
important interests to be treated of with that Power.
There was, however, nothing to justify the belief that
the political relations between the two States were
of sufficient gravity to require such a measure, and
in fact Lucien's mission served only to enable him to
acquire immense wealth, which he wrung from the
weakness and pusillanimity of the Queen of Spain and
her favourite Don Manuel Godoy, to whom he sold
Peace. No one was deceived about the real motive
for this measure. On the day that it became public
(16th Brumaire) I heard that it had been adopted
in consequence of an angry altercation between
* It is certain that Bonaparte frequently said, " If I were to
die quietly in my bed, with time to make my will, I would
advise the French nation not to choose a soldier for my
successor.
390 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Lucien Bonaparte and Fouche, in the presence of
the First Consul. Fouche' reproached Lucien with
his conduct, his extortions, his immoral way
of life, his orgies with actresses, among others,
Mademoiselle Mezerai. Lucien retaliated on Fouche'
with his revolutionary doings, the bloodshed of
which he had been the cause, the tax he had
imposed on the gaming tables, and the money he
made by it. After thus mutually rendering justice
to each other, they came to abuse, and the history of
the pamphlet played a great part in the quarrel.
The First Consul took no share in this scan-
dalous scene, which occurred on the 12th Brumaire
(Nov. 3). During the whole of it he remained
absolutely silent, and the antagonists were dismissed,
ignorant which of the two had prevailed. But
Fouche, well knowing he had gone too far in the
game to allow his adversary the upper hand, by
which he would be utterly ruined, resorted to a new
expedient. He worked, or caused others to work, on
General Moreau, who was on the point of taking the
command of the armies of the Rhine and the Danube.
He made him feel that on him, as a General equally
illustrious by his victories and honourable in his
character, the task devolved of telling the whole
truth to the First Consul, and inducing him to
sacrifice his brother. Moreau consented to this step,
lie represented to Bonaparte the discontent of the
LUCIE N AND FOUCHE. 391
army, his fear of being unable to cope with it, the
bad effect that had been produced by a publication
in which the military were openly insulted, and
the probability that the First Consul himself would
be believed to give it a tacit approval, if he abstained
from punishing the author.
Immediately after this conference Lucien's de-
parture was determined on. He was succeeded at
the Ministry of the Interior by Chaptal. Madame
Bacciochi told me that she had used her best en-
deavours with her brother to persuade him to select
me ; but this step, which was taken without my
knowledge, resulted in nothing. The First Consul
intended me at that time for a very different
mission, one which I could not look upon as a
favour, although it was bestowed on me as a mark
of confidence.
On the 22nd Brumaire I was passing the evening
at the First Consul's house. He took me aside, and
after a long conversation, he proposed that I should
return to Corsica. His intention, he said, was to
suspend the authority of the Constitution in that
island, and to entrust me with the government
daring its suspension. No mission could be less
agreeable to me, and yet it was not in my power to
decline it. I ventured to raise some objections on
the score of my insufficiency to confront the diffi-
culties of the task, but they were not admitted, and
392 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
I perceived that I should not escape from my desti-
nation unless some unexpected event, which might
alter the decision of the First Consul, should occur.
This hope was not realised.
Meanwhile the conference had been opened at
Luneville, and dragged slowly along, making no real
progress. Girardin, who had been on a visit for
some days with Joseph Bonaparte, returned to Paris
at the end of February, and from what he told us
we lost all hope of peace. Every preparation was
therefore made for war ; there was even some
question of Bonaparte's departure for the German
Army. But he soon abandoned this intention, and
although General Moreau, who had repented of his
share in the 18th Brumaire, was on the coldest
terms with the First Consul, it was on him that the
choice of the Government fell.
Public opinion had anticipated that choice. In
the midst of this state of expectation and suspense
the Session of the Legislative Body was about to
open.* The Council of State was actively employed
in the preparation of the laws that were to be
presented in the course of the Session, and as the
First Consul was always present at its sittings, the
debates were rendered highly interesting, because
the share he bore in them, and the opinions which
he put forward. I will mention some of these, which
* The opening was fixed for the 1st Friuiairo (Nov. 22).
AN INTERESTING DEBATE. 393
struck me particularly, either by their singularity or
by their disclosure of his secret views.
In the sitting of the 27th Brumaire (Nov. 18) the
reports of the various Ministers on the state of their
department were given in. These reports were to
serve as a basis to the exposition of the general state
of the Republic, which the Government intended to
have read on the approaching opening of the
Legislative Session.* The Minister of the Navy had
inserted in his report a commendation of the conduct
of the inhabitants of the He de France (Mauritius),
and of the He de la Re'union (Bourbon), who, amid
so many political storms, had remained faithful to
the metropolis. In concluding his panegyric, he
added that it was a duty to indemnify the in-
habitants of these islands for the reproaches which
the " prejudices " of the former Government (the
Directory) had often caused to be addressed to
them.j" The word "prejudices" gave offence to
Truguet.| He rose to speak, not only in defence
* This exposition, very well drawn up by Consul Le-
brun, was published in the ' Moniteur ' of the 2nd Frimaire,
year IX.
f The inhabitants of the Isles of France and Bourbon had
refused to receive tbe Commissioners sent them by the Directory,
and also refused to adopt the legislation which gave freedom to
the negroes. The two colonies were thenceforth regarded as in
a state of counter-revolution.
| Admiral Truguet, at that time a Councillor of State, one of
the most violent demagogues of the Revolution.
394 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
of the Executive Directory, which he said had
governed our colonies in a truly Republican spirit,
but in censure of the inhabitants of the two islands,
who, he asserted, deserved no praise ; and he
declared himself plainly for the suppression of the
paragraph. Barbe-Marbois,* warmly supported it,
and maintained that by refusing admittance to the
Commissioners who had been sent to them by the
preceding Government, the inhabitants of the Isles
of France and of Reunion had simply preserved
themselves from the misfortune which had fallen
upon the rest of our colonies. Truguet replied with
some heat, and the discussion was degenerating into
personalities when the First Consul began to speak.
He highly praised the conduct of the inhabitants ;
he protested that, for his part, he thought nothing
more absurd than a system of general philanthropy,
which, under pretext of bestowing liberty on a class
of men of a different colour from ourselves, had in
fact made them masters of the small number of whites
against whom, it was clear, they would take up arms
on receiving so fatal a gift. He said that between
the sad alternative of being slaves or owning slaves,
there could be no hesitation, and that it must always
be better to be the masters. He quoted the army of
the East; he certainly knew of no troops more loyal
* A Councillor of State, very much devoted to the First
Consul, but with a strung leaning towards Koyalism.
BONAPARTE'S SPEECH. 395
than they, but if they were asked to-morrow to free
the slaves who inhabited the country they now
occupied, they would begin by hanging those who
brought them such a proposition, and they would
do well.
He was not acquainted, he continued, with the
slaves of America and the Indies, but he had seen
those of Egypt, of the Desert of Darfour, of the bank
of the Euphrates, and of the Eed Sea, and among
them all he had seen but brute beasts whose heads
were cut off at a sign from the Pacha or the police-
officer, and that he himself had felt the indispen-
sable necessity of retaining as a measure of police a
custom from which he had at first revolted. He ended
his discourse with general reflections on Revolutions
and on the danger of taking the various epochs
which have marked them as a stand-point, instead of
taking the dominant events which were consented to
by all : " Think you," he said, addressing himself to
the whole Council, " think you that the 18th Fructidor,
the 18th Brumaire, even the 10th August were quite
in order, and obtained the consent of all men ; that
you wish to place the Institutions to which those
days gave birth, above other institutions which have
been consecrated by time and custom ? We have
finished the Romance of the Revolution, we must now
begin its History, only seeking for what is real and
practicable in the application of its principles, and
396 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
not what is speculative and hypothetical. To follow-
any other course at the present day would be to
philosophize and not to govern."
Circumstances which occurred shortly afterwards
gave Bonaparte further opportunities of expressing
noteworthy opinions. On the whole, the Legislative
Body and the Tribunate had been actuated since
the opening of the Session by a hostile disposition
towards the Government, and had taken every oppor-
tunity of displaying it. The Tribunate especially
was punctiliously severe upon the slightest errors in
the projects of law, and in the debates that were held
in the presence of the Legislative Body its orators
often had the advantage over those of the Council
of State. The Government was even obliged to with-
draw some of its projects ; among others the proposed
laws concerning the Magistrates and the Municipal
Police. In the sitting of the Council on the
14th Frimaire (December 5) the First Consul corn-
plumed of the negligence with which those projects
had been drawn up. He said it was incredible
that errors so grave as those which the documents in
question contained should have escaped the notice of
the Members of the Section of Legislation and the
sagacity of the thirty Councillors of State, and that
for his part he would not have remained a member
of the Section of Legislation, after such a fault.
Then turning towards Regnault do St.-Jean-d'Angvly,
A SECOND SPEECH. 397
he reproached him with his weak defence of a law on
the preceding day.* " You admitted," said he, " that
this law was imperfect. That is an admission you must
never make. You invoked the union of powers, you
preached the doctrine of reconciliation and of good-
will. Miserable means ! especially in circumstances
so trivial. An orator is always beaten, when he
thinks himself obliged to have recourse to such feeble
expedients as these."
" Moreover," he continued, " the disposition of the
Tribunate, and of the Legislative Body, is evident.
These are bodies who, being uncertain of what they
really are, act according to the natural tendency of
governing bodies, to assert their importance and
make people talk of them. They are the great
nobles, the blue-ribbon- wearers of the Ee volution of
1793 ; they cannot forgive a state of things which
has taken from them that power, and those honours
which they are always regretting. Public opinion
must pronounce between them and us. If it ever
decides for them, we could do nothing, and must
renounce our rule. But if this same public recog-
nises that the Government is also the representative
of the people, if it sees that the struggle now com-
mencing is the result only of wounded vanity, or of
ill-effaced regrets and recollections, then it is they
who will cease to be anything.
" From all this," continued the First Consul, " it
398 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
follows that our line must be to make as few laws
as possible, and to do without all that are not
indispensable. For in the present state of feeling
I see nothing that can reasonably be proposed with
a certainty of success. We must confine ourselves
to the law on the Budget, and be silent respecting
all the rest. Some day perhaps the people, who are
represented by us as well as by the Legislative Body
and the Tribunate, will perceive that it is impossible
to rule a State when this diversity exists between
the principal governing bodies, and especially when
the two authorities that vote the laws insist that
none but perfect and irreproachable laws shall be
presented to them ; which is a vain dream, quite
impossible to realise."
Two days after this sitting, at the conclusion of an
audience given to the Ambassadors,* he detained the
Members of the Council of State, and returning to
the same subject, expressed similar ideas. He made
the additional remark that the Tribunate lost much
of the advantage conferred on it by the Constitution
by regarding itself as instituted merely to oppose the
(J oven in lent, and not to advise with it ; thus posing
as the natural enemy of the Government, instead of
an integral part of it, and, as it were, its mouthpiece,
* For somo tinio past these audiences had hccn given with
great ceremony ; the Senate and the Stato Council being present
at them.
A THIBD SPEECH. 399
for the tribune is the principal and easiest mode of
addressing the public, and leading public opinion
in the desired direction for the preservation of the
existing order of things. " It is impossible," con-
tinued he, " that there should be any likeness
between the present order, and that which existed
under the Constituent Assembly. The new power
that was then arising had to struggle with a power
that was crumbling, and which marked regretfully
its own daily diminution. To-day, on the contrary,
it is a dethroned power, and one without strength of
its own, that would attempt to act against a vigorous
power able to dispense with its help. We have
sufficient laws to govern the Republic for a long
time yet, without having recourse to the Legislative
Body, and we can do without it until the time when
it will have been sifted by the renewals which the
Senate has to make in it occasionally, dating from
the present year. What will be the consequence,
moreover, of the inaction in which we shall leave it ?
For another year, it will be said that the Govern-
ment intends to abolish the Tribunate, an intention
which it has not, and cannot have. But although
such rumours may bring discredit on that Body and
deprive it of some consideration, which is not
desirable, it is better to run the risk of this than to
have to fight the English, the Austrians, the Russians,
the Legislature, and the Tribunate at the same time.
400 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE 3IELITO.
These are too many enemies for the Government,
and it must endeavour to lessen their number."
He spoke next of the excitement that had been
caused by a recent occurrence. The Constitutional
Bishop of Morbihan had been murdered by fanatics
between Quimper and Morlaix, in the month of Bru-
maire, and this murder furnished a text for decla-
mation and invective against the restored emigres,
the clergy, and consequently against the Govern-
ment, which had encouraged the return of the first
and the pretensions of the second. A motion was
already prepared by the Tribunate, which was to be
read by Boujoux, one of its members, containing a
hostile criticism of the Government, and openly
blaming its action and its policy. This motion
was to have been made some days before, on the
9th Frimaire, and the fear of being premature and
imprudent had been the sole cause of the delay
in reading it.
After informing us of these particulars, the First
Consul continued: "They want me, in order to
avenge the assassination of a priest, to proscribe a
whole class of society, to commence a course of
severe and revolutionary measures. I will not do so;
T only wish for law, which ought to be sufficient for
the repression and punishment of every crime. My
own life was attempted, but it never occurred to me,
nor was I asked, to proscribe all the Jacobins among
BONAPARTE'S MAXIMS. -401
whom the crime had been plotted. I left its punish-
ment to the ordinary tribunals ; and I shall do the
same with the assassins of Andrein, with this differ-
ence, that they shall be prosecuted with much greater
severity than those who attacked myself." I shall
bring these quotations to a close here, although at
that time I took note of many other things. I have
said enough to explain the principles on which the
First Consul acted in the management of public
affairs. If we examine them closely, we must
give him credit for great skill in the art of dealing
with men, and profound sagacity in the conduct of
public business. We also see that he professed
maxims of Government which might be adopted with
advantage by princes at the head of empires, and
some of which, those for instance relating to the
murder of Andrein, are excellent. It would have been
well had he never deviated from his own maxims.
vol. i. 2d
402 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
CHAPTER XII.
Morcau gains a victory at Ilohenlinden over the Austrians —
Celebration of that victory in Paris — The Author prepares
for his journoy to Corsica, but his departure is deferred in
consequence of the attempt of the 3rd Nivose — Details of
that event — Its immediate result — Wrath of the First
Consul with the Terrorists — Extra-legal measures proposed
against that faction, by means of unconstitutional powers
conforred on the Senate — Extraordinary sitting of the
Council of Stato — Eeports by the Police — Dobate, and
decroos of the Consuls now converted into a Sonatus-Con-
sultum — The Police provo that tho authors of tho attempt of
the 3rd Nivose belong to tho Eoyalist party, and arrest tho
real criminals — Successful issuo of the peace negotiations at
Luneville — Tho Author sets out on his journey, having
received his instructions from the First Consul — Dis-
organized Btate of tho south of Franco — Admiral Ganteaumo
and his squadron — Tho author loaves Toulon in the war-
sloop Hirondelle and lands at Calvi.
While the Government was endeavouring to parry
I lie blows aimed at it by the Tribunate, and to
prepare for the coming struggle, Victory, still faith-
ful In French arms, was about to dispel some of the
difficull i«'s with which itseourse was beset. I iostilities
bad begun ; the army of Germany had just opened
IIOHENLINDEN. 403
the winter campaign, and on the 11th Frirnaire
(September 2) Moreau gained a victory, as brilliant
as it was complete, over the Austrians at Hohen-
linden in Bavaria. Thus the same spot which had
witnessed the signing of the prorogation of the
armistice at the close of year VIII. now gave its name
to a memorable battle, which had most important
results.
Notwithstanding the rivalry between the two
great Generals, which was increased by this
victory, the First Consul lavished unstinted praise
on Moreau. He sent him, in the name of the
Government, a pair of splendid pistols set with
diamonds ; salvos of artillery in Paris and the for-
tified towns, especially Calais, announced to England
the triumph of our arms ; messages were sent
with great solemnity to the Legislative Body and
to the Tribunate. Our hopes of peace revived,
the Legislative authorities appeared less adverse
to it, and the general aspect of things was more
favourable. During this peaceful interval the First
Consul, reverting to his plan of sending me to
Corsica, commanded me to present to the Legis-
lative Body the law which suspended the autho-
rity of the constitutional government in that island.
Some difficulties were raised in the Tribunate, but
these were readily disposed of, and the law adopted
on the 23rd Frirnaire (December 14) by a majority
2 d 2
404 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of two hundred and sixty against three. I then
read to the Council of State the report of the pro-
posed decree, which was to define the extraordinary
powers that I was to exercise in virtue of that
law. It was adopted, with a few unimportant mo-
difications, and I prepared to start. My departure
was, however, delayed by a very serious event.
On the 3rd Nivose (December 24) Haydn's
Oratorio, " The Creation," was given at the Opera,
and attracted a large audience. The First Consul
went to the Opera House at about half-past eight.
His carriage followed that of Madame Bonaparte, and
was attended by his ordinary guard. At the turn
into the Rue Saint-Nicaise, the explosion of a barrel
of gunpowder was heard, the windows of the neigh-
bouring houses were smashed, some walls came
toppling down, and several of the passers-by were
killed or severely injured.
Such was the story told me by Talleyrand and
liegnault, whom I met in the lobby of the Opera
I louse. Other details, more or less exaggerated, were
added. It was, however, asserted from the very
first that this explosion was not the result of accident,
but the execution of a plot against the life of the
First Consul. The barrel contained, besides a large
quantity of compressed gunpowder, balls and bits
oi iron of all kinds, and was placed on a cart which
barred the way of Bonaparte's carriage. It had
THE THIRD NIVOSE. 405
been fired by a train of powder. A miscalculation of
the time only prevented this infernal machine from
accomplishing its purpose ; the First Consul had
already passed by when the explosion took place.
Bonaparte remained perfectly cool. On reaching the
Opera he advanced to the front of his box, and, as the
great danger he had incurerd was as yet unknown
to the audience, his presence excited only the usual
amount of attention. But when the news spread, it
caused the greatest sensation. All the disasters
which might possibly ensue on the inopportune death
of the First Consul were pictured to men's minds,
and it may safely be said that never before was his
life so precious, and never had he inspired so much
interest. The Opera ended quietly, and many
persons left the house in ignorance of the attempt
on Bonaparte's life.
The following morning I went to the Tuileries,
where I found, as I had expected, a great number of
persons. The First Consul seemed to be convinced
that the plot was the work of revolutionaries, and
that this party had chosen for its instruments the
assassins of September 1792, who were living at
liberty in Paris, and even found safety in the protec-
tion of the police. In was in vain that Fouche', who
was present, and perhaps already better informed,
endeavoured to insinuate that the Royalists and the
emigres might have had some hand in this fresh
406 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
conspiracy ; he was not listened to. It was admitted
that those whom he accused would have profited by
the plot, but no one would believe they were its
authors. The First Consul said to his Minister,
" Don't make a carmagnole * out of this ; it was
your Terrorists who did it."
During the day, the Section of the Interior and
that of Legislation met to deliberate on a project
of law, for the framing of a particular form of
procedure and instituting exceptional Tribunals for
tryiug attempts against the Government, and the
life of the Consuls. The wise maxims which
Bonaparte had professed in the affair of the assas-
sination of the constitutional Bishop of Morbihan
had already been abandoned. The united Sections
proposed to refer the cognisance of crimes of this
kind to the special Tribunals which were to be esta-
blished for trying the plunderers of the diligences,!
and also to give the Government, by a measure of
" High Police," the right to banish any individual
who might appear dangerous to public tranquillity.
This was certainly a great deal to grant, but
the First Consul was so convinced that the plot,
to which he had so nearly fallen a victim, was the
* In llio days of the Terror conspiracies got up by the
police in order to invent criminals were called carmagnoles.
| At this period robbery of stage coaches had increased U> a
frightful extent. Tlie Chouans, who bad not been subdued,
took pari in iliis noble war.
THE TIIIRD NIVOSE. 407
work of the Terrorists, and that he had better profit
by this opportunity to get rid of them altogether, that
he was by no means satisfied with the plan adopted
by the Sections, and read in the Council of State.
After the first few phrases Bonaparte announced
distinctly that he wished them to draw up a scheme
for a special law to invest the Government with
extraordinary power, and not one which, being in
accordance with the more or less tedious forms of
justice, would neither allow of the immediate
punishment of the guilty, nor of the use of those
strong measures of High Police, which it was
necessary to employ without hesitation in the extra-
ordinary situation of affairs.
Passing on to the history of the facts, and draw-
ing a picture of our position, he spoke as follows :
" There are from four to five hundred men, either
in Paris or scattered over France, steeped in crime,
without home, without occupation, and without
means. These men form an army in constant
action against the Grovernment. It is they who were
the instruments of the 31st of May, of the Septem-
ber massacres, and of those of Versailles. They it
was who carried out the conspiracy of Babeuf, and
that of the camp of Grenelle. It was they who
attacked the Directory, and then the Government
which succeeded it. They are the enemies of every
form of order, no matter what its principles, of every
408 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
liberal idea, of every kind of government. They
exist, and they are well known ; they have their
meetings, and their information ; and their modes of
action are derived from their familiarity with crime.
This horde of hungry wolves scattered through the
whole of society, and everywhere notorious ; branded
on the forehead with the mark of crime, keep alive
a constant state of terror. What must Europe
think of a Government under which such wolves
live and flourish ? What confidence can she have in
a Government which either does not know how or else
is not able to protect its own capital ? — a Government
under whose eyes an infernal plot which brings ruin
and desolation on a portion of the inhabitants
of that capital is carried out? It is impossible
that these things can continue ; it is time to rid
society of this scourge ; before five days have passed
twenty or thirty of these monsters must die, and two
or three hundred must be deported. As for me,
I am ready to take upon myself all the weight
and all the opprobium of such a course, for I see
nothing that is not honourable in such a measure of
public safety. I would summon these men, whose
name is in every mouth, before me; I would seat
myself in the curulc chair in the largest hall of the
Palace wherein I dwell ; and in the presence of the
whole people, were it possible to unite them in one
place, I would condemn them myself, and dividing the
DIFFICULTIES OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE. 409
penalty of death and that of deportation in the pro-
portion I have just indicated, I would in one day
avenge the outrages they have inflicted on society
and mankind."
After this speech, which had been delivered with
great warmth, opinions were divided. The difficulty
of framing, and above all of obtaining a law,
which should give such latitude of power to
the Government, investing it as it were with a
Dictatorship, led some of the members of the Council
to entertain an idea which had already occurred to
myself, and which in my opinion was more conso-
nant with the actual state of things, if in reality
that was what had been described to us.
We held that rather than corrupt our social
institutions at their source, the First Magistrate
of the Republic should have acted as Cicero did on
the occasion of Catiline's conspiracy ; that he would
have done better had he announced to the Legislative
Body and the nation that he usurped the Dictatorship
on behalf of public safety, than by demanding the
means of exercising it legally. But as this opinion was
the effect of a momentary impulse rather than the
outcome of mature reflection, it was promptly set
aside, and the discussion was turning on the formu-
lation of the proposed law, when Truguet demanded
leave to speak.
After much circumlocution, and some common-
410 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
place remarks on the facts, he came to the point
of his discourse, which was that in the proposed
measures he could not discern any protection against
enemies who were in his opinion quite as dangerous
as those they openly attacked. He contended that
emigres and priests should also be aimed at. He
stated that pamphlets were in circulation which
proved their desire and intention to overturn the
Government ; and that, according to the admissions
of Magardel,* the life of the First Consul was in as
much danger from conspirators of this sort as from
the men of September, whom he, Truguet, abhorred
indeed, but whom he did not believe to be
the only criminals. Lastly, lie declared that in his
opinion general measures were required which
should strike at the emigres, the priests, and the
Royalists, as well as at the Terrorists and the
fanatical revolutionaries.
The First Consul listened to this speech with the
greatest impatience, and his countenance showed
that he was much annoyed. He controlled himself,
however, until Truguet had come to an end, when
he burst forth with, " What do you mean, Citizen
Truguet? explain yourself; of whom do you speak?
What are the pamphlets you cite? What are the
* This Magardel, one of the leaders of the Vendean army, had
been tried in Paris by court-martial, ami Bhot a tow days
Ik; lore.
BONAPABTE ' PBONOUNCES: 411
measures you would have taken ? Do you contend
that we ought to restore the law of hostages, persecute
seven or eight thousand priests who have returned
on the faith of my honour, and drive from the
Council of State and from the Tribunate all who
are called Royalists ? For, if we are to believe
the so-called patriots, we must send Portalis to
Guiana; and Roederer is a Royalist, also Defermon
himself, and all the Council, with two or three
exceptions. Am I to send away all these honest,
honourable, and enlightened men, and replace them
by patriots ? Am I to seek for councillors among
the residue of the Jacobin and Cordeliers' Clubs ?
" Am I once more to arouse terror and alarm in
every breast ? Am I to proclaim the country in
danger ? Am I to imitate the Merlins* and the
Rewbels, by striking indiscriminately on every side ?
No, never ! never will I be forced into such excesses.
I will not persecute the priests, I will not be per-
suaded to hunt men down because they believe in
an Almighty Being, and in a religion which is per-
haps after all the true one. I will never believe that
a people can be ruled or led without religion. And
where are those pressing dangers that threaten the
* The reader will remember that some mouths earlier
Napoleon had appointed Merlin to one of the first places in the
Magistrate re, and had given the government of Piedmont to
Geueral Jourdan, who, the preceding year, had proclaimed
the country in dauger in the Council of the Five Hundred.
412 3IEM0IRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Republic ? What influence over its destiny can be
exercised by a few more or less ridiculous pam-
phlets, which have made no lasting impression ?
Suppose they do liken me to Caesar and Cromwell,
what effect can that have, or what can result from
it, to shake the established order that rules us?
Can I prevent a fool from spoiling paper by
comparing me to Caesar ? Besides, let us, like states-
men, turn our eyes on the situation of France ; was
it ever more brilliant ? Our finances are prosperous,
our armies triumphant. Since the beginning of the
Revolution our peace at home has never been so
untroubled. La Vendee is quiet, the Chouans are
engaged in repulsing the English, and Georges
Cadoudal* without any influence over the remain-
der of his party is wandering in the woods, accom-
panied by seven or eight men, and often obliged to
sleep on board an English vessel. Those priests
whom you would persecute are praying for me. It
is true that brigandage is spreading in some of the
<!c|>artments ;f but if the obligation to end the
war did not compel me to send all our disposable
troops beyond the frontiers, brigandage would long
ago have been put down for ever. They who
* Georges Cadoudal, afterwards so famous for his plois
against the life of tho First Tonsiil in 1S<> 1, and who then had
been concerned in that of the infernal machine.
t Bonaparte alluded here to highway robberies aud attacks
upon Btage-COaches.
BONAPARTE ' PRONOUNCES: 413
trouble our peace are but few in number, but we
must fall on them without mercy, for it is on them
that obscure and ambitious men, thirsting for power,
would rely for help, if they could see a possibility of
executing their designs, and for that reason they
seek to conciliate them that they may obtain their
services in the event of another revolution. Unde-
ceive yourself, Citizen Truguet ; they will not spare
you then any more than any other. * Who is this
Citizen Truguet ? ' they will say ; ' a noble, an admiral,
a Councillor of State ; show him no mercy ! '
As he uttered this philippic, the voice of the First
Consul broke ; he felt he was losing his self-control,
and putting on his hat in the midst of an un-
finished sentence, he abruptly closed the sitting of
the Council, which had come to no decision.
The deliberation on the proposed law was resumed
on the morrow, and continued for several days,
either in the interior of the Sections of the Council
of State, or in the presence of the First Consul.
None of the proposed alterations satisfied him; he
always found that something was wanting to the
necessities of the time, and constantly recurred
to the ideas he had so vehemently expressed
to us at a preceding meeting. " There is no
middle course," he told us; " we must either com-
pletely pardon, or utterly put down." And as it
was pointed out to him that after a criminal attempt
414 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
which struck at the whole people he had not the
right to be so generous, " Then," he replied, " you
must strike at the roots, at the 400 brigands
perpetually drawn up in line of battle. We must
force them to say, ' Fortune has forsaken us ; the
hand of Fate has defeated us ; there is no longer
any hope.' Let the chief of the band fall, the
others will sink into obscurity, and you will restore
to society ten thousand individuals who, being
flattered by their leaders with vague and delusive
hopes, have put off until now the resumption of
their former occupations."
The majority agreed with the First Consul that
an extraordinary measure was required, and, indeed,
it could not be otherwise. We had the facts from
the Government only, and we could not doubt
that this plot was the work of those whom it
accused. But we always recurred to the necessity
of a law. The difficulty of compiling it, the danger
of discussing it, and above all the position in which
the Government would find itself if the law were
rejected, or adopted by a feeble majority only,
alarmed us ; and in truth the First Consul was too
wise to wish to incur such a risk. Besides, it was
not a law that he wanted ; a word from Talleyrand,
near whom I sat at one of these meetings, threw
light on the designs of the First Consul. I had
said to Talleyrand that if the chances of a dis-
THE USE OF THE SENATE. 415
cussion in the Tribunate and the possible refusal of
a law were risks to be avoided, I could see no way
out of our difficulties, since an opinion or debate
of the Council of State could not constitute law, and
could still less substitute itself for a law that had
been rejected by the Legislative Body. " You are
right," he replied ; " but is there nothing more than
the Legislative Body and the Council of State ?
What is the good of having a Senate if we do not
make use of it ? ' I saw in an instant all the sis:-
niflcance of this hint, and I also understood whence
it came. By taking a portion of the Legislative
authority away from the ordinary authorities, by
reserving to the Senate the right of pronouncing on
extraordinary questions of public safety, by special
acts, the Government would create a Body no
longer inert and motionless, but one, whose autho-
rity, superior to all others, would dominate the
entire constitutional system, and, under the pretext
of preserving that system, would acquire the power
of modifying it as the Government might desire ; for
the latter, while giving the Senate the power of
framing laws, reserved to itself the right of pro-
posing them. The deliberations of the Senate were
secret ; the number of the Senators was small, and
the appointments were for life ; once gained over, it
could be always held in hand, and means of seduc-
tion were never wanting. Commanderies would be
416 NEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
created under the name of Senatorships, endowments
would be made certain, and heredity would loom
in the distance. The Senate, a cipher up to this
time, would soon become the first power in the
State, and though it might subsequently exercise its
power only for the benefit of the Government, so
long as the Government was victorious, it would
still retain enough to declare the deposition of the
man who had created it. From this epoch, there-
fore, is to be dated the origin of that singular power
which gave a legal existence to those changes which
we afterwards witnessed, and which, without social
convulsion, or revolutionary movement, but by
insensible gradations, transformed a democratic Re-
public into an absolute Monarchy. We cannot
praise the acuteness of the First Consul too highly ;
in the existing emergency he saw at a glance
all the future advantages that recourse to the
Senate would secure to him, and by urging objec-
tions against every proposal submitted to him,
lie contrived to bring his Ministers and the
Council of State to acknowledge that they could
find no other way of settling the difficult question
which occupied them than by referring it to the
Senate.
[t was decided that no law should be asked for;
and this resolution was voted by all except three
members of the Council, viz. Truguet, Lacuee and
THE RESOLUTION. 417
Defermon, who had all spoken against it. The
next day, 8th Nivose (December 29), the following
resolution was taken to the Consuls :
" The Council of State, in view of existing circum-
stances, is of opinion :
" 1st. That the Government ought to establish a
Military Commission as judges extraordinary of the
authors and accomplices of the attempt of the 3rd
Nivose.
" 2nd. That the Government, by an act of its
authority, ought to decree the deportation of those
persons whose presence is a danger to the State,
and who might renew similar attempts.
" 3rd. Lastly, that the Government ought to in-
form the nation of this resolution, and to announce
it by a message to the Legislative Body, the Tribunate
and Conservative Senate."
The Consuls did not adopt these suggestions ; but,
while rejecting them, they clearly established the end
which they proposed to attain, and declared that it
was necessary to give to this step which was in-
deed unconstitutional, yet eminently conservative
of the Constitution, such a character as would
protect it from all future attack, in rendering it
valid by the approbation of the conservative Senate,
a Body especially charged with the preserva-
tion of the Constitution. It was consequently
decreed —
vol. i. 2 E
418 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
That on the 10th Nivose, or at latest on the 11th
(January 1, 1801), the Consuls should summon a
special meeting of the Ministers and Councillors of
State ; that the Minister of Police should read to
that assembly a report on the necessity of the mea-
sure to be taken, and should submit for inspection
the list of persons to be condemned to deportation ;
that a short discussion should follow, and that the
meeting should terminate by a decree of the Council,
which the Section of the Interior would be charged
to draw up.
That three Councillors of State should immediately
be appointed to carry to the Senate the Decree of
the Council, and to explain the motives which had
determined it.
That the Senate, being assembled and fore-
warned, should deliberate approbatively, and that
these various acts should be made public, and
communicated to the Legislative Body and to the
Tribunate.
Finally, that the measure should be carried into
immediate execution.
The 9th Nivose was passed in preparing the
decree, ami in the distribution of parts, and the
solemn sitting of the Council of State was announced
for the 10th Nivose at midday. But in this short
interval, a rumour spread that, from information
obtained concerning tho affair of the .'>rd Nivose,
A NEW SCENT. 419
suspicion of the crime was thrown on a very-
different party from that which the police were
pursuing so zealously ; that there was reason to
believe that England had paid the cost of the at-
tempt, and employed the Royalists of the Vendee in
its execution.
I refused to believe in this alleged informa-
tion ; I was inclined to think that the rumour was
the work of the police themselves, who were en-
deavouring to mislead opinion by turning the public
anger from the Jacobins, towards whom they had
always a leaning, and directing it towards the
Royalists, emigres and priests, whom they hated at
that time with a mortal hatred. Under this convic-
tion, I arrived at the Council of State on the 10th
Nivose, before the hour appointed for the general
sitting, and I found the Sections of the Legislation
and of the Interior assembled. Real, one of the
members of the former, spoke very strongly. He
asserted his conviction that the attempt had not been
made by the Terrorists, but by the Chouans, and he
declared, with reason, that a measure directed against
a class of men in which the real criminals were not
comprised was a cruel injustice. I replied that I was
quite of his opinion, if it could be proved to me that
the crime was the work of any other class. " But,"
I asked him, " how can we believe that ? How can
we suppose that the Government would leave us in
2 e 2
420 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEIITO.
an error, which would have such fatal consequences."
To my objections Real replied that he was certain
of what he advanced, and this he maintained with
much warmth. The debate turned on too delicate a
question to be conducted for any length of time with
coolness. Animated, yet moderate, in the begin-
ning, it soon degenerated, on the part of Real, into
personalities, which were indeed freely returned
by his opponents, but which led to nothing. Each
man retained his own opinion or prejudice. At
two o'clock, in the heat of the discussion, it was
brought to an end by an announcement that the
Assembly of the Council of State was postponed to
the next day, and the two sections separated. We
were informed at the same time that the Senate, in
an extraordinary sitting held the evening before,
had adopted the plan already indicated, and that a
deputation from that body had waited on the First
Consul at eleven in the evening to inform him of the
fact. Moreover, it had been agreed that the act
demanded from the Senate should be called a
' senatus-consultuin.' Bonaparte himself had pro-
posed this title, and his profound political foresight
already perceived all the profit he might gain from
the imv.1 procedure which he was introducing into
the Legislative system. This device of the senatus-
consultuin, — so do words influence things — by placing
it easily above the ordinary laws and consular
THE < SENATUS-CONSULTUM: 421
decrees, made the Senate a constituent Power, in-
stead of a body of Magistrates, merely guardians
of the Constitution against the usurpations of
either the legislative or the executive authority.
It is probable that the introduction of the senatus-
consultum into the legislation was regarded by
Bonaparte as so important to the success of his
ulterior views that he was eager to seize the oppor-
tunity of obtaining the first exercise of it, and in-
sisted on it, although he knew that such an act was not
necessary, and that it fell on innocent men, innocent,
at least, of the particular crime imputed to them.
It was not until long afterwards that I perceived
all this. At the time I discerned in the perseverance
with which the Government prosecuted the remaining
Jacobins and Terrorists, only a proof of its conviction
that they were participators in the attempt of the
3rd Nivose. I felt relieved, therefore, to know that
if unconstitutional means were being employed to
punish the authors of the crime, at least they were
not being punished with deliberate injustice, and I
had no conscientious scruples when, on its being
submitted to the Council of State, I voted in favour
of the proposition.
The extraordinary sitting took place on the 11th
Nivose, year IX. (January 1, 1801). It was ojDened
at 3 p.m. All the Ministers were present.
After a brief explanation of the object of the
422 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
meeting, the First Consul called upon Maret, the
Secretary of State, to read two reports.
The first had been presented by Dubois, the
Prefect of Police. It contained particulars of all
the attempts that had been made on the life of the
First Consul, from the 26th Messidor of the previous
year (July 15, 1800). The conspiracy to which
particular attention was drawn was hatched by one
Chevalier, an enterprising man, not wanting in
ability. He had been employed at Meudon, where,
under the National Convention, an attempt had been
made to utilise a former discovery in the fabrication
of inflammable cannon-balls.* In this employment
he had acquired certain knowledge which he pro-
posed to apply to the construction of a machine
which might be made to explode, and upset the
First Consul's carriage on the road to Malmaison.f
The machine was to have been placed on one of the
little go-carts used for children ; but the plot was
discovered, and Chevalier and his accomplices
were arrested on the J 1th Brumaire, year IX.
(November 5, 1800).
Since that time some attempts had been made to
* Various experiments in the use of this kind of cannon-hall
on board men-of-war had heen made at Versailles in 1785,
under the Ministry of M. de ( 'astries.
f The First Consul frequently went to this country house
which Mi lame Bonaparte had bought, and which had heen
greatly beautified.
PLOTS AND PLOTTERS. 423
create disturbance among the working men of the
capital, but they had failed. At last the conspiracy
of the 3rd Nivose broke out. Its authors were not
yet positively known, but there was every reason to
believe that they belonged to the same class as the
former conspirators. The report ended with some
details of the fatal consequences of the explosion
of the machine in the Rue Saint-Nicaise. Eight
or ten persons had either been killed on the spot
or had since died of their injuries. Forty-six
houses in the neighbourhood had been seriously
damaged.
The second report was drawn up by a private
agent, whose name did not come out. This agent
was in communication with all the extreme party,
and the following is a concise analysis of his
report : —
A society which included several persons whose
names had figured in the course of the Revolution,*
directed all the plots against the life of the First
Consul.
In Prairial, year VIII. , they had unsuccessfully
tempted the Grenadiers of the Consular Guard to
desert. Since then, when Bonaparte left France for
Italy, they had flattered themselves he would never
* The names given in the report are Desforges, Arena, Pepin
d'Eyverchelt, Talon, Jumillard, Laignelot, Ceracchi and
Gombault-Lachaise.
424 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
return, and at a dinner at the house of Gombault-
Lachaise they had decided on their course of action,
should the desired event take place. After they had
drank to the death of the tyrant, it was agreed that
at first they would wear the white cockade, so as to
attract the more credulous of the Royalists, and
prevent the more clear-sighted from escaping them
by leaving Paris, that for forty-eight hours the
capital should be given over to plunder, and that
under favour of this plunder they would rid the
city of the Royalists. The return of the First Consul
after Marengo had disconcerted them. The conspira-
tors then attempted a fresh plot in the month of
Messidor. Thev were to find assassins amonjr a
company of Grenadiers belonging to a demi-brigade
that had just arrived in Paris. Bonaparte was
informed of this ; but being fully confident in those
troops, he ordered a review for the very day on
which the plot was to be carried into effect, and
placed himself in the direction of the fire.
This plan having failed, they looked about for
a French Brutus. Moses P>ayle* undertook the task
iiikI introduced a man named Mctgen. He was
equipped, furnished with a small sum of money,
and armed with ;i dagger. lie took his place in the
* Mosi s Bayle had been a Member of the National Convention,
and remarkable for his revohrl ionary excesses. ] Io had served in
the Directory Police, under Bourguignon and even under i'ouche,
until L800.
ABORTIVE CONSPIRACIES. 425
Grand Tier of the Theatre Francais on the evening
when Lafont played the part of Nero in Britannicus
for the first time, but the First Consul did not go to
the theatre, and the attempt was adjourned.
These unsuccessful plots occupied the conspirators
until Fructidor. In the course of that month Gom-
bault-Lachaise invented a machine which would
throw a ball to a distance of three hundred feet, and
this was to be employed on the 1st Vendemiaire, year
IX. They hired a room with windows looking out
on the Place des Yictoires, whence they intended to
turn the machine on the First Consul during the
funeral ceremonies in honour of Generals Desaix and
Kleber. But the general arrangements and the
decorations of the monument erected on the Place
prevented the execution of the project.
They also contrived to effect an entrance into Mal-
maison during the same month, and reconnoitred the
quarries on the road thither, but dared not venture
on the deed.
In Vende'miaire they constructed another machine
containing a kind of Greek fire, and tried an experi-
ment with it on the 25th of that month (October 17),
behind the buildings of the hospital of La Salpe'triere.
Chevalier had worked the machine, and it seems
that it served as a model for the one he subsequently
made, and which was seized on the 14th Brumaire,
when he was arrested.
42G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Besides all this, they had drawn up the plan of
a Constitution for France, after the death of the
First Consul. One Didier, probably the same who
was accused under the Directory at the time of the
Babeuf conspiracy, was designated as Mayor of
Paris.
These attempts were the work of an association
which called itself The Company of Tyrannicides, and
whose members were bound by a special oath.
When these two Reports had been read, Fonche,
the Minister of Police, rose to speak.
He presumed that the Government must now
be undeceived regarding the system of generosity
it had hitherto pursued towards the scoundrels who
were threatening it. " Since September 1702," said
he, " the same individuals have always been con-
spiring against every kind of Government." He
recapitulated their devices from the establishment
of the Consulate until the plot of the 3rd Nivose,
u a plot the thread of which is in the hands of the police,
who will supply such information to justice as will keep
it on the right track." He divided these men into two
classes ; those who with their own hands had shed
Mood, and those who were implicated whether as
instigators or approvers. The first only he proposed
to treal with severity.
T1m> Minister next recapitulated the various con-
spiracies mentioned in the report of the Prefect of
A BLACK TEST 427
Police, as well as in that of the secret agent, and
gave further and more precise details concerning
them. Lastly, after naming the principal accom-
plices, he concluded hy proposing the banishment
from Paris and from France of all the Septembrisists
or Terrorists, and by reducing his motion to four
principal heads.
1st. The accused to be brought before a military
tribunal.
2nd. The Septembrisists to be deported.
3rd. The remaining Terrorists to be exiled from
Paris.
4th. A law to impose conditions upon residing in
Paris to be demanded.
The Secretary of State, Maret, then read out the
list of individuals for deportation. The greater
number were unknown to the members of the
Council. The only remarkable persons were Prince
Charles of Hesse, Destrem, Botto, Felix, Lepelletier,
Fournier the American, and some others, who had
been more or less noticeable during the course of
the Revolution, for their exaggerated opinions, or
actions.
The reading of these various papers being ended,
the debate began. It turned especially on the
report of the Minister of Police and on the con-
clusions he had drawn. Several members of the
428 ME3I0IRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Council, myself among the number, remarked that
the Minister spoke with extreme reserve of the
event of the 3rd Nivose, whereas he gave exact and
full details of the preceding plots ; and that only
by analogy, and the similarity of the means em-
ployed, could the conclusion be reached that the
authors of the latter criminal design belonged to the
class pointed out by the Minister, against which
exclusively he proposed severe measures.
I went farther, and stated my opinion that if the
report of the Minister were to be published in order
to justify the impending measures, it would be indis-
pensable to modify the phrase which I have itali-
cised above, as it appeared to cast suspicion on a
class to which those who were being prosecuted
did not belong.
These observations were, on the whole, well
received, an attentive examination of the papers
that it would be desirable to publish was promised,
and the First Consul, regarding the debate as con-
cluded, put the three following questions to the
vote.
First. Is it necessary, under existing circum-
stances, to have recourse to an extraordinary
measure? Unanimously resolved in the affirmative.
Secondly. Ought that measure to form the matter
of a law? Unanimously resolved in the negative,
■u it li t lie exception of Truguet.
A FIXED IDEA, 429
Thirdly. Shall this measure be referred to the
Conservative Senate ? Unanimously resolved in the
affirmative.
When I reflect on what took place at that sitting
I can only deplore the facility with which men
under the sway of a fixed idea are led away in
political assemblies. In the case which I am relating,
the fixed idea of the Members of the Council of
State was the conviction that the Terrorists were the
only enemies dangerous to the Government ; that
men, themselves stained by the greatest excesses,
and who had shed the blood of their fellow-citizens,
ought to be outlawed by society; and that the ac-
complishment of that end was so great a benefit, that
every means of attaining it was justifiable. This
was a false and dangerous maxim, the application
of which may entail fatal consequences ! Thus,
although a calm examination of the reports that had
just been read to us would have made us more than
ever doubtful that the real criminals of the 3rd
Nivose were threatened by the proposed measure,
we unanimously agreed, without hesitation, to the
propositions submitted to us. But the Government
carefully abstained from exposing the reports that
had been read to the Council to the dispassionate
discussion which publicity would have entailed ; the
weak side of those reports would have been im-
mediately recognised, and public opinion would not
430 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
have been satisfied with them. No part of the
papers read to us was printed, and the Report of
the Minister of Police, which three days afterwards
was presented to the Senate, and was supposed to
have served as the basis of the discussion at the
Council of State, was altogether different from the
one we had listened to ; the questions on which
we had to deliberate were not presented in the same
way, and in the list of names for deportation, several
of those which were comprised in Maret's list,
among others that of Botto, formerly Secretary to
Barras, were suppressed.
The Senate, however, already favourably disposed,
showed no hesitation, and the senatus-consultum,
carried up by three orators of the State-Council —
Roederer, Simeon, and Portalis — was rendered.
As the first act of the kind, it cemented the
union of the Senate with the Government, and
created that powerful instrument which served to
build up the edifice which Bonaparte was then
meditating, and which he so rapidly succeeded in
erecting.
I must add, moreover, that the Government
made little use of the right to deport the Terror-
ists which had just been conferred upon it by the
Senate. They employed it in only a few cases. 'J 1 lie
individuals were simply banished from Paris, not
deported, and were subsequently allowed to return.
THE TRIAL OF CERACCHI. 431
Perhaps the First Consul, according as more posi-
tive information disclosed the real authors of the
attempt of the 3rd Nivose, felt the injustice of in-
flicting punishment on innocent persons ; or, being
satisfied with having put the Senate in action and
created a new source of power, from which he pur-
posed to derive immense advantage, he did not wish
to excite popular discontent by the severity of the
first act of authority it enabled him to exert.
However this may be, it is a fact that the senatus-
consultum produced little result, and soon became a
dead letter.
The event of the 3rd Nivose led to Ceracchi and
his accomplices being brought to trial, for having
attempted the life of the First Consul on the 18th
Yende'miaire. Until now no proceedings had been
commenced. The act of accusation was drawn
up on the 6th Nivose (December 27), and by a
judgment delivered on the 19th of the same month
(January 9) Ceracchi, Demerville, Joseph Arena
and Topino Lebrun were condemned to death and
executed. The Tribunal acquitted the other accused
persons.
Shortly afterwards, the real authors of the attempt
of the 3rd Nivose became known. The gates of
Paris had been shut from the 20th Nivose (Januarv
10, 1801) and this police measure, which during
the Revolution was only resorted to on occasions of
432 ME3I0IBS OF COUNT MIOT BE 3IELIT0.
serious danger, real or supposed, lasted for several
days. To enter or to leave Paris was alike for-
bidden, without the production of a safe conduct or a
passport. A strict supervision was exercised over
strangers dwelling in Paris. Extraordinary measures
had been taken for the arrest of various persons,
especially among the Chouans and the returned
emigres. The police, in fact, mostly pursued their
enquiries among the latter, and delayed or ne-
glected the execution of the senatus-consultum against
the Terrorists. Everything pointed to the con-
clusion that the police authorities were convinced
that the real criminals of the 3rd Nivose would he
found among the Royalists of La Vendee or of
Brittany, nor were they mistaken. In short,
between the 29th Nivose and the 8th Pluviose, the
three principal actors in the conspiracy, the con-
structors of the Infernal Machine, were arrested.
Their names are as follows.
Carbon, alias Petit Francois, Captain in the Yen-
dean army, and serving under General Bourinont.
Timoleon, Chief of the Staff of the above-named
General.
Saint-Rejeant, alias Pierrot, Lieutenant under
Georges Cadoudal, the Commander-in-Chief of the
Chouans in Morbihan.*
It waa Saiiit-hYjeaiit whnfirnd (lie infernal machine. The
violence of tho .shock flung him againBt a post, ami part of his
THE TRUTH COMES OUT. 433
Thus all doubt was removed, and the Chief of
the Police was triumphant. But his conduct in
this business was not the less odious. What can be
thought of a man who consents to hand over a con-
siderable number of persons to public vengeance,
when all the time he is convinced that not one of
them is guilty, or even implicated in the crime of
which they are all accused ! This was a source of
endless regret for those in authority who, deceived
by lying reports, gave their consent to these iniqui-
tous sentences ! For my own part I have never
forgiven myself for my share in this matter. The
most remarkable part of it was the selection of
the orators who were sent to the Senate. Roederer,
no doubt, acted in perfect good faith. But how could
Portalis and Simeon, who at a later period prided
themselves on having constantly acted as agents
of the Bourbons under the Empire, consent to
support before the Senate an arbitrary measure which
they well knew to be unjust.
I have dwelt at length on the celebrated date of
the 3rd Nivose, and I was bound to do so. The
details it has given me an opportunity of narrating,
breast-bone was driven in. He was obliged to resort to a
surgeon, and it would seem that this man denounced him. See,
besides, the report of 11th Pluviose by the Minister of Police,
which appeared in the ' Moniteur ' on the 12th, very different
to the one he had read a mouth earlier at the Council of State.
VOL. I. 2 P
434 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the growing inclination towards despotism, with
which Bonaparte's danger inspired him at this time,
are worthy of attentive consideration. Recognizing
that he had equally formidable enemies in the two
extreme parties, the Royalists and the Terrorists, he
became persuaded that Supreme Power alone could
save him from plots against his life, and the un-
expected docility displayed by all the bodies of the
State convinced him that thenceforth there was
nothing he might not attempt with great proba-
bility of success. Not, however, that those bodies
or the citizens were already prepared to confer on
him the absolute Sovereignty which he acquired
two years later ; but the public imagination was
so deeply impressed with the idea that he was the
necessary man, and so terrified at the abyss into
which the nation must fall if he failed it, that no
sacrifice was thought too costly to preserve a life
on which the existence of France herself depended.
Bonaparte was therefore greatly indebted to his
enemies. By aiming at his life with the assassin's
dagger they had revealed to him the secret of his
strength, and enforced on him, so to speak, the
aecessity of exerting it.
The criminal and unsuccessful attempt of the old
Nivose li;nl also the effect of hastening the con-
elusion of the negotiations which had been seriously
resumed at LuneVille, in consequence of our military
THE AUTHOR IS SENT TO CORSICA. 435
successes in Italy and our victory at Hohenlinden.
Fortune bad delivered Bonaparte from several con-
spiracies, and France had been saved from the
anarchy which would have been caused by his death,
so that it had become a necessity for the Powers
to treat with her. Peace, Austria's sole resource,
was equally needful for Bonaparte in order that
he might tranquillise the interior of France, espe-
cially the Southern Provinces, which were still laid
waste by brigandage and by a sanguinary reaction.
Joseph Bonaparte and Count von Cobentzel speedily
agreed upon the principal points of the treaty, and
I was gratified to hear this good news.
But I was not destined to witness the triumph of
the negotiator on his return to Paris. The First
Consul hurried me off to Corsica. The Consular
Act, appointing me Administrator General of the
two departments of Golo and Liamone, into which
the island was at that time divided, had been sent to
me on the 21st Nivose (January 11), together with
a decree of the Council of State conferring ex-
tensive powers on me during the suspension of the
rule of the Constitution, a suspension which had
been pronounced by law.
I therefore prepared to set out; but before my
departure, I had several interviews with the First
Consul, from whom I received instruction as to
the line I was to follow in my administration.
2 f 2
436 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
He desired, after having restored peace in the
country, to exercise a salutary influence on the
manners and customs of his fellow countrymen, to
civilise them ; to introduce new modes of cultivation
into an island so favoured hy climate and situa-
tion ; to embellish the towns, especially Ajaccio his
birthplace, and to bring salubrious water within
reach of its inhabitants ; lastly, to construct roads
and make them fit for wheeled traffic. I gladly
undertook to assist him in these benevolent en-
deavours, and although I could not disguise from
myself the difficulties in my way — several serious
disturbances having occurred in the island since the
departure of the English — I felt my spirits rise with
the hope of doing some good. I hastened to collect
everything that could help me in the execution of
these desirable projects. I obtained from five to six
thousand volumes from the Minister of the Interior,
to form the nucleus of a public library in Ajaccio ; a
printing-press for the same town, and a quantity of
seeds and grafts, which the esteemed Tliouni himself
selected for me. I hoped to naturalise in Corsica some
of the productions of America, such as cotton, indigo,
and the cactus, which supplies food to the cochineal;
live specimens of that insect were also given me.
This valuable collection was entrusted to M. Noisette,
a skilful gardener who accompanied me to the
island.
THE AUTHOR'S JOURNEY. 437
All my preparations being complete, I left Paris
with my family on the 15th Pluviose, year IX.
(February 4, 1801). The roads were at that time
in a frightful condition. Our carriages were upset
twice before we reached Lyons, where I embarked
on the Rhone, and went by boat as far as Avignon.
To the latter town, on the evening of the 28th
Pluviose, a trade-courier, on his way to Marseilles,
brought the news of the conclusion of peace between
France and Austria at Lune'ville, on the 20th
Pluviose (Feb. 9).
After various accidents caused by the bad state
of the roads, I arrived at Toulon on the 7th Ventose
(Feb. 26).
The south of France was still far from tranquil.
Brigandage and murder were of common occurrence,
and the inhabitants in general showed little liking
for the Consular Government. The news of peace
had made but a slight impression ; it was hardly
believed, and the report was regarded as a trick of
the Government. We had need of a considerable
escort to make the journey between Marseilles and
Toulon in safety, and to cross the gorges of Ollioules,
a very dangerous passage at that time. General
Cervoni* who was in command of the eighth
* General Cervoni was a Corsican by birth, deeply attached
to the Bonaparte family, an able soldier, and, moreover, a very
estimable man. During my stay at Marseilles, he gave mo
438 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Military Division, of which the departments of the
Rhone and Var form a part, was active in repress-
some particulars of the origin of the greatness of the First
Consul, which I will set down here. Bonaparte was in Corsica
at the beginning of the Kevolution ; he was appointed to a
command in the National Guard when that body was organized.
Persecuted by the partisans of Faoli, he and bis family took
refuge in France and came to Marseilles. He was then merely
a captain of artillery, and in that capacity was ordered to
escort a convoy of gunpowder from Avignon for the siege of
Toulon. Having accomplished this task, he passed through
Marseilles just at the moment when Gasparin and Salicetti,
Commissioners of the Convention, attached to the troops besieg-
ing Toulon, had directed Cervoni to ask the Military Com-
mander of Marseilles for an artillery officer, to whom part of the
siege works might be confided. Joseph Bonaparte, who was
then at Marseilles, informed Cervoni of his brother's arrival, and
they went together to seek Napoleon at the Club. They in-
vited him to drink punch at a neighbouring cafe, and proposed
to him that he should go to the siege of Toulon. Bonaparte
mado some difficulty before accepting ; he had a poor opinion
of Carteaux, who was conducting the siege. However, ho
was at last induced to consent. On his arrival before Toulon
Bonaparte went immediately to inspect the batteries, and every-
thing appertaining to the service of the artillery, and was
exceedingly dissatisfied. The positions appeared to him badly
chosen; and he noticed in particular that a battery directed
against ihe enemy's fleet was at too great a distance lie
therefore declared openly to Gasparin that ho could not
possibly servo under a general who had not the most ele-
mentary military knowledge. Gasparin was struck with this
declaration, recognised all that might he expected from a man
who already showed signs of the ability ho was afterwards
to display so SllOCessfully. Be wrote in this sense to the
Committee of Public Safety, who recalled Carteaux and replaced
TOULON. 439
ing the universally prevalent disorder; but he
was ill-seconded by the municipalities, who trembled
before the remnants of the bands of assassins which
had been organized two years previously, and had
committed the most frightful excesses. The muni-
cipal authorities dared not prosecute the guilty
men, and crimes were committed in broad daylight
without either a complaint being lodged or a witness
found to aid the law in its pursuit of the criminals.
Thus at every period of our troubles the south-
ern towns have shown the same passionateness on
one side or the other. Absurd intolerance and
sanguinary fury have continually dishonoured the
side adopted by the South.
Orders had been given at Toulon to equip a
corvette to convey me to Corsica. As she was not
in readiness when I arrived, I was obliged to prolong
my stay for nearly three weeks.
Another circumstance also aided to delay me.
A French squadron under Admiral Ganteaume had
entered the roadstead of Toulon, on the 6th Yentose.
From day to day we awaited its departure for Egypt,
him by Dugommier. Bonaparte got on well with the new
general, and predicted that, with Dugommier directing the
siege, Toulon would fall within the month. The event justified
this prediction. After the taking of Toulon Bonaparte was
named General of Brigade, and this was the origin of his
military glory and success.
440 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
for we hoped that by sailing at the same time our
ship would be escorted as far as Corsica. But the
time consumed in repairing several of the vessels of
this squadron, which were damaged by the wind, and
the supineness of the Admiral, as well as difficulties
of detail, which cropped up every day, detained us
in the roadstead until the end of the month. The
expedition commanded by Admiral Ganteaume was
in reality destined for Egypt, where it was to land
two thousand men, but this destination had been
masked at the time of its departure from Brest,
under the pretence of sending it to Saint-Domingo.
Lescalier, Councillor of State, and General Satru-
guet had embarked with the fleet ; the first as
Administrator-General; the second as Captain-
General of that colony. A large number of negro
officers had also embarked, believing they were
going to serve under the orders of Toussaint l'Ouver-
ture, and it was only when the squadron passed
through the Straits of Gibraltar that each and all
found they had been deceived.
Notwithstanding these precautions, and this decep-
tion of which they were the dupes, the expedition
had not succeeded. From what Ganteaume himself
told me, lie had found superior forces on the Coast
of Africa, and moreover he had believed himself to
be followed by a division of (lie enemy that had
entered the Mediterranean after him. The fear of
TOULON. 441
finding himself between two squadrons with but
feeble resources, and compromising the precious
remnants of our navy, had determined him to cast
anchor at Toulon. Since his arrival only a few of
the enemy's frigates had been seen cruising about, to
take observations of the movements of the French
squadron, and no formidable force had appeared.
When Bonaparte heard that the squadron had
put into Toulon, and that it was remaining there,
he was very angry, and sent Colonel Lucien, one
of his aides-de-camp, to urge Ganteaume to put
to sea. The only hope of retaining Egypt, or
at least enabling the French to maintain their
position there some time longer, lay in the arrival
of the troops and succour of all kinds sent out by
this squadron — if it failed to arrive, the conquest
must be entirely abandoned. But notwithstanding
all the importance the Government seemed to attach
to this expedition, Ganteaume delayed his departure
from day to day ; he even purposely exaggerated
the enemy's forces by which he said he was
pursued ; for it was known afterwards that the
English had only three or four men-of-war on
the Coast of Africa, or before Alexandria, and the
French squadron was by far the stronger. On
the other hand, very serious differences had arisen
between the Admiral and General Satruguet, in
command of the troops on board, and everything
442 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
seemed to combine to render the expedition a
failure.* At last, after a delay of twenty-three
days in the roadstead of Toulon, the French
squadron weighed anchor on the 29th Yentose
(March 20) at six in the evening. The war-sloop
Hirondelle, with myself, my family, and several
other persons employed in the Corsican Administra-
tion on board, set sail at the same time, under escort
of the fleet. The north-west wind blew very strong.
Hardly had we left the roadstead when the Admiral
hailed us, to say that one of his vessels had struck,
that he could no longer make way, and had brought-
to, waiting until the ship could be got off.
As he gave us no orders, the captain of our vessel
determined to remain with the squadron; but at
eleven o'clock a violent wind arose, and the sea
became so rough that we were unable to remain
with the squadron. The next morning we found
ourselves altogether separated from it, and in sight
of the islands of Ilyeres. In the evening, the wind
having fallen, we cast anchor at Saint-Tropez,
where we were detained two days awaiting a
favourable wind.
* In fact it did fail completely, and in the same year (1801)
Ganteaume brought back his squadron to Toulon without
having « llrci.d thu disembarkation of tho troops. Nevertheless
ho was a very skilful commander, as ho proved in the nioro
fortunate expedition scut to revictual Corfu in 1807, and of
which I shall have future occasion to speak.
CORSICA. 443
We set sail again on the 1st Germinal (March
22), and the next morning we sighted Corsica,
but were detained near the coast by a dead calm,
which prevented us from doubling Cape Eoux to
reach Ajaccio. The captain of the Hirondelle put
in at Calvi, where we landed on the morning of
the 4th Germinal, year IX. (March 25, 1801). From
Calvi, crossing the island by difficult roads, on the
10th Germinal (March 31) we reached Ajaccio,
where I established myself in the house of the
Bonaparte family, which had been placed at my
disposal by the First Consul.
4f4 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
CHAPTER XIII.
State of Corsica at the period of the Author's arrival — His
proposed system for the administration of the country —
Difficulties thrown in his way by the partisans of the
Bonaparte family, and the military authorities — He dis-
misses General Muller, Commandant of the Division, from
the island — Improvements introduced into the country — An
account of the Author's excursion to Monte-Kotondo — Curious
fete given in his honour at Cervione — The organic laws of
the Concordat concluded with the Tope — The Life-Consulship
— Little interest shown by the Corsicans in voting for it —
Numerous adverso votes among the troops — Journey to
Monte d'Oro — Information concerning the Bonaparte family
and their origin — The Author is recalled, and Corsica is
again placed under the mle of the Constitution — Sketch of
the state of the island and the customs of the inhabitants.
On the whole I wax well received in Corsica; the
recollections of my first mission to the island were
favourable to me; my impartiality, and that a sin-
cere desire to restore peace to the country was the
sole aim of all my actions was well known. The
people believed me to he still animated by the
same s( intiments, and they were not mistaken. My
greatesl difficulties, therefore, did not lie in the
COBSICA. 445
aversion or the opposition of the inhabitants, but
arose from the ascendency exercised by the partisans
of the First Consul's family, and which they wanted
to continue to exercise. They looked upon me
merely as their instrument, to be used solely to get
rid of their enemies, and to confer favours on their
proteges. I was by no means inclined to play such
a part as this, and had I done so, I should not only
have failed in my most obvious duty, but I should
have added to the discord which it was my principal
business to appease. I therefore assumed an inde-
pendent attitude, and I soon became a mark for the
enmity of all those who did not find me sufficiently
pliant, and who made complaints and accusations of
all kinds against me at Paris. I had much to bear
from these machinations, although I must do the
First Consul the justice to say that he perseveringly
protected me when I was attacked by the basest
calumnies, and would never withdraw his confidence
from me.
I shall now describe the state of the country when
I arrived, and the course which I adopted in the
management of public affairs.
At the close of my first mission Corsica had been
brought under the rule of the Constitution of year
III., and during the whole existence of that Con-
stitution the island had been governed by Depart-
mental administrations, whose members were selected
44G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
from among the inhabitants of the island exclusively.
The elections, which were sometimes contested by
the armed partisans of the various factions into
which the wealthiest and most powerful families
were divided, had been a constant pretext for dis-
turbance which frequently led to bloodshed.
When the elections were over, the victorious party
would make use of its power, avenge itself on its
opponents, and by heaping up acts of petty perse-
cution and injustice, would finally drive the people
into open revolt. The revolution of the 18th
Brumaire took place. But in the island the result
was not the same as in the interior of France. A
kind of military rule took the place of the adminis-
tration that during the last years of the Executive
Directory had been confided to men actually born
in the island, and at the beginning of year VIII.
the General in command of the division united, so to
speak, every kind of authority in his own person,
although the central administrations did not for-
mally cease to exercise their functions until the
arrival of the Prefects.
Notwithstanding this change, the establishment of
the Consular Government and the Constitution of
year 7111. had had but little effect. Salicetti, who
had been sent to Corsica as the delegate of the
<'<>ii>uls. had not succeeded in preventing the evil
consequences of i^ adverse disposition of the public
LAWLESSNESS IN THE ISLAND. 447
mind. Being a native of the country, and therefore
always suspected of partiality, he met with obstinate
opposition everywhere. The inhabitants, exasperated
by long-continued persecution, and agitated by the
false hopes that were disseminated through the
interior by returned emigres and by emissaries of
the English, were very unmanageable ; and the
severity of the means employed, perhaps without
due regard to prudence, to repress the beginning of
trouble, had ended by causing positive insurrections
in several parts of the island. Thus in the months
of Floreal and Prairial of year VIII. (May and
June 1800) a revolt had broken out in the cantons
of Porto- Vecchio and Fiumorbo,* and afterwards in
Balagna. The attempt to repress the insurrection
had utterly failed in the two first cantons; the
troops which were sent there for the purpose had
been forced to fall back, on account of the total
interruption of communications. Balagna, on the
contrary, had been quickly subdued by a force of
2000 men, who penetrated into that province, the
richest of the island. Severe measures had been
taken against the insurgents ; many of them were
hanged, and the Consular delegates imposed a fine
of 2,000,000 francs (£80,000), of which, however,
only 400,000 (£16,000) was realised.
* Thinly inhabited and somewhat uncivilised cantons on the
eastern coast of Corsica.
448 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Notwithstanding the subjugation of Balagna, and
the numerous sentences passed by the Military
Commission which Salicetti had instituted, the
country was still far from perfect tranquillity.
Some men who had been condemned and had
afterwards escaped the execution of their sentences,
had taken refuge in the mountains and were a
terror to the country, carrying on a system of
brigandage which they exercised on all travellers,
and also perpetrating acts of private vengeance.
No one could travel in any direction without an
escort, and it was frequently necessary to send a
detachment of five or six men, in order to convey
a letter from one post to another.
The effect of this state of things was more or
less perceptible in all parts of the island, and was
rendered still more serious by the dearth of pro-
visions and the high price of bread ; by the
discontent of the troops, whose pay was in' arrear,
and whose destitution was extreme ; by the delay
in the arrival of the funds that had been sent from
Paris to provide for their wants; by the anger
excited by the manner in which those funds were
expended, particularly the money produced by the
Balagna fine; and, lastly, by the absolute default of
justice.
The institution of juries in Corsica had ren-
dered it impossible to punish crime. Divided as
DEPLORABLE CONDITION OF CORSICA. 449
they were into parties, and at the same time
almost all connected by family ties, the inhabi-
tants, who from the remotest period of their social
existence had been accustomed to avenge their
injuries themselves, or to hand down the task of
vengeance from generation to generation, looking
upon revenge as a sacred debt of honour ; the inhabi-
tants, I say, were incapable of conceiving a just idea
of the duty and office of juries. The strongest
evidence, even positive proof of crime, never induced
a jury composed of men of the same party, or the
same family, as the accused, to pronounce him guilty,
because public opinion attaches dishonour to any one
who, to use the expression of the country, " denies
his party or deserts his blood." If, on the contrary,
the accused were of the opposite party to that of
the jury, the certainty of being mercilessly hunted
down, and of incurring a vengeance which at
best could only be deferred, equally paralysed
the action of trial by jury, and the useless and ex-
pensive proceedings were almost always null and
void.
Such was the state of Corsica at the time of my
arrival. To extricate the country from this de-
plorable condition the Government had proposed and
obtained the law which suspended the Constitution
in the departments of Golo and Liamone, and this,
far from being an act of severity, as it appeared
VOL. I. 2 G
450 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
to be at first sight, was in reality a substantial
benefit.
Having received instructions from my Govern-
ment, and having been granted very wide powers
for governing a country where the difficulties to be
overcome were so great, I laid down for myself a
plan of conduct differing from that which had been
followed hitherto. I applied myself first to re-
storing the course of justice, which had been in
abeyance for several years ; and my first care was
the institution of a criminal tribunal equally com-
posed of civil and military judges. But I imposed
at the same time a rule on this tribunal, that in
proportion as it should rigorously punish such
offences and crimes as, whatever may be the opinions
of a nation and the mode of its Government, are
real crimes and offences, so it should show considera-
tion and even indulgence towards actions belong-
ing exclusively to the political order, which had a
more or less legitimate excuse in the numerous
revolutionary movements that had taken place
in Corsica, and the contending influence successively
exerted by those who had been at the head of
affairs in the country.
At the same time, therefore, that I granted an
amnesty in the name of the Government to the in-
surgents of Fiumorbo and Porto- Vccchio ; that I
allowed the men who, after the insurrection of
ENCOURAGING RESULTS. 451
Balagna, had fled into the mountains to come back
to their homes under caution ; that I permitted the
return of several individuals whose names had been
from motives of personal animosity inscribed on the
list of emigres* I gave no chance of escape either
to assassins or brigands. Many of these, who had
been arrested and publicly tried by the Extraor-
dinary Tribunal which I had established at Ajaccio,
were punished with death, and that salutary ex-
ample, which announced the re-establishment of
legal justice, had a happy effect. In less than
three months I had the satisfaction of finding con-
fidence restored, property secure, long-interrupted
communications once more open, and trust in
the impartiality and firmness of the Government
growing daily.
Still, notwithstanding these encouraging results,
my efforts were far from being universally appre-
ciated and supported.! My impartiality in the
appointment of officials, my strict rectitude in the
management of the public moneys, my inexorable
* The First Consul had himself told me, in Paris, that he did
not believe more than thirty individuals could, with justice, be
retained on the list of emigres.
t One of the greatest misfortunes of the Administration in
Corsica is that a post in that island is always regarded in France
as a punishment and not a favour, and that either the most
ordinary individuals are sent thither, or else persons who have
given dissatisfaction in Paris.
2 g 2
452 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
punishment of extortion and exactions, procured me
a great many enemies.
The military especially, mortified that extraordi-
nary powers which extended even over them had
been conferred upon me, showed me decided hostility.
Far from helping me in my endeavours to restore
public tranquillity, they thwarted them to the best
of their power. At last, General Muller, who was
in command of the division, a brave soldier but
of little judgment, declared himself so openly
against me, and conducted himself with so much
impropriety, that I was obliged, for my own au-
thority's sake, to order him back to France. This
decisive act, of which the First Consul did not dis-
approve, bettered my position, and for a time
silenced my adversaries. But they soon returned
to the charge with renewed violence. It was Bona-
parte's uncle, afterwards Cardinal Fesch, and General
Casabianca who especially opposed me in Paris.
I had refused to confer favours and appointments
to which they had no claim on some proteges of
theirs. This could not be forgiven me, and they
made complaints of every one of my actions to the
Ministers, who being themselves displeased at the
removal of Corsica from their administration, lent a
willing ear to all they had to say. My difficulties
therefore increased at every step, and I had need of
all my strength to weather the storm. I shall not
PUBLIC WORKS. 453
enter into the particulars of the intricate affairs I
had to manage. At that time they occupied me
entirely ; they were of great importance to the
country and to myself; they are of none now. I
shall only say a few words of the improvements
which I effected in the island.
Through my exertions a high road was opened in
the interior of Corsica, by which easy communication
between Ajaccio and Bastia was established. This
road, which crosses the mountain-chain that divides
Corsica into two unequal parts, is highly picturesque.
At the time of my departure from the island it
was in a forward state, and I believe the works
were continued afterwards and the road brought
to perfection. All I can say is that my family
travelled along it in a carriage, the first time that
a vehicle had come from Ajaceio to Corte, through
the difficult pass of Foce di Guizzavona.
The town of Ajaccio was embellished and enlarged ;
some old fortifications were levelled, and a new
suburb arose on their site. The library that I had
brought with me was deposited in the buildings
formerly owned by the Jesuits, and was thrown
open to the inhabitants. The printing-press was
set up, and vied with that of Bastia, the only one
until then existing in Corsica. Some land belong-
ing to the State, to the west of Ajaccio, was formed
into a botanical garden, where the seeds and plants
454 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
I had obtained In Paris, throve, on the whole,
exceedingly well. Cotton-grass, the cotton-trees,
and indigo, were in full growth. The cochineal-
cactus had taken root, and the insect that feeds on
it was flourishing. I had found a water supply for
the town from whence a canal could be brought
through the Botanical Gardens, which might then
have been considerably enlarged. Meanwhile I had
caused a large reservoir which sufficed for present
wants to be constructed. These useful and peace-
ful victories over nature were to me a delightful
pastime, and a very real consolation amid the cares
that habitually oppressed me. I had even the
satisfaction of feeling that my labours were not
altogether without reward, and that I was repaid by
the affection of at least a portion of the inhabitants.
I had an opportunity of testing this in the course of
my numerous journeys into the interior. In the
month of Fructidor, year IX., and in the month of
Thermidor, year X., I explored the two highest
mountains of Corsica, Monte-Rotondo and Monte
d'Oro, and as I am unacquainted with any book of
travels in which a description of those mountains
is to be found, I will insert at this place an extract
from my journal, beginning with my first excursion.
EXCURSION TO MONTE-ROTONDO. 455
Excursion to Monte-Rotondo
(also called Monte- Gradaccio in old Corsican Maps).
We started from Bastia on the 11th Fructidor,
year IX. (August 29, 1801), and proceeded to
Corta,* not by the high road, but across the moun-
tains by way of Biguglia and Murato. From Murato
we came to Corta to pass the night.
We left Corta on the 12th Fructidor at 2 p.m.
with two shepherds who acted as guides, and
directed our way towards the west, ascending the
Restonica, one of the two rivers that flow through
Corta. We halted at 5 p.m. and passed the night
on the ridge of a mountain called La Punta del
Renoso, one of the counter-forts of Monte-Rotondo.
From this point we resumed our way at two o'clock
a.m., by the light of the newly risen moon.
We first went up a valley formed by two spurs of
the Punta del Renoso, and through which flows a
stream called the Rivisecco, which empties itself
farther on into the Restonica. The air was chill,
but the way so rugged that we were all bathed in
perspiration. After two hours of most difficult
walking we crossed the Punta del Renoso, which is
* My fellow-travellers were MM. Pietri, Prefect of Golo;
Methuan, a mining engineer ; Demony, a young man employed
in my administration, and Noisette, a botanist.
456 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
a sort of barrier closing the valley, and whence the
Rivisecco dashes down in a cascade. We found it
again on the other side of the natural dyke I have
just mentioned, and we followed it, still ascending,
to its source at the foot of Monte-Rotondo. It is
alleged that this source is in reality that of the
Restonica, and consequently it would be the Rivi-
secco that takes the name of Restonica, when it joins
the waters of the valley through which we had
passed on leaving Corta. This would be a nice
point to determine, for the name of Restonica in
these mountains seems common to all the streams
which flow to the east of Monte-Rotondo.
On reaching the foot of the latter mountain we
were enabled to appreciate its external form. It pre-
sents the appearance of a truncated cone, crowned
with several bare summits more or less needle-
shaped. Two very steep ascents lead up to it. We
followed that on the left, which forms the southern
flank of the mountain. The ascent was at first easy
enough ; we passed a few small shrubs, such as
Alnus (Vetula alnus) and the juniper (Jurdperus
communis), but they were extremely stunted. Very
soon, however, all vegetation disappeared, and 1 lie
path became so steep that we had great dilhculty in
reaching a col which separates two of the aiguilles
that rise, above the mountain. It was 8 A.M.
when we reached this point, whence we could
MONTE-ROTONDO. 457
observe the curious configuration of the mountain.
It absolutely resembles an amphitheatre, in which
there is a wide opening for the escape of the waters
of a lake contained in what might be the arena.
The walls of this amphitheatre are almost perpen-
dicular, and must have been quite so originally, for
it is easy to see that the rocky fragments which give
them more slope and render it possible to climb to
the top of the wall are but slips of the crest, and
that the needles and isolated summits are formed
simply by portions of rock which have resisted the
attacks of time, and other causes to which the
destruction of this gigantic wall may be attributed.
From the col to which we had climbed with so
much difficulty, we could enjoy a delightful view,
but after having come so far it was impossible
not to wish to reach the highest point of the moun-
tain now rising on our right. After a few moments
rest, therefore, we resumed our way, and keeping as
much as possible on the summit of the wall, and
springing from rock to rock, we at last reached the
highest point and the object of our expedition. We
took our stand on a pyramid of stones heaped
together fifteen years before by M. Barral,* whose
name as well as that of M. de Laguillaumie, the
former Intendant of Corsica, is carved on one of the
* M. Barral, an engineer in the navy, travelled in Corsica in
1784 and 1785, and published a description of the island.
4o8 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
stones, with the date 1785, and we admired at our
leisure the magnificent scene which lay beneath and
around us.
The point on which we were standing, whose ele-
vation, according to the ' Annuaire du Bureau des
Longitudes,' is 2672 yards above the level of the
sea, is situated almost in the exact centre of the
island, if we exclude from it the promontory of Cape
Corso. From this spot we overlooked all the other
mountains of the island, which form circular ranges
round Monte-Rotondo, diminishing in height as
they approach the seashore. A vast stretch of the
Mediterranean lay before us ; Sardinia, the island of
Elba, the coasts of Italy with all their little scattered
isles, and no doubt we could have also seen the coasts
of Spain and France, but for the clouds which
obscured the horizon in their direction.
The highest ranges of the island, next to Monte-
Rotondo, are those of Monte-Cinto to the north-west,
and that of Monte d'Oro to the south. In the spaces
between the various ranges which, as I have said,
form a circular chain round Monte-Rotondo, we
could perceive numerous lakes at different heights,
whence flow the principal rivers, or, to be more
accurate, the largest streams that water the island.
It is oTie of the most remarkable physical pecu-
liarities of Corsica that these lakes are like funnels
placed in llic centre <jf the mountains, and are
MONTE-ROTONDO. 459
generally circular in shape. The circumference of
the lake that occupies what I call the arena of the
Monte-Rotondo amphitheatre is about 700 yards.
The waters are extremely cold, and although very
clear, look almost black, because of the depth of the
basins which contain them. Many fables are current
among the shepherds as to their origin ; they are
regarded as the work of a supernatural power, and
many most improbable phenomena are attributed to
them. It is said that in one of them, Lake Melo or
Meluccio, no living being can be immersed without
instantly becoming a fleshless skeleton. One of the
shepherds who accompanied us said that although
he was a good swimmer nothing on earth would
induce him to throw himself into that lake. The
following particulars respecting the lakes nearest to
our standpoint may be interesting.
The lake of Monte-Rotondo is the source of the
Yecchio, a river which flows through the canton
of the same name into the Tavignano.
The Restonica, or more accurately the Rivisecco,
rises from a small lake that we had remarked on the
ascent of Monte-Rotondo.
Lake d'Ino gives birth to the Galo, the Liamone
and the Tavignano. The waters appear to part at
a certain point, the Galo flowing to the east, the
Tavignano to the south-east, and the Liamone to
the west.
460 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Lake Creno supplies a tributary to the Liamone.
Lake Melo receives part of the waters of the two
last-named lakes, which are situated above it, and
gives out a stream which, joining the Eivisecco,
becomes the Restonica.
After we had contemplated these varied scenes, we
decided on descending the mountain by the path
opposite to that by which we had come up, that is to
say, by the northern, or rather the north-west side
of the mountain. In order to accomplish this, we
were obliged first to get down to the edge of the
lake at the bottom of the amphitheatre, and then to
climb again by the only practicable point of the
circular wall. We succeeded after much labour.
Having once more gained the summit of the wall,
at a point almost facing M. Barrel's pyramid, we
began the descent, and taking a northerly direction,
we passed in succession, along very steep and diflicult
paths, the shores of Lake Ino, Lake Creno and Lake
Melo. We halted at the side of the latter, whose
wild and picturesque aspect harmonises admirably
with the stern and terrible landscape that sur-
rounds it. The basin in which the lake is enclosed
is formed by a kind of natural dyke caused by
landslips from the neighbouring mountains, and
I In- si renin which Hows from it rushes in a cascade
over this dyke. From the banks of Lake Melo we
traced, not without a shudder, the path by which we
THE GItO TELLE. 461
had reached it. After following the borders of the
lake, which we left on our right, we continued our
descent, and at length arrived at the first shepherds'
huts that are met with below Monte-Rotondo. This
group of five or six cabins bears the name of the
G-rotelle. It was 5 p.m. when we reached it ; so that
we had been walking for fifteen hours without inter-
mission. We entered one of the cabins, intending to
remain until the morrow, but during the night we
were overtaken by a storm which obliged us to quit
our place of shelter in order to cross the neighbour-
ing stream, as it had in a few hours swollen to such
an extent that it would have been impossible for us
to have crossed it next morning. Having escaped
this danger, we set out at daybreak for Corta,
and arrived there on the 14th Fructidor (Septem-
ber 1). On the following day I started for Orezza,
journeying through the Canton of Rostino and that
of Ampugnano. This part of Corsica is fertile and
richly wooded ; the chestnut-trees especially are very
fine, and furnish a large portion of the people's food.
Orezza is celebrated for its mineral waters. Its
inhabitants are the most industrious in Corsica ; it
is the only part where there are any manufac-
tories.* After staying one day at Orezza, and
* Tan-yards and manufactories of wooden utensils. In the
stream flowing just below the village are rocks which contain
the jasper known as Vert de Corse.
4fi2 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
inspecting the hospital I had established for the
soldiers sent there for the mineral baths, I pro-
ceeded to Cervione, the chief town of the Canton
of Campoloro.
On this excursion to the centre of Corsica, which
I had not visited during my first mission, I was
in general well received by the inhabitants, and
allowing for what was merely formal and for the
flattery usually offered to official personages, I
thought I could detect some signs of real affection
for me on the part of the people. A curious fete
that was given in my honour at Cervione contri-
buted perhaps to impress me with this conviction.
Fetes of this kind are peculiar to that part of the
country ; the inhabitants take great delight in them,
but they occur only on extraordinary occasions of
public rejoicing.
These fetes are called Morescas. The remembrance
of the wars between the Corsicans and the Moors,
who formerly devastated the country and forced the
inhabitants to remove their villages from the plain
to the mountains, was probably the origin of a
kind of dramatic representation of the events of that
warfare. Tlio very derivation of the name justifies
Ibis supposition, and as the details of the spectacle
are rather curious, I shall pause a moment here, to
recall them.
The conquest of Jerusalem bad been chosen as the
A MOBESCA. 463
subject of the Moresca that was represented in my
honour, and Tasso's poem was its framework.
The scene of the Moresca had been skilfully
selected. At a short distance from Cervione was a
hill whose gentle slope formed a natural amphi-
theatre, and commanded the space where the piece
was to be represented. On this hill were the spec-
tators. Opposite, to the east, was a view of the sea.
On a wide esplanade below the hill there was on
one side a camp composed of several tents, and on
the other the representation of the city of Jerusalem.
The camp was occupied by the French, the city
by Turks. Godfrey's tent and the interior of
Aladdin's palace were so arranged that the spec-
tators could see and hear all that took place in one
or the other. The space between the city and the
camp was the scene of the various combats and
other events that were successively represented.
To the left of the camp was a wooden tower
constructed by the Christians to batter the town.
The drama opened with a prologue, well and
feelingly recited by one of the actors. It described
the subject of the play and the arrangement of the
stage. This prologue was quite in the style of
Greek tragedy.
Then the drama began, and the whole of Tasso's
poem, from the appearance of the Angel to Godfrey,
to the assault made on Jerusalem, was put on the
464 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
stage, with the exception only of the episode of
Armida, which was suppressed. But that of Olindo
and Sofronia, the burning of the tower by Argando
and Clorinda, the death of the female warrior, the
adventures of Erminia and the embassy of Alete
and Argando were represented. The dialogue, in
the purest Italian, was animated and, on the whole,
well rendered by the actors. Some verses of Tasso
had been added, but not many. The costumes were
accurate, the Christians could be easily distinguished
from the Moors ; the former wore the costume of
our ancient paladins and were arrayed entirely in
white ; the Moors wore the Asiatic dress, red, yellow
and green being the predominating colours.
The performance lasted nearly four hours. The
piece was listened to in profound silence, only
broken by the applause of an immense and attentive
crowd assembled from the neighbouring cantons.
The subject seemed familiar to all the spectators,
and was thoroughly appreciated throughout. The
whole was conducted with the greatest decorum
and quietness.
Two days afterwards I started on my return
journey to Bastia, where I arrived on the 20th
Fructidor, and where I passed the last days of
year IX.
In the course of the last month of year X.
(October 1801) 1 learned that preliminaries of peace
AJACCIO. 465
with England had been signed ; I at once sent my
brother, Jacques Miot, to convey the news to the
English station at the Piombino Canal, in order to
procure a cessation of hostilities. My message was
well received, and I took advantage of the opening
of communications with Italy to provide for the
necessities of the island. We were threatened with
an extreme scarcity of grain, and that greatly in-
creased the difficulties of my position. Lastly, after
taking the needful steps for the safety and vic-
tualling of the department of Grolo, I left Bastia on
the 29th Brumaire (November 20), to return to
Liamone and establish myself once more at Ajaccio.
I found this part of the island perfectly tranquil.
Order was being re-established on every side, and
since the departure of General Muller the harmony
between the military authority and my own had
not been disturbed. I might therefore have reckoned
on a more successful issue to my mission than I had
dared to hope for, if obstacles arising in Paris had
not been thrown in the way of my most desirable
measures. My life was passed in perpetual conflict,
and I spent more time in defending myself against
attacks from without than I required to devote to
all the details of internal administration.
About four months after my return to Liamone I
learned two pieces of news equally important,
although of a very different kind. The one an-
VOL. i. 2 II
466 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
noimced the conclusion of a definitive peace with
England, signed at Amiens on 4th Germinal, year X.
(March 25, 1802) ; the other, the adoption of a law to
restore public worship, framed in conformity with
the Concordat concluded between the French Re-
public and the Holy See.* The first event caused
me unmixed joy ; not so the second. In proportion
as religious tolerance and liberty for each individual
to worship the Divinity in his own way was a gain,
did the renewal of the former relations with Rome,
the recognition of a foreign arbiter in matters of
faith, and above all, the pomp with which the
Government celebrated this return to former things,
seem to me matter for alarm to men of clear judg-
ment, who dreaded, as one of the greatest scourges
that can afflict a nation, the readmission of religion
and the ministers of religion into the political order.
It was, indeed, easy to foresee that all the power of
Bonaparte would not suffice to keep the dangerous
auxiliaries he was accepting within the narrow
bounds to which he believed he was restricting them,
and the result lias proved that when reverses came
upon him he had no more implacable enemies than
those priests to whom he had restored so dangerous
* Tho Concordat had been signed in Paris, on July 15, 1801,
and ratified by tho Pope on tho 16th of August. The organic
laws of tlic Concordat adopted by the Tribunate and tho
Legislative Body are of tho 16th Gorminal, year X. (April 6,
L802).
THE CONCORDAT. 467
an influence over society. But at the time when
Bonaparte took this perilous step, he was convinced
that of all religions the Catholic was that most
favourable to the arbitrary power to which he
aspired, and that in the pulpit and the confes-
sional he should find powerful defenders of his
system, and teachers of a passive obedience to his
advantage. He shut his eyes, therefore, to all other
considerations, and looked on the restoration of
religion as a necessary step for reaching supreme
authority. He failed to attach an ungrateful clergy
to himself, while he alienated many adherents, and
though I was stationed at a very isolated point, I
had ample means of convincing myself of these
truths. Notwithstanding the attachment of the
Corsicans in general to the Catholic Faith, its un-
expected restoration in France caused very little
sensation in the island. The ceremonial with which
I had the new law promulgated, the Te Deum and
solemn masses, produced but small effect. The keen
instinct of the Corsicans led them to divine that
this proceeding of the First Consul was not to be
attributed to an intimate conviction of the excellence
of Catholicity, but to designs of greater depth.
Thus my position was not altered, either for the
better or for the worse, by an event which had
such importance in the interior of France.
In fact I soon discovered that Corsica was a
2 h 2
468 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
country in which Bonaparte, although born there,
would have met with the most unwilling acquies-
cence in the executions of his plans, and had all the
departments of France been animated with the same
spirit as Golo and Liamone, his rapid elevation
might have encountered greater obstacles. When
the decision of the Second and Third Consuls, that
the people should be consulted on the question,
" Shall Napoleon Bonaparte be Consul for life ?"
reached me, I hastened to proclaim it, and to open
registries where every inhabitant was to record his
vote. But my proclamation awakened no enthu-
siastic feeling in Corsica in favour of so illustrious
a compatriot. With the exception of the public
officials, whose vote was obligatory, very little
eagerness was shown, and the registers were filled
up but slowly. There was even a considerable
number of votes in the negative. I will quote a
rather remarkable example ; the following vote was
given by one of the inhabitants of Golo.
" Roma non accordava che un' anno al Consolato.
Dopo Cromwell successe il figlio di Carlo I., e si
vendicb. Si domanda la carica a vita oggi, domain
ereditaria."*
* " Rome granted one year of Consulship only. After
Cromwell, the son of Charles I. succeeded, and avonged him.
To-day it is duration for life that is demanded, to-morrow
it w il) lie heredity."
TEE AUTHOR SOLICITS HIS EEC ALL. 469
A mong the military there were also many nega-
tive votes. At Ajaccio, where the garrison con-
sisted of 300 men, 66 voted " No ;" and among a
company of 50 artillerymen, 38 voted against the
proposal.
Amid the mental agitation into which I was
thrown by the great changes occurring in our insti-
tutions and by the anticipation of further change, I
was forcibly recalled to the duties of my office. The
general state of the country had become satisfactory,
and no longer caused me anxiety. General Morand,
who had been appointed by the First Consul to re-
place Muller, had arrived, and we got on well
together. A new Commissioner assisted me in my
endeavours to restore order in the Finance Depart-
ment, and to put a stop to scandalous extortions. My
position was improved, yet I was not so well satis-
fied with it as not to desire a change. In proportion
as Corsica became tranquillised, I solicited my recall
with greater persistency, and I tried to convince the
First Consul that the extraordinary powers which
had been confided to me were no longer necessary.
But my representations failed, and I learned from my
friends in Paris that there was not the least inten-
tion of recalling me to France. Having lost all
hope, therefore, of escorting my family thither in
person, I decided on sending my wife and children
without me. The necessity of educating my children
470 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
forbade me to keep them any longer in a country
where the means of instruction was lacking, and
I parted from them and from my wife on the 14th
Messidor (July 3). I then left Ajaccio in order to
take up my residence in the highlands, at Bogog-
nano,* about ten miles from the town, where, with-
out detriment to the despatch of public business,
I might breathe better air than in Ajaccio. That
town is almost uninhabitable in summer. During
my stay in these mountains I made a second ex-
cursion for the purpose of exploring Monte d'Oro.
Excursion to Monte d'Oro.
On the 10th Thermidor (July 29) at 9 a.m.
we leftf Bogognano, and took the high road from
Ajaccio to Corta as far as the Foce di Guizzavona,
where we left our horses, as we could make no
use of them for the remainder of our journey.
At 3 p.m. we began by climbing a very steep
incline to the west of the tower of La Foce. The
slope, which is rich in pasture-land, bears the name
of Vaccaria — (a place for cows). Large numbers
* This name is given to a group erf villages, .situated about
three hundred fathoms above the lovel of the sea, on the ridge
of the mountains, south of the Col do la Foce di Guizzavona.
I was accompanied on this excursion by MM. Demony and
Lamehe, members of my administration, by two shepherds who
aoted as guides, and by two servants.
MONTE D'ORO. 471
of these animals under the care of their herdsmen
occupy the grazing land in summer.
On reaching the top of the incline, we had a
view of Monte d'Oro, from which we were separated
by a valley of considerable width, watered by one
of the sources of the Vecchio ; the latter flows into
the Tavignano below Corta.* The valley is shut
in on the south by a wide col, much higher than
the summit of the incline where we were standing.
Our route lay towards the col, in order afterwards
to reach the top of the mountain. We therefore
began our descent into the valley, and then followed
the coarse of the torrent, against stream, until we
reached a sheepfold called the Posatoja. When
there, we were not far from the snows that cover
the narrow valleys, and when they melt, give
birth to streams that flow in various directions
from the col, and from the mountain itself. The
soil on which we had walked since leaving the
summit of the Vaccaria consists entirely of frag-
ments of the neighbouring mountains, whose an-
tiquity is proved by the dry and isolated fissures
in them.
The summits of these mountains are studded with
* The Vecchio, as I have already said, takes its rise in the
lake of Monte-Kotondo ; hut it receives a tributary in the waters
flowing to the east of Monte d'Oro. Those flowing to the west
and south enter the Liamone and the Gravone.
472 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
sharp pinnacles of varied height and eccentric
form. They are known to the shepherds by various
names, such as the Fixate, the Capuccino, &c. Their
broken fragments, over which we wended our way,
consist generally of quartz, steatite, feldspar, and
mica. The mixture of these four substances pro-
duces various combinations, some of which are
remarkably brilliant. Rock crystals are also met
with in the fissures of the granite, and especially
in a steep, narrow valley rising from north to
south almost to the top of Monte d'Oro, and which
bears the name of Canale del cristallo. At the
time I speak of it was full of snow and quite
unapproachable. The shepherds can only enter
it in September, where they find crystals of a fair
size, which they sell in the towns. The vegetation
of the valley we had traversed in order to reach
the Posatoja is very fine. Beech-trees and some
varieties of pine attain a great height.
We passed part of the night at the sheepfolds
of Posatoja. The cold was bitter. At 2 a.m. we
resumed our journey by the light of torches of a
resinous wood, the Pinus pinaster, and commenced
the ascent of the col which closes in the valley
that we had traversed the day before. We reached
its summit at 4 a.m. Vegetation had ceased,
and according to my calculation we were at a
height of about 1800 yards above the level of
MONTE D'ORO. 473
the sea. The path was becoming very difficult,
on account of the loose stones which rolled about
under our feet. We kept as much as possible at
the top of the col, in order to reach the eastern
ridge of Monte d'Oro, which we climbed by making
our way round it spirally. After a fatiguing march
of three-quarters of an hour, we found ourselves
separated from the summit of the mountain only
by a mass of rock, which stood out in an almost
hemispheric shape. Our difficulties now increased.
In certain spots we were obliged to allow ourselves
to be carried on the shoulders of our guides.
Lastly, after much labour, four of us, including
myself, stood on the highest point of all. The
others had dropped behind at places more or less
distant from our journey's end.
It was 5.30 a.m. when we found, ourselves on
the top of Monte d'Oro. The sun was beginning
to shine on one of the fairest scenes of nature,
which although greatly resembling that I had beheld
a year before at Monte-Rotondo, was not the less
impressive. The whole of Corsica and all its
mountains lay at our feet, with the exception of
Monte-Rotondo, whose superior height was scarcely
perceptible, of Monte Cinto and the peak of Orezza
at the same height as ourselves. Beyond this group
* The difference in height between Monte-Eotondo and
Monte d'Oro is but twenty yards.
474 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of mountains piled up, so to speak, one on the other,
I descried on the east the plains of Aleria and
Fiumorbo, the pools of Urbino and Diana, the
course of the Tavignano, then the sea, the islands of
Monte-Cristo and Elba, the coast of Italy, Montenero
and the Maremma of Tuscany ; on the north the
island of Capraja, and in the background the
Apennines of the Genoa Riviera ; on the west
the barren mountains of the Niolo, the sea of
France and the coasts of my native land. To-
wards the south I could perceive the Gulfs of
Sagona, of Ajaccio, of Valinco, the island of Asmara,
and Sardinia hanging over the sea like a huge
cloud.
After enjoying this delightful landscape for some
time, I employed myself in an examination of
the spot on which I stood, and of the configuration
of the mountain.
Monte d'Oro much resembles Monte-Rotondo in
shape, that is to say, it also is like an amphitheatre,
of which the arena is formed by a lake about a
hundred fathoms in diameter. But the destruction
of the walls is much more advanced, and the land-
slips are more considerable than at Monte-Rotondo.
Towards 1 1 10 west and south, in fact, these walls
are almost entirely destroyed ; only a few low peaks
are standing, where tops are already crumbling
away, and which exist but as witnesses to the
MONTE D'OBO. 475
ancient shape of the mountain. Our own stand-
point was on one of these pinnacles, higher than the
others and composed of fragments of broken rock,
heaped up and evidently broken off from some
higher pinnacle which has entirely disappeared.
All these fragments are of the same nature as those
we saw in the valleys or on the lower cols ; there
is no sign of volcanic or calcareous origin, no trace of
shells, nor any mark of the former presence of water
nor of the action of fire, but everywhere an ap-
pearance of decay and decrepitude ; no fertile earth,
unless such as is brought by the winds, and collected
in the fissures of the rock, where it is increased
by the decay of the vegetable growths that it
supports. The height of Monte d'Oro is esti-
mated in the ' Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes '
at 2652 yards. At the top of the mountain the
temperature was cold, but not unbearably so ; but
respiration was rather difficult. A great part of
the lake was still frozen, and the ice covered with
snow.*
The only inhabitant of these wild regions is the
moufflon or musmon (Ovis Amnion). We saw several
* There had been no ice the previous year at Monte-Rotondo,
although it is higher, but we made our excursion thither at the
end of August, and it seems that at that season only the snow-
disappears. It lies all the year through on the north side of
Monte d'Oro, on account of its particular shape and the depth
of its crevasses.
476 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of them skipping along and bounding over preci-
pices with wonderful agility. In such elevated
regions these animals feed principally on the sheep-
plantain (Plantago ovina), which grows abundantly
between the stones, and which the shepherds have
named Erba muffrina. The vegetable products are
much the same as those I remarked on Monte-
Rotondo, and I recognised with pleasure the
Xeranthemum frigidum creeping over the rocks at
the foot of Monte d'Oro.
We took the same path for our return that we
had taken to ascend the mountain, and reached the
Posatoja before noon. At 4 o'clock we arrived at
the Foce di Guizzavona, where our horses were in
waiting for us, and we were back at Bogognano the
same day, the 11th Thermidor, at 8 p.m.
Immediately on my return from this excursion,
one of the most interesting that I made in Corsica, I
received the Senatus-Consultum of the 14th and 17th
Thermidor, conferring on the First Consul power for
life, and modifying various parts of the Constitution
of year VIII. These were the preludes to greater
changes, already under consideration, but which it
was not as yet safe to attempt, so hazardous was the
word ' heredity,' and heredity alone was wanting to
complete the conversion of the Republic into a
Monarchy. I made solemn proclamation of these
new decrees; a popular iete was held at Ajaccio ; I
THE BONAPARTE FAMILY. 477
gave a ball and all went off decorously, but the
public displayed neither joy nor satisfaction. There
was, on the whole, more surprise than enthusiasm.
People knew not how to reconcile this surprising
rise with their still recent recollections of Bona-
parte's family, whom all the inhabitants of Ajaccio
had known in a rank so far removed from their
present greatness. The old proverb, " No man is a
prophet in his own country," appeared to me in this
case to receive a fresh confirmation. But at the
same time the feelings of envy that were exhibited
in Napoleon's own country * at the very time when
his fortune was so greatly in the ascendant, gave me
opportunities of acquiring some information on the
origin of his family, and I did not neglect them. I
will set down in this place the results of my
inquiries, made in the very birthplace of Napoleon,
among his own countrymen and either rivals or
friends of his family.
The Bonapartes descend from a noble Florentine
family. During the troublous times of the Republic
one of their ancestors withdrew to San Miniato,f a
* The name of Napoleon, which is a common baptismal name
in Corsica, appeared for the first time in the Senatus-Consultum
of the 14th Thermidor.
| One Jacopo Buonaparte wrote an account of the sack of
Kome in 1527. He was present, and collected the particulars
day by day. On the title page of his book, which was published
at Cologne in 1756, he is described as Gentiluomo Samminiatese.
478 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
small town ten leagues from Florence. The last
descendant of this branch of the family was a Canon,
who was still living at San Miniato, and whom
Bonaparte visited when, in year IV., he went to
Florence.
Another Bonaparte settled at Sarzano in the State
of Genoa, and from this branch proceed the Bona-
partes of Ajaccio. They possessed some landed
property there, and have always been regarded as
distinguished both by birth and fortune. Many
years after the union of Corsica with France, which
took place in 1769, Charles Bonaparte was sent to
Paris ; as deputy from the nobles, and one of his
daughters, Elisa Bonaparte, was educated at St. Cyr,
which leaves no doubt as to their noble birth. M.
Charles Bonaparte was a very handsome man. He
died at Montpellier in 1785, after a singular illness,
of which I have already spoken.
As to the women ; the mother of the First Consul,
Madame Lsetitia Bonaparte, whose beauty was most
remarkable, is a Ramolino, a family of Ajaccio,
which claims to be connected with tlie Ornanos,
nil hough it is not considered to be noble. The
mother of Madame La'titia Bonaparte was by birth a
Pietra-Santa, a, family of very moderate rank at
Sarteno. On the death of Ramolino, her first
husband, she had married a Swiss, named Fesch,
whose family held ;m honourable position at Bale,
RECALL OF THE AUTEOB. 479
where they were established as bankers. By her
second marriage she had one son, at that time Arch-
bishop of Lyons and afterwards Cardinal, and con-
sequently step-brother of Madame Laetitia Bonaparte,
and uncle on the mother's side of the First Consul
and of his brothers and sisters. One of Madame
LaBtitia's sisters had married a Paravicini, who,
during my residence in Corsica, was Commissioner
for the Navy at Ajaccio, and was, on the female side,
uncle by marriage to Napoleon. Lastly, the son of
one of Madame Lsetitia's brothers was at the period
of which I speak director of the public taxes. He
was first cousin to Napoloon. This Ramolino was
afterwards member of the Chamber of Deputies in
1822 and 1823.
After the fetes at Ajaccio in honour of the Life-
Consulship and of the new institutions that the
Senatus-Consultum of the 14th and 17th Thermidor
had introduced in France, I returned to Bogognano,
to remain there during the rest of the hot season. I
had resigned myself at last to the continued exercise
of the laborious duties of my office, for the Paris
authorities had refused to grant me even the short
holiday I had applied for. But at the very
moment that I gave up all hope of returning to
France, an unexpected incident recalled me thither.
In a report of the Minister of Finance on the
measures I had taken relative to taxation in certain
480 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
cantons, in which I had remitted arrears that
they were unable to pay, those measures were
represented as an excessive encroachment on the
powers delegated to me, and the First Consul was
induced to bring my mission to a close. He re-
placed the two departments of Corsica under the
rule of the Constitution on the 1st Brumaire, year XI.
(Oct. 23, 1802). Thus from a moment's ill-humour
I obtained what had been denied to my most pressing
entreaties. At the first news of a determination so
ardently desired by me, I hastened to put all the
affairs of my administration in order, and to make
preparations for my journey.
Before taking a final leave of Corsica, I shall
give a sketch of the state of the island at the time
of my departure.
On my arrival there in the month of Grerminal,
year IX., I had found part of Corsica in a condition
of internal disturbance, and the roads infested by
men who, having incurred the penalties of the law,
bad sought safety in the mountains and who fell
suddenly on travellers or solitary soldiers. I left
the country tranquil, its roads safe, and means of
communication restored. The Extraordinary Cri-
minal Tribunal that I had established had answered
my expectations. Offences against the laws had
been repressed or punished. There was entire con-
fidence in the administration, for its impartiality was
HEREDITARY FEUDS. 481
well known. But this very impartiality bad injured
many private interests, and had raised up enemies
for me who were sufficiently powerful to create
serious difficulties. I had been driven to take extra-
ordinary proceedings against the General in command
of the Division, and the progress of improvement
had been partly obstructed. However, taking things
on the whole, the state of the country was ameliorated.
But in order that the small amount of good I had been
able to effect, might become consolidated and might
penetrate the mass of the people and affect their
customs, time and perseverance in the use of similar
means were needed. In that respect, therefore, I
must own that I left Corsica in the same state in
which I had found it on both my missions there.
Civilisation had made no perceptible progress.* The
same spirit of revenge and personal enmity prevailed.
I had often been obliged to summon the chiefs of
families divided by hereditary feuds into my presence,
and to act as arbitrator, in order to establish a kind
* The following affords a proof of this. The road-making I
had undertaken in Corsica was undoubtedly a great benefit to
the inhabitants, who were employed on the works and were
well paid. The engineer at the head of the works in the
neighbourhood of Bogognano had sent to Ajaccio for wheels on
which to remove the beams intended for the construction of a
bridge. These wheels were left in the road, and during the
night the workmen set fire to the wooden spokes in order to get
the iron, which they carried off and hid in the mountains.
Does not this read like an anecdote of South-Sea savages?
VOL. I. 2 I
482 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of treaty of peace between them, and I had not
always succeeded. Acts of private vengeance had
been perpetrated more than once, under my very
eyes, and in spite of all my endeavours I was power-
less to punish such crimes. I will give an instance
of this, so as to afford some idea of the vindictive
spirit of the inhabitants, and of the light in which
they themselves regarded such acts.
On the day of my arrival at Bogognano, 17th Mes-
sidor, year IX., a private vendetta cost two men their
lives. About eight years previously an inhabitant
of that canton had killed one of his neighbours, the
father of two children. When these children had
reached their sixteenth or seventeenth year, and were
consequently of an age to avenge their father, they
left their own part of the country to watch for the
murderer, who was on his guard and dared not
venture far from the village.
A few days before my arrival they had been seen
in the neighbourhood, and on the very day of my
arrival at Bogognano, they had come upon their
enemy playing at cards under a tree, at a short
distance from the house in which I intended taking
up my residence. The youths fired four times
and killed their man, but one shot struck and
killed another man, who was sleeping a few
yards away. The latter was a near kinsman of
tli'' young brothers, who, after committing the deed,
THE VENDETTA. 483
disappeared, no one making any attempt to secure
them .
This tragedy made no sensation whatever in the
country. The inhabitants, in fact, appeared pleased
rather than shocked by it. They told me that it
was fortunately the last vendetta due in Bogognano,
and that now that it had been accomplished, there
was no fear of further disturbance to their tran-
quillity. The families on both sides considered the
reprisal just and according to rule, and no one
interfered.* The women took possession of their
* The degree of kindred in which the vendetta is of obliga-
tion is regulated by ancient customs, and there are instances of
discussions on the point between two individuals belonging to
families at variance with each other, which have ended in a
friendly manner when one has been able to prove to the other
that he was not within the degree of kindred in which legitimate
vengeance could be taken. In addition to the sanguinary code
on the subject, there is a curious feeling of respect for religious
prejudices. I am indebted to M. Galeazzini, Prefect of Liamone,
for a remarkable anecdote bearing on this subject. An in-
habitant of the village of Peri comes across a kinsman of one of
his enemies, engaged in digging in his field. He thinks the
opportunity a favourable one, and, raising his gun, he calls out
to his man, " Now then, say your In manus! I must kill you ! "
" No," replies the other, " I will not say it; you have no right
to kill me, I am not your enemy." And they begin to discuss
the degree of relationship. At last, the inhabitant of Peri,
seeing that he cannot induce his adversary to say his In manus,
lowers his gun and departs, willing rather to miss an oppor-
tunity of revenge than to commit a mortal sin by killing a man
not within the prescribed degrees, and who had not said his
prayers.
2 i 2
484 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
dead, wept over them, buried them according
to the custom of the country, and there was an
end of it.*
Nevertheless I wrote on that same day to Ajaccio,
and gave the most stringent orders for the pursuit
of the two murderers ; but all my endeavours to find
them were in vain, and I thus became convinced
of my powerlessness to remedy an evil which was
continually strengthened by the strongest prejudices,
and by a deeply rooted though mistaken point of
honour. What can be done, what can be attempted
with men who gladly incur certain death in order
to carry out a vendetta, in their eyes not only
a righteous one, but a duty from which the lapse
of twenty or even of fifty years does not free them,
and also a debt to be handed down from generation
to generation ? What argument will avail with
these men of passionate nature, who look daily into
the chest that contains their clothes at the blood-
stained handkerchief of him whom they are destined
to avenge? This silent but ever-present proof of
The women of Bogognano watched the corpses all night,
uttering 1 lie most doleful wailings. They followed them the
next morning to the cemetery, walking 1w<> and two, and rend-
ing the air with their lamentations. All wore veils of blue
stuff, called veleri, which is worn as a p< 1 1 icoat and then brought
ovit the head. Sonic men supported liaise w ||,»e grief appeared
the deepest, bu1 with an air of indifference that made the whole
thing seem aoting or, a1 hast, a vain ceremony.
THE VENDETTA. 4b5
the murder, which it is their duty to punish, is a
terrible witness not to be removed until vengeance
is accomplished ! What can be done with men who
from childhood have accustomed themselves to the
use of firearms, only for the sake of possessing an
unfailing means of keeping the oath they have
sworn to their mother, to follow to the death the
enemy who made her a widow and her children
orphans.* The spread of education, an increase of
population protected by salutary laws, the introduc-
tion of civilisation into the interior, speedy justice,
an impartial Government, and, above all, Time
itself, can alone alter these barbarous customs.
Very few of those means were at my command,
and during the course of my mission, I had the
pain of witnessing the evil without having the
* Corsicans are very expert in the use of firearms, and have
a kind of veneration fur a first-rate shot. The following
anecdote was related to me ; if it be true — -and I cannot vouch
for it — it would show to what an extent Corsicans carry their
admiration for that accomplishment. A man is informed that
one of his sons has just been assassinated, in consequence of a
family feud. He proceeds to the spot and recognises his son.
But on examining the body he perceives that the three balls
with which the gun was loaded have all entered the heart.
Every other feeling yields to admiration for such supreme skill,
and he exclaims enthusiastically, " Ma vedete, che gran colpo ! " x
These are almost the words of Prexaspes to Cambyses in
Herodotus. " My lord, the god himself would not have aimed
so true ! "
1 " I3ut see ! what a grand shot ! "
486 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
power to eradicate it. It was with satisfaction,
therefore, that I took leave of a country where it
was so difficult to do good and so easy to do evil.
Before embarking, I once more visited the
beautiful mountains of Face di Guizzavona, and
those in the neighbourhood of Bogognano, which I
had already explored with great interest. During
this final excursion I enjoyed the spectacle of a
storm, whose splendour has remained graven on
my memory as a solemn token of farewell from
those wild regions. I returned late in the evening
to Bogognano, and proceeded next day to Ajaccio,
where I embarked for Marseilles.
( 487 )
CHAPTER XIV.
The Author returns to Paris — His reception by the First Consul
— Monarchical customs and strict etiquette with which
the First Consul surrounded himself — Joseph Bonaparte
imparts the secret designs and great projects of the First
Consul to the Author— Lord Whitworth, the English
Ambassador in Paris — General Moreau is feted at the
Ministry of War — Government-mourning on the occasion
of the death of General Leclerc — New coinage with the
effigy of the First Consul — Lavish endowment of the Senate
— The political relations between France and England be-
come strained — Irritation of the First Consul with the
English Press —Conversation between Bonaparte and Lord
Whitworth — Colonel Sebastiani's Eeport, published in the
Moniteur — The King's speech to Parliament is hostile to
France — Effect produced by it in Paris — Progress of the
crisis and of the negotiations, official and secret, prior to the
definitive rupture between France and England — Simul-
taneous departure of Lord Whitworth from Paris and
of General Andreossy from London — Appendix: Lord
Whitworth's Despatch of February 21, 1803, to Lord Hawkes-
bury.
I embarked, on the 2nd Brumaire, year XI. (Octo-
ber 24, 1802), on board La Fortune, Captain Riouffe.
Contrary winds obliged us to anchor first at the
488 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Isle of Porteros, one of the Hyeres, where I stayed
two days ; and afterwards at Ciotat, a small town
in the Department of Yar. The bad weather
continued, and prevented our voyage by sea, so
I resolved on proceeding to Marseilles by land. I
arrived there on the 9th Brumaire (October 31),
remained two days, waiting for my luggage, which
I had left on board at Ciotat, and reached
Paris on the 21st Brumaire (November 12).
It was not altogether without apprehension that
I found myself once more in the capital. The
intrigues against me during the course of my
mission, and the somewhat sudden recall that had
brought it to a close, made me anticipate an un-
favourable reception. But it was not so. Joseph
Bonaparte, whom I saw first, welcomed me most
cordially. Not only was he free from the prejudices
against me which various members of his family had
manifested, but he had always warmly defended my
motives and my conduct. He reassured me as to
the feelings of the First Consul, who, he undertook
1<> say, had more correctly than any other person
appreciated the difficulties of my position, and
whom I should find quite satisfied with my discharge
of ils du lies.
Bonaparte was absent at the time of my arrival
in Paris, and lie did nol return to St. Cloud.
his habitual residence in autumn, until die 22ml
• THE AUTHOR'S FAVOURABLE RECEPTION. 489
Brumaire (November 13).* The following day at
noon he received the Council of State, and I joined
my colleagues in order to be present at that audience.
His first words were pleasant. He told me, jestingly,
that I had got into trouble with the Ministers ; that
Ministers did not like Administrators-General who
acted on their own ideas, and that I must make it
up with them. When he had finished, and heard
what I had to say in reply, I approached the
Ministers who were present, and remarked with
pleasure that the favourable reception just accorded
to me by the great man had already half-effected
our reconciliation. Hands were stretched out to me,
I was embraced, and I might believe myself restored
to favour. Another and more serious conversation
on the mission I had just accomplished, and on
Corsica generally, ensued. Some points of my
conduct were discussed ; the First Consul asserted
that I had been too kind, that I had leaned too mucli
to conciliation, and that a little severity would have
done better. On the whole, he did justice to my
intentions, and to the principles of equity and
impartiality on which I had acted. In short, I had
every reason to be pleased; and, indeed, to be re-
proached with an excess of kindness and moderation
in the exercise of an administration for which I had
* He had been inspecting the Seine Inferieure and Calvados,
and the sea-coasts of those two departments.
490 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
received such elastic powers, was praise rather than
criticism. The Consuls informed me that I was to
return to the Council of State in the Section of the
Interior, and as that was the sole reward I coveted,
I had nothing more to ask for.
I was now at ease concerning my own future,
and I began to look about me, and to observe the
new aspect of things with astonishment. What
changes during an absence of less than two years !
Monarchical customs, which were beginning to
appear when I left Paris, had extended in every
direction, and what little had remained of austere
Republican forms at the time of my departure from
the capital had now entirely disappeared. Gorgeous
liveries, sumptuous garments, similar to those worn
in the reign of Louis XV., had succeeded to the
military fashions, which, during the Revolution, had
been adopted even in the dress of civilians. No
more boots, sabres, or cockades, these were re-
placed by tights and silk stockings, buckled-shoes,
dress-swords, and hats held under the arm. All
this, however, was as in an early stage, and the
awkwardness of some persons not yet accustomed
to these Court fashions, together with certain oddities
in the dross of others, who still retained traces of
the fashions they had just given up, formed an
extraordinary spectacle. 1 was not more free from
incongruity than others, and my coat, with turned-
SIGNIFICANT CHANGES. 491
back facings, worn with white silk stockings and
a sword, shocked the educated taste of several of my
colleagues whose costumes did not offer a similar
contrast. Fortunately I was not singular in my
offence, the First Consul was equally subject to
criticism. With a superb coat of violet velvet,
magnificently embroidered in gold and silk, he wore
a sword, white silk stockings, gold buckles in his
shoes, and a black cravat ! This was certainly a
serious blunder in dress ! *
The change was still more ajjparent in the reality
of things than in their outward appearance. The
Tuileries and St. Cloud were no longer, as I had
left them, the seat of Government, the abode of the
first Magistrate of a Republic, but the Court of a
Sovereign. Severe etiquette prevailed there ; offi-
cers attached to the person, prescribed honours paid
to the ladies, a privileged family ; in short, every-
thing except the name of Consul was monarchical,
and that name was destined soon to disappear.
The first impression made on me by this novel
pomp and display was disagreeable and painful.
No one could be more convinced than I of the
necessity of surrounding the Government of a
great nation with dignity, and even, if desired, with
* Bonaparte rarely wore a civilian costume, he appeared
generally in the uniform of a Colonel of Grenadiers, or of the
Guard's light infantry. I have several times seen him preside
at the Council of State in the uniform of a Councillor.
492 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
a certain magnificence, but I should have wished to
discern the Government through all this splendour,
and not an individual, still less his family. Among
all that I saw and remarked at that time, the visit
of the great bodies of the State and of the ambas-
sadors to Madame Bonaparte impressed me most. I
had presented myself with the other State Coun-
cillors. She rose to receive us, remained standing
during the address of our President, thauked us for
the sentiments expressed by the Council of State,
then seating herself without inviting us to do the
same, carried on a conversation on ordinary topics
for a short time, after which she again rose and
dismissed us.
A few T davs later I returned to St. Cloud to be
present at the audience given every Sunday by
the First Consul, or, to speak more accurately, I
returned thither to pay my court. I found the
members of the principal bodies of the State, and the
Tribunals, Generals, Ministers, and Bishops ranged
in a line in the great gallery. The First Consul
|>;issed through, accompanied by his wife, by some
members of Ins family, by the other two Consuls, and
by I lis civil and military officers, on his way to a
sung mass.* On his return, he paused in the
All limi^li flic ancient, (Jrcgoi ian Calendar was not yei re-
stored, Sunday was religiously observed after the re-establish-
ment "l I Mvinr worship.
THE NEW ETIQUETTE. 403
gallery, spoke to a great many persons, received
petitions, and then withdrew to his private apart-
ments. All was regulated by the most punctilious
etiquette, and the Second and Third Consuls were
as subservient to it as the rest of the crowd ; they
were present in the gallery, not as colleagues of
the First Consul, but as courtiers. They had no
distinguishing suite, and could only be recognised
by their dress ; whereas Bonaparte, surrounded by
aides-de-camp, by Prefects of the Palace, and officers
of his guard, occupied the principal position. Thus
the slight semblance of divided authority had already
almost entirely disappeared, and those very men
who, at first, had been called to a share in it, were
now consenting to reduce that share, externally at
least, to nothing.
But I have said enough on this subject. I have
pointed out the decisive steps that the First Consul
had taken during my absence towards the end which
he soon afterwards attained, and I have also re-
corded the docility with which the public lent them-
selves to his purposes.
On my return from Corsica, my former intimacy
with Joseph Bonaparte became yet closer, and from
that period dates the confidence he has never ceased
to repose in me and the friendship which still exists
between us, notwithstanding the distance that
divides us. To that friendship, to that confidence,
494 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
I owe my acquaintance with many secret facts
which throw a strong light on the hidden springs
that worked that marvellous drama, so ephemeral
when compared with its grandeur, of which as-
tonished Europe was for twelve years the silent
spectator. The greater part of what I am about to
relate had its origin in my almost daily interviews
at this period with Joseph Bonaparte. The lapse
of years, and the rapid fall of the Man who
created and then destro} 7 ed his own power, bring
back many details into the domain of History that
have ceased to be secrets ; I give these particu-
lars, therefore, without fear of misconstruction of
my motive.
My earlier conversations with Joseph Bonaparte
turned at first on his own position, and afterwards
led to an exposition of the projects then entertained
by the First Consul. As it is easy to trace the
plans he had formed, the means which lie proposed
to himself to employ, and the reflections which
such bold designs called up in our minds, I will
simply transcribe the r4sumi of these conversations
made in my note-book on the very days on which
they were held.
After expressing to Joseph Bonaparte my surrjrise
at the position* in which I found him, I said,
"I Lad expected to sec you invested with greater
.Joseph lionaparte w;is ;it .thai lime .simply a .senator.
POSITION OF JOSEPH BONAPARTE. 495
power and influence. I thought that you would
have aspired to personal distinction. And, in fact,
since the First Consul allows and even exacts such
distinction for his wife, it follows that the members
of his family, and especially his brothers, should
enjoy it also. Yet I find you without rank,
without an establishment, and without followers.
The life-appointment of the Second and Third
Consuls* is an act of hostility to you. It gives
them a present position which you have not, and
will secure to them, at the death of your brother,
a possibility which should always be in your
mind, influence that you might then seek in vain
to obtain, and that you might bitterly regret not
having secured. It is time, I think, for you to rouse
yourself from this condition of insignificance, what-
ever may be its charm. As no successor to the
First Consul can possibly feel himself secure so long
as you and Lucien are in existence, nor would leave
you in peace at Morfontaine, you ought, betimes,
to prepare yourself to take the lead, since on your
brother's death there could be no middle course
for you between supreme power and nothingness."
" You argue rightly," replied Joseph Bonaparte,
" but like every one else who judges me, you start
from a false premiss. You take for granted that
* The three Consuls had heen appointed for life by the
Senatus-Consultum of 17th Thermidor, year X.
496 ME310IRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
the small influence I exercise and the obscurity of
the part I play are due only to my indolent nature,
and that I have but to overcome that, to attain
to the place which, according to you, I ought to
occupy. Undeceive yourself; I perfectly understand
all the advantages I should reap by a different
position, and if it only depended on me to make the
change, I should certainly do it. But you do not
understand my brother. The idea of sharing his
power is so obnoxious to him, that my claims are as
suspicious in his eyes as those of any other person,
more so, perhaps, since they are the most plausible of
any, and would be most readily justified by public
opinion. He desires above all that the need of his
own existence should be so deeply felt, and recog-
nised as so great a benefit, that none can look
beyond it without trepidation. He knows and
feels that he reigns rather through this idea than
through either force or gratitude. If to-morrow or
on any other day people were to say to themselves,
" Here is a stable and quiet order of things ! and a,
successor who will maintain it for us is designated ;
Pxmaparte may die, we have neither change nor
disturbance to fear,"- -my brother would no longer
think- himself safe. I have discovered that such is
his feeling, and he rules his conduct by it. Can
you believe, alter this, that he would sutler me to
carry oul the plan you advise? and do you think
A FRIENDLY REMONSTRANCE. 497
that I should be strong enough to follow it against
his consent ? Certainly not ! Thus as it is im-
possible for me to reach the point I ought to attain,
I prefer playing no part at all to undertaking an
inferior one. My policy is to obtain praise for the
moderation of my desires, for my philosophy, my
love of repose and tranquil pleasures, and to make
all the world believe, as you believed a moment
ago, not that I cannot be, but that I do not choose to
be more than I am at present."
" I should have nothing to reply to what you
have just told me," I answered, " if you really are
on these terms with your brother. But are you not
deceiving me in this, are you not trying to disguise
the true motives of your conduct, in order to escape
the blame you would deserve if you are acting only
from indolence and indifference ? How can you re-
concile what you have just told me concerning the
First Consul with his special marks of regard when
you returned from Amiens,* putting you forward to
be applauded by the public at the Opera, and offering
you a place of honour at the Fete of the Concordat,!
favours which for the most part you refused ? ''
* Joseph Bonaparte had signed the treaty of peace with
England at Amiens.
| This religious fete had been celebrated at Notre Dame on
27th Thermidor, year X. (August 15, 1802). It had been decided
that Joseph Bonaparte was to proceed to Notre Dame in a
carriage drawn by eight horses ; but he declined that honour,
and went with the other Councillors of State.
VOL. 1. 2 K
498 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
" You are under the same mistake as before," said
Joseph Bonaparte ; " you persist in believing that
these honours and distinctions were offered to me in
good faith. I am certain they were only a snare, and
I was bound to avoid that. What was the aim of the
First Consul ? To make me a mark for the envy
and jealousy of the other Consuls, of the Ministers,
and of the Councillors of State, without affording me
any means of setting their enmity at defiance, while
at the same time he paid his debt to me. Should
I, in fact, have had any right to complain after
receiving marks of favour which made me, as it
were, his designated successor? Might not my
brother have said, 'What more does he want?
Could I have done more for him ? Is it my fault
that he cannot keep himself where I have placed
him ? ' I should thus have forfeited all the respect
I have won by my simple and moderate behaviour,
without having acquired more positive power and
without escaping, perhaps, from the ridicule which
attaches to every man who displays a great ambition
and does not justify it by his abilities. Had the
First Consul sincerely desired my advancement, he
would have taken the opportunity of promoting it
on the occasion of the appointment of a President to
the Italian Republic* True, he offered me that
* Tho Cisalpine Republiohad taken thai name in the Scnatus-
Consultum that Bonaparte demanded, and over which he had
presided the year before at Lyons. M. de Melzi, of whom 1
JOSEPH DESCRIBES NAPOLEON. 499
brilliant post which would have satisfied all my
desires ; but he wanted at the same time to fetter
me, to make me play the part that is now being
played by M. de Melzi ; and I, who know my
brother well, who know how heavy is his yoke, I
who have always preferred a life of obscurity to
that of a political puppet, naturally refused it.
I made known to him, however, the conditions
on which I would have accepted it, and you shall
judge for yourself of my views in proposing
them. I required that Piedmont should be united
to the Italian Republic ; that I should be at liberty
to restore the principal fortresses ; that the French
troops, and especially General Murat, should with-
draw from the Republican territory. Had I ob-
tained these concessions I should have been really
master. I should have been dependent on France
so far as the Cabinet and political relations were
concerned, but not materially. My brother, whose
ambition is boundless, would by no means consent to
my conditions, and caused himself to be appointed
President.
"You do not know him," added Joseph Bona-
parte; "he is a wonderful man, and each day I
am more and more amazed at the depth, the extent
Lave already spoken, tLen received tLe title of Vice-President
of tLe Italian Eepublic.
2 k 2
500 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
and the boldness of his projects. Believe me, he
has not yet reached the goal of his ambition."
" I do not doubt it," I replied ; " after hearing
what you have just told me, and without at-
tempting to penetrate into all his designs, it is not
difficult to see what he aspires to, and that the
founding a dynasty, the empire of Europe, shared at
most with Russia and established on the ruins of
Austria and England, are the aims of all his enter-
prises. But for the realisation of his plans he must
have a son, and Madame Bonaparte cannot give him
a child."
"If Fate wills these things to be," returned
Joseph Bonaparte, " they will be. Madame Bona-
parte may die ; by a second marriage my brother
may have children, and that very marriage
may be one means for carrying out the rest of
the plan."
" But do you believe," I interrupted, " that he will
wait to receive from the hands of Fate and from the
chance of an improbable death that which it would
be so easy for him to obtain at once ? I do not say
that your brother ought to annul his marriage, as
has been suggested, on the ground that it was not
blessed by the Church, though it seems to me that
the First Consul intended to hold that argument
in reserve when he refused to yield this point to
tli*' piayer of his wife, who so ardently desired a
BONAPARTE'S MARRIAGE. 501
religious sanction of their union.* But can he not
bring the nation itself to demand a second marriage
in order to ensure an heir ? If he were to hint at
this, you would see how soon his hint would be
acted on. His experience of our pliability and
docility must make him feel assured of success.
" Now is it to your interest that such an event
should take place ? I think so ; and, contrary to the
opinion of the majority of your friends, I believe
it would be advantageous to you. Remember
that from the moment the First Consul becomes
the father of a son you are that son's natural
guardian, and that to you alone can he confide
the care of the child ; that thus relieved from any
fear of personal ambition on your part, he would
bequeath to you all the necessary powers for the
maintenance of the rights of the heir of his name
and greatness. You would thus obtain undisputed
influence during the lifetime of the First Consul,
and after his death you would become Regent, if
his successor were still under age. It is, on the
contrary, for the interest of the other Consuls that
your brother should not contract a second marriage.
Without perhaps forming any very clear idea of
* This discussion had taken place shortly before my return
from Corsica. Madame Bonaparte's tears and entreaties were
in vain. She could riot obtain her husband's consent to a
religious celebration of their marriage.
502 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
their position after his death, they must perceive
that in such an event, if he left no child, there
would be a better chance for them, than if an heir
to the name of Bonaparte, with you to defend and
protect him, were to appeal to the gratitude of the
nation, and to be backed up by those natural ideas
of hereditary right which it has retained, and to
which it would willingly again assent."
The progress of the monarchical spirit may be
estimated by the foregoing conversation ; there was
no longer any shrinking from the complete con-
sequences of an hereditary system. The words
" Divorce," and " Regency," with all their meaning
and all that they may imply, were listened to without
alarm, the only difficulty was the mode of execution.
From that time forth a Princess was sought for
among the most illustrious reigning houses in
Europe, to whom his policy or his vanity might
direct the fancy of the new master of France,
and to Russia, especially, all eyes were turned. It
was said that Lucien Bonaparte had negotiated an
alliance with the Spanish branch of the Bourbons
during his stay at Madrid; but there were strong
objections to bringing the race of the Bourbons
back to France ; the attachment of a groat number
of Frenchmen to that house, and tin 1 pretensions
which such a return would create, might eventually
be a cause of disquiel to the Bonaparte family.
^SUCCESSOR TO JOSEPHINE. 503
Moreover, Spain could confer neither power, support,
nor influence in Europe.
The policy of France at that time forbade her to
hold any intercourse with Austria, and besides, there
was the fear of refusal from the haughty Csesar at
Vienna. With the help of Russia only, on the other
hand, Bonaparte might accomplish the vast projects
he had conceived ? Pride of birth had less root
there than elsewhere ; the Czars had sometimes dis-
regarded that consideration in selecting a bride. The
reigning house owed all its splendour to one extra-
ordinary man, who had made it illustrious less than
a hundred years before. There was a certain like-
ness in fortune and fate between the founder of
St. Petersburg and the warrior politician who now
reigned over France. Everything therefore seemed
to point to an alliance with Russia. The First
Consul, moreover, appeared to have far-reaching
views in the political rank which he had bestowed
on his wife ; for when I pointed this out to Joseph
Bonaparte, he answered that far from militating
against the Consul's designs, it really promoted
them, for that he intended thereby to regulate
beforehand the position of the princess who
should succeed to Madame Bonaparte. And, in
truth, the honours paid to the latter at this period
were sufficient to satisfy the requirements of the
very proudest house, for it could not be doubted
504 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
that similar honours would be freely paid to the
wife whom it should bestow upon the First Consul.
I was thus initiated by Joseph Bonaparte into
the secret of a future, which was working itself out,
though with less rapidity than I at first anticipated ;
but I was far from being dazzled by its seeming bril-
liancy. All these projects seemed to me more bright
than solid. I could not refrain from expressing my
fears on the subject to Joseph Bonaparte, and from
adding certain gloomy reflections which were sug-
gested by his confidential communications.
" Bonaparte means to reign," I said to his brother,
"and his ambition will not be satisfied by reigning
over France only. But will he be a mere meteor,
flashing for an instant, to die out and vanish ? or
will he be the founder of a new Empire to which his
honoured name, handed down from age to age, will
serve for a title, even as that of Caesar is still the
title of Mediaeval Europe ? This is what you should
consider.
"In all great changes affecting governments two
evidently distinct things have to be considered,
inslit utions and individuals.
"The true founders of empires and dynasties
change institutions, and the change is lasting, not,
always because the system of government introduced
by them is better than that they have overthrown,
bul because public opinion, which they have won
A USURPER'S POLICY. 505
over to their side, and which supports the new
order of things, may still exist when the Eeformer
is no more. Mere usurpers, on the contrary, simply
turn out the individuals at the head of the govern-
ment and take their place. But they seldom have
successors; their power dies with them and the
former masters reappear.
" The new head of a State cannot therefore
secure a lasting empire either to himself or his
descendants, unless, while placing himself in the
first rank, he also change the principles and
the form of the preceding government; he must
even carefully remove everything that may recall
them.
" For a like reason it is vain to change the
form of government unless you change its head
at the same time, and also those who are supposed
to succeed him.
" Apply these principles to the actual state of
things, and you can judge of your brother's line
of conduct and perhaps foresee its results.
" In aspiring, as everything tends to prove that
he does aspire, not to power only but to the
foundation of a dynasty, is Bonaparte changing, as
he ought to change, the ancient forms of the French
Government according to the principles just laid
down ? No. He is, on the contrary, endeavouring
to revive the old monarchical ideas ; every day
506 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
he is renewing institutions and customs which Time
alone had sanctioned, but which even under our
more recent kings had lost much of the prestige
they had in former times, and were dying out. We
are about to witness, or rather we do already see,
the revival of orders, of family distinctions, soon
we shall have distinction of birth. The destruction
of the National Representation and the submissive-
ness of the Senate make the present head of the
Government as completely master of the public
liberty and the public fate as ever were our kings
of France. The ancient system, therefore, on which
the French Monarchy was built up is no longer
essentially abolished ; its advantages and its defects
still subsist. In short, all that remains to be seen is
whether the new chief is better or more agreeable
to the nation than the one whom we should have
had in the natural course of events.
" The question, if regarded merely from that point
of view and submitted, were it possible, to the free
vote of the nation, might not be unanimously
answered in favour of Bonaparte. Admitting, how-
ever, that a great majority would vote for him;
that, on comparing liim with the recent kings of
France and with the men whose birth would
entitle them at present to the throne, his fame and
liis talents, gratitude for the Bervices ho lias
rendered, and the mightv power of his genius
A USURPER'S CHANCES. 507
would prevail over affection for the family of our
ancient rulers ; in short, that the nation would
honestly desire to leave the sceptre in his hands
rather than to entrust it to others less worthy to
bear it ; still Bonaparte would have accomplished
nothing.
" In the first place, the sentiment of admiration
which has placed him where he is will of necessity
decline, for it is the fate of rulers to meet with
discontent and ingratitude ; the comparisons drawn
between him and those whose place he occupies
will be less and less favourable to him every day.
In order therefore to counterbalance the disen-
chantment of that nearer view which diminishes
enthusiasm, and to turn aside the shafts of ridicule
to which his pi^ivate life must expose him, he must
keep the nation constantly occupied with great
enterprises, with wars that will add to his glory
and maintain his superiority over every rival. But
in this case he must repeatedly imperil his own
existence. Would not reverses, nay one single
reverse, strip him of all he had acquired ? and
would the army, when fighting for one man's
ambition only, the army, when no longer kindled
by the enthusiasm of the wars of the Republic,
always be able, even with all the aid of the
military genius of its leader, to guarantee him
from reverses or to repair them ?
508 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
" Secondly, admitting that he overcomes all these
obstacles, the end of his life must, none the less,
be the end of his greatness ; he, after his death,
will, none the less, be ranked with the usurpers.
How can we suppose that there would then be
any hesitation between his family and that of the
Bourbons ? How can we fail to see that the
Bourbons would be speedily recalled, if the place
left vacant by your brother were merely that
of a king, if he had not made such important
changes in the ancient forms of the Government
that the nation would insist on retaining advan-
tages whose value it would have experienced, by
defending the family from whom it had received
them ?
" Bonaparte should therefore establish a marked
difference between the past and the future, if he
would have his achievements to live. He should
adopt a form of government no less powerful
indeed than the Monarchy, but so totally different
in its exterior, so true to the promises of the
lie volution, that each individual should be directly
interested in supporting the author of that order
of tilings, and be convinced that the system would
nut last unless the highest post were perpetuated
in the family of him who created it. This indeed
would be to found a new Empire.
" Bui to w;in! to be king of France, as LouisXIV.
A POLITICAL PROPHECY. 509
and his descendants were kings of France, to govern
despotically like them, to surround himself with the
same guards, the same ceremonial, to give his
wife the same rank as that of the daughters
of Austria and of France, would only be to put
himself in the place of the man who formerly sat
on the hereditary throne ; that is to say, to usurp.
Bonaparte will do much, if he succeeds in keeping
that throne during his life. To raise his descend-
ants to it is impossible ; whatever may be accom-
plished or hoped for, so soon as the question arises
of a choice between the Bourbon and the Bonaparte
family, there will never be either hesitation or
doubt in the popular mind."*
While these confidential conversations were taking
place between Joseph Bonaparte and myself, the
First Consul was advancing with firm steps along
the path he had marked out, and everything, it must
be admitted, seemed to favour his progress. The
peace with England had been followed by Lord
Whitworth's arrival as ambassador, and no circum-
stance that had as yet occurred was so flattering
to the vanity of Bonaparte. I was present at the
reception of the ambassador on the 14th Frimaire
(December 5). The Tuileries were crowded; the
First Consul was magnificently attired ; a gold
* The above remarks were uttered and consigned to writing
on the 25th Frimaire, year XI. (December 16, 1802).
510 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
sword hung at his side, adorned with the finest of
the Crown diamonds ; conspicuous among these was
the stone called the Regent* In the evening there
was a State reception ; Ambassadors, Generals,
Senators, and Councillors of State were there with
their wives. The First Consul's countenance revealed
his satisfaction ; English pride had given way before
him. This was a triumph, but a short-lived one.
The Ministers, following the example of their head
also gave receptions, at which they displayed great
magnificence. I was present at the reception of
the Minister of War ; it was somewhat remark-
able. Among the guests was General Moreau.
He appeared in a simple costume of plain cloth,
contrasting strangely with the uniforms, and the
gold and silk-embroidered suits of the other
guests. This gave rise to remark and conjecture.
Was it intended as a reflection on the Consular
Government? Was the General's motive modesty
or affectation ? Each one answered these questions
in his own way. But whatever Moreau's motives
may have been, the result was successful. Great
:itlcntion was paid to the General, his inrportance
was augmented, and thenceforth Bonaparte must
* This diamond, ono of tho most beautiful and perfect stones
in cxistcnco, had boon purchased during the Kogency of tho
Duke of Orleans, henco its name. It weighs 546 grains, and
0081 2 500,000 francs | 6100,000).
MOBEAU. 511
have looked on him less as a rival than as a
declared enemy.
For the time being 1 , however, that enmity cast
no shadow on the fortunes of the First Consul. The
whole of France submitted to his rule. Piedmont
was united to France ; the Milanese territory, Parma,
Placenza, and Bologna, under the name of the
Italian Republic, had acknowledged him as their
president and ruler; Tuscany, transformed into the
kingdom of Etruria, had received from him an Infant
of Spain as her king, who was the mere vassal
of France ; the negotiations entered upon in conse-
quence of the Treaty of Luneville, and carried on
by Joseph Bonaparte and by Count Cobentzel, had
been prosperously concluded on the 9th Nivose,
year XI. (December 30, 1802), by two conventions,
by which the indemnification of the dethroned
German Princes was agreed to, and the annexa-
tion of Piedmont to France was recognised ; so that
a lasting peace seemed likely to ensue.
On the one hand, foreign affairs assumed a more
favourable aspect daily, and on the other, Bonaparte's
success in the interior of France was equally im-
portant to his ulterior designs.
News of the death of General Leclerc, who com-
manded the fatal expedition to St. Domingo, reached
Paris on the 17th Nivose, year XL (Jan. 7, 1803).
The General had married Pauline Bonaparte, and
512 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
was consequently brother-in-law to the First Consul.
His death gave a fine opportunity for reviving
the ancient etiquette of Court-mourning, and was
used accordingly. The Council of State, specially
convoked on the 20th Nivose, paid a visit of cere-
mony to the First Consul. The Senate and the
Magistracy did the same. All the great bodies of
the State went into mourning, and the death was
officially notified to the Foreign ambassadors resi-
dent in Paris, and to the Ministers of the Republic
at various foreign Courts. Madame Bonaparte also
received visits from the wives of the principal public
officials ; and those ladies appeared in mourning.
Curiously enough, this return to former Court
customs made a profound sensation, and was looked
upon as a bolder venture than others of greater
importance made by the First Consul, than for
instance, the change in the coinage which took place
one month later. By a decree passed in the Council
of State on the 19th Pluviose (February 8), the head
of Bonaparte, with an inscription Napoleon Bona-
parte, premier Consul, was substituted for the alle-
gorical face which had marked the coinage since
1702. The reverse was to have been decorated with
a wreath of oak-leaves, with the value of the coin
marked in the centre, and the inscription, le peuple
franqais, Bui these words were replaced by Repub-
lique franqaue. This great alteration, one so contrary
NEW COINAGE. 513
to Republican feeling, was effected, so to speak,
without attracting attention. Yet the sitting of the
Council of State in which so strongly monarchical
a resolution was passed was a remarkable one, not
from the raising of any voice in opposition to this
new usurpation, but from a curious discussion on
the motto that was to be graven on the rim of the
coin. Bonaparte inquired whether the former coins
did not bear on their rim these words, Domine,
salvum fac regem, and on receiving an affirmative
reply, he raised the question whether it would not be
well to retain that ancient formula, and to engrave
Vomine, salvum fac rempublicam. This proposition
was about to be carried, when Lebrun, the Third
Consul, remarked that the word Domine might give
rise to a false interpretation, and that it might be
applied to the First Consul by translating it into
Seigneur, sauve la republique ; " Lord, save the Re-
public ! " " No," replied Bonaparte curtly ; " there
is no fear of its being so understood, for that is
a thing already done." However, the old motto
was rejected, and Dieu sauve la France was substi-
tuted for it.
At the same time that these innovations, the aim
of which was obvious to every one, were succeeding
each other without opposition, or at the very most
only afforded subjects for a few epigrams, it became
necessary to reward the magistracy, by whose help
VOL. i. 2 L
514 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL I TO.
they had been effected. The submission of the
Senate, which had already proved itself so obse-
quious, must be secured, and its attachment irre-
vocably purchased by pecuniary gifts. This was
accomplished by Bonaparte with extreme skill in
the Senatus-Consultum of the 14th Nivose. The
principal points of that Act were discussed in an
extraordinary sitting of the Senate which took place
on the 9th of the same month. On pretext of
definitively constituting it, and making its position
more stable and more imposing, an income of four
millions from the produce of the sale of the woods of
the State, and one million from the property of the
emigres, was allotted to the endowment of that body.
By this endowment, the minimum salary of a
Senator became 40,000 francs (£1600), and it also
provided for the extraordinary expense of a Council
of Administration, consisting of six members of the
Senate ; two under the name of ' Lenders ;' * two
great officers ; a Chancellor and a Treasurer. These
six personages were to have residences assigned
them in the Luxembourg and to be charged with the
representation of the Senate. Independently of this
annual endowment, thirty scnatorships were insti-
tuted in various departments, each with an annual
inr me <>C 25,000 francs (£1000), and a manor, in
which llie Senators, provided with these Prebends or
* PrStews.
ENDOWMENT OF THE SENATE. 515
Commanderies, should be bound to reside during at
least three months of the year. During their stay in
the provinces, the Senators holding these senatorial
prerogatives were to act as intermediaries between
the government and the governed, and to report
to the Senate the state of public opinion in their
departments. Now, as these Senatorial seats were
at the disposal of the First Consul, and as their
number was limited to one- third of the whole Senate,
it is evident that the first filling up of these ap-
pointments — which was only to be effected by
degrees — and the distribution of the inheritance
when left vacant by the death of the holders, must
afford the Government an immense influence over
the Senate.
• All these measures were passed unanimously, as I
learned from Joseph Bonaparte, who, in his capacity
of Senator, was present at the sitting. " I am quite
undeceived," he said to me, on his return, " as to
Republicanism in France ; it no longer exists. Not
a single member of the Senate raised his voice
against the proposed measures, nor even took the
trouble of affecting a disinterestedness he did not
feel. The most Republican of them all were using
their pencils to calculate the share of each in the
common dividend."
After having thus secured and fashioned with his
own hands an instrument as supple as it was strong ;
2 l 2
516 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
after having surrounded himself with all the ex-
ternal attributes of sovereignty, unopposed, and, still
more, after having grasped the reality of absolute
power with a firm hand, there remained but one
more step for Bonaparte to take, in order to call his
great position by its true name, when the clouds,
arising from the execution of the Treaty of Amiens,
which were beginning to darken the political
horizon between England and France, arrested his
progress for a time. On several occasions already
the First Consul had shown unequivocal signs of
aversion to England. At the sitting of the
Council of State when the alteration of the effigy
on the coinage was adopted, an incidental discussion
had afforded him an opportunity of declaring his
opinion of the English, and he had expressed himself
with remarkable bitterness. To the great surprise
of the Council he had found fault with everything
that existed in England. Her national spirit, her
policy, her form of Government, nothing escaped his
censure, which he even extended to Shakespeare and
Milton, whom I had little expected to hear criticised
in the Council of State of France.
Bonaparte's personal dislike to England gathered
strength every day from the perusal of the English
newspapers, and especially of those which were
edited by the imigris^ and printed in French, in
London, and which contained tli<' coarsest abuse of
BONAPARTE' S HATRED OF ENGLAND. 517
the First Consul and his family ; from the opposition
offered to M. de Talleyrand in the negotiations
opened with Lord Whit worth respecting the cession
of Malta — one of the conditions of the Treaty of
Amiens — and most of all from the failure of an
attempt made by himself to inveigle England into
sharing his ambitious views, by proposing to her, in
no dubious terms, to join with France and divide
the world between them. This attempt, which
proves how little Bonaparte understood the princi-
ples of the English Government, and how great was
his delusion on the subject (a delusion which clung
to him until the fatal moment when he trusted
himself into the hands of that Government), is re-
corded in a despatch from Lord Whit worth to Lord
Hawkesbury, printed by order of Parliament as a
justification of the declaration of war, and in which
the ambassador gives a detailed account of a conver-
sation between the First Consul and himself on the
29th Pluviose (February 18).*
* See the 'Morning Chronicle' of May 19, 1803. The King
of England's declaration of war was published, with annotations,
in the ' Moniteur ' of 23rd Prairial ; but the text of the accom-
panying documents, which were printed in England, is not to be
found in the French paper. That confines itself to the following
remark : " We have now to examine the official documents
published by the English Ministers in defence of their Sove-
reign's manifesto." But as the 'Moniteur' never carried out
that pledge, and as the conversation between Bonaparte and
518 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
These suggestions were rejected, as it was natural
that they should be. But the vexation of having
made them in vain must, no doubt, have been very
keen to the First Consul.
So many subjects of misunderstanding, to which
must be added the displeasure caused in England
by Colonel Sebastiani's report, published in the
' Moniteur,' relating to his mission in Egypt, and
which openly revealed the First Consul's designs of
transforming that country into a French Colony,
indicated an impending rupture ; and this, in fact,
took place before long.
On the 21st Ventose (March 12) the speech of the
King of England to Parliament, delivered on the 8th,
reached Paris. It produced a great sensation, and
some surprise, because several of the causes which
had led to His Majesty's utterances were still un-
known to the public. And as .the expressions used in
the King's speech were so hostile that it might be
taken as a declaration of war, all the consequences of
an unexpected rupture, in which so many interests
were involved, became suddenly apparent, and caused
universal uneasiness and trouble. There was a
Lord Whitwortk is of tho highest importance to an intelligent
appreciation of events, and throws a strong light on tho character
ami virus of the First Consul, I think it well to give the
whole despatch verbatim. The reader will find it at tho end of
tli. presenl chapter.
THE KING'S SPEECH. 519
serious fall in the public funds, and all commercial
speculation was suspended.
The above is a general sketch of this great event,
of its causes and its immediate effects. I shall now
trace, in detail, the progress of the crisis during the
five weeks that elapsed between the King's speech
to Parliament, and Lord Whitworth's departure from
Paris, which completed the rupture. I shall relate
the secret negotiations which preceded it ; and state
the special opportunities that were afforded me of
observing the sentiments and the conduct of the
First Consul at this conjuncture.
On the day following that on which the King of
England's speech became known, the First Consul
met Lord Whitworth, who was paying a visit to
Madame Bonaparte, and a very animated conver-
sation ensued. After expressing his utter astonish-
ment at the proceedings of the English Government,
Bonaparte continued in the following terms : " How
is it that the King chose the very moment when
the French Government was evincing the most
friendly dispositions ? Was it because he wants to
seize the opportunity of my vessels (sic) being
scattered in the four quarters of the globe, and does
he hope, this being the case, to achieve the destruc-
tion of the French Navy ? But I too can make war
in the sole interests of France, and such a war would
last at least fifteen years."
520 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
" That is a long time," was Lord Whitworth's
only reply.
" However," continued Bonaparte, " I have no-
thing but praise to bestow on your own personal
attitude, and your presence here has given me great
j:>leasure. I hear the Duchess of Dorset* is un-
well, but I hope she will have time to recover
her health before she leaves Paris."
Two days after this conversation, the Council of
State was summoned to discuss a project of law
by which the exclusive privilege of issuing notes
was to be granted to the Bank of France. But the
First Consul, instead of confining himself to this,
addressed us, at the very beginning of the sit-
ting, on the present state of our relations with
England.
" I jDrotest," said he, " that there does not exist a
single cause of dissension between the two nations
which might even serve as a pretext for the King of
England's last proceeding. I have faithfully carried
out all the conditions of the Treaty of Amiens ; but
I require the English on their side to observe them
also, and unless we want to pass for the most
contemptible nation in Europe, we must allow no
modification in the execution. But I can scarcely
believe that the English really desire war. They
Lord Whit.wortli had married the widow of the third Duke
of Doitsot.
ENGLISH OVERTURES. 521
do not usually commence it in that way ; they begin
at once, and talk afterwards."
It will be seen by this that the First Consul did
not as yet approach the true cause of the misun-
derstanding between the two Governments. The
English wanted to retain Malta as a compensation
for all the acquisitions made by France since the
Peace of Amiens, especially in Italy. The British
Government, in order to facilitate matters, had even
secretly proposed to the First Consul that it should
recognise sundry personal advantages to himself and
his family, such as the title of Consular Majesty, and
hereditary succession to that title, if he would not
insist on the evacuation of Malta. These overtures
had been made in Paris by a M. Hubert, to
whom they had been entrusted by the English
ambassador, and were addressed in particular to
Joseph Bonaparte through the medium of Regnault
de St. Jean-d'Angely, who was in communication
with the secret agent. But even supposing these
overtures to have been sincere, Bonaparte was by no
means inclined to accept them. He well knew that
he needed no help from England in order to traverse
the short space that lay between himself and the
throne. He also knew that a successful war was a
surer means of reaching that throne than the pro-
tection of a foreign Power, to be obtained by a
sacrifice of national dignity, and, moreover, that a
522 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
negotiation which would have had personal advan-
tages only for its result would have a ridiculous
side. He insisted all the more strongly on the
literal execution of the treaty, because of his con-
viction that the English Ministry, knowing the full
importance of the possession of the island of Malta,
would never consent to give it up, and that from
this contest a rupture must necessarily ensue.
Indeed, after his unsuccessful attempt to associate
England with him in his ambition, war was his only
honourable resource, and it might in the long run be
more advantageous than hurtful to his projects.
But public opinion promptly declared itself against
war. The renewal of hostilities was, in general,
looked upon with alarm, and the few remaining
lovers of liberty saw nothing but ruin and disaster
in the event of reverses, and in the case of success
only an additional means by which the First Consul
would reach the goal of his ambition. They did
not believe that the national honour was so deeply
involved in this question as was alleged. A war
which was to begin by leaving the object of the
contest in the hands of the enemy, from which
nothing but a fresh treaty could remove it, seemed
;in absurdity. " France," said I to Joseph Bona-
parte, with whom I was speaking on the subject,
while passing a few days with him at Morfontaine,
towards the end of Germinal, "France, depend upon
FOB AND AGAINST WAB. 523
it, feels none of this political sensitiveness ; the
only reason that has been put forward, at any rate
ostensibly, and which tends to rekindle a conflagra-
tion which may spread all over Europe. The real
desire of the nation is for peace. It would hardly
have noticed a slight modification in the Treaty of
Amiens. This headstrong war will not be popular
among us, because it endangers all the benefits we
have acquired through peace. It will, on the
contrary, be popular with our enemies, because it
will tend to wipe out the shame of an inglorious
treaty, and, moreover, to ruin our commerce and our
navy, which are the objects of their unsleeping
jealousy. This state of feeling at the commencement
of a war is of more importance than people seem to
think. Moreover, its beginning must necessarily be
annoying and alarming, since, having no enemy on
the Continent, we shall have no victory on land to
contrast with our defeats on the sea, and with the
successive losses of our ships and our colonies, of
which every day will bring us news. Then dis-
couragement will begin, murmurs will follow, all
regard for the head of the Government will vanish,
and the consequences of these various sentiments
may be made manifest, before a successful descent on
the enemy's coast, — our only means of meeting him
and avenging ourselves, — comes to revive the de-
pressed spirits of the people."
524 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
These remarks made little impression at the time
on Joseph Bonaparte. Under the sway of his
brother, trusting in the inexhaustible resources of
that brother's military genius, and taking a kind of
personal pride in the strict execution of a treaty
which he had himself negotiated and signed, he
looked upon war from a different point of view ; and
though I will do him the justice to say that had the
continuance of peace depended on him, it would not
have been broken, and that he would even have
done all in his power to avoid war, still he did not
rate the maintenance of peace so highly as I did.
On my return to Paris I found the probabilities
of a rupture greatly increased. On Sunday the
11th Floreal (May 1) Lord Whitworth did not
appear at the usual ambassadors' audience. The
First Consul conversed for a long time with M.
Markoff, the Russian ambassador, and when the
audience was over, he detained the members of the
Senate and the Council of State, who, according to
custom, were present, and began an animated
conversation with them. His anger with England
was excessive.
" They want to make us," he said, speaking of
the English Ministers, "they want to make us
jump the ditch, and we'll jump it. How could a
aaticra of forty millions consent to let another nation
lay down the law lor it! The independence of
THE CASE AGAINST ENGLAND. 525
States must come first ; before liberty, and before
the prosperity of trade and manufactures. Can we
allow the English to lay down as a point of doctrine
that they will only execute the treaties they have
signed, in so far as they shall not be disadvantageous
to them ? To accept a modification of the Treaty of
Amiens is to accept the first link of a chain which
will afterwards lengthen itself out, and will end by
our complete subjection, by a treaty of commerce
such as that of 1875, and, in short, by the return of
a Commissioner to Dunkerque. Let us cede Malta,
and to-morrow our vessels will be insulted, our
ships will be foiled to salute those of the English,
and to endure a disgraceful inspection. We shall
no doubt have an arduous beginning ; we shall
have to lament losses at sea, perhaps even the loss of
our colonies ; but we shall be strengthened on the
Continent. We have already acquired an extent
of coast that makes us formidable ; we will add to
this, we will form a more complete coast-system, and
England shall end by shedding tears of blood over
the war she will have undertaken.
" Wheresoever in Europe there remains a sense of
justice, the blame of this war will be thrown on her.
" Whence this quarrel ? Have we given the
English any cause of complaint ? I protest that
since the Treaty of Amiens we have asked nothing
of England. We have left her in quiet, we have
526 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MWT BE MELITO.
faithfully observed the conditions of the treaty.
Therefore of all men in Europe perhaps I was
the most surprised at the King of England's speech.
Armaments !* I have ordered none. Negotiations
attempted with England ! I have neither opened
nor entertained any since the Peace of Amiens.f
The whole thing is the fable of the wolf and the
lamb. For the last seven weeks the English have
acted with as much insolence as we have shown
reserve and moderation. Did they, finding me so
moderate — me, whom they know to be of little
endurance — imagine that I would not dare to make
war? That, being forced to conciliate the people,
I should not be able to resist ? They deceive
themselves. Their emissaries, and the sums they
expend to sow dissensions among us, have hitherto
entirely failed of success ; they are employing their
money very ill.
" But what disappoints them most is this. They
believe we could not exist through a peace, that
our internal divisions would do us more harm than
war, and that we have only to be left to ourselves
to perish. At the present time the order prevailing
in France, the satisfactory aspect of our administra-
Allusion was mado in the King's speech to tho extra-
ordinary armaments taking place in the French ports.
The overtures made to Lord Whitworth in his interview
with Bonaparte a month before, had been regarded in England
as the beginning of negotiations.
THE CASE AGAINST ENGLAND. 527
tion, and our finance, alarm them much more than
our alleged armaments. By their arrogance and
their insolent pretensions they are endeavouring to
effect what their infernal policy failed in doing.
" But can we fail to be astonished at the conduct
of their Ministry at the present moment ? Can we
avoid seeing its positive insanity? What! they
want to fight us in a second war, and they begin
by restoring to us the Cape, Martinique, and Elba,
and by evacuating Egypt, and then they make
difficulties on one single point of the treaty, Malta ;
an article guaranteed by the Continental Powers !
of a truth, there is both folly and extravagance in
such conduct.
"At the present moment, when the crisis is
impending, they send us, through their ambassador,
a summons to answer their demand within six days,
at the expiration of which he announces that he
has orders to leave Paris ; and the ambassador will
not even communicate this to us in writing ! We
ask him for a Note on which we may deliberate, and
he refuses ! Let him go, then ! we shall have
nothing to reproach ourselves with.
" Now, is it in our power to give them what
does not belong to us ? For they do not restrict
their claims to Malta ; they ask besides for the island
of Lampedusa, which does not belong to France.
Lastly, they demand reparation for disrespectful
528 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
articles in our newspapers, while every day their
own overwhelm us with insult and outrage carried
to excess ! But they want to he able to vituperate
us, without being abused in return ; this is another
of their political doctrines."
This conversation, or rather this allocution, for no
one expressed either approval or the reverse, lasted
about three-quarters of an hour, and was interrupted
and resumed several times. I have given its most
striking expressions and phraseology, just as I
transcribed them at the time.
Notwithstanding this almost public manifestation
of the mind of the First Consul, and the small hope
it left of the continuance of peace, negotiations were
not, as yet, broken off. For, independently of those
officially carried on between the English ambassador
and M. de Talleyrand, the secret negotiation in
which Regnault de St. Jean-d'Augely had taken
part was still in progress. Malouet, a former member
of the Constituent Assembly was also engaged
in the latter. lie had seen Joseph Bonaparte twice,
and had contrived secret interviews between him
;iim1 Lord Whitworth, who had several times declared
that lie would treat solely with Joseph Bonaparte,
: i ii*l not with Talleyrand or his creatures, whom, he
said, lie could only approach with bribes in his hand.
No better understanding had, however, been arrived
;il in these fresh conferences than in the preceding
A SCENE AT THE COUNCIL OF STATE 529
ones, which were carried on through Hubert. The
First Consul would concede nothing. But notwith-
standing his stubbornness, he was persuaded until
the very day of audience that Lord Whitworth
would be present, and would accept the invitation to
dinner that he had sent him. The absence of the
ambassador and his refusal of this invitation had
deeply hurt the First Consul, and brought about
the explosion of anger which took place, as I have
said, in presence of the Senate and the Council
of State.
After such a speech, it was impossible any longer
to doubt that Bonaparte was resolved to go to war.
I even thought it undignified on his part, after ex-
pressing himself so openly on the subject, to try any
further means of conciliation. This, however, he did.
Either the First Consul, when the decisive moment
approached, became alarmed at the consequences of
the step he was about to take, or he only wished to
gain time, or to justify the resolution he had come
to by further and more pacific propositions; for
negotiations were resumed on Monday the 12th
Flore'al (May 1) with fresh activity. On the am-
bassador's sending for his passports, the Minister of
Exterior Eelations made an evasive reply and the
passports were not forwarded. Then Begnault de
St. Jean-d'Angely was commissioned to propose, as a
mezzo termine, that Malta should be left in the hands
VOL. 1. 2 M
530 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of Russia. This proposal, which was carried by
Malouet to the ambassador at 10 p.m. on the Tuesday
was rejected. Lord Whitworth declared that he could
not accede to it, and insisted on the absolute sur-
render of the island. His reply having been communi-
cated to Joseph Bonaparte, the latter hinted that the
exact date of the handing over of Malta to Russia
would be considered immaterial, and that as the
island would remain in the hands of England until
it passed under Russian rule, such an arrangement
might be regarded as a veritable cession. Wednes-
day was spent in these conferences. Extraordinary
sittings of the Senate, of the Council of State,
of the Legislative Body and of the Tribunate
had been announced for the following day, the
15th Flore'al (May 5). Messages or communications
from the Government were to have announced
the rupture with England to all these bodies. The
parts had been distributed, and the Presidents
forewarned; orators who might be depended on had
perpared their speeches. But nothing of all this
took place, and for the following reasons.
The secret negotiation, opened on the preceding
day, had assumed an official character. Lord
Whitworth had seen M. dc Talleyrand at 5 p.m.
The proposal to cede Malta to Russia, was seriously
consiered, with the reservation that the date of the
handing over was not to bo insisted on, so that the
LORD WIIITWORTH'S COURSE. 531
proposal, thus understood, tended practically to leave
Malta for a long time, if not for ever, in the power
of England. Lord Whitworth could not have agreed
to this without exceeding his instructions, but he-
consented to despatch a courier to London, and to
defer his own departure for ten days, so as to allow
time for his receiving an answer.
That answer arrived on Monday the 19th Flore'al
(May 9), and on the following day, Lord Whitworth
presented a note containing the result of the de-
liberations of the Cabinet of St. James's.
The offer to place Malta in the hands of Russia
was rejected, the special reason being that the latter
Power had not given a formal consent to that
arrangement. But, while declining it, the English
Government made further propositions, of which
the principal ones were as follows :
1. The complete cession of the Isle of Lampedusa,
with power to erect buildings and a fort ;
2. The right of remaining in Malta until such
time as the erections on the Isle of Lampedusa
should be completed (this was a secret article) ;
3. A fair indemnity to the King of Sardinia ;
4. The evacuation of Holland, and of Switzerland.
The increase to French territory since the Peace
of Amiens was recognised. But an answer to these
propositions was required within thirty-six hours,
2 m 2
532 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
at the expiration of which time the ambassador
was ordered to leave Paris.
The note was ill-received by the First Consul.
The last clause especially, requiring a reply within
six-and-thirty hours, made him excessively angry.
He roughly blamed Talleyrand for not having im-
mediately sent it back, and went so far as to say
that in venturing to present it to him Talleyrand
had been guilty of disrespect.
In this frame of mind, he summoned for the
following day, "Wednesday 21st Flore'al (May 11th),
a Privy Council composed of the Two Consuls,
Joseph Bonaparte, the Ministers of War, Marine
and Exterior Relations.
The proceedings opened with a discussion of the
English ambassador's note. The First Consul
spoke with great vehemence. He again attacked
Talleyrand, who endured the storm with patience,
and, together with Joseph Bonaparte, persistently
declared himself on the side of peace. The other
members of the Council took part with the First
Consul, and still further excited his anger, which
already was at white-heat. It was resolved by a
large majority that a negative answer should be
returned to the ambassador. A reply in that
scns<> w;is accordingly drawn up, and the order was
given that his passports should be forwarded.
All was over by the Wednesday evening, and
JOSEPH BONAPARTE'S EFFORTS. 533
there was no longer room for hope. But Joseph
Bonaparte made, as from himself, one final effort.
He offered to obtain his brother's consent to the
arrangement proposed by the English Government,
on condition that France should maintain a gar-
rison at Otranto, during the occupation of Malta by
the English. On Thursday morning, two further
interviews took place between Lord Whitworth
and Joseph Bonaparte, who then repaired to St.
Cloud to report the result. The ambassador con-
sented to defer his departure, if the First Consul
would convey to him officially the proposition that
had been made only in confidence. He even pro-
mised, should the First Consul decline to take that
step ostensibly, to travel slowly, in order to be still
on French territory when an answer should be
received to the despatch which he undertook to send
to London.
Without formally rejecting the proposal that
Joseph Bonaparte appeared to have made of his
own accord, but which, nevertheless, I believe he
had not taken entirely upon himself to make, the
First Consul declined to give any official character
to this proceeding. Lord Whitworth therefore
asked for his passports, obtained them, and prepared
to set out on the evening of Thursday the 22nd
Floreal (May 12).*
* As the note in answer to the English ultimatum is dated
534 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MEL1T0.
On that same day a post arrived from St. Peters-
burg. It did not bring, as had been hoped and was
reported, the positive consent of Russia to receive
Malta in deposit, but an assurance from the Emperor
Alexander that he would accept the office of me-
diator between England and France, and that he was
willing to accede to all the arrangements which
those two Powers might adopt in the interests of
peace.
M. de Markoff hastened to Lord Whitworth, and,
according to instructions received from his Court,
earnestly begged him not to leave Paris. He did not
succeed, but the English ambassador promised to
forward another despatch, and renewed his pledge of
travelling with so little speed as to be still in France
when replies from London should reach him.
Lord Whitworth left Paris late on the 22nd
I -'I ureal (May 12), and remained for the night at
Ciiantilly. A crowd gathered at his doors at the
lime he was to set out, for his departure occasioned
real consternation. For some days past a kind of
popular ferment had been noticeable. A consider-
able number of new crown-pieces, on which the
effigy of the First Consul had been defaced, were
circulating in the markets, and some murmuring
23rd Floreal, it would seem that it was addressed to the
ambassador after midnight, either when he was just setting out,
or when he was already on the road.
WAR! 535
was heard. This was however only a temporary
effervescence, and had no further consequences.
After the ambassador's departure, the First
Consul himself dictated a note to his brother, in
which he proposed leaving Malta for ten years in
the hands of England, provided that for the same
space of time the French should maintain garrisons
at Otranto and in the Kingdom of Naples. This
proposition was conveyed to the Secretary to the
English Embassy, who still remained in Paris, and
who took it to Lord TVhitworth. Eegnault de St.
Jean-d'Angely and the M. Hubert of whom I have
already spoken were the intermediaries in this last
negotiation, which at first seemed to promise success.
But it failed like the others. Lord Whitworth
continued his journey. General Andreossy, the
French ambassador in London, had in like manner
left that capital, and the two ambassadors crossed
the Straits on the same day. Thus all was over,
and war was declared.
The departure of the English ambassador had
been merely announced, without comment, in the
' Moniteur ' of the 24th Flore'al. But the Council of
State was assembled on the same day, and the First
Consul presided at the sitting. He began by saying
that he had thought it his duty not to leave such a
body as the Council of State any longer in ignorance
of events relating to matters of such importance ;
536 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
that he therefore would order that the note which
the Minister of Exterior Kelations had handed to
Lord "Whitworth from hirn (the First Consul) on the
preceding day, in answer to the English ultimatum
of the 20th Floreal, should be read to us ; that,
nevertheless, as all hope of an understanding had
not as yet died out, although for his own part he
retained but little, he thought the communication
should not as yet be published, but for the present
should be made by some of the Councillors of State
to the three Constituent Bodies of the State, and by
them received at a private sitting. The note, as
published in the 'Moniteur' of the 30th Floreal, was
then read aloud to us by the Secretary of State, and
its moderate and dignified tone was generally com-
mended. I remarked, however, that it touched
very lightly on our acquisitions since the Peace
of Amiens, and not at all on Colonel Sebastiani's
report, which was one of England's grievances against
the French Government, and probably the real
cause of England's laying claim to Malta. But these
were our two weak points, as they were the strong
ones of the English Ministry.
After the reading of the note, the First Consul
Darned three of the Councillors of State to take it to
the Senate, the Legislative Body and the Tribunate;
and a few «lays later, on the 30th Floreal, when
Dews bad c thai the two ambassadors had
A SITTING OF THE COUNCIL. 537
crossed the Channel, the note was published in the
4 Moniteur.' On the same day the Council of State
was again convoked extraordinarily, and in the
morning I received a line from the Secretary of
State informing me that I had been appointed by
the First Consul, with two of my colleagues
(Be'renger and Pe'tiet), to speak on behalf of the
Government at the Tribunate.
All the Ministers were present at the sitting,
which was presided over by the Second Consul. He
informed us that, under present circumstances with
regard to England, the Government had thought it
well to communicate to the different bodies of the
State the papers relating to the negotiations with
England, beginning with the first steps taken shortly
after the 18th Brumaire, comprising all that had
taken place when preliminaries had been signed in
London between M. Otto and Lord Hawkesbury,
and the protocol of the Treaty of Amiens ; ending
with the recent transactions from which the present
rupture had resulted. After this, the message was
read to us, and then the Councillors of State, who
had been named beforehand to convey it to the
various bodies, set out on their errand.
The message and the voluminous papers appended
to it appear in the 'Moniteur' of the 1st Prairial. I
examined them at the time with great care, but I
sought in vain for what I had been told I should
538 ME3I0IBS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
find there, — some positive information as to the
manner in which England, during the negotiations
at Amiens, had regarded events in Italy.* Nor could
* The explanations, which the author sought in vain among the
documents published by the ' Moniteur,' are to be found in the
following despatch from Lord Hawkesbury to Lord Wbitworth,
dated February 9, 1803.
" Downing Street, February 9, 1803.
"In answer to your Excellency's despatch of January 27,
relative to the enquiry made of you by the French Government,
on the subject of Malta, I can have no difficulty in assuring
you that His Majesty has entertained a most sincere desire that
the Treaty of Amiens might be executed in a full and complete
manner ; but it has not been possible for him to consider this
treaty as having been founded on principles different from
those which have been invariably applied to every other ante-
cedent treaty or convention, namely that they were negotiated
with reference to the actual state of possession of the ditferent
parties, and of the treaties or public engagements by which
they were bound at the time of its conclusion ; and that if that
state of possession and of engagements was so instantly altered
by the act of either of the parties as to affect the nature of the
compact itself, the other party has a right, according to the law
of nations, to interfere for the purpose of obtaining satisfaction
or compensation for any essential difference which such acts may
have subsequently made in their relative situation ; that if there
ever was a case to which this principle might be applied with
peculiar propriety, it was that of the late treaty of peace; for
the negotiation was conducted on a basis not merely proposed
by His Majesty, but specially agreed to in an official noto by tho
French Government, viz. that His Majesty should keep a coni-
pensation out of his conquests for tho important acquisitions of
territory made by Franco upon the ( oiilinent. This is a sufficient
proof thai the compact was understood to have been concluded
with reference to the then existing state of things; for the
THE VIEWS OF ENGLAND. 539
I find any confirmation of Russia's consent to hold
Malta as a deposit. This last circumstance has
always been doubtful.
measure of His Majesty's compensation was to be calculated
with reference to the acquisitions of France at that time ; and
if the interference of the French Government in the general
affairs of Europe since that period ; if their interposition with
respect to Switzerland and Holland, whose independence was
guaranteed by them at the conclusion of the treaty of peace ;
if the annexations which have been made to France in various
quarters, but particularly those in Italy, have extended the
territory and increased the power of the French Government,
His Majesty would be warranted, consistently with the spirit of
the treaty of peace, in claiming equivalents for these acquisi-
tions, as a counterpoise to the augmentation of the power of
France. His Majesty, however, anxious to prevent all ground
of misunderstanding, and desirous of consolidating the. general
peace of Europe, as far as might be in his power, was willing to
have waived the pretensions he might have a right to advance
of this nature ; and as the other articles of the definitive treaty
have been in a course of execution on his part, so he would have
been ready to have carried into effect the true interest and spirit
of the 10th Article, the execution of which, according to its
terms, had been rendered impracticable by circumstances which
it was not in His Majesty's power to control. A communication
to your Lordship would accordingly have been prepared con-
formably to this disposition, if the attention of His Majesty's
Government had not been attracted by the very extraordinary
publication of the report of Colonel Sebastiani to the First
Consul. It is impossible for His Majesty to view this report in
any other light than as an official publication; for without
referring particularly to explanations, which have been re-
peatedly given upon the subject of publications in the ' Moniteur,'
the article in question, as it purports to be the report to the
First Consul of an accredited agent, as it appears to have been
540 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
The following is the despatch addressed by Lord
Whitworth to Lord Hawkesbury, and alluded to in
the preceding pages.
"Paris, February 21, 1803.
" My Lord. — My last despatch, in which I
gave your Lordship an account of my conference
with M. de Talleyrand, was scarcely gone, when I
signed by Colonel Sebastiani himself, and as it is published in
the official paper, with an official title affixed to it, must be
considered as authorised by the French Government. This
report contains the most unjustifiable insinuations and charges
against the officer who commanded his forces in Egypt, and
against the British army in that quarter, insinuations and
charges wholly destitute of foundation, and such as would
warrant His Majesty in demanding that satisfaction, which, on
occasions of this nature, independent Powers in a state of amity
have a right to expect from each other. It discloses, moreover,
views in the highest degree injurious to the interests of His
Majesty's dominions, and directly repugnant to and utterly in-
consistent with the spirit and letter of the treaty of peace
concluded between His Majesty and the French Government;
and His Majesty would feel that ho was wanting in a proper
regard to the honour of his Crown, and to the interests of his
dominion, if ho could see with indifference such a system
developed and avowed. His Majesty cannot, therefore, regard
the conduct of the French Government on various occasions
winco the conclusion of the definitive treaty, the insinuations and
charges contained in the report of Colonel Sebastiani, and the
views which that report discloses, without feeling it necessary
for him distinctly to doclaro that it will be impossible for him
to enter into any further discussion relative to Malta, unless he
receives satisfactory explanation on the subject of this com-
munication.
" Your Kxcellcncy is desired to lake 1 an early opportunity of
LORD WHITWORTRS DESPATCH. 541
received a note from him, informing me that the
First Consul wished to converse with me, and
desired I would come to him at the Tuileries at
9 o'clock. He received me in his cabinet, with
tolerable cordiality, and, after talking on different
subjects for a few minutes, he desired me to sit
down, as he himself did on the other side of the
table, and began. He told me that he felt it
necessary, after what had passed between me and
M. Talleyrand, that he should, in the most clear and
authentick manner, make known his sentiments to
me in order to their being communicated to His
Majesty ; and he conceived this would be more
effectually done by himself than through any
medium whatever. He said, that it was a matter
of infinite disappointment to him that the Treaty
of Amiens, instead of being followed by conciliation
and friendship, the natural effects of peace, had
been productive only of continual and increasing-
jealousy and mistrust; and that this mistrust was
now avowed in such a manner as must bring the
point to an issue.
fully explaining His Majesty's sentiments as above stated to the
French Government.
" I am, &c.,
(Signed) " Hawkesbury.
" His Excellency, Lord Whitworth, K.B."
&c. &c. &c.
542 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MTOT BE MELITO.
" He now enumerated the several provocations
which he pretended to have received from England.
He placed in the first line our not evacuating Malta
and Alexandria, as we were bound to do by treaty.
" In this he said that no consideration on earth
should make him acquiesce ; and of the two, he had
rather see us in possession of the Fauxbourg St.
Antoine than Malta. He then adverted to the
abuse thrown out against him in the English
publick prints ; but this he said he did not so much
regard as that which appeared in the Frenclj papers
published in London. This he considered as much
more mischievous, since it was meant to excite this
country against him and his Government. He
complained of the protection given to Georges and
others of his description, who, instead of being sent
to Canada, as had been repeatedly promised, were
permitted to remain in England, handsomely
pensioned, and constantly committing all sorts of
crimes on the coasts of France, as well as in the
interior. In confirmation of this, he told me, that
two men had within these few days been appre-
hended in Normandy, and were now on their way
to Paris, who were hired assassins, and employed
by the Bishop of Arras, by the Baron do Rolle, by
Georges, and by Dutheil, as would be fully proved
in a Court of Justice, and made known to the
world.
LOBD WHITWORTRS DESPATCH. 543
" He acknowledged that the irritation he felt
against England increased daily, because every
wind [I make use as much as I can of his own ideas
and expressions] which blew from England brought
nothing but enmity and hatred against him.
u He now went back to Egypt, and told me, that
if he had felt the smallest inclination to take
possession of it by force, he might have done it a
month ago, by sending twenty-five thousand men
to Aboukir, who would have possessed themselves
of the whole country in defiance of the four
thousand British in Alexandria. That, instead of
that garrison being a means of protecting Egypt, it
was only furnishing him with a pretence for
invading it. This he should not do, whatever
might be his desire to have it as a colony, because
he did not think it worth the risk of a war, in which
he might, perhaps, be considered as the aggressor,
and by which he should lose more than he could
gain, since, sooner or later, Egypt would belong to
France, by the falling to pieces of the Turkish
Empire, or by some arrangement with the Porte.
" As a proof of his desire to maintain peace, he
wished to know what he had to gain by going to
war with England. A descent was the only means
of offence he had, and that he was determined to
attempt, by putting himself at the head of the expe-
dition. But how could it be supposed that after
544 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
having gained the height on which he stood, he
would risk his life and reputation in such a hazardous
attempt, unless forced to it by necessity, when the
chances were that he and the greatest part of the
expedition would go to the bottom of the sea. He
talked much on this subject, but never affected to
diminish the danger. He acknowledged that there
were one hundred chances to one against him ; but
still he was determined to attempt it, if war should
be the consequence of the present discussion ; and
such was the disposition of the troops, that army
after army would be found for the enterprise.
" He then expatiated much on the natural force of
the two countries. France, with an army of four
hundred and eighty thousand men, for to this amount
it is, he said, to be immediately completed, all ready
for the most desperate enterprises ; and England,
with a fleet that made her mistress of the seas, and
which he did not think he should be able to equal in
less than ten years. Two such countries, by a proper
understanding, might govern the world, but by their
strifes might overturn it. He said, that if he had not
felt the enmity of the British Government on every
occasion since the Treaty of Amiens, there would
have been nothing that he would not have done
to prove his desire to conciliate; participation, in
indemnities as well as in influence on the Continent,
treaties of commerce, in short, anything that could
LORD WEITWORTR'S DESPATCH. 545
have given satisfaction, and have testified his friend-
ship. Nothing, however, had been able to conquer
the enmity of the British Government, and therefore
it was now come to the point, whether we should
have peace or war. To preserve peace, the Treaty
of Amiens must be fulfilled ; the abuse in the public
prints, if not totally suppressed, at least kept within
bounds, and confined to the English papers ; and
the protection so openly given to his bitterest enemies
[alluding to G-eorges and persons of that description]
must be withdrawn. If war, it was necessary only
to say so, and to refuse to fulfil the treaty. He
now made the tour of Europe to prove to me that
in its present state there was no Power with which
we could coalesce for the purpose of making war
against France ; consequently it was our interest to
gain time, and if we had any point to gain, renew
the war when circumstances were more favourable.
He said, it was not doing him justice to suppose that
he conceived himself above the opinion of his country
or of Europe. He would not risk uniting Europe
against him by any violent act of aggression ;
neither was he so powerful in France as to persuade
the nation to go to war unless on good grounds.
He said that he had not chastised the Algerines,
from his unwillingness to excite the jealousy of
other Powers, but he hoped that England, Russia,
and France would one day feel that it was their
vol. i. 2 N
546 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
interest to destroy such a nest of thieves, and force
them to live rather by cultivating their land than by
plunder.
" In the little I said to him, for he gave me in the
course of two hours but very few opportunities of
saying a word, I confined myself strictly to the
tenor of your Lordship's instructions. I urged
them in the same manner as I had done to M. de
Talleyrand, and dwelt as strongly as I could on the
sensation which the publication of Sebastiani's report
had created in England, where the views of France
towards Egypt must always command the utmost
vigilance and jealousy. He maintained that what
ought to convince us of his desire of peace, was on
the one hand the little he had to gain by renewing
the war, and on the other the facility with which he
might have taken possession of Egypt with the very
si lips and troops which were now going from the
Mediterranean to St. Domingo, and that with the
approbation of all Europe, and more particularly <>f
the Turks, who had repeatedly invited him to join
with them for the purpose of forcing us to evacuate
their territory.
" I do not pretend to follow the arguments of the
Kirst Consul in detail ; lliis would hi 1 impossible,
from the vast variety of mailer which lie took occa-
sion lo introduce. His purpose was evidently to
convince me that on Malta must depend peace or
LORD WHITWOBTH'S DESPATCH. 547
war, and at the same time to impress upon my mind
a strong idea of the means he possessed of annoying
us at home and abroad.
" With regard to the mistrust and jealousy which
he said constantly prevailed since the conclusion of
the Treaty of Amiens, I observed, that after a war of
such long duration, so full of rancour, and carried
on in a manner of which history has no example, it-
was but natural that a considerable degree of agita-
tion should prevail : but this, like the swell after a
storm, would gradually subside, if not kept up by
the policy of either party ; that I would not pretend
to pronounce which had been the aggressor in the
paper war of which he complained, and which was
still kept up, though with this difference, that in
England it was independent of Government, and in
France its very act and deed. To this I added, that
it must be admitted that we had such motives of
mistrust against France as could not be alleged
against us, and I was going to instance the accession
of territory and influence gained by France since the
treaty, when he interrupted me by saying ' I
suppose you mean Piedmont and Switzerland ; " ce
sont des bagatelles : " and it must have been foreseen
whilst the negotiation was pending ; " vous n'avez
pas le droit d'en parler a cette heure." I then alleged
as a cause of mistrust and jealousy the impossibility
of obtaining justice, or any kind of redress, for any
2x2
548 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
of His Majesty's subjects. He asked me in what
respect : and I told him that since the signing of the
treaty, not one British claimant had been satisfied,
although every Frenchman of that description had
been so within one month after that period ; and
that since I had been here, and I could say as much
of my predecessors, not one satisfactory answer had
been obtained to the innumerable representations
which we had been under the necessity of making in
favour of British subjects and property detained in
the several ports of France and elsewhere, without
even a shadow of justice : such an order of things, I
said, was not made to inspire confidence, but, on the
contrary, must create distrust. This, he said, must
be attributed to the natural difficulties attending such
suits, when both parties thought themselves right ;
but he denied that such delays could proceed from
any disinclination to do what was just and right.
With regard to the pensions which were granted to
French or Swiss individuals, I observed that they
were given as a reward for past services during the
war, and most certainly not for present ones, and
still less for such as had been insinuated, of a nature
repugnant to the feelings of every individual in
England, and to the universally acknowledged loyalty
and honour of the British Government. That as for
any participation of indemnities, or other accessions
whirl) His Majesty mjghl have obtained, I could take
LORD WHIT WORTH'S DESPATCH. 549
upon myself to assure him, that His Majesty's am-
bition led him rather to preserve than to acquire.
And that with regard to the most propitious moment
for renewing hostilities, His Majesty, whose sincere
desire it was to continue the blessings of peace to his
subjects, would always consider such a measure as
the greatest calamity ; but that if His Majesty was
so desirous of peace, it must not be imputed to the
difficulty of obtaining allies ; and the less so, as
those means which it might be necessary to afford
such allies, for perhaps inadequate services, would
all be concentrated in England, and give a propor-
tionate increase of energy to our own exertions.
" At this part of the conversation he rose from his
chair, and told me that he should give orders to
General Andre'ossy to enter on the discussion of this
business with your Lordship ; but he wished that I
should at the same time be made acquainted with
his motives and convinced of his sincerity rather
from himself than from his Ministers. He then,
after a conversation of two hours, during the
greatest part of which he talked incessantly, con-
versed for a few moments on indifferent subiects
in apparent good-humour, and retired.
" Such was nearly, as I can recollect, the purport
of this conference.
" It must, however, be observed, that he did not,
as M. Talleyrand had done, effect to attribute
550 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
Colonel Sebastiani's mission to commercial motives
only, but as one rendered necessary, in a military
point of view, by the infraction by us of the Treaty
of Amiens.
" I have the honour to be, &c,
(Signed) " Whit worth."
"P.S. — This conversation took place on Friday
last, and this morning I saw M. de Talleyrand. He
had been with the First Consul after I left him, and
lie assured me that he had been very well satisfied
with the frankness with which I had made my
observations on what fell from him. I told him,
that without entering into any farther detail, what
I had said to the First Consul amounted to an
assurance, of what I trusted there could be no doubt,
of the readiness of His Majesty's Ministers to remove
all subjects of discussion, where that could be done
without violating the laws of the country, and to
fulfil strictly the engagement which they had con-
tracted, in as much as that could be reconciled with
safety of the State. As this applied to Malta and
Egypt, he gave me to understand that a project was
in contemplation, by which the integrity of the
Turkish Empire would be so effectually secured as to
l" do away with every cause of doubt or uneasiness,
either with regard to Egypt or any part of the
Turkish dominions. Mr could nol then, lie said,
LORD WHITWORTWS DESPATCH. 551
explain himself farther. Under these circumstances
no one can expect that we should relinquish that
assurance which we have in hand, till something
equally satisfactory is proposed and adopted.
(Signed) " Whitworth."
" The Eight Hon. Lord Hawkesbury."
&c. &c. &c*
* The translators have referred, for the exact text of the
two despatches given above, to the official publication entitled,
" Papers relative to the Dissension with France, presented by
His Majesty's Command to Parliament in 1803," and printed
by K. G. Clarke, Cannon Eow, Westminster.
( 552 )
CHAPTER XV.
Commencement of hostilities — Severe treatment of the English
in France — The First Consul's anger with England is
shared by the great Bodies of the State — Disloyal conduct
of the English Government towards France — French troops
enter the Kingdom of Naples and occupy Hanover — A
stricter etiquette is established by the First Consul — A
Theatrical representation at the Palace of St. Cloud is
followed by the delivery of an Ode composed by M. de
Fontanes — Adoption of the first chapters of the Civil Code —
Remarkable share taken by the First Consul in the debates
on this work — His journey to Belgium — Servility shown
towards him by the authorities, Civil, Military, and Clerical
— Disgust felt by the Parisians at such excessive flattery —
The first Consul's onward progress towards supremo power
— Ho causes propositions to bo made to Louis XV1IL, who
declines his oilers — Dissensions between Napoleon and his
brothers — Disagreement between France and Russia — First
preparations for an invasion of England — M. de Fontanes,
I 'resident of the Legislative; Body — He-imposition of taxes
Oil food, under tho name of droits-r/'unis.
Hostilities followed quickly on the rupture. The
English began them. Scarcely IkkI the ambassadors
of the two nations crossed the Channel before an
order-in-council was issued authorising the pursuit
HOSTILITIES COMMENCED. 553
of all French vessels and laying an embargo on
those then lying in English harbours. English
frigates immediately seized on some merchant vessels
in the Bay of Andierne.* The First Consul replied
by a violent measure, and one against all the usages
of war. An act of the Government! ordered the
arrest and imprisonment of all Englishmen over
eighteen, and under sixty years of age, then in
France ; all subjects of the king of England
between those ages being considered as forming part
of the English militia. This measure was carried
out with the utmost rigour, and the English who
thus became prisoners of war were deprived of their
liberty for more than ten years ; they regained it
only in 1814.
The various documents relating to the measures of
hostility adopted by the two G-overments, were com-
municated to the Council of State in the sitting of
the 3rd Prairial (May 23). But this was a merely
* The orders-in-council of which I am now speaking are
dated May 16, 1803 (26th Floreal, year XL).
f I would call attention to the fact that, in the month of
Pluviose of this year, the names of the Consuls cease to appear
in the titles of the public acts of the Government. From this
time they were drawn up in the name of the Government of tlie
Republic. Until then they had been intituled : The Consuls of
the Republic, which formula disappeared in all acts of high
administration or of general interest. Nominations to places
continued to bear the name of the First Consul. The motives
for this change are sufficiently apparent.
554 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
formal communication. The Goverment decree had
been passed on the previous day, and was already
being put into execution. Advice was neither
wanted nor asked for. Moreover, it would not have
been needed; irritation had reached its highest
pitch.
About the First Consul nothing was talked of
but a war of extermination and Revolutionary mea-
sures. A struggle to the death was commencing,
and even Bonaparte's brothers were carried away,
forsaking all moderation, and sharing this feeling
of deepest resentment. It was the same with the
highest bodies in the State. The Senate, the
Legislative Body and the Tribunate vied with each
other by the speeches of their several members in
protestations of devotion and in pledges to support
a war which involved the national honour. The
three institutions afterwards proceeded in a body to
the First Consul and solemnly renewed the protesta-
tions they had just made within their own walls.
The English Goverment was accused of bad faith in
the negotiations and of having falsified the papers
laid before Parliament in justification of the declara-
tion of war.* No means were neglected of inflaming
* 'I'll,- French Government caused a remarkable article to
lie inserted in the 'Moniteur' el* Hie 4th Prairial, upon the
oommunicationa made <<> Parliament by the 'English (!<»vem-
i.i. nt . This article quoted as an instance of the highest pitch
<.f impudence and even of folly, an alteration in one of the
INCITEMENTS TO ANIMOSITY. 555
and increasing animosity, more factitious, it is true,
than real, but which was expressed with unbridled
violence. England on her side did not give an
most important notes sent over by Lord Whitworth, that one
which bears date May 10, and in which the entire paragraph
relating to the proposed cession of Malta to Russia was sup-
pressed. True enough, at the first glance, the suppression
seemed inexplicable and might lead to the belief, as the article
in the ' Moniteur ' pointed out, that the intention of the English
Government had been to conceal an important part of the
negotiations. But this accusation lost all its weight on a
careful examination of the papers laid before Parliament, and
afterwards printed. They contained in full Lord Hawkesbury's
despatch to Lord Whitworth, in which the proposition to hand
Malta over to Eussia was named, discussed, and rejected as
inadmissible, on account of Russia's refusal to garrison the
island. This despatch, dated May 7, was inserted in the
English parliamentary papers as No. 68, and contained the
following phrase : " The French Government proposes that
His Majesty should yield Malta to a Eussian, Austrian, or
Prussian garrison. If His Majesty were disposed to abate
his demand to occupy the island temporarily, the Emperor of
Eussia would be the only sovereign, under present conditions,
to whom the King would consent that Malta should be ceded.
But His Majesty is informed that the Emperor of ^Russia would
decline to garrison the island." This last assertion might not
be correct, although in the French documents, as I have said,
there is nothing to prove that Eussia had formally consented
to occupy Malta, and all they contain is a further promise of
mediation and of guarantees of peace. But it was not the
less certain that the English Government could not be accused
of wishing to conceal from Parliament and from the country
the offers of France and the reasons of their refusal by the
English Cabinet. The accusation was, therefore, illogical at
least. But it passed without notice or remark.
556 MEMOIBS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
example of greater moderation. §he seized on ships
at sea before the declaration of war could be known.
Abuse and defamation of France, and of the family
of her First Magistrate, filled the columns of the
English newspapers, and not satisfied with declaring
an open war against us, she waged a secret war very
dishonourable to the English Grovernment. She
hired assassins, paid agents to promote agitation,
fostered internal conspiracies, carried treachery
and revolt wherever her gold could reach, and
gave to the animosity which is justified by
open war between two rival nations, that odious
character of treason and disgraceful machination
which is dishonouring to the most legitimate war-
fare, and which is reprobated by morality as
well as by the Law of Nations, recognised in
Europe, whosoever may be the enemy to be
encountered.
The First Consul feeling himself more at liberty
since the declaration of war, and holding everything
allowable in self-defence, set about extending his
conquests on the Continent by way of compensation
for the losses iuflicted on our navy and our com-
merce. French troops re-entered the Kingdom of
Naples; Hanover was invaded, and barely five weeks
bad elapsed from the commencement of hostilities
when all the coast of Italy on the Mediteranean, and
the ocean coasts from Andaye to the mouth of the
ENERGY OF THE FIRST CONSUL. 557
Elbe were in the bands of the French, and closed
against the English.
While these military operations were taking place
with all the rapidity which characterised the First
Consul's method of carrying out the projects con-
ceived by his daring genius, he was preparing to
visit Belgium, that he might confirm the inhabitants
of that wealthy country in their obedience, and
strengthen their confidence in him at the beginning
of a war which was so contrary to their interests
and so destructive to their commerce. But in order,
as it were, to prepare the public mind for the sub-
mission and the homage towards himself and his con-
sort that he intended to exact during this journey,
he held himself more than ever aloof from the other
Consuls, and established a more marked difference
between himself and his colleagues. The palace of
St. Cloud had now become a punctilious Court, and
access to it was rendered almost impossible by a
rigid etiquette. A theatre was erected, and the per-
formances, given by actors from Paris, were in all
things regulated by the former ceremonial. The
Diplomatic Body was invited in State ; the First
Consul sat alone in a large box on the right of the
theatre, his aides-de-camp and officers on duty stood
at the back. A similar box on the opposite side
was reserved for Madame Bonaparte, attended by her
ladies-in-waiting. Others were occupied by the
558 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
Consuls, Ministers, Ambassadors and their wives.
Everyone rose on the entrance of the First Consul
and his wife, who bowed graciously to the assembly.
The performances were heard in silence, without
applause. I was present at one, on Sunday the 23rd
Prairial (June 12), and in addition to the novelties
of etiquette which I have just described, the per-
formance was marked by a curious circumstance.
The play was Esther. After the tragedy the
curtain was lowered ; the spectators were about to
leave the theatre, when the curtain was again raised.
An actor made his appearance, with a roll of paper
in his hand, and read an ode composed by M. de
Fontanes. Some boldness was required to read
verses to ears in which the enchanting harmonies of
Racine's verses were still echoing. But that boldness
was not so offensive as the subject of the poem. M.
de Fontanes' ode was a bitter diatribe against the
English, a pompous exaggeration of our successes
and their defeats. I was on thorns the whole time,
and, with the great majority of the audience, I con-
sidered it contrary to all propriety that the Corps
Diplomatique should have been invited to listen to
abusive satire on a nation with whom their respective
Governments were at peace. I afterwards learned
that the poem had been recited by the express order
<>! Hi'' First Consul, who had read it, and had even
required the author, who did it willingly enough, to
ADMINISTRATIVE MEASURES. 559
make some alterations, not to soften the text, but, on
the contrary, to increase the strength and point of
certain passages.
Meanwhile, amid the commotion caused in the
Government Councils by the rupture with England
and the consequences it entailed, and amid the
revival of etiquette and the puerilities of ceremonial,
which the First Consul combined with the loftiest
conceptions of war and policy, measures of adminis-
tration and legislation which deserved the gratitude
of the whole nation, were being carried out. The
session of the Legislative Body had been employed
in passing the first chapters of the Civil Code, and
the continuous attention given by the First Consul
to the debates on that admirable work, was an ad-
ditional proof of the flexibility with which his genius
could adapt itself to labours that demanded the appli-
cation of faculties of the most opposite kind. The Code
will ensure him to the end of Time a distinguished
place among celebrated law-givers. Doubtless he
received much assistance from men experienced in
jurisprudence, but the selection lie made of those
men, without respect to political party, was in itself
worthy of the highest praise. But besides this, he
carefully followed the debates, and frequently threw
a light on difficult questions, regarding them some-
times from a novel point of view, and with sagacity
that astonished his councillors. One day in each
560 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
week, the Thursday, was devoted to these debates in
the Council of State, and Bonaparte was seldom
absent from the sitting. The Civil Code is an
exceedingly remarkable production, not only because
it attains perfection as nearly as it is possible for the
work of a human mind aided by experience and the
progress of knowledge to attain it, but also because
the period at which that Code saw the light, com-
bined all the conditions proper to ensure such per-
fection. Former prejudices were destroyed, new
ones did not yet exist. At an earlier date the Civil
Code would have been coloured with Revolutionary
ideas ; later, when Bonaparte entirely abjured the
Revolution to return to the antique Monarchy, his
reversion to the past would have introduced into the
composition traces of despotism, of feudalism and of
the nobiliary principles revived by him, and which
reappear only too plainly in the Penal Code and
the Code of Criminal Proceedings which were drawn
up under the Empire. These are unfortunately
tempered by the necessities of the position he had
taken up, of the absolute power which he had
usurped.
The Session of the Legislative Body of year XL
bad been closed on the 8th Prairial (28 May), only
a few days after the adoption of the title of the Civil
Code which treats of marriage, and after the com-
munications that had ensued on the declaration of
A TRIUMPHAL PROGRESS. 561
war. The Tribunate also had ceased to meet, and
all legislative discussion being thus suspended, the
First Consul was at liberty to leave Paris.
He set out on the 5th Messidor (June 24) for
Belgium * In the ' Moniteur ' of that month, will be
found the addresses which were presented to him,
and accounts of his reception in the towns and even
the villages through which he passed. Never had
adulation been carried so far, and it is worthy of
remark, that the flattery of bishops and other high
clergy surpassed even that of the civil and military
authorities. Almost equal homage was offered ro
Madame Bonaparte, and had the First Consul in
making this journey merely wanted to test the ser-
vility of Frenchmen and Belgians, he must have
been quite satisfied. He returned convinced that he
might venture on anything, and made haste to act
on the discovery.
I took advantage of the First Consul's absence to
join Joseph Bonaparte, who, with his wife and his
* He passed one day with his brother Joseph, at Morfontaine.
He was preceded by a Prefect of the Palace, who was furnished
with a list of the persons who were to be invited to Morfon-
taine ; on that list there was not a single friend of the master
of the house. There were two tables, and the First Consul
refused to admit to his own the ladies who had accompanied
his mother and his sister Madame Bacciochi to Morfontaine ;
he admitted only the ladies in attendance on Madame Bonaparte,
his wife.
VOL. I. 2
562 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
sister-in-law, Madame Bernadotte, was passing the
season at Plombieres. Stanislas Grirarclin and
Freville were there also, and we made several ex-
cursions together in the Vosges, to the Lakes of
Gerardmer and Longemer, and also to the Ballon
d' Alsace. The aspect of those mountains and of the
smiling valleys of the Moselle made a much more
pleasing impression on me than the mingled admi-
ration and awe evoked by the wild majesty of the
Alps and the mountains of Corsica.
I returned to Paris in the early part of Thermidor
(end of July). The First Consul was still absent,
but his return was expected every day. Although
my absence had been short, I perceived a considerable
change in public opinion, and that if the homage
rendered to the First Consul during his journey had
added to his greatness in the countries through
which he passed, it had produced quite a contrary
effect in Paris. The excessive flattery, the almost
divine honours he had exacted, or at least had
been willing to receive, had greatly alienated the
Parisians from him, and had inspired feelings akin
to disgust in the more sensible inhabitants of the
capital. It was even asserted that the Chief Judge
had been obliged* to modify several reports from
* Tho Ministry of Polico had been suppressed in the pre-
• iiliiijj; year, ami its business had been added to that of tho
Chief Judge or Minister of Justice.
AT ST. CLOUD. 563
police agents which contained a too faithful
account of the insulting language used in public
places, reports which, had they reached the First
Consul, would have presented too strong a contrast
to the acclamations that had delighted him at every
stage of his journey.
Bonaparte arrived at St. Cloud on the 24th
Thermidor (August 12); on the 27th he came to
Paris and received the civil and military authorities
in great state. He was overwhelmed with speeches
and harangues.* In the evening there were illu-
minations and a concert in the gardens of the
Tuileries. The First Consul appeared on the centre
balcony and was vociferously greeted. There was
no great crowd, however, and there was but little
general excitement and no gaiety.
At this epoch the First Consul seriously occupied
himself in the realisation of the great projects he
had conceived long before, and which seemed easy
of execution since his progress in Belgium. This is,
therefore, a fitting place in which to describe his
mode of developing those plans, and the variations
which he made in them. For although the goal to
* The Tribunate had at first resolved to go in a body to
Daminartin to meet the First Consul, and to express their
wishes in the following terms : " The Tribunate votes that the
Consular dignity shall be hereditary in the Bonaparte family."
But the First Consul objected to this. His motives will be
seen hereafter.
2 o 2
564 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
be reached was always that of supreme power,
accompanied by a style and a title that should place
him on a level with the other sovereigns of Europe,
Bonaparte wavered long as to the system he should
adopt, and the title by which he should be designated.
Although it was generally believed that the secur-
ing of hereditary power in his family was a part of
his plan, he was at first far from holding it as a
principle, and he did not resolve on adopting it until
he became aware that on such conditions only would
the Senate consent to invest him with sovereignty.
Heredity was the soundest guarantee which that
body could obtain against the dangers of an un-
certain succession, by which its own prosperous
existence would have been endangered. For the
details on this subject which I am about to give,
and which I learned and noted down almost daily, I
am indebted to Joseph Bonaparte, who kept me
informed of every little circumstance that occurred.
These details will reveal some of the drawbacks of
greatness, and the heavy price at which it must be
bought. And if, in my narrative, the hero and his
family sometimes appear in an unfavourable light,
it is because historical truth places them in that
position. No spirit of satire shall pervade my story,
but aeither will I seek- to disguise the truth respect-
ing an y of tii,. characters in it. Ambition may
perhaps he taught a useful lesson by my history of
BONAPARTE AND LOUIS XVIII. 565
past events if it should ever seek such a lesson, or
would be willing to profit by it. Bonaparte's first
step was an overture to Louis XYIII., made at the
beginning of 1803. Either the First Consul, shortly
after the battle of Marengo, in October 1800, had
really received a letter from that Prince, as Joseph
Bonaparte assured me at the time, and that its
contents had led him to hope for success in the pro-
posal he was now about to make ; or he was led to
take this step on account of the advantage he would
have derived from a renunciation of the throne of
France, which, by rallying all the Royalists round
him, would smooth his own way to it. At all events,
it is certain that in the month of Pluviose, year XI.
(February 1803), he had a proposal conveyed to
Louis XYIII., who was then residing at Warsaw,
that he should renounce his rights to the crown and
require a like renunciation from the members of his
family.* On these conditions the King was to
receive a pension of two millions (francs) a year.
The proposition was rejected by Louis XYIII., and
his reply, dated February 26, 1803, is as noble as it
is firm. It was published in all the English news-
* It was believed at the time, in Paris, that this proposition
had been made through the medium of Prussia, and that con-
jecture was correct. It will be seen hereafter how the First
Consul represented this step, in his speech to the Council of
State on the 3rd Germinal, year XII. (March 24, 1804), on the
occasion of the death of the Due d'Enghien.
566 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
papers, accompanied by the adhesion of all the
princes of the House of Bourbon then living.*
This negotiation, which, had it succeeded, would
have given a certain colour of legality to Bona-
parte's ascent of the Throne, having failed through
resistance as generous as it was unexpected, he
withdrew into himself, and relied only on his own
genius and lucky audacity for the acomplishment
of his designs. But what is to be the form of the
new monarchy that he intends to found ? Joseph
Bonaparte spoke on this subject to G-irardin,
Fre'ville and me, during our stay at Plombieres in
the following terms : —
" To reiirn alone and to assume a title which shall
harmonise with those borne by the heads of
European States is with my brother a fixed idea.
His letter to the pretender, his whole conduct, the
honours which he had paid to him, those he exacts
for his wife, are the results of calculation, and
intended to familiarise public opinion with, and
prepare it for, the great change that is impending.
He believes that his best course is to obtain, from
the docility and weakness of a populace that in his
heart he despises for its servility, all that a sovereign
can exact, before he assumes a sovereign's title ; for
lie is convinced that when «>nce the reality of power
is obtained, the step which will confer a denomina-
• See the 'Morning Chroniole' of July 2. r >, L803.
THE FIRST CONSUL'S DESIGNS. 567
tion of that power is easy. He has hesitated long
between the titles of King and Emperor, but has at
last decided on the latter. In the public opinion of
Europe generally, the idea of a King implies a
power, modified to a certain extent by an aristocracy,
an intermediate caste, and an order of succession
which compensates by its security and stability for the
disadvantages of arbitrary power. He who bears the
name of King is himself fettered, he is restrained by
customs which he cannot always bend to his caprice ;
and an established system of heredity, by naming
the successor beforehand, rallies malcontents round
the heir-apparent and gives rise to hopes which are
independent of the actual ruler.
" Such a system does not suit my brother. He
intends that, with the exception of himself, all shall
be equal ; that his head only shall rise above the
level at which all others without distinction shall
remain ; that no intermediate body shall interfere
with his authority ; that the peace and repose con-
ferred on the nation shall be so exclusively his work
that the imagination can conceive nothing but
trouble and confusion on looking beyond him ; that
uncertainty as to his successor will embarrass con-
tending parties; and lastly, that the power of appoint-
ing or changing that successor will be a powerful
means of encouraging the hopes of the ambitious, and
of attaching to himself all those whose fame or
568 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MEL1T0.
whose influence on public opinion might render
them dangerous enemies, by the hope of so great an
inheritance which he will dangle before their eyes.
" The title of Emperor and the ideas formerly
associated with that title, and which he intends to
revive, suit those views. No heredity, no reigning
family, no intermediate caste ! No obstacles during
his life to be offered by the ambition of military
leaders ; because, being their master in the art of war,
he has no dread of their renown, which is surpassed
by his own, and because he leaves them the hope of
obtaining after his death the position he has created
and occupies. No resistance from the State Bodies of
which he is even now head, according to the present
order of things ! No apparent changes in that order ;
the Senate is to remain. Presided over by himself,
and the submissive instrument of his will, that body
will be responsible for the phantom of National Repre-
sentation that may still be suffered to exist. Lastly,
even the word Republic may survive. The vain
semblance of that form of Government will still
console those who go straying about trying to
realise the dream of it in the midst of a frivolous
and corrupt people, ruined by seductive theories."
These intentions of the First Consul, and especially
liis aversion to a hereditary system, which would
have associated his family with his own greatness,
were deeply displeasing to his brothers, and were the
LAPLACE. 569
origin of the dissension and enmity that shortly
afterwards broke out among them. The First
Consul wished to make one of them Chancellor of
the Senate, an office instituted by the Senatus-
Consultum of the 14th Nivose of that year. But
both Joseph and Lucien, to each of whom the post
was offered, obstinately refused it. They regarded
the offer as merely a method of eluding promises
that had been made to them, and of removing them
from the supreme rank, by appointing them to
functions, which mere Senators without any
pretensions to such rank could as easily fulfil.
Bonaparte's brothers conceived that by accepting
they would have thrown in their lot with the crowd
from which it was their ambition to separate them-
selves. On their refusal, the celebrated geometrician
Laplace was appointed, and performed the duties
of his post with a blind submission which never
failed, until fortune turned against his benefactor ;
then he found an opportunity of placing his officious
suppleness at the service of the Bourbons.
When Joseph Bonaparte informed me that he had
been offered the Chancellorship of the Senate, and
that he was determined to decline it, I tried in vain
to induce him to accept a position which was to my
thinking by no means derogatory. But I could
not overcome his resistance, which was encouraged
by his brother Lucien with every argument that
570 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
his fertile mind and his own inflexibility of purpose
could suggest. My attempts to soothe his extreme
indignation failed utterly. "He shall deceive me
no longer," he exclaimed; " I am sick of his tyranny,
of his vain promises, so often repeated and never
fulfilled. I will have all or nothing ; let him leave
me in my privacy, or offer me a position which will
secure power to me when he is gone ! In that case
I would bind myself, I would pledge myself. But if
he refuses this, let him expect nothing from me !
Is not the fatal power that he exercises over
France, over Europe, which his insatiable ambition
has disturbed, enough for him, without his drap/p-ino;
me after him as his slave, proposed first to the
respect, and then to the scorn of his generals,* who,
taking no orders but from him, will either trample
me under foot, or bear my train, according to their
master's orders ? What has he done for us as yet ?
What powers has he conferred on us ? A prefect in
my Department sets me at nought, and I have not
the slightest influence in the district where I am a
landowner. But I am a man, and I intend him to
discover that there are some who dare to refuse
submission to his caprices. Let him once more
* The "leaders" of tho Senate, instituted by the Senatus-
( 'oiisult him l.cl'uiv mentioned, were to be chosen from anion"-
the Generals, and took precedence over the two great officers,
the Chancellor and the Treasun r.
CONFIDENTIAL REVELATIONS. 571
drench Europe with blood in a war that he could
have avoided, and which, hut for the outrageous
mission on which he sent his Sebastiani, would
never have occurred ! As for me, I shall join Sie'yes,
even Moreau, if need be — in short, every patriot
or lover of liberty who is left in France — to escape
from such tyranny ! "
These words, uttered with deep emotion, revealed
all the agitation of his soul. I discerned in them
vehement indignation, excusable, no doubt, but
strongly tinctured by an excessive ambition which
he disguised perhaps even from himself, although he
could not endure the idea that it was always to
be disappointed.
This ebullition of passion was followed by confi-
dential revelations. He told me that, wishing to
induce his brother to adopt the hereditary principle,
he had pressed him to put away his wife and to marry
again, and that he had recapitulated the various
arguments in favour of this proceeding which had
been discussed in our former conversations. Then
he added these remarkable words : " You hesitate ? '
said I, to the First Consul ; " well, what will be the
consequence ? Why, that should any natural cause
bring about the death of your wife, you will pass
for her poisoner in the eyes of France, in those of
Europe, and in mine, who know you well ! Who is
there that will believe that you have not done what
572 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
it was so clearly your interest to do ? It is better
to forestall these disgraceful suspicions. You are
not really married ; you have never consented to
have your union with this woman consecrated by
the Church. Leave her for political reasons, and do
not let it be believed that you have got rid of her
by a crime."
" I saw my brother turn pale," continued Joseph,
"at this, and he answered me in these words: 'You
make me conceive that which I should never have
thought of, the possibility of a divorce. But towards
whom, in such a case, should I turn my thoughts ? '
' Towards a German Princess,' I replied, ' or the
sister of the Emperor of Russia. Only take this
step, and you change your own position at once, and
ours, without our even having to wait for the birth
of a child. x\U is settled by that alone, the family
system is established, and we are all on your side.' "
This advice, which was partly acted on afterwards,
• lid not suit the private purposes then entertained
by the First Consul. It was indeed natural that he
should reject it so long as he continued averse to the
hereditary system, and in addition to the motives I
have already set forth, his objections were supported
by his wife and the other Consuls, who were
naturally and strongly opposed to a scheme of the
kind. It must be admitted besides that the circum-
stances of the Bonaparte family were by no means
THE FAMILY "SITUATION." 573
favourable to the establishment of the hereditary
principle. Its chief was united to a woman who
could not bear him a child ; his eldest brother
Joseph had no son, and Lucien had just married *
Madame Jouberthon, the divorced wife of a Paris
stockbroker, by whom he had had a child in the
previous year. He had therefore bestowed the
name of Bonaparte on a woman whose beauty and
wit were indeed remarkable, but whose reputation
was not spotless in the eyes of the First Consul.
Jerome, the youngest of the brothers, had married
while in America, and before attaining his majority,
a Miss Patterson, the daughter of one of the richest
citizens of Baltimore, and belonging to a respectable
family in the United States, but the lady was, in
the estimation of the First Consul, far below the
rank to which he afterwards raised his young
brother. Louis alone had contracted a union with
the approval of his brother Napoleon ; he had
married Hortense Beauharnais, the daughter of
Madame Bonaparte, and she had borne him a son,
for whom the First Consul displayed so special an
affection, that it gave rise to the most scandalous
reports. After the unfortunate expedition to St.
* In the beginning of Brumaire, year XII. (end of October,
1803). Lucien was a widower, he had two daughters by his
first wife.
:>74 MEMOIRS OF COUNT M10T BE MEIITO.
Domingo,* his widow, Pauline Bonaparte, had
married Prince Borghese,f and this was the only-
side on which the Bonapartes were connected with
the great families of Europe. But that alliance,
although illustrious, was not available in the sense of
the establishment of heredity.
Lucien's marriage had thrown the whole family
into consternation, and Joseph himself looked upon
it as a serious personal calamity. How, indeed, would
it be possible to confer rights over France on this
son of Lucien, to claim for him her homage, to set
him on the Throne, perhaps on some future day,
when he was only made legitimate by the tardy
marriage of his parents ? " Destiny ! ' ! exclaimed
Joseph, " Destiny seems to blind us, and intends, by
means of our own faults, to restore France some day
to her former rulers." J
The First Consul, who was furiously indignant at
Lucien's conduct, was at first for using harsh
measures against him and his newly made wife.
* It completely failed, and the reverse was attributed chiefly
to the incapacity of General Leclerc, who was in command.
t The marriage was celebrated privately at Morfontaine, in
the beginning of Vcndemiaire, year XII. (end of September,
180:'.). NiinisluK, (iirardin, and myself were witnesses at the
legal ceremony.
\ These prophetic words were spoken to me at Morfontaine
on the .Mh r.rnmaire, year XII. (Oct. 28, 1803). I wrote them
down on the same day.
LUCIEN BONAPABTE. 575
But the uncertainty of success, the fear of the
scandal that would be caused by law proceedings to
break the marriage, or by an arbitrary arrest, and
lastly, the attitude taken by Lucien, who seemed
disposed to defend himself publicly, made the First
Consul relinquish an idea conceived in the heat of
passion, and induced him to resort to a negotiation
which Joseph undertook. It was agreed that the
latter should endeavour to persuade Lucien to write
a letter to his brother, in which he would pledge
himself not to allow his wife to bear his name, not
to introduce her to the family, and to wait for the
legal publicity of his marriage, until time and cir-
cumstances should permit ; this, he was also to
pledge himself, should never take place without the
authorization of the First Consul. On the other
hand Bonaparte would consent to receive his brother
Lucien as if nothing extraordinary had occurred,
would, after the interview, invite him to a play at
St. Cloud, and, moreover, would consent to Lucien's
wife residing with her husband.
Furnished with these instructions, Joseph com-
menced his negotiations, and succeeded in obtaining
the letter exacted by the First Consul. But either
that letter did not come up to his expectations, or
satisfied with having it in his possession, Bonaparte
no longer cared to keep his promises, for it is certain
that none of the conditions to which he had bound
57G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
himself were fulfilled, and the negotiator, indignant
at this breach of faith, long and deeply resented it.
Lucien took advantage of Joseph's anger to get him
to visit his new sister-in-law, and his example was
followed by some other members of the family. The
First Consul could not forgive Joseph for so acting,
and an open quarrel ensued between them which
lasted a considerable time. Lucien resolved on
leaving France, and set out for Italy on the 13th
Frimaire (Dec. 5). On the eve of his departure, he
wrote a note to Joseph, which I have read. It was
in the following terms. " I am going to Florence,
Eome and Naples. I have written to Mechin,* to
have Bernadotte presented as a candidate for the
Senate. f Do nothing during my absence towards
reconciling me with the First Consul. I depart
hating him. I leave a courier at your service, in
Paris, whom you may despatch to me, if anything
occurs." 'J:
Thus had discord in the family-circle separated
* The Prefect of the Department of the Landes.
t Nothing con hi be more distasteful to the First Consul than
this nomination. ITe had at that time a great dislike to
Bernadotte; next to Moreau he was the General whom he
most dreaded. Lucien Bonaparte, however, did not start
immediately, as he had said. He remained in the neighbour-
hood of Paris, and only sit out for Italy in April lsOt, when
he had been definitively excluded from tho Imperial succession.
Lucien ami Napoleon did not meet again until 1815, after
the Emperor's return from Elba.
ILL-TIMED PRODIGALITY. 577
its members, and those domestic dissensions which,
could not escape the watchful eyes of lookers-on,
increased the alienation of public feeling that had
already been shocked by such arbitrary acts as
the banishment of Madame de Stael from France,*
and the dismissal without trial of two assistants of
the Mayor of Granville, announced in the ' Moniteur '
of the 15th Yende'miaire, year XII., with the addition
of the most insulting imputations. Lastly some very
ill-timed acts of prodigality, among which were a
marriage-portion of two millions bestowed on Princess
Borghese, and a magnificent residence in the Fau-
bourg St. Glermain given to Eugene de Beauharnais,
awoke universal envy and dissatisfaction. To these
hostile sentiments, whose expression was restrained
* Madame de Stael had returned to France towards the end
of September 1803. She was at once refused permission to
live in Paris, and she took up her residence in a country-house
near the capital. Shortly afterwards she received an order
to leave France. The First Consul himself gave this order
in a letter addressed to the Chief Judge, somewhat in the
following terms : " I hear that Madame de Stael is in the
neighbourhood of Paris. You will see that she receives an
order to leave France within four-and-twenty hours, and you
will take the necessary steps for the prompt execution of that
order. To be accomplished without exposure." (The word
exposure was scratched out, and noise substituted for it.)
Matthieu de Montmorency, who displayed under these cir-
cumstances a truly courageous friendship for Madame de Stael,
appealed to Joseph Bonaparte to endeavour to obtain a revoca-
tion of the order from his brother. Joseph was readj T and
willing, and tried his best, but without success.
VOL. I. 2 P
578 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
with difficulty by the vigilant and effective police,
was added great uneasiness caused by the misunder-
standing between France and the Northern Powers
with which year XII. began. Russia in particular
appeared ill-disposed. She announced her intention
of supporting Portugal, which was at that time
threatened by us. The First Consul was enraged at
this interference, which had interrupted the negotia-
tions, until then kept alive by a faint hope of pacifi-
cation. At the first diplomatic audience of year XII. ,
Sunday, 2nd Vende'miaire (Sept. 25), he was very
rude to M. Markoff, and a fortnight later he omitted
to invite him to the play at St. Cloud, at which
the other ambassadors were present.* M. Markoff,
however, being anxious to avoid a complete rupture,
looked about for some means of conciliation, and ex-
pressed to me his great wish to be placed in com-
munication with Joseph Bonaparte. He complained
bitterly of Talleyrand, who, he said, had injured him
in the estimation of the First Consul, and who,
having speculated on war, wanted to interrupt the
mediation of Russia, by preventing the renewal of
negotiations which might end successfully. " It
cannot be to Russia's interest," he said, " to let the
question between France and England be decided in
* The other members of the Russian Embassy, and the
Russians of note then in Paris, were invited, but one and all
declined the invitation; all made common cause with the
ambassador.
A NEGOTIATION. 579
favour of either of those Powers. In either hypo-
thesis there will be danger for her ; on the one side
of a naval despotism, on the other of a continental
despotism. Russia's real interest is to bring about
peace. Nor does she wish to impose very hard con-
ditions. I am convinced that all can be arranged on
the very basis of the last propositions made by the
First Consul.* But I am unable to negotiate ; every
path is closed to me ; every means of communication
between me and the Russian Ambassador in London
has been stopped, though it is indispensable that we
should act in concert. I do not, however, aspire to
conclude so important a negotiation, I only wish to
renew it, and I think I might succeed if I could
meet Joseph Bonaparte." I willingly undertook to
contrive an interview ; and it took place, but availed
nothing. Russia's distrust was increased by the
information of a projected alliance, offensive and
defensive, between France and Prussia, that was
being secretly negotiated in Paris, and every hope
that the struggle with England would be terminated
by Russia's mediation vanished.
Neither these political difficulties, however, nor
the obstacles thrown in his way by the dissensions
* These propositions were made with the object of placing
Malta in the hands of Eussia, and of accepting the mediation of
that Power between England and France.
2 p 2
580 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE 3IELITO.
that had broken out in his family, could arrest the
progress of the First Consul. At the same time
that he attached the Senate to his own interests
by the distribution of the new Senatorships, and that
he flattered the national vanity by the distribution
of various grades of the Legion of Honour, in which
he included all men of mark, whether civil or military,
with equal skill and judgment, and all those who
had distinguished themselves in Science or Art, he
was making astonishingly active preparations for
a descent on England. An enormous number of
flat-bottomed boats, rafts, gun-boats and vessels of
all kinds came forth, as if by magic, from a thousand
dockyards. Basins were hollowed out to receive
this fleet, wooden forts were erected to defend it.
Formidable batteries defended the Channel coast-
line and forbade even an attempt from the enemy.
Boulogne-sur-Mer was the centre of all these opera-
tions. In the early part of year XII., the First
Consul visited the town several times, and his
presence inspired the soldiers and the workmen with
increased zeal. Yet it is doubtful whether he ever
seriously intended to attempt this great enterprise.
He was too good a judge in matters of the kind not
to have recognised how small were the chances of
success, ;nnl in any case 1 do not believe that he
ever Intended to undertake the invasion in person,
THE INVASION. 581
to risk bis fortune and his life on so slight a
probability of victory.* But the imagination of the
people required food, and beyond this, a pretext was
needed for assembling an immense army at a short
distance from the capital, so that, being surrounded
by these devoted forces, he might, if necessary, be
borne by them to the Throne. It was also well to
remove his formidable armies from the eastern
frontiers of France, and to crowd them along the
coast from Ostend to the mouth of the Somme, so
that Austria, emboldened by their departure, might
attempt to repair her losses and to avenge the insults
she had recently endured, by a sudden aggression,
in which victory would seem certain to her. Thus
war, the object of all the First Consul's desires
■ — war, which only could save him from the critical
position in which he stood — would again break out
on the Continent.
The sequel has sufficiently demonstrated the
wisdom of these various combinations ; but they
escaped the notice at the time of even the most
* Towards the end of Brumaire, on returning from one of
his visits to Boulogne, Bonaparte had a conversation with
Joseph on the subject of Lucien's marriage, in which he used
the following remarkable words : " You think you are necessary
while I am absent ? Well, what does it matter to me ? I will
not go to England, I shall send Ney. Besides, there is another
resource; I will only make an expedition to Ireland; thus
I reduce it all to an ordinary war ; I will give back Ireland
in return for Malta, and make peace."
582 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
astute statesmen. Time alone has thrown light on
them. At the period of which I am speaking, no
one doubted that the expedition would take place.
Whenever the First Consul left Paris, universal
anxiety prevailed ; every moment we expected to
hear that the flotilla had sailed, and when, for the
first time, cannon announced Bonaparte's return, it
was believed that the salute was fired in honour of
our first successes at sea.
Preparations for the expedition, the movement of
troops, and the coast-defences did not so entirely
engross the attention of the First Consul as to make
him neglect internal administration. His astonishing
activity sufficed for all things. By a Senatus-
Consultum of the 28th Frimaire (December 20, 1803)
the usual form of opening the sessions of the
Legislative Body was changed. For the future, the
First Consul was to perform that duty, with a
ceremonial imitated from that with which the
English Parliament is opened, and to appoint the
President of the Legislative Body from among a
certain number of candidates. This was one more
step towards monarchical forms. He, however,
ad journed the alteration of the ceremonial until the
following year ; the opening took place on the 15th
Nivose, year XII. (January 6, 1801) without any
novel formalities. But he hastened to exercise his
right of appointing the President. Bis choice fell
FONTANES. 583
on Fontanes, and he certainly could not have chosen
better in his own interests. Never did a man
realise more completely the expectations formed
respecting him. The imperturbable admirer of all
that Bonaparte did or wished to do ; so long as that
extraordinary man wielded the sceptre, he placed
the Body over which he presided, and the nation in
whose name he frequently spoke, at the feet "of an
absolute master, whom he promptly deserted when
fortune abandoned him. The appointment of
Fontanes met, however, with general disapproval.
Even the partisans of the Government were
alarmed ; they perceived with regret the accessi-
bility of the First Consul to servility and flattery ;
they regarded the appointment as a reward for the
ode that had been recited at St. Cloud, and whose
violent declamations against England were all the
more offensive as it was generally known that, after
the 18th Fructidor, Fontanes had taken money and
favours from that country, which had afforded him
a secure refuge and generous protection.
The Government being assured, by the new system
of the Senatus-Consultum, of the subservience of
the Legislative Body, and no longer fearing even a
shadow of opposition, obtained without difficulty the
financial laws for the augmentation of the revenues
of the State which the war on which he had entered
rendered necessary. In the sitting of the Council
584 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE MELITO.
of State on the 7th Nivose, which preceded by a few
days only the session of the Legislative Body, the
First Consul presided, made a statement respecting
the financial situation of France, and prepared the
minds of his hearers with surpassing skill for the
necessity of further taxation. The arguments he
used for the re-establishment of indirect taxation,
which" had been abolished ever since the beginning
of the Revolution, were as follows : —
" The needs of the State for the current year," said
the First Consul, " will amount to seven hundred
millions, and to meet them we have but five
hundred and twenty-six millions, viz.,
Direct Taxation
295 millions
Registration
180
Customs
. . . 25 „
Post-office .
11
Lottery
• • • 12 „
Salt-pans .
3
Total
526
" We must, besides, deduct from our estimated
receipts the sums that are not actually recovered,
and those we lose every year through the bank-
ruptcy of Receivers-General. These cannot be
estimated at less than four millions. We can barely
reckon, therefore, on a receipt of five hundred
millions. Thus, it becomes necessary to provide
in oilier ways for whal is wauling; no1 with a view
FINANCE. 585
to reach the seven hundred millions that are necessary
to us on account of the war, hut to bring up the
receipts of the Republic to six hundred or six hundred
and fifty millions. It will never be able to hold the
rank which its position and the extent of its territory
assign to it in Europe without such a revenue.
" In order to obtain this, we must establish a system
of finance, and create beforehand a system which,
like the excise in England, will enable us to raise
indirect taxes, and to establish, as the need arises,
new branches of revenue.
" If I consulted my own' popularity only, I should
not speak of fresh taxation just now. You shall
see that, owing to the extraordinary resources
procured for us by our influence in Europe, I could
perfectly well dispense with it for this year, perhaps
even for year XIIL, and reckoning, with some
reason, on the i^robability of success in the war in
which we are engaged, I might take the credit to
myself of carrying on that war without imposing
any extra tax. But we must think of the future,
we must not place the Republic under the necessity
of having recourse, at the first reverse to our arms,
to bad financial measures, such as forced loans, war
taxes, or additional centimes on the land-tax, which
is already burdensome to agriculture.
" Thus, the plan presented to you by the Minister
of Finance comprises not only a provision for the
58G MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
needs of the present year, but further, a scheme for
the collection of several branches of indirect taxes,
such as a new tax on all kinds of drink, an in-
creased productiveness on tobacco, and other taxes."
After hearing this address, the Council of State
decided on the bases of a law which established a new
system of taxation on provisions, under the name
of Customs.* It was adopted by the Legislative
Body on the 5th Ventose, year XII. (February 25,
1804), and is in full vigour at the present day,
although the Government which succeeded that of
Napoleon, in order to keep a foolish promise of
abolishing that kind of taxation, changed its name
to that of " indirect contributions." A clever inven-
tion in finance is always sure to prosper.
* Droits-reunis.
( 587 )
CHAPTER XVI.
Reconciliation between Napoleon and Joseph Bonaparte — Real,
Councillor of State, is entrusted with the Superintendence of
Police — Establishment of General Commissioners of Police
in the principal towns of France — Debate on this subject in
the Council of State — Plot against the First Consul's life by
Georges, Cadoudal, and Pichegru — Complicity of Moreau —
Details of the examination of the accused— The Chief
Judge's report on the facts of the case is communicated to
the Chief Bodies of the State — Their replies — Examination
of Moreau's papers by Regnault de Saint Jean-d'Angely and
the Author — State of the contributions levied by Moreau in
Germany — Plan and intentions of the principal conspirators
— Royalist character of the plot — Pichegru and Cadoudal
are arrested — The discoveries made by the Police respecting
this conspiracy compromise indirectly a great number of
persons — Cares and troubles of the First Consul— The Due
d'Enghien is seized at the Chateau d'Ettenheim in Baden
by a detachment of French troops — The Prince is brought
before a military commission at Vincennes, is condemned
to death, and shot — Consternation in Paris — Bonaparte's
speech to the Council of State concerning this event — Ball
given by Talleyrand three days after the death of the
Due d'Enghien.
Everything seemed to succeed with the First
Consul; everything, except the enmity of his
enemies, seemed to yield before him. In despair of
588 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
defeating him on the field of battle, they once more
resorted to the weapons they had formerly employed.
Conspiracies against his life were formed and sub-
sidized in England. On learning the risks daily
incurred by his brother, Joseph Bonaparte's affec-
tionate nature drew him towards the First Consul.
The good understanding that had been broken off
by family differences was restored, and if it was not
entirely proof against some fresh shocks that came
to disturb it, yet, for the time at least, the need of
sympathy and of giving vent to feeling, had renewed
the old confidence on both sides.
In the course of a conversation which took place
after their reconciliation, and which lasted late into
night of the 30th Nivose (January 21), the First-
Consul had freely disclosed his troubles. He made
bitter complaints that in his family he met with
neither support nor assistance ; and especially blamed
his brothers, who took delight in criticising his
conduct, in condemning him when he affected mo-
narchical forms, and who, far from seconding any of
his projects, made it their business, as it were, to
run counter to them all.
" Nor," added he, " do I find more sincerity
anywhere about me; I live in a state of continual
distrust : each day brings forth a fresh plot against
my life ; each day I receive more and more alarming
reporl . The partisans of the Bourbons, as well as
SOME PENALTIES OF AMBITION. 589
the Jacobins, aim at me only, and as both parties
know perfectly well that their only chance is in my
destruction, they are at any rate agreed on that one
point. For a time I thought I had nothing to fear
from the adherents of Louis XVIII., but I have now
good reasons for believing that they too are con-
spiring against me. However, I have made up my
mind, I shall try a descent on England. Victory
would enable me to carry out anything I wished ;
while if, on the contrary, I should fall, it matters
little to me what happens afterwards ! '
The conversation continued long in this melancholy
key, and when it was repeated to me on the following
day, I could but acknowledge that the alarm of the
First Consul was justified. He was so great an
obstacle to the hopes which had been revived by the
renewal of war ; he had done so little to place his
family, his partisans, or even the nation, in a position
to defend themselves when he should be gone ; and he
had made himself so much feared and so little loved,
that among these numerous elements of enmity,
ambition and political combinations, the springing-
up of dangerous conspiracies was inevitable.
It followed, therefore, that the need of an active
and watchful police was urgent. The First Consul,
however, would not re-establish an odious Ministry
that he himself had suppressed two years before.
But he substituted for it a Councillor of State
590 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
specially charged with the direction of the Police,
and Real, to whom those functions were entrusted,
contributed greatly by his activity and penetration
to ward off the dangers that threatened the life of
Bonaparte and the tranquillity of the State. The
appointment of Commissaries-General of Police in
the principal towns of France dates from this period,
and the latter measure became the subject of a
remarkable debate which took place in the Council
of State on the 18th Pluviose. While admitting the
inconvenience of having to appeal to the Legislative
Body every time that it became necessary to appoint
a Commissary-General in any town, the majority of
the Councillors of State were of opinion that it was
indispensable to obtain a general law from the
Legislative Body authorising the Government to
appoint those officials according to the wants of the
administration. I was strongly in favour of this
opinion, as were also the whole section of the
Interior of which I was a member. But the First
Consul refuted it in the following terms :—
" We are no longer," said he, " in the period when
the Legislative Body could be considered as repre-
senting the sovereign, and almost as the sovereign
himself. That was the assumption acted on by 1 lie
Constituent Assembly, and every one knows what
lnisl'ovl lines followed on that system, the confusion
of power and authority thai resulted from it, and the
BONAPABTE'S ABGU3IENT. 591
abyss into which France was thereby plunged. Let
us return to wiser principles ! a Legislative Body is,
from its nature and composition, unfitted to deal with
the administration and to enter into its details. It
cannot either know or judge of its requirements ;
publicity of debate would deprive administra-
tive measures of both the secrecy and the force of
opinion which should attend them, and which alone
can ensure their success. Only generalities should
therefore be submitted to the Legislative Body, and
these should be restricted to purely speculative
subjects, such as the laws of the Civil Code, and of
Procedure, with the addition however of those
concerning Taxation, which should always be
approved by it.
" By adhering to this system, it is evident that
the resistance of the Legislative Body, either to
consent to taxation, or to adopt important measures
on which public opinion may have pronounced,
would have such results that the Government
would be obliged either to have recourse to the
Senate to dissolve the Legislative Body, or to
change its Ministers and its Council, on perceiving
itself to have been led astray or carried too far
by them. These are great and inevitable crises of
which everybody can perceive the advantages and
the dangers, and in which the nation is always in
a condition to judge between the two parties.
592 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
" But to give to the Legislative Body the power of
arresting the operation of the Government in details
— and such would be the infallible result of obliging
the latter to have recourse to it for those details — is
to place the Government in the cruel alternative of
either permitting itself to be impeded at every step,
and thus to concur in its own gradual destruction, or
to have recourse to violent measures not sufficiently
justified by the importance of the matter, and which
would ruin it in public estimation and favour.
" This being premised, I understand that, if the
Legislative Body refuses a law of the Civil Code, or
one concerning the general interests of Society on
which opinion may be divided, we must yield and
consider ourselves beaten without making any
objection. The refusal, therefore, of a tax would
alone oblige us to make use of the means of dissolu-
tion, because every one knows that such a refusal is a
declaration of war against the Government, which in
that case must defend its existence.
" But, in the special case which we are considering,
let us suppose that the Legislative Body refuses the
particular or general law that we should propose to
it; upon this matter, in the first place, we should
have made it the judge of the utility of the measure,
and, as it cannot be a good judge, in the absence of
all information and of all light by which to guide
itself in forming an opinion, a grave inconvenience
BONAPARTE'S ARGUMENT. 593
at once arises ; one all the more grave because
the Legislative Body is never responsible for its
opinion. In the next place, it would have placed
us in the alternative of which I have already spoken,
by forcing us either to renounce a police measure
which we feel to be necessary, or to take the extreme
step of dissolving the Legislative Body, a step which
should be reserved for extraordinary circumstances,
and which in this case would not be recognised as
needful.
" The Section of the Interior and Citizen Miot
have therefore misapprehended the question in assert-
ing as a principle that we must ask for a law. It
is doing no service to the Legislative Body to call
upon it to discuss and decide questions on which it
can, in reality, have no opinion. This was all very
well, when it invaded all the provinces of authority
and regarded itself as sovereign. Such foolish
theories have now passed away. The Government,
the Senate and the Council of State represent the
nation equally with the Legislative Body. We must
follow the spirit of the Constitution, not the letter,
and that Constitution, of which I have been one of
the principal architects, never intended to confer on
a deliberative assembly, essentially foreign to the
administration, an influence on the direction of affairs
which it has expressly, for the sake of the peace and
stability of Europe, reserved to the Government."
vol. i. 2 Q
594 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
After so decided a declaration, there was an end
to discussion. The project of law was abandoned,
and Commissaries-General were appointed by mere
acts of the Government in some of the large towns,
such as Marseilles, Bordeaux, Lyons, Nantes, &c.
Meanwhile, the Paris police, directed by Real,
were on the track of conspiracies formed in England
against the life of the First Consul. They had
arrested an individual named Querelle, and this
man's revelations had led. them step by step to the
discovery of the person who had given shelter to
the famous Georges Cadoudal, who was known to be
iu Paris. This person, an inhabitant of St. Leu-
Taverny, in the valley of Montmorency, was
arrested. But Georges had escaped. At the same
time, thirteen men coming from England, and who
were deceived by the use of signals, which Querelle,
or another accomplice, named Picot, had made
known to the police, landed on the coast near St.
Yalery, and were seized on the spot. In a short
time, the prime movers in this vast conspiracy were
reached, and the chief leaders, among whom were
men hitherto totally unsuspected of a share in it,
were discovered.
On the 25th Plnviose (February 15) an extra-
ordinary sitting of the Council of State was con-
voked. The Ministers were present. The First
Consul presided, and after he had briefly set forth
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 595
the leading features of the plot, he proceeded in
these words :
"It is with great pain that I have now to tell you
that some illustrious names are concerned in this
conspiracy. That Pichegru, already accused and
convicted of treason to his country, should have
consented once more to serve our enemies, does not
surprise me. But that General Moreau should have
joined him, that they should have abjured their
former enmity, to attack me in concert and over-
turn the Government, is what I could never have
supposed, and have only come to believe after a
long investigation. Unfortunately there is no longer
room for doubting this complicity ; Pichegru has
been in Paris for some days past. His purpose in
coming was to guide the assassins, to rally the
malcontents together, and to prepare a disturbance,
and Moreau has seen him, has had several inter-
views with him. I know, in particular, that they
met on Monday last (February 13) on the Boulevard,
near the Madeleine. A man named Lajolais, whose
wife was for a long time Pichegru's mistress, and at
whose house in Paris he lodged, acted as a go-
between for the two Generals, and arranged their
interviews. I have had Moreau arrested. Lajolais
and some other persons implicated are also in
custody. Pichegru is followed.
" The Government lias not acted on suspicion or
2 Q 2
596 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
vague alarms. Both writings and avowals are in
our hands. The whole procedure will be conducted
by the Tribunals, and everybody will be enabled to
convince himself of the reality of the plot, and of
the complicity of the persons I have named.
" All this is the work of England. I am aston-
ished, however, that England has been able to bribe
such men. Because, after all, is not Pichegru the
conqueror of Holland ? Is not Moreau renowned for
his victories ? Was it not Dumouriez who first
conquered Belgium ? Is it not inexplicable that
they could sacrifice so much glory to the passions of
a party, which, if it ever gets the mastery, will but
tarnish that glory, and bring to shame those who
have gained it ?
" I have summoned the Council of State and the
Ministers, to explain to them the causes of an
event which is sure to make a great sensation,
and to give them the means of informing public
opinion, and of preventing it from going astray, or
beyond the reality.
" Things are not yet sufficiently advanced for me
to make them the matter of a message to the dif-
ferent State bodies. Before making the affair more
public, we must wail until the course of procedure
shall have discovered further facts, which will
remove all possibility of doubt from even the most
ill-disposed minds."
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 597
No one having spoken after this communi-
cation, the First Consul brought the sitting to a
close.
The Councillors of State followed him to his
Cabinet, to congratulate him on having escaped a
fresh danger, and when the conversation afterwards
)ecame less restrained, he informed us of several
remarkable circumstances. One of the men who
had been arrested, after making some important
disclosures, had hanged himself. Another, named
Bouvet, one of those principally accused, had tried
to strangle himself with his sheets, and as most
important information was expected from him, it
had been found necessary to promise him a pardon,
and to send the Chief Judge to him to confirm it, so
as to restore him to himself, and calm his excitement.
General Moreau had been arrested on the high road,
as he - was returning from his country-house at
Grosbois, by an officer of the Gendarmerie, who
entered his carriage and drove with him to the
Temple.
On the next day, the 26th Pluviose, at the sitting
of the Council of State, the First Consul, who was
presiding, ordered Real to read to us the result ol
the examinations of the principal persons accused of
the conspiracy. I shall dwell in this place only
on the depositions of Bouvet and Lajolais, which
refer to Generals Pichegru and Moreau, and which
598 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
are still interesting, since they may guide our judg-
ment of these two celebrated men.
Bouvet, whom I mentioned before, was Adjutant-
General in the Royalist army of La Vendee. He
had come from England and landed on the French
coast with Pichegru and Cadoudal, with the sole
purpose of supporting the cause of the Bourbons.
But he had speedily discovered that he was being
tricked by Pichegru, who was working for himself
and for Moreau, whom he meant to place at the
head of the State with the title of Dictator.
Lajolais' information was more precise. The first
part of his examination, in which he declared lie
had never left France, was, however, a tissue of
falsehood. But on being more closely pressed, and
perceiving that the truth was already known, in the
second part of his examination he confessed every-
thing ; he had been in England and had returned to
France with Pichegru in the preceding January, and,
together with another person named David,* he had
acted as go-between for Moreau and Pichegru. The
latter had at first lodged at Chaillot and afterwards
in Paris, where he had three interviews with Moreau.
The last had taken place on the Boulevard between
the Madeleine and the Rue Caumartin. Moreau
This David had been arrested Inwards the end of Brumairc,
year XII., al ( lalais, <>n his return from England, and removed,
in Primaire, to the Temple, in Paris.
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 599
had promised to come to the appointed place at nine
o'clock in the evening. He came wrapped in a long
coat, wearing a round hat. Lajolais recognised him,
and went to apprise Pichegru, who, with Cadoudal,
was waiting in a hackney carriage at the end of the
Rue Basse-du-Rempart. Lajolais brought Pichegru
;o Moreau, and they walked together along that part
of the Boulevard which is situated between the Rue
Neuve-des-Capucines and the Rue Louis-le-Grrand,
which was out of the space brightly illuminated
by the moonlight. Lajolais discreetly withdrew.
He did not assert that Cadoudal was a party to
this interview.
The Chief Judge, accompanied by the Secretary of
the Council of State, had interrogated Moreau on the
preceding evening. His answers, which were read
to us, consisted merely of denials.* He denied that
he had seen Pichegru, and even that he knew he
was in Paris. This system, which the General
himself gave up shortly afterwards, seemed ignoble
and unworthy of him.*
Two days later, the Chief Judge's report containing
the statement of the facts I have just related, was
communicated to the Senate, the Legislative Body
and the Tribunate.
* He afterwards relinquished this system of denial, and on
the 17th of the following Ventose he wrote to the First Consul,
acknowledging himself guilty of some acts of imprudence.
600 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
I was present with the Legislative Body on the
27th Pluviose (February 17) when the report was
read, but it was difficult to judge what impression it
produced ; every one was on his guard. The reply
of the President was well written, but full of affected
warmth. The orator spoke of Charlemagne, and
compared the Founder with the Restorer of the
French Empire. When the Councillors of State
who had been the bearers of the Message from the
Government had withdrawn, the Assembly formed
itself into a general Committee. Several orators,
Vaublanc, Ramon, Coupe and others, spoke with
approval of the measures taken by the Government.
On a motion made by them, it was agreed that a
deputation should be sent to the First Consul.
On the same Message being read to the Tribunate,
General Moreau's brother, who was a member of
that body, rushed into the Tribune and made a fiery,
but incoherent speech. He accused the Chief
Judge's report of being calumnious and untrue, and
still more General Murat's * order of the day, which
had been promulgated the day before. He strongly
nsserted Moreau's innocence, proudly recalled the
* General Murat had boon made Commandant of Paris on
the L'lili L'luviose. Tho order of the day referred to above is
very insulting to Moreau. It was not published in the
•Moniteur,' but may be found in the 4 Publicists ' of the 27th
Pluvid ■■ i.
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 601
victories of a hero so unjustly attacked, and ended
by demanding judges and a public trial for his
brother. Some sensation was produced by this
speech. Cure'e, one of the members of the Tribunate,
replied to his colleague, and lauded the extreme
feeling he had displayed. Treilhard, a Councillor
of State, one of the Government orators, ascended
the Tribune a second time, and promised that the
proper judges for General Moreau should be
entrusted with this important trial.*
On the next day, the 28th Pluviose, the Council of
State was summoned to the First Consul's Cabinet,
to be present at the reception of the deputations
from the Senate, the Legislative Body and the
Tribunate. The discourses of the Senate and the
Legislative Body, pronounced by Berthollet, Vice-
President of the Senate, and Fontanes, President of
the Legislative Body, consisted chiefly of platitudes.
The First Consul responded in similar terms; but,
for the first time, he read his replies. Hitherto
on these occasions he had always spoken extempore.
The address of the Tribunate contained a sort of
apology to General Moreau. Not only did it throw
doubt on his guilt, but it did not even refer to him as
accused, but made use merely of the word ' denuncia-
tion.' This speech deeply offended the First Consul,
* The above is reported briefly aud incorrectly in the
' Moniteur ' of the 28th Pluviose.
G02 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and he allowed his feelings to appear in his reply,
which he pronounced extempore. " The greatness
of Moreau's former services," he exclaimed, " is not
a sufficient motive for removing him from the control
of the law. There can he no Government, if a
man, by reason of his past services, is to he held
to be above the laws, which should apply to him
as to the merest private citizen. What ! Moreau
is already regarded as guilty by the first Bodies
in the State, and you do not even treat him as
accused ! "
On concluding his reply, he abruptly dismissed
the deputation from the Tribunate, and when it had
retired, he continued to converse for some time with
us. He was greatly disturbed ; his agitation and
displeasure were evident.
In the ' Moniteur ' of the succeeding day, which
contains an account of these deputations, the address
from the Tribunate was entirely altered. Every-
thing that had offended the First Consul was sup-
pressed, and Moreau's name did not even appear.
The article added that the First Consul had replied
to the Tribunate in almost the same terms as to the
Senate and Legislative Body, which, as I have just
shown, was far from the truth.
Meanwhile the investigations of the police threw
fresh li,L;lil daily on the conspiracy in which Moreau
was implicated, and left no doubt, if not of his guilt.
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 603
at least of the fact of his recent intercourse with
Pichegru, and his approval of the projects formed for
the overthrow of the Consular Government. At the
time of the General's arrest, the papers found in his
house were handed over to Regnault de Saint Jean-
d'Angely, who requested that I might be associated
with him in the task of examining them. We there-
fore undertook this labour jointly, but I could dis-
cover nothing in any of the documents which were
examined by me that had any reference to the con-
spiracy under investigation. I found some satires
and a few epigrams on Bonaparte and his family in
various letters addressed to Moreau by sundry dis-
satisfied Generals, but they were not worthy of
attention, and I said nothing about them. One docu-
ment was remarkable enough, but as it had no con-
cern with the matter before us, I let it also pass in
silence. This was an account of the contributions
raised in Germany during the years VIII. and IX.
They had amounted to forty-four million francs.
Of this sum, nine millions had not been recovered,
and various other sums were also missing. In short,
the net receipts from these contributions amounted
to twenty-four millions paid over to the Paymaster
General, and eight millions paid over for Moreau's
private use, and of which he had given no account.
Of the latter sum, a certain portion, estimated at
half, had been spent on secret or extraordinary
604 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
service, and distributed as rewards to the Generals
and other officers of the army. The surplus had
apparently remained in the hands of the Commander-
in-Chief.
I was soon relieved from this painful duty.
Shortly after Regnault and I had commenced the
investigation, the papers were all handed over to
General Savary by order of the First Consul, and
I heard no more of them.
But I had been made acquainted by this
occurrence with some of the reports made by the
police, and had an opportunity of forming an
opinion on the whole matter, and on Moreau's
share in it.
To begin with, I became convinced that the plot
against the First Consul's life had really existed ;
that it had been hatched by partisans of the Bour-
bons, suborned by England, although no Englishman
had taken an active part in it. In the next place, it
became equality clear to me that the authors of the
conspiracy would not be satisfied with striking at
Bonaparte, unless they were provided with a man
to put in his place, to occupy the interval that must
necessarily exist between the fall of Bonaparte and
the restoration of the Bourbons. It was evident that,
after striking so great a blow, to leave the result to
chance would be to run the risk of allowing their
greatest enemies to reap all its fruits. On the death
TEE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 605
of Bonaparte, a member of his own family might
succeed him ; a new convention might be formed ;
the Republican party might resume the ascendant ;
the army pronounce in their favour, and thus the
Bourbons be permanently, or at least for a long
time, put aside. The Royalists therefore required
a man who, when Bonaparte was no more, would
easily obtain the suffrages both of the army and of
the nation, whom the Senate could openly select,
and whose appointment would be approved by
public opinion. At the same time this man must be
one who would hold out greater hopes to the Bour-
bons than Bonaparte, for he had realised none of the
expectations that he had for a moment allowed them
to entertain. Moreau, on account of his enmity
to Bonaparte, the spell of his victories, the weakness
of his character and the laxity of his principles, was
the very man that was wanted. Thence the impera-
tive necessity for making sure of him. Pichegru,
already in communication with him through the
intrigues of David and Lajolais (for he would
scarcely have ventured on coming to Paris, if such
communications had not taken place), had under-
taken the negotiation, and it had succeeded. I did
not indeed believe that Moreau had taken any active
part in the scheme of assassination ; but that he had
concerted with Pichegru what was to ensue upon
the event, and the means of taking advantage of it,
006 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
seemed to me to be beyond a doubt.* I also believed
that he had not given his consent to the return of
the Bourbons, and that the possibility of retaining
the supreme power for himself, or, at the most, of
sharing it with Pichegru, had occurred to him, and
inspired him with the hope of reaping all the
benefits of the crime committed by the partisans of
the Bourbons. Thus, he was clearly not working for
them, and if he served them, it was without his know-
ledge. Moreover, Pichegru would probably not
have insisted strongly on the point ; in the first place,
because he recognised the necessity of a less abrupt
transition between Bonaparte and the Bourbons ; and
secondly, because the matter of real importance was
to raise Moreau to the first rank, to make sure of his
numerous partisans, and above all to get rid of the
Bonaparte family and the generals of the army of
Italy. I was the more confirmed in my opinion that
the coalition between Moreau and the Royalists had
been made with that reservation, because, inde-
pendently of the prize thus offered to Moreau's
ambition in the future, he could not doubt that the
adherence of a considerable number of his partisans,
* Ileal had told me that one of tho accused, named Holland,
when under examination said that Moreau, in reply to an
overture that had been made to him concerning the plot, had
used the following si l;i ii liea nt words : "Let Piehegru undertake
to rid me of the three Consuls and of the Governor; I am sure
of the Si n ate."
I
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. G07
and the approval of the Senate must depend on the
certainty they would feel that he had no intention
of bringing back the Bourbons. Even Cadoudal
must have been made a party to the transaction, and
must have consented to it ; because, although the fill
of Bonaparte and the rise of Moreau would not bring
about the immediate restoration of the Bourbons, it
was nevertheless a great step in their favour. But
it had been impossible to confide all these things
to Cadoudal's followers, or to make them understand
the necessity for this modification. At the first
suspicion of an agreement between Moreau and
Pichegru which had not for its objects the immediate
recall of the Bourbons, they would naturally take
alarm and manifest dissatisfaction. In such a con-
junction of things, if one of them was apprised of the
truth, it followed that he would betray Moreau and
Pichegru. This was precisely what occurred on the
arrest of Bouvet, who, desiring to labour for the Bour-
bons only, did not hesitate, on receiving a promise
of pardon for himself, to make admissions that
implicated Moreau. Without those admissions the
General's name would not have appeared in this affair.
Such is the light in which I regarded at that
period the whole conspiracy and the machinery
which had put it in motion. The sequel confirmed
my first impressions, and I now remain convinced that
the design and progress of the plot were such as I have
G08 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
just indicated. The causes of its failure are equally
plain. The web, no doubt, was strongly woven, and
its ramifications were widely extended ; for such men
as Dumouriez (who, although he remained in the
background, had a great part in its execution) and
Pichegru would not have gone so far, if they had
not been certain of strong support from within. The
readiness with which returned or amnestied emigre's
accepted places, their influence in the electoral
colleges, which they entered in crowds, announced,
not indeed their conversion to the system then
prevailing in France, or their gratitude to the First
Consul, but their hopes of a restoration of the former
order of things, and their desire of a complete
counter-revolution. If Moreau would have con-
sented to lead the army in the same direction
(which his military renown might perhaps have
made it easy for him to do) he might have
played the part of Monk, for which he was, by
character, more fitted than Bonaparte, who had
always rejected and despised it. But unity of design
was wanting to this great conspiracy. Moreau
wanted, by overthrowing Bonaparte, to avenge
himself and to usurp his place; he took no account
of the Bourbons. The exclusive partisans of the
limirboiis desired their restoration only, and would
consent to no compromise on that point. The
medium party, which hoped either to share the
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIBACY. 609
supreme power with Moreau, or to make use of him,
so as to bring back the Bourbons at a later period,
stood between the two extremes, and was suspected
by both. Thus, so soon as the conspiracy was detected
by spies, and one of its members was arrested,
the police had but to flatter personal interests, or to
excite personal resentments, in order to lay hold of
the thread. This was accordingly clone, and Moreau
appeared on the scene. Pichegru and Georges
Cadoudal were betrayed by their own followers, and
fell into the hands of the police.* Notwithstanding
the suppression of trial by jury in the case of crimes
against the State, a suppression that had been
decreed by a Senatus-Consultum ; notwithstanding
further modifications in the usual manner of con-
ducting criminal trials, proceedings could only be
taken against individuals actually accused of having
taken part in the conspiracy, and could not therefore
touch all those persons who were indicated by the
police reports as being, if not actors, at least secret
abettors of the attempt against the existence of the
Government and the person of its Chief. The greater
number of these were returned emigres, who had
* Pichegru, having been betrayed by a stockbroker named
Leblanc, was arrested on the 8th Ventose in the Rue de
Chabanais. Georges Cadoudal was arrested on the 18ih of the
same month, after a desperate resistance. The gates of Paris
had been closed for several days, and this measure ensured the
capture of Cadoudal.
VOL. I. 2 R
610 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
been sufferers by the events of the 18th Fructidor,
year V. ; some of them were even members of the
Senate.
These discoveries and the suspicions which they
excited deprived the First Consul of all repose. His
troubles increased daily. The Bourbon Princes were
said to be ready to return to France ; he was asked
to believe that some of them were already in Paris.
He was made to feel the impossibility of baffling so
many conspiracies by the simple machinery of
ordinary law. Some strong measure, some coup
cVJEtatwixs needed to bring these constantly recurring
troubles to an end, and to tranquillise, not only the
partisans of the Revolution, but also members of
the old noblesse, and those returned emigres, who,
having accepted appointments, in the army, the
administration, and even in the household of
Bonaparte, all equally dreaded the return of the
Bourbons.
The First Consul, thus urged by two opposite
parties, who for the moment united to attain a
common end, influenced also by the instinct of
self-preservation, and above all by the hope of
raising an enduring and insurmountable barrier
between France and the Bourbons, resolved on
striking a decisive blow, for which Talleyrand
prepared the way.
It was known in Paris thai the Due d'Enghien
THE CADOUDAL CONSPIRACY. 611
was residing at the castle of Ettenheim, in the
Margravate of Baden, with the Princess Charlotte of
Rohan-Rochefort. The presence of the Duke in
such close vicinity to the French frontier might, in
the present difficult conjuncture, be supposed to be
a reasonable cause of uneasiness to the Government
by contributing to encourage the hopes of its
enemies. Nothing therefore could have been more
simple than to require from the Margrave of Baden
the dismissal of a guest whose presence had become
an obstacle to the continuance of a good understand-
ing between the two countries. Such a request
would have been reasonable, and doubtless it would
not have been refused. But this measure, the only
one that justice could approve, was indecisive and
insignificant. More than this was required, or at
least Bonaparte thought so, to satisfy and tranquillise
the few remaining Jacobins and also those members
of the nobility who had come over to his side.
Talleyrand, who was at the head of the ' noble ' party,
and at the same time Minister of Exterior Relations,
did not shrink from taking steps in the latter
capacity to arrive at a far more definite result. He
wrote to the Margrave of Baden, in the name of
the First Consul, informing him that a detachment
of French troops had orders to arrest the Due
d'Enghien, and the letter, which was afterwards
published, and some portions of which were known
2 r 2
G12 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
in Paris at the time, contained the following remark-
able sentence. " The conduct of the Bourbons
towards the First Consul gives him a right to pursue
and to take them in every place, and by any means
whatsoever." A false and odious maxim, subversive
of the first principles of the rights of man, and of
the reciprocal independence of nations !
Canlaincourt, who was ordered to arrest the Due
d'Enghien, set about his task with the greatest
despatch. He sent a detachment from the garrison
of Strasburg to the castle of Ettenheim. The Prince
was taken by force, was removed first to the fortress
of Strasburg, and taken from thence, travelling post,
to Paris. I heard these particulars on the evening
of the 28th Ventose (March 10) from Joseph
Bonaparte, who had been in complete ignorance of
the affair until then. We puzzled our brains over
the motives of this extraordinary proceeding ; we
were very far from foreseeing its end.
On the following day, some of the newspapers
announced the arrest of the Prince, but the ' Moniteur'
made no mention of the fact.
The next, morning, the 30th Ventose (March 21),
I. :md some of my colleagues, were at Regnault do
St. Jean-d'Angely'e house; Joseph Bonaparte was
there also. We were discussing what ought to be
done about the Prince who had been arrested at
Ettenheim; and endeavouring to forecast the effect
THE BUG D'ENGHIEN. 613
that would be produced by either severity or
clemency. But while we were thus conversing,
the fate of him of whom we spoke was already
decided ; that unfortunate Prince was no longer in
existence.
According* to accounts we received while we were
still at Regnault's house, the Due d'Enghien, ac-
companied by an officer of gendarmerie who had
shared his carriage from Strasburg, arrived on the
preceding evening at the barrier of Pantin. An
officer in command there ordered the carriage to be
turned back. Some uncertainty as to the execution
of that order had caused a short delay. Finally an
orderly officer brought positive instructions that
the Prince should be taken to Yincennes. This was
done by driving round the outskirts of Paris, along
the fortifications. He arrived at his journey's end
at seven in the evening, and was imprisoned in the
Keep. A few hours later a court-martial* was
formed, the Due d'Enghien was brought before it,
and sentence was pronounced on the spot.f The
Prince was unanimously condemned to death, taken
* The Court consisted of five officers of the rank of Colonel,
a Captain of Gendarmerie acting as reporter, and a Captain of
Infantry of the Line as Kegistrar. Their names are given in
the 'Moniteur' of the 1st Germinal. The President of the
Court was General Hullin.
t As the sentence was passed after midnight, it is dated the
30th Ventose, year XII. (March 21, 1804).
614 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT DE ME LI TO.
at daybreak to the castle moat, and shot by the
gendarmes.
It would be difficult to describe the sensation
which this occurrence produced in Paris. Disturb-
ance, dismay and consternation prevailed. People
did not dare either to speak together or to ask any
questions. This first blood shed under circumstances
so terrible and revolting, this first stain on a
character that until then had been free from all
reproach of cruelty, this adoption of the forms of
the Revolutionary Tribunals during the Conven-
tion, created profound alarm. It looked like a sign
of interior change, like the development of evil
passions, of which this deed was but a first mani-
festation. People feared that the First Consul,
having once entered on this sanguinary path, would
not be able to draw back from it. They trembled to
see him surrounded by servile instruments, and judges
who were ready to condemn the accused before he
had been brought before them. Happily these
sinister forebodings were not realised. The blood
spilt on that fatal occasion was precious, that cannot
be disputed; the sentence was iniquitous; but it
is the solitary instance in which, during the whole
of ln's tenure of power, Bonaparte deserved such a
reproach,
On being brought before the Court, the Due
d'Enghien had at once admitted that lie had borne
THE DUC D'ENGHIEN. fil5
arms against France. "I have been proscribed,"
he said, " for fifteen years, and, having no longer a
country, I have made war on France, but I have
made it honourably."
He denied that he had any part in the projected
assassination of the First Consul, and declared that
he had never been implicated in any plot of that
nature.
On learning his sentence, he demanded to speak
with the First Consul ; but an interview, which
would perhaps have prevented a crime, was refused
to him.
During the rest of the week marked by this fatal
catastrophe, Bonaparte remained at Malmaison alone
with his wife, an officer of the Guard, a Prefect of
the Palace, and a Lady-in-Waiting. No other person
had dined with him, and Madame Bonaparte was
forbidden to receive any other lady.
It was said at the time that she had urgently in-
terceded with her husband to obtain the life of the
Due d'Enghien, but that all her entreaties had failed
to shake his determination. But, although her well-
known kindness of heart places it beyond a doubt
that she would have made every effort to save the
Prince, had she known of his impending fate, it is
difficult to believe that she had an opportunity of
doing so. How, indeed, could she have made the
attempt, however natural it would have been, in the
016 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
short time that elapsed between the sentence and the
execution ? *
Fouche' had at first been named among the
dangerous advisers whose counsels had been followed
by Bonaparte ; but, in addition to its being very
unlikely that the First Consul asked the advice of
any one, a rumour prevailed that Fouche' had been
opposed to the death of the Due d'Enghien, and he
was said to have made use of the expression, which
has since then become famous : " It is more than a
crime, it is a blunder." Talleyrand was said to
have been in favour of the death-sentence, and to
have gone too far for retreat. But I caunot speak
with certainty on this point. Joseph Bonaparte, the
only person who could have enlightened me, either
did not know the facts, or did not choose to confide
them to me.
Several papers had been seized at Ettenheim ;
among them was a list of persons in France on
whom the Prince might have relied. This list was
said to contain the names of certain Councillors of
State, such as Barbe'-Marbois, Simeon, Portalis and
others. It has been proved by subsequent events
that iliese imputations were not unfounded; it is
therefore all the more remarkable that no injury re-
* The sentence had been pronounced at Vincennes between
two and three in the morning, and at four o'clock it was
executed. See note by the translators in the Appendix.
AFTER THE DEED. 617
suited from them to the persons involved. They con-
tinued to enjoy Bonaparte's favour and to serve him
so long as his power lasted. These reports, however,
whether true or false, had spread general alarm ; the
most absurd rumours were circulated. A Bourbon
Prince was, it was said, concealed in the house of the
Austrian Minister, who had given him an asylum ;
Duroc had gone to Vienna to negotiate for permis-
sion to search the ambassador's house, &c. In short,
general alarm prevailed, and, as the Government
had restricted itself to publishing an account of the
court-martial at Vincennes in the ' Moniteur ' of
the 1st Germinal without adding any explanation,
that alarm was increased by all that Parisian
credulity chose to add to the reality.
The First Consul emerged at last from his re-
tirement. He appeared at the Council of State
on the 3rd Germinal, and delivered the following
speech, which I consigned to writing on the same
dav : —
" I can scarcely conceive that in so enlightened a
city as Paris, in the capital of a great empire, such
ridiculous rumours can be credited as those which
have been circulating for the last few days. How
can any one believe that a Bourbon Prince is here,
that he is hiding at the German Ambassador's house,
and that I have not dared to have him arrested !
People who believe this must know me very little ;
618 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
and must have a poor idea of the policy that should
guide the Government. If the Due de Berry, if any
Bourbon were in hiding at the house of M. de
' Cobentzel,* I should not only have had him seized,
but shot on the same day, and M. de Cobentzel with
him. If the Archduke Charles were in Paris, and
he had afforded an asylum to one of those Princes,
I should have done the very same thing ; he
should have been shot. We live no longer in the
time of sanctuary. We are not obliged, as were the
Athenians,! to respect the temple of Minerva, which
had to be unroofed so that a general who had fled
thither might be seized because the people dared not
take him within the precinct. Europe and the
nations are ruled by other ideas at the present day.
To suppose that I have despatched Duroc (who has
not left Paris) to the Emperor to obtain permission to
search the house of bis ambassador, when one of our
greatest enemies is supposed to be in hiding there,
is to degrade France to the level of the pettiest
republics of Europe, to that of Genoa or of Venice ;
and yet even the latter ordered the arrest of the
Marquis de Bedmar.J Such rumours, such suspicions
* Count Philip von Cobentzel was at that time Austrian
Ambassador m Paris.
f This quotation is inoorreot. The oircumstanoe ocourredat
Sparta with regard to Pausanias, who had taken refuge in the
temple of the Minerva of Chalcis.
% Their is an error here also. The Marquis de Bedraar was
AFTER THE DEED. 619
as these are derogatory to me, and also to the ambas-
sador of whom I have no reason to complain. I
have therefore thought it right to make the Council
of State acquainted with the whole truth, so that the
men who compose it may rectify public opinion and
direct it towards more reasonable conclusions."
" I have, moreover," continued the First Consul,
after a short interval, " caused the Senate to be
informed of the particulars of the correspondence
organised by Drake ; * they also shall be laid before
the Council, which will be enabled to judge of the
not arrested by the Venetian Senate ; but his house was
searched, and he made loud complaints on the subject. He
appeared before the Senate to defend himself in person against
the accusation in question. The Senate could only protect him
from the fury of the people by sending him under escort to the
place of embarkation.
These errors are of no real importance, and do not detract
from the rude eloquence of this remarkable speech.
* Drake, an envoy from England to Munich, where he was
residing in 1803 and 1804, gained celebrity as a spy, and by
the intrigues which he carried on during his various missions.
Papers relating to a correspondence he had organised in the
interior of France were laid before the Senate. They were
also sent to all the members of the Diplomatic Body in Paris,
who replied, in the name of their respective Courts, by assur-
ances of absolute adhesion to the First Consul. These replies
may be seen in the ' Moniteur ' of the 7th Germinal, year XII. ;
they vie with each other in adulation. See also the ' Moniteur '
of the 4th Germinal, in which these documents are published,
also a pamphlet, by Mehee, which appeared at this time with the
title of ' Alliance des Jacobins avec le ministere Anglais.'
620 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
principles by which the English Ministers are
guided, and whether we owe much consideration to
those, who under the cloak of diplomacy organise
assassination and atrocious crimes. We shall see
what is due to a family whose members have
become the base tools of England. Let not France
deceive herself! For her there will be neither
peace nor quiet until the last Bourbon shall have
been exterminated. I had one of them seized at
Ettenheim. On my first request, the Margrave con-
sented to my seizing him, and how, indeed, should
the law of nations be claimed by those who have
planned an assassination, who give orders for it, and
pay for it ? By such a deed alone they put them-
selves beyond the pale of European nations.* And
then people talk to me of the right of sanctuary, of
violation of territory ! What utter nonsense ! They
know me very little. My veins run with blood, not
water.
''However, I am bound to state, that in this city of
Paris those men found neither shelter nor partisans.
None of the returned or amnestied emigres are
implicated. Hitherto, I protest I have had no
reason to complain of them. Perhaps in their
hearts they may have desired a change, but it
belongs to God alone to look into the conscience;
<
This is (lie dangerous maxim Laid down in Talleyrand's
letter to the Margrave "l' Baden
O'
AFTER THE DEED. 621
I can only judge of actions.* Therefore I am far
from changing the maxims of Government, far from
condemning a number of people in a mass. I shall
seize and I shall strike guilty individuals, but I shall
take no wholesale measures. I repeat it, the maxims
of the Government shall not be chano;ed.
" I ordered the prompt trial and execution of the
Due d'Enghien, so that the returned emigres might
not be led into temptation. I feared that the long
delays of a trial, the solemnity of condemnation, might
revive sentiments that they could not have refrained
from exhibiting ; and that I might have been obliged
to hand them over to the police, thus extending
instead of narrowing the circle of the guilty ,f
" The Duke was, moreover, tried by a court-
martial, to which he was amenable ; he had borne
arms against France, he had made war on us. By
his death, he has repaid a part of the blood of two
millions of French citizens who perished in that war.
It will be seen by the papers we have seized that
he had established himself at Ettenheim so as to carry
on a correspondence with the interior of France.
I arrested him in the Margravate of Baden. Who
knows whether I might not also have seized the
* Such a principle cannot be too much praised in the head
of a Government.
j He had said to Truguet, two days before, " Well, there is
one Bourbon the less ! I wished to spare him the terror of
death by having him shot at once."
622 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
other Bourbons who are living at Warsaw ? Do
people suppose that they live there without ray
knowledge ? On the contrary, they live there
entirely because of my consent. Paul,* who was a
man of logical mind, after making peace with me,
himself proposed to banish the Bourbons from his
states. Austria would shelter none of them, and
I shall not make peace with England until she
consents to the total expulsion of the Bourbons and
the emigres.
" But, as it was necessary to allow them to live
somewhere, Warsaw was named, and I consented to
this. I went even farther ; on the proposition of
the King of Prussia, and in order to withdraw the
remaining members of the family from the influence
of England, I was resolved on making them a
suitable allowance, and I believe that in so doing
the Republic would have made a political sacrifice
favourable to its tranquillity. I am aware of the
ridiculous rumours to which this negotiation has
given rise ; it was said that I had exacted from
those Princes a renunciation of the Throne/j" and
that their refusal to comply with that condition had
caused the whole negotiation to fail. There is not a
* Tlio Emperor of Russia, who was assassinated in March
1801. Be had, in truth, conceived a passionate attachment to
Bonaparte.
f This alludes to his letter to Louis XVIII.
A RECEPTION. 623
particle of truth in this absurd story ; the facts are
those I have just laid before you."
The First Consul paused after the above words ;
he then transacted some business of little importance
and broke up the sitting at an early hour.
On the following day, Sunday, the 4th Germinal
(March 25), he held a reception at the Tuileries, at
which the various authorities, generals and other
persons of distinction hastened to present themselves.
He conversed with everybody, repeated in part what
he had said to the Council of State, used the same
arguments, and seemed on the whole to be seeking
for general approbation. A deputation from the
Legislative Body, which had risen on the previous
day, was also received by him, and President
Fontanes, who was spokesman, delivered an emphatic
panegyric of the First Consul, but did not in any
way allude to the terrible event that was in the
thoughts of all. The words "Republic" and
" Bourbons " did not even occur in his speech.
Meanwhile the gates of Paris remained closed,
and the prosecution of all those who had taken part
in the conspiracy was carried on. Two of the
Polignacs, M. de Riviere, and several others, had
been arrested.
Amid all these scenes of terror and alarm, M. de
Talleyrand found means to distinguish himself by a
piece of egregious flattery. On the 3rd Germinal,
624 MEMOIRS OF COUNT MIOT BE MELITO.
three days after the death of the Due d'Enghien, he
gave a ball. Two months previously Madame de
Talleyrand had refused to be present at a ball,
inadvertently fixed by M. de Cobentzel for the 21st
January, the anniversary of the death of Louis
XVI. " How could one dance on such a day as
that ? " she had said. And M. de Cobentzel post-
poned the festivity. What then can we think of such
scrupulousness, and of the indecency of giving an
entertainment, as it were, to the crack of the
muskets which had just shot a near kinsman of that
same Louis XVI. ! Nevertheless, the keen and
painful sensation created in Paris by that grave
catastrophe rapidly subsided, or at least it was care-
fully ignored by the habitual courtiers of power.
As for the people of Paris, their curiosity was soon
attracted to other subjects, and they forgot an event
which at first had strongly moved them. Besides,
it must be owned, they neither remembered nor
loved the Bourbons, of whom they had quite lost
sight. And they had, unfortunately, been too long
accustomed to scenes of bloodshed, for this one
to strike them as more extraordinary or more
distressing than so many others which they had
witnessed.
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J. S. Mill. Helen Taylor, Editor of " The Works of Buckle," &c.
8 Sampson Low, Mars ton, 6° Co.'s
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4. Francis I. and the Renaissance.
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Canada. By W. Fraser Rae, Author of "Westward by
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io Sampson Low, Marston, 6° Co.'s
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2. "Weber. By Sir Julius
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List of Publications. 1 3
ZJTAA r DBOOK to the Charities of London. See Low's.
of Embroidery ; which see.
to the Principal Schools of England. See Practical.
Half-Hours of Blind Man's Holiday ; or, Summer and Winter
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Hall (IF. IF.) How to Live Long; or, 1408 Health Maxims,
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England. See Guizot.
Trance. See Guizot.
14 Sampson Low, Marston, 6° Co.'s
History of Russia. See Ram baud.
Merchant Shipping. See Lindsay.
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Hymnal Companion to Book of Common Prayer. See
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List of Publications. 1 5
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1 6 Sampson Low, Marston, 6^ Co.'s
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