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 41)
 
 •iv
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 The Task of the Twentieth 
 Century 
 
 By 
 FREDERICK LYNCH 
 
 Author of '-''The Enlargement of Life " 
 '■Is Life Worth Living" etc. 
 
 «, 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 ANDREW CARNEGIE 
 
 New York Chicago Toronto 
 Fleming H. Revell Company 
 
 London and Edinburgh
 
 Copyright, 1911, by 
 FLEMING H. REVELL COMPANY 
 
 New York: 158 Fifth Avenue 
 Chicago: 80 Wabash Avenue 
 Toronto: 25 Richmond Street, W. 
 London: 21 Paternoster Square 
 Edinburgh: 100 Princes Street
 
 J>- 
 
 This book is dedicated 
 to 
 ^ ALBERT K. SMILEY 
 
 ^ as an appreciation of his 
 
 -\(^ untiring efforts in the cause 
 
 of internatio7ial good-will 
 
 and 
 
 as a tribute of personal 
 gratitude for his many in- 
 stances of kindly hospitality 
 
 2113S9
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 IHAV red this book from beginning to 
 end with interest and profit. The record 
 is truthfully told and we see beyond all 
 question that the path of man is ever upward 
 and onward, so that just as he has abolisht 
 cannibalism and no longer eats his fellows, or 
 tortures, burns or slays his prisoners, and has 
 abolisht private war (duelling) in English- 
 speaking lands, so the killing of man by man 
 in international war is as certain to follow as 
 the sun is to shine, and nations, like indi- 
 viduals, are to settle their disputes in courts 
 of justice, neither man nor nations sitting as 
 judges in their own cause. 
 
 The author pays to President Taft no un- 
 due credit, for he was first among rulers to 
 unfurl the banner of unrestricted international 
 judicial arbitration of disputes, — and thou- 
 sands of years hence his will be one of the 
 few names posterity will still preserv as the 
 man of our century or of all centuries, who 
 did most to banish the last, but the foulest, 
 blot upon our so-cald civilization, provided 
 
 [5]
 
 Introduction 
 
 he stands as Lincoln did, devoted to the 
 cause he has made his own, of which the 
 writer entertains not one shadow of dout. 
 
 I hope large editions of this book will be 
 circulated by our peace organizations among 
 those we can interest in the noblest of all 
 causes, the abolition of the savage practise of 
 men killing each other like wild beasts. 
 
 [6]
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 I. The Task of the Twentieth Cen- 
 
 tury 
 
 II. All the World in One Room 
 
 III. The Substitution of Reason for 
 
 Force 
 
 IV. The United World Against the 
 
 Common Foes . 
 
 V. International Hospitality 
 
 VI. Many Other Signs of the New 
 
 Unity 
 
 VII. The Obstacles in the Way 
 
 VIII. The Immediate Task . 
 
 9 
 15 
 
 29 
 
 44 
 67 
 
 81 
 100 
 
 113 
 
 [7]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 THE TASK OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 THE nineteenth century was one of 
 national development. It was a pe- 
 riod of nations finding themselves. 
 Germany passed from a group of scattered 
 and unrelated states into a powerful and uni- 
 fied empire. Her industrial development has 
 been marvellous. The spirit of nationality 
 has spread throughout the empire and the 
 Fatherland stands a great, compact organ- 
 ism, one in spirit and one in purpose. Japan 
 is another illustration, one of the most signifi- 
 cant of all, because of the rapidity with which 
 the national development has proceeded. At 
 the beginning of the last century an unheard 
 of, unambitious, uninfluential, dormant na- 
 tion ; during the century she has become a 
 great, industrial centre, awake to the best 
 learning of the world, a military power of 
 first rank, a leader in the great East, with a 
 constitutional government bordering upon 
 
 [9]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 democracy. It is needless to refer to our 
 land. From a little handful of jealous states 
 bordering on the eastern ocean it has become 
 the great republic of the world, one and in- 
 divisible. It has worked out the problem of 
 democracy ; at least to that point that democ- 
 racy is shown to be the political theory of the 
 future. It has been developing its national 
 resources, building railroads, founding schools 
 and colleges, and solidifying its vast interests. 
 It has passed through great struggles, but 
 it not only has saved itself but has made 
 a union which in many respects is the model 
 for the world. It has, every year, received 
 many hundreds of thousands of aliens, coming 
 from every conceivable form of government 
 and no government, of every religion, race, 
 ideal, colour, tongue, and has succeeded, with 
 phenomenal success, considering the circum- 
 stances, in moulding them over into Ameri- 
 can citizens and unifying them all into a 
 nation which, while in composition the most 
 heterogeneous on the earth, in spirit is as 
 homogeneous as any. What has been true 
 of these nations has been true of all. The 
 nineteenth century was one of national de- 
 velopment. 
 
 [lO]
 
 Task of the Twe?iticth Ce?itury 
 
 The twentieth century, which we have just 
 entered, is to be one of international develop- 
 ment. What has happened in countries, with 
 states, is to happen, at least in spirit, in the 
 world, with nations. While we might not 
 venture to say with some prophets that the 
 end of the twentieth century will witness the 
 United Nations of the World, as the end of the 
 nineteenth century witnessed a perfected 
 United States of America, no one who has 
 closely observed the movements gathering 
 greatest headway at the beginning of this 
 century can fail to see that the century is 
 to witness a somewhat similar unifying proc- 
 ess among the nations to that which the 
 nineteenth century witnessed among the 
 states. As the states turned from state ag- 
 grandizement, regardless of other states, to 
 consider the common welfare of the nation, 
 so the nations of the world are going to 
 drop their policies of isolation for one of 
 common purpose and welfare. As the states 
 abandoned their habit of going to war over 
 their disputes, and established a supreme 
 court of states at Washington, w^here now^ all 
 differences are settled by arbitration, so the 
 nations are going less and less to make war
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 upon each other, and to establish a su- 
 preme court of nations at which all their dis- 
 putes will be settled by arbitration. As the 
 states have developed a large parliament 
 or congress of states at Washington, made 
 up of delegates from all the states, which 
 makes laws for the states and debates ques- 
 tions affecting all the states, yet each state 
 keeps its own congress, or parliament, or as- 
 sembly, so the nations will develop a great 
 parliament of nations, which shall pass laws 
 affecting all the nations and shall debate 
 questions of interest to all while each nation 
 retains its own parliament. Indeed, as we 
 shall see in a moment, this parliament of man, 
 in a sense, has already been realized in the 
 Second Hague Conference of 1907. And just 
 as the states have learned to hold unofficial 
 conferences to consider the welfare of the 
 nation, as witness the recent conference of all 
 the governors at Washington, and just as all 
 state, religious, philanthropic, and scientific, 
 organizations hold national conferences, so 
 the officials of the nations and the national or- 
 ganizations, religious and secular, are going 
 more and more to hold unofficial, international 
 conferences and congresses ; and just as in 
 
 [12]
 
 Task of the Twentieth Century 
 
 the nation we have all of us come to that 
 point where we do not think of ourselves as 
 citizens of our state so much as citizens of 
 the United States, so the twentieth century 
 will witness a growth of the sense of inter- 
 national citizenship — a sense of belonging- 
 to the great, closely-knit brotherhood of as- 
 piring man, which if not as deep-rooted as 
 our sense of national citizenship will closely 
 approximate to it. This sense of world citi- 
 zenship is already not unknown among the 
 prophets. And just as the states have be- 
 come big enough in their sympathies to de- 
 sire for all the other states what they desire 
 for themselves and to erect no barriers be- 
 tween state and state, and to bear upon their 
 hearts supremely the welfare of the nation, so 
 the twentieth century will witness the nations 
 foregoing the old selfish policies of isolation, 
 and striving altogether for one common wel- 
 fare and achievement, in a federation which 
 shall insure justice, right understanding, and 
 happiness for all. 
 
 It is the purpose of this book to bring to 
 attention certain happenings of this century, 
 hardly yet begun, which show how irresist- 
 ible and inevitable this movement towards 
 
 [13]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 international development and federation of 
 the nations already is. When, at the begin- 
 ning of the century, Mr, W. T. Stead wrote 
 his prophetic book, " The Americanization of 
 the World," everybody praised the brilliancy 
 of the book, the daring prophecy in its pages, 
 but no one believed. Only ten years have 
 passed, and all who are watching the hap- 
 penings of the world not only now feel its 
 probability, but cannot help noting that it is 
 to be the real trend and task of the century. 
 Everything is setting that way. A calendar 
 of the events of only one year, the year 1909, 
 making for the federation and peace of the 
 world, was recently prepared and in it are 
 entered fifty great events. In fact almost 
 every great event of 1909 was of an interna- 
 tional nature. So significant were these 
 events of just one year, so many were they, 
 that we could largely confine ourselves to a 
 consideration of them, and by one year alone 
 show the remarkable trend of this century to 
 be international unity as the trend of the last 
 century was national unity. 
 
 [■4]
 
 II 
 
 ALL THE WORLD IN ONE ROOM 
 
 THERE are several great movements 
 characteristic of our century, which, 
 although the century has seen ten 
 years only, have already become so common 
 that they are printed almost without head- 
 lines in the papers, and have within them 
 such international significance that not only 
 are they signs of and help towards the 
 federation of the world, but are already 
 actual realization of world unity and federa- 
 tion. The most outstanding of these is the 
 Second Hague Conference. For there we 
 have all the world in one room at last. 
 
 It is very significant that the century 
 should have been ushered in by half the 
 world in one room. For the First Hague 
 Conference came just as the new century 
 was about to be born — on May i8, 1899. It 
 was called by the Tzar of Russia, but he was 
 simply acting as the voice of the world. 
 The time had come. It was almost as if 
 Providence wanted to dedicate the new 
 
 [15]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 century to this new thing. For some years 
 the Tzar had been brooding over the grow- 
 ing burden of armaments and the menace 
 of militarism in Europe. Then came Jean 
 de Bloch's great book, "The Future of War," 
 showing the cost and misery of wars of the 
 future. The Tzar became so interested that 
 in 1896 he sent a special commissioner to 
 Budapest to the meeting of the Inter-Parlia- 
 mentary Union. The report was so sanguine 
 that the Tzar called the First Hague Con- 
 ference. The call sent a thrill throughout 
 the world. Many were sceptical, but the 
 prophets saw the beginning of a new era. 
 They knew this century was to witness the 
 unification of the world. The conference in 
 itself really accomplished much, although it 
 was the first of such gatherings and met 
 with no distinct idea of just what it was to 
 do. It immediately resolved itself into three 
 committees, one on new rules of warfare, one 
 on arbitration, one on disarmament. The 
 committee on disarmament could not come 
 to any agreement and the conference accom- 
 plished nothing in this regard. But in the 
 other two points it took great steps forward. 
 Three declarations were made regarding 
 
 [16]
 
 All the IF^orld in One Roo?n 
 
 rules of warfare, but the great legacy of the 
 First Hague Conference was the convention 
 in sixty-one articles, for the Pacific Settlement 
 of International Controversies. This called 
 for the creation of a Permanent International 
 Court of Arbitration, the special mediation be- 
 tween warring nations of neutral powers, and 
 International Commissions of Inquiry in cases 
 where disputes chiefly concerned facts. Sev- 
 eral of the nations present endeavoured to get 
 suggestions for a general system of arbitra- 
 tion incorporated, but it was too soon. But 
 what an omen it was of the new century that 
 half the world should be together debating 
 world unity. Thus the mind of all the world 
 was turned in this direction at the beginning. 
 The nations went home to continue the work 
 and up to the meeting of the Second Confer- 
 ence, nine years after, the new principles 
 were before the world. It was not long 
 before twenty-two of the nations had ap- 
 proved the conventions and appointed their 
 delegates to the Permanent International 
 Tribunal. Each nation was allowed four 
 members in the tribunal. A Permanent 
 Bureau was established at The Hague under 
 the control of the ministers of the nations at 
 
 [17]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 the Netherlands. After a while the corner- 
 stone was laid of a magnificent palace for 
 the housing of the court, which was pre- 
 sented by Andrew Carnegie. As we shall 
 see later, cases were soon sent to this tri- 
 bunal, the United States having sent the first 
 one. The fact of the tribunal being in 
 existence has prevented wars, as in the case 
 of Russia and Great Britain over the North 
 Sea incident. The clause on the usefulness 
 of the intervention of neutral powers made 
 it possible \ol President Roosevelt to inter- 
 fere between Russia and Japan. Best of all 
 a new habit of thought began to take posses- 
 sion of the world. 
 
 The First Hague Conference was a happy 
 augury. But the great thing of the new cen- 
 tury is, as we remarked, that in its first dec- 
 ade, in 1907, all the world was in one room. 
 For only four nations, and they insignificant, 
 and at the time full of internal problems, were 
 absent, Costa Rica, Honduras, Abyssinia, and 
 Liberia. When the writer reached The Hague 
 upon a Friday afternoon he found an invita- 
 tion awaiting him for a reception to be given 
 by the delegates from the United States to 
 the delegates from the other nations. He at- 
 
 [18]
 
 All the Woi'ld in One Room 
 
 tended the reception, which occurred at the 
 Palace Hotel, Schevenningen, and there he 
 saw what had never before been seen by any- 
 one in the long history of the world. For the 
 first time in human history all the world was 
 in one room. This in itself was worth all the 
 Second Hague Conference cost, and this alone 
 would have marked a great step forward in 
 the history of the world. These delegates 
 from every land were in the same room for 
 four months, considering all this time the 
 things that make for world unity, and inter- 
 national peace. Had they done nothing but 
 confer, that would have been of great value, 
 for it would have prepared the way for other 
 conferences, as it did in this case. 
 
 But the Second Hague Conference made 
 some very definite and momentous steps 
 towards world unity. It passed fourteen con- 
 ventions, every one of which cemented the 
 ties of the nations in more or less degree and 
 brought federation nearer. Here are the 
 most important of these conventions. 
 
 The First Convention or Resolution as we 
 in America would say, enlarged the scope of 
 the Convention of the First Hague Conference 
 of 1899 for Pacific Settlement of International 
 
 [19]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 Disputes. Where the convention of 1899 said 
 that intervention of neutral powers might be 
 useful in times of belligerency between two 
 nations, the Conference of 1907 added the 
 word desirable. This addition was no doubt 
 suggested to the nations by the success of 
 President Roosevelt's intervention in the war 
 between Russia and Japan, just as that was 
 made possible by the convention adopted by 
 the First Hague Conference. This First Con- 
 vention also provides that of two powers in a 
 dispute either one may go to The Hague Court 
 and demand arbitration even if the other power 
 does not agree to ask arbitration. Previously 
 both powers party to the dispute had to agree 
 before the arbitration could be asked. Now 
 one can put its case before the public opinion 
 of the world, so to speak, even though the 
 other has refused to arbitrate. One of the 
 leading delegates to the Second Conference 
 has said that he doubts if any nation would be 
 either able or willing to defy this public opin- 
 ion if its enemy had demanded arbitration. 
 
 The Second Convention was one of far- 
 reaching consequence flowing from the bill in- 
 troduced by General Horace Porter, the dele- 
 gate of the United States, referring to the col- 
 
 [20]
 
 All the Wo7^ld i?i One Room 
 
 lecting of contractual debts. It provides that 
 the powers shall not have resource to armed 
 force to collect debts which a country claims 
 are due to some of its citizens, until an of^er 
 of arbitration properly made has either been 
 refused or ignored. If arbitration is accepted 
 the judgment is also to determine whether 
 the claim is well founded or not. The sig- 
 nificance of this convention will be compre- 
 hended only when we remember how many 
 wars of the past have arisen over these con- 
 tractual debts. More than one sociologist 
 has expressed the opinion that this one con- 
 vention has put one-fourth of future wars be- 
 yond the realm of possibility. 
 
 The Ninth Convention forbids the bom- 
 bardment of or the laying of tribute on unforti- 
 fied towns. This not only reduces the area of 
 wars but makes any government hesitate to 
 enter upon wars with the object of pillage 
 which has played a large part in the wars of 
 the past, and the promise of which has been 
 as fuel to flames already lit by other motives. 
 
 TheTwelfth Convention was a great gain for 
 internationalism, in the provision for an Inter- 
 national Prize Court. Hereafter, instead of a 
 court of the nation which has captured the 
 
 [21]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 prizes, deciding whether the capture is just or 
 not, an impartial court, made up of other pow- 
 ers, is to pronounce upon it. This has always 
 been a cause of much friction between nations, 
 often involving other nations in a war which 
 was being waged between only two. Thus a 
 great cause of animosity is removed. But 
 best of all it extends the principle of interna- 
 tionalism into a new and wide field. Here, as 
 has so often happened in history, the framers 
 of this convention were building infinitely 
 greater than they knew, for after much ear- 
 nest but ineffectual striving for some method 
 of constituting a permanent court of arbitral 
 justice, such as the Second Conference unan- 
 imously voted was desirable, the Secretary of 
 State of the United States has recommended 
 that the powers of this prize court be extended 
 to cover all international disputes, and, as we 
 shall see later, his recommendations are meet- 
 ing with very gratifying response from all the 
 powers to which they have been submitted. 
 Except for the lesser the greater could not 
 have come so easily. 
 
 These are the four great conventions. But 
 the other ten are of much greater significance 
 than the world has seemed to realize. Ihny 
 
 [22]
 
 All the World i?i One Room 
 
 step at all in international good-will is a 
 great step, because it makes the next step 
 possible and because it fosters the world 
 habit of thought. , These remaining ten re- 
 late to the regulation of warfare on sea and 
 land, the inviolability of neutral powers and 
 of postal correspondence, the necessity of 
 declaring the intention of entering upon a 
 war before beginning it, the dropping of ex- 
 plosives from balloons, etc. They are all 
 distinct gains because they are all along the 
 line of mercy and the protection of both 
 those engaged and those unengaged in the 
 actual conflict. They all call for more and 
 more international cooperation. 
 
 Yet, after all this has been said, it was the 
 untabulated results of the conference, the as- 
 pirations voiced, the vociix passed, but not 
 embodied in conventions, the work begun 
 but not finished, the things laid out for future 
 conferences to do, that were the great results 
 of the meeting of the nations. /-The historian, 
 a hundred years hence, will point to the be- 
 ginning of this century as one of the turning 
 points in civilization, if only because all the 
 nations committed themselves to the idea of 
 a Permanent Court of Arbitral Justice. Fcx' 
 
 [23] ^
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 the Second Hague Conference voted unan- 
 imously on this point. We should have had 
 the court to-day except for the fact that the 
 nations could not agree upon the method of 
 its constitution. Naturally the great powers 
 desired proper representation upon its bench. 
 But the South American states contended 
 eagerly for the principle of the moral equality 
 of all states, and insisted on the same right 
 of representation upon the court. But equal 
 representation from all nations would make 
 a parliament or legislature, not a court. 
 The constituting of the court thus offered in- 
 surmountable difficulties for the conference. 
 It adjourned committed to the plan, and with 
 the intention of studying methods of constitu- 
 tion so that the Third Conference might find it 
 an actuality or make it such. How sincere the 
 conference was in this regard is seen in the 
 fact that the present Secretary of State, as we 
 have seen, has already sent an identic note 
 to the great powers, suggesting that the 
 powers which have agreed upon a Prize 
 Court constitute a Court of Arbitral Justice 
 whether the other nations of the world join 
 them or not. It is believed that these other 
 nations will be glad to join, indeed, will 
 
 [24]
 
 All the World in One Room 
 
 actually be compelled to join by the world- 
 feeling. At this writing the outlook for this 
 court is most promising. At the Sixteenth 
 Annual Lake Mohonk Conference of Inter- 
 national Arbitration, Mr. James Brown Scott, 
 who was legal adviser to the delegates from 
 the United States to the Second Hague Con- 
 ference, and is now solicitor for the State 
 Department, uttered these significant words : 
 
 "The Secretary of State, the Hon. Philan- 
 der C. Knox, authorizes and directs me to say 
 officially that the responses to the identic cir- 
 cular note have been so favourable, and mani- 
 fest such a willingness and desire on the part 
 of the leading nations to constitute a Court of 
 Arbitral Justice, that he believes a truly per- 
 manent Court of Arbitral Justice, composed of 
 judges acting under a sense of judicial respon- 
 sibility, representing the various judicial sys- 
 tems of the world and capable of insuring the 
 continuity of arbitral jurisprudence, will be es- 
 tablished in the immediate future, and that the 
 Third Peace Conference will find it in success- 
 ful operation at The Hague." 
 
 It had been generally hoped that the 
 Second Hague Conference would be able 
 to pass a general treaty of obligatory 
 arbitration, wherein all the nations would 
 agree to submit certain classes of disputes, at 
 
 [25]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 least, to the arbitration of a tribunal. While 
 the failure to pass such a treaty was a disap- 
 pointment to many, yet the progress the con- 
 ference actually made in this regard was 
 really remarkable when one considers how 
 new the idea is to many nations, how scep- 
 tical Germany has been of the idea, until re- 
 cently, and what emphasis the conference 
 really did lay on arbitration after all. For, 
 in the first place, thirty-five out of the forty- 
 four nations present voted in favour of the 
 general treaty. Most of the nine nations not 
 voting for it would have done so, had not 
 Germany stood out against it. But Ger- 
 many was careful to clear herself against any 
 imputation of not endorsing the principle of 
 arbitration, for she explicitly declared that 
 while she did not think it wise to involve 
 herself in a general treaty with some small 
 and weak nations which she deemed irre- 
 sponsible, she endorsed the principle and 
 stood ready to conclude treaties with other 
 nations at once. Thus at the beginning of 
 this century we find thirty-five of the nations 
 voting for a general treaty of arbitration, all 
 the nations of the world endorsing the prin- 
 ciple and ready to conclude treaties in pairs, 
 
 [26]
 
 All the JFoi^ld in One Room 
 
 and for several weeks the whole world con- 
 cerned with the discussion of arbitration 
 rather than war. Some of us even feel that 
 the prospects of getting so many more ques- 
 tions included in the treaty which will proba- 
 bly be passed in the Third Conference are so 
 bright, since President Taft has declared him- 
 self in favour of including all questions, even 
 so-called questions of vital honour in arbitra- 
 tion treaties, that it is perhaps just as well 
 that the general treaty was not concluded, 
 although all the nations endorsed it. 
 
 Some one has said that the greatest thing 
 the Second Hague Conference did was to 
 vote for a Third Conference. In a sense this 
 is true. In voting for its permanency and 
 continuation it constituted a permanent 
 world-legislative body. We already have 
 the " Parliament of Man," which Tennyson 
 prophesied and the beginning of the Federa- 
 tion of the World. The Permanent Court 
 will be that much of the world federated as 
 shall be represented upon it. In closing this 
 chapter let us say again that the great thing 
 after all is that the century opens with all the 
 world in one room considering the task of 
 the twentieth century, namely the federation 
 
 [27]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 of the nations. The very fact that these men 
 of every race and country were together on 
 such intimate terms for so long a time, has 
 done much to turn the current of men's 
 thoughts and feeUngs. Nations understand 
 one another better now. Europe discovered 
 South America for the first time. It was a 
 great thing to bring South America into the 
 concert of the world. The music played was 
 more and more harmonious. Many preju- 
 dices were wiped away, and angles rubbed 
 smooth by common contact. Nations which 
 came suspicious of other nations went away 
 friends. A habit of peace-talk instead of 
 war-talk was formed. It has grown and will 
 grow even on to the Third Conference when 
 much more will be accomplished. It has de- 
 clared the task of the twentieth century to 
 the world. 
 
 [28]
 
 Ill 
 
 THE SUBSTITUTION OF REASON FOR FORCE 
 
 THE second group of facts which show 
 not only that this trend towards in- 
 ternational unity is going on in our 
 century but is moving with most incredible 
 swiftness is the unparallelled signing of arbi- 
 tration treaties. The writer was fortunate 
 enough to visit the Franco-British Exhibition 
 in London, in 1908. This exhibition itself 
 was held to celebrate a treaty of peace. It 
 was arranged by the French and English 
 governments in celebration of the treaty 
 signed by them in 1907, called the ente^ile 
 cordiale, binding England and France to 
 stand together for the Peace of Europe. One 
 of the most conspicuous features of the exhi- 
 bition was a great map of the world hanging 
 on the walls of the main building, with bright, 
 red lines extending from nation to nation. 
 At first the writer thought these lines must be 
 steamboat routes or cables, but then he no- 
 ticed that they crossed the land as well as 
 seas, and extended from capital to capital. 
 
 [29]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 What he really discovered was that these 
 lines united those nations between which ar- 
 bitration treaties existed, and the map was 
 red with them. Had this map been drawn 
 in the nineteenth century there would not 
 have been treaties enough to have made it 
 worth while. After only eight years of the 
 twentieth century there were over sixty of 
 these lines. During the first fifty years of the 
 last century very little was heard of arbitra- 
 tion. During the first ten years of the twen- 
 tieth century ninety-si^ arbitration treaties 
 have been signed.' All previous centuries 
 have witnessed ten wars to one arbitration 
 treaty. The first ten years of the twentieth 
 century has witnessed fifty treaties to one 
 war^^ It looks as though this were going to 
 be the age of treaties rather than the age of 
 wars, the century of reason, rather than the 
 century of force. And every treaty is a 
 golden band uniting nations into one. 
 
 These treaties are being formed so rapidly 
 
 ' For a list of these treaties, a truly remarkable achievement 
 in ten years, see the interesting jiamphlet, " International Ar- 
 bitration at the Opening of the Twentieth Century," by Benja- 
 min F. Trueblood, published by the American Peace Society, 
 Boston, Mass, 
 
 [30]
 
 Suhstitiitio?i of Reason for Force 
 
 among the nations of the earth that it is hard 
 for us who are unaccustomed to these new 
 things which have come upon us so suddenly 
 to appreciate their significance. They are 
 signs that the world has entered upon a new 
 era. Of course the two meetings of The 
 Hague Conference have had a wonderful ef- 
 fect upon the concluding of these treaties. 
 Before the meeting of these conferences, and 
 during the latter part of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, several attempts were made to conclude 
 such treaties, but they were unavailing. In 
 1883, for instance, attempts were made to se- 
 cure a treaty between Switzerland and the 
 United States. Curiously enough, our nation, 
 which now leads in the arbitration movement, 
 was the nation to reject the of^er, it having 
 been made by Switzerland. At the Pan- 
 American Conference in 1889-1890 a general 
 treaty for the American republics was drafted 
 but it was never ratified. Great efforts were 
 made by Sir Randall Cremer and others, 
 American as well as British seers and 
 statesmen, to secure a treaty between Great 
 Britain and the United States. In 1897 Mr. 
 Olney and Mr. Paunceforte signed such a 
 treaty, but the United States Senate would 
 
 [31]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 not ratify it. Other attempts were made be- 
 tween other nations, but failed. It was the 
 century of national unification, but the idea 
 of world unity had not yet come, in force, to 
 our statesmen. But after The Hague Confer- 
 ence, at the beginning of this century, all this 
 was changed. 
 
 As we saw in the last chapter, while the 
 nations at The Hague could not quite unani- 
 mously agree upon a general treaty of obli- 
 gatory arbitration, they unanimously commit- 
 ted themselves to the arbitration idea, and 
 pledged themselves to conclude treaties among 
 themselves. We must also remember that 
 thirty-four nations stood ready to conclude a 
 general treaty. It is one of the promising 
 signs of the times that the nations have been 
 true to their expressed endorsement of the 
 principles, and, as we saw, have already con- 
 cluded ninety-six in this century. Our own 
 country, under the able leadership of that 
 great Secretary of State and peacemaker, 
 Elihu Root, signed, during Mr. Root's term 
 of office, twenty-four. Treaties with France, 
 Great Britain, Switzerland, Norway, Spain, 
 Portugal, Japan, Denmark, Italy, Mexico, Hol- 
 land, Sweden, China and Brazil were signed 
 
 [32]
 
 Substitution of Reaso?i for Force 
 
 by our government in 1908 alone. The five 
 Central American states, Nicaragua, Costa 
 Rica, Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, 
 signed a treaty agreeing to refer all disputes 
 arising among them to an International 
 Court at Cartago, Costa Rica, since changed 
 to San Jose, and Andrew Carnegie, Esq., that 
 prince of peacemakers, has erected a build- 
 ing for the court. A home for the Bureau of 
 American Republics has recently been dedi- 
 cated at Washington — a beautiful marble 
 building costing nearly a million dollars, also 
 presented by Mr. Carnegie. By common ac- 
 clamation it is always referred to as " The 
 Peace Palace," and a great part of the work of 
 the bureau will be the peaceful settlement of 
 disputes among the American republics in con- 
 formity with arbitration treaties already signed 
 and others which will rapidly be signed. 
 
 The most perfect of these arbitration 
 treaties in existence is the one made between 
 Chile and Argentina. It covers all disputes. 
 In 1901, a dispute arose over a boundary 
 line high up in the Andes, dividing the two 
 nations. Eighty thousand acres of land, 
 containing some valuable water privileges, 
 was the bone of contention. Any war that 
 
 [33]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 might settle it would cost one hundred times 
 more than the land was worth to either 
 nation. But nations do not go to war for 
 values, but to have their own ways. Prepa- 
 rations for war began between these two 
 poor and overburdened nations. They be- 
 gan increasing their armaments with all 
 speed possible. They were taxing the un- 
 fortunate citizens at the rate of five dollars 
 per capita, annually. The British ministers 
 residing in the capitals of the two countries 
 saw the absurdity and crime of such a war 
 and began to urge upon the two countries a 
 peaceable settlement of the claims. The 
 Bishop of San Juan de Cuyo, Argentina, Dr. 
 Marcoline Benavente, and Dr. Ramon Angel 
 Jara, Bishop of San Carlos de Ancud, Chile, 
 supported the British ministers. The bishops 
 travelled throughout their respective coun- 
 tries pleading with the people to calm their 
 revengeful passions, to refrain from a hor- 
 rible and criminal war that would not settle 
 which nation was right, but only which was 
 strongest or could endure the longest, to 
 remember that all were brothers and of the 
 same faith, and to settle their difficulties not 
 by the shedding of blood, but in the spirit of 
 
 [34]
 
 Substitution of Reason for Force 
 
 Christ. When, on Easter Sunday, 1900, 
 Bishop Benavente was making such appeals 
 as these for peace, he suggested that a statue 
 of Christ be placed high up on the Andes, 
 on the boundary line of the two nations, 
 where the connecting road between them 
 crossed the summit. The women of the 
 two nations greatly aided the bishops 
 and British ministers. The rulers were 
 touched by the popular feeling. It was 
 agreed to submit the question to King 
 Edward for arbitration. He chose eminent 
 jurists and scientists who went thoroughly 
 through the whole question and eventually 
 submitted a decision, which distributed the 
 land between the two nations. Both were 
 perfectly satisfied and were so pleased with 
 the success of the arbitration that they 
 immediately concluded a treaty agreeing to 
 submit all disputes to arbitration for five 
 years. This treaty, signed in June, 1903, is 
 the Jirst arbitration treaty ever concluded 
 which covers all cases. 
 
 The immediate result of this treaty was 
 that the money which had already begun to 
 flow into battle-ships and arsenals was now 
 diverted to other and beneficial sources. 
 
 [35]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 Technical schools were founded, harbours 
 were improved. The commercial fleets were 
 enlarged, and good roads constructed. Best 
 of all a great trans-Andean railroad was built, 
 connecting the two countries. The natural 
 distrust of the two nations, which had kept 
 them in a continual broil for sixty years, 
 passed away with the signing of this treaty. 
 Then Bishop Benavente's suggestion of the 
 statue of Christ on the boundary line was 
 recalled and Sefiora de Costa, president of 
 the Christian Mother's Association of Buenos 
 Ayres, soon collected the necessary funds. 
 The statue was cast at the arsenal of Buenos 
 Ayres from old cannon taken from the 
 ancient fortress outside the city. When the 
 statue was finished a great delegation came 
 from Chile to Buenos Ayres and there was a 
 week's festivities. In February, 1904, the 
 great statue was hauled up the mountains on 
 gun carriages and with the delegates from 
 Chile standing in Argentina and those repre- 
 senting Argentina standing in Chile, the 
 statue was erected, section by section, to 
 music, and dedicated to the peace of the 
 whole world. The statue of Christ, in bronze, 
 twenty-six feet high, stands on a great globe 
 
 [36]
 
 Substitiitio?t of Reason for Force 
 
 of the world. A granite shaft holds the 
 globe high in air. The Christ holds a cross 
 in the left hand while the right hand is 
 stretched out in blessing over the world. 
 On the base is a bronze tablet with these 
 words: "Sooner shall these mountains 
 crumble into dust than Argentines and 
 Chileans break the peace to which they have 
 pledged themselves at the feet of Christ the 
 Redeemer." 
 
 We have told this story at length because 
 it is typical. It shows the new spirit that 
 has come over the world. It is as much an 
 indication of the direction of the new century 
 as was the meeting of all the world at The 
 Hague, and the establishing of a permanent 
 tribunal. It shows, too, the practicability of 
 arbitration. When the critic says, "Arbitra- 
 tion will not work," we say, " Look at 
 Argentina and Chile; it has worked." When 
 the critic says, " You cannot settle all ques- 
 tions by arbitration, you must except those 
 of vital honour," we say, " Argentina and 
 Chile have agreed to settle all questions." 
 Indeed the tendency to include all questions 
 in treaties grows stronger and stronger since 
 this case of arbitration worked so well. 
 
 [37] 
 211389
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 When, in 1905, Norway and Sweden peace- 
 fully separated, they drew up a treaty in 
 which they agreed to submit all questions, 
 excepting those involving national honour, 
 to arbitration, but they inserted the proviso 
 that the question of honour should also be 
 subject to the arbitrators. By this treaty, 
 Norway and Sweden are saving vast sums 
 of money for social, industrial and educa- 
 tional benefit that otherwise would have 
 been put into armament. (By and by we 
 shall all see what fools we are, and put the 
 millions we are now spending on great, 
 useless hulks, with which to fight fancied 
 enemies, into fighting the only real enemies 
 any nation has to-day, corruption, corporate 
 greed, tuberculosis^ typhoid, saloons and 
 other subtler foes. 1 It is always worth re- 
 membering that the money spent in one 
 battle-ship would build a Harvard University 
 and then leave enough to build a Tuskeegee 
 and a Hampton Institute. An arbitration 
 costs perhaps $1,000,000. Mrs. Lucia Ames 
 Mead has called attention to the fact that 
 " Three weeks before Paul Kruger's ' Ultima- 
 tum' Joseph Chamberlain, British Minister, 
 refused to refer the difficulties to an arbitration 
 
 [38]
 
 Substitution of Reason for Force 
 
 board of two Dutch and three British chief 
 justices. Had he done so, England would 
 have saved three years of bitterness, a set- 
 back to all local progress and reform, and 
 the hatred of a people who lost 20,000 
 women and children in concentration camps ; 
 she would have saved $1,100,000,000, which 
 might have given that third of England's 
 population who are living in dire poverty on 
 less than six dollars a week per family the 
 following things : 
 
 "100 Old People's Homes at 5 100, 000 each. 
 1,000 Public Playgrounds at $50,000 each. 
 1,000 Public Libraries at $50,000 each. 
 1,000 Trade Schools at $200,000 each. 
 
 500 Hospitals at $200,000 each. 
 3,000 Public Schools at $100,000 each. 
 150,000 Workingmen's Houses at $2,000 each." 
 
 Two years after the war, England was 
 paying $400,000 a week to keep up her 
 army in South Africa, while one quarter of 
 her own people at home went hungry. 
 
 This is generally the difference in cost 
 between war and arbitration. War never 
 settles what is right, but only who is 
 strongest. The nations are seeing this and 
 the treaties increase. Before long they will 
 
 [39]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 include all questions. It is significant that 
 President Taft at a peace society dinner in 
 New York in 1910 should say that he saw no 
 reason why questions of so-called honour 
 should not be included in arbitration treaties. 
 Meantime we should remember that every 
 one of these partial treaties removes a large 
 number of future wars out of the range of 
 possibility. And not only this, they cover 
 more cases than are written in the text of the 
 treaty. For where these treaties leave 
 certain points, such as questions affecting 
 vital honour or interference with territorial 
 boundaries, untouched, the very fact that 
 there exists an arbitration treaty covering 
 other things inclines the nations to consider 
 arbitration concerning these other and greater 
 things before resorting to war. And since 
 practically every case covered by these 
 treaties, which has been settled by arbitra- 
 tion, has convinced the nations that it is the 
 more excellent way, the first thought is to 
 try and see if a dispute not covered by them 
 could not also be peacefully adjusted. Every 
 treaty, no matter how limited, turns the 
 thought towards peaceful tribunals and sets 
 a habit. So that the one hundred treaties 
 
 [40]
 
 Substitution of Reason for Force 
 
 already signed in this century have, perhaps, 
 removed sixty per cent, of wars out of the 
 range of probability. 
 
 Also, before passing to the third group of 
 signs of the growing brotherhood of nations, 
 we should notice that many friendly com- 
 pacts and treaties, not exactly arbitration 
 treaties, but suggested and made possible 
 by them, are being drawn up in our day and 
 are accomplishing the same results of 
 cementing nations and preventing wars. 
 Thus during 1908 alone these things hap- 
 pened : England and France signed a treaty 
 of alliance, an entente cordiale, which pledges 
 them to stand together to preserve the peace 
 of Europe. When one remembers that there 
 was a time when France and England did 
 nothing but fight each other, when such 
 speeches were common as Bedford makes in 
 "King Henry VI— Part I," "Bonfires in 
 France forthwith I am to make " — and after- 
 wards " Ten thousand soldiers with me I will 
 take, whose bloody deeds shall make all 
 Europe quake," one can see what advance 
 the spirit of good-will among the nations 
 has made. The two nations celebrated this 
 rapprochement by a great Franco- British 
 
 [41]
 
 The Peace Pt^oblem 
 
 exposition in London, to which reference has 
 been made. A treaty was signed by Russia, 
 Great Britain and Norway making Norway 
 neutral ground. A declaration was signed 
 in Berlin by Germany, Denmark, France, 
 Great Britain, and Sweden, neutralizing all 
 land bordering on the North Sea. At almost 
 the same time a declaration was signed in 
 St. Petersburg by Russia, Germany, Den- 
 mark, and Sweden neutralizing all land bor- 
 dering on the Baltic Sea. An agreement 
 was signed by the United States and Japan 
 insuring the peace of the Pacific — simply a 
 friendly compact of the two nations to set 
 weaker nations free from worry — a thing 
 that would have been impossible in the last 
 century, as also would have been impossible 
 the most Christian thing the United States 
 ever did, namely, to remit $14,000,000 in- 
 demnity which China owed, awaking in 
 China such gratitude that she sent a special 
 delegate of highest rank to personally thank 
 our government, and has begun to send five 
 hundred students a year to study in American 
 universities on the income of this sum. All 
 these, and seventeen arbitration treaties were 
 signed in 1908 alone. In 1808 nothing was 
 
 [42]
 
 Substitution of Reason for Force 
 
 signed. At present other and greater treaties 
 than any of these are under negotiation. If 
 ever in history any movement grew so fast, 
 or if any century of moral fulfillment ever 
 opened with such auspicious signs we do not 
 know it. If achievements signify anything, 
 this century should not be far advanced be- 
 fore there will be a general arbitration treaty 
 of all civilized nations agreeing to refer ali 
 disputes to a permanent court. 
 
 [43]
 
 IV 
 
 THE UNITED WORLD AGAINST THE 
 COMMON FOES 
 
 THESE two things to which we have 
 referred as indications of rapidly 
 growing world unity, Hague confer- 
 ences and arbitration treaties, are official. 
 They are the direct acts of nations and are 
 participated in by governments. The dele- 
 gates represent their governments somewhat 
 as an ambassador represents his nation 
 abroad. And while the nation has, after- 
 wards, to ratify what its delegate votes for at 
 The Hague Conference, yet the delegate, as 
 he speaks, is his country speaking before the 
 world. 
 
 But there is another kind of international 
 gathering becoming bewilderingly frequent, 
 entirely unofficial in its nature, which is 
 nevertheless almost as indicative of coming 
 international oneness and world federation as 
 are the official gatherings. We refer to the 
 great international and pan-congresses meet- 
 ing almost weekly during the summer months 
 in various cities of the world. These con- 
 
 [44]
 
 Against the Com??io?i Foes 
 
 gresses are peculiarly symptomatic of this 
 century. To be sure they were held in the 
 last century, but they have become one of the 
 most promising features of this century. This 
 century opens with practically every society 
 and organization international, and holding 
 stated world congresses. One has only to 
 think of the great religious institutions to see 
 how true this is. All the denominations of 
 churches, the Young Men's Christian Associa- 
 tion, the Christian Endeavour Society, the 
 Missionary Societies hold international con- 
 gresses. But it is true of all other organiza- 
 tions to-day, of all the scientific societies, the 
 commercial organizations, the trades unions, 
 the socialists, the political and legal associa- 
 tions, the literary and philological movements, 
 the great fraternities, such as the Masons. 
 Indeed any organization to gain general re- 
 ception to-day must be universal. /The day 
 of sectarianism in any kind of truth i9> passing 
 very fast. Provincialism is almost impossi- 
 ble in the electric thought sympathies of our 
 day. Even religious people are no longer in- 
 terested in denominational truth. No one 
 longer wants Methodist, Presbyterian, Bap- 
 tist, or Episcopal truth. More and more, in- 
 
 [45]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 telligent men do not want American truth. 
 Even patriotism is being transformed into a 
 cosmopolitan interest in the common aspira- 
 tions and welfare of all lands. A truth to stir 
 one man to-day must be large enough for the 
 needs of all. The writer has had occasion 
 during the first ten years of this century to 
 address hundreds of audiences, of every creed 
 and denomination, and he has found the truth 
 that really stirred them was always that which 
 rose above either religious or political sec- 
 tarianism, even above nationalism into the 
 universal realm. A truth to really stir America 
 must be big enough for Germany and Great 
 Britain^/ 
 
 A list of organizations that hold interna- 
 tional congresses has been made and they 
 number over two hundred. As we said, 
 these organizations all hold stated interna- 
 tional congresses more and more frequently. 
 Thus the year 1908 alone witnessed fifteen of 
 these great gatherings and several semi-in- 
 ternational congresses to which we cannot 
 here refer. But one cannot follow these gath- 
 erings in 1908 without feeling that each one 
 of them put a stone into the rapidly growing 
 temple of human brotherhood and good-will 
 
 [46]
 
 Agai7ist the Common Foes 
 
 For they made, in every instance, the men of 
 many nations one, while the conference lasted, 
 and surely the oneness and the friendship 
 will persist. Let us look at some of these of 
 1908, for they are typical. In February dele- 
 gates assembled from all over South America 
 for the express purpose of founding a South 
 American Peace Society, in which every state 
 should have representation. The avowed 
 purpose is that whenever rumours of war arise 
 anywhere in that continent, this society, rep- 
 resenting all the nations, shall speak and act 
 to allay the war frenzy or secure the dispute 
 being put to arbitration. At the close of the 
 congress one of the delegates remarked that 
 since all they who were present were con- 
 vinced that they were brothers and were ready 
 to put every dispute to arbitration, there was 
 no reason why they could not make all their 
 fellow-countrymen feel as they did. If this 
 group could only multiply itself into the whole 
 population there would be no war in South 
 America. Yet it is towards this that such a 
 congress tends. For these men are the lead- 
 ers at home, and they also convert many com- 
 patriots to their feeling. 
 
 In June, 1908, the great Pan-Anglican 
 
 [47]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 Congress was held in London, followed by 
 the Congress of the Episcopal Bishops. To 
 this congress came delegates from every 
 nation. They were in session for several 
 weeks and not only consulted together how 
 to unitedly further special Christian reforms 
 they had at heart, and how to redeem the 
 backward nations from their darkness, but 
 they gave up special sessions to consider- 
 ing this very plan of federating the world 
 and making a permanent international peace. 
 They could rot help doing this. It is in 
 the very air of our century. Not only 
 were most encouraging resolutions passed 
 and brotherly words spoken at their special 
 sessions, but the thought kept cropping out 
 through all the sessions. It leads us to ask 
 what use to redeem the world if some war 
 between two nations is to undo it all and 
 plunge the people back into the darkness of 
 lust and enmity ? How can one serve Christ 
 while hating his brother ? Why talk about 
 membership in Christ's kingdom being the 
 supreme good when next year some petty 
 quarrel over a strip of land or some silly ques- 
 tion of honour, — as if the honour of any man 
 was ever hurt except bv himself, or any nation 
 
 [48]
 
 A g a 171 St the Com?7io?i Foes 
 
 lost her honour except through her own de- 
 generate acts, — will call forth a narrow 
 nationalism that will sweep all sense of 
 Christian brotherhood to the winds ! This 
 Pan-Anglican Congress was followed during 
 the summer in rapid succession by world 
 congresses of the Congregationalists at Edin- 
 burgh, the Roman Catholics at London, and 
 the Baptists in Berlin. In all of these con- 
 gresses this question of the new brother- 
 hood of nations, the common oneness of 
 humanity, the cessation of wars, the feder- 
 ation of the world was again and again re- 
 turned to. No utterance at the International 
 Congregational Congress at Edinburgh, for 
 instance, awakened such hearty response and 
 such volumes of applause as one to the efiEect 
 that the time had gone by for Christians to 
 be fighting each other when they should al- 
 together be fighting the evil of the world. 
 The best utterances of the congress all rose 
 to this point of human brotherhood, culmi- 
 nating in Dr. Amory H. Bradford's prophetic 
 sermon in St. Gile's Cathedral, with its out- 
 look on the world so united in its common 
 passion for righteousness that nations forgot 
 to quarrel among themselves, 
 
 [49]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 But perhaps the best instance of any, 
 among religious conventions, was the great 
 World's Missionary Congress held in Edin- 
 burgh in the summer of 1910. Here every 
 Christian denomination, except two, was rep- 
 resented. Here both national and sectarian 
 lines were broken down in a common en- 
 thusiasm for humanity. Here the question 
 of human brotherhood obliterated all mention 
 of gain for any one church or country. Here 
 the necessity of all good men of every nation 
 uniting to fight the sin of all nations brought 
 the folly of international wars home to all. 
 This congress, declared by many to have 
 been the greatest council the Church has 
 ever held, more far-reaching in its influence 
 than the Council of Nice even, became of 
 necessity a great council of international 
 peace. 
 
 The nineteenth century witnessed several 
 international peace congresses. The first 
 time men from Europe and America met to- 
 gether to consider the peace of the world 
 was in London in 1843. Elihu Burritt, the 
 great peace prophet, convoked another con- 
 gress in Brussels in 1848. The most noted 
 of those of the last century was the one held 
 
 [50]
 
 Against the Common Foes 
 
 in Paris in 1849 whicli had a large attend- 
 ance and was presided over by Victor Hugo. 
 It was at this congress that Victor Hugo ut- 
 tered his famous word on armaments. 
 
 / 
 
 / " A day will come when a cannon-ball will 
 be exhibited in public museums, just as an in- 
 strument of torture is now, and people will be 
 amazed that such a thing could ever have been. 
 A day will come when these two immense 
 groups, the United States of America and the 
 United States of Europe, will be seen placed in 
 the presence of each other, extending the hand 
 of fellowship across the ocean, exchanging their 
 produce, their industries, their arts, their 
 genius, clearing the earth, peopling the desert, 
 improving creation under the eye of the Crea- 
 tor, and uniting, for the good of all, these two 
 irresistible and infinite powers, the fraternity 
 of men and the power of God." 
 
 / 
 There were two other nineteenth century- 
 congresses, in 1850 and 185 1, one in Frank- 
 fort and one in London, and then there 
 was a lapse of thirty years before another 
 world peace congress was called in Lon- 
 don in 1889. But now they are held 
 statedly every year and are drawing more 
 and more delegates and exercising greater 
 and greater influence. Going from country 
 to country every year they not only exercise 
 
 [51]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 this great world influence by bringing the 
 prophets of all countries together, and by- 
 showing the world this yearly spectacle of 
 all the nations in one room talking world 
 harmony and federation, but they make a 
 deep impression on the people where the 
 congress is held. This has been especially 
 noticeable in the congresses of this century 
 held in Paris, Lucerne, Milan, Boston, Mu- 
 nich and London. The congress in London 
 came immediately after the Church con- 
 gresses of 1908. It was banqueted by the 
 government, and addressed by King Edward 
 VII, the Prime Minister, and the Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer. Many nations were rep- 
 resented and the deliberations had to be 
 carried on in three languages, French, Ger- 
 man and English. In the committee meet- 
 ings French was used. The writer had the 
 pleasure of serving on one of these commit- 
 tees. As it met morning after morning, no 
 one thought anything about who was Amer- 
 ican or English or German. One did not 
 even know the nationality of other members 
 unless he had personal acquaintance with 
 them. They were simply men, all striving, 
 not selfishly for national advantage, but for 
 
 [52]
 
 Agai?ist the Common Foes 
 
 the reign of justice and good- will in the 
 earth, the substitution of law for war. 
 
 This international peace congress was 
 closely followed by two other gatherings 
 which were really peace congresses as they 
 met to consider the harmonious relationships 
 of nations, the International Free Trade 
 Congress in London and the International 
 Law Association in Budapest, Hungary. 
 This latter congress which meets annually is 
 very significant, for it is trying to urge upon 
 the nations a body of international law, which 
 shall be for nations what the national law is 
 for the states in our own country. 
 
 In September, 1908, came the Inter- Parlia- 
 mentary Union at Berlin. This society is so 
 indicative of the international movement, the 
 progress towards world federation, that it de- 
 serves special mention. One of the most 
 important organizations in the world to-day, 
 it grew out of the persistent, undaunted ef- 
 forts of one quiet, humble, inconspicuous 
 man, William Randall Cremer, a lasting ex- 
 ample of what one man of average abilities 
 can do, who has one purpose and adheres 
 to it through a lifetime. When a young 
 man working at his trade as carriage painter, 
 
 [53]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 he became involved in some labour troubles. 
 He was successful in getting them arbitrated. 
 The working men returned him to Parlia- 
 ment. The success of arbitration in procur- 
 ing justice when strikes and lockouts had al- 
 ways settled only which side was strongest 
 and could hold out longest or was best or- 
 ganized, and left ill feeling and suffering 
 behind them, suggested to him its effective- 
 ness in averting wars. He became a life- 
 long advocate of arbitration treaties. It 
 occurred to him that Great Britain and the 
 United States should set example to the na- 
 tions. He secured the signatures of a large 
 number of members of Parliament recom- 
 mending that Great Britain and the United 
 States sign an arbitration treaty. Of his own 
 initiative he came to the United States, and 
 with Mr. Carnegie's assistance got audience 
 with the President of the United States and 
 with members of Congress. He was rather 
 coolly received. The time had hardly come. 
 But the failure of his mission did not daunt 
 him. He knew the thing was right, that il 
 was bound to come, and that the day was 
 breaking when the world would come his way. 
 He had the prophetic outlook. He went back 
 
 [54]
 
 Against the Common Foes 
 
 to England and began to seek the same ends 
 in another direction. He invited the mem- 
 bers of the British Parliament and the French 
 Assembly to hold a joint meeting in Paris. 
 Only a few came, but they became interested 
 in his proposition. The next year was the 
 year of the Paris Exposition, and many mem- 
 bers of the parliaments and congresses of all 
 the nations would be coming to Paris. He 
 immediately associated with him those British 
 and French members, who had become inter- 
 ested at the previous meeting and called a 
 meeting of all members of all parliaments of 
 the world. His associates were not sanguine. 
 To the surprise of every one except himself, 
 a hundred responded. They talked over 
 what the parliaments of the nations could do 
 to help on the movement for a permanent 
 court, international unity, arbitration treaties 
 and the limitation of armament. They grew 
 to like one another so much and became so 
 interested in the world movement that they 
 organized themselves into the Inter- Parlia- 
 mentary Union. It is composed only of those 
 who have served in the parliament of some 
 nation. The enthusiasm spread so rapidly 
 that it soon numbered over twenty-five hun- 
 
 [55]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 dred members, a remarkable growth for so 
 short a time. The president is Baron d'Es- 
 tournelles de Constant, the eminent French 
 leader in international peace. It has met 
 once in the United States, at St. Louis, in 
 September, 1904, at the invitation of the 
 group in the House of Representatives, 
 which numbers about two hundred. Con- 
 gressman Bartholdt of St. Louis is president 
 of the group in this country. Congress ap- 
 propriated $50,000 for the entertainment of 
 the foreign delegates. Every European par- 
 liament has a parliamentary group in it now. 
 The meeting in London, in 1906, was even 
 larger and more significant, because it put 
 forward a platform of its aims and endeavours 
 in a series of recommendations to the Second 
 Hague Conference as follows : — that it should 
 consider (i) the meeting at stated and reg- 
 ular intervals ; (2) limitation of armaments ; 
 (3) a general arbitration treaty; (4) immunity 
 of private property at sea in time of war ; (5) 
 investigation by a commission of causes of 
 troubles before a declaration of hostilities ; 
 (6) a small annual appropriation for the pro- 
 motion of international good-will and hospi- 
 tality. The Union meets every two years and 
 
 [56]
 
 Agai?ist the Co?nmon Foes 
 
 the meeting- in Berlin in 1908 was significant 
 from the fact that the German Emperor offi- 
 cially welcomed it through his prime minis- 
 ter, Prince von Bulow, and commended its 
 ellorts towards world peace. To see the 
 change from the last century to the present 
 one has only to try to imagine Bismarck 
 welcoming a peace congress. In connection 
 with the Berlin meeting a remarkable labour 
 demonstration was held in Berlin to welcome 
 the labour delegates to the conference in 
 which several thousand German labourers 
 expressed their esteem and their lasting 
 friendship to their foreign brothers. These 
 parliamentarians are of course meeting merely 
 as men and can promulgate no official utter- 
 ance. Yet their utterances cannot help par- 
 taking of a semi-official nature, just as when 
 the President of the United States speaks he, 
 to a certain extent, commits the nation to his 
 words. As a matter of fact the utterances of 
 the Union have had great weight among the 
 nations. Their meetings get wide reporting 
 in the papers. It has impressed upon the 
 world that not only preachers and poets are 
 crying peace but that the lawmakers are as- 
 sembled making peace and conferring on in- 
 
 [57]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 ternational unity. Furthermore it changes 
 the tempers of the parliaments themselves. 
 Whenever a measure looking towards peace 
 comes up in Congress there is this group 
 committed to it, familiar with the arbitra- 
 tional aims and ambitions, so that it becomes 
 increasingly easy to get arbitration treaties 
 ratified. The large vote each year in the 
 Congress of the United States against build- 
 ing a great navy to vie with England's and 
 Germany's comes from this group. 
 
 The labour unions and Socialists (for the 
 labour party on the continent, that is, the 
 social democracy, is socialistic in its prin- 
 ciples) are holding frequent international 
 congresses in this century. It is very en- 
 couraging to see that they are taking very 
 advanced steps in this movement for in- 
 ternational comradeship. The Socialists of 
 Germany and France, at their conference 
 in Stuttgart in 1907, passed a resolution 
 to the effect that if their homes were in- 
 vaded, of course they would protect them, 
 but for no other reason would they bear arms 
 one against the other. Class consciousness 
 is very strong among the Socialists, but it 
 is an international class consciousness, and 
 
 [58]
 
 Agaifist the Com7Pio?t Foes 
 
 many economists are feeling that their al- 
 legiance to the party or cause is stronger than 
 their feeling of nationality, and their propa- 
 ganda is already making serious decimation 
 in the armies both of Germany and France. 
 The anti-militarist movement is especially 
 strong in France. The international class 
 consciousness was peculiarly manifested in 
 the execution of Ferrer in Spain in 1909. 
 There was a murmur of indignation and pro- 
 test heard in every nation of the world, Mr. 
 Harold Gorst, the eminent English critic, re- 
 cently remarked at a dinner of the New York 
 Peace Society, that in Europe the general 
 hope for peace is centred in the work done 
 by the labour organizations. He said : " We 
 hope that as soon as those organizations 
 achieve their efficiency, they will organize 
 themselves into international bodies to pre- 
 vent war." The remark caused great com- 
 ment at the time, because men naturally won- 
 dered why the Church, the institution organ- 
 ized especially to preach the gospel of for- 
 giveness, good-will, human brotherhood and 
 justice which Christ practiced, was not 
 mentioned as the hope of the movement 
 whose aim is to supplant power by love, 
 
 [59]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 hatred by forgiveness, war by law, might by 
 justice. 
 
 It saddens the writer's heart to have to say 
 that the feeling among many reformers in Eu- 
 rope, as he has talked with them, is that other 
 organizations are more Christian than the es- 
 tablished churches. The state churches fol- 
 low governments rather than lead them, and 
 are invariably the last institutions to give up an 
 old and outgrown political theory. Here is a 
 sentence from Paul Sabatier's "An Open Letter 
 to His Eminence Cardinal Gibbons," " High- 
 minded and at the same time modest, re- 
 served and also resolute, France realizes that 
 the day has dawned for mankind to take a 
 new step towards peace among the nations. 
 She desires peace firmly, not from weakness 
 or closeness, but because wars are become to 
 her both wicked and foolish. Now in these 
 thoughts that engross her attention, in these 
 dreams she cannot shake off, France had 
 hoped to have the Church at her side to direct 
 and encourage her. This juncture came 
 not." The absence of clergymen at the peace 
 congresses in Europe is a very marked 
 phenomenon, and often commented upon. 
 There are, however, many clergymen among 
 
 [60]
 
 Aga'uist the Common Foes 
 
 the independent churches of Great Britain 
 who are taking bold and prophetic stand. In 
 the United States the cliurches are becoming 
 a great factor in the movement. At the meet- 
 ing of the Federal Council of the Churches of 
 Christ held in Philadelphia, in 1909, splendid 
 resolutions were passed after some really- 
 prophetic addresses. As we noticed above, 
 the Pan- Anglican Conference in London spoke 
 more emphatically than it has ever done be- 
 fore. Unfortunately the Anglican church, as 
 the established church of England, has been 
 quiet in the face of the recent recrudescence of 
 militarism. But the time has come for the 
 Church all over the world to rise up and say, 
 " Man killing and Christianity have no part 
 together, and it must stop now and forever. 
 Membership in the kingdom of God is greater 
 than citizenship in any country. All good men 
 are one and can have no enemies except bad 
 men, and goodness knows nothing of national 
 boundaries. All men are my brothers." " 1 
 came not to destroy but to save," is the only 
 possible word of any church calling itself 
 Christian. When the Church discovers the 
 Sermon on the Mount there will be great 
 things happening in the world — the angels 
 
 [61]
 
 The Peace Prohle 
 
 m 
 
 will sing again over its hills and fields. The 
 Church must hurry, though, otherwise Count 
 Tolstoi or the trades unions or the Socialists 
 will find it first. 
 
 The last of the great congresses of 1908 
 was the International Tuberculosis Congress 
 at Washington. Practically every great na- 
 tion was represented, and there has been no 
 finer illustration of the new tendency for men 
 of all nations to get together to make war 
 against the common scourges of mankind. 
 Tuberculosis is a preventable disease. Only 
 three things keep it with us, selfishness, 
 ignorance and foolishness. We are greedy 
 and keep our money, or we are ignorant, not 
 knowing what our money will do ; or we are 
 foolish and spend it on battle-ships. When 
 we grow Christian and wise, we will banish 
 several diseases at once. But it is a sign of 
 the new era that physicians of all nations are 
 meeting together very frequently now, not to 
 fight each other, but to fight disease. 
 
 As we remarked, none of these two hun- 
 dred international congresses are official, yet 
 we sometimes think they hasten world unity 
 as much as meetings of delegates appointed 
 by governments. Where constitutional gov- 
 
 [62]
 
 Agairist the Common Foes 
 
 ernment exists, every individual is his nation 
 to some degree, and speaks for it. How- 
 ever this may be, the very meeting of 
 men of different nations together renders 
 wars less probable and possible and puts one 
 more link in the golden chain of brotherhood 
 that is slowly binding the world together. 
 AVhere men of different nations used to meet 
 Vto dispute and wrangle and sue for each 
 other's rights, now they are meeting from 
 churches, societies, and unions, to fight to- 
 gether the common enemies of them all, sin, 
 disease, greed, intemperance, injustice, vice, 
 opium, slavery, war, all these things. There 
 is no stronger bond of union than a common 
 crusade against a common foe. They dis- 
 cover too, that their real enemies are not 
 each other, but the universal plagues we 
 have mentioned. " How foolish we have 
 been," they are saying. " Here we have 
 been fighting one another, thinking we were 
 one another's enemies, while the real enemies 
 have been lurking in all our nations, banded 
 against us all, and laughing while we fought 
 each other! " Race prejudice leads to wars. 
 But these growing conferences of all the 
 races are breaking this down. We hate those 
 
 [63]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 we do not know. They seem so different 
 that they are repugnant. We work to- 
 gether for a month and find the German, 
 Frenchman, Hungarian, all the others, are 
 very much like ourselves. Under the differ- 
 ent languages, skins, temperaments, customs, 
 the hearts are the same colour and speak one 
 language. They have the same problems, 
 the same ambitions, the same sorrows, the 
 same joys. They soon find as they talk to- 
 gether of their common plans for world better- 
 ment that they forget their nationality and are 
 known to one another only as Christians, or 
 seekers for the common truth, or reformers, 
 or builders together of the City of God, 
 whose foundations rest in every land, but 
 whose superstructure spreads unbroken over 
 all. They learn to know each other's finer 
 and better qualities. They can see no more 
 reason why Germans should kill Frenchmen 
 than why Germans should slay Germans. 
 They go home with kindliest feelings and 
 with a new patriotism in their hearts which 
 expresses itself, not so much in a blind and 
 exclusive devotion to one nation as in a sense 
 of world citizenship and devotion to human- 
 ity and justice for all men. These con- 
 
 [64]
 
 Agai-nst the Common Foes 
 
 gresses also get widely reported in the press 
 of the different nations. As we write the 
 proceedings of the World Congress on For- 
 eign Missions are being printed in the jour- 
 nals of every land. This gradually induces in 
 the peoples of the world the habit of thinking 
 in world terms. All Christians are bound to- 
 gether for a while in thought, against the 
 darkness of the world. We have been for 
 ages thinking in terms of nationality. Every 
 one of these congresses cultivates the habit 
 of thinking in terms of internationality. 
 Again, those who attend these congresses 
 learn how much we all need each other, how 
 much we of one nation need those of all the 
 others. So much that has worth and that 
 has entered into our very being — religion, 
 literature, art, music, law, and invention — has t ■ x 
 come to us from other peoples. At every 
 one of these congresses, where each nation 
 brings its own contribution, and an offering 
 necessary to make a perfect whole of thought, 
 an offering which remedies some weakness or 
 provincialism, men learn that one nation has 
 need of all the others. The watchword of 
 the last century was independence. The 
 watchword of the new century is coming to 
 
 [65]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 be interdependence. Every one of these in- 
 ternational congresses makes for that world 
 citizenship which Lowell sings: 
 
 *' Where is the true man's fatherland? 
 
 Is it where he by chance is born ? 
 
 Doth not the yearning spirit scorn 
 In such scant borders to be spanned ? 
 Oh, yes ! his fatherland must be 
 As the blue heaven wide and free ! 
 
 "Is it alone where freedom is, 
 
 Where God is God and man is man? 
 
 Doth he not claim a broader span 
 For the soul's love of home than this ? 
 Oh, yes 1 his fatherland must be 
 As the blue heaven wide and free ! 
 
 " Where'er a human heart doth wear 
 
 Joy's myrtle-wreath or sorrow's gyves, 
 Where'er a human spirit strives 
 After a life more true and fair, 
 There is the true man's birthplace grand, 
 His is a world-wide fatherland ! 
 
 " Where'er a single slave doth pine, 
 
 Where'er one man may help another, — 
 Thank God for such a birthright, brother, - 
 That spot of earth is thine and mine ! 
 There is the true man's birthplace grand, 
 His is a world-wide fatherland ! " 
 
 [66]
 
 V 
 INTERNATIONAL HOSPITALITY 
 
 THE fourth\ characteristic of the twen- 
 tieth century making for world unity 
 is perhaps the newest and most dra- 
 matically interesting of all — t|ie practice of 
 international hospitality. It bears within it- 
 self great promise for increasing good under- 
 standing among men. One of the commonest 
 causes of war is ignorance of other people. 
 Suspicions, contrary to the arguments of 
 those who seek vast armaments, are based 
 upon distance rather than nearness. /Races, 
 which in Europe, separated by stifl[ boundary 
 lines of fortresses, lived in constant suspicion 
 of each other, in New York, thrown all to- 
 gether, fairly huddled into a heap, live on the 
 best of terms and lose race animosities. The 
 Jew in New York, interwoven into the very 
 structure and fabric of the Gentile community 
 as he is, is much more free from Gentile per- 
 secution than he is in Europe where he mixes 
 not with the Gentiles. Everything that 
 
 [67]
 
 4 
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 brings the nations more closely together, that 
 mixes the people up, makes quarrels less and 
 less probable. No one can ever tell how 
 much the immigration of the European peo- 
 ple into the United States has done to make 
 war almost impossible between this country 
 and any of the European nations. Shall we 
 make war against Germany ? Turn to Mil- 
 waukee then, for Milwaukee is Germany. 
 Shall we attack Sweden ? Let us begin with 
 Minneapolis then, for Minneapolis is Sweden. 
 There is a bigger Italian city in the heart of 
 New York than there is in Italy. A large 
 part of Canada is spreading over New Eng- 
 land. One little town in Eastern Connecticut 
 has twice as many French Canadians in it as 
 it has Americans. Immigration has been a 
 great factor in decreasing the warlike spirit, 
 simply because it has revealed to men that 
 what they have in common is much greater 
 than their racial peculiarities. The growth 
 of continental travel has helped the nations 
 cultivate the cosmopolitan and universal 
 spirit. It has taken the provincialism out of 
 those who travel and out of those who are 
 visited. The Germans are becoming as great 
 travellers as the people of the United States, 
 
 [68]
 
 Ifiternational Hospitality 
 
 as they prosper under the new industrial 
 revival. Every German village storekeeper 
 takes his summer tour in France, Switzerland 
 and Italy. This travel is doing much to es- 
 tablish better feeling between Germany and 
 France and among the other nations of Eu- 
 rope. The great number of Americans who 
 have an interest in the new internationalism 
 are doing good, for they talk with their Euro- 
 pean brothers on the folly of militarism. But 
 when we get to know our foreign brother he 
 is no longer a foreigner. He very much re- 
 sembles ourselves. We find that other men 
 of other lands are struggling after the same 
 ideals we are seeking and have the same 
 aches, the same sorrows, the same loves, the 
 same joys, the same problems of life to solve. 
 Nearness shows how true Shylock's words 
 are : " Hath not a Jew eyes ? Hath not a 
 Jew hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affec- 
 tions, passions ? fed with the same food, hurt 
 with the same weapons, subject to the same 
 diseases, healed by the same means, warmed 
 and cooled by the same winter and summer, 
 as a Christian is?" The real good is com- 
 mon to us all. We are fast learning that the 
 ties which bind us to humanity are much 
 
 [69]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 stronger than those that link us to one ex- 
 clusive land. 
 
 Now extending and strengthening all these 
 ties already made, deepening our common 
 appreciation of one another, has come this 
 new force of international hospitality, the ex- 
 change of visits of the prominent men of one 
 country with those of another, either in an of- 
 ficial or simply representative character, one 
 nation inviting the representatives of other 
 nations to be its guests. This hospitality 
 began with the exchange of university pro- 
 fessors and students. There has always 
 been a sort of republic of letters above na- 
 tional boundaries, and democracy has been 
 native to student bodies from earliest times. 
 Students from all over Europe flocked to 
 Paris centuries ago, and there is record of ex- 
 changes — that is, students of Paris residing 
 for a term at Oxford, while the students of 
 Oxford attended Paris, But it is only of 
 recent years that these exchanges have be- 
 come a habit. The United States exchanges 
 regularly now with the universities of Berlin, 
 Paris and Scandinavia. Such men as Profess- 
 ors Burgess and Felix Adler from Columbia, 
 W. S. Scofield from Harvard, A. T. Hadley 
 
 [70]
 
 International Hospitality 
 
 from Yale have been to Berlin University 
 lecturing for the whole year. Such men as 
 Professors Barrett Wendell and Bliss Perry 
 of Harvard, and Henry Van Dyke of 
 Princeton, have lectured for a term at the 
 Sorbonne in Paris, and then have visited 
 the universities of the provinces of France. 
 Such men as Presidents MacCracken of New 
 York University, Nicholas Murray Butler of 
 Columbia University, and Professor Samuel 
 T. Dutton of Teacher's College have been to 
 the Scandinavian universities at their invi- 
 tation. At the same time professors from 
 Germany, France and the Scandinavian 
 countries are spending terms at the Amer- 
 ican universities. This exchange of profess- 
 ors has done much to create good-will not 
 only in the way of sending the professor 
 home again with a devoted friendship to the 
 land he has visited expressing itself after- 
 wards in such devoted tributes to them as 
 Professor Wendell's " France of To-day," 
 but the lectures these men give are interpret- 
 ative of the best there is in their land. 
 What a different conception of America, for 
 instance, must France have after hearing 
 Professor Van Dyke's course on "The Spirit 
 
 [71]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 of America," or Denmark have after hearing 
 President Butler on " The American as He 
 Is," or Norway and Sweden have after hear- 
 ing Professor Dutton on " Ideals of Amer- 
 ican Education." It will be much harder for 
 these countries to make war upon each other 
 after these exchanges^/'^ ^^ / //^ 
 
 This exchancjfe of professors and such visits 
 as those of teachers of one country to study 
 the educational methods of another as Mr. 
 Mosely is arranging, are now being followed 
 by the exchange of students. Berlin Uni- 
 versity has recently had French students as 
 its guests as the Sorbonne has had German 
 students. The Rhode'syspht5rarships provide 
 for American students living at Oxford long 
 enough to understand something of England. 
 Harvard University has invited students 
 from Berlin as guests. The Carnegie Insti- 
 tute of Pittsburg entertained three Scandina- 
 vian students as its guests during 1 909-1 910. 
 Niels Poulson, Esq., an eminent American 
 of Danish birth, was so pleased with the 
 success of this exchange that he has set aside 
 $100,000 for the use of the American Scan- 
 dinavian Foundation for bringing Scandi- 
 navian students to this country. Japanese 
 
 [72]
 
 1 71 te?' national Hospitality 
 
 students are attending our American univer- 
 sities in large numbers every year. All of 
 these students of dififerent lands become 
 peacemakers between the nations. One rea- 
 son Scotland has not shown the same dread 
 of Germany England is constantly manifest- 
 ing is because so many of her best men have 
 studied in Germany and understand her. 
 One of the best influences in preventing the 
 silly talk of war between Japan and the 
 United States by some of our shallow dema- 
 gogues making mischief in Japan, has been 
 that exerted by the large number of Japanese 
 who were educated in this country. 
 
 When one looks out upon the larger field, 
 the growth of this custom of international 
 hospitality in the last ten years has been 
 something remarkable. We cannot cata- 
 logue all these visits here, but they are so 
 significant and produce such immediate 
 results that it will be worth our while to look 
 at two or three of the most striking. Feel- 
 ing has been running high between England 
 and Germany for the last ten years. The 
 tension is the outgrowth of many things. 
 Germany has grown to be a great industrial 
 nation, a great commercial world power, a 
 
 [73]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 dominating influence in European politics by 
 leaps and bounds. To see how her com- 
 merce has extended, one has only to trace 
 the routes of the Hamburg-American Steam- 
 ship Line on a map of the world. With this 
 rapid expanse she began to build war-ships 
 to protect her trade. This added to the alarm 
 England already felt, and she began to build 
 great ships. This was the opportunity of 
 the shipbuilders and the admirals, so they 
 started war scares to get more ships. The 
 newspapers of one nation began to make 
 innuendos against the other nation. Tension 
 was rather high, when it occurred to Mr. 
 W. T. Stead, editor of the Review of Re- 
 views, and other editors who wanted peace 
 instead of war, to invite a group of German 
 editors to England as their guests. The 
 German editors came and it was a happy 
 three weeks for them. The next year they 
 returned the compliment and invited a large 
 group of English editors to be their guests. 
 Their entertainment was lavish. Every city 
 they visited outdid the last in good-will and 
 welcome. Even the Bavarian people turned 
 the visit into a festival and danced and sang. 
 The city of Munich was beautifully decorated 
 
 [74]
 
 International Hospitality 
 
 and the artists residing there produced an 
 original play for the occasion. They were 
 received by the Emperor and leading states- 
 men, and the hope was everywhere expressed 
 that the cordial relations existing between the 
 nations might be deepened and strengthened 
 with the years. The significant thing is this 
 — the immediate results of this exchange of 
 hospitalities between German and British 
 editors was a change of tone of the press in 
 both countries. The previous innuendos, 
 malicious misrepresentations, caricatures, 
 suspicions, provocative paragraphs, keeping 
 before each country all the time distorted 
 pictures of the other, and the constant im- 
 puting of evil motives, disappeared. The 
 tone of the editorials changed completely. 
 They became fuller of friendly spirit and 
 appreciation. 
 
 Growing out of this visit of the editors 
 another exchange was arranged between 
 Great Britain and Germany that was cer- 
 tainly as productive of good feeling as that of 
 the editors. In the spring of 1908, one hun- 
 dred German pastors, both Protestant and 
 Roman Catholic, were the guests of the Brit- 
 ish pastors for several days, the visit ending 
 
 [75]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 with a great meeting in London in which the 
 pastors of both lands deprecated the con- 
 stant talk of hatred between the two coun- 
 tries, and pledged one another to do their 
 utmost, in their own countries, to strengthen 
 the ties of friendship and unity. A remark- 
 able address was given by Dr. Dryander, the 
 great German preacher, in which he said 
 that for him, as for John Wesley, " the world 
 was his parish," not any single land. In 
 1909, this visit was reciprocated and a group 
 of British pastors of every denomination 
 visited Germany as the guests of the Ger- 
 man pastors. They crossed the North Sea 
 in a yacht put at their disposal. Their tour 
 through Germany was a triumphal proces- 
 sion. The Emperor greeted them and 
 everywhere they went there were the same 
 protestations of friendship. What is most 
 remarkable in all this has been the more and 
 more outspoken conviction that the common 
 Christian tie was stronger than nationality 
 and that the conflicts of the future must not 
 be between nation and nation, but between 
 all Christians and all the evil forces of the 
 world. The followers of Jesus Christ, though 
 living in different lands, ought to be bound 
 
 [76]
 
 I?ite7^natio7ial Ho spit ality 
 
 together by stronger ties than bind a disciple 
 and an enemy of Him in the same nation. 
 This would of course mean the end of all in- 
 ternational war at once. Hitherto the feel- 
 ing of nationality, the old patriotism of " my 
 country right or wrong," has been stronger 
 than Christianity in the Christian breast. 
 But now the kingdom is assuming chiefer 
 interest in our hearts than the country. 
 While speaking of Great Britain it should be 
 noted that just at the time of this writing in 
 1 910, a large delegation of the P. S. A. 
 Brotherhood of England (the P. S. A. 
 Brotherhood is made up largely of ministers 
 and labour leaders and exists to propagate 
 the social teachings of Christianity) visited 
 France and Belgium and were received 
 with great demonstrations in some of the 
 large industrial centres, and speeches were 
 made by Keir Hardie, the popular labour 
 leader, and H. Jeffs, the well-known editor, 
 of London. Mr. Jeffs remarked amid much 
 cheering that " France and England had met 
 on five hundred battle-fields. Let their future 
 rivalries be on the sunlit fields of civilization^ 
 the fields of the arts and industries, and 
 above all in the divine work of uplifting the 
 
 [77]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 race to a higher level of physical, social, and 
 moral well-being." 
 
 These instances suffice to show the promise 
 of good-will among men that is in the move- 
 ment. It is growing with great strides. The 
 recent visit of the San Francisco merchants 
 to Japan and the return visit of fifty eminent 
 Japanese merchants to this country in 1910 
 did much to allay the ill-feeling the advocates 
 of a great navy try to arouse every year 
 between Japan and the United States. 
 There is rumour at this writing of a plan to 
 invite a large delegation of the best Ameri- 
 cans, — clergymen, editors, publicists, profess- 
 ors and business men, — to Japan for a two 
 months' stay. It is too bad that this country 
 instead of sending its fleet to Japan could 
 not have sent a hundred of its most 
 representative citizens, those who do its 
 thinking, and lead in its higher life, the 
 men who represent our new idealism rather 
 than the old and passing military order. 
 Then the Japanese would have seen our real 
 greatness which is not in our brute power 
 and cannon but in our moral and intellectual 
 power and our love of justice. In 1907, Mr. 
 Carnegie invited some forty eminent men 
 
 [78]
 
 Internatio7ial Hospitality 
 
 from the various nations of Europe to be his 
 guests for a time in this country, and to 
 attend the dedication of the Pittsburg Insti- 
 tute and Technical Schools and the great 
 National Congress of Peace and Arbitration 
 held in New York. One of these guests re- 
 marked at the time : " This visit in itself will 
 do almost as much to cement good feeling 
 as the Peace Congress." 
 
 Here is a new field of generosity where 
 philanthropists can do much good. Some 
 are already following Mr. Carnegie's ex- 
 ample. Mr. Edwin Ginn, the founder of the 
 World's Peace Foundation, has twice brought 
 that fervid apostle of universal brother- 
 hood, Rev. Walter Walsh, of Dundee, Scot- 
 land, to America to address American au- 
 diences. This habit should be multiplied at 
 once until not only single lecturers may be 
 invited as guests, but whole groups of every 
 profession and calling, including groups of 
 labour leaders, may be frequently the guests of 
 their co-workers in other lands. But better 
 still, governments themselves should under- 
 take this hospitality. Already there are signs 
 of their doing this. Denmark is appropriat- 
 ing a small sum yearly for peace purposes, 
 
 [79]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 part of which is to go towards hospitaUty. In 
 June, 1907, Great Britain voted quite a sum 
 for this very purpose and almost the first use 
 of it was in giving a dinner to the delegates 
 from foreign lands attending the Inter- 
 national Peace Congress in July of the same 
 year. The United States should have been 
 the first to have made such an annual 
 appropriation. Congress did appropriate 
 $50,000 towards entertaining the foreign 
 delegates to the meeting of the Inter-Parlia- 
 mentary Union in St. Louis in 1902, and has 
 in this year of 19 10 appropriated a small sum 
 towards the expenses of the Inter-Parhamen- 
 tary Union. The United States is spending 
 annually $282,147,000 for needless battle- 
 ships and munitions for future wars, evidently 
 believing the best way to keep peace is to put 
 a great bulldog in the front yard. Soon she 
 will see that battle-ships breed animosities 
 while friendliness towards other nations 
 breeds peace, and will appropriate large 
 sums to bring guests from other parliaments 
 to be the guests of our Congress. This will 
 bring international peace at about one one- 
 thousandth of the present cost. Nations 
 learn, only it takes long, long time. 
 
 [80] /
 
 vr 
 
 MANY OTHER SIGNS OF THE NEW UNITY 
 
 BESIDES these four groups of facts, 
 which have been almost startHng in 
 their rapid accumulation, there has 
 been a constant succession of events which, 
 while not coming under classification in these 
 groups, are as significant and are equally 
 surprising to those who know the temper of 
 the nineteenth century. Few of the most 
 radical peace workers would have dared to 
 prophesy twenty-five years ago that the first 
 decade of the twentieth century would have 
 witnessed the following things. Thus, first 
 of all, peace societies are springing up every- 
 where with remarkable spontaneity in this 
 twentieth century. One peace society has 
 been in existence many years — the American 
 Peace Society — founded in 1815. It has 
 prepared the way for the sudden and 
 spontaneous popular interest in the move- 
 ment. This has been practically the only 
 widely known peace society of the nine- 
 teenth century. The twentieth century is 
 
 [81]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 witnessing formation of societies on every 
 side. In 1906 the vigorous and already 
 widely influential Peace Society of the City 
 of New York came into existence. Societies 
 are springing up in all parts of the country ; 
 they are growing rapidly in Europe as in 
 America ; their number is now many. At 
 the same time societies in schools and col- 
 leges are multiplying. The School Peace 
 League, coextensive with state and national 
 teacher's associations ; the cosmopolitan clubs, 
 composed of students of all the nations in our 
 colleges ; the Corda Fratres in the conti- 
 nental universities ; the large societies of for- 
 eigners who have come to America, such as 
 the American-Scandinavian Society, the Ger- 
 man-American Peace Society, the Japan So- 
 ciety of New York — are all significant indica- 
 tions of the direction thought and feeling are 
 taking in our day. The membership of these 
 societies is also significant. In the last cen- 
 tury they were made up largely of Friends — 
 who have always been idealists — and other 
 prophetic men, those who have been able to 
 see righteousness and dared follow it — clergy- 
 men and seers. But now the so-called prac- 
 tical men are in the membership of the so- 
 
 [82]
 
 Other Sig?is of the New U?iity 
 
 ciety. A New York Peace Society dinner 
 looks like a banquet of the Chamber of Com- 
 merce. This is all a sign that the movement 
 has become so universal and sure of success 
 that the multitude gathers to it. It is the 
 sure movement of our day. 
 
 Another thing worth noticing is the great 
 frequency with which peace conferences are 
 being held. We refer more especially here 
 to national conferences. We have already 
 spoken of the great annual international 
 peace congresses and meetings of the inter- 
 parliamentary union. But the growth of 
 peace congresses in America in this century 
 has been phenomenal. The greatest of these 
 has been the Annual Lake Mohonk Confer- 
 ences on International Arbitration, estab- 
 lished by that ardent lover of justice, Albert 
 K. Smiley, just before this century opened. 
 At first attended largely by members of the 
 peace cult, they are now composed of the 
 leading statesmen, jurists, clergymen, editors, 
 college presidents and financiers of the land. 
 Perhaps no single influence has been so po- 
 tent as these conferences in the universal 
 peace movement. The movement towards 
 international courts and arbitration treaties 
 
 [83]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 has received large impulse from these an- 
 nual conferences. One of its most marked 
 achievements has been the interesting of 
 chambers of commerce all over the country in 
 the peace movement. Now these great con- 
 gresses are becoming very frequent. The 
 First National Peace Congress, held in New 
 York in May, 1907, was organized by the 
 American Peace Society and the Peace So- 
 ciety of New York working in cooperation. 
 It was one of the most successful congresses 
 of any kind ever held. Thousands came to 
 it, and its closing dinner filled the two largest 
 dining-rooms in New York. Its speakers 
 represented all lands and all professions. 
 Since then the American Peace Society has 
 organized two congresses — one in Chicago, 
 one in Hartford. All of these societies 
 hold frequent dinners, at which the leading 
 men of the nation speak. Their words go 
 around the world. One of the most interest- 
 ing dinners ever given in New York was that 
 given by the Peace Society to ex-Secretary 
 Root. The speakers were the Hon. Joseph H. 
 Choate, the United States delegate to The 
 Hague ; ex-Secretary of State Elihu Root ; 
 Ambassador James Bryce; President Taft ; 
 
 [84]
 
 Other Signs of the New Unity 
 
 Ambassador Nabuco, from Brazil ; Baron 
 Takahira, Ambassador from Japan. Their 
 addresses were all emphatic pronounce- 
 ments that the time for wars between nations 
 had passed ; the time for courts and treaties 
 had come. The significant thing is that 
 twenty years ago it would have been impos- 
 sible to have given a dinner with such men 
 speaking for peace. 
 
 •^ Another indication of the popular interest 
 in the peace movement is the changed atti- 
 tude of the press. Formerly the daily jour- 
 nals hardly noticed the peace movement. If 
 they did it was to speak contemptuously of 
 it. Now they report the speeches made at 
 peace conferences almost more fully than any 
 other addresses. This is a sure sign that the 
 people at large are interested, for, with the 
 exception of three or four papers in the United 
 States, no journal reports what is important 
 or worthy so freely as what they think people 
 most want to see. Ten years ago an editorial 
 on the peace movement was rarely seen in 
 the papers ; now all great dailies and several 
 weeklies throughout the country have frequent 
 editorials on the subject. Two prominent 
 weekly papers of New York, The Christian 
 
 [85]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 Work and The Independe7it, have articles 
 in every issue on the international move- 
 ment by the various leaders of the move- 
 ment. Peace addresses are becoming so 
 common in all parts of the world that 
 the papers have to keep the subject contin- 
 ually before the people. This is one of the 
 most promising things for the movement. 
 -People form thought habits. They think in 
 terms of that which is continually before them. 
 If the papers are full, all the time, of war and 
 battle-ships, men will think in terms of war 
 and force. If they are full of arbitration and 
 arbitral courts of justice, soon people will be- 
 gin to think in terms of arbitration and courts, 
 and when a dispute arises between two nations 
 the people will instinctively say arbitration in- 
 stead of war. The press has great power 
 here if it would only lead, instead of following 
 far in the rear. It ought to see, by this time, 
 that this century is rapidly substituting law 
 for war, and talk law now, instead of devot- 
 ing its pages to descriptions of naval en- 
 counters of the future and fights in the air 
 between air-ships of various nations, which 
 will never occur. But the press has shown a 
 great change in the past ten years in this re- 
 
 [86]
 
 Other Signs of the New Unity 
 
 gard. It is more and more with the move- 
 ment and daily some paper joins the move- 
 ment with a surprising editorial. 
 
 Perhaps nothing has done more to give the 
 peace movement remarkable impulse and 
 dignify it as a permanent and universal inter- 
 est, as well as to show how great men of af- 
 fairs are leading in it, than the gifts of Edwin 
 Ginn of Boston and Andrew Carnegie of New 
 York. In 1909 Edwin Ginn established the 
 World Peace Foundation with an endowment 
 of $1,000,000, This institution is already en- 
 gaged in active peace propaganda all over 
 the country. At Washington, in December, 
 1910, Andrew Carnegie announced a gift of 
 $10,000,000 to the world, to be held by a body 
 of trustees which he named, the annual in- 
 come of which, half a million dollars, is to be 
 used for the furtherance of the permanent 
 peace of nations. The announcement has 
 sent a thrill of encouragement through all the 
 world. The income is to be used, at the dis- 
 cretion of the trustees, in all ways that may 
 hasten the universal adoption of arbitration 
 treaties, and theestablishment of the Supreme 
 Courts of Nations, the Court of Arbitral Justice 
 at The Hague, whose temple, presented by 
 
 [87]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 Mr. Carnegie, is already rising in its prophetic 
 splendour. Mr. Carnegie's great Hero Funds, 
 in the United States, Great Britain, France 
 and Germany, are really peace funds, for their 
 use is restricted to the heroisms of peace, and 
 are in emphasis of the gospel Mr. Carnegie 
 is so forcibly preaching by pen and voice that 
 the men who save life, not those who take it, 
 are the real heroes of the world. 
 
 The adoption of the cause by the great 
 statesmen, publicists and rulers in the United 
 States, Great Britain and France is one of the 
 most far-reaching influences, as well as happy 
 omen, of the century's strides towards broth- 
 erhood. In the United States such men as 
 Secretaries of State Hay, Root and Knox 
 have all been great workers for international 
 arbitration. Secretary Hay interested him- 
 self in unifying South America ; Secretary 
 Root signed twenty-three arbitration treaties ; 
 Secretary Knox has sent a plan for an Arbi- 
 tral Court of Justice to the nations, and is 
 making many splendid peace addresses. In 
 Congress are such ardent peace workers as 
 Representatives Bartholdt and Tawney and 
 Foster, and such advocates of law in place 
 of vast navies as Senators Burton and 
 
 [88]
 
 Other Signs of the New U?iity 
 
 Hale. The late Associate Justice Brewer was 
 an ardent worker for international peace. 
 Ex-Secretary John VV. Foster has rendered 
 valuable service at The Hague and at 
 home, both through diplomacy and books. 
 Our leading statesmen are fast joining the 
 movement, only those who lack prophetic 
 vision and are bound in the fetters of a pass- 
 ing militarism remaining out of it. Our lead- 
 ing college presidents, clergymen, professors, 
 editors and business men are everywhere more 
 and more seeing that it is the movement of 
 the day. But best of all the presidents of the 
 United States are becoming prophets and 
 leaders of the movement. President Taft has 
 publicly taken his stand with the most radical 
 peace advocates in his now world-famous 
 speech before the Peace and Arbitration 
 League in New York, in April, 1910, when 
 he openly declared himself as favouring the 
 inclusion of all subjects, even those of vital 
 honour, in the arbitration treaties of the fu- 
 ture. This is the most radical peace utter- 
 ance that any head of nations has yet made. 
 But the significant thing is that any king or 
 emperor or president should have made the 
 remark. At the dedication in Washington 
 
 [89]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 of the beautiful palace for the Bureau of 
 American Republics, given by Andrew Car- 
 negie, Esq., when Mr. Carnegie, Senator 
 Root and Secretary Knox all made peace ad- 
 dresses. President Taft again spoke radically, 
 to the effect that no two nations of the 
 American continent had any right to go to 
 war and disturb all the others, and that he 
 hoped the time would soon come when the 
 nineteen nations would say to the other two 
 preparing for war, " You must stop ! " Again 
 at the banquet of the Society for the Settlement 
 of International Disputes, held in Washing- 
 ton, December 17, 1910, President Taft said: 
 " If now we can negotiate and put through a 
 positive agreement with some great nation 
 to abide the adjudication of an international 
 arbitral court in every issue which cannot be 
 settled by negotiation, no matter what it in- 
 volves, whether honour, territory or money, 
 we shall have made a long step forward by 
 demonstrating that it is possible for two na- 
 tions at least to establish as between them the 
 same system of due process of law that exists 
 between individuals under a government." 
 Ex-President Roosevelt, while being still, un- 
 fortunately, unable to speak on this great 
 
 [90]
 
 Other Signs of the New Unity 
 
 subject without qualification and reservations, 
 has nevertheless come out strongly in his 
 speech before the Nobel Commission, at 
 Christiania, for a permanent court, arbitra- 
 tion treaties, simultaneous limitation of arma- 
 ments and a league of peace. Much to the 
 surprise of even the most sanguine, Con- 
 gress has lately made an appropriation 
 of 5^10,000 for a commission to study 
 means of world-federation and disarmament, 
 with the end of securing permanent peace. 
 What is true of the United States is also true, 
 although in a lesser degree, of the European 
 nations. The late King Edward VII has been 
 universally referred to as the Peacemaker. 
 It was a tide he delighted in. He was much 
 interested in the movement for international 
 peace and took every opportunity to further 
 the growing sentiment in Europe for arbitra- 
 tion. The English Parliament has a large 
 group of peace workers, among whom the 
 labour leaders, like Keir Hardie, are very 
 prominent. The Chancellor of the Exchequer 
 and leader of the Liberal forces of England, 
 David Lloyd-George, is a radical peace man. 
 In France Baron d'Estournelles de Constant, 
 one of France's leading Senators, is also the 
 
 [91]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 leader of the peace workers of that nation. 
 Emperor WilHam of Germany is taking every 
 opportunity to apologize for his army, on the 
 ground that he keeps it up to preserve the 
 peace of Europe. He is making frequent 
 peace speeches. All this was unheard of in 
 the last century. It is becoming the com- 
 mon custom of the new. 
 
 We will not attempt to enlarge upon an- 
 other significant fact of this new century, 
 namely, the sudden and prolific production 
 of books and pamphlets on the movement for 
 international unity, world peace and interna- 
 tional law. But we will turn to what is per- 
 haps, after all, the surest promise of the fed- 
 eration of the nations, the unity of the races, 
 the brotherhood of man, namely, those subtle, 
 spiritual awakenings and movements of this 
 century — movements whose motions one 
 cannot tabulate, but which are the most po- 
 tent forces for the new world, as spiritual and 
 ethical forces are always greatest. These 
 movements are very pronounced. They 
 show the mood, the temper, the trend of the 
 century. The first and greatest of these new 
 facts is this : we are at last passing up into 
 that realm of ethics where we are seeing that 
 
 [92]
 
 Other Signs of the New Unity 
 
 the same ethic is binding upon groups of 
 people that controls and determines the re- 
 lations of individuals to each other. The 
 trouble has been that we have been living 
 under two standards of ethics — Christian for 
 individuals, pagan for groups, communities, 
 nations. We have demanded that individuals 
 live as Christians towards each other, but have 
 complacently allowed corporations and nations 
 to live as pirates towards each other. But there 
 is no such a thing as a double standard of ethics 
 in the kingdom of God. That which is right 
 for a man is right for the state ; that which 
 is wrong for a man to do is wrong for a cor- 
 poration or nation to do. Taking things or 
 land that do not belong to one is just as much 
 stealing when done by a nation as when done 
 by a man. If it '., wrong for me to take re- 
 venge, it is wrong for a naUon to take re- 
 venge, if it is wrong for me to settle mv 
 dif^culties on the street with my fistb, ii is 
 wrong for the nations to settle their difficul- 
 ties on the seas with gunboats. Nations are 
 under the same la-.v of charity and forgive- 
 ness as individufils in any system of ethics 
 that can la[.t. The law of my country 
 towards Japan is the law that governs me in 
 
 [93]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 my relations with my brother in my town. 
 If it is wrong for me to kill my brother on the 
 streets of my city, it is just as wrong for a 
 nation to destroy a brother nation in this 
 beautiful world. Both the Cnurch and the 
 nation have been full of this spurious, double, 
 unchristian morality. It has been largely 
 responsible for rotten, thievish business 
 methods of some corporations and insurance 
 companies, for the corruption in civic and na- 
 tional life, as well as for the unchristian rela- 
 tionships of nations. It is passing very fast, 
 and the most hopeful augury of a new inter- 
 nationalism is this arising in the race con- 
 science of a morality really Christian and 
 single, in which communities and nations are 
 accountable at the same bar of righteousness 
 as is a man. 
 
 ^ Another movement gathering great head- 
 way in our century is the revival of the social 
 gospel in the Church and in the world of all 
 good men. The gospel of the last century 
 was directed towards saving the individual 
 out of the evil of the world, and it laid great 
 stress on the bliss awaiting the saved one in 
 the world to come. The Church can never 
 neglect personal religion, for man's individual 
 
 [94]
 
 Other Sig?is of the New Unity 
 
 oneness with God is a great factor in his Hfe. 
 (But the Church is now seeing that its final 
 object is not so much saving one man out of 
 a corrupt society and social order into heaven 
 as the redeeming of the very order itself, so 
 that the will of God shall be done on earth as 
 it is in heaven. This new, social, conscious- 
 ness is giving birth to a great revival of hu- 
 maneness and is imparting to the Church the 
 determination to build the kingdom of God, 
 the beautiful city of God in the earth. Con- 
 sequently she is driving out every evil that 
 makes the kingdom impossible and degrades 
 God's little children, A great campaign 
 against child labour, the saloon, corrupt poli- 
 tics, unjust economic conditions, the exploi- 
 tation of the weak and the foreigner, against 
 all that makes the kingdom impossible and 
 debases men has begun. Hatred between 
 races, wars between nations, are the worst of 
 these degrading forces. The moral damage 
 of war is worse than the physical suffering it 
 brings, as Rev. Walter Walsh, D.D., has 
 shown in his recent remarkable book, " The 
 Moral Damage of War." Wars destroy the 
 Christian nurture of centuries. They let 
 loose again the worst lusts, passions and 
 
 [95] 
 
 7 
 f 
 
 /
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 hatreds of men. They plunge nations back 
 again into paganism. The new social gospel 
 is already attacking it, along with all those 
 evils that make the coming of the Christ- 
 spirit into the social fabric impossible, for the 
 kingdom of Christ must be built up on the 
 law of love and not that of force. If the 
 Church should say to-morrow, " Wars must 
 stop ; arbitration must be resorted to," wars 
 would stop. But the whole logic of her pres- 
 ent thinking will make her say so before the 
 twentieth century is half gone. 
 
 The one word that is on all men's lips to- 
 day is the brotherhood of man. It is passing 
 up out of the world of sentiment into a work- 
 ing gospel. In America it is rapidly becom- 
 ing a fact in spite of occasional relapses. It is 
 seen in the mingling of all the races in Amer- 
 ica. Dr. Edward Everett Hale used to call 
 the United States the greatest peace society in 
 existence. He had in mind the forty-six 
 states living together without wars between 
 each other. Perhaps he also had in mind 
 the fact that fifty once hostile races now live, 
 house to house, in friendship and peace. 
 What effect this can have on the peace of 
 the world has been lucidly pointed out in Jane 
 
 [96]
 
 A 
 
 Other Signs of the New Unity 
 
 Addams' "Newer Ideals of Peace," How- 
 ever this may be, brotherhood of man is at- 
 tracting more response in our day than the 
 older style of patriotism, which saw no good 
 outside its own border. The many labour 
 organizations and the social democracy of 
 Europe, with all their shortcomings, are yet 
 a groping towards brotherhood. Democracy 
 is coming to its own in this century, and 
 democracy, in its ideals at least, is brother- 
 hood — a state where the ruling principle is, 
 All for each and each for all. Democracy 
 and war are incompatible, as this century 
 will prove. 
 
 One other sign of the coming of the reign 
 bf law in this century is, to some minds, the 
 most convincing of all, namely, that all our 
 thinking to-day is gathering about the prin- 
 ciple of evolution, and evolution is only na- 
 ture's way of passing from brute to spirit. 
 This law has never failed in any other field 
 of operation. In every sphere of human ac- 
 tion the brute, the physical, has passed on up 
 into the spiritual and the realm of moral law. 
 One instance will suffice : Once men settled 
 all disputes by fierce, unregulated, hand-to- 
 hand fights. Then this single combat came 
 
 [97] 
 
 f^
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 to be governed by men. This, in turn, was 
 superseded by the duel. The duel is much 
 higher than a fist fight, because the element 
 of regulation enters in. But the duel was out- 
 grown. Men had risen to courts, and as men 
 have increased in virtue courts are not used so 
 much. Men are learning to forbear and for- 
 give. Now, if war should show any signs of 
 coming under the same principle, what sane 
 man can believe the principle will break down 
 here, where it has not in any other case ? It 
 will not. It cannot. Evdlution does not break 
 down I It is God operating, and when God 
 begins He finished But war has come un- 
 der the principle:' It has gone a long way 
 under it. Once wars were the normal state 
 of society. Now all agree they are abnormal 
 and peace is normal. Once wars were con- 
 tinuous and peace occasional. N9W peace 
 is continuous and war occasional' The oc- 
 casions are growing further and further apart 
 all the time. Once war was the profession 
 of all able-bodied men, except the priests. 
 In the United States peace is the profession 
 of everybody and soldiering thought less and 
 less of as a trade. Once war was unregu- 
 lated ; now there are a hundred humane laws, 
 
 [98]
 
 Other Signs of the New Unity 
 
 the two Hague Conferences having added 
 many new ones to those which had already 
 gradually grown up with the years. Once 
 nations freely made wars for pillage and 
 plunder. To-day no nation would think of 
 such a thing, nor dare to carry it out if she 
 did. A war to-day must at least have the 
 semblance of rights defended or justice 
 sought as an excuse. Once every dispute 
 was settled by war. Now fully one-third of 
 international disputes are put out of the zone 
 where war is possible by existing arbitration 
 treaties. And he who reads can see that the 
 peace talk to-day is more than holding its 
 own, and gradually displacing the war talk. 
 Shall the law of evolution in this regard stop 
 short here, let us ask again, when it has ful- 
 filled itself in every other spiritual principle? 
 Shall God fail here after having gone so won- 
 derfully far ? Who can think so, especially 
 to-day, when some think they even catch 
 glimpses of that reign of law that is to su- 
 persede war? 
 
 [99]
 
 VII 
 
 THE OBSTACLES IN THE WAY 
 
 BEFORE turning, in our last chapter, 
 to consider the things that should im- 
 mediately be done, let us for a mo- 
 ment see some of the obstacles in the way of 
 the movement towards the substitution of 
 law for war and the unifying of the interests 
 of mankind. We shall find these obstacles 
 of three sorts, those that are old and linger 
 on, which have always been and which will 
 naturally yield before the new order as the 
 old is always supplanted by the new ; those 
 which arise as the new comes, to grapple 
 with it, just as the new always arouses un- 
 heard-of enemies ; and those which are born 
 out of the disturbing of the things that have 
 always been. For one great enemy of the 
 new is that group of men who dread change 
 of any sort, fearing even change for the bet- 
 ter, lest they be disturbed by the loss of busi- 
 ness — for disarmament will revolutionize all 
 the business of the world. Under these three 
 general classes are found all the obstacles.
 
 The Obstacles in the Jf^ay 
 
 They are not small. The enemies of peace 
 are legion and the success of international- 
 ism is awaking its enemies to their most vig- 
 orous fight. That they must give way is 
 patent to any prophetic eye. Their very 
 frenzy is sign of their desperation. But 
 they have great forces behind them — the 
 past, and conservatism, two terrific forces, 
 and these things which we will now briefly 
 mention, one by one. They must yield, but 
 we can defeat them more quickly if we know 
 just what they are. 
 
 There is the fact that the whole political 
 and social structure of Europe is based on 
 militarism. In Germany, for instance, it not 
 only underlies all the state, but it is inter- 
 woven through the whole social fabric and is 
 bred into the very bones of the people. 
 Every man serves in the army. The army 
 is considered the school of the nation. The 
 nation is thought to rest on the army. The 
 Emperor and princes are always uniformed 
 as soldiers. This army is always in sight. 
 It is the most honourable profession. The 
 soldier has, until very recently, outranked 
 the poet, philosopher, university professor, 
 and statesman. It is the highest social rank. 
 
 [lOl]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 A member of the Reichstag can marry his 
 cook if he wishes to ; an army officer cannot 
 marry the most famous opera singer because 
 she has taken money for service. It is to 
 the army the young men look for success 
 and promotion, as in the United States they 
 look to business or professions. The army 
 being so much in evidence, the boys and girls, 
 the men and women, all the people think 
 in military terms ; — the language and litera- 
 ture are coloured by it. To millions no other 
 order of society ever entered their minds 
 until this century. Even the church has 
 been linked up with it and has been litde 
 more prophetic than the state. The very 
 news of Hague Conferences has been be- 
 wildering to them. To some German vil- 
 lagers with whom we once talked in a 
 country town in Bavaria, it was all as 
 mystifying and unbelievable as the New 
 Jerusalem coming down out of heaven. 
 They hoped it could be true, but they could 
 not see how a state could exist apart from 
 militarism any more than we can conceive of 
 a city where there is no law. Then, too, of 
 course the whole economic order is deter- 
 mined by this military system. Half the 
 
 [ I02]
 
 The Obstacles in the Way 
 
 young men are supported for a while in the 
 army. The women work in streets and fields 
 in consequence. All business is governed by it. 
 One can easily see the remarkable industrial, 
 agricultural and commercial revolution that 
 has got to take place with the release of 
 these hundreds and thousands to productive 
 labour. To change Europe from a world 
 based on militarism to one based on in- 
 dustry and law is no small task even were 
 all agreed it was better. 
 
 But all are not agreed that it is better, and 
 so we have a second obstacle, namely, those 
 who either believe in militarism, or who 
 want it retained because of ambition, em- 
 ployment or commercial gain. The number 
 of those who believe in militarism as the best 
 order are growing smaller and smaller under 
 the influence of the new democracy. They 
 are perhaps few in America. But there are 
 many in Europe. Not long ago one of Ger- 
 many's leading statesmen wrote a long pam- 
 phlet against arbitration courts, insisting that 
 the nation would lose both its self-respect and 
 its vigour if it entered into a general arbitra- 
 tion treaty, and that that was the strongest 
 and livest nation having the only one source 
 
 [ 103]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 of permanency, which was strong enough to 
 act independently of other nations and 
 defend its honour at any time. This feehng 
 is still strong in Europe. It is natural, be- 
 cause Europe has been suckled at the breasts 
 of militarism. The older men can see no 
 other foundation for nationality or independ- 
 ence or safety. That will pass. But there is 
 a more insistent foe — namely, that great 
 number of army and navy officers who see 
 power slipping from their hands with the 
 process of disarmament and the great in- 
 dustrial trusts which grow fat on $12,000,000 
 battle-ships, millions of rifles, tons of powder, 
 uniforms, provisions, and other things. In 
 most European nations, and to some extent 
 in our own, the military party have a firm 
 grip on the reins of government. How 
 easily they could work England into a war 
 scare and make her vote millions of pounds 
 of her very livelihood away for a lot of 
 dreadnaughts for which she has no more 
 need than she has for Chinese junks has 
 recently been seen. Disarmament means 
 loss of power for them ; Hague Courts and 
 arbitration treaties loss of every occupation. 
 They are fighting their most desperate game 
 
 [ 104]
 
 The Obstacles in the Way 
 
 now both in Europe and America. The 
 greatest tribute to the growth of the peace 
 cause is their desperation. But danger lurks 
 here. Even in our own country they are 
 leaguing themselves with the great trusts 
 whose interests are also at stake, and using 
 every possible means to stimulate the growth 
 of militarism. Such men as President Nich- 
 olas Murray Butler, Dr. Charles E. Jefferson 
 and Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard, have 
 recendy called attention to the activity at 
 Washington of the officers of the various 
 steel, nickel, powder, oil trusts and others in 
 connection with appropriations for vast 
 navies. The Navy League has been formed 
 to fire the minds of youth with the glory of 
 war-ships. Great naval parades are organ- 
 ized and fleets sent round the world, thus 
 keeping the glory of the navy before the 
 people in spectacular manner. Every year, 
 just when the bill for big battle-ships goes 
 into Congress, somebody suddenly learns 
 that Japan is meditating an attack upon us. 
 We hear a good deal about putting rifle 
 practice into public schools, and establishing 
 chairs to teach college men to kill their 
 brothers at first shot. There is much danger 
 
 [105]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 here. But the very panic of energy into 
 which these men have been thrown, their 
 attacks on the peace movement, their at- 
 tempts to minimize the work of The Hague 
 Conference is a sign of the anachronism of 
 their presence in this new century. They 
 belong to the century that is gone. 
 
 Another obstacle to be overcome is the 
 lingering hold of the old form of patriotism 
 which identifies love of one's own country 
 with a blind allegiance to her course whether 
 right or wrong, with the mistrust of other 
 nations and with military service and guns. 
 One of the happiest omens is that this is rap- 
 idly changing. The public schools are grad- 
 ually broadening their thought of allegiance 
 to country and considering the heroes of 
 peace, and the opportunity of heroism in 
 every-day civic and social spheres. But 
 much of the older form of patriotism lingers. 
 It is seen in the songs we sing and the 
 speeches we make on Memorial Day and In- 
 dependence Day. It is seen in our literature 
 for young people. It is typified in a recent 
 picture called " A Lesson in Patriotism " 
 where an old man is teaching a boy to handle 
 a gun. It is still largely identified with guns 
 
 [io6]
 
 The Obstacles in the Way 
 
 and armies and distrust of foreign nations in 
 many minds. It thinks of the patriot as one 
 who dies for his country rather than as one 
 who lives for it and loves it enough to re- 
 buke it and insist that it do justice to other 
 nations and not shame itself in their eyes. 
 But the change for the better is rapidly ad- 
 vancing here. 
 
 Perhaps after all the greatest obstacle to 
 the movement of our century towards inter- 
 national brotherhood is a spiritual one — the 
 same obstacle that has stood in the way of 
 every good in history which the prophets 
 have foreseen and urged, namely, distrust by 
 good people of their own faith ; their disbelief 
 in the power of the gospel they all accept and 
 confess, to accomplish the great things it 
 promises ; their fear to walk in untried ways. 
 The peace movement is encountering this 
 distrust of good men just as has every other 
 great movement, and it is proving its worst 
 foe as it did in all other instances. It is not 
 militarism that the peace movement need 
 chiefly fear. Militarism is doomed. It is not 
 commercialism. Commercialism would not 
 stand a day against the enroused conscience 
 of humanity. It is not love of war, or that 
 
 [ 107 ]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 men do not think war evil. The modern hu- 
 mane spirit grows so fast that nearly all men 
 think war evil. Its greatest foe is that great 
 company of Christian people, church people, 
 who think war is cruel, devilish, that it vio- 
 lates all instincts of human brotherhood and 
 is the blackest curse of our day, the paganism 
 of our Christian era, blat who do not believe 
 their own gospel. Xhey say, " War has al- 
 ways been, therefore it needs must always be." 
 " People always have fought, therefore they 
 always will." "You cannot change human 
 nature." All this, in spite of the one funda- 
 mental claim of the gospel to make all things 
 new, and the fact that history has been noth- 
 ing but the changing of human nature both 
 in individuals and societies.' 
 
 But as great revolutions in human society 
 have been accomplished by Christianity, in 
 spite of the lack of faith in it of its followers, 
 as is the change from war to law. When 
 Jesus first preached the law of forgiveness to 
 displace hatred and revenge, men gasped in 
 astonishment. The good people all said, " It 
 is beautiful, but ideal, visionary. You cannot 
 change human nature." Now it is the rec- 
 ognized law of Christians. When the first 
 
 [io8]
 
 The Obstacles i?i the IV ay 
 
 prophet proclaimed democracy in the midst 
 of some tyrannical autocracy, again the good 
 people all agreed that it was a beautiful thing 
 — but a dream, an impossible heaven of the 
 poet. " Men could not govern themselves 
 even if allowed to try. They have no capac- 
 ity," they all said. Once all the cities and 
 dungeons of Europe were full of slaves. As 
 the Christian humanity grew, those prophets 
 who got close to the mind of Christ saw that 
 it contradicted all the spirit of Christ's life 
 and teaching, made impossible any real 
 brotherhood of man. Again they were met 
 by the palsy of faith in those good people 
 who agreed it was evil but could see no hope. 
 The change came in spite of this distrust in 
 humanity's capacity to grow. Perhaps the 
 best illustration of all is that of the abolish- 
 ment of torture. In Niirnberg the old tower 
 stands where one is shown the horrible in- 
 struments of torture including " the iron 
 virgin " which w ere not only freely used in 
 the sixteenth century, but which afforded 
 biggest delight to the citizens at large, for 
 they came in large crowds to enjoy the tor- 
 ture. One day the preacher in Strasburg on 
 the Rhine said, " This torture is unchristian. 
 
 [ 109 ]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 It is brutal. It is inhuman and barbarous. 
 It is time it were stopped forever." The good 
 people in the church all said, " Yes, it is un- 
 christian, pagan, degrading. But you can- 
 not stop it. Men have always tortured, they 
 always will. It is deep-rooted in the very 
 structure of society. You cannot change hu- 
 man nature. The millennium is far off." As 
 a matter of fact torture was stopped almost 
 immediately and now any one who should 
 recommend it again would be looked upon as 
 insane.' 
 
 We give these instances for two reasons. 
 The first because war is no more ingrained in 
 the necessity of human civilization than any 
 of these other evils which have passed away. 
 As a matter of fact it looks as if it were going 
 to be easier to overthrow the war system and 
 supplant it with law, than it was to overthrow 
 absolutism in government and slavery as an 
 institution. As a matter of fact many more 
 deeply intrenched evils than war, evils which 
 left a greater gap to be filled, would have 
 been banished ages sooner, had Christians 
 
 • For an interesting discussion of this whole problem see An- 
 drew D. White's " Seven Great Statesmen," the chapter on 
 " Thomasius." 
 
 [no]
 
 The Obstacles in the Way 
 
 dared follow their prophets to the conclusion 
 of their own gospel. To-day if the Chris- 
 tians would follow their own gospel or would 
 half take Christianity at its word there would 
 never be another war between nations. 
 Many are devoutly praying that the good 
 people of to-day are not going to be left 
 stranded a hundred years behind the times 
 as they were in all these other instances. 
 Particularly the young men of this age of 
 fast moving reforms should be in the front 
 with the prophets. 
 
 The other reason why we give these illustra- 
 tions is to show that it is not necessary to 
 change the human nature of all people or to 
 wipe out the popular prejudices or overcome 
 ancient habits of thought in all the populace. 
 It is the prophets and the leaders who make 
 the changes of the world. The talk of vox 
 Popiili is often more of delusion than a real- 
 ity. Let us make enough of the preachers, 
 teachers, editors, and particularly statesmen 
 to see the reasonableness and inevitableness 
 of the new order, and it can be at once es- 
 tablished and the great changes made. If 
 we could convince the heads of six nations 
 with their parliaments that a League of 
 
 [III]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 Peace was desirable we would soon have 
 the combination of nations to preserve the 
 peace of the world. This is the way many 
 of these other changes came. If the dele- 
 gates assembled at the Third Hague Confer- 
 ence should vote for a permanent court, the 
 world would sustain them. Indeed it is not 
 a matter of the world. It is a matter of the 
 lawmakers. But public sentiment helps won- 
 derfully and both educates and urges the 
 legislatures and courts. And there is no 
 need of being discouraged even at the pos- 
 sibility of creating a new sentiment and rev- 
 olutionary impulse in the world at large. 
 /The only real hindrance to immediate and 
 everlasting international peace is the timidity 
 and silence of those who believe in it and 
 want it. Let all men who believe in the 
 community of nations, the supremacy of the 
 kingdom of God, and the brotherhood of 
 man speak at once. The abolition of war 
 and the reign of law is no whit more impos- 
 sible than a hundred things civilization has 
 already banished or gained. 
 
 [112]
 
 VIII 
 
 THE IMMEDIATE TASK 
 
 IN this last chapter we wish to emphasize 
 some things that are next and immedi- 
 ately to be accomplished. Of course 
 the whole book is in emphasis of these things, 
 because the task of the century is to finish as 
 soon as possible the task of world federation 
 it already has begun, and to take next steps 
 in the lines on which the practical people 
 of all nations are now working. But it will 
 be suggestive and encouraging to enumer- 
 ate them here and to state them in order of 
 importance, or rather of immediate necessity. 
 It is with great satisfaction that all peace 
 workers can remark as we list these things 
 that many of them seem very near to accom- 
 plishment. 
 
 The first thing the century should see is a 
 permanent court of arbitral justice firmly es- 
 tablished in The Hague, at the time of the 
 Third Hague Conference in 1915. The out- 
 look for this is very bright. The Secretary 
 of State of the United States has recently 
 
 [113]
 
 T/ie Peace Proble 
 
 7n 
 
 sent a note to the various governments, as 
 we saw in a previous chapter, suggesting 
 that the powers, which are signatory to the 
 recently constituted international prize court, 
 establish among themselves a permanent 
 court of international justice, regardless of 
 the lesser powers which blocked the way at 
 the Second Hague Conference. This note 
 has met with enthusiastic response — with 
 such response indeed that Secretary Knox 
 has publicly announceed that the Third 
 Hague Conference would find the court al- 
 ready constituted. Be this so or not, there 
 ought to be such a world-wide sentiment in 
 demand of this court generated between now 
 and 1915, that the Third Hague Conference 
 cannot think of dissolving its sessions with- 
 out having constituted a Permanent Supreme 
 Court of the World. 
 
 The second immediate task is closely re- 
 lated to this. It is to insist that all the na- 
 tions present at the Third Hague Conference 
 sign a general treaty of obligatory arbitration 
 binding them to refer as many classes of dis- 
 putes as can be got into the treaty, to the 
 Permanent Court of Arbitral Justice if consti- 
 tuted, or if this is not consummated, to the 
 
 ["4]
 
 The Immediaie Task 
 
 Permanent Tribunal now in existence and be- 
 fore which the Fisheries Dispute between 
 Great Britain and the United States has re- 
 cently been tried. Such a treaty was almost 
 concluded at the Second Hague Conference, 
 only two prominent nations opposing it. It 
 must be signed at the Third Conference. 
 The people must insist so loudly during the 
 next five years that the conference will be 
 forced to conclude it. We should insist, too, 
 that all possible subjects be included in it. 
 President Taft has spoken for this nation 
 when he recently said future arbitration trea- 
 ties should include all subjects. It may not 
 be possible to get all the nations to sign a 
 general treaty so absolute and so universal, 
 but it ought to be possible to include in it, 
 since this utterance of the President of the 
 United States, more than could have been in- 
 cluded at the Second Conference. 
 
 The third thing that should be consum- 
 mated either before the Third Conference or 
 simultaneous with it, is a League of Peace. 
 There are two ways of conceiving of the 
 League of Peace. One as a consolidation of 
 the navies of three or four great nations into a 
 small international police force large enough 
 
 ["5]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 simply to enforce the decrees of the Perma- 
 nent Court when it shall be in operation ; the 
 other as a combination, if we do not get the 
 Permanent Court soon, of the three or four 
 great powers with their then irresistible ar- 
 maments, to insist that all the rest of the world 
 keep the peace. It is in line with President 
 Taft's declaration that he hoped soon to see 
 the time when nineteen nations of the Western 
 Continent would have the power to say to any 
 other two about to enter upon war, " You must 
 stop." Mr. Andrew Carnegie and ex- President 
 Roosevelt are earnestly advocating this league 
 of peace. If we could get the United States, 
 Great Britain, Germany and France to sign 
 arbitration treaties among themselves agree- 
 ing to submit everything to arbitration, these 
 nations leagued together would prevent any 
 two other nations in the world from fighting 
 each other. This is good, but not so good as 
 the voluntary submission of disputes to the 
 Permanent Court, as righteousness secured 
 by superior force is never so desirous as the 
 righteousness of free-will. But war between 
 two nations disturbs all others. The com- 
 petitive arming of two nations impoverishes 
 all others by frightening them also into arm- 
 
 [Ii6]
 
 T/ie Immediate Task 
 
 ing. Therefore if the three or four most civ- 
 ilized nations of the world outgrow war, they 
 have a right to insist that all others cease from 
 it and from preparation for it. 
 
 The fourth thing in importance need not 
 wait upon any of these others. It should be 
 concluded at once, and that is an arbitration 
 treaty between Great Britain and the United 
 States agreeing to submit every possible kind 
 of dispute, including even that of vital hon- 
 our, that elusive thing which no statesman 
 has yet defined, to the Permanent Tribunal 
 at The Hague for the present and after the 
 Supreme Court is established, to that forever. 
 We say this should be done at once, for we 
 believe it could be done. There will have 
 elapsed in 19 14 a hundred years of peace be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain. 
 War betw^een the two nations becomes more 
 and more unthinkable. The United States 
 should have the honour of making the pro- 
 posal. As this book goes to press, the Presi- 
 dent of the United States is reported, evi- 
 dently on quite trustworthy information (the 
 writer has private information to the same 
 effect), to be already negotiating such a treaty 
 with Great Britain and that the preliminary 
 
 [117]
 
 The Peace Proble 
 
 m 
 
 steps with the British ambassador have al- 
 ready been taken. This is the logical action 
 of the President after his remarkable declara- 
 tion that the United States should imme- 
 diately conclude such a treaty with some great 
 nation. The writer has reasons to believe 
 that a large group in Congress would enthu- 
 siastically support such a treaty. If the United 
 States does not do it soon, she will lose the 
 honour, for England is thinking of this thing 
 also. A large committee has been formed to 
 arrange for a fitting celebration of this hun- 
 dred years of peace. Already the signing of 
 this treaty has occurred to many as the most 
 fitting celebration. It would give greatest 
 impetus to the peace movement of anything 
 that could just now be done. It would be 
 the beginning of the end. Other nations 
 would simply have to follow — forced by the 
 irresistible logic of evolution, if not following 
 willingly — as we believe they would. If every 
 lover of peace and good-will in the United 
 States will talk it we shall have it in two years. 
 The fifth thing that should be quickly done 
 in every nation has just been done in the 
 United States, namely, the appointing by the 
 nations of commissions made up of most 
 
 [Ii8]
 
 The Immediaie T ask 
 
 capable men to study means of hastening 
 world federation and checking the intolerable 
 and growing world burden of armaments. 
 We are glad to say that in June of 1910 both 
 the Senate and the House of Representatives 
 passed a bill authorizing the President of the 
 United States to appoint a commission of five 
 members " to consider the expediency of util- 
 izing existing international agencies for the 
 purpose of limiting the armaments of the na- 
 tions of the world by international agreement, 
 and of constituting the combined navies of 
 the world an international force for the pres- 
 ervation of universal peace." This commis- 
 sion is to report at the end of two years and 
 its report will logically be the basis of action 
 for the delegates of the United States to the 
 Third Hague Conference. 
 
 The sixth thing that should be increased 
 greatly is the practice of international hospi- 
 tality by governments themselves. As we 
 saw, it is a widely prevalent and growing cus- 
 tom among individuals and societies. But it 
 should now be made a constant occurrence 
 among governments. One parliament should 
 invite the parliament of another nation to be 
 its guests. One government should invite 
 
 [119]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 the other governments to send delegates to 
 discuss the conservation of the common good 
 things of the world, as ex- President Roose- 
 velt suggested when in office. Cabinets / 
 should exchange visits. It would be a good ,^ 
 thing if the United States would invite King 
 George of England, or the Emperor William 
 of Germany, or the President of France to be 
 its guest for a month. But every visit of one 
 nation as the guest of another strengthens 
 the friendly union of those nations and pro- 
 motes mutual regard and understanding, 
 which is a pledge of peace. 
 
 These are all concrete things to work for, 
 things that can be done by votes and actions 
 of official bodies. But there are other things 
 of no less importance inasmuch as they 
 make possible the accomplishment of these 
 outward things. We refer of course to the 
 cultivation of a new sentiment, the creation of 
 a new spirit, the acquiring of a new outlook 
 on life, a new theory of human relationships. 
 So the propaganda of the new idealism, the 
 new social theory should go on with re- 
 newed vigour. The new day is near. The 
 friends of the old know this and are de- 
 fending the old with a dying man's strength. 
 
 [ 120]
 
 The Immediate Task 
 
 Eagerness and real passion for the new 
 will greatly hasten the day that is surely 
 dawning. 
 
 First, we must show this generation that 
 militarism is a survival of an old and ancient 
 order that had its origin in monarchies and 
 feudalism and in the days of despotism, but 
 that it is an anachronism in the days of democ- 
 racy. Democracy is based on justice, not on 
 force. Its law is brotherhood, not iron and 
 power. It rests on the good-will of men 
 towards each other and a recognition of 
 common rights, not on armies and navies. 
 For two kings to go to war in olden times 
 and use their subjects as pawns in their 
 deadly games may have been natural, but 
 for two free republics to go to destroying each 
 other is a contradiction of the very nature 
 of the new political order. For what have 
 men striving for happiness and welfare in one 
 nation got to do with killing their brother 
 men who are pursuing the same struggles 
 and the same ideals? Hold up militarism, as 
 we do other relics of feudalism that persist in 
 democracy, to ridicule. Teach the children 
 that it is outgrown as old theologies, old 
 sciences, old philosophies, old servitudes, old 
 monarchical forms, old duels are outgrown. 
 
 [121]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 Show them that the watchword oi this day 
 is justice. But wars never settle justice nor 
 righteousness but only which nation is strong- 
 est or can endure longest or has most skill 
 in killing. A people who love justice and 
 desire it can have no further use for armies 
 and navies except as small groups are needed 
 for policing the nation. Show them how 
 vast armies and navies imperil democracy 
 because they put vaster and vaster power in 
 the hands of the executive and central gov- 
 ernment to use against the people. Show 
 them how this very thing makes democracy 
 impossible in Russia. The nation tries to , 
 have a parliament. But the Tzar with hls^ 
 great army nullifies the people's every wish. 
 The immediate task is to teach the world that 
 militarism and democracy are as impossible 
 in the same nation as mammon and God in 
 the same heart. 
 
 /Secondly we must spread the new gospel 
 'of brotherhood with even increasing ardour. 
 Fortunately for the cause of world federation 
 it is the one gospel to which the common 
 man leaps more and more. But we must 
 show men that the racial traits, the accidents 
 of birth, the languages, the tongues, even 
 the habits of mind and heart acquired 
 
 [ 122 ]
 
 The Immediate Task 
 
 through long national ancestries are the 
 superficial traits and distinctions of human- 
 ity, while the real traits are those that are 
 universal, the common powers of loving and 
 suffering and enjoying ; the common ideal 
 and aspirations, the common successes and 
 defeats. The things that are the same in all 
 nations are the deepest traits in every nation. 
 Germans, French and English are all alike 
 here. These superficial traits in the past 
 have been chief. Now they are passing and 
 the common human qualities are seen to be 
 chiefest of all. This was Jesus' thought for 
 the kingdom. Men have perverted it. 
 Now we are again learning Paul's lesson 
 that God " made of otte every nation of men 
 for to dwell on all the face of the earth." 
 Many things are causing this conception to 
 rise among the people — democracy, the 
 deepening hold of real Christianity, the 
 transfer of emphasis in the Church from next- 
 worldliness to a righteous this-worldliness, 
 the federation of the working people, the 
 bringing of the world into one neighbour- 
 hood by telegraph and steam. Added to 
 this the living together of many nations in 
 one nation, as a result of immigration, to some 
 time become one people, has proven to the 
 
 [ 123 ]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 world this truth. Let us hold it up now 
 more fervently than ever — The common 
 interests are greater than any racial or 
 national interests. But war always destroys 
 the community of the world to entrench again 
 a pai?ticular trait of humanity. 
 
 Lastly, we need to teach the children the 
 n^ patriotism. The old patriotism has 
 -^been like the old sectarianism in religion — it 
 thought everybody unsaved and foreign who 
 was not of its own communion. The de- 
 nomination v/as emphasized more than 
 Christianity. It was typified in the remark 
 of a certain New England deacon : '* I may 
 be a poor Christian but I'm a good Baptist." 
 So the old patriotism has almost made us 
 feel that all outside our own nation were 
 inferiors, queer, unfavoured, strange foreign- 
 ers, worst of all our natural enemies. The 
 new patriotism teaches us to love our 
 country just as much, yea, more, but at the 
 same time, as in the new church unity, it 
 teaches that men of other nations are not 
 foreign nor alien, that they are very much 
 like ourselves, that they live and behave 
 very much as we do, that God has favoured 
 them as much as us, that German, French- 
 man, Englishman has many good qualities 
 
 [124]
 
 The I minediate Task 
 
 we have not, that we can learn much from 
 them : — above all that they have no more 
 hatred towards us than we have to them. It 
 is a very small nature that is continually 
 imputing to other people attitudes and base 
 purposes it does not itself entertain towards 
 others.^ If the United States is not deliber- 
 ately planning to invade Japan it is only a 
 sign of her littleness that she continually 
 suspects Japan of the purpose of invading 
 us. Honourable and noble men, and just, 
 strong nations, do not impute motives to 
 others which they do not entertain them- 
 selves. As a matter of fact there is not a 
 man in all the United States who gives a 
 thought to invading any country. Who is 
 silly enough to believe the English or Ger- 
 man people are thinking any more of in- 
 vasions than are we? So the new patriotism 
 will recognize all the world as its home, all 
 nations necessary to make up a ripe and 
 symmetrical humanity, each race contributing 
 its own ; and will love its own country more 
 that it may make it beautiful and just to 
 play its part in the evolution of all humanity 
 towards this consummation. The old pa- 
 triotism sings forever of dying for one's 
 country. The new patriotism emphasizes 
 
 [125]
 
 The Peace Problem 
 
 living for it. And sometimes it seems to 
 take more courage to live for it than to die 
 for it. As one of the men who charged up 
 San Juan Hill once said to the writer, " It 
 was much easier for me to face Spanish 
 bullets in one exciting charge than to face a 
 bribe of $10,000 a year to give my knowl- 
 edge of law to a nefarious enterprise. My 
 real battle came when, as a poor lawyer, I 
 fought that battle." We must show our 
 youth that there is little likelihood of their 
 being asked to act as targets for British 
 bullets, but that the nation is suffering for a 
 lack of pure, just, honourable men in politics 
 and business and industry — men who will 
 not soil their hands, nor sell their principles, 
 nor forfeit their purity, nor degrade their 
 ideals to those of the market-place, nor have 
 anything to do with bribes and lies, nor set 
 personal gain above the states' welfare in 
 politics ; show our boys that this is real 
 patriotism to so live that the country will be 
 juster, fairer, happier for their devoted lives. 
 The old patriotism asks our boys to be ready 
 to defend us from outside enemies. The 
 new patriotism must show our boys that its 
 outside enemies are as pygmies and as 
 dreams, compared with its inside enemies, 
 
 [126]
 
 The Immediate Task 
 
 those serpents in its own breast. Show 
 them that at present there is no sign that the 
 United States has a single enemy among the 
 nations of the world, nor will have so long 
 as she practices justice. Show them that 
 her real enemies are her traitorous children 
 who live off her and rob her and despoil her 
 people, while often crying patriotism loudest 
 — corrupt legislators, unscrupulous party 
 leaders, takers of bribes in senates, politicians 
 who squeeze the tills of great cities and take 
 commissions on sales and contracts, grafters, 
 patent medicine firms, adulterators of foods, 
 liquor sellers, brewers, procurers, employers 
 who grind down the poor and employ little 
 children, lawbreakers both in trusts and in 
 housebreaking, defenders of mob-rule, pro- 
 moters of race hatreds : — these are our real 
 enemies, our deadly ones, those for whom 
 we may have real fear. Then there are 
 tuberculosis, typhoid and a hundred diseases 
 eating at our hearts. These are the things 
 our youth must defend us from. Just at 
 present they threaten the nation a thousand 
 times as much as any foreign foe. Real 
 patriotism is the determination to expel them 
 from the nation. They are also the foes 
 common to all the world. 
 
 [ 127 ]
 
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