w § ■tJlif i UliiinSHSiHI*'''' ^i mumiimmifl H973 /^/ 43U1 v.l Avery History of the United States REFfiREN€E ROOM STORAGS Central Library I PASADENA PUBLIC LIBRARY REFERENCE P -'7^ 0.: SRLF. A H istory of the United States VoLU ME I ( ■S. y^ -s ■ D< ^^^ y Portrait of Christopher Columbus From the painting in the Marine Museum at Madrid "Bjproduced from Lef art's etching, by permission of M. Knoedler ^ Company, New York. Signature from his letter to the Spanish Sovereigns, February 6 th, 1502. AHISTORYOFTHE UNITED STATES AND ITS PEOPLE FROM THEIR EARLIEST RECORDS TO THE PRESENT TIME ELROY M^KENDREE AVERY ■> IN TWELVE VOLUMES VOLUME I ^^A m CLEVELAND THE BURROWS BROTHERS COMPANY '^'—-'- MCMFV iJfJrii'^-^^ COPYRIGHT 1904 BY ELROY MCKENDREE AVERY MAPS, ILLUSTRATIONS, COMPOSITION, PLATES, AND PRESSWORK BY THE MATTHEWS-NORTHRIP WORKS, BUFFALO, NEW YORK I DEDICATE THESE VOLUMES TO MY FRIEND Charles William Burrows WHO, TWENTY YEARS AGO, ASKED ME TO JOIN HIM IN A WORK TO WHICH HE EVI- DENTLY HAD BEEN CALLED MORE BY A SOLDIER'S DESIRE TO SERVE HIS COUNTRY THAN BY A PUBLISHER'S LONGING FOR PECUNIARY GAIN. FROM THAT DAY TO THIS, AN UNSELFISH PURPOSE HAS GUIDED HIS UNFALTERING STEPS AND MADE EACH SURMOUNTED OBSTACLE A BETTER POINT OF VIEW FOR A HIGHER IDEAL. THIS IS WHY THIS HISTORY APPEARS IN A GARB RICHER THAN THAT OF ANY THAT HAVE GONE BEFORE IT. I SHOULD BE HAPPY IF I COULD THINK THAT MY WORK HAS BEEN DONE AS WELL AS HIS. ELROY M. AVERY CLEVELAND, AUGUST, 1904 R E A C E THIS volume is the beginning of an attempt to tell the story of the men and measures that have made the United States what it is. History is An orchard bearing several trees And fruits of several taste. In this work, I have tried to meet the wants of men and women of general culture rather than those of pro- fessional historical students. Whatever may have been thought a generation ago, it is now admitted that such a design is entirely legitimate. For instance. Professor Marshall S. Brown says that "the work of familiarizing juiy, 1901 the general reader with the history of his own country and of inciting him to further study of that history is as useful and necessary as that of investigation for the benefit of a limited number of specialists." This general reader lacks leisure and, in some cases, inclination to dig among the original sources of historical knowledge, but he knows that he has rights to be respected and needs to be met. My purpose, thus frankly avowed, explains why 1 have made no effort to provide "a mere collection of data for contingent reference, no more intended to be read than a table of logarithms," and why I have avoided frequent citations of authorities in the form of foot-notes. The general reader finds such notes dis- tracting and, therefore, prefers that they be omitted. If now and then he finds that his appetite grows by that on which it feeds, he will find suggestions for supple- X Preface mentary reading in the bibliographical appendix to this and to each of the succeeding volumes. Moreover, I have tried to narrow the gulf between special and popular thinking, to avoid either running into "a cold intellectualism that seems to be heading straight for the poverty and decay that must always follow the separation of the brain from the heart," or feeding "a popular taste that is daily accommodating itself to an aesthetic and intellectual pabulum that would have seemed to our forefathers, at best, a sad waste of time." The researches and discussions of the last quarter- century have thrown a new light on many parts of our early history. I venture to hope that some of this illumination may be reflected from these pages. To secure accuracy, 1 have not spared honest, earnest effort which in many cases sent me to the original sources. But I have tried not to attempt the impossible. An eminent historian says that no longer does any one try to write a complete history of America from the sources, and that each man now assumes that he may begin on the foundations laid by somebody else. I hereby acknowledge my deep obligation to many helping friends. Common fairness demands that special mention should be made of the assistance given by Otis T. Mason in the preparation of the second chapter, by James Mooney in the preparation of the twenty-second chapter, by George Frederick Wright in the revision of the first chapter, and by Frederick W. Hodge, Adolph F. A. Bandelier, Frank H. Hodder, and George P. Winship in the revision of various parts of the work, especially those relating to the Spanish explorations, and by my wife from beginning to end. Elroy M. Avery Cleveland, September, 1904 PUBLISHER'S STATEMENT As mentioned by Doctor Avery in his preface, foot- notes have been ahnost entirely omitted from this . history because the consensus of opinion is that the general reader finds the continuity of his thought seriously interrupted by their presence. The readability of the history is thereby diminished. If the nation is ever to have a literary monument containing a record of its birth, growth, and maturity, and of the causes and events which have led thereto, one to which it can point with pride, and which will serve by its existence to strengthen and perpetuate the great work begun and achieved by illustrious forefathers, it must be one that will be generally read. But of even greater importance than readability must ever stand trustworthiness. To secure this, we have adopted many precautions for the elimination of the com- mon errors — which are more numerous than the general reader can well imagine. We do not for a moment sup- pose that we have attained perfection, but we hope that our work will be recognized as a conscientious struggle for betterment. We offer it as a comprehensive, accurate, well-balanced, and readable history of the nation from the earliest times to the present day, with the belief that it will fill a place heretofore vacant. To the many specialists who hav^e read the manuscript critically, one for one purpose, another with a different object, we are indebted for valuable suggestions. That the deep fund of critical, historical knowledge possessed by Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits of the Lenox Library has xii Publisher's Statement been so freely at our disposal, it would ill become us to forget. Many, many others to whom our projects were explained and our hopes and fears outlined, have so heartily and sympathetically lent cooperation that we regret our inability to name them separately. Doctor Avery has made mention of the great assistance rendered by his wife, Mrs. Catherine H. T, Avery, the able editor of the American Monthly Magazine^ the official organ of the Daughters of the American Revolution. She is entitled to grateful recognition in this place, also. In its mechanical details, we have striven to make the book more useful than it could otherwise be by making it beautiful. In his chapter on the difference between the true and false grotesque, Ruskin tells us that "true art is decorated utility." To those who have painfully studied out the deductions to be made from maps in one color only, the utility of the extra printings that we have given will appeal forcibly. Their artistic value is self- evident. A word regarding our style-book prepared for the guidance of composi- tors, proof-readers, etc. It has been made selective, and, in general terms, without going to extremes, tends towards simplicity. The under- use rather than the over-abuse of punctuation marks is an example. And now, as our craft glides from the ways on which its keel was laid twenty years ago, we humbly dedicate it To The United States and Its People Sail on, O UNION, strong and great ! Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, Are all with thee, — are all with thee ! c o N T E N T I ntroduCtOry : Lists of Maps and Illustrations ; Chronology. I. The First Americans . . . , i II. The Neolithic Americans . . .11 III. Maze and Myth 62 IV. The Northmen (about 1000 a.d.) . . 74 V. Early Geographical Knowledge . . 97 VI. Prince Henry the Navigator (1394- 1460) 108 VII. Columbus and His Great Idea (1446-92) 112 VIII. Columbus's First Voyage (1492) . . 134 IX. Diplomacy and Preparation (1493) • • ^5^ X. Columbus's Second Voyage (1493 — 96) . 162 XI. Da Gama (1498) and Cabot (1497) . . 179 XII. Columbus's Third Voyage (1498- 1500) . 191 XIII. Voyages of the Cortereals (1500-02) . 208 XIV. Columbus's Fourth Voyage (1502-04) . 213 XV. Vespucius and "America" ( 145 1 — 1507) . 226 XVI. Balboa (1513) and Magellan (1519-21) . 241 XVII. Cortes (1519), Ponce de Leon (1513), and Las Casas (1502-47) .... 252 XVIII. East Coast Exploration: Ayllon, Verra- zano, and Gomez, (1521—26) . . 272 XIX. Spanish Explorations: Narvaez, De Vaca, De Soto, and Coronado, (1527—42) . 280 XX. Pioneers of New France: Cartier, Ribault, Laudonniere,and De Gourgues,( i 534—68) 303 XXI. Westward Ho! Hawkins, Drake, Caven- dish, Gilbert, and Ralegh (1565- 1600) 322 XXII. The Indians of North America . . 338 Statistics Regarding Indians, etc. . -359 Bibliographical Appendix . . -369 Note. — A general index will be found in the latter part of the twelfth volume. ILLUSTRATIONS Christopher Columbus . . . Frontispiece Portrait : From the painting in the Marine Museum at Madrid. Over eighty por- traits of Columbus are known, none painted either from life or even during the lifetime of the discoverer. This one was probably painted during the nineteenth century upon order from the ministry of marine. Doubtless, the old engraving known as the Capriolo served the artist to some extent as model. He has, however, made a noble representation, and even though it is a work of constructive imagination it is still the most generally satisfac- tory portrait of Columbus in existence. On De la Cosa's ox-hide map, facing page 208, will be found another portrait of the great discoverer. Signature : From the letter written by Columbus on February 6, 1502, from Granada to the Spanish sovereigns. The original is in the national archives at Madrid. This letter shows him to have been a consummate seaman, a masterly and scientific sailor, and an able pilot. More than sixty distinct pieces of Columbus's handwriting are in existence, and though he was an Italian by birth, they are all in Spanish. Thirty-three of these MSS. bear a signature. Fifteen bear his name and both of his peculiar mono- grams as reproduced in the present instance. A smaller number are signed with his marine title of admiral, el Almirante, and the large monogram. To this large seven-letter monogram, Columbus attached great impor- tance, and provided that his heirs should forever employ its peculiar form. No certain explanation of the letters is known. A religious interpretation is, however, universal. The smaller monogram is probably produced by intertwining the J and 5 of yesus. It always appears in the lower left- hand corner. The Ouiatchouan Falls, Lake Saint John . . i Map of North America ..... 3 Glacier and Iceberg ...... 5 Glacial Strias ....... 6 Rock Waste at the Foot of a Glacier ... 6 Map of the United States 7 Indicating the greatest extension of the continental ice-sheet, for this work by Professor George Frederick Wright. Prepared XVI Illustrations Sectional View of the Trough of the Ohio River . 9 Map Showing the River Terraces of the Upper Ohio Valley ...... 9 The glaciated area is untinted, while the terraces are shown by dots. Map of the United States . . . . .11 Indicating the recession of the ice-front nearly to the Mohawk valley. Prepared for this work by Professor George Frederick Wright. Bird's-eye View of the Niagara Gorge . . .12 Section across Table Mountain, California . . 13 The Calaveras Skull . . . . . -14 Now in Cambridge, Massachusetts, thinly coated with wax for preservation. The Nampa Image , . . . . -14 Actual size. The Lansing (Kansas) Skull and Thigh-bone . 15 Reduced from original which was i 8 '4^ inches long. A Trenton (New Jersey) Paleolith . . -15 Reduced one-half. Map Showing the River Terraces of the Delaware Valley . . . . . . . .16 The glaciated area is untinted : the terraces are shown by dots. The Newcomerstown (Ohio) Paleolith . . • i? Side and edge view, reduced to one-quarter of natural size. Obsidian Spear-head from Lake Lahontan . .18 Reduced one-half. From the United States Geological Sur-vey, under Major J. W. Powell (Washington, 1885). Lake-dwellings Restored . . . . -19 The picture is constructed from data furnished by recent researches in this field of archseology. Arrow-head from Puzzle Lake, Florida . . 24 Actual height, two and one-eighth inches. Reproduced from paper by Clarence B. Moore in the American Naturalist for January, 1894. Mound on Little Island, South Carolina . . 25 From Clarence B. Moore's Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Coast of South Carolina ( I 898 ) . Round-house of Lava-blocks . . . .26 Map of the Pueblo Region . . . . -27 After the map accompanying Cosmos Mindeleff's Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona, in the thirteenth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology ; with corrections and additions from latest data supplied by Frederick Webb Hodge, editor of the American Anthropologic. Cliff-dwellings . . . . . . .28 From a photograph. Open-front Cavate Lodges . . . . -29 Illustrations xvii A Communal Pueblo, Zuni . . . . -29 Section Showing the Evolution of the Flat Roof and Terrace . . . . . . -30 Plan of Walpi, a Hopi Pueblo in Arizona . -31 From the eighth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. View of Walpi, Arizona . . . . -32 From the same. Stone Grave, Jackson County, Illinois . . -34 From the twelfth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. A Sepulchral Urn . . . . . -34 From frontispiece to Clarence B. Moore's Certain Aboriginal Alounds of the Georgia Coast (1897). A Mound (reproduced from De Bry) . . ■ 3S A reduced facsimile from his Collectiones Peregrinationum in Indiam Orien- talem et OcciJentalem, published at Frankfort, 1590—1634. Probably a representation of a burial-mound incomplete within the historic period. The Great Cahokia Mound, East Saint Louis,' Illinois . . . . . . -36 View from the east. From an original photograph made in 1900. The Serpent Mound, Adams County, Ohio . -37 After W. H. Holmes's drawing, made on the spot in 1888, and published in the twelfth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. Section of an Ossuary Mound, Crawford County, Wisconsin . . . . . . -37 From the fifth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. Section of a Burial Mound, near Davenport, Iowa 38 From the same. The diagram on the right shows the relative positions of the skeletons. Vertical and Horizontal Sections of a Burial Mound, East Dubuque, Illinois . . . . -38 From the same. View and Section of the Grave Creek Mound, near Wheeling, West Virginia . . . .40 From Squier and Davis's Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1848). The Nelson Mound, Caldwell County, North Carolina, after Excavation , . . -41 From the fifth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. XVlll Illustrations Prehistoric Vase from Florida . . . -43 Original is eight inches high. Reproduced from Clarence B. Moore's Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northiveit Florida Coast, part 2, page 205. Map of Fort Ancient, Warren County, Ohio . 45 Map of the Ancient Works at Newark, Ohio . 47 Map Showing Some of the Ancient Works of the Scioto Valley, Ohio . . . . .48 Chipped Celt, from a Mound in the Kanawha Valley ........ 53 Grooved Ax, from Brown County, Ohio . . 54 The Etowah Bust ...... 54 Reduced one-half from the cut given by Cyrus Thomas in the twelfth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. Bottle, from a Tumulus at Saint George, Utah . c^c^ Reduced to one-sixth natural size. Vase, from Davenport, Iowa . . . • SS Reduced to one-ninth natural size. Mug, from Tusayan, Arizona . . . • SS Reduced to one-fifth natural size. Bowl, from Tusayan, Arizona . . . • SS Reduced to one-sixth natural size. Charred Fabric, from a Mound in Ohio . . 56 An example of diagonal weaving. Moccasin, from a Cave in Kentucky . . -57 Fabric-marked Vase, from a Mound in North Carolina . . . . . . -58 The Sea of Darkness . . . . . .68 From an original drawing by Harry Fenn. Title-page of the Zeni Annals . . . -69 Reduced one-half. The Zeni Map ....... 70 Reduced facsimile; the original measures I5j^ x 12 inches. Norse Ship Unearthed at Sandefjord . . -74 Norse Ship Restored ...... 75 The discovery at Sandefjord, some very imperfect representations carved on rocks and runic stones, and a design on the Bayeux tapestry, have formed the basis for the restoration. Map of the North Atlantic Ocean . . -77 A Saga Manuscript ...... 79 From Reeves's Finding of IVineland the Good. Map of Bjarni's Course, after Harrisse . . .81 Ruins of the Church at Katortok . . . .81 Illustrations XIX Landing of the Northmen . . . . .82 After a drawing by J. Steeple Davis. Norse Boat Used as a Habitation . . -83 Map of Cape Cod "Restored" . . . .84 Eskimo Skin-boat . . . . . -87 Norse Ruins in Greenland . . . . • 90 Rafn's Map of Vinland 92 The Dighton Rock 93 A New Mexico Inscription Rock . . . -94 The Newport Tower . . . . . -94 The Chesterton Mill 95 Statue of Leif Ericson . . . . -95 Unveiled at Boston, October 29, 1887. Homer's World ....... 97 Ptolemy's World . . . . . -98 These two maps have been constructed from the extant writings of the authors, with other data furnished by contemporaneous sources. They illustrate the notions concerning the earth and its surface generally enter- tained at those periods. The latter map shows also the position assigned to Sera by Marinus, to illustrate the difference of opinion between these two authorities concerning the earth's size. Andreas Benincasa's Map of 1476 Reduced, with slight modifications, from the facsimile given in the atlas to Lelewel's Geographic du Moyen Age (Brussels, 1850). The Atlantic Ocean ...... Marco Polo After the original portrait, at Rome. Prince Henry the Navigator .... After a portrait in a contemporary manuscript chronicle, now in the national library at Paris — probably the only authentic one. Map Illustrating Early Portuguese Discoveries Ship of the Fifteenth Century .... An Attempt to Reconstruct the Alleged Toscanelli Map Also shouting the coast of Asia as it appears on the planisphere of 1457 and on Behaim's globe of 1492. Adapted from Professor Gustava Uzielli's compilation in his La Vita e i Tempi di Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli, published at Rome, in 1894, by the Reale Commissione Columbiana. Map of the World by Henricus Martellus Germanus, about 1492 . . . . . . -119 From the original manuscript in the British Museum. This is a so-called Portuguese map of the world of about 1492. From the inscription east of the Cape of Good Hope, and from its evident priority to the discoveries 104 108 108 109 I 10 117 XX Illustrations made by Columbus and Da Gama its probable date is conjectured. An adapted facsimile of the original is in the Kohl collection in the department of state at Washington. On this account this map is prepared from photo- graphs taken direct from the original copy in the British Museum. It has been conjectured that Martellus was a German miniature-painter working at Rome during the latter part of the fifteenth century. This map is erroneously described by many. Behaim's Globe of 1492 . . . . 120, 121 Adapted from the facsimile given in Ghillany's Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim (Nuremberg, 1853). The Convent of La Rabida , . . . .124 The Franciscan convent of Santa Maria de Rabida stands on a hill near the town of Palos. It had fallen into decay, but was restored in 1855. Map of Spain and Portugal . . . . • 1^5 Columbus's Fleet . . . . . -132 Map of the Spanish Coast between Huelva and Cadiz 135 Map of Columbus's Course, First Voyage . -137 Columbus Sighting the Light . . . -138 From an original drawing by Will H. Drake. The Landing of Columbus ..... 140 From the painting by Albert Bierstadt, in the rotunda of the capitol at Washington. Map Showing Columbus's Course after his Landfall (with map of Watling Island in corner) . . 141 The true landfall of Columbus has been the subject of much investigation, and will always be a matter of great interest. The site was on one of the Bahamas, and evidently on an island of moderate size, though not one of the smallest. Each of some half a dozen different islands of the Bahamas has had the claim made in its behalf that it is the true site of the landfall. Alexander von Humboldt accorded the honor to Cat Island, and so did Washington Irving. Captain G. V. Fox, U. S. N., assigned it to Atwood Cay (Samana). His paper, the most elaborate treatment of the subject yet made, forms part of the government report, yet it is now regarded as practically established that Watling Island is the true Guanahani, the San Salvador of Columbus. The methods used in determining this, we indicate below : First. The physical description given by Las Casas in the abridgment of Columbus's journal (the original is lost) is found to apply more perfectly to Watling than to any other island. Second. After leaving the island and sailing by a devious but quite fully recorded course, Cuba was struck at a harbor whose location is definitely established by description. With a chart of the Bahamas and a knowledge of the currents, the backward route of Columbus may, by the aid of the journal, be laid out, many points being fixed with precision and others with the highest degree of probability. This method also indicates (in fact, in the judgment of most recent expert investigators it requires) the acceptance of Watling Island as the correct site of the landfall. Illustrations xxi Third. Follow by the aid of the journal the course sailed from the Cana- ries to the Bahamas. This, while less certain, readily admits of the selec- tion of Watling as the correct site of the landfall, although the method is unsatisfactory when used by itself. The ocean currents, the varia- tions of the compass, the rude method of measuring time by an hour-glass, the lack of a log-line record (this last not having been invented until a later period), render any deductions made by this method alone extremely uncer- tain. At best, it can simply furnish corroborative evidence of the correct- ness of deductions made in other ways. This it does sufficiently well. Columbus described the island as flat, with a large lake in the middle and with very green trees, and described islands seen on the course thence to Cuba in such terms as to leave no doubt in the minds of those who have most carefully and fully investigated the subject that Watling Island is the site of the landfall. Other islands that have had advocates for their claims in this connection are Grand Turk Island, area about seven square miles ; Atwood Cay, area eight square miles ; Mariguana, area ninety-six square miles ; Acklin Island, area over one hundred square miles ; and Cat Island, area one hundred and sixty square miles. The area of Watling is about sixty square miles. Referring to the common superstition that Friday is an unlucky day, it is interesting to note the place it occupies in the story of the discovery of the New World. Columbus sailed from Palos on Friday, August 3, 1492. Rediscovered land op Friday, October 12, 1492. He departed from Espanola (Haiti) to return to Spain on Friday, January 4, 1493, and arrived at Palos, after the most memorable voyage in the world's history, on Friday, March 15, 1493. Map of the West Indies . , . . -143 Columbus Commemorative Medal, Spain, 1492— 1892 ........ 148 This follows the Maura medal in its second design. The first design of the obverse, a figure kneeling before Columbus, was purposely altered. Ponce de Leon's Columbus Gallery gives halt-tones in all states. It may be found in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). First Page of Columbus's Printed Letter to Santangel . . . . . . -149 A reduced facsimile from the unique Spanish folio ; the original is in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). The Arms of Columbus . . . . -151 Alexander VI . . . . . . - '^SZ From the Lenox copy of J. C. Heywood's Documenta Selecta e Tabulario Secreto Vaticano qua Romanorum Pontificum erga Americce Populos Curam ac Studia turn ante turn paullo post Insulas a Christophoro Columbo Repertas Testatitur Pkototypia Descripta, of which only twenty-five copies were printed at Rome, in 1893, for distribution to leading libraries. The in- scription there given states : Pinxit Bernardinus Pinturkchius in j^dibus Borgianis Palatii Vaticani anno I4g4. First Page of the Bull of Demarcation of May 4, 1493 . ; . . • . • • . • . .154 Reduced from a facsimile given in the work mentioned above. xxii Illustrations Map Showing the Line of Demarcation . .160 Map of Columbus's Courses, First and Second Voyages . . . . . . -163 Third Page of the Printed Scillacio . . .165 Full-size facsimile from the copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). Map of Haiti in Columbus's Time . . .166 The courses of the voyages of Columbus about the island have been inserted. Map of Columbus's Voyage in the West Indies, 1494 169 Vasco da Gama . . . . . . -179 After the original portrait, in the possession of the Count de Lavradio. The Hunt-Lenox Copper Globe (Western Hemi- sphere) . . . . . . .180 After the original in the possession of the New York Public Library ( Lenox Building). It is said to be the earliest post-Columbian globe extant. Statue of John Cabot and his Son Sebastian . .182 Modeled by John Cassidy, of Manchester, England, and exhibited in London, 1897. Part of Sebastian Cabot's Map of 1544 . .184 The entire map is a mappemonde. The original is in the national library at Paris ; we adapt this from a full-size photo-copy thereof in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). The inscription in the upper left-hand corner has been transposed from a quarter of the map not given here. Harrisse's Map of John Cabot's First Voyage . 185 Cabot Centennial Postage-stamp, Newfoundland, 1497-1897 186 John Cabot . . . . . . .187 Sebastian Cabot . . . . . . .187 These two portraits follow the Cassidy statuary, mentioned above. Cabot Memorial Tower, Bristol, England . .189 The tower, designed by W. S. Gough, is 105 feet high, and occupies Brandon Hill, "the finest inter-urban hill in England." The corner-stone was laid June 24, 1897. Map of Columbus's Courses, Third and Fourth Voyages . . . . . . -191 Map of the Gulf of Paria Region, Columbus's Third Voyage . . . . . -193 Columbus at the Island of Margarita . . -195 A reduced facsimile from Herrera's Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanoi (Madrid, 1601). Columbus in Chains ...... 201 From Marechal's painting. Illustrations xxiii Juan de la Cosa's Ox-hide Map of 1500 facing 208 We reproduce, reduced in size, the western half of this map containing the West Indies. The original now belonging to the Spanish government is in the Naval Museum at Madrid, but it was first discovered by Alexan- der von Humboldt in 1832 at Paris in the library of a friend. Baron Charles Athanase Walckenaer, himself an eminent scientist and geographer. It is the oldest known map of the New World. In 1853, it passed into the museum at Madrid from a Paris auction-room. Juan de la Cosa was one of the most skilful navigators of his time. He made many voyages to the New World, and was finally killed there by Indians in 1509 on one of his cruises with Ojeda. That he was with Columbus on the voyage of discovery, as part owner and master of the " Santa Maria," the flag-ship, is the opinion of most investigators, including Harrisse and others. Some, however, think that this was a different La Cosa, and that Juan did not accompany Columbus until the next voyage in 1493. Several of his charts have been preserved, but this is by far the most important. This reproduction is based upon a photograph taken for this work from the original at Madrid, and upon a colored lithographic copy of the map published at the same place, in 1892, by Messrs. Canovas, Vallejo, and Traynor. The lithograph in question is believed to be the only col- ored reproduction previously made, and is very faulty. For instance, on the lithograph many of the islands are shown white, while the black of the photograph shows that in the original they were colored red. The litho- graph represents Haiti (Espanola) as a group of islands, while the photo- graph shows a well-defined coast-line. Especial attention is called to the system of straight lines radiating from sixteen centers placed at equal distances from each other, and on the cir- cumference of a circle at the center of which is the mariner's compass in the middle of the map. The uncolored portions of the reproduction indicate holes (made by insects or otherwise) in the original map. The map clearly shows the insularity of Cuba. The outlines of the island give an approximation to accuracy that is remarkable, for the map was made eight years before Ocampo's circumnavigation. Much has been made of these facts in connection with the claim for the authenticity of Vespucius's alleged " first voyage " in 1497. Part of the Cantino Map of 1502 . . .210 Greatly reduced from the facsimile given in Harrisse's The Dhco-very of North America (Paris and London, 1892) ; the original is in the Biblio- teca Estense, Modena, Italy. The map embodies the results of explora- tions made in 1501, while a slip of parchment attached to the map shows corrections due to Vespucius's explorations of 1502. In that wise was the date of the map determined. Map of the Central American Coast, Columbus's Fourth Voyage . . . . . -215 Statue of Columbus at Santo Domingo . . . 222 Autograph of Vespucius ..... 226 xxiv Illustrations Title-page of the "Four Voyages" of Vespucius . 227 Reproduced from the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) copy of the facsimile issued by Quaritch in 1893. Map of the Alleged First Voyage of Vespucius . 228 Americus Vespucius ...... 233 From an old engraving. Saint Die in the Sixteenth Century . . • '^35 After an original drawing of the time. Nole on the Waldseemueller Maps mentioned on page 236 Early in the present century, cartographers and Americanists were startled by the preliminary announcement of the discovery of two long-lost maps by Martin Waldseemueller, who, in a little tract printed several times in the year 1507, and entitled Cosmographia Introduction had suggested the nam- ing of America after Vespucius. In that tract, the author referred to his map of 1507, but although diligent search was made during many years, the map was not found. In 1 90 1, while searching for data to use in his work on the discoveries of the Northmen in America, Prof. Joseph Fischer, S. J., of Feldkirch, Austria, found a large composite volume of maps in the library of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg at the castle of Wolfegg in Wurtemberg. This atlas, curiously enough, was originally the property of the famous sixteenth-cen- tury cosmographer, Johann Schoener. Two of its maps proved to be Waldseemueller's undated world-map of 1507, the first to contain the name "America," and an extraordinary Carta Marina with the date 1516, also by him. Each of these two large woodcut maps contains twelve sheets, and each section measures 45.5 by 62 centimeters. They are the only extant examples. The first definite statement about the discovery was written by Prof. Fr. R. v. Wieser for Petermanns Mitteilungen, December, 190 1. Several articles appeared in 1902, and, in 1903, the maps were published in photo- lithographic facsimile, in full size, and accompanied by a folio volume of critical apparatus, edited jointly by Fischer and Wieser. Schoener's Globe of 1520 (Western Hemisphere) 237 Adapted from the facsimile given in Ghillany's Geschichte des Scefa/irers Ritter Martin Behaim (Nuremberg, 1853). Mercator's Globe of 1541 (American Portion, Four Gores) ...... 239 The original is in the royal library, Belgium ; we follow Sphere Terrestre et Sphere Celeste de Gerard Alercator (Brussels, 1 875). Map of New Andalusia and Castilia del Oro . 243 Vasco Nunez de Balboa ..... 244 After an engraving in Herrera. Ferdinand Magellan ...... 247 From the same. The So-called Schoener Gore Map . . 248, 249 A reduced facsimile of the only known original, in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). It has been asserted and denied that this is Illustrations xxv Schoener's long-lost map of 152.3. However that may be, it is probably the earliest known map showing by a line the track of the first circumnavi- gation of the globe, and as such is highly interesting. The "Victoria" 251 A reduced facsimile of a picture in Henry Stevens's yohann Schoner. Cannon of the Sixteenth Century .... 255 Map of the Country between the Gulf Coast and the Valley of Mexico . . . . .256 Montezuma ....... 257 After a painting in the collection of his descendant, the Conde de Miravalle. Plan of Tenochtitlan at the Time of the Conquest of Mexico by Cortes ..... 258 Also showing a chart of the Gulf of Mexico. A reduced facsimile of a large folded plate in the Latin version of Cortes's second letter (Nurem- berg, 1524) ; from the copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). Map of the Valley of Mexico in 1519 . . . 259 Hernando Cortes ...... 260 From an old engraving. Title-page of Cortes's Second Letter [Carta de Relacion) . . . . . . .261 First edition (Seville, 1522). A reduced facsimile from the fine copy in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). It is the earliest extant account in print of Cortes, and is very rare. Bartolome de las Casas ..... 266 From an old engraving. Map of the Land of War 268 Shows the scene of Las Casas's activities in Central America New York in 1524 and in 1904 .... 277 From an original drawing by Harry Fenn. Giovanni da Verrazano . . . . .278 From an old engraving. The Carta Marina of 1548 . . . , .281 Adapted from the Ptolemy (Italian edition) of that year. Autograph of Narvaez . . . . .282 The Earliest Known Engraving of the Buffalo Ap- pearing in a Printed Book . . . .284 Reduced facsimile from Gomara's Historia General de las Indias (1554). However, as early as I 542, Rotz drew pictures of this animal on his maps. While Thevet's has previously been accepted as the earliest known engrav- ing of the buffalo, his work appeared four years later than Gomara's, namely, at Antwerp in 1558. W^e follow the copy of Gomara in the possession of the New York Public Library (Lenox Building). xxvi Illustrations Hernando de Soto ...... 285 From an old engraving. Title-page of the "Gentleman of Elvas" Relation . 286 Reduced facsimile of the original edition (Evora, 1557), one of the rarest books in the whole field of Americana. We follow one of the few extant copies in the possession of the New York Public Library (Lenox Building), which is made doubly interesting on account of its being from the famous Colbert library. The original is quite small, its size being z3_^ by 4^4^ inches. Map of De Soto's Route 287 Prepared for this work by James Mooney, of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology ; it is the result of study of the original Spanish and Portuguese narratives in the light of personal knowledge of the geography and Indian nomenclature of the region. A Palisaded Indian Village . . . . .291 A reduced facsimile of De Bry's plate, Oppidum Pomeiooc. Map of Coronado's Route ..... 296 This map was prepared in accordance with information furnished by Fred- erick Webb Hodge, editor of the American Anthropologist, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C, Frank Heywood Hodder, professor of history at the state university, Lawrence, Kansas, and George Parker Winship, librarian of the John Carter Brown library at Providence, Rhode Island, and author of the article on the Coronado expedition contained in the fourteenth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology. Long-continued and minute research on the part of each of these investiga- tors, and an intimate personal acquaintance with the geography of the section, render their judgment on this subject of great value. We are fur- ther indebted to them for assistance in the revision of all the chapters relating to the early Spanish explorations within the present domain of the United States. On the Terraces at Zuni ..... 297 Autograph of Coronado ..... 298 Two Views of the Pueblo of Acoma . . . 299 The rock fortress of Acoma copied from photographs supplied by Frederick Webb Hodge, editor of the American Anthropologic, Smithsonian Institution. This village was very strong for defense. It was on a rock having steep sides so high that it was a good musket shot to its summit. The only entrance was by a stairway that began at the top of a slope around the base of the rock. The stairway was broad for about two hundred steps 5 then there was a stretch of about one hundred narrower steps. Beyond the stair- way, one had to go three times the height of a man by means of holes in the rock, using both hands and feet. Above this dangerous approach was a wall of large and small stones that could be rolled down upon invaders without exposure of the dwellers of the pueblo. L^pon this summit there were room for storing a large amount of corn and other supplies, cisterns for collecting water and snow, and land for tillage. Illustrations xxvii England 620] Map of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence Cartier at Gaspe ....... After a drawing by Jules Turcas. Old View of Hochelaga (Montreal) A reduced facsimile from the third volume of Ramusio's Raccolta (Venice, 1565)- Jacques Cartier .... From an old engraving. The Landing of Ribault A reduced facsimile from De Bry. Ribault's Pillar .... From the same. Map of the Huguenot Settlements Fort Caroline .... A reduced facsimile from De Bry. Pedro Menendez de Aviles . From an old engraving. Queen Elizabeth ..... From the ermine portrait, by Zucchero, now in Hatfield House, Sir John Hawkins After an engraving in Holland's Heroologia Aiiglica (Arnheim, i Sir Francis Drake .... From a painting owned by T. F. Eliott Drake, Nutwell Court, near Exe ter, England. Thomas Cavendish After an engraving in Holland's Heroologia Anglica Sir Humphrey Gilbert From an old engraving. Sir Walter Ralegh From the painting by Zucchero. Map of Ralegh's Explorations An Indian Village A reduced facsimile of De Bry's plate, Oppidum Secota. Philip IL of Spain From Titian's painting, in the Corsini Gallery, at Rome Autograph of Ralegh . Outline of the Fort at Roanoke Arapaho Indians From a photograph. A Papago House Tipis .... An Iroquois Long-house A Wampum Belt 304 307 308 312 315 316 318 319 322 324 327 328 329 331 33^ 334 33S 33S 339 343 344 344 348 xxviii Illustrations 35'^ An Indian Chief ..... From a photograph. Hopi Dancers . . . . . . ■ 3S^ From a photograph. A Blackfoot Warrior . . . . . • 3S^ From a photograph. Map of the United States, showing the Indian Res- ervations . . . . . . -354 After the one given in the Report of the United States Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1899, corrected by James Mooney. Only government ( national ) reservations are shown ; several state reservations in the East are not indicated. Some statistics regarding Indians, population, reservations, education, treaties, costs of wars, costs of maintenance, etc., appear as an appendix to this volume. Map of the United States . . . facing 356 Showing the distribution of Indian linguistic stocks at the time of coloniza- tion and settlement. Prepared for this work by James Mooney. BRIEF SUMMARY OF EVENTS RECORDED IN THIS VOLUME looo (circa). Northmen under Leif Ericson settle "Vinland," probably at some point on the New England coast. 1402. Columbus discovers a New World. 1403-94. Columbus, on his second voyage discovers Porto Rico and Jamaica. 1497. Cabot, John, discovers the mainland of America. 1407-98. Da Gama passes the Cape of Good Hope and reaches India. 1498. Cabot, John and Sebastian, extend discoveries from Labrador to Cape Cod. Columbus, on his third voyage, discovers South America. Pinzon and Solis explore the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic coast from Florida to Chesapeake Bay. 1500. ■- Cabral discovers Brazil. 1 501. Americus Vespucius explores the coast of South America. 1500-02. The Cortereals explore the North American coast as far as Greenland. 1502. Columbus sails on his fourth voyage. 1506. Columbus dies at Valladolid. 1507. Name " America " is first applied to the New World. 151 3. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida. Balboa discovers the Pacific Ocean. 1519. Pineda's Exploration. 1 5 19— 21. Cortes conquers Mexico. 1519-22. Magellan passes around South America into the Pacific. He discovers the Philippines, and is killed by the natives. One of his five ships, the "Victoria," reaches Seville in September, 1522, thus completing the first circumnavigation of the globe. 524. Verrazano and Gomez explore the coast of New England. 528. Narvaez coasts from Florida to Texas. 530. Hawkins, William, becomes the founder of the English slave-trade. He was followed by his son, the noted admiral Sir John Hawkins. 533. Pizarro conquers Peru and obtains an enormous booty. 534-36. Cabeza de Vaca crosses the continent. 534-41. Cartier explores the Saint Lawrence for France and attempts colonization. 539. Fray Marcos explores New Mexico, seeking the seven cities of Cibola. 539-41. De Soto's expedition; the discovery of the Mississippi. 541-42. Coronado's expedition. 562-64. French (Huguenots) in South Carolina. 565. Saint Augustine is founded by the Spanish. The oldest European settle- ment in the United States. 577-80. Drake explores the California coast and circumnavigates the earth. 577-78. Gilbert's, Sir Humphrey, first expedition. 583. Gilbert's, Sir Humphrey, second expedition and death. 584. Ralegh sends to America an exploring expedition under Amidas and Barlowe. 585. Ralegh's second expedition. A colony settles on Roanoke Island, but after a year of hardship is taken back to England by Drake. 587. Ralegh sends colonists to Roanoke. Birth of Virginia Dare, the first English child born on the soil of the United States. 588. Defeat of the Spanish Armada. By this event, so disastrous to Spain's ascendancy, the sea-power of England is established. From this date, English colonizing expeditions become increasingly frequent. A FEW BITS OF EUROPEAN CHRONOLOGY FOR THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY Tl le Papacy Portugal 1492- 1503 Alexander VI 1438- -1481 Alfonso V 1503 ( 21 days) Pius III I481- ■ 1495 John II 1503- I5I3 Julius II 1495- -1521 Emanuel I5I3- 1522 Leo X (the Great) 1522- 1523 Adrian VI I52I- ■1557 John III 1523- 1534 Clement VII 1557- 1578 Sebastian 1534- '549 Paul III 1578- 1580 Henry 1550- 1555 Julius III ("the Cardinal ") i555( 1555- 22 days) 1559 Marcellus II Paul IV I581- 1598- 1598 1621 Philip II (king of Spain) Philip III 1559- 1565 Pius IV (king of Spain) 1566- 1572 Pius V 1572- 1585 Gregory XIII France 1585- I 590 Sixtus V i59o( 2 davs) Urban VII 1483- 1498 Charles VIII 1590-1591 Gregory XIV I 591 (2 months) Innocent IX 1498- I515- 1515 1547 Louis XII Francis I 1592- 1605 Clement VIII 1547- 1559 Henry II 1559- 1560 Francis II 1560- 1574 Charles IX 1574- 1589 Henry III Spain 1589- 1610 Henry IV (Henry of Navarre) 1479- 1504 Ferdinand and Isa- bella England: House of Tudor 1504- I516 Ferdinand (kin g of Aragon and regent of Castile) 1485- 1509 Henry VII I516- 1556 Carlos I 1509- 1547 Henry VIII (Emperor Charles V) 1547- 1553 Edward VI 1556- 1598 Philip 11 1553- 1558 Mary 1598- 162I Philip III 1558- 1603 Elizabeth A History of the United States and its People Prehistoric Period Period of Discovery C H A T E R THE FIRST A M E R I C A N 43111 IT is well known that, in 1492, C^hristopher Columbus sailed from Spain and discovered a new world in which he found a barbarian race. It is not gener- ally understood that, prior to this, the western hemi- sphere had been visited by Europeans. Yet it has been claimed that the first families of this continent died out thousands of years before the traditions of the red man were begun, and it is difficult to doubt that more than one wanderer from the Old World rested on the soil of the New before Columbus was born. America has a history that is prehistoric. Concerning The Two its primitive people, problem rises after problem. Of P''°''^ef"s these problems, two tower above the others — age and origin. Were the first Americans autochthons or immi- grants ? If immigrants, whence came they and when ? Where did they live and how ? Was there ever, in any portion of the continent, a superior and mysterious race that vanished before the occupancy of the land by the red men whom Columbus found ? Some of these problems are being solved ; some per- The Two haps never will be solved. Not long ago, men seemed ^^'^^"'^^ not to know how to study them. They walked over ancient remains, and guessed and wondered as they wan- dered. What little was known about the shell-heap people, the mound-builders, the cliff-dwellers, and the pueblo tribes served only as a starting-point for archaeo- logical speculation ; scientific research was unborn. Now, The First Americans A New Science men do not stand upon tumuli and dream; they excavate and know. The two methods are typical of yesterday and today. For many years students have been gathering data and arranging facts. Much has been learned and some safe generalizations have been made; further facts and fuller information are needed for the complete solution sought. The proper study of this remote past lies in the realm of prehistoric archaeology, a recent science with impor- tant lessons at some of which it will be well to glance. Drainage Systems The region of the great lakes and the country thence northward to the Arctic Ocean is a region of small lakes also. Waterfalls abound, and many streams are mere alternations of rapids and pools. The tendency of a stream below its pool is to cut its channel deeper and thus to drain the pool, while the tendency of the stream above is to fill it with mud and sand. In the course of time, under the operation of these causes, the pool will disappear. Similarly, the tendency of waterfall and rapids is to deepen the channel by the power of erosion ; and, in time, they will do so until the slope of the stream is gentle and its current slow. Hence the conclusions that a stream the course of which is inter- rupted by lakes is either a young stream or that nature has recently put obstructions in its path, and that a stream with cascades and waterfalls and rapids is laboring at an unfinished task. South of the Ohio River such lakes and cataracts are rare; in British America and the northern United States they are very numerous. In the south, the drainage system is mature; in the north, it is young and immature. Let us seek an explanation of these facts. The Ouiatchouan Falls Map of North America 4 The First Americans Man and The gcologlst obscrvcs successive strata and infers Geology ^^^^ ^^icy were successively formed, the lowest in the series being the oldest. Thus read, rocks and gravel- beds become historical records. It a fossil shell or a human implement is found in a previously undisturbed formation, we are forced to the conclusion that it is a relic of something that existed before that rock or bed was formed. The earlier and longer geologic eras give no trace of human life. Not even a suggestion of the existence of man prior to the tertiary and quaternary periods of the cenozoic era has been found, and the reality of tertiary man is looked upon as extremely problem- atical. On the other hand, the records of the glacial and the later epochs of the quaternary period seem to show that, at that time, "The First American " was at home. Earth-urinkies Thc three quatcmary epochs were marked by move- ments of the earth's crust (grosslv comparable to the progressive wrinkling of a picked orange), and by con- comitant or consequent changes of climate. The first of these, the glacial epoch, w'as characterized by an upward movement of the earth-crust in high latitudes until that part of the continent was lifted several thou- sand feet above its present height. The testimony that supports such statements is abundant, and the discus- sions that relate to the causes that produced such elevations are interesting, but they hardly pertain to a work like this. An upheaval of the land about Hudson Bay has been in progress for at least two hundred years. New islands have appeared, many channels that were lately navigable and all the old harbors are now too shal- low for ships, and some of the former beaches have been lifted sixty or seventy feet above the water. If this movement should continue at the present rate for a few centuries, dry land or salt marsh will take the place of what is now a shallow bay. Such an elevation of high plateaus that received snowtall throughout the year, the extension of the land, and the consequent cutting off of the warm oceanic currents from their flow into the arctic regions, are among the probable causes of an epoch of The First Americans unusual cold. Whatever the cause, huge ice-sheets brooded over most of the northland, and an arctic deso- lation reigned without a rival over half the continent. To understand how this could be, we must remember Giaciai Motion that, under pressure, ice is plastic and moves like a semi- liquid. When piled high in a glacier, it acts much as pitch would act under similar circumstances. Snow is easily compacted into ice, and, in regions where the annual snowfall cannot melt away, ice would accumulate without limit were it not for its semi-fluid character which enables it to flow to lower levels and toward warmer climates. Observations upon modern Greenland glaciers indicate a movement of from thirty to fifty feet per day, and portions of the Muir glacier of Alaska are known to be moving from sixty to seventy feet per day. Thus, the ice-mass of the glacial Glacier and iceberg period was analogous to a river, the current being sup- plied by the snowfall in far northern regions. At the edges of the continent the ice-river discharged into the oceans, huge masses breaking off and floating away as icebergs. The much greater discharge was upon the land, the ice-sheet melting at its southern margin. This immense mass of ice, thousands of feet in thickness Titanic Labors and pressing downward with enormous force, moved slowly southward, plowing out river-valleys, excavating lake-basins, sweeping away vast forests, tearing off^ the tops and sides of ledges, mixing the debris with its own mass, grinding all together to form boulder-cky and sand and pebbles, and, by the abrasion of rocks at its lower sur- face, planing and grooving the strata which it laid bare and over which it moved. The Green Mountains, stand- The First Americans The Drift Deposit ing from three to five thousand feet in height, " made scarcely more of a ripple in the moving mass than a y /) V;| > ^ N ^fl Lisbon I l«
  • --r'^<-..,~---sv' ^^^^^\i\ I J^ ■=^^^^i ^""^^^^"^ -^ , \^r\ £ f^Freejiort nttaburg ^ r> t§^\ \ , \ / \ X '"C^T^.P E N 1? S Y ^VANIA 1 1 ^-j* ^ ^mwcllsburg j^ ^ ' t"/ W, ^ ;i9oDonBahela< '^ r" J ..sM^ 'STY^T /i City } ^i<\l \ Wnsjliugloa / ( o Va ^^^^ .^-^ft V ^ 1 \^ 1/ ^^ :^i._.'_._._-;^ S^._.. lo The First Americans glacial torrents, has no glacial gravel, and the terraces are conspicuous by their absence. Such terraces are not found along the streams that have their sources south of the glacial boundary. Lake Iroquois For a time, during the final retreat of the glacier, the ice-front lay between the Adirondacks and the upland divide that separates the basin of the great lakes from the basin of the Mississippi. As the water from the melting glacier could not escape by way of the closed Saint Lawrence, it gathered as a lake between the upland divide and the ice-front. The site of Niagara was beneath the ice or the waters of the lake that bordered the ice ; there was no river there. When the glacier withdrew far enough for these accumulated waters to flow out by way of the Mohawk valley, the lake-level fell about three hundred feet, or to the level of the out- let at Rome, New York. Lake Iroquois was largely drained and was cut in twain; the contracted sections are Birth of now known as Lake Erie and Lake Ontario. Then Niagara Niagara ^^g bom and began the work of cutting its famous gorge. The waters of Lake Michigan no longer flowed down the Illinois River, or those of Lake Erie into the Wabash. The delicate equipoise of levels in the region of the great lakes is worthy of remark. A cut not more than ten feet deep makes possible the flow of water from Lake Michigan into the Illinois River. The Chicago drainage canal follows the well-marked route of the ancient outlet. A rise of the land in the vicinity of Buff'alo, or a fall of the land in the vicinity of Chicago, or both, that would change the relative levels only forty feet, would turn the waters of four of the inland seas that lie on the south- ward slope of the Laurentian highlands from the Saint Lawrence to the Mississippi. Other Glacial In like manner, the great ice-barrier had checked the flow of waters through Hudson Bay into the North Atlantic and poured them through the Mississippi into the Gulf of Mexico. What we call Nebraska was, at one time, a great fresh-water lake into which were poured the waters of the Missouri, the Platte, and the Lakes I 2 The First Americans Republican rivers. When the ice-front was melted back a little way, Lake Nebraska was drained southward. When it had withdrawn much further northward, Mani- toba and British Columbia were no longer drained through the Minnesota and the Mississippi; Lake Agas- siz, the largest and the latest of the bodies of water held in position by the ice of the glacial period, was drained northward, leaving Lake Winnipeg to represent it. For like reasons, the level of the Great Salt Lake (Lake Bonneville) fell nine hundred feet, and its area was proportionally contracted. The modern Pyramid and North Carson lakes are the shrunken representatives of the earlier Lake Lahontan. Everywhere, glacial rivers dwindled to mere reminiscences of their former glory. The ice age still lingers in Greenland and in the Alaskan region of Mount Saint Elias. For reasons to be set forth further on, the study of the ice age passes from the field of geology into that of history. Geologic Eras While the eras of geologic chronology bewilder by their immensity, their relative lengths have been esti- mated. It is generally agreed that the mesozoic is at - least three times as long '^'™'*?ffC6f**M^"^ • •c *■ as the cenozoic, and that the paleozoic is at least four times as long as the mesozoic, thus making cenozoic time less than one-sixteenth of the whole. In our present study we are chiefly interested in the post-tertiary fragment of that one-sixteenth. Although the human his- tory units of years and centuries are so exceed- ingly brief that the two orders of time are hardly com- mensurate, the attempt has been made, over and over again, to link the two chronologies. The gorge between Niagara Falls and Lake Ontario Bird's-eye View of the Niagara Gorge The First Americans i 3 has been cut out by the river since the glacial epoch. Age of From the observed rate of the recession of the falls, the '^'^e^'^* time required for the river to cut its gorge has been com- puted. Ten thousand years has been for some time generally accepted as the approximate period represented by the work of erosion from Lewiston back to the falls. Similar measurements of the gorge and falls of Saint An- thony, computations based upon the rate of wave-cutting Date of the along the sides of Lake Michigan, the rate of filling of ^" ^^^ kettle-holes, and other processes, yield concurrent results, and seem to justify the assertion that the ice-sheets disappeared from the Laurentian highlands about ten thousand years ago. In the earliest arch^an age (azoic), only dead matter The First existed on the earth. Then life appeared : first, the ^"^"'"^ unconscious life of the plant; then, the conscious and intelligent life of the animal. After almost countless ages, man appeared. Upon matter, life had been imposed; now, mind was to crown the structure, stand- ing upon matter and life and dominating both. "And the evening and the morning were the sixth day." At what stage in this scheme ot development did man first appear in the world that Columbus found, and what sort of a being was he ? Between 1850 and i860, when the gold-fever was at Relics under its height in California, interesting reports were current "^.^^'^ Moun- in the mining camps. Although they related to the finding ot human remains in the gold-bearing gravels of the Sierras, they attracted little attention from the scien- tific world. In the "~ "~^-,. „-- --, next decade, scientific interest was aroused by reports of the section across Table Mountain findmg of stone pes- (/J represents the oU river-bed, which was doubtless dj 1 bordered by a ridge on either side, as eS and. mortars, rude indicated by the dotted llnes > articles of ornament, and a human jaw-bone in the gravel deposits beneath the flow of lava locally known as Table Mountain. This lava issued from the mountain- 14 The First Americans range, and flowed down the valley of the Stanislaus River for a distance of fifty or sixty miles, burying everything in the valley beneath it, and compelling the river to seek another channel. The thickness of the lava averages about a hundred feet. So long a time has elapsed since the eruption that the softer strata on either side of the ancient vallev have been worn away, leaving the lava above the general level. The age of the gravels of the old river-bed, underneath the lava, is uncertain. The interest thus aroused was intensified by the finding of an entire human skull, known as the Calaveras skull, under this lava deposit, and in gravel about a hundred and thirty feet below the surface. When this skull was zealouslv put forward as ev^i- The Calaveras Skull ^^^^^ ^f ^j^^ gxistcnce of man in a somewhat advanced stage of progress during the pliocene epoch of the tertiary period, Calaveras Skull, 1866 Great contest followed, and much learned dust ! Persistent attempts have been made to discredit the testi- mony of the skull as a veritable relic of prehistoric man. The battle has been long and fierce, but some eminent ethnologists still strenuously claim that no true archaeological finds have been obtained from under the lava deposits. Interest in the Cala- veras skull was freshened by the discovery at Nampa, Idaho, of a small but finely wrought Nampa Image, clay image, at the depth of about three hundred '^^9 and twenty feet. Eminent archaeologists affirm that the image bears conclusive evidence of considerable antiquity and offers important testimony to the existence of a well-advanced The N^mpa human culture in western America at an early ^'"^e^ day. In February, 1902, a human skeleton was found in previously undisturbed stratified loess of the Missouri The First Americans 15 River valley, near Lansing, Kansas, and about eighteen Lansing miles northwest of Kansas City. The skull was found ^'^'^'^'°"» J 1902 entire and nearly all of the skeleton was represented by disjointed bones some of which were broken or partly decayed. The discovery was Quicklv heralded as '^^^ Lansing Skull and Thigh-bone confirmation of the previously known evidences of man's presence in America at the glacial period. Upham and Winchell and other well-known archae- ologists assign to the Lansing skeleton an antiquity of more than ten thousand years. Professor Wright is confident that it was buried before the close of the lowan epoch of the glacial period, while Professor Cham- berlin concedes to the relic nothing more than an antiquity very respectable but much short of the close of the glacial invasion. Not very long ago, it was held that no truly scientific Doctor proof of man's great antiquity in America exists : but ^^''°"'l 1 r ^• 1 • iT> /^ii/^ Discoveries such proof was supplied m 1875 "7 1-^octor Charles C. Abbott's discovery of paleolithic imple- ments in the gravel terrace at Trenton, New Jersey. These implements are rude stone objects, shaped by chipping so as to produce cutting edges, and are usually ) pointed at one end. They seem to have The Trenton been chiefly weapons used in hunting. ^"^"^^^ When it is remembered that some of them bear thirty or forty planes of cleav- age, equally weathered, it is difficult to doubt that they are results of intelligent, intentional action. From other remains discovered in the Trenton gravels with these relics of early man, or in close proximity to them, we infer that the North Americans of the glacial epoch must have A Trenton Paleolith i6 The First Americans Direct Traces of Glacial Man been familiar with the mastodon, walrus, Greenland rein- deer, caribou, bison, moose, and musk-ox. Perhaps man and animals had been forced southward bv the encroach- ing ice. These implements could not have been in the gravel where they were found unless they were left there by the forces that laid the gravel-beds, and the Trenton gravels were deposited by the torrent that came from the melting glacier. Besides these paleo- lithic implements, the Trenton gravels have yielded one human cranium and parts of others. In November, 1899, Mr. Ernest Volk, exploring the val- ley of the Delaware for traces of glacial man, found a fragment of a human thigh-bone in un- disturbed stratified glacial grav- els. While distinguished ethnologists still deny that there exists anv evidence of a pre- glacial American, the general opinion among archaeologists is that the primeval American antedates the close of the glacial epoch. In 1888, paleo- lithic implements were found in a red-gravel deposit near Clavmont, Delaware. This Clavmont gravel is a glacial deposit and is regarded as some thousands of vears older than that at Trenton. It thus appears that man was in the Delaware valley at a period far earlier than that indi- cated by the discoveries at Trenton. An antiquity v^astly greater than the actual age of the Claymont gravels has been assigned to man in America. "Of necessity, he must have been in existence long before the final events occurred, in order to have left his implements buried in the beds of debris which they occasioned." Moreover, "the close of the glacial period" is a very indefinite expression. "The glacial Map Showing the River Terrace of the Delaware Valley The Claymont Gravels Antiquity of the First American The First Americans i 7 period was a long time in closing." In his History of the Niagara River ^ Mr. Gilbert tells us that, from first to last, man has been the witness of its toil. The human comrade of the river's youth "told us little of himself We only know that on a gravelly beach of Lake Iroquois, now the Ridge Road, he rudely gathered stones to make a hearth and build a fire ; and the next storm-breakers, forcing back the beach, buried and thus preserved, to gratify yet whet our curiosity, hearth, ashes, and charred sticks. In these Darwinian days, we cannot deem primeval that man possessed of the Promethean art of fire, and so his presence on the scene adds zest to the pursuit of the Niagara problem. What- ever the antiquity of the great cataract may be found to be, the antiquity of man is greater," Encouraged thus and otherwise, Doctor Abbott joyfully proclaims: "There was a time when, to all appearances, American archae- ology would have to be squeezed into the cramped quarters of ten thousand years ; but we are pretty sure of twenty or even thirty thousand now, in which to spread out in proper sequence and without confusion the long train of human activities that have taken place." In 1883, Professor Wright expressed his belief that ohio glacial man was upon the banks of the Ohio as well as faieohths in New Jersey. This belief proved to be well founded, for, in 1885, came the report that paleolithic implements had been found in the valley of the Little Miami. In 1889, a paleolith about four inches long was found at Newcomerstown in the undisturbed gravel of the glacial terrace that borders the valley of the Tuscarawas River. Newcomerstown is about ThTN^wcomerstown thirty-five miles south of the glacial Paieoiith boundary in Ohio, and the head-waters of the river and of several of its branches are within the glaciated area. In 1892, a chipped chert implement was dis- covered in the undisturbed glacial gravel of the high- level terrace of the Ohio River, about seven miles below Finds I 8 The First Americans Steubenville. These finds, and others in Minnesota and elsewhere, are looked upon as witnesses to the truth of the statement that "the primitive chipper of flinty rock stands out in the geologic history of the Mississippi and Ohio valleys, not as a dim shadow but as a substantial fact." Disputed Implements of varving finish have been found in the lacustrinet deposits of several of the western states and /]?\ territories. A fine example of these is the obsidian spear-head found in 1882 in the lacustral clays of the basin of the ancient Lake Lahontan, twenty-five feet below the top of the section. It is said to have been "associ- ated in such a manner with the bones of an elephant or mastodon as to leave no doubt of their having been buried at approximately the same time." By some authorities these imple- ments are held to be convincing evidence of the existence of man in those regions, while others declare that " no such discovery can be The Obsidian considcrcd of consequence as bearing upon Spear-head ^j^g qucstion of palcoHthic man." Not until the evidence submitted becomes strong enough to pro- duce substantial unanimity among archaeologists, can they be of great value to the historian. Fortunatelv, such unanimity has been secured in regard to the exist- ence of paleolithic man in the valleys of the Delaware and the Ohio prior to the formation of the terraces. The Stone The history of human civilization has long been ^^^ divided into three ages named from the materials of the weapons and tools pertaining to them, viz. : the stone, the bronze, and the iron ages. In turn, the stone age has been divided into the paleolithic (old stone) and the neolithic (newer stone) periods. In the former, only chipped stone instruments were used ; in the latter, polished stone implements also were used. The classification is traditional, and so convenient that it is often used in spite of its lack ot scientific accuracv. The First Americans 19 In Swiss and other European peat-beds and lakes European are found evidences of a more advanced stone-age cul- Lake-dweU- . . o ings ture than any yet considered. Patient investigators have translated these hiero- glyphics of dead ages, and made us famil- iar with the lake-dwellers and their strange custom qC livinP" in Lake-dwellings Restored houses built on piles driven in the shallow bays of nearly all the lakes in Switzerland. One of these towns, Robenhausen, stood on a platform built on a hundred thousand piles. Like all the other Swiss lake-towns, it was connected with the land by a long bridge, also built on piles. Such was their security against wild beasts and wilder men — a device older far than castles and walled towns. The only way of judging of the age of Their Great these lake-dwellings is by estimating the time required ^""^'i"'^ for the formation of the peat-beds in which the ruins are found. Reckoned thus, many of these lately exhumed villages must have been old a thousand years before the foundations of Pompeii were laid. Some of the relics of the builders of these European towns show the advance of communities to a state far above that of savagery. What about our early Americans? Our paleolithic predecessor was low in the scale of Advance in civilization, but he was perfectly human. If the "miss- C"^'^"'''' ing link" is wanted, it must be sought for elsewhere. Moreover, there seems to be abundant and unmistak- able evidence of his transition to a higher culture-status. In deposits made by slowly moving muddy water, fol- The Evidence lowed by interrupted periods of exposure to the atmos- phere, is found another class of objects, superior in form and finish to the paleoliths and equally inferior to the familiar types of Indian manufacture. The discovery in 20 The First Americans The Conclusion the Delaware River marshes of what seems to be the site of river-dwellings, suggestive of the Swiss lake-dwellings and perhaps comparable to them, has also been held up as confirmation of the theory of a progression of the paleolithic American to the neolithic condition. Further confirmation of such development is found in the remains of a rock-shelter discovered near the head-waters of Naa- man's Creek, a small tributary of the Delaware, The several layers of this shelter show a marked and regular progression from paleoliths in the lower to pottery in the upper strata. These and other facts point toward the conclusion that, in the valley of the Delaware, man developed from the paleolithic to the neolithic stage of culture. After that, what? Some have pointed to the Eskimos as the descendants of this primitive race, while others seem very sure that "the paleolithic man of the river gravels of the Trenton and his argillite-using posterity" are completely extinct. As to the culture of primeval man on the Pacific Coast, it is to be remembered that the mortars and pestles found under Table Mountain are distinctly neolithic, that the Calaveras skull " is capacious enough to have held the brain of a philosopher," and that the Nampa image shows a high degree of skill on the part of him who shaped it. The known facts have led some to the conclusion that the western coast of the continent was occupied by man earlier than the eastern, and that there " he had passed beyond the paleolithic stage before his works were buried in the gravels under the beds of lava; while at a later period on the Atlantic coast he was still in the paleolithic stage." The theory that the Eskimo now represents this most ancient of America's known races has been urged by more than one able writer. Doctor Abbott among the rest. But Doctor Abbott has changed his earlier opinion and now suggests an ethnic continuity by recalling the primi- tive hunter armed with but a sharpened stone, and the later race, a "more skillful folk who with spear and knife captured whatsoever creature their needs demanded — The Earlier Start of the West Racial Con- tinuitv The First Americans 2 I the earlier and later chippers of argillite. These pass; and the Indian with his jasper, quartz, copper, and polished stone looms up, as the others fade away." This substitution of continuity for chasm conforms to the undoubted tendency of recent ethnology. Some archaeologists still refuse to admit the suf- objections to ficiency of the credentials of our paleolithic predecessor ^^^ ^^'"""■^ on the ground that the objects found in the glacial gravels are intrusive or that the deposits in which they were found were violently disturbed in distinctly post- glacial time. But the careful exhaustive examination of the Trenton gravels as a whole, and especially the investigations of Mr. Volk, carried on for a decade under the direction of the American Museum of Natural History in New York, seem to demonstrate that the many objects collected from many localities in the valley of the Delaware were constituent parts of the original deposits. At all events, the historian can hardly consent to ignore the evidence submitted or to relegate the glacial American to the. uncertainty of primeval chaos. More than this, we must bear in mind that it has not been proved that our paleolithic man was the first human being who existed in the territory that we now call the United States. Nor can we yet do more than conjecture when and whence he or his predecessor (if he had a predecessor) came. Note. — The bibliographical appendix at the end of this volume contains references that will be helpful to the reader who desires further information concerning the matters discussed in this and the succeeding chapters. C H A T E R I I THE NEOLITHIC AMERICANS Prehistoric Monuments THE occupancy of the territory of the United States by man prior to the coming of Colum- bus to America has been divided into three periods. The first of these, called the paleolithic, on account of the rudeness of the relics found in the quaternary gravels, has already been discussed. The second period, called the neolithic, is also prehistoric. The relics of neolithic industry are very abundant and widely distributed, and chiefly through them the archae- ologist seeks to read the story of the culture of their authors. The third period, sometimes called the ethno- graphic, lies partly within and partly without historical times. It began with our first knowledge of the red man, and is now fading from the screen like a dissolving view that has been held up for study full four hundred years. As might naturally be expected, the paleolithic shades so insensibly into the neolithic, and that into the ethno- graphic, that sharp dividing lines cannot be traced. In fact, some of the most eminent archaeologists insist that the distinction implied in the terms "paleolithic" and "neolithic" is not strictly applicable to the continent of America. With this contention the historian has nothing to do ; he may use the convenient terms without yielding an adherence to one side or the other of the controversy. Over the entire area of the United States are found ancient remains, the number, magnitude, and character of which are of great interest to all students of primitive The Neolithic Americans 23 culture. In grandeur and refinement they fall below the monuments of middle America and many of the ruins of the eastern continent; still they have their special story of a people emerging from savagery into barbarism. It should be remembered that different parts of the United States were discovered by Europeans at different times, new areas being successively occu- pied, and new tribes coming, one after another, into the acquaintance of the historian. Little is known of what the central Indians were doing when Ponce de Leon 1512 first set foot on Florida. Mound-building may have been in active operation while Jacques Cartier was 1535 exploring the Saint Lawrence, and southwestern tribes were living in now ruined pueblos while Hernando de Soto was marching toward the Mississippi. Important 1540 Indian movements have taken place in the United States since the settlement of the country, and many of the California tribes were unknown until after 1850. The archaeologist of today sometimes has to doubt Necessary whether the remains upon which he comes are of ^^^^°^^ European or of Indian origin. Moreover, these pre- historic peoples must be studied, less with reference to the boundaries of our present states, than to culture-areas the boundaries of which were fixed by nature in the geography and geology of the country. One may draw on a sheet of glass a map of the United States of the present day, and on other sheets a map for the colonial period, one for the epoch of settlement, one for the Indian occupation at the time of the Columbian dis- covery, and another for the neolithic period; but if one insists upon the superposition of the plates and a single view of the whole, one will find that, while some of the lines coincide with others above and below, more of them will cross and interfere and yield little better than confusion. For years, the government of the United States has. The Evidence through its Bureau of American Ethnology, been gather- ing, arranging, and studying material bearing upon the subject matter of this chapter. The annual reports of this bureau are veritable treasure-houses — the chief source of 24 The Neolithic Americans supply for every historian of "The NeoHthic Americans." Among the witnesses whose testimony is now available for an intelligent idea of the neolithic American and the life he led are the remains of his refuse-heaps and habitations, mounds and earthworks, quarries and workshops, "relics," pictographs, etc. Of course, no attempt can here be made to give a complete account of the evidence in the case, but some of the witnesses may be put upon the stand and permitted to tell parts of their story. sheu-heaps [a) Along the Atlantic, the Pacific, and the Gulf coasts of the United States, upon the shores of every inlet where brackish water extends, and upon the banks of the Mississippi as far as northern Wisconsin, the Ohio as far as Pittsburg, the Saint Johns, and other inland waters, are found shell-deposits left by man. Very few of them were heaped up by design, but the evidence of their artificial origin is conclusive. They generally occur on a sloping shore, and some of them excite astonishment by their great extent. It is probable that, at the proper season, the neighboring tribes encamped upon the heaps of previous years, leveling the tops a little and covering up all that their predecessors had left. Here they dwelt and feasted, the occupants of each hut throwing the shells, bones, and other debris of their meals around the shelter on every side. The number and size of the shell-heaps indicate either that the shores of the United States and the banks of its rivers once supported a vast population, or that the pilgrimages of the aborigines to these food-centers were continued through many centuries. The latter view is supported by the discovery that the shells in the upper layers differ in size from those in the lower layers, indicat- ing that the animals underwent modi- fication after the heaps were begun and Arrow-head from Puzzle bcfore they Were finished. The shell- Lake, Florida heaps of Florida have been carefully studied by Clarence B. Moore who found distinctly neo- lithic stone implements in the lower strata and fragments The Neolithic Americans 25 of pottery in strata near the surface. Some of his concki- sions are that the shell-heaps are by no means contem- porary, that some were abandoned long before others . were begun, and that the beginning of the oldest far antedates the coming of the white man. The evidence seems to show that in the shell-heap period, the abo- rigines of Florida acquired the art of making pottery. In 1898, Mr. Moore found a remarkable domiciliary An uniqu mound on the southeast end of Little Island, Beaufort Specimen County, South Carolina. The mound was about four- Mound on Little Island, South Carolina teen feet high with an elliptical base the north and south diameter ot which measured one hundred and fifty feet and the east and west diameter about one hundred feet. On the mound were pine-trees, some of them large, and live-oaks of moderate size. Excavation exposed the clay walls of a quadrilateral enclosure nearly thirty-five by forty feet. The walls were a little more than four feet high, and were supported by upright posts that projected 26 The Neolithic Americans several inches above the top of the wall. The peculiar entrance, anteroom, and projecting partitions, the central fireplace, etc., are represented in the accompanying picture. This remarkable enclosure was filled and covered with shell deposits and strata of clayey sand that showed successive periods of occupancy. Bone-heaps As the shcll-heaps are found in the greatest numbers where edible mollusks are most abundant, so bone-heaps are common in Dakota and other states where countless buf- faloes once furnished food for the hunting tribes. These bone-heaps are the debris of the repasts of long ago, and represent the accumulated refuse of dwellings that have dis- appeared. In other places and in like manner, the refuse of the kitchen thrown about the doorway by untidy house- wives forms mines of relics precious to the archaeologist. House Life (^) Wherever remains of ancient habitations are found in the United States they agree with the founda- tions of dwellings subsequently occupied by Indians. This may be an argument in favor of the theory of continuity of stock, or it may point toward the adaptive- ness of the human race. By careful comparison of the remains of ancient dwellings with the abodes of Indians living here in historic times, the archaeologist and the ethnologist have obtained what is probably a correct idea of the house life of the primitive people. Thus, we have a few bits of evidence concerning the habitations of the mound-builders, and more definite information concerning the ancient dwellings in the pueblo country of the southwest part of the United States. The remains of pueblo architecture are scattered over thousands of square miles of the arid plateau region, from the Pecos drainage on the east to that of the Colorado on the west, and from central Utah southward well into Mexico. The best Round-house of Lava Blocks Map of the Pueblo Region 28 The Neolithic Americans examples are found in New Mexico and Arizona, in the northern states of Mexico, and along the canyons that open into the San Juan River. ciiff-dwdiings It is supposed that the ancestral pueblo peoples dwelt at first in brush shelters, and later in lodges of lava-stones piled up dry and then plastered. For better protection, these clans of horticulturists and agriculturists resorted to cliff or canyon houses. These cliff-dwellings are now in ruins. Along the branches of the Colorado and ■1 'i^:i.H.i Cliff-dwellings other streams, the steep sides of the canyons expose different strata — sandstones, limestones, and shales. Gradually the softer rocks were worn away, leaving shelves below and jutting cliffs above. In these pockets the ancient people made their communal homes, by building walls upon or near the outer edges of the The Neolithic Americans 29 shelves, and dividing the space behind the walls with partitions of stone and adobe (sun-dried clay). Some of these shelves are hundreds of feet above the streams and can be reached only by ladders or by steps cut in the rocks. 7'hey are the most picturesque of all the ruins in the United States and have excited the admira- tion alike of the tourist and the archaeologist. In close association with the cliff-dwellings are the cave Cave- or cavate dwellings — much like swallow nests opening '^'^'""'"g^ along the faces of the cliffs. Here K the ancient \ engineer, i ni p a t i e n t of the slow action the e 1 e V \ of ^- -_ 1 \ Open front CavatL Lodges ments, dug, with his pick of hard volcanic rock, a tiny entrance, at the further end of which he hollowed out a home. The cave-dwelling is, therefore, an artificial cliff- pueblo, cut in the rock, for the securitv of those who lived therein. East of the Rockv M o u n - tains there are f e w traces of the cave- homes of ancient men, but f o r this the south- A Communal Pueblo, Zuni WPSt Val- leys make amends. Thousands have been found in close connection with old pueblos and cliff-structures. From these cliff-hamlets were developed the great Puebios 3 The Neolithic Americans terraced villages of the confederated clans. A pueblo is a communal village, the dwellings of which are built solidly together. Some of them are made of stone, and others of adobe, while the walls of some of the older examples were grouted. A few of them are four or five stories high, with timber supports and divisions for the upper parts. Entrance to these pueblos was commonly made bv means of ladders, outside doors on the ground level formerly being rare. Aboriginal The structure of the pueblos, like that of the great Social System (^q(J^^^ houses of the Pacific Coast and the long-houses of the Iroquois, w-as determined by the clanship sys- tem of the aborigines, who had not yet reached the patriarchal form of government. Each tribe was divided into clans. A clan consisted of an ancestress and all of her descendants reckoned in the female line. These had a common totem or tutelary god that dwelt in some animate or inanimate object. When a man married, he went to live with his wife's people; all of the children belonged especially to the mother, were named for her, and took her totem. This clanship system and its totemism determined pueblo architecture, regulating the size of buildings, the number of rooms, and the assign- ment of apartments. As the clan grew in numbers, it enlarged its section of the town ; when another clan was added, the building was extended. A few pueblo ruins indicate that they were built on definite preliminary plans; but generally a pueblo grew just as a modern village grows, and for the same practical reasons. Adaptation to Most of the pueblos were built on level plains, some Environment ^pon the slopcs or points of mesas or table-lands where the ground was irregular, and some against declivities, reaching back on ■'_'--^^„ shelving ledges, so that, if the lower stones were to disap- pear, a clifF-dwelling would -remain. Evidentlv, the Evolution of the Flat Roof and Terrace ^j-ansition frOm One'tO the Other was gradual. In common with all men, the builders 32 The Neolithic Americans of these habitations had to face the great problem of exist- ence; here, as everywhere, environment gave character to the dweUings of the people. Some of them were built i-n easily defensible positions. In other cases, the proximity of fertile lands and the necessary water-supply determined the site. Naturally, there was a wide range in general plan and architectural effect. For instance, in the pueblo class, we find the Walpi pueblo differing greatly from the typical form illustrated on page 29. In this case, the peculiar conformation of the site pro- duced an unusual irregularity of arrangement. Pueblo Builders 4 ■^ £1.^ View of Walpi, Arizona Inhabited pueblos to the number of seventeen now exist on the banks of the Rio Grande and its tributaries in New Mexico. West of these, on a solitary mesa, is Acoma, the dizzy trail of which was noted by the early Spanish explorers. Still further west is Zuni, standing on the site of one of the "Seven Cities of Cibola." In northeastern Arizona are the seven Moki (Hopi) towns — ancient Tusayan. The occupants of the several pueblos belong to four linguistic stocks. Those of the Rio Grande have two absolutely separate languages, each different from that of the Zunis, while the people of six The Neolithic Americans 33 of the seven Moki towns speak another language, the Shoshonean. They also have different clans, arts, and customs. Of the tribes that now roam over these mesas and through these valleys are Apaches and Navahos of Athapascan stock, Utes of Shoshonean stock, and Mo- haves and Havasupais of Yuman stock; like differ- ences have probably existed in this arid basin from time immemorial. Although this region was not occupied until recently by settlers from "the states," it was for many years under Spanish dominion and observation. Since the beginning of Spanish contact in 1539, many pueblos have fallen into ruin and new ones have been built. We have, therefore, three epochs of pueblo architecture — the present, the Spanish, and the ancient. (c) The last chapter of many a record is an epitome; Prehistoric graves and cemeteries abound in instruction. Compari- ^""^^^^ son of ancient burials with the mortuary customs of historic tribes is an excellent guide to lead us backward to an understanding of the long-ago. The remains of the ancient dead are seldom isolated. In general, the bones of clans or tribes were laid side by side, or in some one of many curious ways assembled in a common burial-place. Four of these burial-places, differ- ing widely in their characteristics, may be taken as types. One, at Madisonville, Ohio, occupies the western The First extremity of a plateau overlooking the Little Miami ^^^^ River. This whole area has been carefully dug over to a depth of six feet; the earth thus disturbed was passed through a sieve. Hundreds of skeletons were found surrounded with pottery, beads, and implements of clay, stone, horn, bone, and copper — the objects that were most esteemed in life and that would be most needed in the spirit-world. In many cases, these objects are of well-known use among modern Indians, while others are enigmas to the archaeologist. No evi- dences of association with Europeans were found, and the forest-trees growing over the cemetery were of great age. In other cases, the bones of the dead are found in The second box-shaped graves built of rough stone slabs. Such ^^^"^ 34 The Neolithic Americans "stone graves" have been found in northern Georgia, Tennessee, along the Cumberland River in Kentucky, and a few elsewhere. In some cases, thousands of these cysts were set close together in one cemetery, and a hundred or more in different layers in a single burial- mound. One grave may contain from one to twenty skeletons. The finding of the bones of children in little boxes only a few inches long has given rise to the notion of an ancient race of American pigmies. Ancient cemeteries of a third great type are found in south- western California, and on the Santa Barbara Islands opposite. On these islands, the subsoil is extremely hard, and the dead were, therefore, buried in the refuse-heaps of shells, bones, rocks, and flint chips, the only easilv available material that the winds could not blow away — an excellent example of the in- stone Grave flucnce of environment upon human customs and activities. In these graves were The Third Type The Fourth Type found mortars of stone, beautiful cooking-vessels of soap- stone, pipes, sculptures, musical instruments, textile fabrics, paint, fish-hooks, beads of shell, chipped weapons, and tools of rare delicacy. In some graves were found glass bottles, brass buttons and kettles, and other objects of European origin, clearly showing that these particular graves were not prehistoric. Numerous examples of urn-burials have been found by Mr. Moore in Georgia, Alabama, and in northwest Florida, while Gen-- eral Thruston, in his Antiquities of Tennessee, tells of the A Sepulchral Urn The Neolithic Americans 35 skeleton of a child buried in a quadrangular receptacle of earthenware. In no section of the country was the urn- burial exclusively used; inclosed remains were often found side by side with remains that were uninclosed. These urn-burials were of various forms, sometimes dif- fering according to locality. In one section, lone skulls, or single skulls with a few fragments of bone, were cov- ered with inverted bowls. In some cases, fragments of calcined human bones were placed on the sand and cov- ered with inverted urns. In other cases, the urns were filled with bits of calcined bones, some of the urns being covered with inverted vessels while some were left uncov- ered. In still other cases, single skeletons were carefully taken apart and packed in urns with or without covers. Plural burials of this type have been occasionally found. In one instance, the bones of five infants were packed away in a single urn. In an unique case cited by Mr. A Mound (Reproduced from De Bry) Moore, the upper half of the skeleton of a woman was carefully stowed away with relics in an oblong, earthen receptacle, beneath which was the rest of the skeleton. [d] To ascertain or to understand the historical value 36 The Neolithic Americans Prehistoric of the ancient mounds found in various parts of the Mounds United States, one must give careful consideration to the materials of which they are composed, their external form, internal structure, grouping, geographical distribu- tion, and contained relics — all in connection with the domestic life and mortuary customs of historical Indian tribes, and the changes in environment so far as they can be ascertained. In most cases, the builders of the mounds used such materials as were at hand. Among the mountains, piles of stone were found; on the prairies, the rich surface-soil was used. Most of the mounds are of simple construction ; but strata of clay, sand, or boul- ders that must have been carried considerable distances and with great labor, often alternate with layers of burned clay and surface-soil in mounds of elaborate construction. Mound Form The cxtemal form of the mound depended, doubtless, somewhat on its function and internal structure, but The Great Cahokia Mound there are certain diversities according to which they may be arranged fairly well into geographical districts. A common form is the rounded heap or tumulus, examples of which vary from a few to hundreds of feet in diameter, and from two to sixty or more feet in height. Others were laid out in predetermined geometrical shapes, such as truncated pyramids and cones, with terraced flanks, graded ways, and connecting banks. The grandest of these in the United States is the Great Cahokia mound at East Saint Louis, Illinois. Standing in a group of sixty mounds of unusual size, it covers an area of about ten acres, and rises to a height of about a hundred feet. Effigy Mounds Scattered over the southern half of Wisconsin, and in the neighboring portions of Iowa and Illinois, are many The Neolithic Americans 37 " effigy mounds." For the most part they are heaps of surface-soil and subsoil, in the shape of animals common in their respective localities. They are not known to contain human bones or relics. Their motive is enig- matical, and probably lies in their external form and grouping. The example of this class that has excited the most discussion is the Serpent mound on Brush Creek in Adams County, Ohio. It is a bank of earth following a gracefully curved line several hundred f e e t long. - 'fir/-'' and looking like a snake in motion. In front of the open mouth of the serpent is an elliptical mound. The inter- nal structure Structure The Serpent Mound of most of the mounds seems to have been determined Mound by some central object, the thing for which the mound itself existed. This may be a skeleton, a group of skele- tons, or a mass of baked clay, called an altar. Tumuli of external similarity exhibit great internal diversity. Some were so systematically built that a cross-section suggests a half-peach or plum with an outer skin of grass or turf, a laver of soil, a hard shell of stone or burned clay, and a central cyst or altar with human or other relics. Of the almost interminable variety of structure, only a few can be noted here. The accompanying figure rep- resents a vertical section of an ossuary mound in Crawford a- County, Wisconsin, opened in 1882. Below the original sur- face of the ground was a pit three feet deep and six feet in ^m^-. Ossuary Mounds Section of an Ossuary Mound (The line A A represents the original surface of the ground) 38 The Neolithic Americans diameter. The bottom ot this pit was covered with an inch of fine chocolate-colored dust. Then came a cavity a foot high in the center, over which the sand-filling was arched. Above the sand and on the level of the surface- soil was a little mound in which were found the bones of fifteen or twenty persons, in a heap without order or arrangement. Mingled with the bones were charcoal and ashes. The bones were charred, and some were glazed with melted sand. Above this mound (marked 2 in the figure) were a layer of clay or mortar mixed with sand and burned to a brick-red color, and another layer two feet thick and composed of calcined human bones, mingled with charcoal, ashes, and a reddish-brown mortar- like substance burned as hard as pavement brick. Above this was the external layer of soil and sand about a foot thick. Burial-mounds /•""^^^^ I ^;^ \ A buHal-mound on the bank of the Mississippi River near Davenport, Iowa, shows a like Section of a Burial-mound Stratified structure. Bcncath successive layers of earth and stone was a nucleus in which were found skulls (and fragments of bones) lying in a semicircle and each surround- ed by a circle of small stones. From the position of X, the skulls and bones, ^s, it was evident - '■' ■ '■'-■-— that these bodies -j4^ •j'o c"'0' iPi (OS 'Hi had been buried in a sitting posture. Accompanying the skeletons were two copper axes, two small hemispheres of copper and one of silver, a bear's tooth, and an arrow- head. There was no evi- dence of the use of fire in the burial ceremonies. All of the mounds of the group to which this belongs are conical and of comparatively small size, varying from three to eight feet in height. ■miii Vertical and Horizontal Sections of a Burial-mound The Neolithic Americans 39 The marked feature of a group of mounds on the The East bluff that overhangs East Dubuque, IlHnois, is one ?l"''"'l"^ sixty-five feet in diameter, ten feet high, and remark- ably symmetrical. At a depth of six feet, a rectangular vault or crypt was found, with sandstone walls three feet high. Cross-walls cut off a narrow chamber at each end, leaving a main central chamber seven feet square. In this chamber were found the skeletons of five chil- dren and six adults. Apparently, they had been buried at one time, arranged in a circle, and sitting against the walls. In the center was a drinking-cup made from a shell, and numerous fragments of pottery. The cover- ing of the crypt was of oak logs. Over the whole was spread layer after layer of mortar containing lime, each succeeding layer harder and thicker than that which pre- ceded it, a foot or so ot ordinary soil completing the mound. The timber-covered vault and other resem- blances between the mounds of this group and others found in Ohio "seem to indicate relationship, contact, or intercourse between the people who were the authors of these different structures." This is not the only case where shell-cups have The "Royai" been found in ancient mounds, and calls to mind the Le ^°^^'"^ Moyne figure copied from De Bry (page ^^). About three hundred years ago, Le Moyne remarked: "Some- times the deceased king of this province is buried with great solemnity, and his great cup from which he was accustomed to drink is placed on a tumulus with many arrows set about it." Dr. Thomas thinks it "quite probable that Le Moyne figures the mound at the time it reached the point where the shell-cup was to be deposited, when, in all likelihood, certain ceremonies were to be observed and a pause in the work occurred." The celebrated Grave Creek mound in West Virginia The Grave is in the form of a cone, about seventy feet high and ^'^'^^^ Mound nearly three hundred feet in diameter at the base. A shaft sunk from the apex to the base disclosed two wooden vaults. The upper vault was about half-way down the shaft and contained a single skeleton, decorated 40 The Neolithic Americans with a profusion of shell-beads, copper bracelets, and plates of mica. The other vault was rectangular, twelve by eight feet, seven feet high, and partly in an excavation made in the natural ground. Along each side and across the ends were upright timbers that supported other timbers that served as a cover for the vault. In this vault were two human skeletons, one of which had no ornaments, while the other was surrounded by hundreds of shell-beads. Around this vault ten other skeletons were found, and at a distance of twelve or fifteen feet, several masses ot charcoal or burned bones. The Cherokee Dr. Thomas says Ancestry ^^^^ u ^^^ impor- tant result of the explorations in this northern section of the United States is the con- view and Section of the Grave Creek Mound viction that there was, during the mound-building age, a powerful tribe or association of closely allied tribes occupying the valley of the Ohio, whose chiet seats were in the Kanawha, Scioto, and Little Miami val- leys," that all the works of these localities are relatively contemporaneous, and " that the Cherokees are the modern representatives of the Tallegwi, and that most of the typical works of Ohio and West Virginia owe their origin to this people." In the Appalachian district (consisting chiefly ot II The Neolithic Americans 41 southwestern Virginia, western North Carolina, eastern The Tennessee, and the southeastern part of Kentucky) is a ^ppaiachi; -,., ,, ..^^. . . •' ^ Mounds class or burial-mounds that dirrer in several important respects from any that we have yet mentioned. One of these, called the Nelson mound, near the Yadkin River in Caldwell County, North Carolina, was an almost true circle, thirty-eight feet in diameter and not more than eighteen inches in height. Excavation showed that a circular pit had been dug three feet deep, and that the dead had been deposited and then covered with earth. Walled graves or vaults and an altar-shaped structure The Nelson Mound, after Excavation were built of water-worn boulders and clay. A cir- cular hole three feet deep and three feet in diameter had been dug at the center of the large pit. In this smaller pit, a skeleton had been placed upright on his feet and surrounded by a stone wall that was narrowed toward the top and covered with a single stone of moderate size. On the top of the head of the skeleton were found several plates of silver mica. The bones of the skeleton were held in position by the earth with which the vault was filled as the latter was built up. 42 The Neolithic Americans Mound Grouping Each of nine similar and smaller vaults contained a skeleton in a sitting posture. Implements of polished stone were found in some of these graves. Four unin- closed skeletons in squatting postures were found with their faces turned away from the one in the central crypt. One of these was of unusual size. Two uninclosed skeletons lay at full length, and with them were found pieces of soapstone pipes and other relics. The altar- shaped mass of water-worn boulders gave no indications of fire on it or around it, but many of the stones of the vaults and the earth immediately around them bore unmistakable evidences of fire. Small pieces of pottery and charcoal were scattered through the earth that filled the pit, the bottom and sides of which were so distinctly marked that they could be traced without difficulty. The location and grouping of the mounds offer wide diversities. Single mounds are found on the banks of streams, on their terraces, and on high eminences, in forests and in open fields; but those that kindle the liveliest interest are found in groups, with or without inclosing embankments, and especially in the central region of the United States. In some of these groups, each mound has an evident relation to some other mound; in other cases, the mounds seem to be sub- sidiary to earth-walls; and in still others, the individual mounds form parts of a general system. The bluff mounds, associated for long distances along the rivers, may have served as signal-stations for giving notice of approaching danger or of the movements ot game. The pyramidal mounds generally occur in groups as though they were parts of a social system, serving as residences for neighboring clans, or as places tor the ceremonials of a complicated service. Some of these relations will appear more clearly further on. The geographical distribution of the mounds is very uneven, their abundance here and their rarity there being apparently determined by the density and the fixedness of the ancient population, by the climate, by the char- acter of the soil, and by tribal or national idiosyncrasies. Geographical Distribution The Neolithic Americans 43 The most noteworthy of these remains He south of the forty-fifth parallel, and between the eightieth and the ninety-fifth meridians. Excepting those of Florida, nearly all of the mounds lie in the drainage systems of the great lakes and of the Gulf of Mexico. "Relics" are the objects found in the mounds, as Mound Relics distinguished from the structural parts of the mounds. They include charred food, pottery, chipped and polished stone implements, pipes, plummets, discoidal and cere- monial stones, rude sculptures, personal ornaments, animal tissue, textile material, etc. Some of these relics are very interesting ; e.g., the vase found by Clarence B. Moore, one of the most successful archaeological explorers within the area of the United States. On one side of the vessel, which is of excellent red ware and about eight inches in height, is a raised human figure standing with back turned to the observer and grasping the rim of the vessel with both hands. The other side shows the head and face look- ^'^' ^'°"' ^'°"^' ing across the rectangular aperture. A brief considera- tion of the technical aspects of mound relics will be found in a later part of this chapter. The laying out of archaeological districts was governed largely by the classi- fication of such relics. The indications thus given suggest that the languages significance of and industries of the mound-builders of the United ^^^ Diversity States were as diversified as were those of the Indians first found in the same areas. Whether these relics, by their diversity of form and quality of workmanship, entitle the mound-builders to a higher rank in skill and civilization than that of the historical Indians, is a ques- tion that has given rise to bitter controversy. The satis- factory study of the problem has been much embarrassed by the difficulty of separating the relics of the earlier of the Indians from the relics of the later of the mound-builders who preceded them, by the changes in art and industry brought about by the early contact of the American 44 The Neolithic Americans Indians with Europeans, and by the lamentable want ot exactness and impartiality shown by many who have written on the subject. Earthworks (e) The term "earthwork" applies to all artificial embankments of the surface-soil, of stones and earth combined, or of burned clay. These works inclose areas varying from one to many acres, and are variously classified: according to the materials of which they were made — as earthworks, stone forts, stone walls, etc.; according to their forms — as circles, octagons, parallel banks, trench-banks, geometric works, contour works, etc.; and according to their supposed functions — as fortifications, village inclosures, cemeteries, and ceremo- nial inclosures. Each of these classes exhibits a wide range of elaboration. The most elaborate consist ot walls and trenches combined in almost every conceivable way. The remains of ancient stockades are common in all parts of the United States, but the works of more elaborate design are most numerous and imposing in the northern and southern central states, in New York, Ar- kansas, and southeastern Missouri. These works of elab- orate design are of two kinds: "defensive works," built on bluffs or on tongues of elevated land, flanked by ravines; and "sacred inclosures," built on level plains and conforming more or less closely to common geomet- rical figures or to combinations thereof. Fort Ancient Of thcsc dcfcnsive earthworks, the strongest and the most important is that known as Fort Ancient. This crowning effort of the pre-Columbian military engineers is in Warren County, Ohio. It lies upon the edge of a broad plateau, two hundred and ninetv-one feet above the low-water level of the Little Miami River which flows along the base of its western slope. An area of about a hundred and twenty-six acres is inclosed by walls nearly four miles long. The embankments consist chiefly of earth, reinforced here and there by stone, and resemble somewhat the heavy grading of a railway-bed. The position is one of great natural strength, a tongue of land being flanked by two ravines that enter The Neolithic Americans 45 the river, one above the fort and the other below it. On Prehistoric the western side, next the river, the descent is precipitous. J^'I'^t. /-r-'i ■ 11 •!! 1 iri tngineering i he embankment was carried along the very edge of the hill, reaching outward to pass around the spurs and then leading inward to avoid the gullies. The wall varies from four to thirty-three feet in height and has an average thickness of forty or fifty feet. At all the more easily accessible points, the defenses show increased strength. Toward the east the plateau is slightly rolling, and on that side the embankment is very massive, exceeding twenty feet in height. At this point, the moat or ditch is external to the wall; elsewhere, it is within. At the time of the occupancy of the fort by the people Then and Now who built it, the walls probably averaged twenty feet in height and were surmounted by strong palisades. Today, one may stand upon the wall at almost any point and look downward for two or three hundred feet, over ground so steep that it could be traversed from below only with ex- treme difficulty. Supplies of stones of sizes suitable for throwing are found at many points upon the walls where they might be used with good effect upon an enemy coming up ^^^p °^ ^°'^ ^"^''^"^ the steep sides of the ravines. In the southern part of this inclosure (called the Old Fort) is a village site, part of which was used as a cemetery. This site is still plainly 46 The Neolithic Americans Battle-field marked by pottery tragments, animal bones, flint chips, etc. In the cemetery were tound more than two hundred skeletons incased in graves neatly made of limestone slabs. A Prehistoric On manv of the hillsides, especially around the Old Fort, and a hundred and fifty to two hundred feet from the walls above, are artificial terraces trom fifteen to thirtv feet wide. They have the appearance of roads so long abandoned that underbrush and great trees have grown upon them. These terraces are marked by stone- heaps, graves, ash-heaps, and camp sites; their use has long been a matter ot conjecture. Noteworthy diver- sities ot burial, pottery, etc., and cranial differences indicate that the people whose remains are found on these terraces w^re not of the same tribe as were those who dwelt within the walls. There is much to imply that the assailants met with a disastrous defeat at the hands of the builders and defenders of Fort Ancient. "When we consider that the Miami valley contains a great many village sites, mounds, and small inclosures, and that Fort Ancient is the only really strong position of them all, we can readily believe that the aborigines, for a radius of thirty or forty miles, would flock to this rendezvous and use it as a common fortification." As to the age of Fort Ancient there is little evidence other than that two forests have grown upon its embank- ments. How much its age exceeds four hundred years no one knows. Many more than two successive forests "may have sprung into lite, fallen, decayed, and passed away since the last" ot the builders of this ancient Gibraltar vanished from the valley of the Miami. Time has dealt gently with the ancient stronghold and the walls are still in fairly good condition. The property now belongs to the state and some provision is made for its care. Important defensive earthworks are also found in southeast Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, Wisconsin, and various other localities. The so-called sacred or ceremonial inclosures occur in great numbers and with great variety of size and Age of Fort Ancient Ceremonial Inclosures The Neolithic Americans 47 complexity. The most simple form is that of a ring, as nearly round as the crude appliances ot the builders enabled. The more complex forms consist of combina- tions of rings, quadrangles, polygons, graded ways, parallel banks, ditches, pyramids, mounds, etc. The most important of these are found near the southward flowing streams of Ohio. Perhaps the most extensive is the group known as the The Newark Newark works, which occupies an area nearly two miles ^^'°'''*^^ Scale of Feet lOon Map of the Ancient Works at Newark, Ohio square on a slightly elevated plain at the junction of the South and the Raccoon forks of the Licking River, about a mile west of Newark, Ohio. The large inclosure at the southern extremity of the group receives its name from the fact that it embraces the fair-grounds of the Licking County agricultural society. Uninjured by the plow, and with its primeval trees still standing, it is one of the best preserved of the ancient monuments of the country. It is nearly a true circle. The wall varies in width from thirty-five to fifty-five feet, and in height from five to fourteen feet. At the entrance to the circle, the wall curves outward, leaving a passage eighty feet wide. The ditch on the interior of the wall varies in width from twenty-eight to forty-one feet, and in depth from eight +8 The Neolithic Americans to thirteen feet. The smaller circular inclosure at the western extremity of the group approaches even more nearly to a geometric form, and has a diameter of about Map Showing Some of the Ancient Works of the Scioto Valley, Ohio a thousand and fifty feet. The average height of the walls is between four and five feet. At a point opposite the entrance is a crown-work. As this mound is higher than the embankment, it has been called the Observatory. Parallel walls run from the Observatory Circle to the The Neolithic Americans 49 Octagon, which shows a close approach to geometric regularity. At each angle is a gateway covered by a truncated pyramidal mound within the inclosure. Ex- tending between the walls of the northern parallel for a quarter of a mile is an embankment broad enough for fifty persons to walk abreast. South of this another parallel leads from the Octagon to the Square on the east side of the works. The walls of these parallels do not exceed four feet in height. The nearly perfect Square connects by a broken line of parallels with the Fair- ground Circle. The parallel shown at the extreme right of the map forms a "graded way." The map shows other features that must be passed over in this description with the single suggestion that the small circles may have been the sites of circular buildings. The remarkable extent and frequency of these ancient in the sdoto works may be inferred trom the accompanying map of ^^'^^^ a section of twelve miles of the valley of the Scioto River in Ohio. It is certain that these inclosures were not designed as defensive works, and probable that they were not used exclusively for formal worship. If so disposed, one may easily see in them the fair-grounds, the plazas, and the athletic parks of an aboriginal people, and, with the aid of the "scientific imagination," reproduce the ball games, tribal initiations, festivals of the seasons, religious rites, and all the pomp and parade of an ancient community. {/) The surface of the soil and the beds of shallow Prehistoric streams supplied the primitive stone-worker with what Qiia^'es he needed for his coarsest work; he simply helped himself without the aid of quarrying-tools. But surface and stream fragments were not the best material for many of his purposes; rocks in situ and in boulder-beds are more tractable than surface finds or brook pebbles. Hence the pre-Columbian Indians made excavations many feet in depth until they reached the choicest beds that their peculiar mechanical instincts enabled them to recognize. When such a bed was found it was worked until it was exhausted. These quarries cover areas vary- o The Neolithic Americans Means and Methods ing from a few acres to several square miles in extent. In one place in Arkansas more than a hundred thousand cubic yards of stone were removed and worked over. The appliances for quarry work were very primitive. The ancient quarrymen made use of fire and water; stone in natural and artificial forms served for mauls and hammers; hardwood, antler, bone, and shell furnished picks and chisels, wedges, hoes, crowbars, etc. To secure the greatest quantity of the best material in the most compact form and in the shortest time, the modern ship- wright hews timbers in the forest and leaves the chips behind to save the freight; the pre-Columbian mechanic solved a similar problem in a similar way, and thus reduced the burdens of the women who bore the half- shaped pieces from the quarry to the workshop nearer home. The abundance of relics in different stages of manufacture fbund upon those workhouse sites have enabled the archaeologist to reproduce most of the indus- trial processes of this ancient industry. Steatite was quarried in Rhode Island and Connecti- cut, slate, granite, porphyry, greenstone, and quartz in Vermont and the Champlain valley, jasper in Penn- sylvania, and serpentine (a much coveted material for pipes) in the Alleghanies. There is a belief that wells were sunk and petroleum collected. Mica mines were worked in the mountains of western North Carolina, and soapstone was worked in northern Alabama. At Flint Ridge, Licking County, Ohio, is a ledge of pink and bluish agate to which, from time immemorial, the aborigines resorted for the material for their weapons and cutlerv. The excavations and the retuse-heaps at this place cover many square miles, and hammer-stones and broken blades abound. The honestone (novaculite) quarries of Arkansas offer the most extensive ancient diggings yet found in the United States. Salt and Copper The Saline watcrs of Illinois were evaporated to form salt, and the copper mines of Michigan were worked long before the coming of the white man. In one case, a mass of nearlv pure copper weighing more than (Juarry Products The Neolithic Americans 5 i six tons had been raised several feet along the bottom of the pit by means of wedges and hammers, and, when found, was resting upon a cob-work of round logs six to eight inches in diameter. The arboreal and other evidences carry back the time when these copper mines were worked at least to a period corresponding to Europe's medieval era. The metal-producing Ameri- cans of that day were prospectors or surface explorers; they did not work underground. One of the most celebrated sources of material for Art and aboriginal art is the vast deposit of indurated red clay Commerce (catlinite) at Coteau des Prairies in southwestern Min- nesota. This ledge was worked in prehistoric times, and the ancient pits may be traced in a narrow belt for nearly a mile across the prairie, following the outcrop of the mineral. To the present time, the Siouan tribes make annual pilgrimages to this shrine of the ceremonial pipe, where the men block out the stone and the women tend the camp-fires — a survival of ancient practice for modern observation. In many of the mounds, especially those of Ohio, obsidian, pipestone, mica, and copper have been found hundreds of miles from their native sources. It is, difficult to avoid the conclusion that these substances were quarried with great care, bartered from tribe to tribe, and finally deposited with the dead. (g) Examples of the artificial storage of water by Hydrotechny the prehistoric Americans are rare in the eastern parts of the United States. The mound-builders excavated ponds and led thither water from springs, and ancient canals are found in Florida, Louisiana, and Arkansas. In the southwestern states and territories the aborigines built dams, dug ditches, stored water, and used it for irrigation. The arable tract of the Salado River, a tributary of the Gila, comprises nearly half a million acres, and the watering of fully half of it was controlled by canals. The outlines of a hundred and fifty miles of ancient irrigating ditches may be readily traced, and some of them meander fourteen miles from their source. In recent years, as pointed out by Mr. Hodge, the con- 5 2 The Neolithic Americans querors of the pueblo people have learned to imitate this wise policy of making the water-supply of vast areas independent of the climate. Corn-hills and {h) Evidenccs of prehistoric agriculture are found in Garden-beds widely Separated parts of the country. In several parts of New York, large corn-hills remained until a recent period. They were much larger than those used by the whites; each small mound contained several hills and was used for many years successively. So-called garden- beds are found in southwest Michigan and other states. They consist of ridges of earth, often parallel, and with paths between them, and are distinguished from the corn- fields further east chiefly by their symmetrical arrange- ment and regularity of outline. In one example, at Kalamazoo, the rows were laid out in the form of a wheel with twenty-four spokes. The ridges vary from five to sixteen feet in width, from twelve to a hundred feet in length, and from six to eighteen inches in height. They have yielded no relics, and the question of their origin is still a subject for study or conjecture. The arboreal evidence indicates that they antedate the early French exploration of that region. Somewhat similar traces occur in the ancient pueblo region of the southwest, and modern agricultural Indians (the Pimas) declare the inclosures to be ancient gardens. Trails and (/') Thc ancient carriers of the United States had no Transportation ^g^st of burdcn Other than the dog, and made little or no use of wheeled vehicles. The commerce of the continent was borne upon the backs of men and women, and trails or paths worn in the earth and rock by weary feet were the precursors of the modern road and railway. These trails formed a mighty network spread over the continent and many of them became the pathways of the pioneer and the highways of a later civilization. Long voyages were made by lake and river and even by canal. An aboriginal Marco Polo might have paddled south- ward from our most northern boundary through the great lakes, leaving the inland seas at the point where Cleveland stands, going up the river to its most southern The Neolithic Americans 53 point, bearing his canoe on his back eight miles across the famous "Cuyahoga portage" to the most northern point of the Tuscarawas River, and thence floating easily down the waters of the Muskingum, the Ohio, and the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico. Before the coming of the European this portage formed the boundary between the Iroquois and the western tribes, and part of it is a traveled highway to this day. Among other well- known portages were those now known as the Chicago, the Fox-Wisconsin, the Saint Joseph, and the Chautau- qua. Associated with these routes of ancient commerce are the rock-inscriptions, blazed trees, staked plains, stone-heaps, and other devices for keeping the aboriginal traveler in the path he ought to follow. {j) The still existing tools and products of ancient industrial aboriginal industries in the United States constitute a Tools and r 1 /- 1 • 1 Products large part of the records from which we may study the arts and culture of those who used or made them. As we look upon these ancient relics, whether they were implements, utensils, weapons, or ornaments, we should remember that, in most cases, they are mere fragments of the originals, the missing parts of which have been removed by use or decay. The complete "restoration" is often made possible by patient comparison with similar tools or products of modern Indians. These relics of the mounds may be divided into two classes — those the uses and methods of manufacture of which are known, and those the function or the making of which the modern savage does not understand. The former class helps us to a knowledge of the culture-status of the maker or user; the latter class has flooded archaeology with conjecture. If every relic belonged to the first class, there would be no doubt of the racial identity of the mound-builders with the modern Indians. The principal relics found in the United chipped Ceit chipped Stone States are of stone. The industrial stones are silicious p™'^""^ or granular, and the objects made from them are accord- 54 The Neolithic Americans Pecked Stone Products ingly classified as chipped stones, or as pecked or ground stones. The chipping of stone produced arrow- points, spear-heads, knives and saws, as well as other implements for the early American furriers and fisher- men, basket-makers, farmers, surgeons, and warriors. These chipped implements, many of which closely resemble the paleolithic implements, although they are of better finish, were made of the flinty rock of the neighborhood in which they are found. Each tribe seems to have had its own knack of doing its work, and some of the products were so delicate and beautiful that they well might have been, and perhaps were, exalted above the drudgeries of industry into the region of art or ceremony. The art of battering, abrading, cutting, and polishing stone had a large application in all parts ot the country, and seems to have run through an interest- ing gamut of processes. Innumerable stone hammers, celts, axes, mortars and pestles, cups and pots, plummets, disks, and pipes were thus made. Each class of these objects has a geographical distribution depending upon the sources of the materials and upon the course of ancient commerce. Among these neolithic objects are certain enigmas, forms that the American Indians have never been seen to use or to manufacture. Some of them required much skill and labor to work into their present forms, and are chiefly interesting to us for that reason. Judging from the number of pipes found in mounds and graves, the ancient inhabitants of the Mississippi valley must have been sturdy smokers. The bust shown in the accompanying figure was carved from a coarse marble and found in one ot the mounds of the Etowah group in Georgia. Specimens of ancient pottery are found in a limited Grooved Ax The Etowah Bust Ceramics The Neolithic Americans 55 part of western Alaska, along the northern tier of states from Minnesota eastward, and down the Atlantic coast. The mounds of the middle Mississippi valley have been prolific of a plain but excellent ware, the gulf states yield still another type, but the most delicate and beautiful examples of prehistoric ceramic art yet recovered have come from the village sites of Arizona and New Mexico. Still further southwest, about the lower Gila drainage, elegant forms of plain red pottery are found. The vessel was built up by coiling a cylindrical roll ot Pottery properly prepared clay, by molding the clay over or in p™"^^^^ some hard object or in network, by ham- mering the wet malleable clay with a paddle, or by free-hand modeling. After ^~. the preliminary process, the ves- "' sel was sometimes improved by ,' polishing off the tracings of the coil and the marks of fingers and tools, by the addition of a wash of various colors, by pressing strings, textiles, nets, tools, or stamps into the soft surface, by painting the surface in geometrical, pictorial, or symbolic designs, by attaching handles and other useful or ornamental parts, or by decorating in relief or intaglio. The burning was done in open fires. In this ^1 process the vessels assumed a color depending upon the constituents of the clay. Mug and Bowl xt_ '^ I ■ ^ JNo vitreous glazmg was attempted and none produced except by accident. The art flourished in its greatest purity and exaltation before the Spanish conquest of New Mexico. As a rule, the social system of the tribes was modified, and the arts that pertained especially to women, as did basketry and pottery, were degraded by the coming of the conquerors or they were entirely abandoned. Speaking in the modern sense, the prehistoric Indians Metallurgy Bottle and Vase 56 The Neolithic Americans of the United States were not metallurgists. Their iron objects are merely bits of iron ore, treated as stone of like texture. They seem to have had no knowledge of working metal except by pounding or grinding it cold. No one has found any ancient metallurgic workshop or anv remains that indicate the tormer existence ot one. But when thev found a metal like copper, capable ot being wrought and fashioned without smelting or molding, its use was perfectly compatible with the simple arts ot the stone period. The chemical analyses of many copper relics found bv Mr. Moore in the aboriginal mounds of Georgia and Florida strongly corroborate the opinion, generally held by American archaeologists, that this copper is of American provenience and was worked by hammer- ing with primitive tools. There was in Europe no supply of native ( i.e., unsmelted ) copper sufficient tor commercial purposes, and the material of these relics is much purer than any of the copper produced from European ores by the rude processes of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The finest specimens of artistic copper-working have been found in the Etowah mounds of Georgia, in the Turner and the Hopewell groups of mounds in Ohio, and to a limited extent in Florida. Some of these objects carry suggestions ot the gaudy Aztec warrior attire, and the band- ages on the arnis and legs seem to give hints ot the early wooden sculptures of the Bahamas and the Greater Antilles; but one who has seen a Seminole chiet in full dress need not go so tar afield tor the motive for these copper plates. Some silver and a little gold have been found in the Ohio mounds. The textile fabrics of the ancient tribes of the United States have been preserved by charring, by contact with copper relics the salts of which arrest decay, by the preservative salts Textile Industry Charred Fabric The Neolithic Americans 57 of burial-caves, by impressions lett upon pottery, and by the arid climate of the Southwest. The charred speci- mens recovered from the moun^ls of the valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi are made of two-ply cord or twisted filaments, in plain or diagonal patterns, in close or open work, and have a marked resemblance to the styles of Indian weaving found along the borders of the great lakes, and along the north Pacific Coast as far as the Aleutian Islands. Examples of prehistoric cloth that had been wrapped cioth, around copper implements or beads or other objects have ^j'^j^af"^^ been found in all the central and southern states from Georgia to Iowa, and are common objects in museums. Reports of the discov- f.'i r l_ ■ ■ Moccasin textile rabncs m caverns and shelters began to find their way into print at an early date in the history of the country, and the supply of such material available for study is extensive. The accom- panying figure represents a neatly plaited moccasin found in a cave in Kentucky. One of the most interesting specimens of this class of fabrics is a fragment of ancient split-cane matting, obtained from Petite Anse Island, off" the southern coast of Louisiana. It was found near the surface of the salt-bed, fourteen feet below the surface of the soil, and two feet below the fossil remains of an ele- phant, thus suggesting the existence of man on the island prior to the deposit of the fossil in the soil. The material consists of the outer bark of the common southern cane, and has been preserved for so long a period both by its silicious character and the strongly saline condition of the soil. In all ages and countries, textiles have furnished Decoratm motives for the decoration of pottery. The desired '^" results were secured by simply pressing cords into the soft clav in geometric patterns, by pressing a net or piece of cloth upon the soft surface, or perhaps by making up 58 The Neolithic Americans Pictographs Burials the vessel in a cloth or network. When the vessel was burned, the most delicate marks were fixed. There is not a state within the Mississippi and Atlantic drainage basins that does not furnish some example of the preservation of native fabric impressions on earthen- ware. The largest and most varied col- lections of these ancient fabrics have been found in the cliff-dwellines of the South- Fabric-marked Vase i • i • r • 11 west, and m the rums or ancient pueblos, where the arid climate has aided in their preservation. The cliff and cavate lodges on the Rio San Juan, where Colorado, Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico join, disclose all the varieties of textiles known to the modern Indians, and more. As to material, there is no difference between the basketry and textiles of the American Indians of the present time and those of the most ancient people that dwelt on the same area. If the ancient artisans possessed implements for weaving and plaiting, no traces of those implements have come down to us. All twisting of filaments seems to have been done bv hand; none of these prehistoric fabrics is fine enough to indicate the use of the spindle. [k) In every state of the Union are found figures of men and beasts, and marks that seem to be hieroglyphic, carved by ancient Americans on cliffs and boulders and on stones specially prepared. In the publications of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Col. Garrick Mallery has shown how to read many of these old etchings in the light of pictography and sign language as practised by modern Indians who have no other form of written records. (/) Care for the dead has preserved for the living the best records of the past. It is not uncommon for an ethnologist, judging from the shape of bones before him, to affirm confidently that the man or woman in question was an Indian or differed from an Indian of today; or, judging from the special way in which the bones are placed in the sepulcher, that the dead belonged to this The Neolithic Americans 59 tribe or to that ; or, judging from the state of preservation of the bones, that they are, or are not, of great antiquity, and so on. In a great collection of crania, the expert may come to recognize certain types ; but great caution should be used in drawing large conclusions from such data. The earth packed over the dead often modifies the form of the bones ; in many cases it is not easy to decide whether the burial was original or intrusive ; many tribes intentionally deformed the skulls of infants ; the cradle-board modified the length and shape of the cranium ; and different soils cause human skeletons to decay with unequal rapidity. Reviewing all the testimony of the neolithic remains interpretation and relics in the United States, to what conclusions may '^^^■'^ ... . . . . ^ A estimony we safely come regardmg their antiquity and origin ? The true method of interpretation is to place these witnesses side by side with similar forms in daily use among historic or still existing Indians. If the ancient forms agree with the modern, we shall be very likely to conclude that the two peoples were on equally elevated planes of culture. The stone, shell, and copper relics are only the enduring remnants of former weapons, tools, and products of industry, from which other parts have been taken by decay. With the knowledge that careful study of still lingering tribes has put at our com- mand, we may generally restore these decayed parts, and thus bring back what the centuries have filched away. This is a well-established method of archaeological study. Suppose that an Indian tribe now living or described An illustrative in authentic history had settled not far from the Ohio ^'"^^"'^ River, built earth-circles and rectilinear figures, fortified terraces, buried their dead in mounds and with care, as the mound-builders of the Ohio district did ; it would be a fair presumption that this tribe was descended from the builders of the ancient tumuli, or had been taught by them. If there are now living, or have lived in historic times, tribes with arts so nearly like those of the mounti- builders that they convince us of relationship or contact, we may go to these tribes or to the records of them for 6o ' The Neolithic Americans such assistance as they can give in the reconstruction ot the daily life of this somewhat mysterious people. Un- fortunately, civilization works such radical changes in aboriginal life that the force of such a lesson is somewhat weakened. If the builders of the Ohio mounds had been actively at work in 1492, they who explored the Missis- sippi vallev a hundred years later might have been too late to come into contact with arts that were wholly abo- riginal. Rival Theories There are two widely held and antagonistic opinions concerning the builders of these mounds. One school of archaeologists insists that the mound-builders were far more cultured than anv known North American Indians, that their earthworks were more complicated and better finished, that their arts of fashioning and polishing stone and of fabricating pottery, their agriculture and their architecture, were more advanced, and that their social and religious systems were of a higher order than were those of their successors. This theory leads up to the concept of an extinct civilization and a vanished race. The more modern school confidently insists that " there is nothing found in the mode of construction of these mounds nor in the vestiges ot art they contain to indicate that their builders had reached a higher culture-status than that attained by some of the Indian tribes found occupying the country at the time of the arrival of the first Europeans." Ethnologic At no time in the history ot any ot the older nations of Continuity j-j^^ world has the whole population been removed to give place to another altogether ditTerent. Continuity is the law of history, and it is difficult to believe that that law has been violated here. It is hardly conceivable that a race should come upon the stage, act its part, and go away to give place to another company of players with whom the first had naught to do. There were fifty dis- tinct stock languages spoken at one time within the limits of the United States by Indians of the historic period, and the peoples using them differed from one another in forms of government, mythology, and arts. Some of the The Neolithic Americans 6 1 stocks, as the Algonquian, the Iroquoian, the Athapas- can, the Muskhogean, the Siouan, and the Shoshonean were spread over vast territories, while others, if they ever were numerous or widely diffused, had shrunk to mere handfuls before they were discovered by the historian. In every case, when their houses, furniture, tools, and weapons are placed side by side with those left by the people of long-ago, they correspond in a remarkable manner, and enable the student to reproduce the leading features of ancient American life without any other aid. Whether the American aborigines were autochthonous, whence? created on the western hemisphere, or whether they came from Asia across Bering Strait and the Aleutian chain, or whether they came from Polynesia to South America and migrated northward, or whether they came from E,urope by way of Iceland, Greenland, and land bridges that are now submerged — it is not possible to trace, now and with certainty, the paths along which they were drawn or driven. It certainly took a longtime when? to develop on the western hemisphere at least two hun- dred languages differing among themselves more widely than do those of Europe, so distinct that the words in each seem totally independent of those in any of the others. Furthermore, some of the older remains are cov- ered with forest-trees more than six hundred years old, that have grown up since their sites were deserted by seden- tary inhabitants. The different qualities of work in the remains and relics of the mound-builders certainly point to periods of political splendor and decay, or to violent conquests. In the eastern half of the United States, the climax, the Augustan age of the neolithic American, was reached by the mound-builders of the Ohio valley. The decadence of art had set in when the white men first visited that region. It is possible that the acquisition of iron and steel tools stimulated a brief renaissance, and that in the relics of this period we have the most elaborate specimens of the mound-builders' labor and skill. Like arts were flourishing to recent time in the southern states, and, to a certain extent, were practised elsewhere. 62 The Neolithic Americans The Conclusion There still remains a lamentable break between the prehistoric and the historic eras in the New World. Not many years ago, a distinguished antiquary and historian exclaimed: "We must give it up, that speech- less past; . . . lost is lost, gone is gone forever." But modern scholarship is more hopeful; the veil is slowly lifting. Problems that a few years ago were thought to be insoluble " have been satisfactorily solved and have now become foundation-stones in the archaeo- logical structure." The evidence so far secured leads to the conclusion that the monuments of Mexico and Cen- tral America, as well as those of the mound-builders and the cliff-dwellers, are chiefly attributable to the ancestors of the people found in those regions by modern European discoverers and explorers. The discovery of articles of European manufacture in some of the mounds, under conditions that preclude any connection with intrusive burials, indicates that the custom of building mounds had not ceased at the time of the discovery of America as clearly as does the discoverv of man-made implements in the glacial gravels that the credentials of the glacial American cannot be rejected. CHAPTER I I I M A A D M N our hurried way into the firm paths of Post-Coiu demonstrable history we pass into a field bian claims of V^.^ thickly strewn with bewildering fact and fancy, bian Discovery After Columbus had glorified Spain and Cabot had magnified England in ways of which we soon shall tell, it was to be expected that other nations would seek to gratify their pride by pointing out their own priority of honor. Thus Basque and Norman, Welsh and Irish, sun-tinted Italian and snow-bleached Scandinavian appear in the forum with Arabian and Chinese and attorneys for almost every race of eastern Asia, each claiming his share in the gift of a new world to the Old. The offered evidence is of varying worth. Little of it is of a char- acter to carry conviction, and all of it has been disputed. Naturally enough, the claimants offer a multitude of inherent possibilities, some of which are made pictur- esque by accompanying probabilities. Moreover, there is something fascinating in fairy tales of travel that struck the imagination of our ancestors, and "a charm in any evidence which goes to show that Pliny and Polo and the author of Sindbad's voyages were not liars." Duty and pleasure thus detain us in this court of claims, ante- chamber of our labyrinth. Among these spectral images of discovery, we may Phenidan first note a tradition that a Mediterranean people, passing discovery the pillars of Hercules ( i.e., sailing through the Strait of Gibraltar ), were driven westward by a storm and heard 64 Maze and Myth Grecian Discovery Chinese Discovery, 499 A. D. of no more. For some reason not recorded "it is thought that they reached the American coast." There are now in the museum of Rio de Janeiro certain brass tablets discovered in the northern part of Brazil and covered with Phenician inscriptions, doubtless forgeries, that tell of the discovery of America five centuries before Christ. It is also given as veritable history "that a farmer near Montevideo, South America, discovered in one of his fields, in 1827, a flat stone which bore strange and unknown characters; beneath this stone was a vault made of masonry in which were deposited two ancient swords, a helmet, and a shield." The inscription on the stone was translated as follows : During the dominion of Alexander, the son of Philip, King of Macedon, in the sixty- third Olympiad, Ptolemais. "On the handle of one of the swords was a portrait, supposed to represent Alexander. The helmet had on it fine sculptured work, representing Achilles dragging the corpse of Hector around the walls of Troy. This would seem to point to an early Grecian discovery of America." But there is room for doubt. In 1 761, it was announced to the European world that America had been discovered by the Chinese in the fifth century. The Chinese annals record that a Buddhist priest visited Fusang, a country far to the east. This priest found that the people there had already adopted the religion of Buddha, borne to them by five beggar monks twenty-nine years before. He told wonderful stories of the Fusang-tree, and recorded the fact that the oxen had horns of ten bushels capacity, and that they were used for holding household goods. This mendicant monk, or some other writer whose story was recorded in the same section of the Chinese book of antiquities, told of a country to the east of Fusang where all the people were women, where maternity was engendered by bathing in a certain river, and the children were nourished from a tuft of hair upon the shoulder. It has been held that Fusang was California or Mexico. The Chinese route Maze and Myth 65 was actually laid down on the maps — a very common demonstration of such propositions. But the nascent West need not pale its glory before Irish that of the dead or dying Orient. There is a distinct '^'^covery class of Irish tales to the effect that highly civilized Irish- men came to America before Columbus or even the Northmen of whom we soon shall speak. They date from before the dawn of certain history. Part of this story relates that an Icelander, Are Marson, was shipwrecked on the coast of America in 983 or, according to another statement, in 928. This land was "White Men's Land," or " Great Ireland." It extended from New York to Florida, and was inhabited by a Christian people who baptized Are Marson and made him their chief. Unfortunately, the legend records the distance from Ireland to "White Men's Land" as only six days' sail toward the west. The second chapter is more romantic. One Bjarni The Froda Asbrandson, famous as an Icelandic Falstaff and a Ro'"^"" daring viking, was forced into an agreement to go abroad and not to see his Thurid for a year. And so the viking went from home and neither man nor vessel was ever seen again in Iceland. Thirty years later, one Gudleif and his companions were driven westward by a storm and thrown upon an unknown coast. All were taken prisoners, bound, and carried inland. As the captives were surrounded by the natives, " it rather seemed to them that they spoke Irish." They were led before a white-haired chieftain who addressed them in their own tongue, and made particular inquiry con- cerning Thurid, her brother, and her son. As they were about to leave, the chieftain said: "If the fates permit you to come to your own country, then shall you take this sword to the yeoman Kjartan of Froda, but this ring to Thurid his mother. Say he sends them who loved the lady of Froda better than her brother, the priest of Helgafell." Then did Gudleif know that his protector was Bjarni Asbrandson. He did as he was bid, and gave the ring to Thurid and the sword to 66 Maze and Myth Irish- American Colonization of Iceland Welsh Discovery The Madoc Legend Kjartan, the son of the chieftain of Hvitramannaland, or " White Men's Land." 1 he renegade chieftain had let the captives go that his memory might once more be garlanded by the Thurid of his dreams. As a specimen of enthusiasm running riot, we make mere mention ot the claim that Iceland was first peopled not from Europe but from Virginia and Carolina by Irishmen who had earlier migrated to America. Pro- fessor Tyndall remarks "that, when feeling escapes from behind the intellect, where it is a useful urging force, and places itself in front of the intellect, it is likely to produce glamour and all manner of delusions." More than this. We are assured that Saint Patrick preached the gospel in the "Isles of America;" but as he lived in the fifth century the occurrence of the word "America" in the story "casts a decidedly apocryphal hue over the otherwise gauzy fabric." There seems to be no end to the procession of enthusiasts who see overmuch in their studies of pre-Columbian discoveries. Ignoring for the moment the claims of Norse discov- ery, which would come next in chronological order, but which rest upon a better bottom, we cross Saint George's Channel from Ireland to Wales, the home of another story. Come listen to a tale of times of old, Come, for ye know me. I am he who sang The Maid of Arc, and I am he who framed of Thalaba the wild and wondrous song. Come listen to my lay ; and ye shall hear How Madoc from the shores of Britain spread The adventurous sail, explored the ocean-paths, And quelled barbarian power, and overthrew The bloody altars of idolatry. Thus Southey introduces his Madoc^ a learned and inter- esting poem that induced an American to denounce the poet for having " meditated a most serious injury against the reputation of the New World by attributing its discovery and colonization to a little vagabond Welsh prince." Owen Gwynnedd, the prince of North Wales and the father of seventeen sons and two daughters, died in 1 169. Maze and Myth 67 His oldest son, lorwerth Drwyndwn (i.e., Edward with the broken nose), declined the scepter " because of the maime upon his face," and so the rule fell to his half- brother, Howel, "a base son begotten of an Irish woman." The next son, David, refused obedience to his bastard brother and appealed to arms. The still younger brother, Madoc, commander-in-chief of the navy, fled from the civil strife and put to sea. Madoc I am, the son of Owen Gwynnedd, With stature large and comely grace adorned. No lands at home, nor store of wealth me please j My mind was whole to search the ocean seas. About 1 170, he sailed westward with his fleet and discov- ered a new land that was so pleasing that he left there most of his men and ships and returned to Wales for more. He soon went back with one of his brothers and many others, enough to fill ten ships. There is no account of the return of any of these to Wales. It appears, however, that communication with the mother country was maintained, for we are informed that " they followed the manners of the land they came to and used the language they found there." Some have thought that their new home was in Canada, and others that they landed in Florida or passed up the Mississippi River. One of the most persistent of the early myths in regard to the American Indians was that of the existence of a tribe of Welsh Indians, the descendants of this colony founded by Prince Madoc. Next comes the story of possible American discovery Arabian by Arabian sailors in the twelfth century. At that time, discovery the Arabians were the world's most daring sailors and the leading custodians of scientific knowledge. The story goes that eight of these Arabs built a boat, provisioned it for a voyage of several months, and fearlessly sailed from Lisbon directly out into the Sea of Darkness. This The Saiiors' dreaded watery waste with its fabled monsters was " a vast Superstition and boundless ocean on which ships dare not venture out of sight of land, for, even if they knew the direction of the winds, they would not know whither those winds 68 Maze and Myth would carry them and, as there is no inhabited country beyond, they would run great risk of being lost in mist and vapor." Here was the home of the monster with the ox's head, with knobbed scales, and with hatred for all Christians. Here was Demogorgon with hurricanes and destruction flowing from his mouth. Here Sindbad's gigantic roc seized its white-winged prey and soared aloft with ship and crew into the upper air. Here Satan's Route of the Arabs The Sea of Darkness black and horrid hand reached forth from ocean depths to seize and to destroy any one who ventured to intrude. At the end of eleven days they entered a sea of grass. Beneath the grass were sunken rocks, above the grass a sickening smell. They were nearing the western bounds beyond which nothing was ; the very sun began to fade away. None too soon they turned their prow toward the south. They landed on an island, were discovered and imprisoned, and then were set adrift upon the sea. Wind and wave bore them to the African coast where the natives cared for them kindly. Thence they returned to Lisbon. They probably saw the Cape Verde Islands and Maze and Myth 69 the Azores, if indeed there is so much of truth in the story. But there are those who see therein the record of a pre-Columbian discovery of America. Another claim to the laurels of Columbus is wrapped The Zeni m the story ers, Nicolo and of Venice, wonderful dis- m a n y letters, a map. Let- were, genera- given to an scendant, Ni- which to play. Nicolo tore to torical docu- thus early in made the sole the wonderful bits, and in them together to the public, three hundred putatious world DEI COMMENTARir DEL yU^i" '" I'e.ih ffi M. Cuia-ina i'.tm d K. L'.SRC !)VJ!. KT DttLO SCOPR I MliNTO fAatiii, (r lj^^^i:^aSa^^ A Saga Manusckipt 8o The Northmen Circa 1 148 and by that of Ari Thorgilsson (called Hinn Frodi), whom Konrad von Maurer calls the earliest and most trustworthy of all the Icelandic historians, and have been confirmed by the researches of modern explorers and investigators. Even when not credited as exact histories, they have a standing as epics founded upon facts. We cannot deal fairly with American history and ignore these picturesque and romantic legends. Bjarni When Eric the Red with his colony returned from Herjuifson Iceland to Greenland in 985, he was accompanied by Herjulf Bardson. Herjulf had a son, Bjarni or Biarne. Father and son generally spent their summers in trading voyages to Norway, passing the winters at home in Iceland. On his return from one of these Norway trips, Bjarni found that his father had emigrated to Greenland. Without hesitation, the son again sailed 986 westward. A dense fog enveloped ship and crew and, for many days, a north wind drove them over an unknown course. At last, the weather cleared and, soon after that, they sighted land. As the land was wooded and without mountains, the discoverer of America, who was seeking his father in Greenland, turned his prow from the shore. Off the Coast Two days later, Bjarni Herjuifson (i.e., Bjarni, the son of Herjulf) neared the shore a second time. Finding it still flat and wooded, he refused to land, "because in Greenland are said to be very high ice-hills." Then for three days and nights they sailed with a southwest wind and again saw land ahead. But because there were no glaciers Bjarni said: "In my opinion, this land is not what we want." His men wished to land for wood and water, but he would not, and "he got some hard speeches for that from his sailors." Sailing with the southwest wind for three days more, they came in sight of land, mountains, and glaciers. Then Bjarni said: "This is most like what has been told me of Greenland and here we shall take to the land." His filial faithfulness had its reward, for the cape before him was called Herjulfness and his father's house was near. of Labrador I The Northmen 8i Bjarni Herjulfson had been borne on the cold current that sets southward from the arctic circle and flows through the narrowed channel between Iceland and Green- land. By reason of two physical conditions, in com- bination with the restless activity of the tenth-century Northmen, Bjarni had sighted the American coast and sailed along the shores of Newfoundland and Lab- rador to Greenland, He made no landing on the con- tinent. Near the end of the cen- tury, Leif Ericson ( i.e., Leif the son of Eric) sailed from Greenland to Norway and found that King Olaf had accepted the Christian relig- ion and was forcing it upon his people with true Moham- medan zeal. It was about this time that the king sent word that, if all the Norsemen inhabiting Iceland did not at once become Christians, he would kill every one :v of them he could lay Leif Ericson, 999 Map of Bjarni 's Course hand upon. Leif was converted with the rest and, on his return to Greenland, took a priest of the new faith with him. Greenland became a Christian land and her people built Christian Ruins of the Church at Katortok churchcS The ruinS of one of these, known as the Katortok church, still remain. Inevitably, the story of the land that Bjarni had seen was much discussed in the Greenland homes. Among 82 The Northmen such a people, talking leads to doing. Eric the Red was the pioneer of Greenland, his father was one of the The Pioneer pioncers of Iceland; his son became the pioneer of the of American AmeHcan mainland. In the year looo (or thereabouts). Discovery ^.. ^, . .,,. ~ ■> ■ -ij i Leif Ericson, with thirty-nve companions, sailed south- ward from Herjulfness. His first landing-place he •^^^T^s^s,. -^^ '\ ' \'^^A '-^%r^j, ^.^pf?:J?^ Landing of the Northmen called Helluland (i.e., Flatstone Land) ; it is thought that this was Newfoundland. His next landing was at a place that Leif named Markland (i.e., Woodland); perhaps it was Nova Scotia. They then sailed with a northeast wind for two days and landed on an island north of the mainland. According to the " inspired identifiers of localities," they were now somewhere on the New England coast, but at what precise locality no ordinary mortal knows. Finding that the climate was pleasant and that the dew upon the grass was sweet,'"^ they were delighted. Then they sailed between the island and the mainland, went up a river that came through a lake, cast anchor, went ashore, pitched their tents, built huts, and spent the winter there, the adven- turous pioneers of American discovery. * Probably the so-called honeydew. The Northmen 83 r -• Norse Boat Used as a Habitation "But is that true, my foster-brother?" Tyrker On the return of one of Leif 's exploring parties, a man viniand by the name of Tyrker, in great excitement and with wild gesticulation, addressed his companions in German, to them an unknown tongue. " Leif saw that his foster-brother was not in his right senses." When Tyrker's excitement had passed away, he addressed his com- panions in their familiar tongue, say- ing, "I found vines and grapes!" Quoth Leif replied: "Surely it is true, for 1 was brought up where there is no want of either vines or grapes." Leif then called the country Viniand, filled his long-boat with the trunks of trees, and heaped its deck with grapes and vines; in the spring, he returned to Greenland. No wonder that, in a land where trees did not grow and where vines and grapes were never seen, the priceless cargo and the land whence such things came formed the subject of eager discussion, and kindled enthusiastic zeal. On this or some previous voyage Leif had rescued a shipwrecked crew. For this and that, he was ever after known as Leif the Lucky. In 1002, Eric the Red having died and Leif the Thorwaid Lucky having succeeded to his earldom, the younger E"'^^°" son and brother, Thorwaid, thought further to explore Viniand. "Thou canst go with my ship, brother, if thou wilt," said Leif. Thorwaid accepted the offer, selected a crew of thirty men, and sailed southward. They found Leif 's booths still standing and therein went into winter quarters. The next season was spent in this pleasant land. In the spring of 1004, while Thorwaid and some of his party were exploring the country in a northward direction, the ship was driven ashore in a 84 The Northmen -5^,^W' storm near a ness or cape. They put a new keel into their damaged ship, set up the old keel in the sand, and called the place Kjalarness or Keel Cape. It has been thought by some, and stated as a fact by others, that this Kjalarness was on Cape Cod's shores. To meet some of the difficulties in the way, these enthusiasts do not hesitate to bring an is- land up from the bottom of the sea, and to make other restorations in the coast line. Soon after the disaster at Kjalar- ness, they came to "a point of land which stretched out and was covered with wood." Looking upon the scene, Thorwald said: "This Map of Cape Cod "Restored- pj^^^ j^ beaUtiful and here I would like to raise my dwelling." His wish was voiced in prophecy. Here the Northmen first met the natives, whom they called Skraellings (dwarfs, or Eskimos). Of a party of nine, eight were captured and mercilessly put to death; the other one escaped to tell the story of the wrong wrought by Europeans upon the American aborigines. It was the first of a long-continued series. Quick retri- bution came. The avenging dwarfs attacked the sleep- ing Northmen. When the Skraellings had withdrawn, the mortally wounded Thorwald said : " Now counsel I ye, that ye get ready instantly to depart. But ye shall bear me to that cape where I thought it best to dwell. There shall ye bury me and set up crosses at my head and feet, and call the place Krossaness forever, in all time to come." He died and was buried and all things Killed by the Skraellings The Northmen 85 were done as he had said. Then the party went back to Vinland, loaded the boat with grapes and timber, and in the spring went back to Greenland as Leif the Lucky had done before. They who locate Kjalarness at the extremity of Cape Cod, set the Krossaness on the shores of Plymouth County, Massachusetts. In the summer of 1005, an expedition was fitted out Thorstein to fetch Thorwald's body to Greenland. It was in E""°" command of Thorstein, another son of Eric the Red. Thorstein had taken unto himself as wife Gudrida, the widow of the captain of the shipwrecked crew rescued by Leif the Lucky. The expedition of Thorstein and Gudrida, for she accompanied her husband, was a failure. They found neither Krossaness nor Vinland, and after a cruise of several months returned in the early winter. Thorstein and many of his crew died, and strange manifestations followed. After his death, Thorstein assured the twice widowed Gudrida that he had "come to a good resting-place," and foretold for her a third husband and a numerous posterity. The pleasing prophecy, related in heroic style, proved true. Thus did rude but vigorous fancy supplement and ornament the poverty of real life with its peculiar pageantry. In 1006, Thorfin Karlsefne (i.e., Thorfin the Hope- Thorfin ful or Manly), a wealthy Icelandic merchant of distin- ^Y^!,^^"/-, .,,,.•'''..,/, , J . . and Gudrida guished Imeage, visited Greenland on a trading voyage. He passed the winter at Brattahlid, the home of Leif the Lucky. The splendor of the winter entertainment was largely due to the liberality of Karlsefne who, knowing of the poverty of his host, said to him: "We have in our ship plenty both of malt and corn; take of it what you will and make as great a feast as your heart desires." Yule-tide brought its joys for young and old and doubt- less did its part in yielding favoring circumstances. In the preceding spring, Gudrida had come home with the body of the dead Thorstein. Soon after Christmas, and before the end of the first year of her second widowhood, Gudrida and Karlsefne were married. Three Icelandic merchants in Greenland, Snorri Thor- 86 The Northmen Merchant brandsoii, Bjarni Grimolfson, and Thorhall Gamlason, Adventurers J^gard much of Viiiland and arranged with Karlsefne to visit the country of which so many tempting reports had been made. Thorwald, who had married Freydisa, a natural daughter of Eric the Red, was to go with them in a ship of his own. Thus was organized a voluntary expedition to consist of three ships and a hundred and forty persons — about equal in size, as Mr. Gay remarks, to that for which four centuries later Columbus, poor and praying, waited seven years. The colonists were provided with tools and provisions, cattle and lesser live stock, and other necessaries for a permanent settlement. Besides Gudrida and Freydisa there were a number of women, married and single. Their presence was not an unmixed blessing. One of the narratives of the subsequent troubles tells us that "the women were the cause of it, for those who were unmarried would injure those who were married, and hence arose great disturbance." The ships sailed in the spring of 1007, touched at Hel- luland, at Markland, and at Kjalarness, at which last named place they found the keel set up three years before by Thorwald. Beyond Kjalarness extended a sandv shore of such a length that it was called Furthustrand, after which the coast became much indented with bays and inlets. On the shores of a bay further along the coast, Karl- sefne and his companions spent the first winter. On account of its currents, they called this bay Straumfjord. In the southern part of the bay they found a large island abounding in sea-fowls' eggs. The island they called Straumfey. The Settlement The scason was onc of trouble. The fishing was poor, provisions ran short, and desertions followed. Atter this, Karlsefne and his party sailed "a long time," and found a place where "a river ran out from the land and through a lake to the sea." Here they made a resting-place, put up houses, and called the settlement Hop. Whatever its location, Hop seems to have been a goodly place in which to dwell. The Skraellings soon appeared, a race described by the Departure of the Colonists at Hop The Northmen 87 Eskimo Skin-boat settlers as very dark and grim-visaged, with filthy heads of hair, great eyes, and broad cheeks. They were fierce- looking but friendly. In the spring of 1009, they came again and in greater numbers than before. The thrifty settlers set up a profitable barter with the natives, exchang- ing red cloth for valuable furs on their own terms. When the latter wanted European weapons, Karlsefne, with a worldly wisdom that the white man has not always imitated, refused to trade. The saga says that, when the red cloth was exhausted, "he took this plan: he bade the women bring out their dairy stuff for them, and as soon as the Skraellings saw this [milk, butter, etc.], they would have that and nothing more. Now this was the way the Skraellings traded: they bore off their wares in their bellies, but Karlsefne and his companions had their bags and skin-wares, and so they parted." While the Iceland merchant was thus engaged, his bull rushed from the woods. Skraellings, terrified by the huge unknown beast and his hideous bellowings, fled precipitately to their skin-boats and paddled off with the energy of unsimulated fear. After several weeks or months, the newcomers having killed a native, the Skraellings returned. They were now a hostile army, an avenging horde. In the furious battle that followed, Karlsefne's little band was overpow- ered by numbers and driven back. When the flight became a panic, Freydisa rushed among the fleeing North- men. Imagine the heroic spectacle as this child of shame appears with Amazonian mien and words of eloquent reproach. "Why do ye run, stout men, before these miserable caitiffs, whom I thought ye would knock down like cattle? If I had weapons, I ween I could fight better than any of you." The still fleeing Northmen heeding not her appeal, Freydisa seized the sword of one of the killed and turned to face the foe; a woman heavy with child against an skraellings, Barter, and the Bull The The Natives Rout the Northmen Freydisa Turns the Tide 88 The Northmen army ! Tearing open her dress, she beat her bare breasts with the sword. Her cries and aspect were those of a fury. The natives were startled and checked by the strange sight. Is this then some powerful priestess calling upon us the dire vengeance of the gods with her strange incantations and fierce imprecations? It was something that they could not understand and, there- fore, something of which to beware. The fight was renewed and the rout reversed. Only two of the North- men were lost. About this time, and in fulfilment of her second husband's post-mortem prophecy, Gudrida had a child who was called Snorri, the first person of European parentage born on American soil of whom history makes mention. Then " disputes arose on account of the women, those who had no wives wishing to take them from those who had." The Vinlanders had been Christianized, but not radically enough to respect the gospel of chastity, viniand In the following spring, Karlsefne abandoned his Abandoned, colonization scheme. After loading their ships with loio . . or, timber, the party sailed for Greenland where they arrived in safety. Thence Karlsefne voyaged to Norway with the richest cargo that had ever left Greenland shores. In 1015, he sold his merchandise and bought a great estate in Iceland, so that "Snorri grew up there and his children after him." Gudrida died in an Icelandic cloister founded by her son. Among her distinguished descendants the best known, probably, is Thorwaldsen, the Danish sculptor. Thorlak, the grandson of Snorri, became a bishop and was reputed very learned. He compiled a still existing code of Icelandic ecclesiastical law and probably committed to writing the sagas which constitute the most valuable of the records from which these facts were ascertained. The Antiquitates Americans owes much of its value to the cooperation with Professor Rafn of Finn Magnusen, a descendant of the same Snorri. Bjarni Grimolfson set out from Viniand with Karlsefne, but his ship was carried into seas infested with the teredo The Northmen 89 or ship-worm and thus soon reduced to a sinking condi- The Heroism tion. "They had a boat which was smeared with seal Q^ra^fson oil, for the sea-worms do not attack that." Then Bjarni said: "Since the boat cannot give room to more than the half of our men, it is my counsel that lots should be drawn for those to go in the boat, for it shall not be according to rank." Accordingly the " lots were drawn, and it fell upon Bjarni to go in the boat, and the half of the men with him." When one of the unfortunates upbraided his chief for leaving him behind, Bjarni replied: "Go thou down into the boat, and 1 will go up into the ship, since I see that thou art so desirous to live." Places were accordingly exchanged, and "it is most people's belief that Bjarni and his companions were lost in the worm-sea, for nothing was heard of them since that time." Freydisa soon began to plan for a return to Vinland. Freydisa's Two brothers, Helgi and Finnbogi, Iceland merchants, ^"'""'^ accepted her proposition for a joint expedition. The brothers were to take thirty fighting men and Freydisa an equal force. She permitted Thorwald, her husband, to be one of her thirty. Helgi and Finnbogi reached 1012 Vinland ahead of Freydisa, and stored part of their goods in Leif 's booths. Upon her arrival she demanded that their goods be moved. When the brothers found that Freydisa had secretly brought five fighting men additional to the expected thirty, the goods were moved. Freydisa made her party a faction, and the two houses soon developed into hostile camps. Helgi and Finnbogi and their followers were attacked while sleeping. All the men were put to death, but Freydisa's men would not lay hands on the five women. Then Freydisa seized an ax, and "did not stop till they were all dead." Speaking to her men, she said: "If it be permitted us to come again to Greenland, I will take the life of that man who tells of this business!" In the following spring they The Nonh- returned to Greenland. It is supposed that, during the vin"iand'"'^°" next two centuries, frequent voyages were made to America from Greenland. It is said that Eric Upsi, a Greenland bishop, sailed for Vinland in 1121. We do 90 The Northmen or not. With hi im, Correction and Corroboration The North- men Linger in Greenland not know whether he got there Vinland drifts into obhvion. Since the story as herein briefly told was given to the world in 1837, the researches of Storm and Reeves and others, and the critical analysis of Fischer have done not a little in the way of correction of Rafn's version in chronology and other details. It is possible that other copies are more accurate than is the Flato codex, that the voyage of Bjarni Herjulfson came after the discovery of Leif the Lucky rather than before it, and that the Karl- sefne expedition sailed from Greenland and returned from Vinland at dates four or five years earlier than those above recorded. But the essential facts are that the discovery and the brief occupation of America by the Northmen have not been discredited, and that the more the subject is illuminated, the stronger becomes the corroboration of the general trustworthiness of the sagas. Traces of the Norse occupation of Greenland are abundant. The colonists maintained a regular commer- cial intercourse with Europe until the thirteenth century. Then a royal mandate made the trade a monopoly of the throne. Commerce died out and, in the fourteenth century, the hostile Eskimo appeared. By their attacks, ~ -'^^ ^^ ^ '^-.. ^^ and possibly by pestilence '--"_ ''^^'''*^^^ /-^^^'^^n, and famine, the Greenland '-ss^- - - ->- -^^' ' :~,,- colonists were depopulated _„^--» ,^r^ and brought to the verge of destruction. Under such ^' circumstances it is not sur- "^^^^M^^^M.^^^^^ prising that little was heard Norse Ruins in Greenland , , i , „ • teenth century, communica- tion with Europe wholly ceased. So completely were the colonists forgotten that a century rolled by before the world remembered that they had once existed. In 1 72 1, Hans Egede was sent with his wife and children on a mission to the Eskimo. Ruins and relics of the lost settlements were found on the west coast of Green- land instead of the coast that lay opposite Iceland, where The Northmen 91 Evidence in Support of the Sagas they had at first been sought. It is probable that the Northmen who remained were amalgamated with the Eskimo and thus disappeared. Having glimpsed the contents and inherent prob- abilities of the sagas, we turn for a moment to the other evidence adduced in their support. This proof is classi- fied as linguistic, ethnological, physical, geographical, and monumental. Most of it has a bearing on the location of Vinland. The testimony based on the correspondence of language is preeminently inconclusive and, with this recognition of its existence, need not delay us further. Ethnology does better than philology, but wholly fails to make a case. It is stated that the Micmacs have a tradition of a people visiting their coast in ships in the tenth century; and, by means of resem- blances in mythology, Leland "proves" that at one time there must have been an extensive intercourse between the Northmen and the Algonquins. One author sees Scandinavian descendants in the people of Central America; Brasseur finds remnants of Norse civilization in the same region; and Gravier, an exceedingly credu- lous Frenchman, is sure that the culture of the Aztecs was drawn from a viking fountain. The Northmen are thus credited with the great mounds of Ohio and the Mississippi valley. Setting to the south, the Norse tide of emigration swept over Mexico. Thus are the Mexican ruins very comfortably accounted for. With similar facility, others have seen in the ruins of an ancient city in the province of Bahia conclusive evidence that the Northmen resided in Brazil. Unfortunately they have not thus explained the origin of the temples and palaces of Peru or told us of the final fate of the North- men in the New World. Among the physical proofs lie considerations of where is climate, tides, and the length of the summer day. Much has been made of the fact that wild grapes grow in Rhode Island; but they also grow in Canada. The phenomena of the tides on the Massachusetts coast are Fancy Running Riot Vinland ? 92 The Northmen said to correspond well to the descriptions given in the Icelandic legends. The second part of the saga of Eric the Red contains a passage that has been relied upon by many as fixing the length of Vinland's shortest day, and thus determining the latitude of the place. Unfor- tunately, even Icelandic scholars differ widely as to the proper interpretation of the words that represent respectively the time of the sun's rising and setting. The varying interpretations cover a range of six hours in the length of the brumal day, and a sweep of the coast from New York to Newfoundland. As under- stood by Professor Rafn, the sentence indicates a nine- hour day and a latitude that corresponds with singular exactness to that of Canonicut Island in Narragansett Bay. Another writer says that the passage is about as definite as if the sagas had told us that the Vinland solstitial day lasted from breakfast time until the middle of the afternoon. Appeals have been made to the length of the voyage from Greenland as recorded in the sagas, but the sailors were practically coast- ing, and we have no means of telling how often they followed the common Norse custom of anchoring at dark. The value of the evi- dence drawn from cor- respondence of the coast-line to the de- scriptions of the sagas has been pushed up and down the gamut between conclusiveness Rafn's Map of Vinland and WOTthleSSneSS. Attempts at Identification NAXTUCKET oiN'antuukB rtnevarti Professor Rafn seems to have had no trouble or hesi- tation in identifying the island at which Leif the Lucky landed with Nantucket, and Vinland with Massachu- setts and Rhode Island. He places the site of Leif's The Northmen 93 booths at Bristol, Rhode Island, and speaks with a charm- ing confidence of "the precise spot where the ancient Northmen held their intercourse." On the other hand, it has been said that a mere study of the map will show any dispassionate man that the description given bv the sagas has hardly anything in common with the Rhode Island locality, and that the changes undergone by the coast of southern New England during nine hundred years renders the identification of any spot visited by the Northmen practically impossible. The monumental evidences are more tangible but not Norse more conclusive. Not a single indisputable runic in- Monuments scription exists south of Greenland. The earthworks of Onondaga were once believed by many to be of Scan- dinavian origin, but no one so believes today. Several alleged runes have been studied and their importance magnified and loudly heralded; such were the inscription on a stone said to have been found in the Grave Creek mound, another on a rock near Yarmouth in Nova Scotia, and another on a rock near Monhegan on the coast of Maine. Some of these were merely natural markings, fissures rather than incisions. Their definite translation into modern English has been cited as a striking instance of the way in which a lively imagination aids in the inter- pretation of weather cracks on a rock. None of these supposed memorials of the Northmen The Dighton in America is more fa- Rock mous than the Dighton rock, lying on the bank of Taunton River in the town of Berkley, Massa- chusetts. Learned and eager Danes easily read "Thorfin"and"CXXXr' in the inscriptions, part of which, they said, pro- claimed that "One hundred and thirty-one men of the North have occupied this country with Thorfin." When the Dighton rock came to be studied without the fervid Scandinavian patriotism and was freed from The Dighton Rock 94 The Northmen the learned and ingenious commentaries of the Copen- hagen antiquaries, the representations of the human figures and animals appeared too rude for the monumental work of the Icelandic emi- grants. "They greatly resembled the figures which the Indians paint on the smooth side of their buffalo Newport A New Mexico Inscription Rock skins. The characters supposed to be numerals certainly resemble the Roman signs for unity and ten ; but every straight mark resembles T' and every cross resembles 'X'." The idea of a Norse origin for the Dighton rock inscriptions was never generally accepted in the United States and, since the finding of numerous rock inscrip- tions of undoubted Indian origin, it has been wholly given up. The Tower at The old mill at Newport has been often cited as a true Norse memorial. While it is strange that we have no record of the building of so sin- gular a tower by early English inhabitants of Rhode Island, it would be, as Mr. Palfrey says, much more strange that the first English settlers did not mention, the fact if, on their arrival, they had found a vestige of a former civilization so different from anything else within their view. Benedict Arnold (the name was not blacked until a later century) succeeded Roger Williams as governor of Rhode Island in 1657 and held the oi^ce many years. He died in 1678, and in his will, made that year, speaks of the monument in question as "my stone-built windmill." Governor The Newport Tower The Northmen 95 Arnold's family came from Warwickshire, England, and in Warwickshire is Leamington. He had a farm in Rhode Island and called it Leaming- ton Farm. Three miles from the English Leamington is Chesterton, and at Chesterton is a round stone windmill. This English mill, the admi- ration of the people at War- wickshire, and doubtless well known to Arnold in his boy- hood days, much resembles the one at Newport. That the Newport mill was copied from the one at Chesterton is suggested by a glance at pictures of the two structures. Of like authenticity is the story of the "Skeleton in Armor," discovered in 1831 near Fall River, Massachusetts. Parts of a well pre- served skeleton were found with armor, consisting of a breastplate and a belt of brass tubes linked together in a peculiar manner, not unlike mail in its general construction. Armlets and anklets made in the same way and brass arrow- heads of superior construction were also found. All of these remains were placed in the museum at Fall River and subsequently destroyed by fire. The skeleton was not that of an Indian, and as certainly not that of a Northman. Good The skeleton in Armor The Chesterton Mill Statue of Leif Ericson yiklng flcsh WOuld nOt cHng to the old bones, and even Longfellow's genius could not perpetuate the fancy. Still, M. Gravier concluded 96 The Northmen Conclusion that certain other skeletons found near by were those of the victims of Queen Freydisa! The These and other supposed Norse remains were ques- tionable testimony at the best and are no longer admitted in evidence. We must depend wholly upon the sagas themselves, and it is doubtful if they can settle the question as to where Vinland was. When the Boston statue to Leif Ericson was projected, the members of the Massachusetts historical society discouraged it on the ground that there was no satisfactory evidence that the Northmen ever reached New England. It is probable that we shall never be able to remove from the realm of doubt a single place in the United States as having been settled by the Northmen. We may feel sure that such settlements existed; we do not know where they were located. c H A R V EARLY GEC^ GRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE THE world ot Homer, "the author of geograph- a Fiat ical experimental science," was a narrow world. ^^"^ The earth was a plane, known to be such by the direct evidence of undoubted It "ended in a pure ignorance, ei sense, of by the deep-flowing currei of the river Oceanus," on the further bank of which lay fable-land. In common beliet, this conception of the earth i long outlived Homeric times. With advancing knowledge, the idea of a disk-like earth gradu- ally changed to the concef tion of a parallelogram v, its greater extent lying and west. This assumed variously shaped, was as variously Homer's worid supported. The consideration of the means of terres- trial support belongs to celestial mechanics rather than to historical geography. It is not known when or where the theory of the a Spherical earth's sphericity originated, but it antedates Columbus ^^"^ by two thousand years. It was held by the disciples of 98 Early Geographical Knowledge Pythagoras and was probably taught by that philosopher six centuries before Christ. Plato adopted the doctrine, and Aristotle, Eratosthenes, Strabo, and other wise men who lived before the beginning of the Christian era admitted their belief in the globular form of the earth and indulged in speculation as to the possibility of sailing westward from Spain to India. It is by no means probable that the theory was generally accepted by the people either in antiquity or in the middle ages. The Habitable At an early day, the spherical earth was conceived as divided into zones by the tropics and the polar circles. The polar zones were uninhabitable on account of their intense cold, as was the torrid on account of its intense Zone heat. Only in the temperate zones could man live, and only in the north temperate zone could he be known to live; the southern was cut off from knowledge by the fiery heats along the equator. Little by little, commerce, the most efficient pioneer of geography, broke its own bonds and put an end to the long-enduring error. Geographical The earliest measurement of the earth by a known Measurements jyiefhod was made by Eratosthenes, about the middle of the third century before Christ. He measured a degree on the meridian of Alexandria and concluded that the circumference of the earth was about two hundred and fifty thousand stadia. The stadium was a measure of six hundred Greek feet of uncertain length. In later centuries, Strabo, Ptolemy, his contemporary, Marinus Early Geographical Knowledge 99 of Tyre, and others made widely varying estimates in About which we find little learned from actual discovery but 'S^a. d. much to emphasize the general mistiness of geographical information. Mingled with these teachings of crude science are the The Eiysian glowing pictures of a wonderful literature, blending fact f f ''^j ^"r !l!^ and fable so skilfully that it is far from easy to decide Bkst what is myth and what is history. In an admirable monograph to which the writer of this chapter acknowl- edges a deep obligation, Mr. Tillinghast tells us that "the expanding horizon of the Greeks was always hedged with fable: in the north was the realm of the happy Hyperboreans; in the east, the wonderland of India; in the south, Panchasa and the blameless Ethiopians; nor did the west lack lingering places for romance. Here was the floating isle of tEoIus, brazen-walled; here the mysterious Ogygia, navel of the sea; and on the earth's extremest verge" was Elysium, the abode of the blessed and immortal dead, the Eiysian Fields of Homer, Hesiod's and Pindar's Islands of the Blest. In the course of his tenth labor, Hercules erected on The Piiiara of the Strait of Gibraltar the opposing promontories that ^'^'■^"■" and 11 or the Fortunate were called the pillars of Hercules and were long islands regarded as the western boundary of the world. His eleventh labor was the getting of the golden apples of the Hesperides from their island gardens at earth's remotest western bounds. Beyond whose shores no passage gave The ruler of the purple wave. The poets delighted in glowing pictures of these Hes- perian plains and the long-lingering Islands of the Blest. As early as the first century before Christ, the Fortunate Islands designated some of the Canaries. Although the Canaries were soon engulfed in the darkness of the middle ages, the Fortunate Islands remained as a favorite theme for the poets and myth-makers of that period. In Plato's dialogue of Tim^us, wherein the author Atlantis sketches the history of creation, Critias relates that his "^''""'^ grandfather had been told by Solon some remarkable loo Early Geographical Knowledge events in early Athenian history, learned by him from Egyptian priests whose records went much further back than did those of the Greeks. The most famous exploit of the early Athenians was the overthrow of the power of the island of Atlantis, the destruction of which took place before the conflagration of the world by Phaethon. Atlantis was described as a continent lying over against the pillars of Hercules and greater in extent than Libya and Asia Minor put together. From it there was an easy passage to other islands and another continent. In Atlantis Neptune settled, and there his descendants ruled for many ages. This mighty power was arrayed against all the countries of the Mediterranean, but its armies were driven back by the Athenians. Soon after this came an earthquake by which Atlantis and all its splendid cities and warlike nations were sunk to the bottom of the sea. Fact or The idea of a vanishing island is very old, perhaps as Fancy? ^j^ ^^ fog-banks and mirage. The existence of the ocean plateaus and many floral, faunal, and ethnological resemblances between the Old World and the New have been held up as proofs of the prehistoric existence of an Atlantis. More than one modern writer has declared in substance that, with passing years, the story "seems to lose much of its mythical character and to be brought to the plane of a historic fact." Still, it is generally believed that Atlantis is a myth. Meropian and The storv givcn by Theopompus concerning the Saturnian Mcropian Continent that held the ocean sea that com- Continents f i i r i o passed the known world, and that or the Saturnian continent given in one of Plutarch's dialogues mav also be classed as imaginative literature. Such theories of physical geography as they contain have no basis in exploration. Phenician and The Phcnicians were the pioneers of maritime discov- £rioMtk.n" ery, and founded the present Cadiz, beyond the pillars of Hercules, more than eleven hundred years before the coming of Christ. When the Phenicians dropped the scepter of the sea, the Carthaginians picked it up. They Early Geographical Knowledge loi discovered the Canaries and perhaps the Madeira and Cape Verde islands. There is no evidence that either Phenicians or Carthaginians reached the Azores, much less America, although, of course, such honors have been claimed for both. I'o the Greeks and Romans we owe even less in the matter of westward exploration. The commercial rivalry of states and the hostile interruption of overland routes of trade with the East that gave an incentive for the ocean voyages of the fifteenth century, were unknown under the almost universal dominion of the Roman empire, while the fabled but accepted dangers of the deep were fatal to a very common love of explo- ration of the western waters for its own sake. But the increase in wealth, and the consequent growth of luxury, drew heavily upon the resources of India and China, and thus led to a truer knowledge of the shape and size of the earth. It seems strange that, after the development of the Laaantius idea of the earth's sphericity, the notion of a flat world ^""^ ^^'."^ should be revived, and that the fantastic concepts of the ancients should be outdone by those of Christian teachers. Largely owing to a certain habit of mind that "fears nothing but a want of faith," there was a medieval period in which geographical science was pros- tituted for religious purposes. At the beginning of the fourth century, Lactantius urged that it was absurd to suppose that men lived on the other side of the earth when their feet would be higher than their heads. A century later. Saint Augustine called attention to the fact that the Bible makes no mention of a race of men descended from Adam living on the other side of the world. " Were the earth a globe, men living on the other side could not see the Lord when he descended to judge the world." About the year 540, the Alexandrian monk known Cosmas as Cosmas (probably a nickname) unfolded his theolog- ical doctrines in his Christian Topography. In this work, now proverbial among the curiosities of literature, Cosmas declared that "the world is a flat parallelogram. I02 Early Geographical Knowledge Polyhistor Antillia Its length, which should be measured from east to west, is the double of its breadth, which should be measured from north to south. In the center is the earth we inhabit, which is surrounded by the ocean, and this again is encircled by another earth in which men lived before the deluge and from which Noah was transported in the ark. To the north of the world is a high conical mountain, around which the sun and moon continually revolve [an Indian concept]. When the sun is hid behind the mountain, it is night; and when it is on our side of the mountain, it is day. To the edges of the outer earth the sky is glued." Although preposterous as a philosopher, Cosmas had journeyed to India as a trader, and probably had visited Abyssinia, Egypt, and Palestine, before he settled down in his monastery and wrote what Mr. Beazley has called the systematic non- sense of his Christian Topography. " Even more than actual exploration, theoretical knowledge seemed on its death-bed for the next five hundred years." In the middle ages, when learning shrank into the cloister and barbarism flooded Europe, it is probable that there was a prevalent belief in a flat earth, disk-shaped or rectangular. Ptolemy and Strabo, Herodotus and Hip- parchus, passed almost wholly away from Christian mem- ory. The only works of the pagan period that held much attention were compilations like those of Solinus, surnamed Polyhistor, in which geography is taken into account only as "a framework on which the web of the story-teller is woven into the garments of romance." But while learn- ing dwindled it did not die. The monastery preserved the precious knowledge of the earth's sphericity, knowl- edge that became the guiding star and sustaining power of the world's greatest discoverer. When the Meropian and Saturnian fictions hibernated, the Canary Islands dropped out of memory, and Atlantis, the Islands of the Blest, and the Hesperides went with them, geographical myth quickly filled with a new progeny the places thus vacated. Medieval maps of the Atlantic were dotted here and there with a rank growth Early Geographical Knowledge 103 of fabulous islands. Thus, when the Moors triumphed, 714 a. d. a Spanish archbishop and six bishops fled into the ocean and discovered Antillia, the largest of the imaginary brood. It was near the latitude of Lisbon and in longi- tude 330 degrees east of the west coast of Europe, a convenient way-station for some coming Columbus. Here the archbishop and his followers burned their ships to prevent desertions, and founded seven towns, whence the name "The Island of Seven Cities." The story and the tradition on which it was founded were current at the time of Columbus, and the island was put down on the maps of that day. Saint Brendan was a sixth-century Irish abbot, the Saint alleged patriarch of three thousand monks. About the ^rendan's • J J 1 r 1 • J 1 L • J • • 1 o • Navigation middle or the century, accompanied by his disciple. Saint 565 a. d. Malo, and sixteen other monks, he set out in search of certain islands in the Atlantic, which, he was told, pos- sessed the delights of paradise. As his " Navigation " was drawn out for seven years, the pilgrims had many strange adventures and made many great discoveries, after which they returned to Ireland. The "Navigation" took place in the sixth century; the story first appeared in the eleventh. Although this "Christianized fragment of classical myth" has a suspicious likeness to the Sindbad saga, it has served as the basis of a claim of a British dis- covery of America. In later generations, the inhabitants of the Canaries Saint Bren- fancied that far to the westward and in perfectly clear '^^^ ^ ^^^^^^ weather they beheld an island many leagues in length. In spite of abundant testimony as to its existence, the illusive island could not be found. Then the legends of Saint Brendan were revived and his name applied to the island. In spite of repeated futile voyages of investiga- tion, the island of Saint Brendan took firm hold of popu- lar belief and did not relax its grip for centuries. Its nonexistence was often proved and yet geographers gave it place upon their maps. This unsubstantial island, one of the regions known to mariners as Cape Fly-away and the coast of Cloud-land, was laid down on most of the (■t)fr,Jiac reaicixt fVplag' arenose et deierte vcJJe magne et iJeo *^j, terrautit Sihmaritl'na est prarrmict-i parte^fuibiiaiumji lu>mi /^tn fendiKs imarekt pajsi^ hohebiOi de fundo. Andreas Benincasa's Map ok i4"6 Early Geographical Knowledge 105 charts of the time of Columbus; the delusion long out- lived the great discoverer. Born in poetic hagiology, it obstinately lingered in poetic mirage. Though Saint Brendan's Island was hidden from the a Literary eyes of ordinary men, it was revealed by the second Convenience sight of the immortal poets. Here Armida held Rinaldo in delicious but inglorious thraldom, as set forth in the immortal lay of Tasso. Here the witch, Sycorax, held sway when Prospero and Miranda were wafted to its shores, as told in the magic page of Shakspere, Nor may we omit from our catalog of wonders the assurance of our own genial Irving, that "on the shores of this wondrous isle the kraken heaves its unwieldy bulk and wallows many a rood. Here the sea-serpent, that mighty but much contested reptile, lies coiled up during the intervals of its revelations to the eyes of true believers. Here even the Flying Dutchman finds a port and casts an anchor and furls his shadowy sail, and takes a brief repose from his eternal cruisings." Ever since 1375, when the maker of the Catalan Bresii planisphere stood as its godfather, the island of Bresii had been floating about the Atlantic, generally in the latitude of Ireland. In 1480, the English sent out an expedition to search for it, and, as late as the middle of the nineteenth century, the fleeting insular vision had not disappeared from the British admiralty charts. In addition to the quondam Islands of the Blest, the Atlantic had its many Isles of Demons: Kept, as supposed, by Hel's infernal dogs ; Our fleet found there most honest, courteous hogs. The dense darkness of this era was much relieved by Poetic Moslem explorers and students, but their science made ^^°P^^'^y no considerable advance after the beginning of the second Christian millennium. Gradually the campaigns of the Saracens and the Crusaders, missionary and com- mercial travel, and especially the reports of the great trav- elers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, together with the general advance in scientific knowledge, led the learned back to the Pythagorean conception. io6 Early Geographical Knowledge and prepared the way for the permanent triumph of the sphere over the parallelogram. About the middle of the twelfth century, and while the Northmen probably were yet in America, Geoffrey of Monmouth wrote his History of the Britons, and put these words into the mouth of Diana: Brutus, far to the west, in the ocean wide, Beyond the realm of Gaul, a land there lies, Sea-girt it lies, where giants dwelt of old. Now void, it fits thy people. Thither bend Thy course ; there shalt thou find a lasting seat ; There to thy sons another Troy shall rise. And kings be born of thee, whose dreadful might Shall awe the world and conquer nations bold. Two centuries later, Petrarch wrote of The daylight hastening with winged steps, Perchance to gladden the expectant eyes of far-off nations, in a world remote. These and similar passages need not be held to shadow forth a knowledge of the American continent, but they do show that the possible existence of such a continent was often in men's minds. Puici and In the fifteenth century, the idea of the earth still common among the common people was that of a paral- lelogram extending from east to west. In fact, the world that they knew, laid down on a modern map, constitutes such a figure. The main lines of travel ran east and west, and the Mediterranean was the great high- way of commerce. Some of the crude geographical ideas of that day have been fossilized in language, and thus perpetuated to ours. For instance, longitude or length is still measured east and west, while latitude or breadth is measured north and south. But a period of transition was at hand. How far the tide had then returned is shown by an extract from Pulci's Morgante Maggiore, in which the Devil, referring to the common superstition concerning the pillars of Hercules, says: Know that this theory is false ; his bark The daring mariner shall urge far o'er The western wave, a smooth and level plain. Albeit the earth is fashioned like a wheel. Columbus Early Geographical Knowledge 107 Man was in ancient days of grosser mould, And Hercules might blush to learn how far Beyond the limits he had vainly set, The dullest sea-boat soon shall wend her way. Men shall descry another hemisphere. Since to one common center all things tend, So earth, by curious mystery divine, Well balanced, hangs amid the starry spheres. At our antipodes are cities, states, And thronged empires, ne'er divined of yore. But see, the sun speeds on his western path To glad the nations with expected light. Evidently the world was ready for the genius and achievement of the great discoverer. Five years after Pulci's death, Columbus verified the almost imperative prophecy. Thus the tangled thread of fact and fancy leads from the i^gean and the Nile to the portals of the western world. CHAPTER V I PRINCE HENRY THE NA\'IGATOR Profit and Progress T/ief that go doivn to the seu in s/iips, that do business in great ivaters ; these see the •works of the Lord, and his ivonders in the deep. — Psalm cvii. T ,HE wondrous story that, in the latter part of the thirteenth century, the Venetian, Marco Polo, had told of Kublai Khan, and of Mangi and Cathay (China) with their countless cities, teeming ,r'^^^ wealth, and indescribable mag- nificence, had aroused the curi- osity and kindled the avarice of the western world. The growing wealth and luxury of the age had made an increasing demand for the costly mer- chandise of India, and the great cities of Italy had fattened on the traffic. But the path- way to the gorgeous East lay through wide deserts and hostile countries. Portugal and Castile, far removed from the devious route ot this profitable commerce, were almost forced to turn their eyes to the western ocean and to seek therein new paths and new domains. The drain of coin from the west to the east had doubled the purchasing power of silver and gold in Europe, and some readjustment Marco Polo Prince Henry the Navigator 109 of the disturbed balance of trade had become an eco- nomic necessity. Thus the one great dream of western Europe came to be an ocean route to the dominions of the great khan, and the one great problem was to find it. Two methods of solution were offered, one by Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator, and the other by Christopher Columbus. Prince Henry's plan was to pass around the southern extremity of the African continent; that of the immortal Genoese was to sail boldly westward across the Sea of Darkness. Prince Henry of Portugal, the fourth son of King Prince Henry John I. of Portugal and a nephew of Henry IV. of England, was born in 1394. He lived to aid in the development of reawakening science, to wreathe his country's name in glory, and to extend the blessings of the Christian religion. But more to him than science, the laurel, or the cross was — India. His pro- posal to turn the commerce of the East from the Red Sea, the Nile, and the Mediterranean to the broad bosom of the Atlantic involved defiance to the fabled monsters of the Sea of Darkness and the traditional terrors of the Sea of Fire. Pliny had taught and gen- erations had believed that "the middle of the earth on which is the path of the sun is parched and set on fire by the luminary and is consumed by being so near the heat." Proverbs had been born of the belief that no man could go beyond Cape Non and live. Prince Henry took up his home on the barren Sagres promontory of Sagres at the southwestern extremity of Portugal and gathered wise men there. His court became a college, with courtiers for pupils, sages for professors, and a prince for president and patron. He died in 1460, too soon to see the fulfilment of his dream, but he had committed Portugal to the policv of mari- Prince Henry the Navigator m '- I lO Prince Henry the Navigator Portuguese Exploration 1425 time discovery. The skilful mariners whom he enlisted explored the western coast of Africa as far as Sierra Leone, discovered the Azores, and, about 141 8 or 1419, rediscovered Madeira, then uninhabited. Porto Santo, one of the Madeira group, was discovered about the same time. Six or seven years later. Prince Henry sent colonists to Porto Santo and Madeira; among them was Bartolomeo Perestrello, a gentleman of the household. In 1452, Pedro de Velasco, following a flight of birds, had found Flores, the most westerly of the Azores and the remotest outpost of the Old World. But these experime ntal an d accidental voyages were subordinate to the definite program of an ad- vance down the coast of Africa, and thus a route to Asia. In 1469, King Alfonso fiirmed out the African commerce and re- quired that the limit of discovery be car- ried southward a hundred leagues each year. The equator was crossed in 1471, and the mouth of the Congo reached in 1484. Dias doubled the Cape of Good Hope in i486. It is said that Bartholomew, the brother of Christopher Map Illustrating Early Portuguese Discoveries ColumbuS, WaS One of thoSe who made this eventful voyage. Vasco da Gama sailed to India by way of "the cape," arriving at Calicut on the twentieth of May, 1498, a few days before Columbus sailed on his third voyage. The dream of Prince Henry was justified; the ocean route to India was opened. Venice and her sister cities of the Mediterranean fell into decline; Lisbon and her sister cities of the Atlantic seaboard received new life. The tide of oriental traffic Prince Henry the Navigator III flowed in new channels and continued therein until the Suez canal was opened in 1869. These were not the only results; for, if the great Three achievement of Columbus "was the connecting link ^"a.'^^^ o _ or Uiscovery between the Old World and the New, the explorations instituted by Prince Henry of Portugal were, in truth, the anvil upon which that link was forged." Although the luster of his fame as the father of discovery is dimmed by the fact that the Portuguese exploration of Africa reposed on the solid economic basis of the slave-trade. Prince Henry was the originator of one of the greatest revolutions that has affected the destinies of mankind. In the widest sense, the age of maritime discovery begins with his career and ends with that of Captain Cook. In a more restricted sense, it reaches from 1492 to 1522. Within these thirty years, greater additions were made to man's knowledge of the earth's surface than were made in any thousand years from which this single generation is excluded. To this briefer period we now turn. CHAPTER V I I COLUMBUS AND HIS GREAT IDEA The Columbi MANY an Italian town and village, and a hamlet in Corsica, moved by local pride and sustained by an almost pardonable enthusiasm, have laid claim to the honor of giving to the world the most illustrious of discoverers. Moreover, a natural pride in a family name has piled claims around the family tree until the Columbian genealogy is intricate if not doubt- ful. The best that can now be done is to give what seems to be most probably true. Giovanni Colombo had a son, Domenico, who, in 1439 or earlier, settled in the wool-weavers' quarter in Genoa, outside the old gate of San Andrea. This Domenico had sons, Christoforo, Bartolomeo, and Giacomo, probably all born in Genoa. About 1470, the family moved to Savona, twenty-six miles from Genoa, where Domenico and his son Christo- foro pursued their trade as weavers. But business aftairs did not prosper, and, about 1484, Domenico returned to Genoa. It is probable that Christoforo was born between March, 1446, and March, 1447, and in the house No. 37, in the Vico Dritto di Ponticello. In 1887, the municipality bought the property and placed over the door an inscription with which the above statement agrees. In different lands the name is written in different ways — as Colombo, Colon, Colomb, and Columbus. To us, Christoforo is known as Christopher, and Barto- lomeo as Bartholomew; when Giacomo went to Spain, he was known as Diego Colon. Columbus and His Great Idea 113 As to the early life of Columbus, events are so i 4 4 6 entangled that absolute clarification of the record seems i 4 8 4 almost impossible. The wool-combers of Genoa had Coiumbusas local schools for their children, and it is probable that ^ ^"^ young Christopher had the benefit thereof. If we can trust the Historic attributed to his younger son, he spent a few months (prob- ably about 1460) at the university of Pavia. Possibly the failing fortunes of the father abbreviated the university training of the son, who probably returned to Genoa and, not long thereafter, began his seafaring life. According to a state- ment attributed to Columbus him- self, he was only fourteen years ol -^""^^ age when he took this important step. Even if Columbus did so state his age, the statement cannot ^-s-^,=—=~ b^ 1 1 • lA U^ Ship of the Fifteenth Century e accepted as conclusive. JJoubt- ^ less he was an adventurous youth, and for such the sea then had strong attraction. About 1460, John of Anjou, duke of Calabria, fitted Coiumbus out an expedition at Genoa to recover the kingdom of g*^^^ " s«^ Naples for his father. It has been usual to associate the earliest maritime career of Columbus with this expedi- tion, and a letter, said to have been written in 1495 ^Y Columbus to the Spanish monarchs, describes some of the events of the campaign. But there is testimony in rebuttal, and some reason to think that Columbus was of adult age when he first went to sea. Fortunately, there is no doubt that he did go to sea, and little if any that, during several years of " commercial adventures and warlike enterprises," he gained much of the nautical skill that fitted him for his great work — a work for which he came to think he was specially ordained of heaven. Some of these "warlike enterprises" had a strong flavor of what, in our day, is called piracy. At 114 Columbus and His Great Idea His Marriage 1446 this period, there was such a spice in every commercial 1484 venture. There were French corsairs of his name, and, with little doubt, some of their exploits have been charged to the account of Christoforo of Genoa. In spite of the mistiness of these early days, some of his biographers do not hesitate to give precise accounts of his daily life. Little of this information is deserving of much credit. Our evasive hero disappears from Italy in 1473 and is next found in Portugal, For the years that Columbus spent in Portugal we have little that is authentic; unfortunately, there is not a single act of his life, in this period, that can be credited with an exact date. The usual story is that he took up his home at Lisbon, where his brother Bartholo- mew was making charts for a living. He had not been there long before he married Dona Felipa Moniz, daughter of Bartolomeo Perestrello. It is supposed that they soon went to Porto Santo, one of the Madeira Islands, where the wife had an inheritance. It is also supposed that here, before 1484, a son, Diego, was born; and that, among the documents and maps of his dead father-in-law, Columbus found something that hastened his conception of a western way to India. The date of his return from Porto Santo to Portugal is unknown. In fact, there is no conclusive evidence that Columbus ever lived at Porto Santo. In the doubtful Italian edition of the Historie ascribed to Ferdinand Columbus, the translator ( if the book has the authority of a translation) makes the admiral say that, in February, 1477, ^e sailed "one hundred leagues beyond Thule," or made a privateering cruise to Iceland and beyond. In the minds of some students, this alleged voyage is of pivotal importance, but the incident is surrounded with doubt. If Columbus went to Iceland, he may have heard of Eric and Vinland, but there is no admissible evidence to show that he did. He certainly did not use the success of the Northmen in his subsequent tedious struggle to persuade some court to help him try his plan. This he would have His Alleged Voyage to Iceland Columbus and His Great Idea i i ^ done had he known the story, for, as Mr. Higginson 1473 remarks, "in converting practical men, an ounce of i 4 8 4 Vinland would have been worth a pound of cosmog- raphy," It seems inconceivable that Columbus should have sailed westward from the Canaries if he had been influenced by discoveries of non-European lands in the northwest. It is, however, probable that he sailed with some of the Portuguese expeditions to the west coast of Africa, and, when at home, added to his income by making maps and sea-charts. According to the generally accepted history of the dis- Toscanem covery of America, Columbus wrote, as early as 1474, to Paul Toscanelli, a famous cosmographer of Florence. Toscanelli was then seventy-seven years old, and there were current rumors of his theory of a westward way to India. In reply, the Florentine physicist sent the out- line of a plan of discovery, and a sailing-chart that set forth his ideas of the Asiatic coast lying over against that of Spain. Unfortunately, the map is lost, but various efforts have been made to restore it. We do not know just when the letter was received by Columbus or just what place it holds in the development of his views. In fact, the authenticity of the Toscanelli letter and map . has been vigorously impeached. One of the Columbian iconoclasts accounts for the alleged fraud as the fruit of the vanity of the great discoverer who wished to appear as the correspondent of scientific men, and by another one on the supposition that the letters were forged by Bartholomew Columbus as an antidote for the current story that his brother Christopher had worked out his plan in accordance with the story of a dving pilot who had been blown across the Atlantic. Whether Tosca- nelli was or was not "the initiator of the discovery of America," the eastward trend of the African coast just north of the equator had been recently discovered, and the discovery had raised high hopes of a short route to the Indies, the objective point of the anxious Portuguese quest. But in 1472, Santarem and Escobar had brought back to Lisbon news that, beyond the Gold Coast, the ii6 Columbus and His Great Idea 1473 land-line turned southward and so stretched away beyond 1484 the equator, no one knew how far. According to the common version of the story, it thus happened that Tos- canelli's letter came just at the time when King Alfonso of Portugal and many of his subjects were anxiously con- sidering the possibility of a way to the Indies shorter than the southern. At that opportune moment, the Florentine cosmographer pointed toward the west. Size of the As the ancicnts magnified the extent of the western Earth Under- Q^ean Until it appeared impassable, so most of the estimated r 1 1 1 • 1 1 • advocates of the new geography underestmiated the size of the earth. It was believed that Asia extended over far more than a hemisphere, and that the remaining distance around the globe was comparatively short. Marco Polo had not told how far out in the ocean from the Asiatic coast Cipango lay, and Toscanelli's map showed that, in case ot disaster, ships could find a harbor in Antillia or in one of the other islands of which there was an abundant supply. Toscanelli closely estimated the size of the earth, but Columbus continued to accept Ptolemy's estimate, and thus made more plausible his project. He also thought that he had scriptural authority tor his belief that he would find land not more than seven hundred leagues west of the Canaries, for in one of the apocryphal books ot the Bible he had often 2Esdrasvi, read: "Upon the third day thou didst command that ^'^ the waters should be gathered in the seventh part of the earth : six parts hast thou dried up." A Helpful The earth of Columbus was but two-thirds as large ^"'^'^ as ours. His three thousand miles of western sailing would bring him near the American coast, but ( even if land had not blocked the passage ) it would have measured off but a third of the way to his Cipango, our Japan. This unintentional diminution of the distance, increased the probabilitv of finding the needed patron. Mr. Fiske makes the remark that "many a hopeful enterprise has been ruined by wrong figuring," but that this "was a case where the littleness ot the knowledge was not a dangerous but a helptul thing." i ii8 Columbus and His Great Idea 1473 1484 Tendencies of the Age The World Wakes Up The Studies of Columbus Living in an atmosphere that was surcharged with the spirit of maritime enterprise; mingHng with wise men who had brought renown and wealth to Portugal ; with navigators for kith and kin; himself a sailor by training and a cosmographer by profession — it was, perhaps, inevitable that his imaginative mind should conceive great ideas and his impetuous temper urge him on to their execution. We must bear in mind that science, speculation, and invention had recently awak- ened after twelve centuries of trance. The newly created art of printing was multiplying books. The compass had come into use, the improved astrolabe enabled the mariner to determine his latitude and longi- tude at sea, the magnetic needle pointed his way across the trackless waters, and ship-building and ocean navigation had developed a type of vessel better fitted for the passage of the Atlantic than were the light galleys of the Mediterranean. Geographical discoveries had created an intense longing for geographical informa- tion, and such longings led to further effort. That there was a western passage to the East, Colum- bus became convinced by the combined force of several lines of influence, including the scientific teachings of Ptolemy, Strabo, and Pliny, and the speculative views of Aristotle, Seneca, and Toscanelli. In 1267, Roger Bacon had collated many passages from ancient writers to the general effect that the distance westward from Spain to Asia could not be very great. These were copied in the hnago Mundi, written in 1410, but not printed until seventy or eighty years later. Columbus was a close student of the Imago Miindi^ and his copy, with numerous marginal notes in his own writing, is still preserved. He was also familiar with the stories of Marco Polo and Mandeville, and had taken part in the Portuguese explorations of the African coast, "which at every step winnowed the geographical tradition of its terrifying chaff." As mariner and cartographer, Colum- bus was familiar with the sea-charts of his day. To us these are a chaos of error; but, if we are to estimate the 1 20 Columbus and His Great Idea 1473 great discoverer fairly, we must put away the modern 1484 map. Columbus Probably, Columbus knew Martin Behaim, the maker Convinced of the famous globe of 1492 which placed Cathay in tan- talizing proximity to the European seaboard, provided Antillia and Cipango (Japan) as convenient stopping- Behaim's Globe of 1492 (Asiatic Continent) places, and liberally sprinkled in lesser islands, as if to lure mariners to the unknown west. There were also relics of an unknown people cast upon European shores by unsuspected oceanic currents. There was a shorter route to India than that coastwise by Africa. With this conviction, and without doubt or hesitation, Columbus Columbus and His Great Idea 1 2 1 became the Peter the Hermit of geographical fanaticism. 1473 His great merit is, not that he originated the idea of a i 4 8 4 western way, but that he breathed into it the breath of Hfe. He was not a moral hero, but he had a virile readi- ness to follow an intellectual conviction, and an indomi- table persistence that must always challenge admiration. Behaim's Globe of 1492 (Europe and Africa It is said that he first asked his native Genoa to help He Asks him give to her an empire. It is not likely that he did, Po«"ga' ^o"" but it he did he asked in vain. He appealed to Alfonso, king of Portugal, and waited persistently (some say patiently) until that monarch laid down the scepter and John II. began to govern in the name of his father. 122 Columbus and His Great Idea 1473 This ruler had the spirit of his great uncle, Prince Henry. 1484 He, however, with justifiable prudence, referred the Columbian scheme to a learned bishop and two eminent cosmographers. They reported that the project was extravagant and impracticable. Whether the adverse nature of the report arose from a disbelief in the proba- bility of success, or from a loyal desire to protect the monarch from the extortionate demands of the applicant, is still an open question. Columbus understood the merits of power and wealth, and had a goodly vision in his eye. If anticipations ever were gorgeous, they were those of the Genoese map-maker of Lisbon. Why Portugal The demands of Columbus were excessive, and the Refused conquest of Guinea had put burdens on the royal treas- ury. The war with Castile absorbed the energies and the money of Alfonso V. The time was not favorable for maritime adventures. Moreover, Portugal already had a practical monopoly of the African route to India, secured by papal bulls and a treaty with Spain. It is easy to conjecture that, with a certainty in the southern route. King John was less inclined than he otherwise would have been to waste time and money in support of the western venture. Perhaps more fundamental is the fact (emphasized by Harrisse) that the theory advanced by the great Genoese was not new, and that his arguments were only a repetition of what Toscanelli had written to the king's chaplain years before. Moreover, the time was past when Portugal had to depend upon Italian mariners. Delay and Thus the fanatic of today and the immortal of tomorrow was kept for years in pendulous suspense between hope and despair. At last the king's confessor proposed a treacherous scheme. Columbus had submitted his plans, charts, sailing-directions, and other needed information. A caravel (a small three-masted vessel) was secretly sent to sea. She bore the documents furnished by Columbus for the consideration of the court and council; her com- mander had instructions to sail westward as far as possible and to test the correctness of the theory to which the Deceit Columbus and His Great Idea 123 documents related. When the captain reached the Cape 1484 Verde Islands, he put the ship about, returned to Portu- i 4 8 8 gal, and reported that the proposed western passage to India was a chimerical notion. Columbus was poor but he was proud, and when he learned of the attempted fraud he turned from the court that he so long had haunted, and refused to reopen negotiations with a mon- arch who could stoop to such an infamy. Death had robbed him of his wife, and a faithless king had tried to rob him of the honors that pertained to his proposed discoveries. Why or what should he care for Portugal? The story has thus been told so many times that it Cokmbus seems almost heartless to record that Columbus left ^°" '^° ^p^'" Portugal in secrecy to escape the vigilance of government spies, that there is some reason for believing that he also had to shun arrest for debts, and that it is not certain that his wife was dead. The letter that he wrote to Dona Juana de la Torre in 1500 indicates that when he fled into Spain he left a wite and children behind him in Portugal. The exact date of the flight is not known, but it seems to be agreed that Columbus left Lisbon in the latter part of 1484. The first exact date that we can link to any of his doings after the seventh of August, 1473, when he was at Savona in Italy, is the fifth of May, 1487, when, as the accounts of the treasurer of the Spanish sovereigns show, he received at Cordova his first gratuity, three thousand maravedis, about eighteen dol- lars, according to present money values. The vagueness is unfortunate because these were the fourteen years that made his later success possible. It is also unfortunate that the story of the deceit of the king of Portugal and other incidents rest upon the unsupported testimony of his filial biographer and are looked upon as myths by some and accepted with a grain of salt by others. It is said that Columbus went in person to reopen The Convent negotiations with the republic of Genoa and that he made ^"'^ ^^^ ^"°'' proposals to the Venetian senate, but he next appears in history at the door of the Franciscan monastery near Palos, asking the porter for bread for the boy whom he was I 24 Columbus and His Great Idea 1484 leading by the hand. Ihls convent of Santa Maria de 1488 Rabida stands on a rocky promontory east of the Rio Tinto, a conspicuous landmark from the sea. Juan Perez (often called Marchena), the prior of the convent, noticed the dignified appearance and demeanor of the Columbus at Cordova The Convent of La Rabida Stranger and quickly found that the beggar was not of the common kind. Columbus became the guest of the convent and to the prior told the story of what he had been, was, and hoped to be. La Rabida became a home for Diego and a frequent resting-place for his father. In the neighboring port of Palos lived Garcia Fernandez, a physician skilled in geography and mathematics ; also the Pinzons, a family of seafaring men. With this choice set of kindred spirits, in the cloisters of the con- vent, Columbus discussed his theories, his problems, and his plans. They believed his theories, approved his plans, and espoused his cause with eager zeal. In the spring of i486, the migratory Spanish court was at Cordova, preparing for a vigorous campaign against the Moors, to whose expulsion from Spanish soil were directed all the energies and all the resources of the mar- ried monarchs, Ferdinand, king ot Aragon, and Isabella, queen of Castile and Leon. Armed with a letter from the prior to his friend, Fernando de Talavera, prior of the monastery of Prado and confessor to the queen, Colum- bus hastened from the convent to the court. Talavera read the letter, shook his dubious head, and bade the disappointed mariner good morning. It is not recorded that he made any mention of the letter to the sovereigns. 126 Columbus and His Great Idea 1484 This story is generally placed at the beginning of 1488 Columbus's career in Spain, although some authorities At Salamanca assign a later date for his first visit to the convent. According to the journal that Columbus kept on ship- board, he entered the service of Spain on the twentieth of January, i486. This is not easily reconcilable with other statements from the same source. Mr. Winsor says that "two statements of Columbus agreeing would be a little suspicious." The suppliant seems to have lingered long at Cordova, and finally to have found admittance to the royal presence at Salamanca through the good offices of Medina-Celi, one of the greatest noblemen of the nation, and of Mendoza, his uncle, the archbishop of Toledo and grand cardinal of Spain. The Moor was still in Spain, and the war made such demands upon the monarchs that it is rather remarkable that cosmography got any hearing at all. But Ferdi- nand and Isabella were interested, as King John of Portugal had been, and bade the assembling of a coun- cil of astronomers and cosmographers at Salamanca, the Oxford of Spain. There, in the convent of Saint Stephen, the plans and arguments of Columbus were met with suspicion and scholastic sneers, with scriptural texts and quotations from the early fathers of the Christian church. The Council of Salamanca And the land of the fabled antipodes Were a wonderful land to see, W^here people stand with their heads on the ground, And their feet in the air, while the world spins round — And they all laughed merrily. The learned council reported adversely to the insane idea. It is probable that the importance of this "junta" has been unduly magnified, and there is little foundation for the oft-repeated declaration that Colum- bus barely escaped conviction as a heretic and sentence to the inquisition. It is said that the monarchs softened the verdict of the council by assuring Columbus that, although they were otherwise occupied at that time, they would be ready to treat with him at the close of the war. Columbus and His Great Idea 127 Then came the weariness of long delay. Disap- 1488 pointed and neglected, tantalized and repulsed, but 1490 lured on ever by his great idea and by pittances doled Returns to out to him from the royal treasury, Columbus was ^"'■'^"gai persistent. At last, almost in despair, he reopened negotiations with the king of Portugal, and was invited March 20, by that monarch to return to Lisbon, with royal pro- '"^^^ tection against prosecution. It was natural that he should want to go, for in December, 1487, his brother Bartholomew had returned with Dias and the great news of the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope. If he went at all, it was after long delay. For months he lingered at Cordova where, before the end of summer, Beatriz Enriquez, not his wife, bore him a son. To this August 15, son, Ferdinand, has been attributed the manuscript of ^"^^^ the Historic that passes as a memoir of his father. Spanish subsidies seem to have ceased in June, Ferdi- nand was born in August, and a note, supposed to be in the handwriting of Columbus, was dated at Lisbon in December. If he thus passed into Portugal, his stay was short. It is probable that, from 1489 to 1492, he remained in Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella were vigorously pushing the Tries Spain war against the Moors. They wanted India, but Gra- once More nada must be won. The campaign of that year ended with the surrender of the fortress of Baza with all the December 22, territory held by the elder of the rival Moorish kings. '"^^9 In February, 1490, the Spanish sovereigns entered Seville in triumph. The consequent jubilation, and the marriage of the Princess Isabella to the heir of Portugal, were unfavorable to the pressing of the project of a western passage. Moreover, Talavera and a council reported that it did not become great princes to engage in such chimerical undertakings. But the arguments of Columbus had made an impression upon Diego de Deza, one of the councilors and tutor to the heir apparent, Prince Juan. It is thought that, through his influence, the sovereigns, temporizing as before, modified the harsh decision of the council by again explaining to the ardent 128 Columbus and His Great Idea T 4 9 o navigator that thev then were very busily engaged, and T 4 9 I that further consideration of his project must be deferred until the war was over. Negotiates After his failure at Seville, Columbus sought the with England suDDort of some of the powerful and almost autocratic and f ranee ri _. . . ^ ^ grandees of Spain, without profit other than a promise from Medina-Celi that if, on some more opportune occasion, another application was made to the crown, he would support it with his influence with the queen. Prior to this, Columbus had sent his brother Bartholo- mew to England to reopen negotiations with Henry VII., and had been in correspondence with Louis XI. of France. He now determined to go to Paris. He first went to the convent of Santa Maria de Rabida (apparently in the fall of 1491) with the purpose of taking his son Diego thence and leaving him at Cordova with Beatriz and Ferdinand. A consultation of the little circle ot friends was held. Martin Pinzon ofi^ered to bear the expenses of a new suit at the court, and Columbus agreed to linger at the convent until the result was known. The Embassy Thcii Juan Pcrez, prior, patriot, and friend — to whom of the Prior gome day a reader of this page will build a worthy monu- ment — resolved to see the queen w^hom he often had confessed. He sent a letter to Isabella. The letter reinforced one that the queen had received from Medina- Celi w^ho had kept his promise. The Spanish sovereigns were then at Santa Fe, in command of the forces investing the Moorish stronghold of Granada. Perez started for their camp the very night that he received the summons of the queen. A friar at midnight, mounted on a mule: That was all ; and yet through the gloom and the light, The fate of a nation was riding that night. Columbus The prior pleaded so eloquentlv in behalf of Colum- Caiied to Court i^^g and Spain that the queen sent for the navigator and accompanied the summons with money for his equip- ment and expenses. Perez was borne slowly homeward by his "unappreciative donkey who could not be Columbus and His Great Idea 129 spurred into any extra celerity, not even with the i 4 9 i discovery of a vast continent beckoning him on or kick- 1492 ing at his sides." He soon returned to the court with Columbus under his protection. They arrived at the camp at Santa Fe early in December, 1491, in time to see the surrender of Granada, the extinction of the power January 2, that for three-quarters of a thousand years had floated ''^^^ the crescent on Spanish soil. Although Castile and Aragon were united only through the marriage of their sovereigns, they were already Spain ; the new nation was ready for a new task. In the tumult and joy that accompanied the submission Appreciation of the last of the Moorish kings, Columbus was not ^^ ^^^^ forgotten. Quintanilla, the minister of finance, became his faithful friend. Cardinal Mendoza was brought into energetic sympathy, and even Talavera developed an appreciation of the oft-rejected plans. The war was over and the time had come. In his interviews with the sovereigns, Columbus insisted on the extravagant demands that had contributed to his ill success in Por- tugal. Irving says that Columbus was so fully imbued with the grandeur of his enterprise that he would listen to none but princely conditions. In spite of the witch- eries of his graceful style, Irving's picture of Columbus is no longer accepted by discriminating students. Winsor states that Irving's "purpose was to create a hero," and refuses to be "blinded to the unwholesome deceit and overweening selfishness" of the Italian. When his interviews with the Spanish sovereigns Queen isabeUa seemed fruitless, the exacting suitor resolved to go to Tg^J^J^^ ^" France, mounted his mule, and set out for La Rabida. Then Santangel, receiver of ecclesiastical revenues, and Quintanilla urged the recall of the departing Columbus. They pictured the shame and loss for Spain if any other monarch should pick up what they had thrown away. Isabella was won; the less gifted Ferdinand was not. The latter said: "Our treasury has been too much drained by the war to warrant us in engaging in the undertaking." To this J:he queen replied: "I will under- I30 Columbus and His Great Idea Columbus before the Monarchs I 4 9 I take the enterprise tor my own crown ot Castile and, if 1492 necessary, 1 will pledge my jevyels for the money." The crown jewels of Castile were not put in further pledge; Santangel promptly agreed to advance the money needed, and did so — from the treasury of Aragon, say some; from his private resources, says another, A messenger was sent; at the bridge of Pinos, two leagues from Granada, Columbus was overtaken ; the messenger and the mariner returned. Columbus was granted immediate audience and made a successful plea. We are assured that when, "with a tongue that seemed to be touched with the flame of inspiration, he told the queen of his faith and hope, . . . her face kindled with enthusiasm and beamed with angelic benignity." At the close of the scene, the queen "fervently invoked the blessing of Almighty God upon the person and deeds of Columbus. The navigator stood in awe, with bowed head, before the seeming transfigured sovereign. The colder Ferdinand's soul was warmed, and to the uttered benediction he responded 'Amen.'" It is easy to enter into sympathy with Mr. Lossing's enthusiasm, but Bergenroth's documentary researches have removed not a little of the mellow splendor that the adulation of Irving and Prescott and other admirers has poured about Isabella's character. Mr. Winsor asserts that these Spanish monarchs were ready at perfidy and deceit, and that often the queen was more culpable than the king. A contract was entered into at Santa Fe on the seven- teenth of April, 1492. As lords of the ocean seas, the monarchs constituted Christopher Columbus their admiral, viceroy, and governor-general of such islands and continents as he should discover in the western ocean, with the privilege of nominating three candidates, one ot whom the crown should name for the government ot each of these territories. He was to have exclusive jurisdiction over all commercial transactions within his admiralty. He was to have a tenth of the products and profits within the limits of his discoveries, and an addi- tional eighth it he contributed an eighth ot the expense. The Agreement I 1 Columbus and His Great Idea 131 Commission, April 30, 1492 By Columbus's commission, which was signed in the 149 newly won Granada a fortnight later, these dignities and The emoluments were settled on him and his heirs forever, with the title of Don, which then was more than a mere courteous appellation. These demands seem extravagant, for Columbus was to sail not for unknown regions but for India, the inexhaustible source of wealth, magnificence, and power. In explanation of the sub- mission of the crown goes the story that when, twenty years later, Ponce de Leon demanded for himself con- cessions like those made to Columbus, Ferdinand replied: "Ah, it is one thing to give a stretch of power when no one anticipates the exercise of it; but we have learned something since then." The archbishop of Granada declared that Columbus's demands savored of the highest degree of arrogance and that it would be unbecoming in their highnesses to grant them. But Ferdinand and Isabella signed the bond, and made the son Diego a page of the royal household. The younger son, Ferdi- nand, was left in school at Cordova. Columbus then departed for La Rabida with a light heart. A royal order, dated on the thirtieth of April, was publicly proclaimed at Palos, which owed some special duty to the crown, commanding the municipal authorities to equip two armed caravels for Columbus and to have them ready for sea within ten days. Many of the Palos seamen fled the city. For weeks, no considerable progress was made, in spite of taking prisoners from the jails and the provision of a royal order to the effect that criminal processes against any person engaged for the voyage were to be suspended until two months after the return. On the twentieth of June, a new order was issued to impress the vessels and crews. Finally, the The Pinzona Pinzon brothers, Martin and Vicente, offered to furnish ^"''^"^ a third vessel and to go in person on the voyage. This had a good effect and soon the three vessels were ready for sea. It is claimed that Martin Pinzon furnished Columbus with an eighth of the cost as provided by the contract with the sovereigns. A Royal Proclamation 132 Columbus and His Great Idea I 4 9 The Fleet The Crew The admiral's flag-ship was slow and otherwise unfit for the work in hand. She was decked amidships, had high poop and forecastle, and was rechristened the "Santa Maria" — the name brings to mind the convent and the prior. Her burden was less than two hundred tons, little if anything superior to the small coasting- craft of modern days. Juan de la Cosa was owner and commander, with Sancho Ruiz for his pilot. The other two were caravels, lighter craft and faster sailers. They Columbus s Fleet had no decks amidships, but were high and covered at the ends. It is said that they were hardly seaworthy. Martin Alonso Pinzon commanded the "Pinta;" his brother Francisco was his pilot. In the crew were the two owners, ill-natured and ready for mischief. Vicente Yanez Pinzon commanded the "Nina;" caravel and crew had been pressed into service. The three vessels carried not more than a hundred and twenty persons, perhaps only ninety. Included in the number were a physician and a surgeon, a notary, a historian, a metallurgist, and an interpreter who was qualified to converse in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Coptic, or Armenian, as best fitted the attain- ments of the great Asiatic potentates whom they were about to visit. There was no priest to shrive the Columbus and His Great Idea 133 Christian dead or to baptize the heathen Hving, but 1492 prior to their departure Juan Perez ministered to the admiral and his company in the matters of confession and communion. The fleet had a total tonnage less than that of the average lumber-schooner of the great lakes, and not more than a tenth as great as that of one of the steel steamers that carry grain and iron ore upon those inland seas. As the cost of the expedition was The Cost less than four thousand dollars, which reckoned by its purchasing power was equivalent to not more than fifty thousand dollars of today, we may wonder at the eighteen years' delay. The wonder will grow if we forget the almost universal doubt as to the soundness of the project, the imagined terrors of the voyage, and the extravagance of the demands that Columbus made for himself CHAPTER VIII COLUMBUS S FIRST VOYAGE An Epoch International Courtesies IVe do not read even of the disco'very of this continent "without feeling something of a personal interest in the e-vent ,• ivithout being reminded hoiv much it has affected our own fortunes and our oiun existence. — Daniel Webster. T ,HE fleet of three little vessels sailed from Palos at six o'clock in the morning of Friday, the third of August, 1492. Centuries later, an- other "Santa Maria," built in imitation of the flag-ship of Columbus, set sail from Palos at six o'clock in the morning, escorted to the sea by a Spanish flotilla of fifteen war-ships. At the old monastery that had given shelter to the great admiral, were flying the flags of forty-four American states and, as the fleet passed by, the stars and stripes were raised and the following messages exchanged: La Rabida. The President : Four hundred years ago today, Columbus sailed from Palos, discovering America. The United States flag is being hoisted this moment in front of convent La Rabida, along with banners of all American states. Batteries and ships saluting, accompanied by enthusi- astic acclamations of the people, army, and navy. God bless America ! Prieto, Alcalde of Palos. Department of State, Washington, August 3, 1892. Senor Prieto, Alcalde de Palos, La Rabida, Spain : The president of the United States directs me to cordially acknowledge your message of greeting. Upon this memorable day, thus fittingly celebrated, the people of the new western world, in grateful reverence to the name and fame of Columbus, join hands with the sons of the brave sailors of Palos and Huelva, who manned the discoverer's caravels. Foster, Secretary of State. Columbus's First Voyage ^35 The Southern Route Map of the Spanish Coast between Huelva and Cadiz As the "Santa Maria" of 1892 reached the sea, she 1492 met the assembled squadrons of other nations and passed between their lines amid salutes and cheers. In 1492, Palos was a port of considerable impor- tance. In 1892, decayed wharves told their story of lost commerce, and the Rio Tinto and its towns had no claim to distinction save in their past. Columbus's voyage to the Canaries was without special incident other than an accident to the rudder of the "Pinta." He may have run thus far southward because Toscanelli had put the Canaries in the latitude of Cipango. If he had sailed westward from Palos, he would probably have met serious disappoint- ment, for winds and currents set directly from American shores to the coasts of western Europe, as a glance at the seaman's chart will show. Thus does history often hang on physical conditions. As it was, he secured the advan- tage of the northeast trade-winds and some help from the equatorial current, a distinct and steady drift of intertropical surface-waters from the African to the American side of the Atlantic basin. After making Departure from the necessary repairs to his ships, Columbus sailed from ^""^^''^ the Canaries on the morning of Thursday, the sixth of September. He escaped the Portuguese caravels that were reported as lying in wait with hostile purpose. Dry land soon dropped below the horizon astern and Colum- bus was plowing the unknown and dreaded waters of the western ocean. Winds and waves were in good humor. For eleven days, easterly trade-winds filled the sails; then came gentle southwest breezes and the dreaded calms. Day after day passed by, and night 136 Columbus's First Voyage Sailors' Super stitions 1492 after night the sun set in the western ocean as it had done the night before. Discontent and mutiny appeared and were calmly met with kind and hopeful words, tempting promises, or timely threats. When we think of the well-known superstitions of sailors in our own day we shall not wonder at those of the ignorant seamen of that less enlightened age. Even the great admiral described three mermaids, and made mention of men, some with tails, some with heads of dogs, and others with one eye apiece. The crews of flag-ship and caravels were familiar with all the stories of the Sea of Darkness that we have recorded and many more. When they sailed into the "Sargasso Sea," a vast ocean tract of gulfweed, they imagined the slime of the fabled Atlantis beneath their keel and dreamed of hideous monsters rising from the ooze. And they spoke of the terrors that lay between, of the hurricanes born of hell, Of the sunless seas that forever roar Where the moon had perished long years before. When an evil spirit fell. Even the benignant trade-winds always blew from home and it would be impossible to return along the inclined plane down which they then were sailing. Late in September, these fears were partly swept away by west winds that showed a possible return to Spain. During the voyage, Columbus kept two records of his progress. One was a dead reckoning, which then depended on observation by the eye alone but which he made as accurate as possible; the other was made to tell a daily lie for fear that his followers would become alarmed if they knew how far they were from the meridian of Palos. Reputable writers have declared that the precaution was fully justified by the circumstances. When it was observed that the variation of the compass had changed from westerly to easterly and the sailors were alarmed thereby, the admiral explained to the credulous crew that the polar star and not the needle was in an abnormal condition. The explanation had in Columbine Frauds September 13- 17 Columbus's First Vo yage 137 it an unsuspected element of truth. The variation of i 4 9 2 the needle must have been known to sailors, but Colum- bus discovered the line-of-no-variation. Like some old alchemist whose toilsome years Had stamped endurance on his iron brow, Within whose breast, high-hoping, thwarted oft, Had calmed to patient trust, resolved he stood, A grand, gray-headed man. After sailing about two hundred miles beyond the a New Course imagined longitude of Cipango, the flight of birds and the urging of the elder Pinzon led Columbus to turn his prows toward the southwest. Had he continued to '"""•Ti T L A. nr I c c t: A Cape' Verde. ^/ Map of Columbus's Course, First Voyage steer westward, he would probably have entered the Gulf Stream and been borne to Florida and thence to Cape Hatteras and Virginia. In that event, the United States might have been given a Catholic Spanish instead of a Protestant English population. Never has a flight of birds been attended by more important results. At the evening hour of the eleventh of October, signs of land near by, a carved stick, and a hawthorn branch raised hopes that drowned all thoughts of insur- rection. Every one was on the eager watch; none more Hope eager than the admiral. The scene is thus described by Herrera: "And Christopher Columbus, being now sure that he was not far off", as the night came on, after singing the Salve Regina as is usual with mariners, addressed them all and said that, since God had given them grace to make so long a voyage in safety, and 138 Columbus's First Voyage 1492 since the signs of land were becoming steadily more frequent, he would beg them to keep watch all night. And they knew well that the first chapter of the orders that he had issued to them on leaving Castile provided that, after sailing seven hundred leagues without making land, they should only sail thenceforth from the follow- ing midnight to the next day; and that they should pass the time in prayer, because he trusted in God that during that night they should discover land; and that, besides the income of ten thousand maravedis that their highnesses had promised to him who should make the first discovery, he would give, for his part, a velvet jerkin," About ten o'clock that night, Columbus, from the high poop of the "Santa Maria," saw a glimmering Fruition Columbus Sighting the Light light ahead and directed that a vigilant watch be kept on the forecastle. At two o'clock on the morning of the twelfth, a gun fired from the "Pinta" announced the joyful news of land in sight. Columbus claimed the discovery, kept the velvet jerkin, and received the maravedis ; poor Rodrigo, disgusted with Christian promises, became a Mohammedan in despair — at least. Columbus's First Voyage 139 so the story goes. Mr. Winsor sees a sort of retributive 1492 justice in the fact that the pension of the crown was made a charge upon the shambles of Seville. In his journal, Columbus says that on this Thursday The Dawn they encountered a "heavier sea than they had met with before on the v^^hole voyage," and that "after sunset they sailed twelve miles an hour until two hours after midnight, going ninety miles." When, at two o'clock in the morning, Rodrigo de Triana sighted land two leagues distant (its direction from the ship is not recorded), the mariners "took in sail and remained under square sail, lying to till day." With what impa- tience the dawn must have been awaited! Who can comprehend the emotions of Columbus in those hours? The wisdom and the sublime faith, the persistence and the enthusiasm that for eighteen years had kept him from despair, had guided him to triumph — triumph over the sneers of monks and scoffs of sages, triumph over the treachery and doubts of monarchs, triumph over the errors of ages and the superstitions of millions, a triumph that revealed the great mystery of the ocean and realized the visions of a lifetime. There before him in the gloom of early morning lay the Indies, with all the opulence and splendor of her palaces and cities. There in peaceful slumber lay the countless millions to whom he had come as the messenger of the glad tidings of salvation. He thought that he had discovered a new route to India. He knew not, nor did he ever know, that he had found a world and not a way. He had sailed upon the unknown sea to seek the El Dorado of wealth and power and had found instead the battle-field of liberty. Fair lay the land ; all green and dewy, fresh As if but yesterday the morning stars Had o'er its birth their hallelujahs sung, Creation's latest labor and her best. The landing was made at sunrise, on the twelfth of The Day October, 1492. (The date is thus written according to the "old style;" according to the Gregorian calendar, 140 Columbus's First Voyage I 4 9 The Landfall i.e., "new style," now in general use, the date would be October 21.) He who for years had worn the garb of poverty now was clad in scarlet and in gold; he T/t ..^.O^-c-ir^t-^?,/:. .^■'f-^ /=^- r-vr- -^■'=%^ The Landing of Columbus who at the convent gate had begged for water and a crust of bread now bore Spain's royal standard with its ominous hues of gold and blood. Then came his captains, Martin and Vicente Pinzon, each with the white silk banner of the expedition, on which were displayed the initials of Ferdinand and Ysabella, each letter surmounted by a golden crown. Then the officers and men all knelt and kissed the earth and chanted the Te Deum Laudamus. In robes of scarlet and princely gold, On the New World's land they kneel ; In the name of Christ, whom all adore, They christened the island San Salvador, For the crown of their own Castile. Columbus understood the native name of the island to be Guanahani. The precise location of the landfall has been the subject of much controversy. It has been claimed for nearly all the eastward lying Bahama Islands, from Cat Island to the Grand Turk. For several years prior to 1890, it was generally held that Cat Island was the first land seen by Columbus. Few can be investi- gators, and most readers were content with the charming story of Irving and the authority of Humboldt. But Columbus's First Vo yag( 141 during the last decade oi the nineteenth century, the 1492 opinion of scholars drifted toward a belief that the land- fall was on Watling, an island that is about twelve miles long and from four to six miles in breadth. In 1891, a column sur- mounted by a marble globe was erected to mark the spot where it was supposed that Columbus landed. The later investigations of Rudolf Cronau, an enterprising German trav- eler and historian, seem to establish as a fact that the landing was made at or near Riding Rocks, on the western coast of the island. Map Showing Columbus's Course after his Landfall (With Map of Watling Island in Corner) From the deep shadows of the forest the timid natives a New Ra watched the newcomers, and thought them to be superior beings descended from the skies. As fear wore away, they drew near w^th signs of peace and good will. Their dusky forms were clad in scanty pigments of varymg color and device; their hair was coarse and black, short 142 Columbus's First Voyage I 4 9 Reconnois- sance October 14 over the forehead but hanging long behind. They were unHke any people of whom Columbus had ever heard, but as he thought that they were inhabitants of an island of India, he called them Indians. This designation, thus born of error, was extended to all the aborigines of the New World, and so they are called to this day. In later years, Europeans tried to substitute the term "Americans," which survived until the latter part of the eighteenth century when the war of independence gave it a new meaning. By agreement among eth- nologists, the term "Amerinds" has recently come into use as a substitute for the term "American Indians." Owing to the error above mentioned, the newly found lands were called the Indies, which became the official name of Spanish America. The English, French, and Dutch later restricted the term to the islands, which were thus distinguished from the true India by the name "West Indies." Among the comfort-loving natives of San Salvador, the Spaniards found the word " ham- mock" and the article thus designated. This adjunct of luxurious ease and the corresponding noun have become familiar in nearly every land, and constitute almost the only record of a quickly exterminated race. Columbus thus described his newly found domain : "This is a tolerably large and level island, with trees extremely flourishing, and streams of water. There is a large lake in the middle of the island, but no moun- tains. The whole is completely covered with verdure delightful to behold." Under date of Sunday, he says: "At daybreak, I ordered the boat of my vessel, as well as the boats of the other caravels, to be put in readiness, and I skirted along the coast toward the north-northeast in order to explore the other part of the island, namely that which lies to the east." On this reconnoissance, they discovered two or three villages, from which the people beckoned them to come ashore. But " I was apprehensive on account of the reef of rocks which surrounds the island, although there is a depth of water and room for all the ships of Christendom, with a very Columbus's First Voyage 143 narrow entrance. There are some shoals within; but 1492 the water is as smooth as a pond." Attracted by bits of gold worn by some of the islanders, Colun.ihus made inquiry and understood from their signs that a greater abundance of that metal could be found on an island at the south. In narrating this incident. Sir Arthur Helps remarks that, if the poor wretches had possessed the gift of prophecy, they would have thrown the baubles into the sea. Lured by the foretaste of gold and the hope of find- The Voyage ing the richer Cipango, and having seized some of the Continued natives and recorded an intimation of using force to make them serve their new masters, Columbus soon pushed on to other islands; his course has been as much disputed as his landfall. Frequent landings were made and formal possession was taken in the name of the Spanish sovereigns. There were many reports of gold and gold-mines somewhere else not far away. The admiral's journal ot this first voyage, which is known to us only through the abridgment made by Las Casas, is well marked with frequent expressions of his hope Longitudtj West 7p^ fro NAUTICAL MIX-li G^;;;^GreatAba'coI. ■'-Z W' A T L \A :?f T I nutj^r^ F.lruili era I. ^^ ^m-^y^ Uudro^/V^-^^S L A S D S ff„ •''«, ,• Islands^ ' *' '^1 flSan Salvador '«l«''*«> ,. ••■ - --A - ts. V (Watliag L) ^ '" .-^W/ ■■•■.. '^mongl. "'rfc, Bahama Bank, - -fe. rjjCrooked I. ■D- o C E A K Isla de ^'o Queen's Gardv__ , „.. gay°/^"'Vauza ni C5>Mariguana I. .rt"'^'^^'"""'": '>'*^ .Turk Grand Caj-man'' | ^ ^''""="=''' *" ^"^\ f»*'''La S^iS* ^-»y— a.^ ^<. ^v JA3IAK'AC^ VU'^'^-v>'*-^'^«Kn jSfSyM""'^ C A H] I li li E A A'vox^* A' E A J poRtO ^^ Map of the West Indies that, "with the help of our Lord," he might find gold, but not a word now of the conversion of the heathen. Occasionally a native was picked up, loaded with cheap 144 Columbus's First Voyage In Cuba 1492 presents, and put ashore — a well-played and sometimes successful ruse of friendship. One island ( probably Long Island) he called Fernandina, and another (pos- sibly Crooked Island) he called Isabella. Sailing from this latter island on the twenty-fourth of October, they landed on the twenty-sixth within the mouth of a river near the eastern end of what, in honor of the prince, he called Juana, the Cuba of today. This anchorage is probably that now known as Puerto de Naranjo. Here the welcome stories of gold were for the first time set with pearls. Thence Columbus coasted westward. The expected king did not send the hoped-for welcome, and the gold remained elusive. Columbus, therefore, sent an embassy into the interior to seek intelligence concerning the dominions of the grand khan. Some of these envoys found the natives smoking tobacco. The discovery was then deemed unimportant, but it proved more productive to Spain than the gold for which Columbus searched so eagerly. Having careened his ships on a quiet beach and cleaned their bottoms, Columbus started in search of a place called Babeque, "where gold was collected at night by torch-light upon the shore, and afterward hammered into bars." He retraced his track and thus failed to prove that Cuba w^as an island and not the continental country of Cathay. By this time, the enslaved natives had become acquiescent. The ships sailed east by south and cruised for several days among the islands of the archipelago known as the King's Garden. Here Martin Alonso Pinzon deserted with the "Pinta" to find the gold of which he had heard. It w'as not his first act of insubordina- tion. As he skirted the northeast coast of Cuba, Columbus noted the harbors in some of w'hich he anchored, explored some of the rivers, and resolved to master the language of the frightened natives, in which way "w^e can learn the riches of the country and make endeavors to convert these people to our religion, for they are without even the faith of an idolater." He November i : Pinzon's Desertion Columbus's First Voyage 145 reached the eastern end of the island on the fifth of i 4 9 2 December, 1492, looked around its southern side, and at the southeast observed the island of Haiti which he Haiti called Espanola. The "Nina" was sent to search the shore of this lofty island and to find a landing-place. The next morning, the "Santa Maria" entered the harbor now known as Saint Nicholas. The country and its mountains and birds and trees looked "like those of Castile." At the middle of the month, they sailed out of this magnificent harbor, which Columbus said could easily accommodate a thousand caracks (like the "Santa Maria"), landed on the neighboring island that he named Tortuga, and passed along the channel between the two islands. Casting anchor near a village, Columbus set ashore a Goidand captive Indian with the usual gifts. The natives who ^'^^'^"ipt"'" quickly gathered on the beach were informed that the visitors had come from heaven and were going to Babeque to find gold. The Spaniards got the bits of gold that the islanders wore at ear and nose, and were informed that if they sailed in a certain course two days they would arrive at their goal. This is the last we hear of Babeque. On the eighteenth of December, the admiral entertained the cacique (the first occurrence of the word) and heard of an island that was all gold. He wrote in his journal: "Our Lord, in whose hands are all things, be my help. Our Lord, in His mercy, direct me where I may find the gold mine." He heard of a place further east, Cibao, where the king's banners were made of plates of gold. It was promptly identified with Cipango and proved to be the place where the best mines were found. On account of religious scruples, Columbus ordinarily refrained from sailing on Sunday. The next day was Sunday and, with the fresh inspiration December 23 of Cibao, he sailed along the coast "in order to display the symbols of redemption." On Christmas eve, all seemed well with the flag-ship The Wreck of and the "Nina." The weary admiral went to bed and 'j^^J'-"^"'* the crew of the "Santa Maria" closely followed his 146 Columbus's First Voyage 1492 example. Even the helmsman put the tiller into the hands of a boy and drifted into Dreamland. The ship was carried by the currents out of her course and wrecked on a sand-bank. Columbus and his men rowed to the "Nina," the only one remaining of the fleet of three. On Christmas morning, and in the spirit of " Peace on earth, good will toward men," Guacanagari, the cacique of that region, sent men and canoes to assist in unloading the wrecked ship. The stores were saved. Some of the crew of the now overcrowded caravel wished to remain in Haiti and Columbus, probably delighted with the opportunity for Christian colonization, gave orders for the building of a fort. The fort was provi- sioned for a year, with seed for the planting-time. The admiral left the ship's long-boat and orders to "search for the gold mine." Columbus wrote that the natives were " tractable and peaceable. . . . They love their neighbors as themselves. Their discourse is ever sweet and gentle and accompanied with a smile." La Navidad After 3. pretty exchange of courtesies between the admiral and the cacique, and leaving two score in the fort, the "Nina" stood out of the harbor of La Navidad, so named because of the shipwreck there on the day of the nativity. This was on Fridav, the fourth of January, 1493. Two days later, Pinzon and the "Pinta" rejoined Columbus and the "Nina." Pinzon reported that "he had left against his will," and the admiral did not express his doubts as to the truth of these professions. Having failed to find the gold of which he went in search, Pinzon had returned with some captives who "were released by the admiral, for the usual ulterior purpose." Columbus had kidnapped six men, seven women, and three children, for the purpose of teaching them the Spanish language and thus opening a readier avenue to their benighted souls. This seems commendable to the Columbian canonizers, who, how- ever, refer to Pinzon as "joining violence to rapine." Scarcely had the "Nina" left La Navidad when the Christians who remained among the pagans entered Columbus's First Voyage 147 upon a course of robbery and licentiousness that 1493 brings the tinghng of indignation and the blush of shame today. Having spent a day in harbor to calk the seams of the leaking "Nina," the two ships started again on the tenth of January. On the twelfth, the Spaniards, for the first time, engaged in a fight with the natives, several of whom were wounded. On the sixteenth, they had The Return their last look at Haiti and again faced the broad ocean ^°y^s^ with its seaweed and monotony. There were storms, alarms, and vows, but the most serious of the troubles of the admiral was his apprehension that the world might never know of his success. In the gale the "Pinta" had been blown away to the north, and Columbus feared that February 14 she had foundered. An account of the voyage, written on parchment and rolled in a waxed cloth, was sealed in a cask; the cask was then thrown overboard. Another cask with a like record was placed on the poop of the "Nina," whence it might float if the caravel should founder. Some one might find one of the casks and the world be made richer by news of the great discovery. On the eighteenth of February, the caravel found an Portuguese anchorage at one of the Azores, the Portuguese authori- Welcome ties of which seemed disposed to be belligerent, but were restrained by the exhibition of the admiral's commission and a monitory suggestion of Spanish indignation. Leaving the Azores on the twenty-fourth of February, they encountered another storm and made new vows. But the entrance of the mouth of the river Tagus was made in safety, and messengers were sent to Ferdinand March 4 and Isabella and to the king of Portugal. As the pest was raging at Lisbon, King John sent his steward to accompany Columbus to the court at Valparaiso. Co- lumbus accepted the invitation and was received more graciously than on any previous visit. His royal host promptly resolved to send an armed expedition to take possession of the newly found regions before a second Spanish fleet could be fitted out, and sent a messenger to Rome to watch the interests of Portugal before the 148 Columbus's First Voyage 1493 only potentate who had authority to confirm a trespass on the possessions of the heathen. Columbus returned to his caravel with an escort of knights, put to sea on the thirteenth, and, at noon of the fifteenth of March, 1493, ^fter an absence of more than seven months, again cast anchor in the port of Palos. At Palos Again While Columbus had been cruising in the gentle waters of his Indian islands, the coasts of western Europe had been storm-swept. The winter had been one of unusual severity, and for months Palos had been filled with deep anxiety fiar the safety of those who in August had sailed out into the unknown sea. When the "Nina" returned, exultation sat in the seat of despondency, as a way was opened through the throng for the votive procession to the church. Two score had been left at La Navidad, and the "Pinta" and her crew had not been seen since the parting in the gale. But assurances of the safety and comfort of the colonists were not difficult to give, and, before the rejoicings of the day were over, the missing caravel arrived and relieved all anxiety on that score. The "Pinta" had been driven by the gale to the northwestern corner of Spain, whence Pinzon sent a messenger to announce his intended visit to the court. A royal order held him in check and saved the honor of the first announcement fiDr Columbus. The "Pinta" sailed to Palos, where Pinzon remained in humiliation and retirement until Columbus had left for Barcelona. Not many days Pil ^'''•^'^li''*' °^^^ ^ "" *'*"' ^^^ fftrnio cfto po: b qpl fjbref s coiito engf iiifc di.is pafcB llWxt^ei/''? '^''® '"^ '^ aniiJOa q lo6 illdftiilVntioc iRcjr t "iRcj^na fuoa feilorce rnc oicjaii j^looocfo fallc inuf mucbas 3lfl.i0poblaoa9 co gciitc fin imitieio ; jrodl^a tooaf ^)CtomaDopor«fw)iipo: fus 9ltc5a9CO!i prcgoiif u jocrarrc-al eflciioid;» ^iion iiicfii ccotf idicbo 31.1 priiiicra q fofallcpurciionbre Taut faluaoozacoincmoracicn afii alfa magef tat cl qual iiMraMillofijmciitc toao cWo anoadolos idios la !Iainti mianiete cfta ricrra era Jila c afi fcgui la cofta della at onete cicnto i f:ctc icjiaa fafta code fa 5ia fin :ocl qual cabo vi on a "^([a al oricte Diftkta ©e efta dic5 o ocbo leguao ala qu >l lucg> p:i fe nonibre la fpnnola y fm alli y fcgui la parteoel faemrion afi como kI« maua al oticntc. dirviitt grades leguas poz lima recta del oncce ad como ocla iuana la qu at y todae las otraf (o foztiflidias en Dcnrtfiaoo gi aoo y cfta cneflremo en clla ay mncbo9 piieitos cnla cofta ocl.« mar ft coparacio oe on-o* q yo fcpa en criftianos y fartos riios y bucnog y granoea q ee inara Villa la© tkiraetjclla fo altae y e clla miiy mucbae fierrao y motaiiae alciifimas fi coparacia tc la ilia a cctfc frcj tooaa f nnofilTmas oc nut fecburaa y todn9 adabilcs y llenaa oc arbofe tx mil mancrao iaitaa i parcccn q lle$a al cicio i tcgopozoicbo q lainas pieroclafota fegun I9 pae^e copbeotrq loa vi ta veroca i «a bennofos como fo poz mayo en fpana 1 ocl'oa (lauaflor noos oclloa c6 fruto t oelloa enotr^termmo (e^ *T es fu calioao 1 cacavia el mi fJioz i otzoe ps yancog ocmil mancras en el mcaoeitouicbrepozalli oodc 10 aoana ay palmaa o< feia oh oc ho inancraa q ca aonuracion vctlaa pot la Oifozmidao fcrmofa Dcllia maa aftcoino (00 • otzo9 atbolea y fnitoi eieroaa en clla ay pinarca amarauilla cay can pittas graoifiimaa cay mi cl I vc moc'^aa mancraa ot auce yfiutae mny oiucrfaa cnlaa tuiia«af mucbaa mimia ccrK talcseafgftciftiraabiknuwczoJCafpanolaisinvTauiUaiaricrraaiKflaniotdiiaojrlaa uega* i'sia cainpmaa y laa tiaras ran fennofaafgrHcfaa para pUBtarpfcbrar pacziarganaooa octa oaa Inc. tea para bcoificioa oc villas elngarca to9 pucrtos ocla mar aqw no bauiia Hoaiaada virta focloa noe imicboa y gzanoca y t naiaa aguaa loa maa odoa qualce trac ozo c loo aib# Ice yUnto^ c fczuae ay granoco oiifacnciaa tx aquel laa cda iu:^tia cti cfta ay nuicbaa fj.ajc riaa y granoea nuR^^rceoK) txxi. oCiWHKtalsaXaj^naoefia yl'la 8»-yooa© laa otrsj© q be fallaooybatiioo-.niaya b3i:ioo noticia anoantc>t)oab«6bobrc6f magczee'afi com* (no maozce lo« pare baun que algnnaa mugcrea fe cobii.in vii fo!o Ittgazco vna foia oe yc iia: o vna cofa ocafgood quepa ello fajcn dloa no ticucn fia;o ui a5ezo ui annas nifon ncHono pozquc no (wgoucbicnoiffncfta/dcfermofacftfltuzafaliio que 'o mny tr- amaranilia no ncnc otzai^armaa falnolaar iaoclaa; Caiioo quanootll^ ,coia fimtouf "' qn al po:icii ill cabo vn pa Alio aguDocno u An vfaroiaqltas que im / — svirfjr-' ciu-v^ ciiicirtzatioTaooaoiiTes bombica aljUiiariUapabiiuezfkjti .lalus "^ First Page of Columbus's Printed Letter to Santangel 150 Columbus's First Voyage 1493 later, he died in his own house, an alleged victim of mortification induced by royal neglect and displeasure. Ac Seville Instead of sailing to Barcelona where the Spanish court then was, Columbus prudently sent a messenger, and with six of his native prisoners proceeded to Seville to await the commands of the monarchs. His reception at Seville was elaborate and enthusiastic. On the thirtieth of March, he received the expected summons. He was instructed to begin preparations for a new expedition and then to appear at court. Although so little reliable information concerning the events of the next few weeks has come down to us that the modern iconoclasts doubt whether the recognition of the impor- tance of the discovery was at all general, it appears that the advance report had made a deep impression at the court. The king and queen looked upon the Colum- bian discoveries and their own conquest of the Moors as special marks of the favor of God. Having arranged for the preparation of another fleet, the admiral set out from Seville for Barcelona. The journey was a trium- phal march ; from city, town, and country-side the people crowded forward to gratify their curiosity and to do homage to the man who had given India to Spain. At Barcelona By the middle of April, and accompanied by a joyous throng, Columbus entered Barcelona. Leading the line were the Indians with their ornaments of gold. Porters followed with the somewhat scanty plunder of the Indies. Then, on horseback, came Columbus and the chivalry of Spain. Thus through crowded streets to the alcazar of the Moorish kings and into the presence of the waiting Ferdinand and Isabella. A Royal As the admiral approached the thrones, the monarchs Reception j.^^^ ^^^ rcceivcd him with marked consideration. The narration of the great discoverer followed. Crowned heads bow as the story is told; courtly cavaliers listen in breathless silence; the conquerors of Granada acknowl- edge a superior in the conqueror of the mighty deep. Then the sovereigns and all engaged in prayer, and the choir of the royal chapel chanted the Te Deum. " Not Columbus's First Voyage 151 when the crescent-flag was taken from Granada's towering 1493 battlements, not when the Alhambra's marble courts were ringing with the tread of the red-cross victors of the Moor, . . . did adoration more exultant swell." Then Columbus was conducted as a royal guest to his lodgings. During his sojourn in Barcelona he was high in royal favor. He rode in public with the king, and at a banquet given by Cardinal Mendoza laid the founda- tion for the well-known story of the Post-prandiai egg — a story that "loses its point in ""'"°'' the destruction of the end on which the aim was to make it stand." He was awarded a pension for seeing the light at ten o'clock at night while Rodrigo did not see the land until two. Irving would condone the theft because Columbus's "whole ambition was involved," while Win- sor seems to think that "his whole The Arms of Columbus character WaS inVolvcd." On the twentieth of May, the sovereigns bestowed a The Glory of coat of arms on him who had brought them such a ^ ^^^ direct reward from heaven for their conquest of the Moor and their banishment of the Jew. The glory and barbaric pomp were for but a day ; they never were repeated. At Granada and at San Salvador, Columbus had won. His success entailed miseries upon him and his line, and the outcome to Spain was long-continued 1492- 1898 reproach and final humiliation. And so from hour to hour, we ripe and ripe, And then from hour to hour, we rot and rot, And thereby hangs a tale. ^^^.^^^ -^ >-:,j,j'var.. J -jg- ~ ,.~ -^ H A T E R I X DIPLOMACY AND PREPARATIOx\ An Appeal to the Pope The Bull of Donation, May 3, 1493 K T Valparaiso, King John reminded Columbus that, by the treaty of 1479, ^^^ newly dis- covered lands belonged to him. Columbus replied that he had not been in the direction of Guinea. Very likely the remark of the king was reported to Ferdinand and Isabella. Possibly King John took some action to maintain his claim. At all events, Ferdi- nand did not delay in bringing the matter to the attention of the pope. Remembering the concessions made to Portugal by existing papal bulls, the Spanish ambassadors at Rome were instructed to state explicitly that the new discoveries did not encroach on the rights of Portugal, and that their Catholic majesties desired his holiness to grant them the lands already discovered and others that should be discovered. Pope Alexander VI. (Borgia) issued the asked-for bull under date of the third of May, 1493. This inter- esting and short-lived grant confirmed Spain in full possession of all lands discovered and to be discovered that were not under the dominion of Christian princes. The donation was made because, among works agreeable to Divine Majesty, one is that "barbarous nations should be subjugated and converted to the Catholic faith. . . . Further, because some of the kings of Portugal have acquired rights in parts of Africa through the apostolic see, we grant you and your successors exactly the same rights just as fully as if here expressed in detail." Diplomacy and Preparation 153 There was no reference to any dividing line ; the bull 1493 put no limit except the domination of a Christian prince. The bull was accompanied by another, a condensation of the former — a "brief" or sort of papal bull for com- mon use. Mr. Harrisse calls these bulls of the third of May "the starting-point of the diplomatic history of America." It is possible that King John, as well as the Spanish monarchs, was represented at Rome, and that, when the bulls appeared, his envoy or ambassador protested against such a diminution of the rights that earlier bulls had con- ferred on Portugal. Mr. Har- risse, however, thinks it improb- able that the restriction that quickly came was due to any outside influence that could have arisen and ^ culminated in twenty- /^, four hours, "as any one '^^^S§f^,:^rn at all familiar with the W'^^tm^. dilatory habits of the (^^S^^^iJ^lfe' court of Rome will read- "^--^^^P^" ily believe." Alexander VI On the next day, the bulls of the third of May were The Buii of followed by another that omitted the unlimited grants ^i'!J^^''""°"' and equal rights conferred by the former. Perhaps the papal archives could reveal the secret of the sudden change. This third bull pushed the margin of the Span- ish dominion of the Atlantic from the seaboard of Europe to a meridian one hundred leagues west and south of the Azores and of Cape Verde. As the Azores and Cape Verde, or even the Azores and the Cape Verde Islands, differ both in latitude and longitude, the language of the bull is not a little puzzling. All heathen lands discovered and to be discovered to the west and south of this line should belong exclusively to Spain. This papal suggestion fy Cv^..-- -'>^ /^^ !>V^ hcljll^ ^v^ C,aJt. ^^T^ ^a»^^»-< ~,a*t(n**« iriyryls^h^ •»n-»' rf''*;J^v Vl^ V^vi^ JCTI' »/L*J ^_^; ^-| ^A^--^ ^4.^*^ e^^-r^j^ IvX^v-^^ ^^4^ yVrf- /»•«■'•*-• -2^***"!^ *'**^ (T^'^ A'^^ vfU/- t^^r** .K*«^ '^ First Page of the Bull of May 4, 1493 Diplomacy and Preparation 155 of a point south of a meridian further emphasizes the 1493 mistiness of geographical ideas then prevalent. By acci- dent or with a desire for a scientific frontier, the pope chose the meridian that passes through the point where Columbus observed that the magnetic needle pointed September 13, toward the north star. It seems to have been assumed '"'"^^ that the agonic line that Columbus found was unique and a true north-and-south line. If its choice was more than a mere coincidence, it certifies to another papal error, for, if the eccentric movements of the line-of-no-varia- tion had been as well known then as they are now, the binational survey would not have been started from a point floating in the ocean. Portugal is not mentioned in connection with this line of demarcation, but it was understood that like rights were reserved to her on the east side of the meridian in question. The bull did not bother with the division that a great circle would make on the other side of the earth. One pope, two kings, and a queen were seemingly free from even a dream of complications between "east" and "west" in antipodal realms. The immediate effect of the bull was to confine Portuguese explorations to the African coast and the adjacent islands. With the recognition of the rotundity of the earth, The Papai even India was conceded to Spain, for Rome had failed ^"f^o^T to indicate where the west should end. Like most compromises, the decision proved unsatisfactory to both parties to the controversy ; it was soon amended. At the time these bulls were issued, the fundamental authority of the holy see was recognized by European nations in general and by England in particular. Earthly poten- tates might send out expeditions to find regions unknown of Christians, but when the discoveries were accom- plished, they required confirmation from the pope. A failure to keep in mind the undipped potency of the Roman church, "the most majestic and powerful of all historic human creations," carries with it a loss of the key to the history of Europe for ten centuries. The Portuguese were not satisfied that the rectitude 156 Diplomacy and Preparation 1493 Ferdinand's Shrewd Diplomacy Council for the Indies of the magnet should limit their search, and an interest- ing game of diplomacy followed. King John sent an ambassador to Spain and King Ferdinand one to Lisbon. The Spanish game was the better played, for King John promised that, pending the negotiations, no Portuguese vessel should sail on any voyage of discov- ery for sixty days. Ferdinand then shrewdly sent a fresh embassy with instructions to move slowly and to protract the discussion. Meanwhile, Columbus was pushing preparations for his second voyage. Before leaving Barcelona, Columbus had received a large gratuity from the Spanish sovereigns, and a con- firmation of the contracts made the previous year at Santa Fe. He was even trusted with a royal seal for his official use. He left Barcelona on the twenty-eighth of May. Early in June, he was in Seville, where he w^as soon joined by Don Juan de Fonseca, representative of the crown and chief director of the preparations. From the measures now adopted for the regulation of the expected commerce, grew what is known as the council for the Indies, and the casa de contratacion of Seville, i.e., the India house. Whatever title the papal bull had conferred lay in Ferdinand and Isabella, not in the Spanish nation. Of course, the idea of governmental power emanating from the governed had no application — perhaps no existence. The subsequent administra- tion of political and ecclesiastical affairs in Spanish America was conducted on the theory that the monarchs were the only source of authority. The two institutions just mentioned sprang up as a consequence of this funda- mental fact of Spanish policy. With its eight members under the direction of Fonseca, the council for the Indies ^managed the political affairs of the newly discovered lands. The plan of the king to subject the trade with America to a rigid monopoly gave rise to the second institution, which was created to take immediate control of economic affairs. Its beginnings, the exchange of Seville and the Casa de custom-house of Cadiz, were established prior to Colum- Contratacion bus's sccond voyagc. The casa de contratacion was Diplomacy and Preparation 157 definitely established at Seville in 1503. From its deci- 1493 sions appeals might be taken only to the council for the Indies, which might be presided over by the king. No one was to be allowed to trade with the new regions without license from the monarchs, Columbus, or Fon- seca. Fonseca was an archdeacon, but he was quite as worldly, selfish, and unscrupulous as were they with whom he had to deal. As the official guardian of the royal treasury, he soon felt called upon to check the immoderate personal demands of the admiral. It seems that the monarchs sided with Columbus — an offense on the part of the latter that the watch-dog of the treasury never forgot and never forgave. There was now no need of forcing any one to go. The Recruits Columbus said: "There is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer." Many a cavalier took service without promise of pay, but there was a sorry lack of artisans and laborers. The original complement of twelve hun- dred was swelled by importunity to fifteen hundred. Among them were Alonso de Ojeda; Diego, the brother of the admiral; Juan de la Cosa, who had been the owner and pilot of the "Santa Maria" and was to be the cartographer of the Columbian discoveries; Juan Ponce de Leon, and others whose names we shall encounter again. The twenty-fifth of September dawned before everything was ready. By royal order, Columbus and Fonseca were empow- Active ered to impress in the ports of Andalusia ships and f'^'^P^''^""" persons as might be required for the service. The ecclesiastical tithes were drawn upon, the sequestered estates of the lately banished Jews were utilized, and a loan of five million maravedis was negotiated. Artillery a maravedi is and military stores were speedily collected, and a fleet of aboutt*"uarter fourteen caravels and three caracks put in readiness, of a cent Some of the caravels were especially designed for exploring service. Horses and other domestic animals, seeds and agricultural implements, goods for barter with the Indians, and the many necessaries of colonial life were provided. 158 Diplomacy and Preparation 1493 Among those engaged in this work of preparation was Juonato Beradi (or Berardi), a Florentine merchant who had then for several years been domiciled in Seville. Connected in some way with this commercial house was Americus Amcricus Vcspucius, another Florentine, who had come vespucius |.Q Spain as the agent of the Medici. Six of the ten Indians whom Columbus had brought from the West were taken to Barcelona and given Christian baptism with royal sponsors. The pope made Father Bernardo Bull, a Benedictine monk, his apostolic vicar for the Indies; with the vicar went eleven of his brethren. The queen gave them the sacred vessels and vestments from her own altar and instructed Columbus to treat the Indians with love and kindness. Watching and Mcanwhile the diplomatic game was going on. When Praying Ferdinand and Isabella heard of a new Portuguese fleet they asked for an explanation, and directed Fonseca to cause the armaments of Portugal to be watched and, should a fleet really be fitted out, to have one twice as strong prepared to accompany Columbus. Meanwhile they were planning for an extension of the bull of the fourth of May. Before the papal nuncio had delivered that bull to Ferdinand and Isabella, they had sent to Rome an embassy of obedience for the purpose of giving the recently elected pope assurances of filial allegiance and submission according to the custom of Christian princes. Possibly these professions of loyalty and the ' fact that Pope Alexander was Spanish-born had some effect, for when the Spanish monarchs requested that the bull of demarcation be amended in the matter of the margin of a hundred leagues, the pope granted their request. The Bull of A fourth bull, known as the bull of extension, was Extension, jssucd undcr date of the twenty-fifth of September, the September 25, L • 1 r- 1 U M J U' A 1493 day on which Columbus sailed on his second voyage. In this bull, of which no contemporary manuscript is extant, the pope said to the Catholic sovereigns: *'We amplify the donation and extend it with all its clauses to all the islands and mainland whatever, discovered or Diplomacy and Preparation 159 to be discovered, which in sailing westward or southward 1493 are or appear in the western or southern or eastern 1494 parts and in those of India." The only route to India left to Portugal was by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Harrisse remarks that, if the belief that the Atlantic extended to Asiatic regions was founded in fact, Spain would have been the absolute, rightful sovereign of all those countries, the bulls issued in favor of Portugal by Nicholas V. and Sixtus IV. to the contrary notwithstanding. This conclusion seems un- avoidable, for the bull made the extension " notwith- standing all apostolical constitutions and ordinances, and whatever donations, concessions, powers, and assign- ments made by us, or by our predecessors," to any persons "and for any cause whatsoever." The line of demarcation was virtually superseded, and the validity of the rights of discovery and conquest established. As the pope would not recede from the position taken Convention of in the bull of extension, the disappointment in Lisbon Tordesiihas was very great. Both sides were anxious to avoid hostilities and, in March of the following year, Portu- 1494 guese commissioners went to Barcelona to negotiate a treaty. On the fifth of June, the Spanish monarchs appointed commissioners who, two days later, executed June 7, 1494 at Tordesilhas, a town of Old Castile, the treaty that bears its name. Spain and Portugal felt that they were at liberty to modify their rights secured by papal concession if they could do so by common consent. In the treaty that they made on this basis, the contracting parties stipulate, without any reference to papal bulls or previous partition of unknown lands, "that in the ocean sea there shall be drawn and marked a band or line, straight from pole to pole, . . . three hundred and seventy leagues west from Cape Verde Islands, by degrees or otherwise, as best or more promptly can be done." It was further agreed that, within ten months, Spain and Portugal should send experts to the Gran Canaria, thence to proceed due west for the agreed distance and to mark the limit. If the line ran through i6o Diplomacy and Preparation 1494 any island, it was to be marked by the erection of a tower or by some other suitable sign. The pope was to be asked to confirm the stipulations of the treaty. The contracting parties swore on the holy cross to obey the articles of agreement, and bound themselves not to ask pope or prelate for absolution in case of violation of the compact. EflFortsto This agreement, executed by Ferdinand and Isabella, Draw the Line jg^iored some of the rights of Columbus under the capitulations of 1492, and the discov- erer ignored the two hun- d r e d and seventy leagues that the Spanish monarchs had given to Portugal. The com- mission of experts did not sail, and nothing more was Twelve 1506 Map showing the Line of Demarcation January 24, Said about the matter for at least ten years years after the date of the treaty, it was confirmed by Pope Julius II. Even then we hear nothing of any attempt to send experts to mark the line until January, 1 518, when it was reported that the pilots "could do nothing nor knew anything certain to do and, therefore, returned without having accomplished anything." With our geographical knowledge and geodetic methods and instruments of precision, it would be an easy thing to fix the line contemplated by the treaty, but the diffi- culties really were formidable then. Although the starting-point of the survey was not as grossly indeter- Diplomacy and Preparation i6i minate as "the Azores and Cape Verde" of the bull of i 4 9 4 demarcation, "the Cape Verde Islands" still left a range of possibilities of nearly three degrees of longitude. With varying estimates of the value of a degree and the length of a league, and the crude and inaccurate methods of determining longitude (chronometers had not yet been invented and astronomical tables were very defective), and with the ambiguity of the starting-point, the problem presented insuperable difficulties. The line was never actually drawn. It has been claimed that, if it had been, it would run about a hundred and fifty miles west of Rio de Janeiro — a mere approximation at the best. It was supposed that the new dividing-line would lie Effects of the about midway between the Cape Verde Islands and the ^^p^' ^"'^^ new discoveries. No one then suspected that south of Haiti there was a continent stretching much further eastward. Ferdinand and Isabella doubtless felt that they had an abundant margin of safety for their conces- sion of two hundred and seventy leagues. As it turned out, the change made by this last partition of the ocean gave Brazil to Portugal. After Da Gama's opening of the African route to India and Magellan's circumnaviga- tion of the earth had brought Spaniard and Portuguese 1519-22 face to face in the antipodes, the position of the line became a fruitful source of dispute and negotiation. Today, neither of these nations has any territory in the western hemisphere, although Portuguese is the com- mon language of Brazil, and nearly all the rest of South and Central America and Mexico speak Spanish — a forcible reminder of the papal distribution. H A T E R X COLUMBUS S SECOND VOYAGE From the Canaries to Guadeloupe ON the twenty-fifth of September, 1493, Colum- bus hoisted his flag on the " Marigalante," a slow-sailing ship of four hundred tons. Then the fleet, with its escort of Venetian galleys, was wafted from the Bay of Cadiz out upon the ocean. In striking contrast to the melancholy plight of the year before, the decks were crowded with representatives of almost every rank and calling. Commanding all was the Genoese viceroy, as much of an adventurer as any of the others. On the first of October, the fleet reached the Canaries, where a leaky ship was repaired, and fresh stores were taken on board. On the seventh, the fleet left Gomera ; a few days later, the glorified admiral was once more beyond the furthest outpost of the Old World. With La Navidad as his prospective port, Columbus took a more southerly course than before, leaving the weeds of the Sargasso Sea to the north. On the second of November, signs of land were seen. In the early morn- ing of the third, a lofty mountain on an island was sighted. This day was Sunday, in remembrance of which the admiral named the island Dominica. Another island he named, for his ship, Marigalante. Here a landing was made and formal possession was taken of the six islands that had been seen. The next day, they found an island with a volcanic peak on the sides of which were cascades; in accordance with a promise made to Spanish monks, Columbus named it Guadeloupe. Columbus's Second Voyage 163 Here another landing was made and a week of explora- 1493 tion begun. Welcome evidence was found to show that the Span- From iards were in the country of the cannibals of whom Guadeloupe Columbus had heard on the first voyage. The story of cannibalism would impress Europe with wonder and go w — JiATJTICAL --^.S, ,1 o Sea y JLTLAITTIp ^,»V Liabontii 1 £?'*0 C EJ-H fi'' ','-"^4 Cape Verde?i,J Lopgitgje Wegt from Qre^nwieh hO" Map of Columbus's Courses, First and Second Voyages far toward justifying the now historic facts of merciless cruelty. Certainly, these fierce Caribs were very different from the timid natives of San Salvador, Juana, and Espanola. Sailing northwest from Guadeloupe, anchor was cast four days later at an island that Columbus named November 14 Santa Cruz. Passing a group of islands that were named for Saint Ursula and her virgins, the explorers came to the island now known as Porto Rico, but to which the admiral gave the name of Saint John the Baptist. On the twenty-second of November, the eastern end of Haiti was reached. On the northern coast of this island, at the place of his fight with the natives in the previous year, Columbus set ashore one of the Indians who had been baptized at Barcelona. The convert and the presents that he bore promptly disap- peared from history. Only one of the Indian converts remained; of those who left Spain, the others had died on the voyage. On the twenty-seventh of November, the fleet was Darkness and off La Navidad. It was after dark when anchor was ^'^^^^^'^ cast about a league from land. When the cannons that were fired brought no response, and no lights were 164 Columbus's Second Voyage 1493 clisplayed on shore, the situation became painful. Mid- night brought a messenger from Guacanagari, the cacique who had rendered friendly aid when the "Santa Maria" was wrecked. The Spanish fort and the neighboring Indian village had been attacked by Caonabo, the Carib chief of the mountain tribes. The garrison had been killed. Fort and village had been burned. The friendly cacique had been wounded but would come to Columbus in the morning. The Fort in At dawn, 3. boat was sent ashore. The blackened ruins Ruins q£ j.j^g £qj.j. ^gj-g found, but there were no welcoming natives, and the cacique did not make his promised call. The next morning Columbus landed, and found the village of the cacique in ruins. A few of the natives were lured near enough to talk, and Columbus soon obtained a pretty clear idea of what had happened. The Spaniards that he had lett in the garrison had repaid the Indians for many a deed of kindness with many an act of sensuality and cruelty, and then had quarreled among themselves. When in revolt some of them left the fort and went in search of the gold-mines of Cibao, they were seized and killed by Caonabo. Then came a sudden night attack and terrible disaster. The ruins of the fort and village left little doubt of the truth of the story. Even the friendly cacique, Guacanagari, soon learned to distrust Caucasian goodness and fled to the interior of the island. The Town of On the Seventh of December, the fleet sailed eastward. Isabella ^ hatbor favorable for a town was found and the disem- barkation was begun. From the first, the settlement bore the name of Isabella. A town was laid out, houses and piers were hastily built, fields were cleared, and orchards planted. The unaccustomed labor, the malaria, and other causes wore out many. Even Columbus fell sick. By the time that the condition of the colony became a little better, the ships were ready for their return. For the cargo of gold that the colony at La Navidad was to have accumulated and that Spain was now expecting, the tale of disaster was a sorry substitute. £>lumbDs Hegic claiTia p?^rccms:quc5 biTpani Bay myratcm vocitam:curaregU5 ejcploiatur^ozientia lif ^ t02a: ex £ali Z5etbic^ biTpani^ ^2bc nobilt: qu^ extra f^uccegaditanaB: qoairrnpensJtldantuusoceanuu mmarianollra oifcuirit-.fita eft: poitit fdcb?i:milrti b' Dclcctis. vij.Uflle'dag cttobiie: mo a vsrsis parru. lO^cffcUxxxnj. naues corcmdir; aura vfurns fccudioie: qnc brniftnircr flare I'am cc^ permit. Jbi nanUT maioju mirioniqB asmen expfditij.iFl.iuisia leuifTi rna mu(ta: barcbiasJppdlaticcaiabzicas.Ouibusncfem niolcsp> nidrarc pz^pediret: ligno ^ fudib*' magna ex parte iucta Iater9»£ba rauellf itc plunmv^ mmozeseni^ b^ uaue^: ad magna tame t vio/ Iema5naui5atione robnftc. Cu bisiuna^ que ad perluflradas in/ do2u mfulas paratg erant. ^am facra naurani folcni'a: DiTcedentiu cxcepta ofcula: nauestapedibusamtcr^: vexi(Ii3caudans noitoQ fu nes infinuanrlbus. 61'^na regia puppim v?iTdiq5 Ci>l02ab3nt# ^ibiV cincs7dtbarcdr.ncrcid9s galatbeasifirenaaipaa mcKifliio modu/ famine ftupidao fcnuere: clangoi^tubaru ftrtdoze lituo^ refonany fibu6lifo?ibus:b6bardarum fdopisimis vndis reboanti^ua. £}ao errp(o venetojti naues long^. que mercaturc gratja: biirarncu ma/ re veliTi'cantes in pozrum fo:re ftiuerteratinudio won ftiTparKcerra/ minenon ^lfllmiU:blTpano^ naucs emulate naurica celebjanrad 1/ dosabeuntibus/'pjo mo^ejbcnepzeeatesranbus. tlbipofiera&i/ " °" '"° '-^ '-^° where? hundred years, it was sup- posed that the landfall was on the coast of Labrador. The Cabotian map just mentioned put it at Cape Breton. When the map was found in 1843, there was for a time a sense of security as to that one fact, but the confidence seems to have vanished with the novelty. John Cabot noticed that the tides were slack, "and do not flow as they do in England," but such is the character of the tides along the coast from Nova Scotia to Labrador. The land was good and the climate moderate, but Cabot saw them in June and July, and in Labrador "summer is brief but lovely." Codfish are plenty on the Newfoundland "banks" but even more abundant near the entrance to Hudson Strait. In brief, Probably Cabot's description might be applied to the entire northern i"'^ee been pilot of the "Nina" on the memorable first 2o6 Columbus's Third Voyage 1502 voyage, and had sailed through the Gulf of Paria with Columbus on his third voyage. It was as easy for him to get a license from Fonseca as it had been for Ojeda, and with a small caravel he sailed from Palos early in June, 1499. This second interloper followed close on the heels of the first. He was a better seaman than Ojeda and arrived at the Gulf of Paria about a fortnight later. The barter for pearls and gold proved successful and, in April, i 500, Nino returned to Spain with a cargo that aroused envy and kindled emulation. Their little vessel of fifty tons was "so laden with pearls that they were in maner with every mariner as common as chafFe." Pinzon's Similarly, Vicente Yanez Pinzon, the skipper of the Voyage "Nina" on Columbus's first voyage, equipped four caravels and sailed in December, 1499. He crossed the equator west of the line of demarcation, and earlier than Cabral sighted land about the twentieth of the following January, probably at the most easterly cape of the South American continent. Sailing north, he crossed the mouth of the Amazon and filled his casks with fresh water out of sight of land. He followed the turbulent and now familiar passage into the Caribbean Sea, touched June, 1500 at Haiti, lost two of his caravels in a gale, and with the other two returned to Palos in September, i 500, with a cargo of dyewood and many botanical and zoological novelties. About a month after Pinzon sailed from Palos, Diego de Lepe followed with two vessels. He skirted the coast of Brazil southwesterly and made a chart of his Other Private discovcHes. I n October, 1 500, Roderigo Bastidas sailed Voyages from Cadiz with two vessels, taking with him as his pilot Juan de la Cosa, and as one of his crew Vasco Nunez de Balboa, one of the immortals of history, Bastidas reached the South American mainland some- where near the Gulf of Venezuela. Sailing westward, he passed the mouth of the Magdalena and the Gulf of Darien, and explored the coast as far as the port of Nombre de Dios (Puerto Bello). His ships were injured by the borings of the teredo, and with difficulty were Columbus's Third Voyage 207 gotten to Jamaica where they were repaired. He reached the coast of Haiti, where in a series of storms his ships were lost. A good deal of gold and many pearls were saved, with which treasure the men made their way to Santo Domingo. Bastidas was persecuted by Bobadilla, but after his return to Spain in Septem- ber, 1502, he was fully acquitted. Stories of gold and pearls continued to incite a commensurate enterprise, and furtive explorations became common. The men whom Columbus had trained had already traced the continental coast from south of the equator to beyond the Gulf of Darien. o 1 CHAPTER XIII VOYAGE S OF THE CORTEREALS Portuguese Discovery Gaspar Cortereal's First Voyage I T was a general belief of the time that the northern parts of Asia extended far toward the east. From the reports of the Cabot voyages, it seemed certain that lands were to be found on the Portuguese side of the line of demarcation; that there was, at least, a chance to equal the success of Da Gama. It was natural, therefore, that the prows of the Portuguese caravels should be turned toward the northwest. On the twelfth of May, 1500, King Emanuel granted letters patent to Gaspar Cortereal, then a man about fifty years old. This document indicates that Cortereal had previously made efforts, "with vessels and men, spending his fortune and at the peril of his. life, to discover islands and a continent," but we know nothing more of such undertakings. The expedition now author- ized, consisting of two vessels, sailed from Lisbon or from Terceira, one of the Azores, early in the summer of 1500. We have only lean accounts of the voy- age. At some point, the ice prevented Cortereal from going further northward. It is probable that he struck the eastern shore of Newfoundland at about the fiftieth parallel, and thence coasted to the southeastern corner of the island. The climate was very cold and the land was covered with large trees. It is probable that the ships returned to Portugal in the latter part of the same year. Cortereal named the land that he had found Labrador, or Slaveland. Gold (and, in default II Voyages of the Cortereals 209 of that, slaves) was the main object of the explorer of i 501 the fifteenth century. On the fifteenth of May, 1501, Cortereal again sailed His Second from Lisbon with three ships. The only valuable '^"y^g^ sources of information concerning this voyage are three letters written by Pasqualigo and Cantino — two witnesses of the return of the caravels — and a map made in 1502, at Lisbon, for Cantino. Cantino sent the map and his description of the second voyage to the duke of Ferrara. The map is still preserved. Critics think that it was intended to illustrate the discoveries made by Cortereal in 1 50 1. We cannot determine with certainty either the landfall or the country visited, but it is probable that Cortereal took a more northerly course than before, sighted Cape Farewell, turned from Greenland toward the southwest, and landed on the east coast of New- foundland. From that point he ranged the coast north- wardly we know not how far. From some unknown point he sent two of his caravels back to Portugal, while with the third he continued his northwest exploration. According to Pasqualigo, one of the caravels returned to Lisbon on the eighth or ninth of October, with seven of the New World natives. According to Cantino, the second caravel returned on the eleventh of October, with fifty slaves. The third caravel and Caspar Corte- real were never again heard of. It is probable that he explored the coast of Labrador, rounded Cape Chud- leigh, and met his fate in Hudson Strait or in Hudson Bay. The Cantino map projected Newfoundland eastward The cantino into mid-ocean and beyond the line of demarcation — ^^^^ an error evidently in the Portuguese interest. The island is marked "Terra del Rey de portuguall." Whether its location on the wrong side of the treaty line was due to falsification prompted by interest and patriotism or to crude methods of taking longitude is not certain. Here the West Indies first appear as the Antilles. The map has further interest because it clearly shows the insularity of Cuba and lays down part 2 lO Voyages of the Cortereals O I Unofficial Discovery of the Atlantic coast of the United States. In brief, the map is our best record of the growth of geograph- ical knowledge in the ten years that followed the first voyage of Columbus — unless much of the map was mere conjecture. It has been generally held that Cuba was not known to be an island until it was circum- Part of the Cantino Map of 1502 navigated by Ocampo in 1508, and that the continental region northwest of Cuba was not known until Ponce de Leon went to Florida several years later. Whence came the information gained concerning Cuba and the near-by continental coast? In addition to the official expeditions that sailed under the flag of Spain, England, or Portugal, there were other voyages to the New World, some of which were authorized and some of which were clandestine. Thus we know that a number of sea-captains took advan- tage of the Spanish decree of the tenth of April, 1495; but who they were, whither they went, and what they found, no one can tell. As they were forbidden to go to parts already discovered, it is probable that some ot Voyages of the Cortereals 211 them came home with geographical data that they failed i 5 o i to report to the pilots and cosmographers of the Spanish 1502 crown. Other captains were even less scrupulous, and in numerous unlicensed expeditions sailed to the New World for gold, pearls, Indian slaves, dyewood, and maritime discovery. Spain protested to Portugal against such illegal ventures, and Humboldt says that there were current at Seville and Lisbon notions spread by clandestine navigators. There is little danger in assuming that the insularity of Cuba and the existence of adjacent continental lands were known at the begin- ning of the sixteenth century, and that the representa- tions of the Cantino map were not founded merely on conjecture. There is as little reason for assuming that this coast-line, at such a distance from Newfoundland, was intended to show a discovery of Cortereal. In hope of rescuing his brother and with a desire of Miguel discovery, Miguel Cortereal fitted out two, some say three, c°""^^* ships and sailed from Lisbon on the tenth of May, 1502. One of the two chroniclers from whom we learn what little we know concerning this voyage says that, when they came unto that coast (Newfoundland), they found so many entrances that "every ship went into her several river, with this rule and order that they all three should meet again on the twentieth day of August. The other two ships did so; and they, seeing that Michael Corte- real was not come at the day appointed, nor yet after- wards in a certain time, returned back into the realm of Portugal, and never heard any more news of him." It is said that, in a moment of royal pity, the Portuguese king sent two vessels from Lisbon in 1 503 to ascertain the fate of the Cortereal brothers, but that the quest was in vain. Then the eldest of the three brothers asked permission of the king to renew the search, but Emanuel refused to risk the lives of any more of his subjects. Thus the fate of Caspar and Miguel Corte- real remains a mystery. In consequence of the debts September 17, incurred in their voyages, the king issued letters patent '^06 to the surviving brother, continuing in him, as governor 2 12 Voyages of the Cortereals I 5 o 2 of Terra Nova des Cortereals, the privileges previously March 6, granted to Caspar and Miguel. After the death of this 1538 Vasqueanes Cortereal, a like commission was granted to his son. The governorship must have been a position of mere nominal authority and shadowy emoluments, but the Cortereal family long clung to it with a hope of making it serve both their honor and their profit. The Cortereal voyages gave a great impulse to the fishing industry. In 1506, King Emanuel ordered that the fishermen returning from Newfoundland should pav a tenth part of their profits at his custom-houses. It is even claimed that the first attempts of European colonization in the northern parts of the American continent were made in Cape Breton Island. But the influence of Portugal in that quarter "passed away as an exhalation of the night," and her people disappeared, leaving behind a few geographical names as the only memorial of their occupancy. ^^^^^^ CHAPTER XIV COLUMBUS S FOURTH VOYAGE COLUMBUS sailed from Cadiz on the ninth or The Fleet the eleventh of May, 1502, with the avowed purpose of circumnavigating the globe. He had four small caravels, each of from fifty to seventy tons. With him went not more than a hundred and fifty men, among whom were his brother Bartholomew, his son Fer- dinand, and Diego de Porras, to whom, as the representa- tive of the sovereigns, the admiral was at once to deliver all gold and other precious commodities that might be found. Apparently the king was not satisfied with the explanations that Columbus had made concerning certain pearls that the admiral had secured on his third voyage. The instructions forbade Columbus to take any slaves. The Canaries were left on the twenty-sixth of May. By the fifteenth of June, the ships were at an island called Martinino — a quick and pleasant voyage. Thence the little squadron and the great commander sailed for Santo Domingo, although the royal order was to avoid Haiti on the outward voyage. The order seems to have been given for the purpose of allowing Ovando time to bring order out of the confusion into which Bobadilla's mis- government had thrown that island. Under pretense of a disabled caravel and an impending storm, Columbus disregarded the royal injunction and with his fleet arrived off the port on the twenty-ninth of June. Ovando had assumed the government at Haiti in April. When Columbus arrived off the harbor, the 2 14 Columbus's Fourth Voyage 1502 great fleet was ready for the return voyage. On the ships were Bobadilla, Roldan, and the unfortunate cacique, Guarionex. As for the rest of the lading, it was the richest that had ever been sent from the island — the gold wrung from the Indians, the largest nugget of the precious metal that had ever been found, and four thousand pieces sent to Columbus by his factor Carvajal, In Haiti the admiral's share of the profits of the crown. When Columbus sent a messenger to ask permission to shelter his ships and to negotiate for another caravel as one of his could no longer carry sail, Ovando denied the requests, and sent what Irving calls an "ungracious refusal," and what Markham labels a "brutal answer." Columbus gave notice of an approaching hurricane and a friendly warning not to venture out to sea. With his four caravels he then sought and found safe anchorage in a sheltered cove. Undismayed, the great fleet spread July I sail for the homeward voyage and was soon overtaken by the storm. Twenty ships went down; Bobadilla, Rol- dan, Guarionex, and the ill-gotten treasure including the famous nugget, went with them. A few shattered caravels worked back to Santo Domingo. The only one that went safely on its way was the one that had on board the treasure of the admiral. "Poetical justice," says one writer; "the finger of God," says another. The admi- ral's four caravels rode the storm without loss of a man and with but little damage to sails and rigging. "The faithful servant of his Lord was preserved in safety with all his people, and even his treasure." July 14 After repairing his ships, Columbus lifted his anchors. There was little wind, but the currents swept him west- juiy 24 ward into the archipelago that he had named the Qvieen's Gardens. On the twenty-seventh of July, he caught a favoring breeze and stood away to the southwest hoping to strike the coast of Cochin China. On the thirtieth, he was off the coast of Honduras, at Guanaja, a small island that he named Isla de Pinos. This course was in clear disregard of the theory that had prompted the voyage. Upon the Honduras coast the Spaniards found Columbus's Fourth Voyage 215 evidences of a culture higher than any previously 1502 discovered, with stories of gold and evidences of semi- civilization in the country westward, the wondrous world of Yucatan and Mexico. But Columbus was The Quest now under the direct guidance of heaven, led by what ^^J^^^^ Mr. Winsor calls beatific visions of a delusive strait. He therefore coasted eastward for full forty days, Alap of the Central American Coast, Columbus's Fourth Voyage Struggling against wind and tide, tearing his sails, and wearing out his men. The admiral was suffering with the gout and the men were in despair when, about the twelfth of September, they rounded a cape beyond which the coast stretched away to the south, washed by a part of the divided current that had so long opposed them. In his joy at the relief thus brought, 2i6 Columbus's Fourth Voyage 1502 Columbus named the p:»rominence Cape Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God. Disaster, Sailing southward for more than sixty leagues along Sorcery, and ^vhat we Call thc Mosquito Coast, they came to a river on the bar off the mouth of which one of the boats and its crew were lost; hence the name given, Rio del Desastre. On the twenty-fifth of September, they came to a roadstead where they lay at anchor for a few days making repairs and overhauling damaged stores. On shore there was a manifested coyness; when a notary appeared with paper and inkhorn, the wondering natives fled only to return scattering smoke as if to disperse baleful spirits. Columbus, whose reason had lost its old- time equipoise, was certain that he had drifted into a realm of mystical enchantment. In spite of this, he seized several and carried off two of the tribe to serve as guides. On the fifth of October, he proceeded from this resting- place — where a memorial still remains in the name of Bahia del Almirante — southward along the coast of what is known as Costa Rica and soon entered Caribaro Bay, where he met with people wearing ornaments of gold. They said that the gold came from a country called Veragua — whence the ducal title borne to this day by the descendants of Columbus. The Search Before leaving Spain, Columbus had, in a vision, seen for the Strait V^^j:^^#^ Columbus and ,■^0 — 7^ iM^r^r^ familiar with tyst^r^ yy^^LT^ y^u i^ ^^^ ^^^^il^ ^^ , r ,. ^ his voyages Autograph or v espucius \ r j • ^ or discovery. 1496 -1 504 Concerning the critical period of his history we know little except what is told by himself in two letters, the first written to one of the Medici in 1503, the other written from Lisbon to Pietro Soderini in 1504. The first letter told of the voyage that he made from Portugal in 1501—02; the other alleged that he had made four voyages to the New World. The manuscript let- ters are lost; there is little probability that they will be found. The Italian text of the Medici letter is not known, but a Latin version, the Mundus Novus, quickly became popular. Successive editions from the presses of Germany and France, and translations into Italian, German, and Dutch, spread the fame of His Lost Letters Vespucius and "America 227 Vespucius throughout Europe. The Soderini letter i was printed at Florence in 1505 or 1506 and hardly saw the light until Columbus had been buried. A Latin translation from the Italian soon followed. Advocates of the essential truth of this ^atuor Naviga- tiones have not yet ceased to lament "the few strange 4 9 7 errors of edit reading which to embroil his story in future genera- We have al- the claim of he sailed from tenth of May, claim is admit- ted by Varn- and Thacher, eral consensus to the effect was not on the ica at the time Zcttcra diamcrigovcrpucd tlcitc ifolc nuoaamcnce crouatcmquactfo fuoivtassi. ing and proof- were destined and perplex the minds of tions." ready recorded His Disputed Vespucius that ^^^'"^ Cadiz on the 1497. The ted by a few hagen, Fiske, while the gen- of historians is that Vespucius coast of Amer- Some Title-page of the " Four Voyages of Vespucius (Reduced) of the alleged discovery, writers have not hesitated to push the voyage made by Pinzon and Solis in 1508, or one contemplated by them in 1 506, ahead of the third voyage of Columbus, and to send Vespucius with that expedition for the sake of securing to him the priority of continental discovery. According to the story of Vespucius, King Ferdinand had, early in 1497, determined on an expedition on his own account. The door had been opened by the decree of the tenth of April, 1495. Vespucius says: "The king, Don Fernando of Castile, being about to despatch four ships to discover new lands toward the west, I was chosen by his highness to go in that fleet to aid in making discovery." He does not claim that it was his expedition, and his exact functions do not appear. Mr. Fiske expresses regret that Vespucius "did not happen to mention the name of the chief commander. If he had realized what a world of trouble one little 228 Vespucius and ^'America The Alleged " First Voyage 1497 name, such as Pinzon, would have saved us, he would doubtless have obliged us by doing so." According to the primitive text of the Soderini letter, Vespucius sailed westward from the Canaries for thirty- seven days. As if in recognition of the fact that such a c hro n o 1- ogy would give John Cabot a precedence the Latin version reduces the length of the run Coasting the Continent Map of the Alleged First Voyage of Vespucius to twenty- seven days. Some of the Vespu- cian advocates willingly accept the latter statement, because, "with the trade-wind nearly dead astern, and with the powerful westward current in the Caribbean Sea, the quicker run is the more probable." In this way they make out that Vespucius saw the continent two or three days before Cabot did and more than a year earlier than Columbus. Varnhagen and his followers locate the landfall on the coast of Honduras, not far from Cape Gracias a Dios. Traveling along the coast the alleged explorers came to a village built, like Venice, upon the water. This "Little Venice" is located by Varnhagen in Campeche Bay, north of Tabasco. Thence the coast was skirted for eighty leagues, bring- ing them to "Lariab." Vespucius says: "This land is within the torrid zone, close to or just under the parallel described by the tropic of Cancer." Thus "Lariab" was near the site of Tampico in Mexico. After a long delay at this place, the fleet navigated eight hundred and seventy leagues, "still following a northwest course." One of the most recent commenta- Vespucius and ^^ America" 229 tors says: "Mapping out these eight hundred and 1498 seventy leagues on a marine chart, and making allow- ances for the windings of the coast, the mouths of the Mississippi, and the long course around the southerly point of Florida, it brings our fleet to about Cape Hatteras." The vessels being much damaged by the thirteen months' voyage, it was determined to haul them upon land to calk the leaky seams. "And when we came to this determination, we were close to a harbor the best in the world." After a stay of thirty-seven days, Vespucius and his companions sailed for the Bermudas to punish the cruel island enemies of the mainland natives who had befriended them. The anticipated battle was fought, many of the islanders were killed and eleven score taken prisoners. Thence the fleet sailed for Spain, getting to Cadiz on the fifteenth of October, 1498, where the navigators were well received and the cannibal captives sold as slaves. Few comments on the credibility of this story seem a Dubious to be necessary. If the voyage really took place as ^'""^ described, it could not have been unknown, for the expedition was ordered by the king, Vespucius went along by royal command, and made his report to the monarch. But no contemporary notice of it has come down to us. The Vespucian letters are the only author- ity, and, like the story of the younger Zeno, they were not given to the world until Columbus had finished his work. Much stress is laid upon the showing of the in insularity of Cuba and the existence of the mainland Corroboration opposite by the Cosa ox-hide map of 1500 and the Can- tino map of 1502. The theory is that Vespucius told Cosa something of his 1497 trip while they were on the Pearl Coast with Ojeda in 1499. With a gleam of triumph in the eye and a gesture of demonstration, the supporters of this story demand to be told how these charts could have been drawn if Vespucius did not make his voyage in 1497, as first alleged by him seven years later. They ignore the fact that Spanish and Portu- guese and French and possibly English navigators had 230 Vespucius and "America" 1498 been in those parts with or without permits from Fonseca. In fact, they wave away this latter possibiHty with a somewhat contemptuous alkision to the "invention" of a voyage, although Mr. Fiske quotes Gomara to the effect that, under the permission of the tenth of April, 1495, "quite a number of navigators sailed, some at their own expense, others at the expense of the king; all hoped to acquire fame and wealth but, since for the most part they had only succeeded in ruining themselves with their discovering, their voyages were forgotten." The failure of Columbus to sail through the Yucatan Channel instead of going from Cuba to Honduras as he did on his fourth voyage, is explained by saying that his pilot of i 502 had been with Vespucius in 1497. In Rebuttal Humboldt asscrts that there is documentary evidence in the archives of the casa de contratacion showing that Vespucius was engaged in equipping the third expedition of Columbus. Mr. Thacher admits that, if this is true, Vespucius's "first voyage never took place and he must be written down a monumental deceiver." The famous decree of the tenth of April, 1495, authorizing private voyages to the newly found regions, was revoked on the second of June, 1497. It is not easy to believe that King Ferdinand would thus yield to the pressure of his admiral in twenty-three days after the sailing of his own interloping fleet. Must we also ignore the improbability of the alleged fleet's running the picket-line of the Lesser Antilles, and passing the volcanic signal-stations, and crossing the Caribbean Sea to the Honduras coast, without once sighting land.^ The location of the " Little Venice" is also annoying to the commentators of the Varnhagen school, Mr. Thacher frankly says: "Cer- tainly, so far as we know, there were no people on the coast of Mexico or Central America who lived habitually in this way;" and that the description recorded by Vespucius "has given some foundation for the state- ment that this pile-built village was not on the coast of North America at all, but near Lake Maracaibo in Vespucius and "America" 231 Venezuela." It will be remembered that such a village 1498 had been found prior to the publication of the narrative under consideration. When Vespucius was on the border of the empire of inherent the ancient Mexicans, they told him all about their inconsistencies enemies on the islands out at sea, but not a word of the mysterious semi-civilization a few leagues inland. Columbus knew of the Caribs but he never heard of the Aztecs; he might have told his friend Vespucius much about the fierceness of the former but not of the magnifi- cence of the Montezumas. If Vespucius was exact in his use of language and traveled eight hundred and seventy leagues to the northwest from Tampico, his ships sailed over the land and were careened nearer to the Golden Gate than to Pamlico Sound or Chesapeake Bay. Mr. Fiske admits that, "upon any possible supposition, there is a blunder in the statement as it appears in the printed text." Vespucius makes no allusion to the mouths of the Mississippi, although (according to the ingenious paraphrase of his unfortunate language) "we followed the coast always in sight of land." Strange that the "Father of Waters" did not impress the Florentine observer as being worthy of honorable mention ! Vespucius says that, when he left the coast, he sailed northeast to an island that he called "Ity." If the commentators who interpret the state- ment that Vespucius sailed eight hundred and seventy leagues northwest from Tampico and thus arrived at Cape Hatteras are right, it certainly is possible to show that Vespucius sailed northeast from Cape Hatteras and thus arrived at the Bermudas. In the absence of some such rescue, "Ity" is forever lost in the vast expanse of the North Atlantic. The history of the suit that, about 1508, Diego Co- The lumbus brought against the Spanish crown also contains P^f^pcmderance negative testimony against this claim for glory won by Evidence Vespucius in 1497. In short, if we are not to throw the claim out of court on the purely negative testimony of the silence of contemporaries, or to render a verdict 232 Vespucius and "America" 1499 that the voyage remained unknown because it was never 1502 made; even if we discredit the documentary evidence that assumes to set up an ahbi, and thus to show that Vespucius could not have been on the North American coast in 1497; the unsupported testimony on the other side seems to break down from inherent weakness and fatal inconsistencies. This would convict the Florentine of fraud, unless the Vespucian story was a forgery, as was ably urged by General Force. But Vespucius lived for years after its pviblication and put in no disclaimer. While it cannot be said that the testimony is conclusive against the claims of the Varnhagen school, it is difficult to doubt that the story of the alleged first voyage was the product of a covetous imagination, and that its value can best be magnified by "the process of using fancy to give fluidity to logic." The chief consideration to the contrary is the otherwise good reputation of Vespucius. Vespucius Six or seven months after the date of the alleged and ojeda rctum from the alleged first voyage, Vespucius did go May, 1499 to sea with the fleet commanded by Ojeda, as already recorded. In the account given bv Vespucius, he speaks of the visit to Haiti "that Christoval Colombo discovered several years ago. . . . We departed from the same island on the twenty-second day of July; and we navigated during a month and a half, and entered into the port of Cadiz, which was on the eighth day of September by daylight, ending my second voyage." Vespucius in Cabral's accidental discovery of Brazil had revived the the Service of Portugucse ambition for discovery, and Vespucius set out for Lisbon, On the tenth of May, 1501, three ships sailed from Lisbon for the western world and with them went Vespucius, still in a subordinate capacity. They followed the African coast to Cape Verde, where they met Cabral on his return from India. Thence August 17, they sailed southwesterly for sixty-seven days to the ^5°' coast of Brazil. Coasting slowly southward, they came about the middle of February to the River Plata, Vespucius and "America" 283 where the command of the expedition seems to have 1502 fallen upon Vespucius. Thence the course was south- 1503 easterly for five hundred leagues. Why the course was changed we do not know. On the seventh of April, 1502, they reached an in the inhospitable land that is believed to be the island of South Atlantic South Georgia, and that was probably not seen again by Europeans until Captain Cook rediscovered it in midsummer (January), i775- Vespucius was thus nearly as far south as Cape Horn, the extremity of South America, The craggy island did not tempt to a pro- tracted stay and it was soon decided to make straight for home. On the tenth of May, the fleet was at Sierra Leone on the African coast, and by the seventh of September it was back at Lisbon. Vespucius's Americus Vespucius account of this remarkable voyage is the famous Mundus Novus already mentioned. \n speaking of the lands that he had found, he said: "It is proper to call them a New a New World." As this was the first printed descrip- ^°'^'^ tion of the American mainland, it attracted unusual attention. The repute that it gave to Vespucius paved the way to his greater fame. The soberer judgment and the more graphic descriptions of the Florentine stood in sharp contrast with the mental wanderings of the Genoese, whose caravels had glided down the ethereal slopes of Paradise. In May, 1503, Vespucius sailed from Lisbon on The second another voyage, the second in the service of the king Z°l^-F ^° of Portugal and the last of the alleged ^atuor. The purpose of the voyage was to find Malakka, the rich gateway of the East. Fate was stronger than pur- pose and the fleet landed at a small uninhabited island 2 34 Vespucius and "America" 1503 (Fernando de Noronha) off the Brazilian coast and about I 5 I 2 three degrees south of the equator. After the custom- ary wreck had taken place, Vespucius lost sight of the other ships; eight days later, he fell in with one of them ; from that time the two sailed in company. After patient but vain waiting for the other three, the tvyo ships sailed southward and landed at Cape Frio, near Rio de Janeiro. Here they built a blockhouse and, after a five months' stay, returned to Portugal, " leaving twenty-four men in the fortress with twelve pieces of cannon, a good outfit of small arms, and provisions for six months." It is said that the fort was maintained as late as 151 1. On the eighteenth of June, 1504, Ves- pucius returned to Lisbon with two of the six ships, and reported that the other four were lost through the pride and folly of the commander (probably Gonzalo Coelho), adding the suggestion that God had thus punished arrogance. But, as Mr. Winsor says, Vespucius either misunderstood the divine will or misjudged his com- mander, for the other ships soon after returned in safety. Fame, Soon after this, Vespucius married a Spanish lady, Fortune, and |3e(;aj-t-jg ^ naturalized Castilian, and vyas appointed a captain in the Spanish navy. It is claimed that, in 1505, he and La Cosa made a voyage to the Pearl Coast and to the golden sands of Veragua, the profits of which voyage were so great that the venture was repeated two years later. On the twenty-second of March, i 508, Vespucius became Spain's pilot-major, an office specially created for him. With fame came rest. He died on the twenty-second of February, 151 2, leaving no children and little wealth, but a name that is clothed with a glory the greatest that accident and caprice ever granted to man. Saint Die In the seventh century. Saint Deodatus founded a chapel among the Vosges Mountains, not tar from Strassburg. In the eleventh century, the chapel became a collegiate institution under ecclesiastical supervision. Houses clustered round the school and from them grew a city, the Saint Die of the sixteenth century and today. Vespucius and "America 235 The site was in a border-land and the times were times 1507 of trouble; so the collegiate chapter fortified itself as the feudal lord of the neighborhood. It was here that Saint Die in the Sixteenth Century Pierre d'Ailly wrote the Imago Mundi yth.3.t powerfully Seepage nS influenced the mind of Christopher Columbus. As the field of education opened, the "Gymnase Vosgien " was founded for scientific study. Among the members of this learned society were Mathias Ringman, professor of Latin, and Martin Waldseemueller, professor of geography. Following what was a custom of the day, Ringman affected " a dog-Latin epithet, Philesius," while Waldseemueller often wrote for his German name its Greek equivalent, Hylacomylus. It seems that somewhere, probably at Paris, Ringman had picked up a Latinized copy of Vespucius's first letter, a new edition of which he soon brought out at Strassburg, Early in 1507, under the patronage of Walter Lud, The secretary of Rene II., the reigning duke of Lorraine, (^o^^'Y^f'^"^ there was set up at Saint Die a printing-press, the first issue of which was a timely treatise on geography, the Cosmographi^ Introductio. Accompanying the Cosmo- 236 VesDucius and "America" The Birth of a Name 1507 graphite Introductto was the ir^atiior Navigationes^ i.e., a Latin translation of the ktter that Vespucius wrote to Soderini, some of Ringman's verses eulogistic of the Florentine navigator, and a map of the world. Although a thousand copies of the map were printed and quickly circulated, it was long thought that not one had been preserved. In 1901, Father Fischer discovered a copy in the library of Wolfegg castle in Wurttemberg, and on the map found the word "America." Even more inter- esting than the long-lost map is the following passage from Waldseemueller's introduction to the ^uatuor Navigationes : "I do not see why it may not be permitted to call this fourth part after Americus, the discoverer, a man of sagacious mind, by the name of Amerigen — that is to say, the Land of Americus — or America, since both Europe and Asia have a feminine form of name from the names of women." This is the first known occurrence of the name "America." In an obscure mountain-town, an unknown geographer, after reading a probably fraudulent narrative and magni- fying the deeds of his self-painted hero, innocently penned that "christening sentence, the most important in the ritual of nomenclature." It is not probable that Vespucius had any personal knowledge of any of the scholars at Saint Die; in fact, there is no evidence impli- cating him in an attempt to foist his name on a continent, as has been often charged. At the time of the appear- ance of the Cosmographiie Introduction only two or three descriptions of western discoveries had appeared. A curious public eagerly bought the little quarto and, by its perusal, was led unresistingly to the belief that the name "America" was a proper name as well as a proper noun. In what he calls his third voyage, Vespucius sailed over a terrestrial arc of more than ninety degrees; in his account of that voyage he spoke of the lands he found as a New World. He had not then written his claim of wonderful exploration north of the equator, and it is easily possible that the "Mundus Novus" or New World that he had in mind included only the countries The Name Intended for Brazil Vespucius and '^America" 237 from Cape Sao Roque southward. Thus it might be i 5 o 7 said that, in 1503, the Old World and the New World stood on the opposite sides, not of the Atlantic, but of the equator. It is equally possible that Waldseemueller Schoener's Globe of I 520 Western Hemisphere) intended to apply the name "America" only to Brazil. Mr. Fiske insists that this is true. Mr. Gay, in speak- ing of the fort established by Vespucius, suggests that as the settlement was planted by Vespucius, and as it was the first colony of Europeans in that part of the New World, there was an evident and just propriety in bestowing the derivative of his name upon the country, which at first was known as the Land of the True Cross, 238 Vespucius and "America" A Probable Theory 1507 and atterward as Brazil. The name of Brazil was retained when the wider application, "America," was given to the whole continent. This theory is strengthened by the fact that, on the Apianus map of 1520, generally supposed to be the earliest to bear the name, "America Provincia" is placed along the eastern coast of Brazil. On Schoener's globe of the same year, the name reads "America vel Brasilia." It seems probable that the reason why Ferdinand Columbus recorded no protest against the name "America" is that, until after his death in 1539, that name was used as a synonym for our Brazil and not with its twentieth-century meaning. The conception of a distinct western hemisphere disentangled itselt but slowly from the mass of ancient fact and fancy and the greater mass of rapidly increasing and slowly assimilated geographical data. Even after the sorry remnant of Magellan's fleet returned to Spain with the story of the first circumnavigation of the globe, even after 1580 when Sir Francis Drake came back from the second crossing of the Pacific, that watery immensity and the American continental mass were but faintly compre- hended. The name coined by Hylacomylus gained general acceptance slowly. The Spanish maps of 1527 and 1529 designate South America by the name proposed by Vespucius himself, viz., " Mundus Novus." Las Casas knew of the German usage, for in his Historia he says, " Foreign writers call the country America," and speaks of it as "theft and usurpation." By 1540, Europeans were navigating the Pacific and geographers were becoming familiar with the fact that a new conti- nent had been found. On Mercator's map of 1541, the name was applied, probably for the first time, to both continents of the western hemisphere. The atlas of Ortelius, published in 1570, and the first of modern times worthy of the name, contained a map of the New World that bore the name "America," and brought it into general use. Mercator and Ortelius were the greatest Condoned Robbery Vespucius and "America" 239 geographers of their age, and their influence, combined 1507 with the euphonious sound of the name and its analogy to the names of the other continents, exceeded the power of Spain to root it out. Thus, partly by fraud Mercator's Globe of I 541 (American Portion) and partly by accident, Columbus was cheated of his due. They who follow are only disciples, says Newton. We may sorrowfully echo the words of Dr. Francis Lieber: "Ethically speaking, there has never been Theories 240 Vespucius and "America" 1507 erected a monument so magnificent, enduring, and cruelly unjust; as if the Sistine Madonna were called, not by Raphael's name, but by that of the man who framed it first." There is little probability that the wrong will ever be made right. The world seems to have condoned the offense. Other In 1875, Dr. Jules Marcou advanced the plausible theory that "America" was not derived from Americus as above set forth, but that the New World was named from the Amerrique Indians and the Amerrique Moun- tains, the name being indigenous to Central America and becoming familiar to Columbus and his crew while they were at Veragua. It is urged that, when Columbus and his companions related their adventures, they would likely boast of the gold-mines and say that they lay in the direction of Amerrique. The name thus intro- duced into Spain gradually penetrated Europe, and thus came to the little mountain-town of Saint Die. Just as Scipio became "Scipio Africanus" by reason of his victories in Africa, just as we speak of "Congo Stanley" because Stanley explored the Congo, so Hylacomylus, having heard the name "Amerrique," easily made the mistake of transforming the forename of Vespucci from Amerigo to Americus. The ingenious theory is ably urged, but it is not supported by any contemporaneous evidence that these possibilities were realities. It has not been generally accepted. Other explanations, more or less fantastic, have been advanced in explanation of the naming of the New World. Meanwhile Waldsee- mueller and Saint Die remain as unchallenged historical facts. CHAPTER XVI BALBOA AND MAGELLAN SOON after Diego Columbus succeeded to his inheritance, the king ordered that the revenue August 24, due the viceroy should be paid to his heir. In '^o? due time, Diego was in receipt of four hundred and fifty thousand ounces of gold annually from Haiti, but he also demanded a restitution of the honors and powers that had pertained to his father. With the consent of the king, he brought a suit against the crown before the council of the Indies. This suit was begun in 1508. The Successes Although in one form or another it dragged along for ?f,^'T' 1 -1 • 11 1 • 1 1 • • r r Columbus years, the tribunal soon practically decided it in favor of Diego. The successful litigant at law promptly became a successful suitor for the hand of the niece of the duke ot Alva, one of the proudest grandees of Spain. This alliance brought a powerful support to the demand for royal acquiescence in the orders of the council, and Ferdi- nand conceded all except the title of viceroy. Ovando was recalled and Diego Columbus was commissioned as governor of Haiti. On the ninth of June, 1509, Diego sailed from San Diego's Rule Lucar, accompanied by his wife, his brother, his uncles '" "^'" Bartholomew and Diego, and a brilliant retinue. On the tenth of July, they arrived at Santo Domingo where Diego and his "vice-queen" set up and maintained their court with pomp and splendor unprecedented in the New World. In their retinue, besides the many cavaliers and their wives, were numerous feminine adventurers 242 Balboa and Magellan 1509 whose fortunes lay in rank and beauty rather than in lands and gold. The venture of the maidens was success- ful, for "all of them were soon married to the wealthiest colonists and refined the rude manners that prevailed among them." As if determined that Diego's rule should be confined to Haiti, the king set up on the mainland near the isthmus the two provinces soon to be described, and attempted to give an independent govern- ment to Porto Rico. Before long, the influence of the governor was further weakened by the institution (Octo- ber 5, 151 1) of the audiencia^ a sort of colonial court of appeals. The profitable system of repartimientos was left undisturbed, but, in 15 12, the king commanded that negro slaves be imported from Guinea and that, in other ways, the labors of the Indians be made lighter. The heavy hand of royal displeasure seems to have been gradually lifted and, in 15 14, Diego was so far invested with the viceregal powers that had been stripped from his father as to be able to send his uncle Bartholomew to govern in Veragua. The adelantado died at Santo Domingo in 151 5. King Ferdinand died on the twenty- third of January, 1516. For four years, nothing was done in the matter of Diego's claims. In 1520, Diego loaned to Charles V., the successor of Ferdinand, ten thousand ducats, about a fifth of his annual income from Haiti, and was reinstated in authority as viceroy. Three years later, he was recalled to Spain and, three years after that, he died. He was succeeded by his son, Don Luis, who, in 1536, aban- doned his claims upon the revenues of the Indies and the title of viceroy, and received in lieu thereof the island of Jamaica in fief, the ofiice of admiral of the The Duke of Indies, the title of duke of Veragua, an estate twenty- Veragua ^^^ leagues squarc in that province, and an annuity of ten thousand ducats. In 1540, he returned to Haiti with the title of captain-general. In 1 551, he went back to Spain. In 1556, Philip II., who had succeeded Charles V., took from him Veragua and his power as admiral and decreed for him the honorary title of admiral Diego as Viceroy February 23, 1526 Balboa and Magellan 243 of the Indies and duke of Veragua with an income of i 509 seven thousand ducats. After a scandalous hfe, Don Luis died in African exile. The magnificent dreams of February 3, the great discoverer have not yet been realized. The '57^ Turk holds the Holy Land, and the duke of Veragua has little but his title. The voyages of Columbus, Bastidas, Ojeda, Pinzon New Andalusia and Solis, and others had made well known the conti- ^^^ Castiha del nental coast-line from Brazil to Honduras. After the installation of Diego Columbus at Haiti, the coloniza- tion of the mainland was begun by King Ferdinand. Map of New Andalusia and Castilia del Oro Alonso de Ojeda was made governor of a province lying on the east, and Diego de Nicuesa governor of a prov- ince lying on the west, with the Atrato River as the 2 44 Balboa and Magellan I 5 I o boundary line between. The eastern province was called New Andalusia, and the western was named Castilia del Oro. In spite of many obstacles, Ojeda November 12, left Santo Domingo with Juan de la Cosa and three '5°9 hundred men. Five days later, they landed at the harbor of Cartagena. In a fight with the natives, Juan de la Cosa and more than sixty other Spaniards were killed. Nicuesa soon arrived and the joined forces of the two commanders drove back the natives and recov- ered the body of La Cosa. The fleets then separated. At the entrance to the Gulf of Uraba (Darien), Ojeda began a town that he named San Sebastian. The tort was besieged, the poisoned arrows of the natives were dangerous, and starvation soon threatened. Leaving the command to Francisco Pizarro, the destined conqueror of Peru, Ojeda went for relief After great suffering, he reached Santo Domingo and found that Enciso, his lieutenant, had sailed for the colony with provisions and recruits. Ojeda's subsequent movements are not clearly known; he never returned to New Andalusia. On the way to San Sebastian, Enciso's vessel was wrecked and all the stores were lost. Ojeda's colony was as badly off as before. Abandoning San Sebastian at the suggestion of Vasco Nunez de Balboa (generally spoken of as Balboa), a bankrupt farmer of Haiti who had previously been in that region with Bastidas, the Spaniards crossed to the other side of the gulf, drove the natives from one of their villages, took possession, and called the place Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien. Enciso was soon de- posed from the command and a government was instituted with Vasco Nunez de Balboa Balboa and Zamudio as alcaldes. Ojeda's colonists were now in the territory of Nicuesa. Of the seven hundred men who had left Haiti with that Balboa December, 1510 Balboa and Magellan 245 adventurer thirteen months before, not more than seventy i 5 i o remained aHve at the settlement that they had called t 5 i 3 Nombre de Dios. When Nicuesa, in sorry plight, sub- sequently arrived off Antigua seeking the adherence of the settlers to his government, they put him on a worn- March, 151 1 out vessel and started him for Haiti. He was never heard of again. Because of factional divisions at Antigua, Enciso and Balboa's Zamudio sought the Spanish court. Commissioned bv '^"'^^' ^^P" , ^ , ^ tember i , i *> i ' Diego Columbus as governor of Darien, Balboa set out with fewer than two hundred men and a pack of bloodhounds, seeking the reported sea south of the mountains. On the twenty-fifth of that month, from a mountain peak, Balboa, first of Europeans, gazed upon the great expanse of water that covers half the surface of the globe. As the ocean that he had crossed lay behind him at the north and the ocean that he saw stretched before him toward the south, he naturally called it the South Sea. He who mercilessly killed the The south Sea natives in his way, "hewing them in pieces as the Butchers doe fleshe in the shambles, from one an arme, from another a legge, from him a buttocke, from another a shoulder, and from some a necke from the bodie at one stroke," was now overcome with "an ecstasy of delight, of triumph and devotion." He fell upon his knees and, with his companions, "praised God with loud voices for joy." In the name of his king and queen, '^' Balboa claimed possession of the ocean and of all lands whose shores it washed. Four days later, he marched into the water and, with drawn sword, again claimed it for the Spanish monarchs. The arm of the ocean that he found still bears the name he gave it — the Gulf of San Miguel. By the nineteenth of January, 15 14, the command was again at Antigua. Before the discovery of the South Sea was known in Panama Spain, a new governor had sailed for Antigua. He was Pedro Arias de Avila, better known as Pedrarias, "one of those two-legged tigers of whom Spain had so many * Ferdinand, the widower of Isabella, married again in 1505. and Death 246 Balboa and Magellan I 5 I 3 at that time," With him came Enciso, Hernando de I 5 I 7 Soto, Bernal Diaz, the narrator of the conquest of Mexico, Oviedo, the historian of the West Indies, and a company of fifteen hundred. A chain of posts across the isthmus was estabhshed and the old town of Panama August, 1519 was founded. The natives were treated in the most inhuman fashion and large quantities of gold accu- mulated. Balboa's Trial In the meantime, Balboa was treated with little favor. The king had appointed him governor of the province of Panama and adelantado to make discoveries along the shores of the sea that he had found. But Pedrarias withheld the commission and threw the king's appointed into prison. When Balboa promised to marry the governor's daughter, the prison-bars were thrown down and the commission was delivered. With incredible toil timber was carried across the mountains from Ada, the northern terminus of the road, and a few small vessels built. As there was need of iron and pitch, one Garabito was sent to Ada. Because of a jealous love, Garabito reported that Balboa intended to abandon the governor's daughter for the sake of a native mistress with whom he was about to sail southward to set up an independent government. The furious father enticed Balboa to Ada and had him arrested, convicted, and promptly executed for treason and the murder of 1517 Nicuesa. "Thus perished, in the forty-second year of his age, the man who, but for that trifle of iron and pitch, would probably have been the conqueror of Peru." Magellan Balboa's discovcry had less effect upon knowledge of the waters west of the western world than did the steady eastward progress of the Portuguese and the struggle for commercial supremacy in the Indian Ocean. Although the data thus accumulated might be made to show that Asia did not extend as far east as Toscanelli had taught, the breadth of the South Sea was too great for the minds of navigators to take in except by actual experience. That experience was soon to be supplied. Ferdinand Balboa and Magellan 247 ^- October, I 51 7 His Expedition Ferdinand Magellan Magellan was a Portuguese who had been trained by i 5 i 7 seven years of sailing in eastern waters and fighting i 5 i 9 against the Arabs and the Malays. The king of Portugal did not smile upon his scheme of reaching the East by sailing west. For this and other slights, Magellan renounced his country and went to Spain where an expedition was pro- vided for him. With five ships and a motley crew of about two hundred and eighty men, Magellan sailed from Spain on the twentieth of September, 1519. With the ileet went a young Italian, Pigafetta, the naive historian of the expedition. Late In November, they were on the Bra- -zlllan coast, and in January, 1520, they were at the mouth of the Plata. For two months, they battled with intense cold and violent storms along the Patagonia coast. On the last day of March, they cast anchor in their winter quarters at Port Saint Julian. On the next day, a long- smoldering mutiny broke out. The mutineers felt that they had gone far enough and that the promised hardships of an antarctic winter were too much. In less than twenty-four hours, one of the rebellious captains had been killed and his accomplices taken Into custody. One of the captured captains was beheaded. Another captain and a "guilty priest" were kept In Irons until the departure of the fleet In the early spring, when they August 24, were set ashore and left to their fate. Magellan's Ideals ^5-° of discipline were rather rigid and there was no further open defiance. A vessel sent to explore the coast was lost, but all of the crew were saved. On the twenty-first of October, the explorers entered An inter- what has since been known as Magellan Strait and then °"^""^ ~ . . , . ° Passage spent five weeks in workmg their dangerous way through its "labyrinthine twists and half-hidden bays." In the 248 Balboa and Magellan 1520 course of this tedious exploration, a cabal on board the "San Antonio" put its loyal captain in irons and escaped from the squadron, retraced the tortuous chan- nel, and sailed for Spain. The chief of these deserters was the 'pilot Estevan Gomez, whom we shall meet The so-called Schoener Gore Map (Western Hemisphere) in another chapter. On the southern side of the strait fires were often seen at night, and so that land was called Tierra del Fuego, i.e., the Land of Fire. November 28, Emerging from the strait and the heavy storms, Magel- ^5^° Ian found the South Sea so pleasant that he called it the Pacific. Balboa and Magellan 249 They were the first that ever burst Into that silent sea. 1520 More than once, Magellan had rounded the Cape of Good Hope. Now, instead of a headland washed by the ocean, there was a narrow strait between shores that The so-called Schoener Gore Map (Eastern Hemisphere) were parallel and of like aspect. He had apparently come to the end of one continent and the beginning of another. The theory agreed well with current notions, and for more than two centuries men believed in the existence of a fictitious continent — Terra Australis. The hardships and sufferings to come were worse 250 Balboa and Magellan I 5 2 I than those that had been endured. Biscuits that were The Passage full of womis, Water that was putrid and yellow, scurvy, ot the Pacific (^g^th ; that unfathomed abyss of space ahead and retreat impossible; even the ignorant understood that their only chance for life lay in going on. In sailing ten thousand miles, Magellan found but two solid resting-places, both of which were uninhabited. On the sixth of March, 1 52 1, and after inconceivable suffering, the remaining three ships came to islands where they found fruits, vegetables, meats, and such eager thieves that Magellan gave them the still enduring name " Ladrones," or " Isles of Robbers." Ten days later, the fleet arrived at the islands since known as the Philippines. The name of Columbus had been almost forgotten but the dream of Columbus had been realized. Here the weary navigators, half-starved and dying of the scurvy, lingered. With marvelous rapidity, the native king and many of his princes and people were converted to Christianity. The idols were burned, a cross was set up, and the con- verts were baptized. With an exalted idea of the powers of the white strangers and with a possible desire to test the efiicacy of his new religion, the Christian king of Sebu set out to humble the pagan potentate of a neighboring island. Magellan having turned mission- The Death of ary, now tumed crusader; he was not the man to aban- Mageiian, ^^^^ j^jg ^^^ convert. In a desperate fight the Spaniards April 27, 1 52 1 r p r _ were defeated and Magellan was killed. According to Mr. Fiske, the defeat of the white men con- vinced the king of Sebu that he had overestimated the blessings of Christianity, and so, by way of atone- ment for the slight he had cast upon the gods of his fathers, he invited some thirty of the leading Spaniards to a banquet and massacred them. One of the three vessels being found unfit for sea, it was burned to the water's edge. One of the remaining two sprang a leak. The Return to Itwas then dccidcd that the "Victoria" with Sebas- Spain j.j^j^ ^gj Cano and forty-six men should hasten to the Cape of Good Hope and thence to Spain; the "Trini- Balboa and Magellan 251 dad" was to be repaired and then to sail with the other 1522 fifty-four men for Panama. The "Victoria" doubled the cape on the six- teenth of May, 1522. On their arrival at the Cape Verde Islands, the wanderers were surprised to find that the day was Thursday, for by their own ac- count it was Wednes- day. As they had "sayled three yeares The "Victoria" continually euer followynge the soonne towarde the juiyg, 1522 West, they had loste one daye." On the sixth of Sep- tember, Del Cano sailed into the mouth of the Guadal- quivir with seventeen survivors of the first circumnavi- gation of the globe. It was the thirtieth anniversary of the day when Columbus first sailed westward from the Canaries. How full those thirty years! The next pas- sage of the Pacific was made by Sir Francis Drake in 1577—80. From these long digressive voyages in the Pacific we must now return, with more consideration for chronology, to Cuba and the Gulf Coast. CHAPTER XVII CORTES, PONCE DE LEON, AND LAS CASAS Cuba is found to be an Island Cordova's Cruise I N 1508, Ovando, as governor of Haiti, sent Sebas- tian de Ocampo to determine whether Cuba (then called Fernandina) was or was not an island. Ocampo settled the question by circumnavigation. In 151 1, Diego Columbus sent Diego Velasquez to explore and conquer Cuba. Velasquez soon threw off his allegiance to the new admiral. In 15 16, because of a scarcity of food in New Andalusia, there was a migration from the isthmus to Cuba; one of the hundred was Bernal Diaz. In Cuba, the newcomers found that there were not enough natives to go around, and so they used some of their gold in fitting out an expedition, nominally for discovery of new lands but really for the capture of more slaves. Governor Velasquez seems to have been a partner in the venture. The commander of the three ships and of the hundred soldiers that made up the expedition was Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, whom Las Casas describes as a man "very prudent and courageous, and strongly disposed to kill and kidnap Indians." Cordova's pilot was Antonio de Alaminos who had been with Columbus on the Honduras coast. The hunters set out from Santiago in February, 1517, and sailed through the Windward Passage east of Cuba. It is probable that their purpose was to go to the Bahamas and that storms drove them from their course. They touched at the lately founded town of Havana, and soon arrived at the northeast corner of Yucatan. Cortes, Ponce de Leon, and Las Casas 253 Here they found the hostile Mayas and got their first i 5 i 7 ghmpse of a magnificence that seemed to justify their hopes that they were not far trom the dominions of the great khan. After a two weeks' cruise along the coast Maya Culture from Cape Catoche to Campeche, they were shown huge pueblo fortresses and stone temples with sculptured serpents on the walls and with altars dripping with fresh blood. "We were amazed," says Bernal Diaz, "at the sight of things so strange." At another point they were attacked and defeated by the natives. More than half of the Spaniards were killed and nearly all of the rest were wounded. Another storm drove the survivors past Cuba to the Florida west coast where Alaminos had been before. Here six of the Spaniards, including Alaminos and Bernal Diaz, who records the incident in his history, and Cordova the commander were wounded by the natives. The Spaniards reembarked and hastily left the inhospitable coast. Cordova soon died of his wounds in Cuba. In this same year, Martin Luther nailed his defiant ninety-five theses to the church-door at Wittenberg. The discovery of Yucatan changed the course of a New Span- Spanish enterprise. Although, in a quarter of a century, '^^ Domain eighteen thousand adventurers had settled in Haiti, all attempts to colonize the mainland had ended in failure. The object of the new movement was the exploration of a continent in search of rich aboriginal communities for conquest and plunder. Such a method of extend- ing territorial dominion and accumulating wealth was more congenial to Spanish disposition than the slow process of colonization. By the end of another quarter- century, Spanish authority had been established through- out a vast intertropical region, chiefly on the Pacific side of the continent and including Mexico and Peru. The story of the riches of the southern country led Grijaiva's Velasquez to send Juan de Grijalva with four ships and E''P'^'1'"°" two hundred and fifty soldiers. They sailed from Santiago in April, 151 8. May found them coasting from Yucatan toward Mexico. In June, one of the 2^4 Cortes, Ponce de Leon, and Las Casas I 5 I 8 tax-gatherers of Montezuma, the Aztec chief of that region, heard of great towers that carried wings and moved upon the sea. The Aztec agent hastened to the shore. After an exchange of gifts, the bearded stran- gers went their way, while Pinotl hurried by the shortest trail to report to Montezuma that he had seen and The Legend talked with gods. There was an ancient Mexican belief of {^uetzaicoati ^j^^^ one of the sky gods had floated out to sea saying that, in the fulness of time, he would return with fair- skinned companions to resume his rule over his people. Before the messengers of Montezuma could reach the coast with princely presents for the companions of Quetzalcoatl,''' now returning in fulfilment of prophecy, Grijalva and his winged towers had disappeared. On Saint John's day, the Spaniards came to an island that they called San Juan de Ulua. Here the traffic with the natives was so brisk that Pedro de Alvarado was sent back to Cuba with a caravel that needed repair, half a hundred sick and wounded men, and the gold that had been secured. The other three ships continued the cruise to the vicinity of the Panuco, i.e., nearly to the site of Tampico. From this point the fleet retraced its course, trading along the shore and arriving at Cuba in October. Stimulated by the spoil sent back, Velasquez quickly prepared another expedition. The Coming Hemando Cortes had brought away from Salamanca of Cortes jrnoil!iniap!ouiaamu!' n<:3llamaoaCul»a:claqlapmurgraoc«aupa:)C6r!'<'i'isr.iuillofo3foi< ficuMTOCSjripren-atiMrnqaa. (Entre laeqlraacrnamasmarauillofa rrKfl(jtora3UainaDadmifnri:qc(lapoimarauillora artr reificarafo bitvmaftraocla from head to loins and thus cut loose barbarian fury. 1540 From crowded houses, the Indians rushed like swarm- ing bees. De Soto was wounded before he could rejoin The Battle at his troops. The battle raged for nine long hours, but ^^''''' naked savages were no match for Spaniards clad in armor. According to the probably exaggerated Spanish estimate, twenty-five hun- dred Indians per- ished by the sword or in the smoke and flames of their burning dwellings. The Spanish loss was twenty soldiers killed and a hun- dred and fifty wounded, many killed and wound- ed horses, and the a d ,■ j . r j- ir„ , A Palisaded Indian Village more serious loss by fire of all the baggage, including the chalices and vest- ments of the clergy. It was one of the bloodiest battles ever waged between red men and white men in North America. The explorers lingered here a month. Distant only From the Aia- six days' march was Pensacola, where lay the ships with needed supplies. Fearing wholesale desertions, De Soto concealed the fact from his men. He would not even send any word back to Cuba, for he had nothing to tell but a story ot disappointment and misfortune. Even his gathered pearls had been lost in the fiery devastation at Mavila. In the middle of November, he turned his back upon his ships and led his five hundred into the interior. He fought his way through populous and bama to the Yazoo 292 Spanish Explorations 1540 hostile tribes into Mississippi and December storms, 1542 and went into winter quarters at the Chickasaw village on December 17, the west bank of the upper Yazoo. One night in 1540 March, the Chickasaw cacique made a furious attack. The unarmored Spaniards, startled from their sleep, rushed from their burning huts and valiantly drove back their fierce assailants. One red man and eleven whites were killed. Much of what was saved at Mavila was lost here ; clothing, saddles, weapons, fifty horses, and four hundred hogs. As best they could they renewed their fighting form; "forges were erected, swords newly tempered, and good ashen lances made equal to the best of Biscay." Clothing was made of skins and blankets of dried grass. The Indians came again as soon as the Spaniards were ready to receive them. Discovery of Latc in April, 1541, the search for gold was renewed, the Mississippi j^ ^.QQJ^ ^ month to build the boats needed for the crossing of the Mississippi. By the end of May, they were finished; and without opposition the Spaniards crossed the river at the lower Chickasaw Bluffs, near the boundary line between the states of Tennessee and Mississippi where a county now bears De Soto's name. Still seeking the ever-receding El Dorado, the Spaniards waded through Arkansas swamps, climbed the Ozark Hills, and probably made trial of the virtues of the hot springs. What the route was and where the Spaniards rested we do not know. The winter was severe; the suffering was terrible. Even De Soto became discour- aged, and resolved to seek the gulf and to send to Cuba and New Spain for aid. The Death of On the Seventeenth of April, 1542, De Soto was at De Soto ^.}^g mouth of the Red River. Here he was overtaken by a fatal fever and, after appointing Luis de Moscoso as his successor, died on the twenty-first of May. He who had shared the inca's ransom and dazzled Spain with wealth and fame, left — in Havana, a widow; along his path, the bleaching bones of two hundred and fifty followers; on the banks of the Father of Waters, five Indian slaves, three horses, and a herd of swine. Spanish Explorations 293 Around his body gathered weary and half-naked vete- 1542 rans with splintered lances and jagged swords and broken 1546 helmets — a sorry remnant of the brilliant retinue that five years before had mustered at San Lucar. Wrapped in mantles weighted with sand, his body was buried, "with all possible silence," at midnight in the middle of the stream. Moscoso and the remnant decided to go to Mexico. The Sorry End They deemed it less dangerous to go by land, and thought to take the chances of finding an El Dorado on the way. Led by this vague rumor or that slender hope, they wandered to and fro all that year. They heard of other Christians roaming in those parts, doubt- less Coronado and his men who, in 1541, had entered the valley of the Mississippi from the west. In Decem- ber, they were again on the banks of the Mississippi. They struck the fetters from their slaves and, adding to them their stirrups and every iron scrap, forged all into nails. As Narvaez had done, they built boats as best they could. They killed their hogs and horses, and to the dried flesh added maize plundered from the natives. Early in July, they cast loose their moorings. On the eighteenth of July, 1543, their fleet floated in salt water. Wearily working their way along the Loui- siana and Texas coast, a pitiable three hundred and eleven, they reached the Spanish colony at Panuco on the tenth of September, 1543. In 1546, the Spaniards, anxious and determined to Barbastro hold Florida in some way, undertook a "new departure." Several Dominican friars, under the lead of Father Luis de Barbastro, who had nobly served with Las Casas in Tuzulutlan, entered upon a mission without arms or soldiers. They took with them from Havana an Indian woman, Magdalen, a Christianized native of Florida. Magdalen seems to have backslidden from the faith and the missionary priests were killed — an unfortunate beginning for the policy that had sprung from the lessons of Las Casas. 2 94 Spanish Explorations ^559 ^^ ^^^ eleventh of June, T559, Don Tristan de I 5 6 I Luna sailed from Vera Cruz for Florida with fifteen DeLuna hundred soldiers, with colonists, their wives and children, and provisions for a year. They landed, early in July, first at Pensacola and then at Santa Rosa Bay. A hurricane destroyed several ships, many men, and most of the stores. The Spaniards would not cultivate the soil, and starvation came ahead of fresh supplies. In the course of his wanderings, De Luna traversed the country of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Upper Creeks, as is shown by the names and other data in the narrative. He probably got no further east than the Alabama River (about Montgomery) and returned with- out entering the mountains. The often printed state- ment that the summer of 1560 was spent in an eager quest for gold in northern Georgia, and that ascribes to De Luna's party certain traces of ancient mining opera- tions in the Cherokee country, and particularly on Valley River in North Carolina, is now known to be incorrect. In 1560, a succession of unfortunate events forced an abandonment of this attempt to establish a per- manent Spanish settlement in the interior. With grow- ing wisdom the Indians forsook their fields, destroyed their towns, and carried off their provisions. Mutiny arose, and Tristan de Luna was abandoned. With a few servants he sailed for Havana, and another failure was recorded. De viiiafane In May, 1561, Angelo de Villafane, who had carried away most of Tristan de Luna's men from Florida, sailed along the Atlantic seaboard and, near Port Royal, took possession of Carolina in the name of the king of Spain. He doubled Cape Hatteras and was overtaken by disaster on the fourteenth of June. With his remain- ing vessels he returned to Haiti. In the following September, King Philip II. declared that he would make no further effort to colonize the country, as no gold had been found and he had no fears that the French would come so far south. Spanish Explorations 295 In 1570, Menendez, the adelantado of a Spanish 1570 Florida that extended from Mexico to Labrador and of i 572 whom we shall learn more in the following chapter, Jesuits in attempted to establish a Jesuit mission in Virginia. His ^"^s'"'^ vessel ascended the Potomac. The mission party landed and crossed to the Rappahannock where they built a chapel. They were received with seeming friendship that soon gave way to hostility and final massacre. In 1572, Menendez sailed to the Chesapeake, captured eight Indians who were "known to have taken part in the murder of the missionaries, and hanged them at the yard-arm of his vessel." There is evidence that, in addition to this attempted occupancy of Virginia nearly forty years prior to the advent of John Smith, the Spaniards were in frequent communication with the Indians along that coast and in the Chesapeake before the coming of the English. Our country's good Genius (call it by what name you will) was thwarting, as with an intelligent purpose, the determined efforts of the Spanish people to plant their peculiar civilization north of the Gulf of Mexico. Although King Philip was mistaken and the French AnoidMyth did go to Florida, we may safely let them wait while Q^fj^^^"' we watch the Spaniards west of the Mississippi. In New Spain ( as Mexico was called ), European legends were curiously blended with Indian stories of the Seven Cities of Cibola, of Ciguatan, and of its neighboring island of the Amazons, all rich in gold and northward from Mexico. On these fanciful Indian tales, probably born of a desire to please and elaborated by the process of finding out what was sought and then promising it, the Spanish built another castle in the air. Nuno de Guzman, then the head of the government, organized an army of four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indian allies and set out in search of the wonderful cities. The difficulties of the march across the mountains led him to satisfy himself with the colonization of the pro- vince of Culiacan. When Antonio de Mendoza became 296 Spanish Explorations 1539 viceroy of New Spain, he appointed Francisco Vasquez April 18 de Coronado to the governorship of New GaHcia. For several years, the cities of Cibola were not disturbed; but when the story of the two-thousand-mile tramp of Map of Coronado' s Route Cabeza de Vaca confirmed the reports of a vast region in the north, it was resolved to make a new exploration. The command of the preliminary expedition was given to Fray Marcos of Nizza, a Franciscan monk who had gained experience under Alvarado in Peru. Spanish Explorations 297 Fray Marcos had elaborate and humane instructions 1539 from the viceroy. With him as guide went Estevanico, 1540 negro pioneer and companion of Cabeza de Vaca. The Fray Marcos expedition set out from Culiacan on the seventh of March, 1539. In August, Estevanico was dead, killed by the natives, and Fray Marcos was back at Culiacan and Compostela with definite reports of the power and glory of Cibola, which he had seen with its stone and terraced houses of many stories, "larger and richer than Mexico." Fray Marcos has been charged with outrageous falsehood, but it is probable that he actually found one of the pueblos of the Zunis, and thus On the Terraces at Zuni became the discoverer of New Mexico. New Spain quickly resounded with stories of populous cities of fabulous wealth — prizes awaiting conquest. Ambition and avarice were aflame, and the religious orders preached a new crusade for the spiritual good of the heathen. Another expedition was quickly organized under the personal command of Coronado. Hernando de Alarcon was sent up the Gulf of California with a small fleet May 9 to give such help as might be possible. He dis- covered the Colorado River, and in small boats worked 298 Spanish Explorations 1540 his way against its rapid current for "eighty-five leagues," Hearing nothing from Coronado, he returned Coionado to Mexico. In the meantime, Coronado had assembled at Compostela an army of about three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians. The famous march began on the twenty-third of February, 1540. On the twenty-second of April, Coronado left the main body • ^ of his army at Culiacan and pushed ahead with seventy-five or eighty horsemen, twenty-five or thirty Autograph of Coronado foot-soldiers, and the monlcs. He AtZuni arrived at the first town of Cibola on the seventh of July, and named the place Granada. It was the Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh which was destroyed by Apaches in 1672.'" A single glance revealed its poverty. Its two hundred warriors made a stubborn hour's resistance, after which the invaders found needed food but not the expected gold and turquoise. " Nizza, trembling for his life, stole back to New Spain with the first messenger to the viceroy." Enticing Stories The remainder of the summer was spent in exploring the country in accord with native tales of marvelous wealth — just a little further on. One party, led by Pedro de Tovar, visited the province of Tusayan com- prising the seven pueblos of the Hopis more than a hundred miles to the northwest. Tovar brought back news of a marvelous canyon to the westward, to explore which Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was sent. Late in August, Cardenas found what is now known as the Grand Canyon of the Colorado. In September, the main army was ordered up from Sonora to Zuni. Ex- ploring parties visited strange pueblos and wondered at the almost inaccessible mesa home of the Acomas. * The literature of this expedition is extensive, and the several determinations of the route differ greatly. The route indicated in the map on page 296 is based on the latest information from the Spanish sources. It has been said that the correct location of Cibola is the key to the movements of Coronado. The majority of archaeologists fix the site of Cibola at Zuni, but earlier writers placed it at the towns of the Mokis, and at the Chaco ruins. Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh goes further from Zuni and places the site in the vicinity of the Florida Mountains in southern New Mexico, and makes corresponding changes from the route as herein laid down. Spanish Explorations 299 Moving eastward to the Rio Grande, they found, about 1540 the site of BernaHllo, the dehghtful province of Tiguex, i 5 4 i and further on the fortified village of Cicuye, identical with old Pecos. Here they found an Indian slave who Quivira and told marvelous tales of Quivira, a country toward ^^^ ^""''^ Florida, abounding in gold and silver, and watered by tributaries of a river that was two leagues wide and in which there were fishes as big as horses. From his appearance, the Spaniards called this slave '* The Turk." He proved to be a dangerous rival to "the lying monk." In December, the army advanced from Zuni to Tiguex. For ten - - — - successive nights, man and nature plaved at their ff^^^^^^^^^^^i^f^^ old game, with camp- -r-* ^^ Two Views of the Pueblo of Acoma fires and snowfalls for battledores and soldiers' comfort for their shuttlecock. And still the Spaniards listened to the fables told them by the Turk. In April, 1541, Coronado and his army set out from The Search Tiguex, for Quivira. It soon became evident that the fo"" Qii'^"'^ Turk was no good Christian. In May, somewhere on the buffalo plains of Texas, Coronado sent his army back to Tiguex, while, with an Indian guide named Ysopete and about thirty horsemen, he pushed forward 300 Spanish Explorations I 5 4 I over rolling prairies and through countless herds of 1542 buffaloes. In this same month of May, De Soto crossed the Mississippi. After crossing the river of "Saints Peter and Paul" (the Arkansas), and on the forty-second At Quivira day after leaving his army, Coronado reached the first settlement of Quivira, a collection of grass lodges occu- pied by a people more barbarous than any previously seen. The Turk now confessed that the people of Cicuye had induced him to lead the Spaniards astray upon the plains that they might there die from famine. He was promptly strangled. After a month of futile exploration, Coronado raised a cross with the inscrip- tion, "Thus far came the General Francisco Vasquez de Coronado," and returned to Tiguex. The site of this "last place visited" has not yet been identified. Mr. Hodge and Mr. Mooney say that there can be no doubt that the people of Quivira were the Wichita Indians. If, as has been asserted, Quivira was in eastern Kansas, Coronado might almost have shaken hands with De Soto while both wept tears of disappoint- ment. Coronado's Early in April, 1542, Coronado and his army began the return march to New Spain, leaving behind two or three zealous missionaries for the conversion of the natives. The friars soon received their martyr crowns. On the homeward march, Coronado met reinforcements. Some of the officers wished to renew the search, but the soldiers clamored to be led back to Mexico. The general "dis- appointment found a vent in anathemas vented upon Fray Marcos, which have ever since been echoed by historians." Coronado was coolly received by the viceroy, and soon died. He had explored the vast region between the fertile plains of Kansas and the magnificent desolation of the Colorado, but he missed the wealth of silver buried in its mountains. This, in our day, has far sur- passed the treasures of Montezuma or the piled-up gold of the inca. Had the courage of the soldier and the skill of the explorer been supplemented with the tech- nical wisdom of the " prospector," Coronado might have Return Spanish Explorations 301 found the opulence he sought, not spread wide in fabled 1542 cities but locked in treasure-chests beneath his feet. When Coronado's main army was ordered up from Meichbr Diaz, Sonora, Melchior Diaz remained as governor, with orders '54o to put himself in communication with Alarcon's vessels. Before the end of September, Diaz set out to explore the sea-coast. He marched a hundred and fifty leagues or more, found an inscription on a tree under which was a writing to the effect that Alarcon had come so far and returned to New Spain. The exploration was pushed further, Diaz met an accidental death, and the rest of the party returned to Sonora. In June, 1542, Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo sailed in com- CabriUo mand of a Spanish fieet from Acapulco, on the Pacific coast of Mexico. In the following January, he died at San Miguel, one of the Santa Barbara islands. His pilot traced the western coast nearly to the mouth of the Columbia, and returned to New Spain by April, 1544. In spite of these meager results, other Spanish expe- onate ditions were sent out and many wonderful reports were brought back. About forty years after the Coronado 1582 campaign, Espejo led a party northward from Chihuahua and pushed his way into the present New Mexico. The accounts of the wonderful land given by him and his companions were so enticing that Luis de Velasco, the viceroy of New Spain, entered into contract with Juan de Onate to settle Spanish colonists there. After many delays and two years of preparation, Onate and his recruits began their march in January, 1598. The natives received them kindly. The first settlement was made at the Indian settlement of Yukewingge, where Chamita, on the Rio Grande, now stands. This was named San Gabriel de los Espanoles. In 1605, this mission was abandoned. Santa Fe was founded in Santa Fe 1 60 1 and soon became an important town. For a time 302 Spanish Explorations 1542 the colonies seemed to flourish, but in 1680 the natives expelled the Spaniards and returned to their old religion and former habits of life. In 1695, ^^^ pueblos were reconquered and brought under complete subjection. The Southwest In the meantime, and largely to guard against threat- ened French occupation, Spanish expeditions were sent into Texas. The presidio of San Antonio Bexar (Bejar) was founded in 1714, and the mission four years later. Before the end of the century, New Spain had a strong hold upon the country from Texas to San Diego, Mon- terey, and San Francisco on the coast of California. In these frontier provinces, Spanish priests set up the cross and began still enduring missions, while Spanish soldiers built and occupied a line of presidios or forts for the protection of those who were employed in the spiritual conquest. Mr. Blackmar has reminded us that this "spiritual conquest" meant an entire transformation of everything that pertained to the life of the barbarians, complete subjugation or final extermination. So thor- oughly was the work done that, to this day, " modern buildings, modern customs, and modern dress fail to obliterate the old Spanish life." Thus were fairly laid the foundations for Spanish territorial claims that were not quieted .until 1848. CHAPTER X X THE P I O xN E E R S O F NEW FRANCE BY means of numerous exploring expeditions. Euro- The New Con- peans had been led to suspect the existence of ""^""^ an unbroken continental coast from the Plata River northward to Gaspe. Magellan's voyage threw new light on the significance of Columbus's discovery, and Da Gama's finding of an ocean route to the East added zest to the search for a shorter one by the north- west. In the decade beginning in 1525, several expedi- tions were sent out, but the efforts of Fagundes, Gomez, Verrazano, and other explorers bore little fruit — the northwest passage and the Saint Lawrence River re- mained undiscovered. Since the beginning of that century, French fishermen Cartier had been making yearly visits to the Newfoundland banks, the greatest submarine island on the globe and the chief breeding-ground of the cod. But, after the battle of Pavia, the French sovereign had been too busy with European affairs to give any attention to western dis- covery. In I 529, the treaty of Cambray gave a peaceful interlude to the long wars between King Francis I. and the Emperor Charles V. The French monarch natur- ally looked for lands in the New World with which to make good the loss of his Italian claims. The same treaty left French privateersmen or "corsairs" without occupation. Among these was Jacques Cartier, who probably had made several expeditions to Newfoundland. In 1533, by advice of Chabot, admiral of France, Cartier 304 The Pioneers of New France His Landfall May 10 1534 was commissioned to command a French expedition to April 20 America. In the following year, he sailed from Saint Malo, seeking a short route to the Indies. With two ships, each of sixty tons, and sixty-one chosen men, Cartier made his landfall at Cape Bonavista, Newfoundland. On the tenth of June, he entered a harbor on the shores of Labrador. From this region, "so forbidding that it must be the land that was allotted to Cain," Cartier passed southward through the Straits of Belle Isle and spent several weeks in the Gulf of Saint Map of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence Lawrence. He failed to find the river that now bears that name or any westward passage to Cathav. Early in July, he dropped his anchors in a bay which, from the midsummer heat, he called Des Chaleurs. On the twenty-fourth, he set up a large cross at Gaspe. He entered the Canadian Channel between Anticosti Island and Labrador and named it for Saint Peter, but did not dream that he was in the mouth of a great river that joined the ocean to vast inland seas. On the fifteenth of August, he sailed northward through the Straits of Belle Isle into the ocean, probably not knowing of the shorter route between Newfoundland and Cape Breton Island. With him went the two sons of an Indian chief, it being promised that they should return the following year. In The Pioneers of New France 305 three weeks, he arrived at Saint Malo. Chabot was de- lighted, Francis was encouraged, and Cartier at once began prepara- tions for another voyage. Cartier sailed on his second voyage with three ships and a hundred and ten companions, including some enthusiastic ad- venturers of noble birth and ample fortune and a less worthy contingent of impressed crim- inals. Late in July, the ships were in the Straits of Belle Isle. Thence they sailed into the gulf and entered the strait that he had previously named in honor of Saint Peter. This was on the day dedi- carder at Gasp6 cated to Saint Lawrence — whence the now familiar names. The Indians who had returned from France reported that the channel in which they were opened upon a river that led inland to unnavigable rapids. But Cartier went on- ward, hoping then, as Champlain did long after, that this might prove the open highway to the East. In the small- est of their three vessels the Frenchmen sailed on in a great dehght born of the beauty of the river and its banks. Sailing up the great river, they were tempted to delay by the picturesque and wonderful gorge of the Saguenay. Further up the river, Cartier met Donnacona, the 1534 ^ S 3 S September 5, 1534 His Second Voyage, May 19. '535 Up the Saint Lawrence, September I 3o6 The Pioneers of New France 1535 "Lord of Canada," who bade him "go to my village of Stadacone yonder, where you will find safe harbor and a welcome." Cartier accepted the invitation, sailed by the Falls of Montmorency, and cast anchor in a harbor sur- rounded by scenery of grandeur and enchanting beauty. Just above the Island of Orleans the Saint Charles River flows into the Saint Lawrence. Between the rivers is At Quebec the noble headland now known as Quebec. Just north of the Saint Charles was Stadacone, the home of the September 15 barbarian "Lord of Canada." Cartier brought his ships from below and got them into safe position for the winter. Donnacona wanted a monopoly of French friendship and trinket gifts, and sought to deter his guests from a further ascent of the river. One morning, a boat emerged from the woods with three men "dressed like devils, wrapped in hogges skins white and black, their faces besmeared black as any coals, with horns on their heads more than a yard long." These alleged messengers from Cudragny, the local deity of Hochelaga, warned the Frenchmen that, if they advanced further, they would miserably die with the fearful cold. Cartier met prophecy with prophecy and beat the Indians at their own game. At Montreal, Leaving a force to protect the ships, Cartier went on September 19 ^j^j^ j^j^ pinuace, two Small boats, and fifty men. Forced by the rapids to leave the pinnace, they still pushed on their way in great delight. The lands on either hand were rich and fruitful and the forests were aglow October 2 with the beauty of their autumnal robes. At Hoche- laga, the explorers were met by the natives ( prob- ably Hurons) with every sign of friendship. They found a fortified village of fifty communal houses, each "about fifty paces long and twelve or fifteen broad, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad as any board, very finely and cunningly joined together, and having many rooms." Cartier climbed the hill at the foot of which the village lay. As he reached the summit, he was filled with admiration by the outstretched panorama of wood and waters and mountains. He 3o8 The Pioneers of New France 1535 called the hill Mont Real (i.e., Mount Royal). Since 1536 then the name has been extended to the city and the island. Here the rapids of Lachine checked the west- ward progress of the explorers. The natives told Cartier that, "after passing three more such falls of water, a man might sail for three months along that river and yet not reach the end." It was an evident impossibility to reach the South Sea by that route and on that voyage, in spite of Indian stories of the kingdom of Saguenay, rich in gold and silver, rubies and other precious gems — stories that stirred up visions of a good fortune like that of Cortes in Mexico. Cartier and his companions returned to their ships at the "Harbor of the Holy Cross," somewhere on the Saint Charles River. In his ab- Cartier's Return, October 1 1 Jacques Cartier sence, the men left behind had built a rude fort and there all passed the winter. They suf- ered much from cold and scurvy, and twenty-five of the party died. Cartier may have thought that, after all, there was some- thing in the threats of the Indian god Cudragny. In the spring, Cartier set up a cross with the arms of France and, that in per- son they might repeat to King Francis the story of the kingdom of Saguenay, enticed the May 3, 1536 chief Donnacona and eleven of his tribe on shipboard. In spite of all entreaties, the Indians were borne off to France. As one of his smaller vessels was not sea- worthy, Cartier left her in the Saint Charles, where, in 1843, h^^ alleged remains were found imbedded in the mud. Having left no colony behind, Cartier landed at Saint Malo on the sixteenth of July, 1536. Nothing more was done to explore or colonize the new lands for several years, before which time all but one of the stolen Indians had been converted, baptized, received into the bosom of the church, and buried. The Pioneers of New France 309 But the French could not abandon New France. 1540 Jean Francois de la Roche, Lord of Roberval in i 542 Picardy, was commissioned as lieutenant and viceroy Robenai of Canada, etc, Cartier was associated with him as January 15, captain-general and chief pilot of the expedition. The '54° division of authority was unfortunate. Roberval was October 17 anxious for power ; Cartier and his companions were "moved, as it seemeth, with ambition because they would have all the glory of the discovery of those parts themselves." When the ships were in the roadstead ready to sail from Saint Malo, Roberval arrived. Un- willing to sail without some artillery that he had ordered, he resolved to fit out another vessel at Honfleur, and gave orders to Cartier to "depart and goe before and to governe all things as if he had bene there in person, and these things thus dispatched, the winde comming faire, the foresayd five ships set sayle together well furnished and victualled for two yeere, the 23rd of May, 1541." After vainly waiting six weeks at Newfoundland for Carrier in the viceroy, Cartier piloted his fleet up the Saint Law- ^^^^"^^ rence and reached his old anchorage at the "Harbor of August 22, the Holy Cross." In September, he sent two of his '54i vessels back to France. He then went up the river beyond the site of Hochelaga, which seems to have been burned by the Iroquois a short time before. When Cartier returned to his fort, it appeared that the Indians were preparing to attack the intruders. At this point the story is suddenly interrupted. We hear no more of Cartier and his men until the spring of 1542, when he was on his way back to France with some quartz crystals that he thought were diamonds and a little metal that he mistook for gold. After the departure of Cartier from Saint Malo in Roberval in May, 1 541, Roberval seems to have gone to Honfleur, Canada secured ships, and put his artillery on board. Owing to delays of several kinds, nearly a year went by before his expedition was ready. In the following spring, April, 1542 Roberval set sail from La Rochelle with three ships that carried about two hundred persons, mostly 3IO The Pioneers of New France Disease and Discipline 1542 malefactors. The accounts of this expedition are very 1543 unsatisfactory and even contradictory. Dates are con- fusing, and the recitals generally given are forced to a considerable degree. All in all, the account herewith given seems the most reasonable and probable. After a two months' voyage, and while refitting the fleet in the Newfoundland harbor of Saint Johns, Cartier's fleet made its appearance. Roberval ordered Cartier and his companions to return with him to the Saint Lawrence. In disregard of the orders of the viceroy, the captain- general and his people "stole privily away the next night and departed home for Bretaigne." Late in June, Roberval sailed up the river and made a landing a few leagues above the Island of Orleans. Whether or not he occupied the buildings lately abandoned by Cartier is not known. The ships were unloaded and two of them sent back with reports to the king and orders to bring out fresh stores in the following summer. During the long win- ter, the party suffered greatly from cold, famine, and scurvy. The diet of fish and porpoise bred disease, and fifty or more of the company died. Those who did not die seem to have been unruly, as might well have been expected, for many of them had come from French prisons. The viceroy seems to have had a win- ning way of making himself cordiallv hated. As Doctor De Costa says, he dealt out even and concise justice, laying John of Nantes in irons, whipping both men and women soundlv, and hanging Michael Gaillon — by which means they lived in quiet. At the beginning of June the ships had not returned with provisions, but Roberval could wait no longer for the conquest of the kingdom of Saguenay. Seventy men were embarked in eight small boats; thirtv per- sons, some of whom were women, were left to guard the fort, and with orders to sail for France at the end of three weeks if help had not then arrived. On the way to Hochelaga, one of the eight boats was upset and all of the crew were drowned. Another of the boats was Roberval's Return The Pioneers of New France 311 sent back to the fort with news of the loss, a small sup- 1543 ply of corn, and fresh orders for the garrison to delay their departure for three weeks more. At this point the story is again interrupted, leaving us without infor- mation as to the adventures of Roberval and his men in their search for the kingdom of Saguenay. We only know that, when they returned to the fort, they found that Cartier had returned with the much-needed provi- sions, that the services of Roberval were required in the wars at home, that he at once set sail, and that in the following fall the remainder of the ill-fated expedi- tion returned to France. Roberval, having accom- plished nothing, abandoned his viceroyalty. It seems that Roberval's pilot, Jean Allefonsce, New France having failed to discover the short route to India ^""^^ through the ice along the Labrador coast, went up and down the Saint Lawrence and searched the seaboard for an opening, going as far as Massachusetts Bay. In 1 544, Roberval and Cartier were summoned before the April 3 king to settle the accounts of their joint expedition, after which neither took any part in the exploration of New France, Not much had been accomplished by the French in America, and years passed before further official attempts were made. But the efforts of Francis I. were not wholly wasted. The fisheries were main- tained and increased in value. Communication between France and Canada was kept up until the end of the century, when the colonization of New France was once more undertaken by the government. Up to this time, all attempts at American coloniza- French Protes- tion by the French had been made by those who were "^^"'^ loyal to the Catholic church. But not all Frenchmen of that age were good Catholics. In his exile at Strass- burg and Geneva, Calvin had established the congrega- tion that became the model for the Protestants of France. The Reformation slowly took deep root, and a struggle for political power added its flames to the fierceness of contending religious factions. Within 312 The Pioneers of New France 1555 France all was dark and threatening, while in the gloom 1562 without lay Spain imminent and terrible. viiiegagnon, In 1555, and as if in answer to the papal bull that CoiiT' ^"'^ divided the western hemisphere between Spain and Por- tugal, France sent Protestant Frenchmen to plant the fleur-de-lis on the shores of the New World. A Hugue- not colony, under Viiiegagnon, was planted in Brazil, but it soon came to a dismal end. A Franciscan monk, Andre Thevet, accompanied the expedition, and later claimed to have coasted the entire eastern shore of the United States in 1556. Like Fray Marcos, his reputa- tion for veracity is clouded. The power of the French throne was wielded by the regent, Catharine de' Medici. Among the French Protestants, or Huguenots, was Lord Admiral Coligny, popular with the people and a favorite of the regent. Grieving for the oppression of his friends and anxious for the glory of his France, Colignv sought an interview with Catharine. The regent granted his request, and the scarcely legible signature of the child king, Charles IX., was affixed to a charter that authorized Coligny to establish a Protestant French empire in America. Ribauit, Coligny sent two ships with able seamen, veteran February i8, soldicrs, and some of the French nobility. The expedition was in command of Captain John Ribauit, mariner of Dieppe. Of his followers Mr. Gay has said that they were de- ter m i n e d to be rich, and that they proposed also to be good. After a tempestuous voy- age, land was made on the Florida coast near the site As the The Landing of Ribauit of Saint Augustine, on the thirtieth of April boats approached the land, the assembled Indians pointed The Pioneers oi New France 313 out their chief seated on boughs of laurel and palm, and 1562 even offered their few and scanty garments to the stran- gers. Thence the Frenchmen sailed northward along the coast and soon came to a river that was found "to May i increase in depth and largenesse, boyling and roaring through the multitude of all kind of fish." From the date of its discovery they called it the River of May. We call it the Saint Johns. Finding safe harbor and pleasant welcome, they landed and entered upon the pos- session of their new domain with devotions, delight, and French enthusiasm. " Never had they known a fairer May-day." With festooned cypress and palmetto, with wdde- At the River spreading magnolias crowned with their wreaths of '^^^^y gorgeous blossoms, with birds and beasts and per- fumed zephyrs, Florida in May would kindle the delight of a more stolid people than the French. "It is a thing unspeakable," wrote Ribault, "to consider the thinges that bee seene there, and shall bee founde more and more in this incomparable lande." At early morning of the following day, they landed with a stone column that bore the arms of France. This they erected on a grassy knoll and, with the usual cere- monies, took possession of the country In the name of Charles IX. of France. They cared as little for the red man's claim as they did for the papal bull that assured the land to Spain. The gathering natives viewed the column with puzzled look and mute surprise. In spite of the lesson given by the Spaniards, "they had yet to learn that, as heathens, they were the rightful spoil of all good Christians." The Frenchmen saw tempting evidences of turquoise, At Port Royal pearls, and precious metals, and listened with credulous excitement to native fictions of the cities of Cibola and of rivers that led thereto by twenty days' easy inland journey. Rejoicing in seductive visions of the life for which they had exchanged the civil strife and religious persecution of France, they sailed northward until, "athwart a mightle river," they came to a place that 314 The Pioneers of New France Idleness and Distress 1562 they called Port Royal. Ribault explored the country, and was so charmed with all he saw that he resolved to plant a colony. Thirty were chosen, and Albert de Pierria was appointed governor. On the island, a few Fort Charles miles ftom the site of Beaufort, a fort was built, provi- sioned, and named Fort Charles in honor of the k-ing. France and heresy had taken root in a soil to which Spain claimed the exclusive right by virtue of papal bounty. On the eleventh of June, Ribault set sail for France, bidding the colonists to "be kind to each other; let each love God and his neighbor; let no jealousies grow nor disputes make you live apart, but cultivate brotherly love and you will prosper." The colonists relied upon the promise of Ribault to send them aid and soon were dependent upon their dusky neighbors for support. The natives did not hate them as, with good reason, they hated Spaniards, but even the Indian could not help looking with pity and contempt upon the shiftless burden on his bounty. After mutiny and murder, famine threatened, and the colonists determined to go back to France. They built as best they could a crazy craft and set out upon the homeward voyage. Atter three weeks of calms came starvation and storms. For days the boat drifted help- less. Fresh water was gone and salt water poured in Starvation and through cvcry seam of the waterlogged craft. Lots Rescue were cast to see who should die that the others might live. " Now his flesh was divided equally among his fellowes ; a thing so pitiful to recite that my pen is loth to write it." An English vessel rescued the survivors and bore the feeble to France and the strong to English prisons. It was more than a century betore the Hugue- nots again appeared at Port Royal. Laudonniere Ribault had arrived safely in France in July of the preceding year, but France was taking her bath of blood and the little colony was abandoned to its fate. Atter the signing of the peace of Amboise, Coligny's renewed appeals met with success. A squadron of three ships April 22,1564 was sent, in charge of Rene Laudonniere, who had The Pioneers of New France 315 of May sailed with Ribault two years before. With Laudon- i 5 6 niere went mechanics and laborers, many young men of family and fortune, and James le Moyne, an artist, who later left a narrative with many quaint illustrations. In At the rk- sixty days the fleet arrived at the River of May. Th e natives greeted them as friends and led them to the pillar of stone that Ri- bault had set up two years before. Laudonniere says: "Wee found the Ribauits PiUar 4 same crowned with crownes of Bay and at the foote thereof many little baskets full of mill [corn] which they call in their language Tapaga Tapola. Then, when they came thither, they kissed the same with great reverence, and besought vs to do the like which we would not denie them, to the ende we might drawe them to be more in friendship with vs." The simple natives had lifted the stone into the dignity of a god. Laudonniere seems to have heard of the abandonment of Fort Charles, and did not go to Port Royal. His colony was planted on the River of May, not far from what is now called Saint John's Bluff. Here, at a spot so fair "that melancholy itself could Fort Caroline not but change its humor as it gazed," the Huguenots built Fort Caroline, doubly doomed to bloody baptism. Protestantism did not reach the common people in France as it did in England. The fatal error of Fort Charles was repeated at Fort Caroline ; the soil was left untitled. Everywhere the query was for gold and silver; everywhere the natives made reply, " Further on." The colony had as its foundation the religious enthusiasm and the patriotism represented by Geneva and the martyrs. But with the devoted fugitives had been mingled a 3i6 The Pioneers of New France 6 4 motley group of dissolute men, A few desperate charac- 6 5 ters at Fort Caroline stole Laudonniere's two small vessels and began a buca- neering cruise. Two larger ships were quickly- built, and promptly seized by others who joined their pirate brethren in plun- dering the Spanish. Three of the stolen ships were captured by the Spaniards, and the un- willing pilot of the fourth, on the twenty-fifth of March, 1565, ran her back to Fort Caroline. Laudonniere enjoyed the execution of the ring- leaders that he thus caught, and those who fell into Spanish hands — Mr. Shea says that in Spanish eyes the Huguenots were simply pirates. In the spring of 1565, Map of the Huguenot Settlements ^Yl^^e WaS distrCSS in the Huguenot colony, which, in early August, was relieved by the English corsair, John Hawkins. Admiral Haw- kins had just landed a cargo from Guinea in the markets of Haiti; from the bloody profits he gave with gener- osity to mitigate the sufferings of Huguenots. Thus provisioned, and provided with a ship, the colonists August 28 were about to sail, when Ribault arrived with seven ships laden with supplies and reinforcements. He took command of the now joyous Frenchmen, and a Protes- tant French empire seemed assured. England had not yet planted her standard anywhere on the new continent. There was no danger to Spanish interests from a French Ribault Returns The Pioneers of New France 317 occupancy of cold Canada, but it was decided that any 1565 French settlement further south should be crushed on one pretext or another. Laudonniere was recalled to France, but when he went he carried stirring news. Pedro Menendez de Aviles, after many ups and Menendez downs of life, had made a compact with Philip II. of Spain to conquer and convert Florida at his own cost. He was to be adelantado for life and to have large emoluments from the expected conquest. His Florida extended from Mexico to Labrador. Before he sailed from Spain, word came to Madrid that Frenchmen had already invaded his domain. " The trespassers, too, were heretics, foes of God and liegemen of the Devil. Their doom was fixed." For the holy war, nearly four hundred men were added at the royal charge to the force that Menendez gathered, and adventurers crowded to enroll themselves. " To plunder heretics is good for the soul as well as the purse, and broil and massacre have double attraction when promoted into a means of salvation." As Catholic, Spaniard, and adventurer the adelantado's course was clear. Menendez pushed with furious energy his attempt to anticipate Ribault and his reinforcements for Fort Caroline. He sailed from Cadiz on the twenty-ninth of June, 1565. A week after Ribault's arrival, a third fleet suddenly At the River appeared off the mouth of the River of May. When the "''^^^y commander was asked who his followers were and what they wanted, Menendez answered that they were Span- iards sent by their king to gibbet and behead all Lutheran French found in his dominions. "The Frenchman who is a Catholic I will spare ; every heretic shall die." There are wide differences in the accounts of these events, the coloring of the picture varying with the point of view or tinge of religious bias. In his apology for Menendez, Mr. Shea says: "The two bitter antagonists, each stim- ulated by his superiors, were thus racing across the Atlan- tic, each endeavoring to outstrip the other so as to be able first to assume the offensive. The struggle was to be a deadly one, for on neither side was there any of the 3i8 The Pioneers of New France 1565 ordinary restraints; it was to be a warfare without mercy." Ribault won the race, but the Fates turned his victory to disaster. When Menendez gave his blood-curdling answer, three of Ribault's ships were at Fort Caroline. The other four slipped their cables, put out to sea, and easily out- sailed their pursuers. When the latter gave up the chase, the Frenchmen watched the Spaniards land their Saint Augus- tine Founded Fort Caroline men and stores at the River of Dolphins, a few leagues September 6 further south. Hcrc Menendez immediately laid the foundations of Saint Augustine, the oldest European settlement in the United States. In this work he used African slaves, another "introduction" of negro slavery into this country. The French ships hastened back to the River of May. Tactics Determined to attack the enemv ere thev had time to fortify, Ribault left a small garrison at Fort Caroline and September 10 sct Sail with his larger ships and nearly all his fighting force. A violent tempest wrecked his ships almost at the moment of attack. Menendez saw his opportunity. The Pioneers of New France 319 With a force of five hundred men he began an overland 1565 march to attack Fort CaroHne before the shipwrecked September 17 Frenchmen could return. After struggling through swamps and forests, with water often to their waists and rains beating upon their heads, they reached the unsen- tineled fort in the darkness of night. There was little of September fighting, much of killing, but not a Spaniard hurt. No '9-^0 quarter was given even to women or children; a hun- dred and forty-two were slaughtered. A few escaped Massacre through the marshes to the ships and sailed for France, without waiting to hear of the fate of Ribault and his companions. Among these fugitives were Laudonniere and Le Moyne. The few prisoners taken were hanged. Over their heads Menendez placed the inscription: "I do this not as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans." This was on Saint Matthew's day, whence the new name, September 21 San Mateo, given to the fort and river. Menendez returned with fifty men to Saint Augustine, where his success was celebrated with thanks to God. The mas- sacre at Fort Caroline was the first struggle between Europeans within the boundaries of our present domain. On behalf of Menendez, Mr. Shea and others have entered pleas of not guilty to some of the worst items of the indictment. Ribault and his shipwrecked Frenchmen surrendered in reli- ance on the compassion of Men- endez, whose highest conception of love to God was identical .^^^v'^^^^t^"' <^\ with cruelty to man — when man was heretical. They were re- ceived in small detachments and firmly bound. Menendez wrote to the king: "They were put to the sword, judging this to be expedient for the service of God our Lord and of your majesty." Mr. Shea says that they "were put to death in cold blood as ruthlessly as the French, ten years Matanzas, which signifies Slaughter-yard ^\^ «mA' Pedro Menendez de Aviles ... 320 The Pioneers of New France 1565 before, had despatched their prisoners amid the smoking ruins of Havana and, Hke them, in the name of rehgion." The spot is still known as "the bloody river of Matan- zas." A few Frenchmen who escaped southward from Matanzas Inlet were afterward taken prisoners. By way of variety, Menendez spared their lives. On one of the despatches of his adelantado. King Philip wrote: "Say to him that, as to those he has killed, he has done well ; and, as to those he has saved, they shall be sent to the gal- leys." The loss by massacre at Fort Caroline and Matanzas was said by the French to be nine hundred, but other writers call this statement "exaggerated" and "impossible." Within a month from the arrival of Ribault's fleet, the first act of the tragedy was ended. Execration When the ncws of the massacre in Florida reached France, a cry of horror and execration was raised by the Huguenots and echoed by many Catholics. Redress was demanded, but in the end the French king and his mother pocketed the affront rather than to reopen the quarrel with Spain. The relatives of the victims peti- tioned for reparation, but Coligny's power had waned and the king was "fast subsiding into the deathly embrace of Spain, for whom, at last, on the bloody eve of Saint Bartholomew, he was to become the assassin of his own best subjects." As Mr. Parkman has pointed out, the state of international relations at that time is hardly con- ceivable at this day. Puritans and Huguenots regarded Spain as their natural enemy, and joined hands with godless freebooters to rifle her ships, kill her sailors, or throw them alive into the sea. Spain seized Protestant sailors who ventured into her ports and burned them as heretics or consigned them to a living death in the inquisition. In the latter half of the century, these mutual outrages went on for years. There was occa- sional menace, but no redress and no declaration of war. But the butcheries of Fort Caroline and Matanzas were to be avenged. De Gourgues Dominique de Gourgues, a soldier and a Gascon, had suffered as a Spanish prisoner, chained to the oar as a August 24, 1572 Reciprocity The Pioneers of New France 321 galley-slave. It is not certain that he was a Huguenot, 1567 but, Catholic or heretic, he hated the Spaniards. He sold his estates, borrowed from his friends, fitted out an expedition, and with misleading pretense sailed for August 22, Florida. He made an alliance with an Indian chief, the '5^7 first of many between the Indians and the French, and attacked the three Spanish forts on the San Mateo. As three years before, there was quick and effective work. The fleeing Spaniards were pursued by the avenging The Avenger Frenchmen and met, in the tangles of the forest, by the exultant Indian warriors. There were four hundred Spaniards dead ; but vengeance was not satisfied. The few prisoners taken were soon hanging on the trees where Huguenots had been gibbeted, " not as French- men but as Lutherans." Over their heads De Gourgues wrote with red-hot irons : " I do not this as unto Spaniards but as unto traitors, robbers, and murderers." Again the curtain falls ; another tragedy is ended. As the three hundred men of the avenger were not a force sufficient for the capture of Saint Augustine, De Gour- gues sailed back to France in May, 1568. His king disavowed his expedition and gave up Florida. The Huguenots had no home, and France no New World empire. At the same time, the Gulf of Mexico lay embosomed within the territories of Spain. C H A P T E R X X I w T W A D H English Seamen W^ May 21, 1553 HILE these bloody scenes were being worked out by French and Spanish actors, England began to rub her eyes and to waken from her doze. For fifty years few Englishmen had crossed the ocean, while Spain and France contended for the land that Cabot found. The discovery of the American con- tinent attracted as little attention in England as the dis- covery of the Antarctic continent did in America. The northwest passage was elusively discouraging, and a conviction grew that the better route was by the northeast. Then Edward VI. recalled Sebastian Cabot from Spain, The Muscovy company of merchant adventur- ers was organized, and under its auspices Sir Hugh Willoughby was sent with an English fleet seeking a northeasterlv passage to Cathay. Only one ot the ships got home. Two years later, two of the ships were found by fishermen in a Lapland harbor. Willoughby's corpse was found sitting in the cabin, while scattered about both ships were the bodies of the frozen crews. In spite of the pathetic tragedv, a new channel of trade was opened, and the taste of maritime adventure developed an Queen Elizabeth Westward Ho ! 323 interest that grew rapidly. When EHzabeth became 1530 queen, a fresh vigor seemed to animate her people. A i 5 6 8 new race arose — lawless men, smugglers, slave-traders; and adventurous bucaneers though they were, they broke the power of Spain, made the name of England and her virgin queen mighty upon the seas, and changed the destiny of North America. They should take who have the power, And those should keep who can. As early as 1530, William Hawkins of Plymouth, john Hawkins England, "armed out a tall and goodly ship of his own," skirted the African coast, and became the father of an Eng- lish slave-trade that flourished for almost three hundred years. In 1562, his son John followed his example ; and, in i 565, as we have seen, bore needed help to the Huguenots at Fort Caroline. In those days, our English kin, like the Spaniard, took little thought of the cruelty and wrong involved in the theft of human flesh and blood. Hawkins sailed in the ship "Jesus," and in his sailing- orders were the words : " Serve God daily ; love one another." He has told the story of escaping starvation when becalmed upon the ocean: "Almighty God, who never suffereth his elect to perish, sent us the ordinary breeze." Still, he kept on stealing negroes, selling slaves, crossing swords with Spaniards on land and water, and began the long sea-fight between Spain and England for the possession of the New W^orld. In 1568, by Spanish breach of faith he was disastrously defeated in the Mex- ican port of San Juan de Ulua. On that day, Francis Drake learned his lesson of Spanish perfidy and learned it well. For meritorious service against the Spanish armada in 1588, the rear-admiral was made Sir John Hawkins. Sir John Hawkins 324 Westward Ho ! 5 7 7 Francis Drake took such sweet revenge for the perfidy at Ulua that, tor two hundred years, he was known in Francis Drake In the South Pacific August I 7, 1578 Sir Francis Drake Spanish annals as "The Dragon." He attacked and ravaged in the West Indies and on the Spanish main until he had "gotten to- gether a pretty sum of money," with which he provided a squad- ron of five vessels with an equip- ment that was complete and even luxurious. His flag-ship, the "Pelican," was of a hundred tons and mounted twenty guns. In her hold were pinnaces in parts that could be put together and cannons that could be brought up for use when needed. The five ships carried a hundred and sixty-four men and boys, including " one Ffrancis Ffletcher, Minister of Christ and Preacher of the Gospell." The minister did not prove wholly satisfactory to the admiral, for Drake sometimes did the preaching himself, and once, after putting the parson in irons, said : " Francis Fletcher, I doo heere excommvnicate thee out of the Church of God and from all the benefites and graces thereof, and I denounce thee to the divell and all his angells." Furthermore, he hung around his neck a placard with this legend : " francis fletcher, the falsest knave that liveth." As for the rest, they were described as " gentlemen and saylars," " a companye of des- perate banckwrouptes that could not lyve in theyr countrye without the spoyle of that as others had gotten by the swete of theyr browes." On the fifteenth of November, 1577, Drake sailed from Plymouth ostensibly for Egypt. In the following June, the beginning of the southern winter, he was at Port Saint Julian on the coast of South America, whence he sailed, in August, to essay the Magellan Strait. On the twenty-eighth of October, the " Pelican " was safe in the Pacific. The other ships had been lost or had Westward Ho! 325 deserted. About this time, Drake seems to have changed 1578 the name of his ship from the "PeHcan" to the "Golden 1579 Hind;" both names frequently appear. After passing through the strait, the "Pelican" was driven south by tempests. At the extreme point of Tierra del Fuego, Drake sprawled himself at length on the ground, " as if to grasp the southern end of the hemisphere." Thence he sailed northward, surprising the Spaniards on the Peruvian coast, pillaging their towns, plundering their treasure-ships, and capturing a booty of immense value. From one vessel he took a treasure estimated by the March i, Spaniards at a million and a half of ducats, or about '^79 three million dollars. The "doctrine of the inquisition that no faith was to be kept with heretics proved a dan- gerous doctrine for Spain when the heretics were such men as Hawkins, Cavendish, and Drake." Deeming a return by Magellan Strait too hazardous, offtheCaii- "lest the Spaniards should there waite," Drake pushed fof"'^ Coast northward beyond the mouth of the Columbia River. He sailed more than a thousand leagues without seeing land. In latitude forty-two degrees north, he met cold and persistent northwest winds and " most vile, thicke, and stinking fogges" that put an end to his search for a northern passage from the Pacific into the Atlantic. So he retraced his course and entered a bay to careen and repair his ship. No regular log of the voyage is known, but from the notes of the chaplain and the narrative of a companion we learn that Drake found a "convenient and fit harborough," and that "there is no part of the earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some special likelihood of gold or silver." It was long claimed that these notes prove that Drake discov- ered and anchored in San Francisco Bay, but it has since been made clear that he never entered the Golden Gate, and that the "Pelican" folded her wings behind the eastern promontory of Point Reyes, a few miles further north. Drake and his companions were received as gods in the Queen's by the natives, who made supplication that he would ^'^'"^ 326 Westward Ho 1579 accept their land and become their king. " In the 1580 name and to the use of Queen Elizabeth he took the scepter, crown, and dignity of the country into his hand." He called the country New Albion. Before leaving, he set up a post with a brass plate on which were engraved his sovereign's name, the date of his landing, and a brief record of the gift of the country. He also left her majesty's portrait and arms — a silver sixpence "showing through a hole made of purpose in the plate." The First Eng- Having gained for himself an honest fame, the illus- iish circum- tj-Jous corsair sailed westward across the Pacific, doubled the Cape of Good Hope, and, after a three years' absence, arrived at Plymouth in September, 1580, the first of Englishmen to circumnavigate the globe. The people gave him enthusiastic welcome and the queen was very gracious. She banqueted with him on ship- board, rested beneath rich canopies of stolen silk, trod on Turkish rugs that lay on decks oft stained with i blood, partook of dainty viands served in silver dishes, ' drank old wines from golden goblets, and, with his own sword, thrice gently smote upon the shoulders of the kneeling captain of the pirate crew and bade him rise Sir Francis Drake. Bucaneering The reader need not be confused or led into error by Heroes ^ reference to Sir Francis Drake as the captain of a 1 pirate crew. In his dav, the English navy was not a *| national institution in the sense that it is today. A flavor of bucaneering pervaded nearly all the mari- time operations of that age, and, to a considerable extent, European navies were supported by private enterprise. This easy-fitting policy was especially help- ■ ful to Oueen Elizabeth, who was thus enabled to avow ^ or to disclaim responsibility for the acts of her captains as suited best the circumstances of any individual case. Her great seamen would attack and capture a Spanish galleon in time of nominal peace and snugly stow in J their own strong chests the gold and silver that they ■ took; thus far they were corsairs. They also did this Westward Ho ! 327 in the name of their queen, for the glory of England, 1585 and to the cumulative undoing of Spain; in that they 1586 were chivalric sailors, knights, patriots, and heroes, and England so regards them to this day. In 1585, war between Spain and England was Arson and declared, and Sir Francis sailed from Plymouth with ^^"^om twenty-five ships and twenty-three hundred men for an attack on the Spaniards in America. They burned a third of Santo Domingo and exacted a ransom of twenty- five thousand Spanish ducats for what they spared. Cartagena made a stubborn fight, but paid a hundred and ten thousand ducats. In 1586, while searching for the English colony of Roanoke, he entered the River of Dolphins, burned Saint Augustine, and carried off rich booty. In 1587, he "singed the beard of the king of Spain" by burning a hundred of his ships in the harbor of Cadiz. In the following year, he was vice-admiral of the fleet that defeated the armada that was called invincible. The sea that was his glory is his grave. In 1585, the youthful Thomas Cavendish went as cap- cavendish tain of one of the ships that bore Walter Ralegh's first colony to the shores of North Carolina. The next year, he followed in Drake's track. He plundered the Spanish i^^-^'W^^^i J"'y ^'' '586 ships off the coast of Chile and Peru, and whipped their great flag-ship, "Santa Anna," off the coast of California. With prudent forethought, he re- moved the silks and satins and wines and a hundred and twenty-two thousand pesos of gold before he burned the Spanish war-ship to the water's edge. He sailed westward and became the second English cir- cumnavigator of the globe. On his return to England, September 10, he made this report: "I burnt and sunk nineteen sail '5^8 Thomas Cavendish 328 Westward Ho 1578 of ships, small and great; and all the villages and towns 1583 that ever I landed at I burned and spoiled." As the loss fell on the Spanish, Cavendish was gladly welcomed by the English. By such doings the naval power of Spain was broken, Britannia made ruler of the wave, and the English colonization of North America rendered possible. These vigorous newcomers "plundered a great many Spanish cities and captured a great many Spanish galleons, but they made no great or lasting con- quests of Spanish territory." Sir Humphrey Gilbert had been a soldier in Ireland and France, and with the prince of Orange in the Netherlands had fought for the new faith against the Spaniards. In 1578, through the influence of his half Humphrey Gilbert brother, he received from the queen a commission "to in- habit and possess at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actual possession of any Christian prince." He made an unsuccessful start, and in a few days returned with the crippled remnant of his fleet. He had lost a ship by storm or Spaniards. We need not wonder at the alter- native, for chronic plundering begets reprisal. He again set sail in June, 1583, with five ships and a golden anchor sent as a good-will token by the queen. The crew of the " Ralegh " (two hundred tons) soon deserted and ran the ship back to England. The four remaining ships landed at New- foundland, a resting-place on the way to a more southern land. Sir Humphrey's men were, in large part, a worth- less set, and his experience was a series of disasters. As the weather was tempestuous and growing cold and the supply of provisions was low and becoming less, Gilbert resolved to return to England. In a furious September gale off the Azores, the ship that bore the admiral nearly Sir Humphrey Gilbert Westward Ho ! 329 foundered. When Sir Humphrey was urged to go on i 5 board a larger craft, he made reply: "Do not fear; heaven is as near by water as by land." That night, the little vessel, with all on board, was swallowed up in the great sea. The half-brother who had aided Sir Humphrey Gilbert Waiter was the famous Walter Ralegh, kindred in spirit as well ^*'^s^ as by blood and younger by a dozen years. He left his books at Oxford to learn the ^ art of war with Coligny and the ^', Huguenots in France. He served under the prince of Orange in the Netherlands and became the lifelong foe to Spain and her religion. He won dis- tinction in the wars of Ireland, which he called "that common- welthe or rather common woo." According to tradition, the courtly captain spread his rich mantle that his queen might walk dry-shod, and lost nothing by his gallantry. " He was at once the most industrious scholar and the most accomplished courtier of his age: as a projector, profound, ingenious, and indefatigable; as a soldier, prompt, daring, and heroic: so contemplative that he might have been judged unfit for action ; so active that he seemed to have no leisure for contemplation." Ralegh took up the work that by his brother's death Ralegh's fell at his feet. The queen granted him a charter that ^^"^" secured for him inviting lands, and for his colonists "all the privileges of free denizens and persons native of England in such ample manner as if they were born and personally resident in our said realm of England," "the very thing that, two centuries later, Patrick Henry and Samuel Adams demanded and George III. refused to concede." Even in that early day, the crown and the parliament were engaged in a struggle for the sov- \ Sir Walter Ralegh 3 30 Westward Ho! 1584 ereignty, with the privy council as a buffer between. 158*; As the Tudors were always ready to sacrifice the form for the substance of autocracy, a bill confirming Ralegh's patent was passed through parliament. In April, 1584, Ralegh sent Arthur Barlowe and Philip Amadas with two ships to find the place best fitted for a colony. Ralegh's Early in July, the party found a harbor in the sound Virginia ^j^ ^j^g coast of North Carolina, explored Roanoke Is- land and the smooth summer waters of Pamlico and Albemarle, gathered what information they could, were charmed with all they saw and heard, and, in September, sailed for England with Manteo and another native, some of the products of the delightful land, "the most wholesome of all the worlde," and "a bracelet of pearls as big as peas" for Walter Ralegh. The report of the explorers delighted the queen and her people. Ralegh received the honor of knighthood and the more profitable monopoly of the sale of sweet wines. He was permitted to call his new domain Virginia in honor of the Virgin queen, and almost without opposition was elected to parliament, where his patent was confirmed. Ralegh's Early in April of 1585, a fleet of seven ships set sail Colonists ^^ Plymouth with a notable company of about a hundred men with which to start the colony. Ralegh's cousin. Sir Richard Grenville, was commander of the fleet. Among the hundred were Ralph Lane, a soldier of distinction who had been picked out as governor of the contemplated colony; Philip Amadas who again com- manded a ship and was to be Lane's deputy; Thomas Cavendish, of whom we have already read; and Thomas Harriot, "the inventor of +, — , V, and the rest of those algebraic horrors," who went along as historian and naturalist. It was three months before they reached their destination, for Grenville took time on the way to capture Spanish frigates with "rich fraight and divers Spaniards of account which afterwards were ransomed for good round summes." During his short stay, Grenville burned an Indian town and destroyed the standing corn because a silver cup had been stolen and Westward Ho 331 not returned at once when called for. Of course, the i 5 8 good will won in the previous year was thus destroyed. Promising to re- August 25, 1585 Roanoke Abandoned turn by the next Easter, Grenville soon sailed for England. On the homeward voyage, he made more rich plunder from the Span- iards, with which he safely entered Plymouth Har- bor. Lane contin- ued the severities of Grenville, and soon the. natives were changed from admiring friends to open enemies. Supplies from England did not come, provi- sions were exhausted, and the Indians refused to furnish food. Under grave difficulties, the exploration of the coasts and rivers was pursued with an earnestness that challenges admiration. Suddenly a friendly fleet appeared in the wild road of the bad harbor. On his way home from Saint Augustine, Sir Francis Drake had called to see his English brethren at Roanoke. He found them dis- heartened with the trials that they had fairly brought upon themselves. In Drake's ships the colonists set June 19, sail, taking with them tobacco and potatoes. The ships '^^^ arrived at Portsmouth on the twenty-seventh of July. The potatoes were planted on Ralegh's estate in Ireland. Hardly had Lane and his companions left Roanoke when relief sent by Ralegh arrived at Hatteras. Finding no colony, the relief ship returned to England. Two weeks after its departure, Grenville returned to Roanoke with Map of Ralegh's Explorations 332 Westward Ho 1586 three ships laden with suppHes and also made vain search 1587 for the colony that he had planted. To protect the / t W&^^ An Indian Village rights of England, Grenville left fifteen men with supplies for two years. Roanoke In the following spring, the still hopeful Ralegh pre- Reestabhshed p^j-g,^ ^ new colony. John White and twelve associates Westward Ho! 333 were incorporated as the " Governor and Assistants of i 587 the City of Ralegh in Virginia." Of the hundred and i 5 9 i seventeen colonists, seventeen were women ; the men were chiefly farmers and artisans. They were to aban- don the settlement at Roanoke and establish new homes at Chesapeake Bay. The three ships reached the American coast on the twenty-second of July, 1587. The colonists did not go beyond Roanoke, where they stopped to look for the fifteen men whom Grenville had left the year before. A ruined fort and whitening human bones too plainly told the story of Indian attack and massacre. All further trace of " the protectors of the rights of England " was lost. The Indian Manteo, who had gone to England with Barlowe and returned with Grenville, was now living with his people, the Hatteras Indians, at Croatan. As the faithful friend of the whites, he received the rite of Christian baptism and the order August 13, of a feudal baron as " Lord of Roanoke" — the begin- '^87 ning and the end of the true American peerage. In the same month, Eleanor Dare, wife of one of the assistants August 18 and daughter of the governor, gave birth to a child whom they called Virginia — the first Anglo-American. After waiting a month. Governor White returned to England for assistance. The parting was forever. White found Ralegh and the queen engaged with a Lost Coiony plans for national defense against the " invincible arma- da," with which Philip II. of Spain, " stung to the quick by heresy and privateering," was about to strike. Even amid these exciting scenes, the courtier found opportunity to send the governor back with two pinnaces, fifteen April 22, planters, and "convenient provisions" for the colonists '^^^ at Roanoke. White fell in with Spanish ships and was forced to return to England. Nothing was done in 1589. Early in the following year, three merchantmen bound February, for the West Indies were released from the embargo on 1590-91 condition that they would carry supplies and passengers to Virginia. On one of them went Governor White, March 20, unaccompanied even by a servant. The merchantmen '59' found plundering prizes so profitable that Virginia was 3 34 Westward Ho ! 1 5 9 Croatan Philip II. of Spain I not reached until August. At last a boat was anchored off the fort. A trumpet-call and familiar English tunes were sounded ; but no answer came back. The colony was lost; it was never found. It had been agreed that, if in the governor's absence the col- onists changed their habitation, they would cut the name of their destination upon door-posts or trees ; if they went in distress they were to add a cross. Upon one tree White found the letters CRO, and upon another tree the quaintly carved capitals in full, CROATOAN ; there was no cross. The houses within the palisades were gone, but there were some heavy guns covered with grass and weeds, a rust-eaten suit of armor, and that brief message, CROATOAN! How high with hope that father's heart must have beaten ; what eager haste he must have made toward the island home of the friendly and baptized " Lord of Roanoke ! " But supplies were getting short and the sailors were impatient. The ships made no stop at Croatan as they sailed by. As White was a mere passenger, perhaps he had no choice ; perhaps he did not doubt that his children and their com- panions had been murdered by the red men. "Howbeit Captaine White sought them no further, but missing them there, and his company havinge other practices, and which those tymes afforded, they returned covetous of some good successe upon the Spanish fleete to returne that yeare from Mexico and the Indies." It has been generally believed that the colonists of Virginia Dare j ^ g y were iTiassacred soon after the governor's departure. But there are traditions and records that throw much doubt upon the matter and leave it probable that Man- teo saved their lives. They may have been incorporated into some Indian tribe, and, when Jamestown was founded twenty years later, Virginia Dare may have been The Fate of Westward Ho 335 a young Indian "queen." Thus is the fate of the first i 5 9 i family of Virginia clad in romantic mystery. While he had means and personal freedom, Ralegh did not cease to search for the lost colony. He sent on this quest not fewer than five expeditions, but none of them found the colony left at Roanoke. The death of Queen Elizabeth ended the prosperity of The Fate of " the shepherd of the ocean," and his attainder for ^""'"^^ treason terminated his patent. In the long years of his captivity in the Tower, he wrote his History of the IV or Id, while Eng- lishmen at Jamestown began again the plant- Autograph of Raiegh ing of the seed that has more than realized all that he fore- saw when he wrote to Cecil : " I shall yet live to see it an Inglishe nation." During a brief respite, he made his voyage to the Orinoco, " led by as wild a dream as any which in that age of dreams bewildered an explorer." From the fabled empire he brought home reports of strange men and many wonders — The cannibals that each other eat, The anthropophagi, and men whose heads Do grow beneath their shoulders, but not the gold the hope of which had unlocked his prison-doors. On an October day of 161 8, he stood upon the scaffold and, testing the edge of the headsman's ax, said: "This is a sharp medicine, but it is a cure for all diseases." The outlines of the fort of 1587 may still be traced. Relics of The site is overgrown and a "live-oak, draped with ^°^"°'^« vines, stands senti A fragment or two | may be discovered | then all is told of j of the City of [ wonderfully pre- i three centuries, is noke Colony Me- Outline of the Fort at Roanoke nel near the center, of stone or brick in the grass, and the existing relics Ralegh." The site, served for more than owned by the Roa- morial Association, 33^ Westward Ho organized in 1893. Between the waters of Albemarle and Pamlico sounds lies the North Carolina county of Dare. Within its bounds uneasy lie the island sands of Roanoke. On the island is the county-seat, Man- teo. Such memorials to the lost first-born and the dusky faithful friend are likely to endure. Far beyond the reach of the dirges of the sea stands, as it has stood since 1792, the city of Raleigh, the stately monument to the "brightest blossom of our English renaissance." Title-deeds of From the foregoing pages of this volume it may be the United gathered that heathen lands and peoples w"ere disposed of as freely by European pontiffs and potentates as if they were their own. But the attempts of the pope to divide the new worlds of the East and the West between Portugal and Spain ended in dismal failure. No American title-deeds today rest upon the papal bulls. Edmund Burke based the English claim for American dominion on the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot. And so of all; each rests upon the principle known as the right of discovery. This law is the issue of two princi- ples — one pagan, one Christian, both Roman. Right of Dis- The pagan principle is that of natural law, by virtue covery ^f which E thing found for which there is no owner — res nullius — belongs of right and in fact to the finder. Thus, fish in the ocean and game in the wild-woods belong to him who captures them. The Christian prin- ciple is born of the fact that the church defined the heathen as nulli — no ones — assuming, not only virtually but practically as well, that a heathen has no right that a Christian potentate is bound to respect. The idea is clearly placed before us in the papal bull of 1493 ^"^ 'i" the Cabot patent issued by Henry VII. Granted these two premises, there is no escape from the conclusion known as the law of the right of discovery. The premises were assumed and the conclusion universally acted upon. The luster is one of law rather than of justice. Westward Ho! 337 The ownership of the discoverer is Hmited by certain conditions : (a) The title rested not in him but in his king. Limitations Hence Cokimbus derived his authority as admiral and viceroy, not from the fact that he first found the new Indies, but from the antecedent fact that he had made a contract with Christian monarchs. (i^) Possession of the country must follow its discov- ery. The propriety of this is evident even to those who see nothing fair in any of the allied features. These conditions being complied with, a right is validity thereby established under the law, and the claim holds against all other powers. We have already noted that in England and France, although sovereigns and peoples were good Catholics, the papal bulls of 1493 were waste parchment. An English statute of 1392 asserted that no power stood between God and the crown, and Henry VII, and Francis I. held the assumption of the pope to be mere usurpation; but both countries recognized the right of discovery as binding upon them. Thus, in accord with English law and policy, the Cabotian patent of 1496 manifested a royal purpose to respect titles based upon discovery and occupancy. No longitudinal line of partition was recognized, but English exploration was directed to latitudes that Spaniards had not reached. CHAPTER XXII THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA Racial Unity American Indians N OTWITHSTANDING the minor differences peculiar to each community, the thousand native tribes formerly occupying the American continent from the arctic coasts to Cape Horn had certain broad common characteristics that stamped them and stamp their descendants as one race distinct from all others. Among the characteristics of the American Indians familiar to the inhabitants of the United States are, the cinnamon-colored complexion, high cheek-bones, straight black hair, and a lack or scantiness of beard. So far as present knowledge goes, all theories of a foreign origin must be regarded as purely speculative, without historical, linguistic, or other evidence to substantiate them. The Eskimo have been thought to be an exception, but the characteristics that distinguish them from their southern neighbors are now believed to be the result of a long-continued arctic littoral residence. Similarly, an exaggeration of the aboriginal culture found in Mexico and further south was once thought to indicate that the Aztec, the Maya, and the Peruvian were of a race different from the ruder people further north. Now there is an increasing disposition among ethnologists to agree that they were simply Indians, and that their culture was as truly native to the New World as was that of the Cherokees or the Mohawks. For all practical purposes, the American race must be considered as indigenous The Indians of North America 339 and distinct. As we have seen, the name "Indian" was 1492 given to the people of this race by Columbus under the 1904 mistaken impression that he had reached the East Indies. Before their acquaintance with the whites, few of the natives had any more distinctive name for themselves than "men" or "people;" many of the tribes now designate their race as the real or original people. The terms "red man" and "paleface" are inventions of the novelist. Arapaho Indians At the beginning of the colonization period, the terri- classification tory of what is now the United States and British °^^''^^^ America was occupied by several hundred distinct tribes, some of which were grouped into confederacies of which the Iroquois and the Creeks are the most prominent examples. The migratory tendencies of many of the Indians make it impossible to describe in general terms the tribal occupancy of the country. A map that would be correct for a given date would probably be sadly misleading in the study of events that took place a few 340 The Indians of North America Northern Tribes 1492 years earlier or later. In Canada and in the northern part I 9 o 4 of the great plains of the United States, the change of local haunts was especially active. The only practicable classification is based on language, as is explained further in the latter part of this chapter. In very general terms it may here be said of the Indians with whom the English colonists in North America had most to do, that the most numerous were the Algonquians (many tribes of common linguistic stock), who held the greater portion of the country from Hud- son Bay to the Carolinas and from the Atlantic to the Mississippi and beyond. Like an Iroquoian Island in an Algonquian ocean lay the territory occupied by the Mo- hawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. To these were later added the kindred Tuscaroras of North Carolina; thus "The Five Nations" of the Iroquois be- came " The Six Nations." Their palisaded villages were in the present state of New York, east and south of lakes Erie and Ontario. The southern Indians were of a milder disposition than the northern tribes. They were divided into five loose confederacies — the Cherokees (of Iroquoian stock), and the Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Seminoles (of Muskhogean stock). Occupying most of the country between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains were the fierce nomads of the Siouan (Dakotan) family. Siouan bands once occupied northern Illinois and the greater part of Wisconsin, and, when some of them withdrew to the west of the Missis- sippi, they probably left behind one of their tribes. At all events, the early French pioneers found the Winnebagoes in the vicinity of Green Bay in confederacy with their Algonquian neighbors. At the end of the nineteenth century, there were about one hundred and fifty officially recognized tribes in the United States, exclusive of Alaska, gathered upon more than fifty reservations, besides others that occupied state reservations or were scattered among the whites. We have no sufficient data for ascertaining the aboriginal population at the time of the discovery, but, after mak- Southerii Tribes Western Tribes Population Race The Indians of North America 341 ing all allowances for exaggeration in the early estimate, 1492 there can be no question that it has greatly diminished. 1904 The popular impression that the eastern tribes have simply been removed to the west is true in but a few cases. In most instances they have been exterminated by war, disease, and failure of accustomed food-supply, consequent upon the advent of the whites. A few examples will show the extent of the diminution, a vanishing The Powhatans of Virginia, carefully estimated at twenty- nine hundred warriors or from ten to twelve thousand per- sons in 1 607, were reduced to five hundred and twenty-five warriors in 1669, and to three hundred and sixty war- riors in 1700 — all this within a century. Most of the Virginia tribes are long since extinct. The Tuscaroras, the leading tribe of North Carolina, estimated in 1700 at twelve hundred warriors or more than four thousand persons, are now reduced to about seven hundred per- sons, almost all of mixed blood. The Catawbas, once the leading tribe of South Carolina, numbering fifteen hundred warriors on the first settlement of the colony, had been reduced in 1743 to fewer than four hundred warriors, and in 1775 to only one hundred warriors. These represented the remnants, not only of the Cataw- bas, but also of more than twenty smaller tribes that had been gradually incorporated with them. They now number about sixty mixed-bloods living on a small state reservation, with a few more living among the Choctaws in the Indian Territory. Thus, excepting a body of Cherokees still residing in the mountains of western North Carolina, and those now living in the Indian Territory, the aboriginal population of three eastern states, once numbering thousands of warriors, is reduced to fewer than a thousand mixed-bloods, with perhaps as much of white and negro as of Indian blood. The Pawnees of Nebraska steadily and rapidly decreased from eighty-four hundred in 1 847 to seven hundred and ten in 1897. Within the nineteenth century, the historic Mandans of North Dakota dwin- 342 The Indians of North America Nineteenth- century Losses 1492 died, chiefly by smallpox, from about fifteen hundred I 9 o 4 to two hundred and sixty-seven, and the cannibal Ton- kawas of Texas from about a thousand to fifty. In northern California the early miners wrought wholesale slaughter among the tribes, while in Oregon and western Washington the same result was accomplished by disease and general demoralization. The apparent increase of Indian population among the five civilized tribes of the Indian Territory is illusive, as these tribes have regu- larly "adopted" some thousands of whites and negroes, and admitted to full Indian citizenship persons who have but one-eighth, one-sixteenth, or even less of Indian blood. A few tribes still living in their original territories and subsisting by their accustomed food- supply, as the Hopis and the Navahos, have held their own or even increased. The number of Indians now in the United States is estimated at about two hundred and forty thousand, with an additional thirty thousand for Alaska. British America contains about a hundred thousand. Aboriginal house types varied in construction and material according to environment. The ordinary Eskimo house was semi-subterranean, walled up with stone, logs, or whale-ribs, and covered with earth. The door was at the side with a covered passageway; in large communal structures entrance was effected by means of a ladder let down through a hole in the roof. At times, the house was of stone, logs, or even blocks of snow cut and laid to form a dome-shaped structure. Along the northwest coast and the lower Columbia, the prevailing type was a square-built house of boards split from cedar, elaborately painted in bright colors, with tall " totem poles " or heraldic columns in front whereon the ancestral descent of the owner was indicated by means of fantastic carved figures. These houses were frequently built of great length, for communal purposes, separate fires for the different families being ranged along a central passageway. The wikiup of the Paiutes, Apaches, and other tribes of the Nevada basin 1900 Houses The Indians of North America 343 and the Colorado region was a rounded or elliptical 1492 structure of brush or reeds, almost entirely open at the 1904 top, as befitted a rainless region, and sometimes sur- rounded by a circular windbreak to keep off the winter blasts. The Nava- ho hogan of north- ern Arizona and New Mexico was of a very similar pattern, but of more permanent materia 1, being sol- idly built jf, of logs, " f| |i chinked with corn- stalks, and ^ P^P^g° "°"^« covered with earth, with a low covered passageway from the entrance. The Papago house, south of the Gila, was of grass, sometimes with an earth-covered roof. In all the circular structures, of whatever section, the fireplace was in the center and the door faced usually toward the east. The flat-roofed and solidly built stone or adobe pueblo of the agricultural tribes of New Mexico and i\rizona was the legitimate out- See page 29 growth of long sedentary residence in a region of little rain. The thick walls and terraced houses suggest the Orient, with its architecture developed under similar conditions. In the area of the plains, from the Saskatchewan to the Pecos, the roving buffalo-hunter sheltered himself in the tall conical tipi, of dressed buffalo-skin or latterly of canvas, its porta- bility and capacity for resisting the prairie winds best adapting it to his needs. In summer, it was set up in the open plain to avoid the mosquitoes; in winter, it was moved into the timber along the stream and further shielded with a windbreak. In addition to the tipi, the semi-agricultural tribes along the Missouri raised 344 The Indians of North America 1492 for winter residence large circular houses of logs, covered 1904 with earth, while the Wichitas of the upper Red River s^^^^g were lodged in pe- '-Ujp "==^J~'-' culiar houses of grass thatch laid \^^g over a framework of poles. East of the Mississippi the prevailing type w^as the wigwam, of wagon-top shape, built of poles and covered with bark or rush mats. Among the Iroquois of New Tipis York these houses were communal and from eighty to a hundred feet in length. The Jesuit Relations tell of similar dwellings among the Hurons in the region near Georgian Bay. Some of these were two hundred and forty feet long, and shaped "much like an arbor over- arching a garden-walk. Their frame was of tall and strong saplings planted in a double row to form the two sides of the house, bent till they met, and lashed together at the top. To these, other poles were bound trans- versely, and ^- ^^^ ^^^g r the whole was covered with large sheets ot the bark of the oak, elm. An IroquoIs Long-house spruce, or white cedar." In the wikiup and hogan the occupants slept upon skins or blankets spread upon the earth floor, but in many cases raised platforms along the walls served as seats by day and beds by night. The tipi camp was usually set up with the tents in a circle around a central "medicine-lodge," that answered to the great "town house" in which the villagers of the eastern tribes had their councils and dances. The Indians of North America 345 Towns were frequently stockaded for defense, 1492 particularly in the east, and the low "sweat-lodge" i 9 o 4 for sanitary purposes and ceremonial purification was almost universal. As war was a favorite pastime and villages an occasional necessity, the Indian villages were generally built at points of vantage. When the white settler came, his judgment generally coincided with that of his Indian predecessor, and so we find that most of the American towns built by white men prior to the railway era occupy the sites of Indian villages. The great majority of tribes depended for subsistence Food more upon agriculture and the spontaneous fruits of the earth than upon hunting or fishing. These latter occu- pations were indulged in whenever opportunity offered; but only in the arctic regions, along the salmon streams of the Pacific, and on the great plains of the west were they the chief business of life. The Eskimo were exclusive meat and fish eaters. The Indians of the northwest coast, from Alaska southward to California, may be fittingly described as salmon-eaters, this fish, with the roots and wild berries of the woods, forming almost their sole dependence. In California and Nevada, some of the tribes were distinctively seed-eaters, living largely upon acorns and pinons, supplemented by jack-rabbits in the sage-brush country ; some of them were called " Diggers " on account of their custom of digging roots for food. In the Sacramento valley, red-clover blossoms were eaten raw as a great delicacy. The pueblo tribes are preeminently agriculturists. Agriculture With close industry and careful irrigation, the Hopis cultivate fifteen varieties of native corn and about forty of beans, besides pumpkins, melons, peaches, chile, and other vegetables and fruits, in a country so drv through- out most of the year that at times the sand-drifts cover their corn-fields. Their neighbors, the Navahos, live almost entirely upon corn and upon meat from their herds of sheep and goats. Their sheep, like the peaches of the Pueblos, were introduced by the Spanish con- querors more than three and a half centuries ago. The 346 The Indians of North America 1492 Papagos, on the southern Arizona border, take their name 1904 from a bean of their own cultivation. In parts of the same southwest section a sort of bread, prepared from the roasted root of the maguey, is a staple article of diet. From the pueblo country southward through Mexico and Central America corn, i.e., maize — which, as is well known, is of native American origin — was everywhere the great food staple. The Indian women knew fifty different ways of preparing it, some of which are said to have been excellent. Fish and For the nomad hunter of the plains, the buffalo fur- ^^"^ nished food, house, clothing, and implements, as well as exciting occupation for most of his waking hours. In the cold region about Hudson Bay and the upper lakes, the natives were necessarily hunters and fishers, supplementing their food stores with wild rice and cran- berries, and with maple-sugar which they taught the whites to make. Throughout the rest of the eastern country the Indians were chiefly agricultural. In the intervals between planting and harvesting, they hunted in the forests and watched the weirs and fish-traps that they set up at the mouth of every large stream. The quantity of corn raised by some of these tribes was great, as is proved by the reports of early military expeditions sent against them and by the large supplies provided for the struggling colonists in Florida, Virginia, and New England. Clams, oysters, and fish • were used in large quantities along the coast, and some of the shell-heaps, the debris of ancient feasts, are of immense size. Before the Europeans brought the mad- dening "fire-water," the almost universal drink was water, although a few intoxicants or stimulants were sometimes used. Cannibalistic ceremonies were found among some of the tribes, but it is probable that the eating of human flesh simply for food was unknown, excepting perhaps along the coast of Louisiana and Texas. Medicine and The mcdical knowledge of the Indian has been greatly Surgery ovcrratcd. The native physician could concoct a few vegetable simples with fancied occult properties, but he The Indians ot North America 347 relied more upon prayers and songs to the animal gods 1492 than upon therapeutic remedies. According to the 1904 Indian theory, disease was caused by witchcraft, or by malevolent animal spirits that must be exorcised by calling in the aid of hostile and more powerful spirits. Thus, to cure a sickness caused by the deer spirit, the medicine- man invoked the help of the dog spirit, while a sickness caused by small birds was exorcised by the hawk. Sani- tary regulations for diet, rest, and cleanliness were prac- tically unknown, and only active life in the open air preserved the Indian in health. He grew old rapidly and was usually short-lived. In the treatment of wounds, the doctors were more successful, surgery being usually the special function of secret societies, such as the " buf- falo doctors" of the plains tribes. Some of the reports of their healing performances are almost incredible. Probably the only animal regularly domesticated in Domestic North America was the dog, which was found among A"™^'^^ many of the tribes. In some cases the so-called dog was really a domesticated wolf. This lack of draft and milch animals is sufficient to account for much of the backwardness of aboriginal America. The Pueblos kept eagles in cages for the sake of the feathers, and turkeys for food. Other birds were caged or encour- aged to stay near the houses for the same or other purposes by some of the eastern and southern tribes. There is some evidence that an animal akin to the guanaco was in use as a burden-carrier among the south- western tribes before the historic period. Before and even after the introduction of the horse, the dog, har- nessed in the travois of tipi-poles, was the sole beast of burden upon the plains. The barking of hundreds of curs generally made it impossible for friend or foe to approach an Indian camp without discovery. On cere- monial occasions, boiled dog was a favorite dish with many of the plains tribes, particularly the Arapahos, and the Iroquois had a solemn annual sacrifice of a white dog. The native arts were few and simple but as varied as Am the modes of living. Before the coming of the whites. 348 The Indians of North America 1492 the only metal in considerable use north of Mexico was 1904 the native copper of Lake Superior. The extent of the copper industry is evident from the ancient mining-pits and the copper objects found in the mounds, as described in a preceding chapter. After the coming of the whites, the Indians were quick to appropriate iron and other metals to their own uses. Mica was quarried in the Carolina mountains and worked into mirrors, breast- plates, and pendants, while shells of various species were cut into beads and gorgets. Along the north and middle Atlantic coast and in the near-by interior these , . . shell-beads, known popularly as wampum, had ' t * an established value as an Indian currency. -? "^ i Woven into belts, in various designs and colors, i ^-' the wampum beads preserved the records of c J ^- treaties and the histories of tribes. Awls, fish- ^, "^ -^ hooks, and arrow-heads were fashioned from J bone and, in Michigan and Wisconsin, from ■-' ^^ copper, while the Eskimos were expert in carv- ^ ing images and fanciful designs from walrus ' .<^^>i ivory. Stone was used for hammers, w^ar-clubs, , ^ lance and arrow heads, hatchets or tomahawks, ' y '' pipes, pots, and metates. The tribes of the A Warn- northwcst coast did creditable carving in black pum Belt slate, and the Navahos and Pueblos quarried and worked turquoise. Woman's Baskct-making, weaving, and pottery were arts derived w^ork from ancestors of the prehistoric time, with little modi- fication from contact with the whites other than that due to the introduction of sheep by early explorers and colonists. In the division of labor, the things that pertained to war and hunting fell to the man, while all that related to the household belonged to the woman. In general, it mav be said that with the Indians, as with most primitive peoples, the woman did the most and the hardest of the field and domestic work. Of course, allowance should be made for the fact that war and hunting involved toil and danger. Boats Where the birch was abundant, its bark was used for The Indians of North America 349 covering both the house and the canoe. The Eskimo 1492 kayak was of skin drawn tightly around a hght frame- 1904 work, with a hole in the top through which the hunter inserted the lower part of his body. Along the north- west coast the canoe was hollowed from an immense cedar log, while in the gulf states the poplar was gen- erally used for the same purpose. Some tribes on the upper Missouri made tub-shaped boats by stretching buffalo hides over frameworks of willow rods. The sail was unknown. In their early negotiations with the English, large Land Saies land areas were transferred by so-called Indian deeds in consideration of a few tools and trinkets so little com- mensurate in value with the land, of which the English thereafter claimed absolute ownership and the Indians the right of joint occupancy, that the barter has generally been looked upon as a good illustration of European rapacity and American simplicity. But " a metal kettle, a spear, a knife, a hatchet, transformed the whole life of a savage. A blanket was to him a whole European wardrobe." By means of intertribal barter many articles ^°'"^^ of European manufacture were passed inland as far as the Mississippi in advance of the earliest white explorers. The rival traders of the English, i.e., the French and the Dutch, supplied these commodities in such quantities that the aboriginal American finally came to be depend- ent upon them and conformed his habits to their use. In our day, the supply has become a heavy exaction upon the national treasury. As a rule the Indian wore but little clothing, except clothing on ceremonial occasions or in very cold weather, and children usually went naked until about ten years of age. The ordinary dress was of skins; in certain sections of the Pacific Coast short skirts or kilts of woven bark-fiber were worn by the women; in the far south fabrics of native cotton were used. The every-day costume of the man consisted of a short shirt, leggings, moccasins, and breech-cloth ; with garters, turbans, elaborate head- dresses of eagle feathers, hair-rolls of beaver-skin. 350 The Indians of North America 1492 and robes or blankets for state occasions. Women 1904 wore moccasins, leggings, and short skirts or sleeveless Personal dresses belted around the waist. Both sexes were fond Ornaments ^f glittering and jingling ornaments, and no one was in full dress without having the face and sometimes the greater part of the body elaborately painted with fanciful designs. Tattooing w^as practised among some tribes. Dances ^\ There was abundant leisure in the In- dian's life and a large part of it was occupied in feasting, dancing, and the playing of games. The termination of a successful hunt, the return of a victorious war-party, or the setting up of a new camp, were occasions of general re- joicing sometimes prolonged for weeks. The majority of the dances were religious or ceremonial in their main pur- pose, amusement being of secondary importance. In the arid southwest the principal dances, including the cele- An Indian Chief brated snake-dance of the Hopis, were intended as ceremonial prayers to the rain gods; with the agricultural tribes of the east, the great ceremony was the thanksgiving festival ot the green-corn dance, preliminary to eating the first of the new crop; on the Columbia was the salmon-dance, at the beginning of the fishing season; while on the plains the great annual tribal ceremony was that com- monly known as the sun-dance, a solemn invocation, with prayer, fasting, and sacrifice, to the elemental gods and the protecting spirit of the buffalo. The war-dance, the scalp-dance, and the dances of the various societies were next in importance, while of purely social dances there was a great variety. In some of these, especially among the Pueblos and the Navahos, elaborate masks The Indians of North America 351 and head-dresses are worn, and various tricks of magic 1492 or sleight of hand are performed by the initiates of secret 1904 societies. There were songs for war, hunting, medicine, gaming, Songsand and love, and lullabies for the little ones. There were ^^""^ the drum, rattle, whistle, flageolet or flute, and several other crude instru- _ ments. Foot-races Uy-'."^ were common, and from Hudson Bay to the Gulf of Mex- ico la crosse and chunki, the latter played with a wheel and curved stick, were favorites. The women played foot- ball and various games akin to dice. In the long winter nights, games of the hunt- the-button variety, with song accompa- niments, were played Hopi Dancers in the tipis, with the men in one circle and the women in another. Children in their play imitated the serious occupations of their elders, with bows, dolls, and other toys. War was a prevailing passion. In general, it consisted War of a series of petty raids and individual exploits, with few large engagements or prolonged sieges. In the fiercely hostile relations between different tribes, the early Euro- pean settlers of America found their immunity and oppor- tunity. Practically every man, excepting the priest, was a Military soldier from the time of his initiation into manhood at the ^^'■^'" age of about sixteen. The warriors were organized into societies, and advanced from one to another according to merit and experience. War was declared and peace concluded in formal councils. In the east, the leader recruited his party by making public declaration of his 352 The Indians of North America 1492 purpose beside the "war-post" set up in the center of 1904 the village, after which each warrior who wished to volunteer signified his intention by striking his hatchet into the post. With the plains tribes the promise was given by taking and smoking a pipe sent around by the organizer of the expedition. Among the Creeks and probably other eastern tribes certain towns were peculiarly set apart for "red" or war ceremonies, while others were known as "white" or peace towns. Before the departure, the war-dance was participated in by all the warriors of the party; on their return with victory, their wives and female relatives rejoiced in the scalp- \'iY dance. Scalping was practised by nearly all the tribes from the Eskimo country south to Mexico, but was less prevalent along the Pacific Coast. A few tribes practised behead- ing. Captive women and children were usually adopted, but the men taken were generally put to the torture. After the coming of the Europeans, the Indians learned that there was profit in reserving their white prisoners Weapons for ransom. The weapons were the knife, hatchet, bow, and war-club; upon the plains and in the southwest, the lance and the shield were also used. The ancient Iroquois used a defensive body-armor of light sticks upon the chest, while some of the Mexican tribes used heavily quilted cotton for the same purpose. After the invasion of the Iroquois country by Champlain in 1609, the Indian quickly learned to recognize the superiority of firearms, and to covet such weapons almost as much as he did the demoralizing "fire-water." The Dead The funcral customs and methods of burial varied according to the peculiar religious theory of the tribe and the nature of the country. The property of A Blacktoot Warrior The Indians of North America 353 the dead was generally buried with him or deposited 1492 near the grave; some tribes also placed food near by i 904 for the soul during its journey to the spirit-world. The name of the dead was never mentioned, and some tribes burned or abandoned the house in which the death occurred. Long-continued wailing and laceration in token of grief were prevalent. The basis of tribal organization was the family, cian and Tribe families being grouped generally into clans or gentes, and these again into phratries and tribes. Tribes, of linguistic stock sometimes diverse but more often cognate, sometimes united to form confederacies. The clan or gens was a peculiar kinship institu- tion found among nearly all the tribes, by which certain persons, not otherwise related, were considered as members of one large family by virtue of descent from some traditional mythic ancestor, usually an animal. The emblem of this mythic ancestor was known among the northern Algonquian tribes as the totem, and was frequently depicted upon the dress, tattooed upon the body, carved upon a post near the grave or, along the northwest coast, upon a tall column or "totem post" set up in front of the house. The civil head of the clan was the "sachem;" the military Sachem and leader was the "chief." The number of chiefs depended ^'^'^* somewhat on the population ot the clan. Sachems and chiefs were generally elected, and the power that made could unmake, although council deliberations and tribal ceremonies were generally ruled by hereditary chiefs descending in the female line and in a particular clan. Members of a clan being considered as closely akin, a man might not marry a woman of his own clan. As a rule, children belonged to the clan of the mother, but with some tribes this was reversed, and in a few the boys belonged to the clan ot the father and the girls to that of the mother. The system had the practical advantage of assuring to every individual, when necessary, help and protection outside of his immediate family. Besides the regular warrior organization there were, Societies The Indians of North America 355 among both men and women, medicine societies, shield 1492 societies, and dance societies, many of them secret. 1904 There was also a recognized brotherhood system, by which two young men became comrades, having common interests and pledging to each other mutual fidelity under all circumstances. Generally, the tribe was the highest form of social structure. The unwrit- ten law of the tribe was ancient custom as voiced by the chiefs, heads of clans, and old men in council. There was seldom a recognized supreme chief for a large tribe, excepting as he was able to make and maintain his posi- tion through preeminent ability. The government was usually democratic. There is traditional and other evidence that, in ancient times, the chiefs of certain tribes exercised despotic power, but the authority which, in the Old World, hedged about a king was little known among the Indians of North America. Although woman was generally regarded as inferior, the Marital Reia- wife was recognized as the mistress of household affairs *'°"^ and the owner of her separate property. In the league of the Iroquois, the women had a veto power in the council; in other tribes, we find frequent instances of woman chiefs. Marriage was usually arranged through negotia- tion between the parents of the girl and a friend of the young man, after the would-be husband had reason to suppose that the girl herself was willing. Polygamy was common and the husband of the eldest daughter of a family had a potential claim upon her sisters. The union was long or short according to the convenience and compatibility of the parties, but often endured through life. In case of separation there was no formal divorce, the woman simply taking her children and property and going back to her parents, when she was free to marry again. Among the Iroquois and in some other tribes, she drove the husband out and kept the lodge. Infidelity was punished upon both offenders at the will of the injured husband, no one else having the right to interfere. The Indians were animists and polytheists. There Reiigbn 3 5^ The Indians of North America 1492 was no supreme overruling spirit, but every object in 1904 nature, animate and inanimate, had its resident spirit, to be propitiated and implored for help and protection. Right and wrong were matters of property, ownership, and tribal custom, rather than of abstract morality. There was no heaven or hell, no terror of death, and no necessity of preparation for a future life. The spirit- world was a shadowy counterpart of this ; death was a short Prayers farcwell to accustomcd things. Prayers were for direct temporal benefits such as long life or success in hunt- ing, and not for growth in spiritual grace or for pardon for sins, excepting where the Indian believed that he had directly offended one of the gods — as when the hunter asked pardon of the bear for having been under the necessity of killing him, or of the rattlesnake for Gods having disturbed him. The relative importance of the gods depended upon the particular needs of the tribe or individual. The agricultural tribes invoked oftenest the rain gods and their animal messengers, the snakes, whereas those of the plains prayed most to the sun and its animal representative, the buffalo. The hunters prayed to the chiefs of the animal tribes, and the doctors to the plant gods, while, as in other parts of the world, fire was held sacred. Every warrior had his special protecting genius, the secret of which was never to be betrayed to another. There were religious dances, fasts, sacrifices, and purification rites, and innumerable taboos for individuals, societies, and clans. Dreams were interpreted as omens or commands from the gods or as actual experiences of the soul while temporarily absent from the body. The religious idea dominated every important act in life, and the priests were of far more influence and authority than the chiefs. Fairies and kindred spirits peopled the woods, the hills, and the waters, and there was a whole world of folk-lore beliefs and practices. Language Thc knguagcs of Mcxico and Central America are still imperfectly classified, but investigation has shown that the hundreds of dialects north of Mexico are reducible Map of t (Showing the distribution of Indian ]ingi(- < vXif* :r f%nSJ^.~.y^<^ '\l' .»•' l^ 'J '■'"" Z'' /. . .'ll"-" >. 'i ^^ / H a K \ y \J] ^.._ \ /; ^./, ^!«i. •,'3 0\ lO The Indians of North America 357 to fifty-seven linguistic stocks. The number will prob- 1492 ably be further reduced by closer study with more ample 1904 material. Of these stocks, the Algonquian, Iroquoian, Muskhogean, Siouan, and Athapascan may be consid- ered the most important, covering as they do more than half the geographic area and embodying more than four-fifths of the linguistic literature. The only native alphabet is the Cherokee, a syllabary invented early in the nineteenth century by a mixed-blood of the tribe, and so well adapted to its purpose that it is now in gen- eral use among the Cherokees for official publication and personal correspondence. The Sioux, Creeks, Choctaws, Winnebagoes, Chippewas, and Sauks have also a written and printed literature in alphabets arranged for them by the missionaries and based upon the ordinary Roman alphabet, while several Canadian tribes have pictographic and shorthand systems also devised by the missionaries. The veneration of the aborigines for the first Euro- Reciprocal pean comers as creatures of supernatural origin was ^"""osities soon dispelled, and kidnappings and outrages provoked distrust and hatred. When the Indian was unable to punish the individual offender, he felt justified in even- ing up the score with any member of the hated race. Not all of the white borderers were exemplary Christians and retaliation was altogether orthodox. With fire and flax thus side by side, it was never difficult to stir up trouble. A N D X SOME STATISTICS REGARDING INDIANS AND INDIAN RESERVATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES POPULATION THWAITES states that "while it is difficult to arrive at a definite conclusion regarding the Indian population at the time of the European conquest, say the year 1600, yet as near as can be con- cluded from reports of early travelers and traditions of the Indians themselves it would seem that there were upon the North American continent exclusive of Mexico and Central America between two hundred thousand and three hundred thousand Indians, which is approximately about the same number that exists today." A report of the Department of the Interior accom- panying the eleventh census (1890) says that "it is not probable that the present area of the United States since the white man came has contained at one time more than five hundred thousand Indians." The total Indian population of the United States in 1900 was 226,760. According to the census of that year, the states and territories showing a population of fewer than one hundred Indians each, are as follows: Maryland 3 Vermont 5 Delaware 9 West Virginia 12 Illinois 16 Georgia .... ... 19 District of Columbia 22 New Hampshire 22 Rhode Island 35 Ohio 42 New Jersey 63 Arkansas 66 360 Appendix The largest enumerations, from 10,000 upwards, are found in Indian Territory 52,500 California '5)377 Alaska 29,536 New Mexico 13,144 Arizona 26,480 Oklahoma 11,945 South Dakota 20,225 Montana '1,343 Washington 10,039 In states east of the Mississippi there are shown to' be in Minnesota 9, '82 North Carolina 5,687 Wisconsin 8,372 New York 5,^57 Michigan 6,354 Mississippi ^,^03 Pennsylvania ',639 No other state east of the Mississippi has so many as 1,000. For several reasons, it is thought probable that the numbers of Indians enumerated by the census will, during the coming half-century, be very materially diminished. TREATIES Treaties between our national government and the Indian tribes have generally looked to the extinguish- ment of the Indian titles to lands, and the transference of the Indians to reservations and territories specifically set aside from the public domain for their occupancy. The first treaty was made with the Delaware Indians, September 17, 1778. The next was made with the Six Nations, October 22, 1784, Senate Executive Document No. 95 of the forty- eighth congress, second session, page 132, gives the total number of treaties up to 1871 as 645. In that list the treaties were arranged alphabetically by tribes — the cause of much duplication. According to the 1903 report of the commissioner of Indian affairs, a careful count shows only 370 treaties in the ninety years, 1778 — 1868. By an act approved March 3, i 871, congress prohib- ited the making of any Indian treaty. Since that time, agreements have been made with the Indians subject to the approval of congress. The number of such Appendix 361 agreements, including one made March 21, 1902, with the Choctaws and the Chickasaws, is 74. EDUCATION From the time of John Ehot in 1650 to the present day the pohcy of the government has been, through the influence of education and in other ways, to induce the Indians to forsake the nomadic Hfe common under their tribal system, and to become a farming and mechan- ical population with the ordinary rights and privileges of citizens. Government training-schools have had an im- portant bearing in this educational work. The more important of these schools are located at the following places : Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Fort Mohave, Arizona. Lawrence, Kansas. Chillocco, Indian Territory. Albuquerque, New Mexico. Genoa, Nebraska. Fort Stevenson, North Dakota. Grand Junction, Colorado. Pierre, South Dakota. Santa Fe, New Mexico. In addition to these are many government boarding and day schools, and some church schools which, by con- tract, receive aid from the government. The total attendance at these schools for the fiscal year ending June, 1903, was between twenty and thirty thousand, and the total cost thereof was more than three million dollars. COST The expenditures of the United States for these wards of the nation, in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1902, aggregated $10,049,584.86. From July 4, 1776, to June 30, 1890, the civil expenditures of the government on account of the Indians aggregated a little more than 1250,000,000. The Indian wars of the United States have been more than forty in number. It is estimated that they have cost the lives of some 19,000 white men, women, and children, and of more than 30,000 Indians. For these wars the Indians have not alwavs been to blame. 362 Appendix The military expenditures have exceeded the civil expenditures doubtless more than four to one. It is impossible to get at thoroughly trustworthy statistics, but it is estimated that something like two-thirds of the total expense of the army of the United States from 1789 to 1890, save during periods of foreign and civil wars, is directly or indirectly chargeable to the Indian account. Upon this basis, the total is more than $800,000,000. Add thereto the civil list, and we have more than a billion dollars expended on account of the Indians within the century and a quarter of our national existence — not a large sum when we consider that the entire domain of the United States, amounting to two billion acres, formerly belonged to them. A comparison of the mili- tary and the civil expenditures as above stated would indicate that it was much cheaper to support the Indian than to fight him. RESERVATIONS AREAS AND NAMES OF TRIBES, FROM THE I9O2 ANNUAL REPORT OF THE COMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS This report furnishes the latest official information on this subject. Some of these reservations are now mere remnants of their former size. Square Miles Acres In 1880 241,800 154,741,349 In 1902 117,420 75,148,643 ARIZONA Reservation Name of Tribe Square Miles Acres Colorado River . . Chemehuevi Walapai, Kawia, Cocopa, (partly in state of California) Mohave, Yuma 376 240,640 Fort Apache . . Arivaipa, Chillion, Chiricahua, Covo- tero, Mimbreno, MogoUon, Mohave, Pinal, San Carlos, Tonto, Yuma- Apache 2,628 681,920 Papago (partly roaming) .... 35 ^2,391 Maricopa, Pima 558 357,120 Havasupai (roaming) 60 38,400 Hopi ( Moqui ; seven pueblos ) . . 3,863 2,472,320 Navaho 14, 753 '2 9>442',240 Gila Bend Gila River Havasupai Hopi . Navaho . (partly in New Mexico) Papago Salt River Papago ( partly roaming ) .... 43 27,566 Maricopa, Pima 73 46,720 Appendix 363 ARIZONA — Continued Reservation San Carlos Name of Tribe Walapai Arivaipa, Chillion, Chiricahua, Coyo- tero, Mimbreno, Mogollon, Mohave, Pinal, San Carlos, Tonto, Yuma- Apache Walapai (Hualpai ; roaming) Square Miles 2,866 1,142 Total 26,397j CALIFORNIA Hoopa Valley Mission . (22 Reserves) Round Valley Tule River Yuma Hunsatung, Hoopa, Klamath River, Miskut, Redwood, Saiaz, Sermalton, Tishtanatan Diogenes, Kawia, San Luis Rey, Ser- ranos, Temecula Clear Lake, Concow, Little Lake, Nomelaki, Pit River, Potter Valley, Redwood, Wailaki, Yuki Kawia, King's River, Moache, Tule, Tehon, Wichumni Yuma-Apache 154^ 5° 'a 76 71^ Total COLORADO Ute Capote, Moache, Wiminuche Ute 63s 755^ IDAHO Cceur d'Alene Fort Hall Lapwai Lemhi Coeur d'Alene, Kutenai, Pend d'O- reille, Spokan Bannock, Shoshone Nez Perce Bannock, Sheepeater, Shoshone Total INDIAN Cherokee Chickasaw Choctaw- Creek Modoc Ottawa Peoria Quapaw Seminole Seneca Shawnee Wyandot TERRITORY Cherokee Chickasaw Choctaw Creek Modoc Ottawa Kaskaskia, Miami, Peoria, Pianka- shavv, Wea Quapaw Seminole Seneca Seneca, Eastern Shawnee . . . . Wyandot 1,834,240 730,880 16,894,437 99,051 180,623 48,551 45.889 406,396 483,750 632 404,480 700 447,940 50 32,020 100 64,000 948,440 Total 6,906 4,420,071 7,271 4,653,146 10,871 6,957,460 4,811 3,079,086 (>H *3,976 2'A 1,587 10^ 6,851 88 **56,245 57ij4^ 365,851 40 14: 26,086 4 2,543 I 535 30,489^ 19,513,216 Starred items not included in total. ♦Allotted to 6S Indians. **Allotted to 247 Indians. 3^4 Appendix IOWA Resenation Sac and Fox Name of Tribe Square Miles Potawatomi, Sac and Fox, Winnebago . Acres H ^.965 KANSAS Chippewa and Munsee Chippewa and Munsee . Iowa Iowa Kickapoo . . . Kickapoo Potawatomi . . Prairie band of Potawatomi . Sac and Fox . . . Sac and Fox of the Missouri (partly in Nebraska) Total Starred items not included in total. *Allotted to 100 Indians. **Allotted to 143 Indians. 6>4 18X 12 *4,i95 **ii,768 7,604 2934- 19.059 985 43X 27,648 MICHIGAN Isabella . L'Anse . Ontonagon Total MINNESOTA Bois Fort Deer Creek . Fond du Lac Grand Portage Leech Lake . Mdevvakanton Mille Lac Red Lake Vermilion Lake White Earth White Oak Point and Chippewa . Chippewa, Swan Creek, Black River . L'Anse and Vieux Desert bands of Chippewa Ontonagon band of Chippewa . Winibi- iK 13 86 Bois Fort Chippewa . Bois Fort Chippewa . Fond du Lac Chippewa . Grand Portage Chippewa Cass Lake, Pillager, Lake goshish Mdewakanton Sioux .... .Mille Lac, Snake River Chippewa . Red Lake and Pembina Chippewa . Bois Fort Chippewa i ^ Chippewa of Mississippi, Gull Lake, Pembina, Otter Tail and Pillager Chippewa 1,099'/^^ Lake Winibigoshish and Pillager Chip- 22 ',-2 pewa. White Oak Point Chippewa . 59X 365.^ 59 95M 50 ^,373 5,266 678 ** 8,317 *55,2ii **295 ***23,283 24,191 I Total -,447; *****37,683 1,101 61,014 800,000 1,080 703,512 » j 14,389 ( 38,090 1,566,707 Starred items not included in total. *Allotted to 693 Indians. **Allotted to 4 Indians. ***Allotted to 351 Indians. ****Allotted to 304 Indians. *****Allotted to 536 Indians. deiUfie** (Allotted to iSo Lake Winibigoshish Indians. (Allotted to 479 Chippewa Indians. Appendix 365 MONTANA Reservation Blackfeet Crow Fort Belknap Fort Peck Name of Tribe Jocko Northern Cheyenne Blackfeet, Blood, Piegan .... Mountain, River Crow Grosventre, Assiniboin Assiniboin, Brule, Santee, Teton, Hunk- papa, Yanktonai Sioux .... Bitter Root, Carlos Band, Flathead, Kutenai, Lower Kalispel, Pend d'Oreille Northern Cheyenne Square Miles 1,500 5,475 ■^,ns ,240 765 NEBRASKA Niobrara . Omaha Ponca Sioux . Winnebago Santee Sioux Omaha Ponca . Oglala Sioux Winnebago Total Starred items not included in total. 31,87; acres selected as homesteads. *j8,go8 acres allotted. **Allotted to 167 Indians. NEVADA Duck Valley (partly in Idaho) Moapa River Pyramid Lake Walker River Palute, Western Shoshone .... Chemehuevi, Kaibab, Pawipit, Paiute, Shivwit Paiute Paiute 116}^ 503 X 498X 960,000 3,504,000 497,600 1,776,000 1,433,600 489,500 Total 13,532/^ 8,660,700 IIZ *7i,783 ^Z% 15,097 42K **27,202 50 32,000 43 27,495 74,59^ Total 1,49' 312,320 1,000 322,000 318.815 954,135 NEW MEXICO Jicarilla Apache . Mescalero Apache *I9 Pueblos . 447 J 741 1,081 336 286,400 474,240 Jicarilla Apache Mescalero and Mimbreno Apache . Jemez, Acoma, San Juan, Picuris, San Felipe, Pecos, Cochiti, Santo Do- mingo, Taos, Santa Clara, Tesuque, St. Ildefonso, Pojoaque, Sia, Sandia, Isleta, Nambe, Laguna, Santa Ana . Zuni Pueblo Total 2,605^4 1,667,485 *Size of pueblos varies from 13,520 acres to 125,225 acres; many of them are about 17,000 acres. 691,805 215,040 NEW YORK Allegany . Cattaraugus . Oil Spring Oneida Onondaga, Seneca Cayuga, Onondaga, Seneca Seneca Oneida ^VA 30,469 34 21,680 I 640 % 350 366 Appendix NEW YORK — Continued Reservation Name of Tribe Square Miles Acres Onondaga . . . Oneida, Onondaga, St. Regis . . . 9^ 6,100 St. Regis ... St. Regis 23 14,640 Tonawanda . . . Cayuga and Tonawanda Seneca . . ^^H 7»549 Tuscarora . . . Onondaga, Tuscarora gV" 6,249 Total 137 87,677 NORTH CAROLINA ^ualla (on Tennessee boundary)and other f 78 50,000 lands .... Eastern Band North Carolina Cherokee -\ 24 15,211 yS^yi 33,000 Total 153/^ 98,211 NORTH DAKOTA Devils Lake . . . Assiniboin, Cuthead, Santee, Sisseton, Yankton and Wahpeton Sioux . . 153/^ 9^,224 Fort Berthold . . Arikara, Grosventre, Mandan . . . 1,382^ 884,780 Standing Rock . . Blackfeet, Hunkpapa and Yanktonai Sioux 4,176 2,672,640 Turtle Mountain . Chippewa 72 46,080 Total 5,784 3,701,724 OKLAHOMA TERRITORY Cheyenne and Arapaho Arapaho, Cheyenne 827^ *52o,682 Iowa Iowa, Tonkawa 13^ **8,685 Kansa .... Kaw (or Kansa) 156/^ 100,137 Kickapoo . . . Mexican Kickapoo 35/4^ ***22,529 Kiowa and Comanche Apache, Comanche, Delaware, Kiowa 750 480,000 Oakland .... Tonkawa, Lipan i?/^ ****ll,273 Osage .... Osage, Quapaw 2,2197 1,470,058 Oto Oto, Missouri 99 63,419 Pawnee .... Pawnee '^l^/'i *****! 12,859 Ponca .... Ponca 41 26,328 Potawatomi . . . Shawnee, Potawatomi 447/^ ******286,470 Sac and Fox . . . Ottawa, Sac and Fox 138^^ *******87,683 Wichita .... loni, Caddo, Comanche, Delaware, Towakoni, Waco, Wichita . . . 239 ********i 52,991 Chickasaw and Choc- taw .... Unoccupied 2,362 1,511,576 Total S.705K 3.65i)Si8 Starred items not included in total. *Allotted to 3,194 Indians. **Allotted to 109 Indians. ***Allotted to 28} Indians. **'**Allotted to 75 Indians. *****Allotted to 821 Indians. ****** J 2i5i<'79 acres alloted to 1,489 Potawatomi. / 70,791 acres allotted to 56J absentee Shawnees. *******Allotted to 548 Indians. ********Allotted to 965 Indians. Appendix 367 OREGON Reservation Grande Ronde Name of Tribe Kalapuya, Clackamas, Cow Creek Lakmiut, Mary's River, Molala Nestucca, Rogue River, Santiam Shasta, Turn water, Umpqua, Wa pato, Yamhill Klamath, Modoc, Paiute, Pito River Walpape, Yahuskin Snake . Siletz Alsea, Coquille, Kusan, Kwatami Rogue River, Skoton, Shasta, Sai ustkea, Siuslaw, Tututni, Umpqua and thirteen others .... Cayuse, Umatilla, Wallawalla . Des Chutes, John Day, Paiute, Tenino Warm Springs, Wasco Klamath . Umatilla . Warm Springs Total Square Miles Acres 40^ 26,111 1,362^ 872,186 74>^ *47,7i6 ^^4-H 79.820 503X 322,108 ^f°3^/4 1)300)2^5 Starred item not included in total. ♦Allotted to 551 Indians. SOUTH DAKOTA Crow Creek and Old Winnebago Lake Traverse . Cheyenne River Lower Brule . Pine Ridge . Rosebud . 175 484J4: Yankton . Lower Yanktonai, Lower Brule, Mini- conjou. Two Kettle Sioux Sisseton, Wahpeton Sioux .... Blackfeet, Miniconjou, Sans Arcs, Two Kettle Sioux 4>48i Lower Brule, Lower Yanktonai Sioux 3 '3/4 Brule, Northern Cheyenne, Oglala Sioux 4,930 Loafer, Miniconjou, Oglala, Two Ket- tle, Upper Brule, Wahzhazhe Sioux 3>52.5 Yankton Sioux A-^9/4 1 12,031 *309,904 2,867,841 200,694 3,155,200 2,256,100 **268,567 Total 13,424;^ 8,591,865 Starred items not included in total. ♦Allotted to 1,339 Indians. ♦♦Allotted to 2,649 Indians. UTAH Uinta Valley Uncompahgre Gosiute, Pavant, Uinta, Yampa, Grande River, Uncompahgre, White River Ute Tabequache Ute 3,186 2,039,040 Formerly *i, 933, 440 ♦Not included in total. Reservation restored to public domain save for allottments to 83 Indians. WASHINGTON Chehalis . Columbia Colville . . . Hoh River Chinook, Clatsop, Chehalis ... }^ Chief Moses and his people ... 38 CoBur d'Alene, Colville, Kalispel, Okinagan, Lake, Methow, Nes- pelim, Pend d'Oreille, Sanpoil, Spo- kan 2,03114^ Hoh I 471 24,220 1,300,000 640 368 Appendi: X 1 WASHINGTON — Continued Reservation Name of Tribe Lummi .... Dwamish, Etakmur, Lummi, Snoho- mish, Sukwamish, Swiwamish Makah .... Makah, Quileute Muckleshoot Muckleshoot Nisqualli .... Muckleshoot, Nisqualli, Puyallup, Skwawksnamish, Stailakoom, and five others Osette .... Osette Port Madison Dwamish, Etakmur, Lummi, Snoho- mish, Sukwamish, Swiwamish Puyallup .... Muckleshoot, Nisqualli, Puyallup, Skwawksnamish, Stailakoom, and five others Quileute .... (Quileute (^uinaielt .... Hoh, Quaitso, Quinaielt ... Shoalwater . . . Shoalwater, Chehalis Skokomish . Clallam, Skokomish, Twana Snohomish or Tulalip Dwamish, Etakmur, Lummi, Snoho- mish, Sukwamish, Swiwamish . Spokan .... Spokan Squaxon Island . . Nisqualli, Puyallup, Skwawksnamish, Stailakoom, and five others . Swinomish . . Dwamish, Etakmur, Lummi, Snoho- mish, Sukwamish, Swiwamish . Yakima .... Klikitat, Paloos, Topnish, Wasco, Yakima Total Starred items not included in total. ♦Allotted to JO Indians. ♦♦Allotted to 23 Indians. Square Miles 3 36 5 7K 23,040 3,367 *4,7i8 640 2,015 I 599 ^ IK 837 350 224,000 'A 335 Y^ 276 14 8,930 240 153,600 ^% **i,494 zU 1,710 917 587,010 3,646X 2,333,574 WISCONSIN Lac Court Oreille . Lac Court Oreille band Chippewa . . 3 1 5^ 20,096 Lac du Flambeau . Lac du Flambeau band Chippewa . S'^% 33,666 La Pointe (Bad River) La Pointe band Chippewa .... 131 83,816 Red ClifF . . . La Pointe band (Buffalo Chief) Chip- pewa 2.2'4^ *i4,ioi Menominee . Memominee 362 231,680 Oneida .... Oneida ^o^X **65,402 Stockbridge . . Stockbridge, Munsee 18 j^ 11,803 Total 595/^ 381,061 Starred items not included in total. *2,5}5 acres allotted to j; Indians; 11,566 acres allotted to 169 Indians. ♦♦Allotted to 1,501 Indians. WYOMING Wind River . . . Northern Arapaho, Eastern band Shosh- one 2,742 1,754,960 Grand Total 117,420 75,148,643 I BIBLIOGRAPHICAL APPENDIX THE following lists are not intended to be complete, either as citations of authorities consulted or as references for further study. They are, however, intended to be helpful to the reader who, on any topic, desires fuller information than is possible in a work limited in scope as is this. Such a reader will find valuable informa- tion in the general cvclopedias, and such works as Larned's History for Ready Reference and Topical Reading (Springfield, Massachusetts, 1894, 5 vols.), and the Appletons' and other cyclopedias of American biography; and wise direction in the Critical Essays on the Sources of hformation following the several chapters of Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical History of America ( Boston and New York, i 884 — 89, 8 vols. ). No one who is anxious to secure the best results from a liberal course of reading on this subject can afford to ignore Poole's Index to Periodical Literature (Boston, 1882, with supplements), Channing and Hart's Guide to the Study of American History (Boston, 1896), or Larned's The Literature of American History (Boston, 1902, with supplements). This work last named is an annotated bibliography, including several thousand titles in political, constitutional, economic, educational, and religious history, and giving expert information as to the character and quality of books concerning which readers and students of history need most to be informed. Addi- tional help may be found in Paul L. Ford's Check List of Bibliographies , Catalogues, Reference-lists, and Lists of Authorities, of American Books and Subjects (Brooklyn, New York, 1889). Descriptive lists of govern- mental archives, Canadian and American, national and state, may be found in the report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, printed in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association, vol. I ( 1896), p. 48^. Other "sources" are indicated in later reports of the same 3 70 Bibliographical Appendix commission. From the lists herewith given, many valuable works have been omitted for the reason that they are practically inaccessible to the general reader. After the first mention of a book, it may be referred to by its short title or by its section (marginal) number. CHAPTER I — THE FIRST AMERICANS 1 Abbott, Charles C. Antiquity of Man in the Delaware River \'alley, in the tenth and eleventh Annual Reports of the Peabody Museum (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1877 — 78) — the first full account of traces of paleolithic man in America. See also his articles in Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, vol. 22 (1888), p. 96, and vol. 23(1889), pp. 421-447; Proceedings ot the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 37(1888), pp. 293-315 ; and Popular Science Monthly, vol. 55 (1899), p. 326. 2 Abbott, Charles C. Primitive Industry. (With chapter by H. C. Lewis on "The Trenton Gravel.") Salem, 1^81. 3 Abbott, Charles C. Recent Explorations in the Delaware \"alley. Boston, 1892. 4 Agassiz, Louis. America, the Old World, in Atlantic Monthh, vol. 11(1863), P- 373- 5 Agassiz, Louis. The Formation, Structure, and Progression OF Glaciers, in Atlantic Monthh, vol. 12(1863), PP* 5^8, 751. 6 Babbit, Miss Franc E. Articles in Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 32(1883), p. 385 ; in American Naturalist, vol. 18(1884), PP- 594' 697 ; and in American Antiquarian, vol. 3(1880), p. 18. 7 Bancroft, Hubert H. Native Races OF the Pacific States (New York, 1874 — 76, 5 vols.), vol. 4, pp. 699 — 707. 8 Brinton, Daniel G. Alleged Mongolian Affinities of the American Race, in Science, vol. 12(1888), p. 121. 9 Brower, J. V. The Early Appearance of Man in the Basin OF THE Mississippi, in his The Missouri River and its Utmost Source (Saint Paul, 1897), pp. 14—30. 10 Bryant, William C, and Gay, Sydney H. Popular History OF THE United States (New York, 1876 — 81, 4 vols.), vol. i, chap. I . 11 Chamberlin, Thomas C. On the Extent and Significance of THE Wisconsin Kettle Moraine, in Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts, and Letters, vol. 4(1876 — 77), pp. 201 — 234. Professor Chamberlin is one of the foremost exponents of glacial theories that differ materially from those set forth in Chapter i . See his articles in the third Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey (1881—82), pp. 291—402; sixth Annual Report of U. S. Geol. Survey (1884-85), pp. 205-258; J Bibliographical Appendix 371 Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 35(1886), pp. 195 — 211 ; \\\z America?; Geologist, vol. 8(1891), pp. 267 — 275; the Journal of Geology, vol. i (1893), p. 47, vol. 3(1895), p. 270, vol. 7(1899), pp. 545, 667, 75 I; the American Journal of Science, third series, vol. 45 (1893), pp. I 7 I — 200, and vol. 47 ( 1894), pp. 247-283, 483. 12 Dawkins, W. Boyd. Early Man in America, in North American Reviezv, vol. 137(1883), p. 338. 13 Encyclopedia Britannica (ninth edition) under America, vol. i, pp. 669 — 717. See Geology and Antiquity in table of contents, p. 717; also Anthropology, vol. 2, p. 107. 14 Geikie, James. The Great Ice Age and its Relations to THE Antiquity of Man. London, 1894. 15 Gilbert, G. K. The Place of Niagara Falls in Geological History, in Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 35(1886), p. 222, Also see his monograph in Physiography of the United States (New York, I 896), p. 203. 16 Haven, Samuel F. ArchyT-ology of the United States, in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 8 (Washington, 1856) article ii; also New York, 1856. 17 Haynes, Henry W. Prehistoric Archeology of North America, in Winsor's America (38), vol. i, chap. 6. 18 Higginson, Thomas W. The First Americans, in Harper's Magazine, vol. 65 ( 1882), p. 342. 19 Holmes, William H. Are there Traces of Glacial Man in THE Trenton Gravels? in Journal of Geology, vol. 1(1893), pp. 15 — 37. Mr. Holmes dissents from the conclusiveness of the evidence of the existence of glacial man in America. Among his other publications relating to early man in America are Modern Quarry Refuse and the Paleolithic Theory, in Science, vol. 20(1892), p. 295; Distribution of Stone Implements in the Tidewater Country, in American Anthropologist, vol. 6(1893), p. I ; Gravel Man and Paleolithic Culture, in Science, vol. 21(1893), p. 29; Vestiges of Early Man in Minnesota, in American Geologist, vol. 11(1893), P- 219; Traces of Glacial Man in Ohio, in Journal of Geology, vol. 1(1893), p. 147; Natural History of Flaked Stone Implements, in Memoirs of the Congress of Anthropology, World's Columbian Exposition (Chicago, 1894), p. 120; Order of Development of the Primal Shaping Arts, in Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 42(1894), p. 289; Stone Imple- ments of the Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province, in the fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1897), pp. 13— 152 (of prime importance); Primitive Man in THE Delaware Valley, in Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 46(1897), p. 364; Review 37 2 Bibliographical Appendix OF THE Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in Cali- fornia, in the Smithsonian Report tor 1899, p. 419. 20 Lansing Skeleton, The. See articles in Records of the Past, vol. I (1902), p. 273, and vol. 2(1903), p. 119; Journal of Geology, vol. 10(1902), p. 745; American Geologist, vol. 30(1902), p. 135, and vol. 31(1903), pp. 25, 263, and vol. 32(1903), p. 353, and vol. 33(1904), p. 205; American Anthropologist, vol. 4( 1902 ), p. 743 ; and N. H. Winchell's Presidential Address to the Geological Society of America, January, 1903. 21 McGee, W J. Paleolithic Man in America, in Popular Science Monthly, vol. 34(1888), p. 20; in American Journal of Science, vol. 35(1888), p. 416; and seventh Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey (1885 — 86), pp. 537 — 646. 22 Mason, Otis T. The Aborigines of the District of ColuiMBia and the Lower Potomac, in the American Anthropologist, vol. 2 (1889), p. 193. 23 Mills, W. C, and Wright, George Frederick. Discovery of A Paleolithic Implement at Newcomerstovvn, Ohio, in Western Reserve Historical Society Tract No. 75. Cleveland, 1890. 24 Overman, H. W. Fort Hill, Ohio, in Ohio Archaological and Historical ^carter l\, vol. I( 1887), p. 260. 25 Payne, Edward John. History of America (Oxford and New York, 1892 — 99, 2 vols.), vol. 2, pp. vi, 66 — 76. 26 Powell, John W. Are there Evidences of Man in the Glacial Gravels? in Popular Science Monthly, vol. 43(1893), p. 316. Here and elsewhere Major Powell takes about the same view as does Mr. Holmes; see third Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey (Washington, 1882 — 83). 27 Powell, John W. Prehistoric Man in America, in The Forum, vol. 8( 1890), p. 489. 28 Proudfit, S. V. Collection of Stone Lmplements from the District of Columbia, in Proceedings ot the United States National Museum, vol. 13(1890), pp. 187—194. 29 Putnam, Frederick W. A Problem in Anthropology, in Pro- ceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, vol. 48( 1899), p. 1. 30 Shaler, Nathaniel S. Nature and Man m America. New York, 1891. 31 Shaler, Nathaniel S. Time of the Mammoths, in American Naturalist, vol. 4( 1870), p. 148. 32 True, H. L. The Cause of the Glacial Period. Cincinnati, 1903. 33 Tylor, Edward B. American Aspects of Anthropology, in Popular Science Monthly, vol. 26(1884), p. 152. 34 Tylor, Edward B. Anthropology : An Introduction to the Study of Man and Civilization. London and New York, 1888. Bibliographical Appendix 373 35 Waddington, Samuel. The Cradle of the Human Race, in Niactt'i'/ith Centurs, vol. 48(1900), p. 801. 36 Wallace, Alfred Russell. Antiquity of Man in America, in JSiiictccnth Crnturs, vol. 22(1887), P- 667. 37 Winchell, Newton H., and Upham, Warren. In Geology of Mi/me sota. Final report (Saint Paul, 1888), vol. i, p. 337. 38 Winsor, Justin, editor. Narrative and Critical History of America (Boston and New York, 1884 — 89, 8 vols.), vol. i, pp. 329-444. 39 Wright, George Frederick. The Glacial Boundary in West- ern Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, and Illinois, with introduction by T. C. Chamberlin, in Bulletin No. 58 of the United States Geological Survey (1890). See section 23. 40 Wright, George Frederick. The Ice Age in North America. New York, 1891. 41 Wright, George Frederick. Man and the Glacial Period (New York, 1892), pp. 66-127, 193 — 374. 42 Wright, George Frederick. The Nampa Image, in Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, vol. 24( 1890), p. 424; and in Scribner'' s Magazine, vol. 7(1890), p. 235. 43 Wright, George Frederick. Preglacial Man in Ohio, in Ohio Archtsological and Historical Quarterly, vol. 1(1887), P- 257- 44 Articles relating to this chapter and to the following chapter may be found in nearly all the numbers of the Archaologist (Waterloo, Indiana), the American Antiquarian (Chicago), the American Anthropologist (Washington, D. C), and the Papers of the Archsological Institute of America, American series, 1881, continued as the American Journal of Archaology (1885). More elaborate articles are given in the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, and in the Reports of the United States Geological Survey, the Smithsonian Institution, the National Museum, the Bureau of American Ethnology, and the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology. CHAPTER II — THE NEOLITHIC AMERICANS Note. — Concerning the subject matter of this chapter, additional information may be found in the works previously cited in this bibli- ographv and indicated by the marginal numbers (sections) 2, 7> 10, 16, 25, 29, 32, 44. Consult the indexes of such works. 45 Baldwin, John D. Ancient America. New York, 1872. 46 Baldwin, John D. Prehistoric Nations. New York, 1872. 47 Bancroft, Hubert Howe. Essays and Miscellany (San Fran- cisco, 1890), pp. 1 — 39. 48 Brinton, Daniel G. American Race. New York, 1891. 3 74 l^ibliographical Appendix 49 Brower, J. V. Kathio. Saint Paul, 1901. This is vol. 4 of Memoirs of Exploration in the Basin of the Mississippi, and relates to an ancient settlement ot that name on the shore of Mille Lac in Minnesota. 50 Brower, J. V., and Bushnell, D. I. Mille Lac. Saint Paul, 1900. This is vol. 3 ot Memoirs of Exploration in the Basin of the Mississippi. 51 Carr, Lucien. Mounds of the Mississippi Valley, in Report of the Smithsonian Institution, I 89 1, p. 503. 52 Carr, Lucien. Observations on the Crania from the Stone Graves in Tennessee, in eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology. Cambridge, 1878. 53 Chapin, Frederick H. The Land of the Cliff Dwellers. Boston, 1892. 54 Conant, A. J. Foot-prints of Vanished Races. Saint Louis, 1879. A fair presentation of an abandoned theory. 55 Dellenbaugh, Frederick S. The North Americans of Yester- day. New York, 1901. 56 Fewkes, J. W. Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895, in seventeenth Annual Report of Bureau of American Eth- nologv (Washington, 1898), p. 527. 57 Figuier, Louis. Primitive Man (New York, 1870), p. 125 et seq. 58 Fisher, George P. Colonial Era (New York, 1892), chap. i. 59 Foster, J. W. Prehistoric Races of America. Chicago, 1887. 60 Fowke, Gerard. Archeological History of Ohio. Colum- bus, 1902. Valuable, but unfortunately vituperative. 61 Grote, A. R. The Peopling of America, in American Natural- ist, vol. 11(1877), ?• 221. 62 Holmes, William H. Archaeological Studies among the Ancient Cities of Mexico. Chicago, 1895 — 97, 2 vols. 63 Jones, Charles C. Antiquities of the Southern Indians. New York, 1873. 64 Jones, Joseph. Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee, in the Smithsonian Contributions to Knozu ledge, vol. 22 (1880), p. 259. See also articles on pp. 287, 318. 65 Lapham, Increase A. The Antiquities of Wisconsin, in the Smithsonian Contributions to Knozv ledge, vol. 7(1855), article 4. 66 Lubbock, Sir John. Prehistoric Times (New York, 1872), chap. 8. 67 Mindeleff, Cosmos. The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona, in sixteenth Annual Report of Bureau of American Eth- nology (Washington, 1897), p. 79. 68 Mindeleff, Cosmos. Navaho Houses, in seventeenth Annual Report of Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1898), p. 475. 69 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Sand Mounds of the St. John's River, Florida (Philadelphia, 1894), 2 parts. In 1902, W. H. Bibliographical Appendix 375 Holmes, the acting director of the Bureau of American Ethnology, said of Mr. Moore that "he may well be accorded first place among archaeological explorers within the area of the United States, if not, indeed, in all America." 70 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Sand Mounds of Duval County, Florida. Philadelphia, 1895. 71 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Georgia Coast. Philadelphia, 1897. 72 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Aboriginal Mounds of the Coast of South Carolina (including mounds of Savannah and Altamaha rivers). Philadelphia, 1808. 73 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Alabama River. Philadelphia, 1899. 74 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Antiquities of the Florida West Coast. Philadelphia, 1900. 75 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Northwest Florida Coast and Certain Aboriginal Remains of the Tombigbee River. Philadelphia, 1901. 76 Moore, Clarence B. Sheet Copper from the Mounds, in the American Antliropologist, vol. 5(1903), p. 27. 77 Moore, Clarence B. Certain Shell Heaps of the St. John's River, Florida, in the American Naturalist, 1902 — 03. 78 Mdorehead, Warren K. Prehistoric Implements. Cincinnati, 1900. 79 Moorehead, Warren K. Primitive Man in Ohio. New York, 1892. "" 80 Morgan, Lewis H. Montezuma's Dinner, in North American Review, vol. 122(1876), p. 263. 81 Nadaillac, Marquis de. Prehistoric America (New York, 1884), chap. 10 et seq. 82 Ohio Arch^ological and Historical Quarterly. Contains many articles relating to this chapter. An index to the first eleven volumes is printed in vol. 11(1902), pp. 267 — 486. 83 Peet, Stephen D. The Peopling of America, in American Antiquarian, vol. 22(1900), p. 229. Other articles by the same author will be found in the same publication. 84 Powell, John W., director. Annual Reports of Bureau of American Ethnology. Washington, 1879— 1902. 85 Putnam, Frederick W., editor. Arch^ological and Eth- nological Collections, in Wheeler's Survey, Reports, vol. 7. Washington, 1879. 86 Putnam, Frederick W. Arch^ological Explorations in Ten- nessee, in eleventh Annual Report (1878) of the Peabody Museum. 87 Short, John T. North Americans of Antiquity. New York, 1880. Upholds the theory of a vanished race. 88 Smith, Harlan I. The Great American Pyramid [Cahokia], in Harper'' 5 Magazine, vol. 104(1902), p. 199. 3 7^ Bibliographical Appendix 89 Squier, Ephraim G., and Davis, Edward H. Ancient Mon- uments OF THE Mississippi Valley, in S?nithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 1(1848). Supplementary to this is Charles Whittlesey's Description of Ancient Works in Ohio, in Smith- sonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 3(1852). 90 Thomas, Cyrus. Introduction to the Study of North American Archaeology. Cincinnati, 1898. 91 Thruston, Gates P. Antiquities of Tennessee and Adjacent States. Cincinnati, 1890. 92 Wilson, Daniel. Prehistoric Man. London, 1876, 2 vols. 93 Winchell, Alexander. Preadamites (Chicago, 1880), chap. 24. 94 Winchell, Newton H. Ancient Copper Mines of Isle Royal, in Popular Science Monthly, vol. 19(1881), p. 601. 95 Winsor, Justin. The Antiquity of Man in America, in Win- sor's America (38), vol. i, pp. 369 — 412 ; see p. 413 for bibli- ography of aboriginal America. 96 A special bibliography of the Pueblo remains is given in Bancroft's Native Races (7), vol. i, pp. 552, 559, vol. 4, p. 662 ; and in Papers of the Archsological Institute of America, American series, vol. 1(1881). 97 The first scientific treatise concerning the "mounds" was that of Caleb Atwater of Ohio, which appeared ( 1820) in the first volume of Archeeologia Americana, the publication ot the newly organized American Antiquarian Society. A summary of the different theories regarding the origin of the mounds will be found in J. P. MacLean's Mound-builders (Cincinnati, 1887), and in Fowke's Archaological History of Ohio (60). Special bibliographies relating to the mound- builders and their relics are given in Winsor' s America (38), vol. i, p. 397 ; in the Smithsonian Reports, 1881 ; and in Rau's Catalogue of the Archaeological Collection of the National Museum (Wash- ington, 1876). CHAPTER III — MAZE AND MYTH Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 7> 10, 25, 87. 98 Beazley, C. Raymond. Dawn of Modern Geography (Lon- don, 1897 and 1 90 1, 2 vols.), chaps. 5 and 7. 99 Bowen, Benjamin F. America Discovered by the Welsh (Philadelphia, 1876), pp. 17-145. 100 Brinton, Daniel G. Myths of the New World. New York, 1868. 101 De Costa, Benjamin F. Pre-Columbian Voyages of the Welsh to America, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. 45(1891), p. 15. 102 De Roo, P. History of America before Columbus (Philadel- phia, 1900, 2 vols.), vol. 2, chaps. 1—5. Bibliographical Appendix 377 103 Donnelly, Ignatius. Atlantis, the Antediluvian World. New York, 1882. 104 Fiske, John. Discovery of America (Boston and New York, 1892, 2 vols.), vol. I, chap. 2. 105 Fryer, John. The Buddhist Discovery of America, in Harper's Magazine, vol. 103(1901), p. 251. 106 Glover, Alfred Kingsley. Was America Discovered by the Chinese? in Magazine of American History, vol. 27(1892), p. 30. 107 Goldsmid, Edmund, see Hakluyt (109). 108 GrifRs, William E. Romance of Discovery (Boston, 1897), chaps. 5, 6. 109 Hakluyt, Richard. The Principal Navigations, Voiages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation. Origin- ally issued in a single volume, London, 1589 ; reissued, London, 1598— 1600, 3 vols., folio. Of the Edmund Goldsmid edition (Edinburgh, 1884-90, 16 vols.), vols. 12-16 relate to America. The MacLehose edition (Glasgow, 1903-05, 12 vols.) is a more faithful reprint of the edition of I 598 -1 600. See Goldsmid's edition of Hakluyt' s Voyages of the English Nation to America before the year 160O (Edinburgh, 1889-90, 4 vols.). Hakluyt's Divers Forages touching the Discover ie of America and the Hands adiacent (London, 1582), has been edited by John Winter Jones and pub- lished by the Hakluyt Society (London, 1850). Its contents are included in Goldsmid's edition. The most important contemporary narratives of English exploration given in the Hakluyt collection constitute Edward John Payne's Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen to America (London, 1880 and 1890). 110 Higginson, Thomas W. Tales of the Enchanted Islands OF THE Atlantic. New York, 1898. 111 Irving, Washington. Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York, 1868, 3 vols.), book i, chap. 4, and appendix. 112 Leland, Charles G. Fu Sang, or the Discovery of America BY Chinese Buddhist Priests in the Fifth Century. London and New York, 1875. 113 Lucas, Fred W. Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers NicoLO and Antonio Zeno. London, 1898. Critique by De Costa, in American Historical Review, vol. 4(1899), p. 726. 114 Mackey, iEneas J. G. St. Brendan of Clonfert and Clon- fert Brendan, xxv Blackwood'' s Magazine, vol. 162(1897), p. 135. 115 Mather, Samuel. Attempt to show that America must HAVE BEEN KNOWN TO THE AnCIENTS. BoStOn, I 773- 116 Mooney, James. The Growth of a Myth, in American Anthropologist, vol. 4(1891), p. 393. 117 Moore, M. V. Did the Romans Colonize America.? in Maga- zine of American History, vol. 12(1884), PP- ^^3' 3 54- 3 7^ Bibliographical Appendix 118 Mulhall, Mrs. M. The Hiberno-Danish Predecessors of Columbus, in Dublin Review, vol. 122(1898), p. 22. 119 Old America, Legends of, in Cornhill Magazine, vol. 26(1872), p. 452, and in LitteW s Living Age, vol. i 19(1873), p. 761. 120 Ropes, Arthur. Early Explorations of America, Real and Imaginary, in English Historical Review, vol. 2(1887), P- 1^- 121 Stephens, Thomas. Madoc. London and New York, 1893. 122 Vining, Edward P. An Inglorious Columbus. New York, 1885. 123 Weise, Arthur J. Discoveries of America to 1525 (New York, 1884), chap, i . 124 Wilson, Sir DanieL The Lost Atlantis and other Eth- nographic Studies (New York, 1892), pp. 1—36. 125 Winsor, Justin. Pre-Columbian Explorations, in Winsor's America (38), vol. i, chap. 2. CHAPTER IV — THE NORTHMEN Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 102, 104, 108, 118, 122, 123, 125. 126 American History Leaflets. Edited by Albert Bushnell Hart and Edward Channing. New York, 1892 — 96, 30 numbers. 127 Anderson, Rasmus B. America not Discovered by Colum- bus. Chicago, 1883. The third edition contains bibliography (by P. B. Watson) of pre-Columbian discoveries. 128 Anderson, Rasmus B. Viking Tales of the North. Chi- cago, 1877. 129 Ballantyne, Robert M. The Norsemen in the West, or America before Columbus. New York, 1870. 130 Baxter, James Phinney. The Present Status of Pre- Columbian Discovery of America by Norsemen, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 189^, p. loi. 131 Blind, Karl. Forerunners of Columbus, in LittclP s Living Age, vol. 195(1892), p. 387. 132 Boggild, F. The Ante-Columbian Discovery of America by THE Northmen, in Historical Magazine, vol. 15(1869), pp. 170- I 78. 133 Bull, Sara C. Leif Ericson, in Magazine of American History, vol. I9( 1888 ), p. 217. 134 De Costa, Benjamin F. The Northmen in Maine. Albany, 1870. 135 De Costa, Benjamin F. Pre-Columbian Discovery of Amer- ica by the Northmen. Albany, 1868 and 1889. 136 Du Bois, B. H. Did the Norse Discover America.? in Maga- zine of American History, vol. 27(1892), p. 369. Bibliographical Appendix 379 137 Du Chaillu', Paul B. Viking Age (New York, 1889, 2 vols.), vol. 2, chap. 3 3. 138 Eden, Richard. The Decades of the New World or West India. London, 1555. Reprinted in Edward Arber's The First three English Books on America (London, 1885 ), pp. 346, 389. 139 Elton, Charles. The Career of Columbus (New York, 1 892), chap. 10. 140 ENCYCLOPiT.DiA Britannica (ninth edition). See index under Geography, Discovery, and Northmen. 141 Fischer, Joseph. The Discoveries of the Norsemen in Amer- ica. Translated into English by Basil H. Soulsby. London and Saint Louis, 1 903. 142 Fowke, Gerard. Norse Remains near Boston, in American Naturalist, vol. 28(1894), p. 623. 143 Fowke, Gerard. Points of Difference between Norse Remains and Indian Works, in American Anthropologist, vol. 2 (1900), p. 550. 144 Haliburton, R. G. Lost Colonies of Northmen and Portu- guese, in Popular Science Monthly, vol. 27(1885), p. 40. 145 Hart, Albert B. American History told by Contemporaries (New York, 1 898 - 1901, 4 vols. ), vol. i, pp. 28 — 34. 146 Higginson, Thomas W. Book of American Explorers (Bos- ton, 1877), pp. I - I 2. 147 Higginson, Thomas W. The Visit of the Vikings, in Har- per'' s Magazine, vol. 65(1882), p. 515. 148 Horsford, Eben N. Discovery of America by Northmen. Boston, 1888. 149 Howley, M. F. Vinland, in Proceedings of the Royal Society of Canada, new series, vol. 4(1899), sec. 2, p. 77. 150 Kohl, John G. History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North America, 990—1578, in Maine Historical Society Publications, second series, vol. i (Documentary History). 151 LiljencrantZ, Ottilie A. The Thrall of Leif the Lucky. Chicago, 1902. A story of viking days. 152 Longfellow, Henry W. The Skeleton in Armor, in Com- plete IVorks (Boston 1895, Cambridge edition), p. i i . 153 MacLean, J. P. Norse Discovery of America. Chicago, 1892. 154 Neukomm, Edmond. Rulers of the Sea. Boston, 1896. 155 Old South Leaflets. Edited bv Edwin D. Mead. Boston, 1890— 1902, 125 numbers; 5 vols. 156 Olson, J. E. Problem of the Northmen and the Site of NoRUMBEGA, in The Dial, vol. 11(1890), p. 112. 157 Reeves, Arthur M. Finding of Wineland, the Good. London and New York, 1890. 158 Sagas, Extracts from, in American History Leaflets (126), No. 3. Also see Voyage to Vinland (1 64). 380 Bibliographical Appendix 159 Slafter, Edmund F. Voyages of Northmen to America, Boston, 1877. A Prince Society Publication. 160 Sparks, Edwin E. The Expansion of the American People (Chicago, 1900), chap. I. 161 Storm, Gustav. Studies on the Vineland Voyages. Copen- hagen, 1889. 162 White, John S. The Viking Ship, in Scribner'' s Magazine, vol. 2( 1887), p. 604. 163 Whittier, John G. The Norsemen, in Poetical Works (New York and Boston, 1892, 4 vols.), vol. I, p. 37. 164 Voyage to \'inland. The, from the Saga of Eric, the Red, in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 31. CHAPTER V— EARLY GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE Note. — See the note on page T)Jt,, and sections 25, 38, 98, 99, III, 138. 165 Ancient Chinese Geography, in Nature, \o\. 31(1884— 85), p. 58. 166 Anthon, Charles. System of Ancient and Medieval Geog- raphy. New York, 1850. 167 Barrows, W. America, the World's Puzzle in Geography, in Magazine of American Historf, vol. 21 ( 1889), p. 208. 168 Bevan, William L. Students' Manual of Ancient Geog- raphy. London, 1875. 169 Beazley, C. Raymond. Prince Henry the Navigator (New York, 1895 ), pp. I — 120. 170 Bunbury, E. H. History of Ancient Geography (London, 1879, 2 ^'°^-'^- )» ^'°^- ^» P- 209. 171 Dufferin, Marquis of. John Cabot, in Scribner's Magazine, vol. 22(1 897), p. 62. 172 Encyclopedia Britannica (ninth edition). See table of contents to article on America, vol. i, p. 717 ; Ancient Geography, vol. 15, p. 516; Ptolemy, vol. 20, p. 91 ; Strabo, vol. 22, p. 581 ; Marco Polo, vol. 19, p. 408. 173 Falconer, H. C, and Hamilton, W., translators. The Geog- raphy OF Strabo (London, 1854, 3 vols.), vol. i. 174 Fiske, John. Europe and Cathay, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 68(1891 ), p. 369. 175 Irving, Washington. The Enchanted Island ; a Legend of St. Brandan, in his Wolferf s Roost and Miscellanies. 176 Johnson, W. H. The World's Discoverers (Boston, 1900), chap. I , Marco Polo. I'J'J Keltie, J. Scott. Applied Geography, in LitteW s Living Age, vol. 179 ( 1888), p. 67. 178 Marco Polo. Account of Japan and Java, in Old South Leaf- lets (155), No. 32. A two-volume translation of his Book (revised edition) was published in London, 1903. Bibliographical Appendix 381 179 Maury, M. An Examination of the Claims of Columbus, in Harper'' 5 Magaxine, vol. 42(1871), pp. 425, 527. 180 PresCOtt, William H. Ferdinand and Isabella (Philadelphia, 1875, 3 vols.), vol. 2, pp. 109— 117. 181 Strabo. Introduction to Geography (with maps), in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 30. Also see above (173). 182 Strachey, R. Lectures on Geography (London 1888), lec- ture 2. 183 Tillinghast, William H. Geographical Knowledge of the Ancients, in Winsor's America (38), vol. I, chap. 1. Critical essay by Winsor, in his America (38), vol. i, pp. 33 — 58. 184 Winsor, Justin. The Early Descriptions of America, in his America (38), vol. i, p. xix. CHAPTER VI — PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 104, 108, III, 123, 176. 185 Beazley, C. Raymond. Prince Henry the Navigator. New York, 1895. 186 Beazley, C. Raymond. Translation of Azurara's Chronicle OF THE Discovery and Conquest of Guinea (London, 1896 — 99, 2 vols.), in Hakluyt Society Publications. 187 Bourne, Edward G. Prince Henry, the Navigator, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1893, pp. I I I - I 23, and in Tale Review, vol. 3 ( 1 894), p. 187. 188 Helps, Arthur. Life of Columbus (London, 1869), pp. 8-46. 189 Lamb, Martha J. Prince Henry, the Navigator, in Maga- zine of American History, vol. 27(1892), p. 37. 190 Major, Richard H. Discoveries of Prince Henry, the Navigator. London, 1877. 191 Major, Richard H. Prince Henry, the Navigator, in EJin- hurgh Reviezv, vol. 128(1868), p. 102. 192 Markham, Clements R. The Sea Fathers (London, 1884), pp. I - 2 I . 193 Stephens, H. Morse. Portugal (New York, 1893), pp. 140-157. 194 Vogel, Theodor. Century of Discovery (Boston, 1877), p. 6. 195 Winsor, Justin. Christopher Columbus (New York and Boston, 1892 ), p. 92. This book is one of the most valuable of the many written on the subject. I gladly acknowledge my great obligation to it. 382 Bibliographical Appendix CHAPTER VII — COLUMBUS AND HIS GREAT IDEA Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 104, 108, 109, III, 123, 138, I39> 146, 176, 180, 188, 192, 195. 196 Abbott, J. S. C. Christopher Columbus, in Harper' s Maga- zine, vol. 38 (1869), p. 721. 197 Adams, H. B., and Wood, Henry. Columbus and His Dis- covery, in Joh?is Hopkins University Studies, series 10, Nos. 10, I I . Baltimore, i 892. 198 Adams, Charles Kendall. Christopher Columbus (New York, 1892), pp. 1 — 73. 199 Alden, W. L. Christopher Columbus (New York, 1881), pp. 1-74. 200 Bancroft, George. History of the United States of Amer- ica (New York, 1886, 6 vols.), vol. i, pp. 7-13. 201 Castelar, Emilio. Christopher Columbus, in Century Maga- zine, vol. 22(1892), pp. 122, 280, 351, 584, 683, 921. 202 Columbus, Christopher. His Own Book of Privileges, i 502. Translated by George F. Barwick ; introduction by Henry Harrisse ; edited by B. F. Stevens. London, 1893. This is a photographic facsimile of the old manuscript mentioned on page 204 of this volume, and often spoken of as The Columbus Codex. An inter- esting review of the book and the story of the four original copies are printed in The Nation, vol. 59(1896), p. 68. Since then, what is believed to be one of the four copies ( the one that Edward Everett obtained) has been secured ( 1901) by the Library of Con- gress at Washington. See section 283* 203 Columbus, Christopher. His Signature, in Magazine of American History, vol. 9(1883), p. 55. 204 De Mosley, Otto. Memoir on the Discovery of America, in Magazine of American History, vol. 28(1892), p. 358. 205 Dunlop, A. P. The Real Character of Columbus, in The Arena, vol. 6(1892), p. 603. 206 DuttO, L. A. The Birth-place of Columbus, in Catholic World, vol. 54(1891-92), pp. 478-652. 207 DuttO, L. A. Las Casas' Narrative, in Catholic World, vol. 56( 1892-93), p. 40. 208 Ford, Paul L. The Writings of Columbus. New York, 1892. 209 Harrison, Frederic. The Meaning of History. New York, 1896. 210 Harrisse, Henry. Diplomatic History of America : Its First Chapter (London, 1897), chap. 1. At the end of the book is a list of Harrisse' s works, many of which are written in French. Of all the investigators in the study of the Columbian era, Harrisse has been the most indefatigable. No earnest student of that history can afford to ignore these contributions. Bibliographical Appendix 383 211 Harrisse, Henry. Discovery of North America (London, 1892), pp. 77-101,651—661. Monumental and almost indis- pensable. 212 Humboldt, Friedrich H. A. von. Cosmos (New York, 1863, 5 vols.), vol. 2, pp. 228-301. 213 Lawrence, Eugene. The Mystery of Columbus, in Harper'' s Magaxine, vol. %\{ 1892), p. 728. 214 Major, Richard H. Select Letters of Columbus with other Original Documents, in Hakluvt Society Publicatiotis, 1870. 215 Markham, Clements R. Columbus (London, 1892), pp. 1-63. 216 O'Shea, J. J. The Apotheosis of Christopher Columbus, in Catholic World, vol. 57(1893), p. 151. 217 Ruge, S. Columbus, in //^r/i^r' J- Magazine, \o\. 85(1892), p. 681. 218 Thacher, John B. The Continent of America. New York, 1896. 219 Thacher, John B. Christopher Columbus : His Life, His Work, His Remains. New York, 1903 — 1904, 3 vols. A store- house of the raw materials that throw light upon the career of Co- lumbus. 220 Vignaud, Henry. Toscanelli and Columbus. New York and London, 1902. 221 Winsor, Justin. Columbus and his Discoveries, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. i. 222 Bibliography of the Discovery of Columbus. The principal guides to the original and secondary sources for the study of the career of Columbus are as follows : (<7) Bump, Charles W. Bibliographies of the Discovery of America, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, series 10, appendix to Nos. I o and 11, pp. 519 — 532. (^) Fumagalli, Giuseppe. Bibliografa degli scritti italiani e stampati in Italia sopra Cristoforo Colombo. Rome, 1893. (f) Fumagalli, Giuseppe. Cataloghi di Biblioteche e In did Bibliografica. Florence, 1887. (d') Harrisse, Henry. Christophe Colomb. Paris, 1884, 2 vols. (^) Harrisse, Henry. Notes on Columbus. New York, 1866. (/") Winsor, Justin. Columbian Bibliography, in The Nation, vol. 49(1889), p. 397, and vol. 52(1891), p. 297. {.S) Winsor, Justin, in Winsor's Columbus (1 95), chaps. 1,2. {h') Winsor, Justin, in Winsor's America (38), vol. i, intro- duction, and vol. 2, introduction and chap. i. Note. — Some of the works just mentioned are rare, but all of them are in the Lenox Library Building of the New York Public Library. Among the other "sources" relating to Columbus and to be found in the same rich collection of Americana are the ponderous tome. Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877); Martin F. 384 Bibliographical Appendix Navarrete's Coleccion de los Viagcs (Madrid, 1825 — 37, 5 vols.; a French edition was printed at Paris in 1828); the two large vol- umes published by the duchess de Berwick y de Alba, containing valuable manuscripts in her archives, viz., Autografos de Cristobal Colon y Papeles de America (Madrid, 1892), and Kuevos Autografos de Cristobal Colon y Relaciones de Ultramar (Madrid, 1902 ; this series contains several of Columbus's letters which had been consid- ered as lost since their sudden disappearance in the sixteenth century) ; and the fine series of folio volumes entitled Raccolta di Documenti e Studi ; pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Columbiana pel quarto Centenario dalla Scopcrta deW America (Rome, 1892 — 96 j, published under the auspices of the Italian minister of public instruc- tion. This series includes, among others, the Writings of Columbus ; Diplomatic Documents ; Narration of the Discovery ; Documents relative to Columbus and his Family ; Life of Toscanelli ; Naval Construction of the Fifteenth Century ; and a treatise on the mag- netic needle. The writings ot Columbus here brought together from various places are, of course, of first importance. In 1842, Navarrete began the long series entitled Coleccion de Documentos ineditos (continued after his death two years later), in which Las Casas's Historia, another leading source-book, first appeared in print. See section 219. CHAPTER VIII — COLUMBUS'S FIRST VOYAGE Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 25, 104, III, 123, 146, 176, 180, 195, 198, 199, 215, 219, 220, 221. 223 Adams, Charles K. Some Recent Discoveries concerning Columbus, in Annual Report ot the American Historical Association, 1 891 , p. 89, and in Magazine of American History, vol. 27(1892), p. 161. 224 Blake, H. A. \^'here did Columbus First Land in 1492 r in Ninettcntli Century, vol. 32( 1892), p. 536. 225 Brinton, D. G., Curtis, William E., and Luce, S. B. Reports on Columbian Historical Exposition at Madrid, 1892 (Washing- ton, 1895 ), p. 244. 226 Brooks, W. K. On the Lucayan Indians, in the Memoirs of the National Academv of Sciences (Washington, 1889), vol. 4, part 2, p. 215. 227 Columbus, Christopher. Journal of Columbus during his First \'oyage. Translation, Clements R. Markham, editor, Hakluyt Societv Publications. London, 1893. Navarrete found an abridg- ment of the journal kept bv Columbus on his first voyage. This abridgment, which was in the handwriting of Las Casas, he printed in his Coleccion de los Viages (222, note). The best English Bibliographical Appendix 385 version is that here cited. For an extract relating to Cuba, see Old South Leaflets (155), vol. 5, No. 102, p. 25, and Hart's Co?i- temporaries (145), vol. i , p. 35. 228 Columbus, Christopher. Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 33. Fully fifteen contemporary printed editions of this letter, nine in Latin, five in Italian verse, and a German version, are known. Most of these are represented by several extant copies and nearly all of them are obtainable in reprint or facsimile. The only perfect copy of the Basel (Latin) illustrated edition is in the Lenox Library Building of the New York Public Library. 229 Columbus, Christopher. Letter to Luis de Sant Angel, in American History Leaflets (126), No. i. Also see Higginson's Explorers (146), pp. ig-26, and Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, pp. 46—51. Two contemporary Spanish editions of this letter are known, one in folio and one in quarto. Only one copy of each is extant, the former in the Lenox Library Building of the New York Public Library, and the latter in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, Italy. 230 Cooper, James F. Mercedes of Castile. New York, 1883. 231 Cronau, Rudolf. Amerika (Leipsic, 1892, 2 vols.), vol. i, pp. 209 — 222. Concerning the location of the landfall. Also see Thacher's Columbus (219), chaps. 58, 59. 232 Curtis, William E. Christopher Columbus — His Portraits AND Monuments. Chicago, 1893. 233 DuttO, L. A. Columbus in Portugal, in Catholic World, vol. 55(1892), p. 44; Columbus in Spain, p. 210; and Columbus and La Rabida, p. 639. 234 Fox, Capt. G. V. An Attempt to Solve the Problem of the First Landing Place of Columbus in the New World (with map), in Report of United States Coast and Geodetic Survey for 1880-81, p. 346. 235 Hart, Albert B. Source Book of American History (New York, 1899 ), p. I. 236 Harvey, Arthur. The Enterprise of Christopher Colum- bus, in Magazine of American History, vol. 27(1892), pp. I, 98. 237 Mackie, Charles P. With the Admiral of the Ocean Sea. Chicago, I 89 I. 238 Paton, William A. The Lost "Landfall" of Columbus, in Lippincott' s ALigazine, vol. 48(1891), p. 502. 239 Scaife, Walter B. America ; Its Geographical History (Baltimore, 1892), lecture i. 240 Story of the Discovery of America, The, from the life of Columbus by his son, in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 29. 241 Bibliographical Account of the Voyages of Columbus, in Historical Magazine, vol. 5(1861), p. 33. Also see Bibliography of the Discovery of Columbus (222). 386 Bibliographical Appendix CHAPTER IX — DIPLOMACY AND PREPARATION Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 25 104, 108, III, 139, 180, 195, 199, 210, 221. 242 Alexander VI. The Bull of Demarcation (English trans- lation), in Hart's Co7itcmporaries (145), vol. I, p. 40. 243 Bourne, Edward G. The Line of Demarcation, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1891, p. 103 ; and in Tale Rei'iezv, vol. i, No. i( 1892). 244 Columbus, Christopher. Memorial to Ferdinand and Isa- bella ON HIS Second Voyage, in Old South Leaflets (l55)» No. 7 i. 245 Dawson, Samuel E. The Line of Demarcation and the Treaty of Tordesillas, 1494, in Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada (Ottawa, 1899), second series, vol. 5, sec. 2, p. 467. 246 Doyle, J. A. English Colonies in America (New York, 1889, 3 vols.), vol. I, pp. 33, 407. Concerning the casa de contra- tacion. 247 Moses, Bernard. The Casa de Contratacion of Seville, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, i 894, p. 93. 248 Moses, Bernard. The Establishment of the Spanish Rule in America (New York and London, 1898), chap. 2. 249 Scaife, Walter B. The Development of International Law, in Papers oi i\\Q American Historical Association, vol. 4(1890), p. 269. 250 Toner, J. M. Colonies of North America, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1895, p. 515 ; text of the treaty of Tordesilhas, p. 524. CHAPTER X — COLUMBUS'S SECOND VOYAGE Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 25, 104, III, 123, 139, 146, 176, 180, 188, 195, 198, 199, 208, 214, 215, 221. 251 Chanca, Doctor (physician to the fleet on this voyage). Letter Addressed to the Chapter of Seville, in Major's Select Letters of Columbus (214). The text was first printed in Navarrete ( 222, note). 252 The original sources for Columbus's second voyage are few and some of them are not easily accessible. The following may be found in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building): (,«) Bernaldez, Andres. Chronica de los Reyes Catolieos (460 leaves, folio). Bernaldez was a friend of the great admiral. After his return from his first voyage, Columbus was his guest and related to him the particulars of his discovery. Ternaux says that the Bibliographical Appendix 387 "chronicle contains a mass of information relating to this great man which would be in vain sought for elsewhere." Two papers at the end of this work, called Prologo and Addiciones, seem to relate to it, but they do not appear in the first printed edition (1856) next mentioned. Historia de los Reyes CatoUcos. Granada, 1856, 2 vols. Edited by Miguel Lafuente y Alcantara. Reprinted at Seville in 1870. Extracts from the original manu- scripts are printed in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, third series, vol. 8 (Boston, 1843), pp. 5 — 68. {b) Scillacio, Niccolo. De Insults Meridian! atque Indici Maris ntiper inventis (printed probably in 1494 or 1495). This is one of the chief sources for the history of the second voyage. Only five copies are known to be extant. Mr. James Lenox issued privately a reprint and translation of it in 1859. The facsimile page printed on page 165 of this volume is fi-om the Lenox original. The Scillacio tract was for the first time issued in facsimile a few years ago by Leo S. Olschki of Florence, Italy. Another facsimile is given with translation and critical apparatus in Thacher's Colum- bus (219), vol. 2, pp. 223-242. (f) Navarrete, Martin F. de. The Coleccion de los P'iages (222, note) contains some contemporary documents, including a Memorial . . . jo de Enero de I4<)4, a Antonio de Torres. The Raccolta di Documenti e Studi (222, note), vol. i, part i, pp. 139 — 268, contains the Journal of Columbus in his second voyage. The Fonti Italiane per la Storia della scoperta del Nuovo Mondo (Rome, 1893, folio), vol. 2, contains various letters from Peter Martyr. Las Casas's Historia (222, note) refers to some points in the account of the second voyage. CHAPTER XI — DA GAMA AND CABOT Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 104, 108, 109, 123, 146, 171, 176, 192, 195, 211, 215, 244. 253 Beazley, C. Raymond. John and Sebastian Cabot. New York, 1898. 254 Bourinot, Sir John G. The Makers of the Dominion of Canada, in Canadian Magazine, vol. 10(1897), p. 7. 255 Cabot, John. Contemporary Correspondence Relating to his Discovery of America, in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 115, vol. 5, p. 301. 256 Dawson, Samuel E. The Voyages of the Cabots, in Pro- ceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada (Ottawa, 1897), second series, vol. 3. Also similar papers similarly published in I 894 and 1896. 257 Dawson, Samuel E. Memorandum upon the Cabot Map, in Report on Canadian Archives (Ottawa, 1898), pp. 102-105. 388 Bibliographical Appendix 258 Deane, Charles. The \'oyages of the Cabots, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 3, chap. i. Also see references to the Cabot map in Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, second series, vol. 6, pp. 305-339. 259 Documents Describing the Voyage of John Cabot in 1497, in America?i History Leaflets (126), No. 9. Also see Old South Leaflets (155), No. 37, and Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. I, p. 69. The letters patent from Henry VII. to the Cabots are given in Jones's Hakluyt (IO9), pp. 18-27. 260 Harrisse, Henry. The Cabots, in Proceedings and Trans- actions of the Royal Society of^ Canada (Ottawa, 1898), second series, vol. 4, p. 103. 261 Harrisse, Henry. Did Cabot Return from his Second Voyage? in American Historical Review, vol. 1(1896), p. 717 ; vol. 3(1898), p. 449; vol. 4(1898), p. 38. 262 Harrisse, Henry. John Cabot, the Discoverer of North America, and Sebastian, his Son. London, 1897. 263 Harrisse, Henry. The Outcome of the Cabot Quater- Centenary, in American Historical Review, vol. 4( i8g8), p. 38. 264 Harrisse, Henry. When did John Cabot Discover North America? in The Forum, vol. 23(1897), p. 463. 265 Harrisse, Henry. The Discovery of North America by John Cabot. London, 1897. 266 Higginson, Thomas W. The Old English Seamen, in Har- per s Magazine, vol. 66(1883), p. 217. 267 Hildreth, Richard. History of the United States (New York, 1877, 6 vols.), vol. i, p. 34. 268 Howley, M. F. Cabot's Landfall, in Magazine of American History, vol. 26(1891), p. 267. 269 Howley, M. F. Cabot's Voyages. Saint Johns, Newfound- land, 1897. • 270 Lodge, Henry C. The Cabots and the Discovery of America. London and Bristol, 1897. 271 Lodge, Henry C. The Home of the Cabots, in Nineteenth Centurs, vol. 41(1897), p. 734. Answered by George M. Wrong in Review of Historical Publications relating to Canada (Toronto, 1898), p. 35. 272 Major, Richard H. John and Sebastian Cabot, Date of their Discovery, in Archaologia, vol. 43(1871), p. 17. 273 Pope, J. The Cabot Celebration, in Canadian Magazine, vol. 8(1896), p. 158. 274 Porter, Edward G. The Cabot Celebrations of 1897, in Netv England Magazine, vol. 17(1898), p. 653. 275 Prowse, D. W. The Discovery of Newfoundland by John Cabot, 1497. Saint Johns, Newfoundland, 1897. 276 Ravenstein, E. G. A Journal of the First \^oyage of Vasco da Gama. London, 1898. A Hakluyt Sodcty Publication. Bibliographical Appendix 389 277 Weare, G. E. Cabot's Discovery of North America. London, 1897. 278 Winship, George P. Sebastian Cabot, in Gt'ographical Jour- nal, vol. I3( 1899 J, p. 204. 279 Bibliographies of the Cabotian Literature are numerous and exhaustive. Among them may be mentioned Bump's Cabot Bibliography (222, a); Winsor's Cabotiana to 18^4, in The Nation, vol. 57(1893), p. 433; George P. Winship's Cabot Bibliography, in the Publications of the Providence, Rhode Island, Public Library, 1897 (published separately in 1898); and the list given in the appendix to Harrisse's John Cabot (262). The most complete of these works is George P. Winship's Cabot Bibliography with an Introductory Essay on the Careers of the Cabot s (New York and London, 1900). In this book, the whole literature of the subject is thoroughly threshed out. CHAPTER XII — COLUMBUS'S THIRD VOYAGE Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, IO4, III, 123, 146, 176, 180, 188, 195, 199, 208, 215, 221. 280 Batalha-Reis, J. The Supposed Discovery of South America before 1448, in Geographical Journal, [London,] vol. 9(1897), p. 185. 281 Columbus, Christopher. Letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, is printed in Navarrete's Coleccion de los Viages (222, note), and also by Major (214) who accompanied the text by an English translation. The manuscript from the archives of the Duke del Infantado is in the handwriting of Las Casas. 282 Columbus, Christopher. Letter to the Nurse of Prince John. One manuscript copy is in the archives of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid ; another is extant in the Columbus Custodia at Genoa — included in the Columbus Codex mentioned below (283). This letter is also printed with the one above men- tioned (281). This "nurse" was Dona Juana de la Torre, sister of Pierre de Torres, one of the royal secretaries, and of Antonio de Torres, a companion of Columbus on his second voyage. 283 Columbus Codex, A. An illustrated article by Herbert Putnam, the librarian of congress, in The Critic, vol. 42(1903), p. 244. It tells the story of the four sets of transcripts and discusses the probability that the copy now in the library of congress is one of the three parchment volumes prepared under the personal supervision of the great discoverer. See section 202. The fullest account of the "Book of Privileges," in its various manu- scripts and ramifications, is given in Thacher's Columbus (219), vol. 2, pp. 530—565. 3 go Bibliographical Appendix 284 Gilliam, E. W. The Frenxh Colony of San Domingo, in Magazine of American History, vol. 20(1888}, p. 471. Note. — A letter of Jaime Ferrer, a lapidary of Blanes, a sea- port of Spain, dated August 5, 1495, and addressed to Columbus, is printed in Navarrete (222, note), and (with an English transla- tion) in Thacher's Columbus (219), vol. 2, pp. 365 — 369. Las Casas gives an unusually full narrative of the third voyage in his His tor ia (222, note). For an annotated English translation, col- lated from different manuscripts, see Thacher's Columbus (219), vol. 2, pp. 374 — 408. A very rare publication relating to the third voyage is known briefly as "The Libretto," from its title which reads : Libretto de tutta la Navigatio?ie de Re de Spagna de le hole et Terreni novamente trovati, printed at Venice in i 504. It is a tract of twenty-nine unnumbered pages, and the only known copy belongs to the San Marco Library of Venice. The first facsimile ever issued is given with an English translation in Thacher's Columbus (219), vol. 2, pp. 439-514. CHAPTER XIII — VOYAGES OF THE CORTEREALS Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 104, 109, 123, 138, 211, 215, 227. 285 Dexter, George. Cortereal, in Winsor's America (38}, vol. 4, p. I. 286 Patterson, George. A Lost Chapter in American History, in Magazine of American History, vol. 25(1891), p. 375. 287 The Sources for the Cortereal voyages are in a way summarized in Winsor's America (38), vol. 4, p. 12, The best modern works, based upon a critical and scholarly examination ot the original materials, are three by Henry Harrisse, as follows: (tf) Les Corte-Real et leurs Foyages au Nouveau-Monde. Paris, 1883. The Cantino map is here reproduced for the first time. (^) Caspar Corte-Real la Date exact e de sa dernier e Ex- pedition au Nouveau-Monde. Paris, 1883. (r) Voyages of the Corte-Reals, ijOO-Ij02 and before. This covers pp. 59 et seq. of his Discovery of North America (211). The Cantino map is repeated in this volume, reduced. 288 The Cantino Map, 1502. This important map, named from Alberto Cantino, envoy of Hercules d'Este, duke of Ferrara, to the court of Portugal, measures 86^4 by 390/^ inches. We are indebted to Harrisse for interpreting and first publishing it, although its existence was previously known. The English reader can find an account of it in Thacher's America (2l8), pp. 205, 206. 289 The Voyage of Miguel Cortereal in search of his brother, Caspar, is dependent principally upon the following sources: (^) Damian de Goes. Chronica do Rei dom Emanuel, chap. 66. Bibliographical Appendix 391 (^) Galvao, Antonio. Tratado que compos o iiobre e notauel capitao Antonio Gahao [Lisbon, 1563]. There is a copy of" this verv rare original in the John Carter Brown collection at Providence, Rhode Island. The work was reprinted at Lisbon in 173 i. A copy of this edition is in the New York Public Library (Lenox Building) . An English translation was published under the auspices of Richard Hakluyt at London in 1601. A new edition of this translation with the original text added was edited for the Hakluyt Society, London, 1862, by Vice-admiral Bethune. CHAPTER XIV — COLUMBUS'S FOURTH VOYAGE Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 25, 104, III, 123, 146, 176, 188, 195, 198, 215, 221, 248. 290 Belloy, Marquis de. Christopher Columbus and the Dis- covery OF THE New World. Philadelphia, 1889. Favors the canonization of Columbus. 291 Brevoort, J. Carson. Where are the Remains of Columbus ? in Magaz.ine of American History, vol. 2(1878), p. 157. 292 Bump, Charles W. Public Memorials to Columbus, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, series 10, p. 53^. 293 Columbian Fruition, The, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 78( 1896), p. 557. A discussion of sources. 294 Columbus, Christopher. Letter to the Christian Kings (Februarv 6, 1502), in Magazine of American History, vol. 9 (1883),' p. 53. 295 Columbus, Christopher. Letter to the King and Qiieen OF Spain — The Thirst for Gold, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. I, p. 44. 296 Columbus Memorial Volume. New York, Cincinnati, and Chicago, 1893. Published bv the Catholic Club of New York and the United States Catholic Historical Society. 297 LombrosO, C. Was Columbus Morally Irresponsible ? in The Forum, vol. 27(1899), p. 537. 298 The direct extant contemporary sources for Columbus's fourth voy- age are ie\N. A relation by Columbus, mentioned by him in a letter that he wrote on December 27, 1504, has been lost; and several other letters that he wrote at Dominica and other points during his voyage cannot be traced. Columbus set sail on his return voyage September 12, 1504, and arrived at San Lucar on November 7 of that year. In a letter addressed by him to Ferdi- nand and Isabella, he gives details of his voyage up to July 7, i 503. The original Spanish manuscript is no longer extant, but Navarrete found an early transcript of about the middle of the sixteenth cen- tury. It is printed in his Coleccion (222, note), vol. i, pp. 296 — 313, and, in better form with notes, as document xxxxi (p. 175) of Scritti di Colombo, edited by Cesare de Lollis (Rome, 392 Bibliographical Appendix 1894), vol. 2. Major inserted the Spanish text and an English translation in his Select Letters of Columbus (214J. No contem- porary printed edition of the Spanish text is known ; but an Italian translation was published at Venice in 1505, a small quarto tract of eight leaves (the last being blank) printed in Gothic characters. The only known copy is in the Marciana in Venice. It is entitled Copia de la lettera per Columbo ma7idata all Sere""' Re £3' Regina di Spagna. The librarian of Saint Mark's, Venice, reproduced it in 18 10 with valuable comments as Lettera rarissima di Chris- toforo Colombo. By this title it has since been best known and most often quoted. A complete facsimile, accompanied by an English translation and notes, is given in Thacher's Columbus (219), vol. 2, pp. 669 — 699. 299 Other sources for the fourth voyage are : ((7) A valuable document of Diego de Porras, in Navarrete, vol, I, pp. 277 — 296; English in Thacher's Columbus (219), vol. 2, pp. 640 — 646. {b') Relacion of Diego Mendez, in Navarrete, vol. i, pp. 314 — 329; English in Thacher's Colum.bus (219), vol. 2, pp. 647-668. (f) D'Anghiera's (i.e., Peter Martyr's) Decades, 15 16, which is reprinted in Scritti di Colombo, vol. 2, p. 206, where other documents on this voyage are given. (^) Fernando Columbus's His tor ie. l^e) Las Casas's Historia. CHAPTER XV — VESPUCIUS AND "AMERICA" Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 104, 108, 109, III, 123, 138, 180, 195, 211, 215, 219, 237. 300 Gay, Sydney H. Amerigo Vespucci, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. 2. 301 Gay, Sydney H. How America was Named, in Scribner^s Mofithly, vol. 12(1876), p. 222, and in Bryant and Gay's United States (lO), vol. i, p. 122. 302 Marcou, J. Amerriques, Amerigho Vespucci and America, in Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1888, p. 647. 303 Marcou, J. Origin of the Name America, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 35(1875), p. 291. justifies name "America." 304 Oldham, E. A. America must be Called Columbia, in Magazine of American History, vol. 27(1892), p. 427. 305 Santarem, Viscount of. Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages. Boston, 1850. 306 Varnhagen, F. A. de. Nouvelles Recherches (Vienna, 1869), and other works on Vespucius. See Fiske's Discovery of America (104), vol. 2, p. 26, note, and Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, p. 156. Bibliographical Appendix 393 307 Vespucius, Americus. First Four Voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, in facsimile and with translation. Quaritch. London, 1893. Tlie Soderini letter. Anotlier edition of the Letters of Amerigo Vespucci and other Documents, translated by Clements R. Markham, was published by the Hakluyt Society, London, 1894. For an account of his alleged first voyage, see Old South Leaflets (155), No. 34 ; for an account of his third voyage, see No. 90 of the same series. 308 Wilson, W. S. Autograph Manuscript of Vespucius, in Magazine of American History, vol. 29(1893), p. 169. 309 Winsor, Justin. Notes on Vespucius and the Naming of America, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, pp. 153— 179. 310 Winsor, Justin. A Vespucian Fraud, in The Nation, vol. 56 (1893), p. 234. CHAPTER XVI — BALBOA AND MAGELLAN Note. — See the note on page 373, and the sections indicated under the subheads below. BALBOA See sections 10, lOQ, III, 215. 311 Bancroft, Hubert Howe. Central America (San Francisco, 1882, 3 vols.), vol. I, chaps. 8, 9, and 12. 312 Harwell, Francis. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, in LitteWs Living Age, vol. 46(1855), p. 492. 313 Headley, J. T. Vasco Nunez de Balboa, in Harper'' s Maga- zine, vol. i8( 1859), p. 467. 314 Higginson, Thomas W. The Spanish Discoverers, in Harper s Magazine, vol. 65(1882), p. 736. 315 Simms, W. Gilmore. The Damsel of Darien. Philadelphia, 1839, 2 vols. 316 Warburton, E. B. G. Darien. Leipsic, 1853. 317 Watson, R. G. Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial Period (London, 1884, 2 vols.), chaps. 2, 3. MAGELLAN 318 Guillemard, Francis H. H. Life of Ferdinand Magellan. New York, 1890, and London, 1891. 319 Hale, Edward E. Magellan and the Pacific, in Harper"" s Magazine, vol. 81(1890), p. 357. 320 Hale, Edward E. Magellan's Discovery, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. 9. 321 Hinsdale, B. A. The First Circumnavigation of the Earth, in Ohio Archaological and Historical (Quarterly, vol. 1(1887), p. 164. 322 Stanley of Alderley. First Voyage round the World, by 394 Bibliographical Appendix Magellan. Translated from the accounts of Pigafetta and other contemporary writers. London, 1874. A Publication of the Hakluyt Society. 323 Stevens, Henry. Historical and Geographical Notes on THE Early Discoveries in America. New Haven, 1869. 324 Stevens, Henry. Johann Schoener. London, 1888. See sections 25, 104, 123, 237. 325 Channing, Edward. The Companions of Columbus, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. 3. 326 Encyclopaedia Britannica (ninth edition). See articles on Globe, Balboa, and Magellan. CHAPTER XVH — CORTES, PONCE DE LEON, AND LAS CASAS Note. — See the note on page 373, and the sections indicated under the subheads below. CORTES 327 Abbott, J. S. C. Hernando Cortez. New York, 1856. 328 Bancroft, Hubert H. Mexico (San Francisco, 1883, 5 vols.), vol. I , chap. 4. 329 Bancroft, Hubert H. North Mexican States (San Francisco, 1884, 2 vols.), vol. I, chaps. 1—3. 330 Cortes, Hernando. Account of the City of Mexico, from his second letter to Charles V,, in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 35. 331 Eggleston, Edward. Montezuma. New York, 1880. 332 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de. How Cortes Took Monte- zuma Prisoner, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. i, p. 49. 333 Hale, Susan. Mexico (New York, 1889), chap. 13. 334 Helps, Arthur. Hernando Cortez. New York, 1871. 335 Winsor, Justin. Cortes and his Companions, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. 6. PONCE de LEON See sections 108, 200, 211, 246, 267. 336 Brower, J. V. The Mississippi River and its Source (Min- neapolis, 1893), pp. 14—37. This work constitutes vol. 7 of the Minnesota Historical Collections. 337 Fairbanks, George R. The History and Antiquities of St. Augustine (New York, 1855), p. 557. Republished at Jack- sonville, Florida, in 1868, under the title of The Spaniards in Florida. Bibliographical Appendix 395 LAS CASAS 338 Clinch, Bryan J. Bartholomew Las Casas, in American Ciitho/ic (Quarterly, vol. 24(1899), No. 3, p. 102. 339 Ellis, George E. Las Casas, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. 5. 340 Helps, Arthur. Life of Las Casas. Philadelphia, 1868. See sections 10, 25, 47, 58, 104, III, 123, 239, 311, 317- 341 Bandelier, Adolph F. A. The Gilded Man (El Dorado) and other Pictures of the Spanish Occupancy. New York, 1893 and 1905. 342 Blackmar, F. W. Spanish Colonial Policy, in Publications of American Economic Association, third series, vol. 1(1900), pp. 500-516, 531. 343 Blackmar, F. W. Spanish Colonization in the Southwest, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, eighth series. No. 4. 344 Blackmar, F. W. Spanish Institutions of the Southwest, in Johns Hopkins University Studies, extra vol. 10(1891), pp. 49-77- 345 Cutler, H. G. Romance of the Map of the United States, in Magazine of American History, vol. 23(1890), p. 288. 346 Helps, Arthur. The Spanish Conquest of America. Lon- don, I goo — 04, 4 vols. 347 Lummis, Charles F. Spanish Pioneers in the American Colonies OF Spain. Chicago, 1893. 348 Ogg, Frederic A. The Opening of the Mississippi. New York, 1904. 349 Parkman, Francis. Pioneers of France in the New World (Boston, 1886), chap. i. 350 Shea, J. G. Ancient Florida, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, pp. 231 —238. CHAPTER XVIII — EAST COAST EXPLORATION Note. — See the note on page 373, and sections 10, 25, 104, 109, 123, 146, 176, 195, 200, 211, 246, 350. 351 Brevoort, J. Carson. Verrazano, the First Explorer of THE Atlantic Coast, in Magazine of American History, vol. 8 (1882), p. 481. 352 Brevoort, J. Carson. Verrazano, the Navigator. New York, 1874. 39^ Bibliographical Appendix 353 De Costa, Benjamin F. Explorations of the North Ameri- can Coast, in Natio/ial Magazine, vol. i 5( i 891 ), p. i . Also see his article under a similar title in Wilson's Memorial History of the City of Nezv-Tork (New York, 1892, 4 vols.), vol. i, chap. i. 354 De Costa, Benjamin F. Verrazano, the Explorer. New York, 1880. 355 De Costa, Benjamin F. The Verrazano Voyage, in Maga- zine of American History, vol. 2(1878), p. 257; the Verrazano Map, p. 449. 356 Dexter, George. Cortereal, Verrazano, Gomez and Thevet, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 4, pp. 4 — 9. 357 Fiske, John. Dutch and Quaker Colonies (Boston and New York, 1899, 2 vols.), vol. i, pp. 56—80. 358 Kohl, J. G. Discovery of Maine, in the Maine Historical Society Publications, second series, vol. i (Documentary History), chap. 4. See Earned' s History for Ready Reference, vol. i, pp. 51-54- 359 Lescarbot, Marc. The Myth of Norumbega, in Hart's Con- temporaries (145), vol. I, p. 118. 360 Murphy, Henry C. Voyage of Verrazano. New York, 1875. 361 Verrazano, John. Relation of his Voyage to the North American Continent, in Collections of the New York Historical Society (1841), second series, vol. i, p. 37. Also see Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. i, p. 102, and Old South Leaflets (155), No. 17, and Asher's He?iry Hudson (London, i860), appendix. 362 Winsor, Justin. Cartography of the Northeast Coast of North America, 1535 — 1600, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 4, chap. 2, pp. 81-103. CHAPTER XIX — SPANISH EXPLORATIONS Note. — See the note on page 373, and the sections indicated under the subheads below. cabeza de vaca 363 Bandelier, Adolph F. A. Cabeza de Vaca, in Magazine of Western History, vol. 4(1886), p. 327. Also see his Contribu- tions TO THE History of the Southwestern Portion of the United States, in Papers of the Archseological Institute of America, vol. 5, American series. New York, 1890. 364 Cabeza de Vaca. Relacion ; translated by Buckingham Smith, New York, 1891. Extracts are given in Old South Leaflets (I55)> No. 39. 365 CoopWOOd, BetheL The Route of Cabeza de Vaca, in Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, vol. 3(1899), Nos. 2, 3, 4, and vol. 4(1900), No. i. Bibliographical Appendix 397 DE SOTO 366 Abbott, J. S. C. Df. Soto. New York, 1873. 367 Biedma, Luis Hernandez de. Narrative of the Expedition OF Hernando de Soto, in B. F. French's Historical Collections of Louisiana ( New York, 1846 — 53, first series, 5 vols.), vol. 2, p. 97. 368 De Soto, Hernando. Letter on the Conquest of Florida, in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana (367)> vol. 2, p. 91. 369 Gentleman of Elvas, The. Narrative of the Expedition OF Hernando de Soto into Florida. Published at Evora, 1557. Translated from the Portuguese by Richard Hakluyt, London, 1609. Printed in French's Historical Collections of Louisiana (367), vol. 2, p. 113. Also see Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. I , p. 57, and Old South Leaflets ( 155 ), No. 36 ; Peter Force's Tracts and other Papers (Washington, 1836, 4 vols.), vol. 4, No. I ; and Hakluyt ( IO9), vol. 14. A relation, previously overlooked, was recently found, in Oviedo, by Prof. Edward G. Bourne. 370 Irving, Theodore. The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto. New York, 1851. 371 King, Grace. De Soto and his Men in the Land of Florida. New York, 1888. 372 Lewis, T. H. Route of De Soto's Expedition, in Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society, vol. 6(1902), p. 449. 373 Mooney, James. Myths of the Cherokees, in nineteenth Annual Report ot the United States Bureau ot American Ethnology. Washington, 1901. The historical sketch and the notes thereon. 374 Shipp, Bernard. The History of Hernando de Soto and Florida. Philadelphia, 1881. coronado See sections 109, 329, 343, 344. 375 Bancroft, Hubert H. Arizona and New Mexico (San Fran- cisco, 1889), chaps. 1 — 3. 376 Brower, J. V. Harahey. Saint Paul, 1899. This is vol. 2 of Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi. It con- tains a valuable bibliography relating to Coronado, and indicates the location of Quivira accepted by each writer. 377 Brower, J. V. Quivira. Saint Paul, 1898. This is vol. i of Memoirs of Explorations in the Basin of the Mississippi. It locates the ancient village sites of Quivira at the great chert-beds south of the Kansas River. 378 Coronado, Francisco de. Letter to Charles V., translated from the Spanish by George P. Winship, in American History Leaflets (126), No. 13. 379 Coronado, Francisco de. Letter to Mendoza, August 3, 1540, in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 20. 380 CoRONADo's Journey, in Hart's Source Book (235), p. 6. 39^ Bibliographical Appendix 381 Coues, Elliott, translator and editor. On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer : The Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garces. New York, 1900, 2 vols. 382 Dellenbaugh, Frederick S. The True Route of Corona- Do's March, in Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, vol. 29(1897), p. 399. 383 Hale, Edward E. Coronado's Discovery of the Seven Cities, in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April, 1881. 384 Haynes, Henry W. Answer to Hale's Coronado's Discovery (383), in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, October, 1881. Appended to this essay is a very full account of the literature of the subject. 385 Haynes, Henry W. Early Explorations of New Mexico, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 2, chap. 7. 386 Hodge, F. W. Coronado's March to Quivira, in Brower's Harahey (376), pp. 29 — 73. Mr. Hodge accepts Mr. Brower's identification of the site of the first village of Quivira, which they locate about half a mile northeast of the mouth of Walnut Creek and about four miles east of the city of Great Bend in Barton County, Kansas. 387 Jaramillo, Juan. First Expedition to Kansas and Nebraska, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. i, p. 60. 388 Mooney, James. Quivira and the Wichitas, in Harper's Magazine, vol. 99(1899), p. 126. 389 Morgan, Lewis H. The Seven Cities of Cibola, in North American Review, vol. 108(1869), P- 457- 390 Simpson, J. H. Coronado's March, in Report of the Smith- sonian Institution, 1869, p. 300. 391 Thomas, Cyrus. Quivira ; A Suggestion, in Magazine of American History, vol. 10(1883), P- 49°- 392 Winship, George P. The Coronado Expedition, in four- teenth A?inual Report of the United States Bureau of American Ethnology, part i, pp. 339 — 613. Translation of the account of the journey to Cibola, with an elaborate bibliography of the subject. A revised translation (by the same editor) has been separately printed : New York, 1 904. 393 Winship, George P. Why Coronado Went to New Mexico IN 1540, in Annual Report o'l iht American Historical Association, 1894, pp. 83-92. general See sections 10, IO4, I08, IO9, 146, 200, 211, 239, 246, 267, 347» 349. 350. 394 Bandelier, Adolph F. A. The Discovery of New Mexico BY Fray Marcos, in Magazine of Western History, vol. 4 (1880), p. 659. Bibliographical Appendix 399 395 Bandelier, Adolph F. A. Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico, in Papers of the Archsological Institute ot America, American series. No. I, Boston, 1881. 396 Crafts, W. A. Pioneers in the Settlement of America (Boston, 1876), vol. I, chaps. 2, 3. 397 Davis, W. H. H. Spanish Conquest of New Mexico. Dovlestown, Pennsylvania, 1869. 398 Johnson, William H. Pioneer Spaniards in North America. Boston, 1903. 399 Jones, Charles C. History of Georgia. Boston, 1883, 2 vols. 400 Lowery, Woodbury. The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits of the United States. New York, 1901. CHAPTER XX — THE PIONEERS OF NEW FRANCE Note. — See the note on page 373, and the sections indicated under the third subhead below. 401 Bell, Andrew. History of Canada (Montreal, 1866, 2 vols.), vol. I , pp. 50—70. 402 Biggar, H. P. Early Trading Companifs of New France (Toronto, 1901), pp. i — 17. 403 Bourinot, John G. French Discoveries of Canada, in Canadian Magaxine, vol. 10(1898), pp. 218, 226, 229, 387, 505. 404 Bourinot, John G. The Story of Canada (New York, 1896), chaps. I —4, and bibliographical notes. 405 Cartier, Jacques. The Discovery of the Saint Lawrence, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. I, p. 107. 406 De Costa, Benjamin F. Jacques Cartier and his Successors, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 4, chap. 2. 407 Hannay, James. History of Acadia (Saint Johns, 1879), chap. I. 40S How Cartier's Voyage in 1541 was Regarded in Spain and Portugal, in Historical Magazine, vol. 6( 1862), p. 14. 409 Lighthall, W. D. Montreal, in Nezv England Magazine, vol. 19(1898), p. 233. 410 Longrais, Francois. Jacques Cartier. Paris, 1888. 411 Roberts, Charles G. D. History of Canada (Boston, 1 897), chap. 1 . 412 Shea, John G. Charlevoix's History of New France (New York, 1 866, 6 vols. ), vol. i,pp. 111—338. 413 Stephens, H. B. Jacques Cartier. Montreal, 1890. 414 Walker, Annie. A Forgotten Hero, in LittelPs Living Jge, vol. I48( 1881 ), p. 102. 400 Bibliographical Appendix 415 Winsor, Justin. Cartier. to Frontenac ( Boston and New- York, 1894J, chap. 2. ribault and laudonniere 416 Letter on the Settlement of the First Colony of Huguenots IN New France, 1564, in French's Historical Collections of Loui- siana (185 1), vol. 3, p. 197. In the original French. This letter is followed by an account of Ribault's last expedition and the fate of the French colony. Also in the original French. 417 Lowery, Woodbury. Jean Ribaut and Queen Elizabeth, in American Historical Review, vol. 9(1904), p. 456. 418 Sparks, Jared. Life of Ribault. New York, 1854. 419 Laudonniere, Rene. A French Huguenot Colony, in Hart's Contemporaries (145J, vol. I, p. 112. general See sections 10, IO4, 108, 109, 123, I46, 200, 211, 239, 267, 284, 349> 350, 373. 420 Baird, Charles W. History of the Huguenot Emigration to America (New York, 1885, 2 vols. ), vol. i, pp. 21 — 77. 421 Grajales, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza. Founding of St. Augustine, in Old South Leaflets ( 155J, No. 89. 422 Higginson, Thomas W. The French \'oyageurs, in Harper^ s ISlagazine, vol. 66 ( 1883), p. 505. 423 Parkman, Francis. The Fleur-de-lis at Port Royal, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 12(1863), P- 3° 5 T"^ Fleur-de-lis in Florida, p. 225 ; The Spaniard and the Heretic, p. 537. 424 Simms, W. Gilmore. The Lily and the Totem. New York, 1850. CHAPTER XXI — WESTWARD HO! Note. — See the note on page 373, and the sections indicated under the third subhead below. HAWKINS AND DRAKE 425 Hawkins, John. An English Free-booter's Adventures, in Hart's Contemporaries (I45), vol. i , p. 75. 426 Bancroft, Hubert H. California (San Francisco, 1884, 7 vols. ), vol. I, pp. 80 — 94. 427 Bancroft, Hubert H. Northwest Coast (San Francisco, 1884, 2 vols. ), vol. I, chaps. 5, 6. 428 Barnes, James. Drake and his Yeomen. New York, 1899. 429 Corbett, Julian S. Sir Francis Drake. London, 1890. 430 Corbett, Julian S. Sir Francis Drake and the Tudor Navv. London and New York, 1898, 2 vols. 431 Corbett, Julian S. The Successors of Drake. London and New York, i 900. 432 Davidson, George. Identification of Sir Francis Drake's Bibliographical Appendix 401 Anchorage on the Coast of California. Publication of the California Historical Society, 1890. 433 Drake, Sir Francis. The Piety of a Sea Rover, in Hart's Cofitemporaries ( 145), vol. i, p. 88. 434 Fletcher, Francis. The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (London, 1628J, in Purves's English Circumnavigators (473) 5 ^^^° ^" Hakluyt Society Publications, 1854. An extract from this work relating to Drake on the California Coast, and other extracts of like tenor, are given in Old South Leaflets (155), vol. 5, No. 116, pp. 313-332. 435 Hale, Edward E. Hawkins and Drake, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 3, chap. 2 ; also in Archaologia Americana, vol. 4 (i860). Transactions of the American Antiquarian Society. 436 Jenner, G. A Spanish Account of Drake's Voyage, in English Historical Review, vol. 16(1901), p. 46. 437 Pretty, Francis. The Famous Voyage of Sir Francis Drake, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. i, p. 81. gilbert and RALEGH 438 Brymner, Douglas. Death of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in Proceedings ot the Royal Society ot Canada, vol. 2(1896), sec. 2. P- II- 439 Drake, Samuel G. Last Letters of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. 1 3 (1859), p. 197. 440 Barlowe, Captain Arthur. First Voyage to Virginia, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. i, p. 89, and in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 92. 441 Charter to Ralegh, i ^S^, in American History Leaflets (126), No. 16. 442 Bruce, Edward C. Loungings in the Footprints of the Pioneers, in Harper's Magazine, vol. 20(1860), p. 721. 443 Creighton, Louise. Sir Walter Raleigh. London and New York, 1 89 1. 444 Gardiner, S. R. The Case against Sir Walter Ralegh, in Fortnightly Review, vol. 7(1867), p. 602. 445 Gosse, Edmund. Life of Raleigh. London and New York, 1886. 446 Guiney, Louise. Sir Walter Ralegh of Youghal, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 66(1890), p. 779. 447 Hale, Edward E., editor. Original Documents from the State Paper Office, London, and the British Museum, illustrating the History of Sir Walter Raleigh's First American Colony and the Colony at Jamestown, in Transactions of American Antiquarian Society, i860. 448 Hayes, Edward. Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Voyage to New- foundland, in Old South Leaflets (155), vol. 5, No. 118, pp. 349 — 380. Hayes was the commander of one of the vessels. 40 2 Bibliographical Appendix 449 Henry, William W. Sir Walter Ralegh, in W'insor's America (38), vol. 3, chap. 4. 450 Hume, Martin A. S. Sir Walter Ralegh ; the British Dominion of the West. London, 1897. 451 Lane, Ralph. Raleigh's First Roanoke Colony, in Old South Ldiflets (155), vol. 5, No. 119, p. 381. 452 Ralegh, Sir Walter. Expedition to El Dorado, in Hart's Contemporaries (145J, vol. i, p. 96. 453 Raleigh's Poetry and Life, in Quarterly Review, vol. 168 f 1889), p. 482. 454 Stebbing, W. Sir Walter Ralegh. Oxford, 1891. 455 Tarbox, Increase N. Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America. Boston, 1854. A Prince Society Publication. 456 Weeks, Stephen B. The Lost Colony of Roanoke ; Its Fate and Survivals, in Papers of the American Historical Associa- tion, vol. 5( 1890), p. 441. 457 Whipple, Edwin P. Sidney and Ralegh, in Atlantic Monthly, vol. 22( I 868 ), p. 304. 458 Williams, TalCOtt. The Surroundings of the Site of Ralegh's Colony, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1895, p. 47. See sections 10, 58, 108, 109, 146, 176, 192, 200, 235, 246, 267, 400. 459 Bourne, Henry R. F. English Seamen under the Tudors (London, 1868, 2 vols.), vol. i, chap. 7 ; vol. 2, chaps. 12, 13. 460 Calendar of State Papers (English), Colonial Series, 1574 — 1660, p. 4. Although but ten papers prior to the accession of James I. in 1603 are calendared in this volume (and forty-seven in an appendix to the fourth volume), they are included in this list as they constitute the introduction to the richest and most authentic source of our information concerning the early history of the English colonies in America. 461 Christy, Miller. The Silver Map of the World. London, 1900. 462 Creighton, Mandell. Age of Elizabeth (New York, 1876), pp. 167-200. 463 Creighton, Mandell. Queen Elizabeth. New York and Bombay, 1899. 464 Fiske, John. Virginia in the Colonial Period, in Harper'' s Magazine, vol. 65(1883), p. 895. 465 Fiske, John. Old Virginia and her Neighbours (Boston and New York, 1898, 2 vols.), vol. i, chap. i. 466 Frith, Henry. Romance of Navigation (London, 1893), pp. 203-249. I I Bibliographical Appendix 403 467 Froude, James A. English Seamen in the Sixteenth Century. New York, 1895. 468 Froude, James A. History of England (New York, 1868-70, 12 vols.), vol. II, pp. 94, 369 — 403, 441. 469 Hakluyt, Richard. Discourse on Western Planting, 1584, in Collections of the Maine Historical Society, vol. 2 (Docu- mentary History). Two chapters relating to E/igland^ s Title to North America, and accompanied by a sketch of the author, are given in Old South Leaflets (155), vol. 5, No. 122, pp. 437 — 452. Robertson speaks of Hakluyt as one •' to whom England is more indebted for its American possessions than to any other man of that age." See section 109. 470 Higginson, Thomas W. The Old English Seamen, in Har- per'' s Magazine, vol. 66(1883), p. 217. 471 Kingsley, Charles. Westward Ho ! London, 1855, 3 vols., and numerous American reprints. There is an interesting review of this interesting novel in North American Revietv, vol. 8 1 (1855), p. 289. 472 Payne, Edward J., editor. Voyages of the Elizabethan Sea- men. London, 1880, 2 vols. See section 109. 473 Purves, D. Laing, editor. English Circumnavigators. New York, no date. 474 Southey, Robert. Lives of the British Admirals (London, 1833-40, 5 vols.), vol. 3, pp. 67-327. 475 Stevens, Henry. Thomas Hariot, the Mathematician, the Philosopher and the Scholar. London, 1900, 2 vols. 476 Thomas, C3rrus. Right to the Soil dependent on Discovery, in eighteenth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of Ameri- can Ethnology (Washington, 1900), pp. 527 — 538. 477 Winsor, Justin. Earliest English Publications on America, in Winsor's America (38), vol. 3, pp. 199—208. Note, — See P. Lee Phillips's List of Books relating to America in the Register of the London Company of Stationers, from Ij62 to j6j8, which is printed in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for 1896, vol. i, pp. 1249— 1 261. Also see his List of Maps of America in the Library of Congress, Wash- ington, 1 90 1. CHAPTER XXII — THE INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA Note. — ^ See the note on page 373, and sections 7> 25, 29, 55, 83, 124, 200, 246, 267. 478 Brinton, Daniel G. The American Race. New York, 1891. 479 Brooks, E. S. The Story of the American Indians. Boston, 1887. 404 Bibliographical Appendix 480 Campbell, John. The Ancient Literature of America, in Proceedings o[ the Royal Society of Canada, vol. 2(1896), sec. 2, p. 41 ; vol. 3( I 897), sec. 2, p. i 1 1. 481 Catlin, George. North American Indians. London, 1876, 2 vols. 482 Colden, Cadwallader. A History of the Five Indian Nations of Canada [i.e., the Iroquois]. London, 1727. Reprinted at New York, 1866 and 1902. 483 Drake, Samuel G. The Aboriginal Races of North Amer- ica. Revised by H. L. Williams. New York, 1880. 484 Ellis, George E. The Red Man and the White Man in North America. Boston, 1882. 485 Ellis, George E. The Red Indian of North America, in Winsor's America (38), vol. i, chap. 5. 486 Fiske, John. Myths and Mythmakers (Boston, 1873), chap. 7. 487 Frazer, J. G. Origin of Totemism, in Fortnightly Reviezv, vol. 71(1899), pp. 648, 835. 488 Goodwin, John A. The Pilgrim Republic (Boston, 1888), chap. 10. 489 Irving, J. T. Indian Sketches. New York and London, 1888. 490 Jackson, Helen Hunt. A Century of Dishonor. Boston, 1885. 491 James, J. A. English Institutions and the American Indian, in 'Johns Hopkins University Studies, series 12, pp. 461 — 519. 492 Lechford, Thomas. An Account of the New England Indians (1642), in Hart's Contemporaries (l^^^,vo\. i, p. 318. 493 McKenny, Thomas L. History of the Indian Tribes of North America. Philadelphia, 1885, 3 vols. 494 Morgan, Lewis H. Ancient Society (New York, 1877), pp. 62 — 215. 495 Morgan, Lewis H. Contributions to American Ethnology. Washington, 1881. 496 Morgan, Lewis H. Houses and House-Life of the American Aborigines, in Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocks Mountain Region, vol. 4. Washington, 1881. 497 Morgan, Lewis H. League of the Iroquois. Rochester, I 8 5 1 . 498 Morton, Thomas. Manners and Customs of the Indians (an extract from his Nezv English Canaan, 1637), in Old South Leaflets (155), No. 87. 499 Parkman, Francis. The Conspiracy of Pontiac (Boston, 1870, 2 vols.), vol. I, chap. I. 500 Parkman, Francis. The Jesuits in North America (Boston, 1867), introduction. 501 Royce, Charles C. Spanish, French, and English Policy Bibliographical Appendix 405 TOWARD THE Indians, in eighteenth Annual Report of the United States Bureau ot American Ethnology (Washington, 1900), pp. 538-561. 502 Shaler, Nathaniel S. The Physiography of North America, in Winsor's America {"3^%), vol. 4, pp. i — x. 503 Stone, William L. Border Wars of the American Revo- lution. New York, 1854. 504 Stone, William L. Life of Brant. Albany, 1865, 2 vols. 505 Stone, William L. Life of Red Jacket. Albany, 1866. 506 Strachey, William. The Indians of the South (161 8 J, in Hart's Contemporaries (145), vol. i, p. 203. 507 Thwaites, Reuben G., editor. The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. Cleveland, 1896— 190 1. A monumental work in 73 vols. 508 LInited States Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Reports of. 509 Winsor, Justin. Progress of Opinion respecting the Origin AND Antiquity of Man in America, in Winsor's America (38), vol. I, p. 369. For the general index to this work see volume 12 347 6 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY D 000 806 628 4 illifSiliiJ! liliiiiii m ilii