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 jLc<-iA.L. -C-ny-iLX^^ c-y^.. Jre^e_Jf^ 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES
 
 c
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 F T H E 
 
 REIGNS 
 
 OF 
 
 H E N R T the Seventh, 
 H E N RT the Eighth, 
 EDWARD the Sixth, 
 
 QUEEN MART. 
 
 The Firft Written by the Right Honourable , 
 
 FRANCIS 
 
 Lord V E R u L A M 5 Vifcount St. A l b a n. 
 
 The other Three by the Right Honourable 
 Right Reverend Father in God, 
 
 FRANCIS q Dwr N, 
 
 Lord Bifliop of Hereford. 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed by W. G. for %. Scot , T. 'Baffet , J. Wright , ^ Chifwell, 
 and J. Edwyn. MTHD crLXXVT
 
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 uisi ^^^ Kiif^ c'<3 c>>d c>o cyi\a g"\9 ui'^ 
 
 <<Ste «^ a^« c^ c^ c^ c^ k^ «fv 
 
 To the moft Illuftrious and moft Excellent 
 
 K 
 
 N 
 
 ,Vj\uii\'i 
 
 ^ 
 
 £, 
 
 Prince of I4^ales , Duke of Cornwall , 
 
 Earl of Chesievy &c. 
 
 1/ /w^ P/^^/^ T(?wr Highnefs , 
 
 I N part of my acknowledgment 
 ^ to jTo^/r Highnefs , I have en- 
 
 deavoured to do Honour to the 
 Memory of the laft King of fwg- 
 /^w^3 that was AnceHour to the 
 iC/»g your Father , and T'owr felf-^ and was 
 that 2C/«g to whom both Vnions may in a fort 
 refer : That of the Kojes being in him Con- 
 fummate , and that of the Kingdoms by him 
 begun. Befides , his times deferve it. For 
 he was a l^ife Man, and an Excellent King; 
 and yet the times were rough , and full of 
 Mutations and rare Accidents. And* it is 
 with Times , as it is with Ways. Some are 
 
 A 2 more 
 
 - 197641
 
 The EfiHle Dedicatory, 
 
 more Vf-htU and Down-hill , and fome are 
 more Flat and Tlain ; and the One is better 
 for the Liver , and the Other for the Writer, 
 I have not flattered him , hut took him to 
 life as well as I could, fitting fo far off, and 
 having no better light. It is true , Tour High- 
 nefs hath a Living Pattern, Incomparable, of 
 the King Tour Father, But it is not amifs 
 for ToH alfo to fee one of thefe Ancient Pieces. 
 God prcfervc Tour Highnefs, 
 
 Tour Highnefs moH humble 
 
 and devoted Servant , 
 
 Francis St. Allan,
 
 A N 
 
 INDEX ALPHABETICAL, 
 
 Direding to the moft Obfervable PaiTages in the enfuing 
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 A. 
 
 A 77 Occident , in it felf trivial, 
 great in efe£i Pag. 1 08 
 
 i^dvice dcjired from the 
 Parli.f/Kent 33 5 355 5 ^ 
 
 iy£muLitionofthe Englilh to the French, 
 with the reafons of it 36 
 
 K^ffability of the King to the City ef 
 London 113 
 
 Afielfion of King Henry to the King of 
 Spain 61 
 
 ^^ffeUion of the Kiw to his children 
 
 Aid deftred by the Duke of Britain 3 3 
 Aid [ent to Britain 37 
 
 Alders of Rebels punijhed 23 
 
 Almf-deeds of the King 13 1 
 
 Ambajfadors to the Pope, 24 
 
 into Scotland 25 
 
 Ambajfadors from the French King 26 
 Amba^adors in danger in France 3 1 
 Ambajfadors into France 54 
 
 K^mbition exorbitant tn Sir William 
 Stanley 78 
 
 Anjxver of the i_yirchdMke to the King's 
 Ambajfadors 74 
 
 Appcach of ^/r William Stanley 76 
 i^rms of King Henry sfill victorious 
 
 133 
 Arrows ef the Comifhmen , the length 
 
 ef them 96 
 
 Articles betveeen the King and the Arch- 
 duke 9 1 
 Arthur Prince married to the Lady Ka- 
 therine 116 
 hx'CiWXt Prince dies at \,\xd!ia\ff 117 
 
 Aton Caflle in Scotland taken by the 
 Earl of Surrey 98 
 
 Attainted per jons in Parliament, excepted 
 againji 8 
 
 Attainder and corruption of Blood reacheth 
 not to the Crown ' ibid. 1 5 
 
 Avarice ef King Henry 134 
 
 Audley General of the Cornilh Rebels 93 
 
 B. 
 
 BAnijfjmtnt of Flemings out of the 
 Kingdom 74 
 
 Battel at ho'iwoxih.-field , i 
 
 at Stoketield 22 
 
 at St. Albans in Britain 37 
 
 at Bannocksbourn in Scotland 42 
 at Black-heath 96 
 
 Behaviour of King Henry towards his 
 
 children 
 
 117 
 
 Benevolence to the King for hit Wars 5 7 
 Benevolence , who the first Author ibid. 
 Benevolence abolifljed by Act of Pari. 5 8 
 Benevolence revived by Act of Parlia- 
 ment ibid. 
 A Benevolence general to the King 123 
 Birth ^/ Henry the Eighth 55 
 B'jhops , why employed by the King 1 o 
 Blood not unrevenged 112,122 
 Britain Duchy dijlrejfed 37 
 Three canfes of the lof of the Duchy of 
 Britain ibid. 
 Britain united to France by Marriage 5 5 
 Brakenbury refttj'ed to murder King 
 EdwardV two Sons 71 
 Broughton Sir Thomas , ]oyned with 
 the Rebels 11 
 A 3 A Bull
 
 The T A B L E. 
 
 o/ Bull frociircd from the Pope by the 
 
 King , for what caufes 2^4 
 
 BuUofgn beficged by Kwg Henry 63 
 
 C. 
 
 CArdiml Morton dieth 113 
 
 Capell 5/^ William/«fa 805I31 
 C.tp of Maintenace from the Pope roi 
 Ceremony of L^iarriage new in thefe 
 parts 48 
 
 chancer}' , power And defcription of that 
 Court 38 
 
 Clifford Sir Robert fiies to Perkin , 70 
 revolts to the King 72 
 
 clergy pr IV Hedges abridged 39 
 
 Chnjiendom enlarged 61 
 
 Columbus Chriftopher and Bartholoy 
 meus invite the King to a.dtfcovery 
 of the Weft Indies 107 
 
 Conf feat ion attned at by the King 75 
 Conference between King Henry and the 
 King <y^CaftiIe , by casualty landing 
 at Weymouth 128 
 
 Ctnquejl , the Title unpleafi/ig to the Peo- 
 ple , declined by WiWidim the Conqu. 3 
 and by the King ■ 5 
 
 Ccnjpirators for Perkin 70 
 
 Contraction of Prince Henry and the 
 Lady Katherine 118 
 
 Conditional f^eech doth not qualife words 
 of Treafon 77 
 
 Gommijfioners />7/<? Ireland 79 
 
 Commiffioners about Trading pi 
 
 Coronation of King Henry .7 
 
 Coronation of the Queen 24 
 
 Comfel , the benefit of good — 2$ 
 
 Comfel, of what fort the i^rench King 
 ufed 32 
 
 Counfel of mean men) what and hmv 
 different from that of Nobles ibid. 
 Z.(>r^ Cordes envy to England 48 
 Cottagers but houfed Beggars 44 
 
 Counterfeits. 
 Lambert proclaimed in Ireland , 1 5 
 Crowned at Dublin, 19 
 
 taken at Battell, 22 
 
 put into the Kings Kitchin , ibid. 
 
 jnade the Kings Faulconer , ibid. 
 
 Duke ofYoxk counterfeit. See Perkin. 
 Wilford /mother counterfeit , Eirl (f 
 Warwick 1 1 1 
 
 Courage of the Englifli , when. 57 
 
 Court, what Ple.u belong to every Court 3 8 
 .Court of Star-chamber confirmed ibid. 
 Creations 6 
 
 Crown confirmed to King Henry by Par- 
 liament 7 
 Curfing of the Kings Enemies at Paul'j 
 Crofi, A cufiofu of thofe times 72,122 
 
 D. 
 
 DAm, a Town in Flanders, taken 
 by a flight 59 
 
 Lord Daubeny 96 
 
 Devices at Pri/zrr Arthur V Marriage 117 
 T>evice of the King to divert Envy 64 
 Decay of Trade dcthpunijh Aierchants 90 
 Decay of People, how it comes to pa^ 44 
 Declaration by Perkin to the Scottijb 
 j King 85 
 
 Defires intemperate of Sir William Stan- 
 ley 78 
 Dighton , a murderer of King EdwardV 
 two children 71 
 Dilemma , a pleafant one of Bijhop 
 Morton 58 
 Diiigence of the King to heap Treafures 
 
 120 
 
 Difplacing of no Counfellors , mr Servants 
 
 tn all King Henry V P.etgn fave of one 
 
 138 
 Dtffimulation of the French ^King 29 , 
 
 ■ 30 5 49 
 Diffimtd/ition of King Henry in pre- 
 tending War 56 
 \^ Doubt long kept open , and dtverjly 
 d'etermined , according to the diferjity 
 of the times 117 
 Dowry of Lady Katherine, how much 116 
 Dowry of Lady Margaret into Scotland, 
 how much 119 
 Drapery maintained , how 45' 
 
 Dudley
 
 The TABLE. 
 
 F. 
 
 T>nd\e.y one of the Kin^*s H9r[c-lceches \\9 Audley and Cdrnifli Rebels, 
 Duke ofYotkcetmterfcif. ^c^ Perkin. m^othcr counterfeit Eirlof^ixw. 
 
 Pcrkin Warbeck ^ 
 E. tl^^e Mayor of Cork arid his Son , 
 
 Eur I fl/" Warwick 
 
 E^r/^SufFoIk//>,^/«/eFlanders,i 2 r 
 returns lip 
 
 E.iri of Northumberland flutn by the 
 
 People in collecting the Siibfidy fane- 
 
 Tvhttt harfhly 40 
 
 Earl of Warwick executed 1 1 1 
 
 £.fr/^ Warwick counterfeit 13,110 
 E.irl f Surrey enters Scotland 98 
 Edmund , a third Sen born to King 
 
 Henry, but died 109 
 
 Eduard the Fifth murdered 8) 
 
 Envy towards the King , unquenchahle • 
 . the caufe of it 11 1 
 
 Envy of the Lord Cordes to England 48 
 Entervicw between the Kino and the 
 
 O 
 
 King ^/Caftile 128 
 
 Emblem 94 
 
 En^pfon , one of the Kings Horfe-leeches 
 
 up 
 Er tours of the French King in his buftneji 
 
 for the Kingdom o/'Naples S2 
 
 Err ours of King Henry , occafioning his 
 
 many troubles 128 
 
 Efcuage fervice 92 
 
 Efpials in the Rebels camp 21 
 
 96 
 no 
 III 
 
 ibid. 
 
 ibid. 
 
 FAme ill a^ecled py 
 
 Fame entertained by divers , the 
 reafons of it yo 
 
 Fame negle£led by Empfon arid Dud- 
 ley 1 19 
 Fear , not fafe to the King 79 
 Fines 45 
 mthout Fines , Statute to fell Land 5 8 
 Flammock a Lawyer , a Rebel 92 
 Flemings bamjhed 75 
 Flight of King Henry out of Britain into 
 "VtSinCQ y wherefore 54 
 Forfeitures and Conffcations furnijh the. 
 King's rvants. i9j^t7 
 Forfeitures aimed at ■ . 4.5, yg' 
 Forfeitures upon Penal Laws taken by the 
 Kir/g, which was the blot of his times 80 
 Fortune various 16,22 
 Forwardnejf inconfidcrate . ^5 
 Fox made Privy Counfellor , 10 
 made Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, ib. 
 his providence 98I 
 Ejpoufals of Jarnes King 0/' Scotland and \ Free-pfhiag of the Dutch 129 
 L/idy Margaret 1 1 8 | Title to France renewed by the Ki/ig -in 
 Exchanges unlawful y prohibited 40 '$Arliament 55 
 Exceter befieged by Perkin , 102 Vnon joyns with Perkin 6% 
 the Loyalty of the Town , \Q-^^Firfi-frtHts lo 
 the Town rewarded with 'the Kings '• la forma Pauperis , a Larv enacted for. 
 own Sword 10$ it 84 
 Execution of i 
 Humphrey Stafford , 1 2 
 John a Chamber , and his fellcm- 
 Rebels at York , 41 
 Sir James Tyrril , murderer of King 
 Ed ward 'j two Sons , 'ji 
 of divers others y yj 
 Sir William Stanley, " 77 
 Rebels , y^ 
 Perkin'i company , 81 
 
 ' tt 
 
 /^"^Abato Sebaftian 
 
 makes' a. Voyage 
 for Difcovery 107 
 
 Gordon Lady Katherine , ,»^v/f u Per-^ 
 kin 87 
 
 Granado vindicatddfrtm //^r Moors 6o- 
 Quhrd Xocmcn frji jnflttuted " 7 
 
 Giifts cfthe French King to ^Ktn^ Henry'j- 
 ■CounfeUors^and Souldiers ' i 'v ; -64 
 
 Gratitude 
 
 [
 
 The TABLE. 
 
 Gratitude of the Pope's Legate to King 
 Henry 4^ 
 
 H- 
 
 Hallowed Sword from the Pope i b I 
 Hatred of the People to the King , 
 fvith the main reason of it 12 
 
 Hearty JccUmatiens of the People to the 
 King 4 
 
 King Henry hit Defer ipt ion , 133, &c. 
 hif Piety , 1 , 60 
 
 he hath three Titles to the Kingdom 2 
 Heretich provided againf , a rare thing 
 in thofe times 115 
 
 Hern , a Counfellor to Perkiri i o i 
 
 Hialas , othenvtfe Elias to England , 
 horv 58 
 
 Holy war 114 
 
 Hopes of gain by War 64 
 
 Hofiages redeemed by the King 10 
 
 Houfes of Husbandry to be maintained, to 
 prevent the decay of People 45 
 
 Htfioriesy defects in them, what 45 
 
 I. 
 
 TAmes the Third , King of Scotland , 
 his diflrefi and death 42 
 
 idols vex God and King He n r y 105 
 
 John Egremond Leader of the Rebels 41 
 Jnclofures, their manifefl inconveniencies, 
 and how remedied 44 
 
 Ingratitude ef Women punijhed 8 5 
 
 Innovation defired 12 
 
 Incenfe of the People , what 118 
 
 Infiru6iions of Lady Margaret to Per- 
 kin 66 
 
 Intercurfus Magnus pi 
 
 Intercurfus Malus ibid. 129 
 
 Invectives of Maximilian againft the 
 French King 55 
 
 Invectives againfl the King and Coun- 
 cil 19 
 Improvidence of King Henry to prevent 
 hif troubles 12, 14 
 Improvidence of the French 82 
 "jointure ^Z,4iy Katherine, how much 117 
 
 Jointure of Lidy Margaret in Scotland, 
 how much up 
 
 Jofeph a Rebel 91 
 
 hehnd favour eth York Title 15 
 
 Ireland receiveth Simon the Priejl of 
 Oxfoi"d 5 with his counterfeit ibid. 
 Irifh adhere to Perkiri 6% 
 
 Jubtle 4/ Rome 114 
 
 Juno , i. e. the Lady Margaret , fo cal- 
 led by the Kings friends 65 
 
 Ki 
 
 KAtherine Gordon Perkin's Wife, 
 royally entertained by K.H^n. 104 
 Kent loyal to the King 81, P4 
 
 The King the publtck Steward ^6 
 
 Kings , their miferies 5 o 
 
 King of Kakehels , Perkin [o called by 
 King Henry 105 
 
 The King's Skreen , who p2 
 
 King of France ProteBor of King Henry 
 in his trouble 3 3 
 
 Kingdom of France reJtored to its inte- 
 grity 25 
 King of France buys his Peace of King 
 Henry 64 
 King of Scots enters England , 87 
 Again p8 
 Knights of the Bath 75 
 Knights of Rhodes elect King Henry 
 Protector of the Order 115 
 
 LAncafter Title condemned by Par- 
 liament 3 
 Lancafter Houfe inpo^efjion of the Crown 
 for three Descents together ^ 
 Lambert Simnel. See Counterfeit. 13 
 Laws enacted in Parliament 38 
 Divers Laws enacted 123 
 Law charitable enaBed 84 
 A 5ood Law enacted ibid. 
 ^ Law of a Jlrange nature 83 
 A Law Against carrying away of fVimen 
 bj violence, the reaftns of it 39 
 
 Law
 
 The TABLE. 
 
 19 
 80 
 
 Lxw of Poynings 
 Laxvs Penal pint in execution 
 A -Legate from the Pope , 42 
 
 preferred to h S'/hop in England by 
 Ring Henry, ibid, 
 
 his gratitude to King Henry ibid. 
 Lenity of the King abufed i o I 
 
 Letters from the King out e/' France to 
 the Mayor of London 64 
 
 A Libel 55 
 
 Libels , the caufes of them 79 
 
 Libels , the females of Sedition ibid. 
 Libels , the Authors executed ibid. 
 
 A Loin from the City to the King , re- 
 paid 46 
 London entred by King Henry in a clofe 
 chariot , wherefore 5 
 London m a tumult becaufe of the Re- 
 I'Jels 95 
 London purchafe Confirmntion of then 
 Liberties 124 
 M. 
 
 -I* J 
 
 Alecontents , their ejfecis 40 
 
 Margaret of Burgundy thefoun- 
 
 ' tain of all the mijchief to K. Henry, 1 8 
 
 jbe entertains the Rebels , i^i-i69 
 
 fbe a Juno to the King, 65 
 
 fbe irfftrulh Perkin 66 
 
 Lady Margaret defired in Marriage by 
 
 the Scottifh King 108 
 
 Manufacture forein , hove to be kept out 
 
 36yi2S 
 Marriage of King Henry vpith Lady Eli- 
 zabeth , 1 o 
 of the French King with the Dtichef of 
 ■ Britain, 55 
 of Prince Ar hur 116 
 Mart tranflated to Calicc , the reafons 
 
 Maintenance prohibited by Law" ^''38 
 Merchants ^/England received at l^vit- 
 
 wcx^vtith procef/ion and great joy 91 
 v^ memorable Memorandum 'of the 
 
 King 1 2 1 
 
 Military power of the Kingdom advanced, 
 
 hove 44 
 
 Mills of Empfon and Dudley, rvhat, 
 
 and the gains they brought m 124 
 Mitigations 120 
 
 Money , baflard employments thereof re- 
 
 pf-effed J 5 
 
 C^Ioney left at the King's death , hove 
 
 much 13 2 
 
 Morton made Privy Counfellor, 10 
 
 made Archbijhop of Canterbury , ib. 
 
 his Speech to the Parliament 3 2 
 
 Morton V Fork jg 
 
 Morton author of the Union of the trvo 
 
 Rofes 114 
 
 Moors expelled Granado 61 
 
 Aiurmuring 
 
 14 
 
 Murmurs of the People againfi the King 
 
 70 
 
 Murther and Manflaughter , a Lave con 
 cerning it , in amendment of the com- 
 
 mon Law 
 
 39 
 
 Murther of King Edwztd the Fifth 85 
 
 Murther of a Commiffioner for the Sub- 
 
 fidy g^ 
 
 N. 
 
 NAvigation of the Kingdom , how 
 advanced 45 
 
 Neighbour over-potent , d anger ow 54 
 Bad News, the effect thereof in Souldiers 
 
 ^3 
 
 Nobility neglected in Council, the til 
 
 effects of it ^2 
 
 Nobility, few of them put to death in 
 
 King Henry V time 1^4 
 
 North , the King's journey thither , for 
 
 what reafons 1 1 
 
 O. 
 
 OAth of Allegiance taken p 
 
 Oath enforced upon Maximilian 
 by his Subjects 46 
 
 Oath kept ibid. 
 
 obedience neglected , what follows 42 
 Firjl Occajion of a happy Union lop 
 
 Objequtes for the French King, per- 
 formed in England ibid. 
 
 Obfequies
 
 The TABLE. 
 
 Ohfeqides to'Tyrnnts, what i 
 
 An Ominoui an^vfer of the King 119 
 Aft Ominotu Progtiojitck li^ 
 
 Opinions divers ivhat retu td be done with 
 
 Perkin 10$ 
 
 Or At or from tht Vefi'met At London- 
 -^Bridge by the Mayor 1 01 
 
 Order of the Garter jent to Alphonfo 64 
 Oflentatidn of Religion by the King of 
 
 Spain ' 60 
 
 Over-merit prejudicial to Sir William 
 
 Stanley ■ 75 
 
 Outlawries how pinijhed 120 
 
 Oxford Earl fined for breach of the Lave 
 
 121 
 P. 
 
 PAcificatory King Henry betvoeen the 
 French King and Duke of Bri- 
 tain 32 
 Pardon proclaimed by the King p, 1 1 , 1 6 
 A Parliament called Jpeedily 7 
 A Parliament called for trvo reafens 33 
 another 122 
 Parliaments advice defired by the King 
 
 '335.35,56 
 PaJJions contrary in King Henry, joy and 
 for row , with the reafons of both 36 
 Peace pretended by the French King 29 
 Peace to be defired , but with two con- 
 ditions 3 3 
 Peace concluded between England and 
 France " ■ '^' 64 
 Teople , how brought to decay , the redrejf 
 of It by the King 44 
 Penfions given by the King of France 64 
 A Yerfonation fomewhat Jirange -, 65 
 A great Plague ''^^-f - -^^^ yii'..i2 
 Edward Plantagenet Son and B^it of 
 George D«^f (j/" Clarence ' 4 
 Edward Plantagenet jberved '•tif-\the 
 People \q 
 PlantagenetV R.^cc ended 195 
 Perkin W.irbeck , - 1 
 Hiftvry of him', •' ■*••** '*'^'^65 
 hit Parentage , 68 
 God-fon to K. Edward the Fourth , ibid. 
 
 his crafty behaviour , 6") ^6^ 
 
 favoured by the French King , 68 
 
 by him difcarded , , «oV\i^ ^p 
 
 favoured by the Scottifh King, 85 
 
 heyieldeth , md is brought to the Court , 
 
 • f"-*' 106 
 
 fet in the Stocks, lop 
 
 executed at Tyburn 111 
 
 A Pleafant faffage of Prince AxxhlX 118 
 
 Policy to prevent war- ■ v:;\'i ^6 
 
 A point of Policy to defend the Duchy of 
 
 Britain againji the French zp, 34 
 
 Policy of State 26 
 
 Pope fews feeds of Way 54 
 
 Pope , Ambajfador to him 24 
 
 Poynings Law in Ireland 79 
 
 jPr/V/? s/ Oxford , Simon 13 
 
 Pretence of the French King 28, 29 
 
 Prerogatfve , how made ttfe of 133 
 
 Price of cloth limited 45 
 
 Trijbners , 
 
 Edward Plantagenet, 4 
 
 Prince of Orange and Duke of Or- 
 
 leance, 37 
 
 Maximilian by his Subjects 46 
 
 Priv Hedges of Clergy abridged ^p 
 
 Priviledges of Sanctuary qualified in three 
 
 points 24 
 
 Proclamation of Vtxkia^ what ejfe^ 90 
 
 Protection for being in the Kings fervice 
 
 limited 5 8 
 
 Proverb 1 04 
 
 Providence for the future 43 
 
 CL 
 
 QUeen Dowager 13 
 
 , enclosed tn the Monajiery of Ber- 
 mondley, 16 
 
 her variety of Fortune ibid. 
 
 Queens Coliedge founded in Cambridge 17 
 Q:JEXvLzhtxhCrowned after two year s 24 
 QueeiJ Elizabeth'^ death up 
 
 I 
 
 R 
 
 EheUi«» of Lord Lovel And Staf- 
 fords 1 1 
 
 Rebellion
 
 The TABLE. 
 
 Rebellion in Yorkfliire 41 
 
 Rebellion how to be prevented 3 5 
 
 Rebellion , how frequent in King Henry V 
 time 41 
 
 Rebellion of the Corniihmen 92 
 
 Rebels hut hdf-coiira,ged men 96 
 
 Religion abufed to ferve Policy 122 
 
 Remorfe of the King for of^rejjion of hU 
 People 151 
 
 Reflttution to he midc by the King's WtU 
 
 132 
 Return of the King from France 64 
 Retribution of King Htmy for Treafure 
 received of hit Suhjech 43 
 
 Revenge divine 1 
 
 Revenge of Blood 1 22 
 
 Reward propofed by Perkin 1 1 1 
 
 Richard the Third .t Tyrant i 
 
 Richard //.?/» at Boivvorth-/f/i^, ibid. 
 his ignominious Burtitl , ibid. 
 
 murder of his two Nephews , 2 
 
 jeslouj to ma.intain his Honour And Re- 
 putation , ibid. 
 hopes to win the People by making Laws, 
 
 ibid. 
 hii Virtues over [way ed by his Vices , 2 
 yet favoured in Yorkihire 40 
 
 Riches of King Henry at his death 132 
 Riches of Str'^'iWidimSfxnXQy 'j6 
 
 Richmond ^»;//, upon what occajion 106 
 Riot and Retainers fupprejjed by K^ci $f 
 Parliament 123 
 
 Rome ever reflected by King Henry 42 
 A Rumour falfe , procuring much hatred 
 to the King 12 
 
 Rumour falfe , enquired after to be pu- 
 mped 23 
 Rumour that the Duke of York wm alive, 
 fyjl of the Kings own nourijhing 13 7 
 
 s. 
 
 SAnciuary at Colneham could not 
 protect Traytors 12 
 
 Sanifuary-priviledges qualified by a Bull 
 from the Pope in three points 24 
 Saturday ebferved And fancied by King 
 Henry 5,96 
 
 Saying of the King when he heard of 
 Rebels 41 
 
 Scottifli menvoyded out e^ England 58 
 Service of Efcuage ^2 
 
 Simon the Pnefi j? 
 
 Skreens to the King , wht 92 
 
 A sleight ingenioM,andtakinggoodejfe£f 
 in War jp 
 
 Sluce befteged and taken ibid. 
 
 Soothjayers Prediffion mijlaken 42 
 
 speeches 3i.49j55 
 
 Speech of the King to parliament 55 
 Speech ^Perkin 85 
 
 Speech conditional doth not qnalifie words 
 of Treafon nn 
 
 Speeches bitter ugainfl the King 54 
 
 Sparks of Rebellion neglected, dangerous 13 
 Spies from the King ^2 
 
 Sprites of what kind, vexed K. Henry ^5 
 Stanley Sir William crowns King Henry 
 in the field., 5 
 
 motives of his falling from the King 77 
 is app cached of Treafon , 76 
 
 is confined, examined, and confeffeth, ib. 
 is beheaded, nn 
 
 Reafons which alienated the King's af- 
 fections 78 
 Star-Chamber Court confirmed in certain 
 cafes 38 
 Star-Camber Court defiribed, what Caufes 
 belong to it ibid. 
 Statute of Non-claim 43 
 Steward pnhlick , the King 35 
 Strength of the Corniflimen 96 
 Spoils of ^oiwoxih-field 78 
 Spoils AS water Jpi It on the ground 97 
 Subfidy denied by the inhabitants of Yotk- 
 fhire and Durham , the reafon where- 
 fore 40 
 Subfidies denied by the Corniihmen 92 
 Subfidy CommiJJioner killed 93 
 Hubfidy, how much 91 
 Swart Martin 19 
 Sweating SickneJ?, 6 
 the manner of the cure of it ibid. 
 Sweating Sicknef , the interpretation the 
 People made of It , 23 
 
 T.
 
 The TABLE. 
 
 T. 
 
 AT.ilc fleufxHt cencevHlng the King 
 137 
 Terrour among the iCtn^s Servants and 
 
 Subjects 67 
 
 Tyrrell Sir James, a murderer of King 
 
 Edward'/ tveo Sons 71 
 
 Tyrell executed 122 
 
 Thanks »/ the King to the Parliament 3 2 
 Thankfgtving to God for the I iciory 
 
 1,23,24,61 
 Three Titles to the Kingdom meet in King 
 
 Henry 2 
 
 Title to Vxznctjlirred, 54 
 
 hy the King himfelf 55 
 
 Treafure to be kept in the Kingdom 45 
 
 Treafure raifed by the King, how 23, 
 
 31,120 
 Treafure inordinately affected by the 
 
 Kin^ 
 
 121 
 
 Treafure how increased 124 
 
 Treafure left at the Kings death , hotv 
 
 much 132 
 
 Trade , the increafe thereof conftdered 36 
 Trade in decay pncheth 90 
 
 Tray tors taken out of Sanctuary 12 
 
 Tower the King's lodging , -wherefore 75 
 A Triplicity dangerous 94 
 
 TriutHph at the iJMarriaoe of the Lady 
 
 'EYii.zhtih to King Hcnxy 10 
 
 Truce with Scotland 25 
 
 Tyrants , the Obfequies of the People to 
 
 them I 
 
 Vi 
 
 V. 
 
 Victory wifely hmbanded ly the 
 French 37 
 
 Vifttry at Black-heath 96 
 
 Union of England and Scotland , its 
 I- firf original 98 
 
 ^v- 
 
 f^oyage of King Henry into France ■• dj 
 Voyage for Difcovery 107 
 
 Urfwick Ambajfador 6$ 
 
 Ufury ^o 
 
 w. 
 
 \ 7" Y T AUingham Lady vowed to 
 
 y y by King Henry 20 
 
 wards wronged 120 
 
 war between the French King and the 
 
 Duke «/" Britain 30 
 
 War , the fame thereof advantagiom to 
 
 King Henry 31 
 
 war gainful to the King 91 
 
 war pretended to get money 57 
 
 War of France ended by a Peace, whereat 
 
 the Souldiers murmur 64 
 
 white Rofe 0/" England 69, 104 
 
 Wilford counterfeit Earl pjT Warwick 
 
 no 
 A wives affeSlion 129 
 
 Woodvile voluntarily goes to aid the 
 
 Vuke «/ Britain 31 
 
 Woodvile/^/* at St. Albans in Britain 
 
 62 
 Wolfey employed by the King 130 
 
 Women earned away by violence , a Law 
 
 enaHed againfl it \ the reafms 39 
 If omens ingratitude punijhed by Law §4 
 
 Y. 
 
 YEomen of the Guard firji inflituted 7 
 teemanry how maintained 44 
 York Houfe and Title favoured by the 
 People 3,12 
 
 York Title and Line deprejfed by King 
 Henry 45 10 
 
 Yotk Title favoured in Ireland 15 
 Yorkfhire and Durham deny to pay the 
 Subfidy 49 
 
 THE
 
 5^t \o v"n^:'P 
 
 
 1 :AJ i^ 1. 
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 clU J . , .\J\ J.. 
 
 Of the Reign of K i n g 
 
 HE N R Y 
 
 The Seventh. 
 
 Ftcr that Rich.trd the Thu'd of that Name , King 
 in Facfl only , but Tyrant both in Title and 
 Regiment , and fo commonly termed and re- 
 puted in all times fince , was by the Divtne 
 Revenge , favouring the Defign of an Exil'd 
 man , overthrown and flain at Bofrvorth-field : 
 There fucceedcd in the Kingdom the Earl of 
 -;.! •.;!» Oij.u y ^/<ri»wo;7ii, thence-forth ftiled Hf/^ry the Seventh. 
 The King' inirliediately after the Vidory , as one that had been 
 bred under a devout Mother , and was in his nature , a great 
 obferver of Religious Forms , caufed Te Deum Laudamu-s to be 
 folemnly fung in the prelence of the whole Army upon the 
 piace, and was himfelf with general Applaufe , and great Cries 
 of Joy , in a kind of ^Miiit:ir EleBion , or Recognition , faluted 
 King. Mean-while the Body of Richard, after many Indignities 
 and Reproaches ( the Dingtes and Obfequies of the comm.on People 
 towards Tyrants) was obfcurely Buried. For though the King 
 of his Noblenefs gave charge unto the Fryers of Leiccjier to lee 
 an Honourable Interrnicnt to be given to it , yet the Reltgious 
 feople themfelves ( being not free from the Humours of the fiU- 
 gar) neglededit- wherein nevefthelefs they did not then ineurr 
 any mans blame or Cenfure. No man thinkirig any Ignominy 
 or Contumely unworthy of him , that had been the Executionet 
 of King Henry tlie Sixth (that innocent Prince) with his own 
 
 B hands ;
 
 Tbe HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 hands; the Contriver of the death of the Duke o^ cUrence , his 
 ■Brother •, the Murderer of his two Nephews (one of them his 
 Lawfull King in the Prefent , and the other in the Future failing 
 of him ) antl vehemently fufpefted to have been the Impoiloner 
 . of his Wife , thereby to make vacant his Bed , for a Marriage 
 ■ within the Degrees for bidden. And although he were a Prince 
 in Militar Virtue approved , jealous qf the Honour of the Enahjb 
 NAtkn , and likevvife a good Lxtv-maker , for the eafe and folace 
 of the common People : y^t his Cruelties and Parricides, in the 
 Opinion of -all men , weighed down his Virtues and Merits • and 
 in the opinion of Wife men , even thofe Virtues themfelves were 
 conceived to be rather feigned , and ajfeBed things to ferve his 
 Ambition , than true Qualities ingenrate in his Judgement or 
 Nature. And therefore it was noted by men of great Under- 
 ftanding , ( who feeing his after Ads , looked back upon his 
 former Proceedings) that even in the time of King Edvpurd his 
 Brother , he was not without fecret Trains and C^Unes to turn 
 Envy and Hatred upon his Brother's Government •, as having 
 an Expeftation and a kind of Divination , that the King , by 
 reafon of his many Diforders , could not be of long Life , but was 
 like to leave his Sonnes of tender years . and then he knew well, 
 how eafie a ftep it was, from the place of a Prote^or, and firft 
 Prince of the Blood, to the Crown. And that out of this deep 
 root of Ambition it fprang, that. as well at the Treaty of Peace 
 that paffed between Edward the Fourth , and Le:ficis the Eleventh 
 of France , concluded by Enterview of both Kings at Pi^uenj/ , 
 as upon all other Occafions , Richard then Duke of Glocefier, ftood 
 ever upon the fide of Honour , raifmg his own Reputation to 
 the diiadvantage of the King his Brother, and drawing the eyes 
 of all ( fpecially of the Nobles and Soldiers) upon himfelf 5 as if the 
 King by his voluptuous Life and mean Marriage , were become 
 Effeminate , and lefs fenfible of Honour , and Reafon of State, 
 than was fit for a King. And as for the Politique and whole- 
 fom Lms which were Enaded in his Time , they were inter- 
 preted to be but the Brocage of an Ufurper , thereby to wooe, and 
 winne the Hearts of the People ^ as being confcious to himfelf 
 that tlie true Obligations of Soveraignty in him failed , and were 
 wanting. But King Henry in the very entrance of his Reign, 
 and the inftant of time , when the Kingdom was caft into his 
 Arms , met with a Point of great di^iculty , and knotty to folve, 
 able to trouble and confound the Wifeft King in the newnefs of 
 his Eftate; and fo much the more, becaufe it could not endure 
 a Deliberation , but muft be at once deliberated and determined. 
 There were fallen to his Lot, and concurrent to liis Perfon , three 
 feveral Titles to the Imperial Crown : The firft , the Title of the 
 Lady Elizabeth, with whom , by precedent Pacft with the Party 
 that brought him in , he was to Marry. The fecond , the Antient 
 
 and
 
 King;^ Henry the Seventh. 
 
 and long difputed Title (both by P/ca ind ^r?ns} of the H#uie 
 of LxncAJier , to which he was Inheritour in .his own Perlon. 
 The third , the Title of the S\>royd or CoNqucfi , for that he came 
 \n by Vi<ftory of Battel , and that the King in poUefHori was 
 flain in the field. The firft of thele was faireft, and moil like 
 to give contentment to the People , who by Two and twenty 
 Years Reign of King Edward the Fourth, had been fully made 
 capable of the cleafnels of the Title of the ivhite-Kofe or Hoiife 
 of T^rk ; and by the milde and plaufible Reign of the fame King 
 toward his latter time, were become affedionate to that Ltnt; 
 But then it lay plain before his Eyes , that if he relyed upon that 
 Title , he could be but a King at Curte(ie , and have rather a 
 Mitrimonial than a Regd Power : the Right remaining in his 
 Qiieen , upon whofe deceafe , either with litue , or without liluej 
 he was to give place , and be removed. And though he lliouid 
 obtain by Parliament to be continued , jet he knew there was 
 a very great dirference between a King that holdeth his Crown 
 by a civil Ad of Eftates , and one that holdeth it Originally by 
 the Law of Nature , and Delcent of Blood. Neither wanted there 
 even at that time iecret Rumors and whii'perings ( which after- 
 wards gathered ftrength , and turned to great Troubles ) that the 
 two young Sons of King Edward the Fourth, or one of them (which 
 were faid to be deftroyedin the Tower) were not indeed Mur- 
 thered , but conveyed fecretly away , and were yet living : which 
 if it had been true , had prevented the Title of the Lady Eltza- 
 heth. On the other fide , if he flood upon his own Title of the 
 Houfe of LaticAfier , inherent in his Perion • he knew it was a 
 Title condemned by Parliament, and generally prejudged in the 
 common Opinion of the Realm , and that it tended dire(5tly to 
 the Dif-inherilbn of the Line of Ycrk , held then the indubiate 
 Heirs of the Crown. So that if he fliould have no IlTue by the 
 Lady Elibabeth, which Oiould be Delcendents of the Pow/'/f-Z,/*^ , 
 then the Ancient flames of Difcord and Inteftine Wars , upon 
 the Competition of both Houfes , would again return and revive. 
 As for Conquest notwithllanding , Sir William Stanly , after 
 fome Acclamations of the Soldiers in the Field , had put a Crown 
 of Ornament ( which Richard wore in the Battel , and was found 
 anaongft the Spoils ) upon King Henry's Head , as if there were 
 his chief Title ■ yet he remembred well upon what Conditions 
 and Agreements he was brought^in , and that to claim as Con- 
 queror, was to put as well his own Party , as the reft , into Ter- 
 rour and Fear •, as that wiiich gave him Power of Difannulling 
 of Laws , and difpofing of Mens Fortunes and Eftates , and the 
 like points of Ablolute Power , being in themfelves (b harlh and 
 odious, a.s that IViUi am himfelf, commonly called the Conqueror, 
 however he ufed and exerciled the Power of a Conqueror , to re- 
 ward his Normans , yet he forbare to ufe that Claim in the be- 
 
 B 2 ginning,
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 ginning , but mixed it with a Titulary pretence grounded upon 
 the *^/// and Delignation of Edward the Confejfor. But the King 
 out of the grcatnels of his own mind , prelently caft the Die^, 
 and the Inconveniences appearing unto him on all parts ; and 
 knowing there could not be any //^mr^/^w or fulpenfion of Title; 
 and preferring his Affedion to his own Line and Blood , and 
 hking that Title bell which made him independent 5 and being 
 in his Nature and conftitution of Mind not very appreheniive 
 or forecafling of future Events a-far off, but an Entertainer of 
 Fortune by the Day^ refolved to reil upon the Title of Lmcajlt^r 
 as the Ma/fi , and to ule the other two , that of Marriage , and 
 that of Battel , but as Supporters , the one to appeale fecret Dil- 
 contents , and the other to beat down open murmur and difpute : 
 Not forgetting that the fame Title of L.tncaiter had formerly 
 maintained a poireflion of three Defcents in the Crown , and 
 might have proved a Perpetuity , had it not ended in the weaknefs 
 and inability of the laft Prince. Whereupon the King prelently 
 that very day , being the Two and Twentieth of Auguji , alfumed 
 the Stile of King in his own name , without mentioning of the 
 hzAy Eliz.abeth at all , or any relation thereunto. In which courfe 
 he ever after perfifted , wliich did fpin him a Thread of many 
 Seditions and Troubles. The King full of thefe thoughts , be- 
 fore his departure from Leicejier , difpatclwd Sir Rol>ert Wilkughhy 
 to the Calfle of Sheriff-Hittton in Tork^hire , where were kept in 
 fafe Cuftody by King Richard's commandment , both the Lady 
 Eliz.abeth Daughter of King Edward^ and Edvcard PUntagenet ^ 
 Son and Heir to George Duke of Clarence. This Edward was by 
 the King's Warrant delivered from the Conftable of the Caftle 
 to the hand of Sir Robert IVitlonghby ; and by him with all fafety 
 and diligence conveyed to the Tower of London , where he was 
 fliut up clofe-pri finer. Which Ad of the Kmg's ( being an Ad 
 meerly of Policy and Power ) proceeded not lo much from any 
 apprehenfion he had of Dodor shaw's Tale at Paul's Cro/i , for 
 the Baftarding of Edward the Fourth's IlTues , in which cafe this 
 young Gentleman was to fucceed, (for that Fable was ever ex- 
 ploded ) but upon a fetled difpofition todeprefs all Eminent Per- 
 ibns of the Line of lork.- Wherein If ill the King out of ftrength 
 of Will , or weaknefs of Judgement , did ufe to ihew a little 
 more of the Party , than of the King. 
 
 For the Lady Elizabeth llie Received alfo a diredion to repair 
 with all convenient fpeed to London, and there to remain with 
 the Queen Bovoager her Mother ^ which accordingly ihe foon after 
 did , accompanied with many Noble-men and Ladies of Honour. 
 In the mean feafon the King fet forwards by eafic Journeys to 
 thtQ'xty o'i London , receiving the Acclamations and Applaufes of 
 the People as he went, which indeed were true and unfeigned , as 
 might well appear in the very Demonftrations and fulnets of the 
 
 Cry.
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 5 
 
 Cry. For they thought generally that he was a Prince as or- 
 dained and lent down from Heaven , to unite and put to an end 
 to the long Dillentions of the two Houies , which although they 
 had had in the times oi' HcKrjy the Fourth, if.'/^ry the Fifth, anil 
 a part of Henry the Sixth on the one fide, and the times of Ed- 
 veurd the Fourth on the other, Lucid-j/itervalls and happy Paufcs • 
 yet they did ever hang over the Kingdom , ready to break forth 
 into new Perturbations and Calamities. And as his Vidory gave 
 him the Knee, fo his purpol'e of Marriage with the Lady f //cji- 
 i^erh gave him the Hciri^ ; fo that both knee and Hcarf did truly 
 bow before him. 
 
 . He on the other fide , w^ith great Wifdom , ( not ignorant of 
 the AffeAions and Fears of the People ) to diiperfe the conceit 
 and terrour of a Con^u-fi, had given Order that there ihould be 
 nothing in liis Journey like unto a Warlike March, or manner; 
 but rather like unto the Prcgreji of a King in full Peace and | 
 Affurance. | 
 
 He entred the City upon a Sutftrdny , as he had alfo obtained j 
 the Vi(5lory' upon a Saturd.ty , which Day of the Week firif upon j 
 an Obfervation , and after upon Memory and Fancy, he accounted 1 
 and chofe as a Day profperous unto him. 
 
 The Mayor and Companies of the City received him at Shore- 
 ditcb: whence, with great and Honorable attendance and troops 
 of Noble-men, and Perlons of Quality he entred the City ; himfelf 
 not being on Horfe-back , or in any open chair, or Thrcne , but in 
 a clofe chartot , as one that having been fometimes an Enemy 
 to the whole State , and a Profcribed perfbn , chofe rather to keep 
 State , and ftrike a Reverence into the People , than to fawn 
 upon them. 
 
 He went firft into Saint Paul's Church , where riot meaning 
 that the People fliould forget too ibon that he came in by Battel, 
 he made an Offertory of his standards , and had Orizon and TV 
 Deu?» again fung, and went to his Lodging prepared in the Bijbop 
 of Loxdon's Palace, where he flayed for a time. 
 
 During his abode there, he AfTembled his Council, and other 
 principal Perfons , in pretence of whom , he did renew again 
 his promife to marry with the Lady Elizabeth. This he did the 
 rather, becaufe having at his coming out of Britain given arti- 
 ficially , for ferving of his own turn , fome hopes , in cafe he 
 obtained the Kingdome , to Marry K^nne Inheritrefs to the 
 Dutchy of Britain , whom Charles the Eighth of France foon after 
 Married. It bred fome doubt and f ufpition amongfl divers , that 
 he was not fincere , or at leafl not fixed in going on with the 
 Match of England fo much defired : which Conceit alfo , though 
 it were but Talk and Difcourfe , did much afflid the poor Lady 
 Elixakth her felf. But howlbever he both truly intended it , and 
 defired alfo it fhould be lb believed , ( the better to extinguifli 
 
 Envv
 
 6 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 Envy and Contradi(5tion to Ijis other purpofes ) yet was he re- 
 folved in himlelf not to proceed to the Confummation thereof, 
 till his Corcmtton and a Parliament were paft. The one , left a 
 \oynt-Coromtion of himfelf and his Queen might give any coun- 
 tenance of Participation of Title : The other, left in the Intayling 
 of the Crorvn to himfelf, which he hoped to obtain by Parliament, 
 the Votes of the Farliament might any ways reflcd upon her. 
 
 About this time in Kyiutnmn , towards the end of September, 
 there began and reigned in the City and other parts of the King- 
 dom a Difeafe then new 5 which of the Accidents , and manner 
 thereof , they called the Sweattng-SicknejL This Dileafe had a 
 fwift courle both in the Stck-Body and in the Time and Period of 
 the lafting thereof : for they that were taken with it , upon Four 
 and twenty Hours efcaping were thought almoft allured. And 
 as to the Time of the malice and reign of the Difeafe e're it 
 ceafed • It began about the One and twentieth of September , and 
 cleared up before the end of October , infomuch that it was no 
 hinderance to the King's Coronation , which was the laft of Oifo- 
 her: nor ( which was more) to the holding of the Parliament, 
 which began but feven days after.. It was a Pfjlilent-Feaver, 
 but, as it feemeth, not feated in the Veins or Humors, for that 
 there followed no Carbuncle , no purple or livid Spots , or the like, 
 the Mafs of the Body being not tainted : only a malign yaponr 
 flew to the Heart , and feifed the Vital Spirits . which ftirred 
 Nature to ftrive to fend it forth by an extreme Sweat. And it 
 appeared by Experience that this Difeaie was rather a Surprize 
 of Nature , than obftinate to Remedies , if it were in time looked 
 unto. For if the Patient were kept in an equal temper , both 
 for Clothes, Fire, and Drink , moderately warm , with temperate 
 Cordials , whereby Natures work were neither irritated by He^^at, 
 nor turned back by CeU, he commonly Recovered. But infinite 
 Perfons dyed fuddenly of it, before the manner of the Cure and 
 attendance was known. It was conceived not to be an Epide- 
 mick Difeafe , but to proceed from a Malignity in the Conftitution 
 of the Air , gathered by the predifpofitions of Seafons ; and the 
 fpeedy CefTation declared as much. 
 
 On Simon and Jude's Even the King dined with Thotnas Bour- 
 cchier f Arch-Eijhop o{ Canterbury and Cardinal : and from Lambeth 
 went by Land over the Bridge to the Tower , where the morrow 
 after he made Twelve Knights-Bannerets. But for Creations he 
 difpenfed them with a fparing Hand. For notwithftanding a 
 Field fo lately fought , and a Coronation fo near at hand , he only 
 created Three : James Earl of Pembrook (the King's Uncle) was 
 created Duke of Bedford ; Thomas the Lord Stanley ( the King's 
 Father-in-Law ) Earl of Derby ; and Edward Courtney Earl of De- 
 von ; though the King had then neverthelefs a piirpole in himlelf 
 to make more in time of Parliament ; bearing a wife and decent 
 
 1 refpedl
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 refped to Diftribute liis Crcxtions , Ibme to honour his Coronation, 
 and fome his Parliament. 
 
 ; The Coronation followed two days after upon the Thirtyeth day 
 of O^oher in the year of our Lord 1485;. At which time Innocent 
 the Eighth*was I'ope of Rome , Fycdcnck the Third , Emferour Qi 
 ^Imaine ; and <J\iaximtlim his Son newly cholen King of the 
 Romans; Charles the Eighth, King oi. France ; Fcrdznando and 
 ijAhella y Kings of Spain ; and James the Third , King of Scotland : 
 with all which Kings and States, the King was at that time in 
 good Peace and Amity. At which Day alfo (as if the Crown 
 upon his Head , had put Perils into his Thoughts ) he did inftitute 
 for the better Security of his Perfon a Band of Fifty Archers under 
 a Captain to attend him , by the name of Teamen of his Guard : 
 and yet that it might be thouglit to be rather a matter of Digmty, 
 after the imitation of that he had known abroad , than any mat- 
 ter of Diffidence appropriate to his own Cale , he made it to be 
 underftood for an Ordinance not Temporary , but to hold in Suc- 
 ceffion for ever after. 
 
 The Seventh of November the King held his Parliament at 
 Wejlmijler, which he had Summoned immediately after his coming 
 to London. His Ends in calling a Parliament ( and that lb fpeedily) 
 were chiefly three 5 Firfi , to procure the Crown to be entayled 
 upon himfelf. Next , to have the Attainders of all of his Party 
 (which were in no fmall Number) reverled , and all A(5ts of 
 Hoftility by them dune in his Quarrel , remitted and difcharged ; 
 and on the other fide , to attaint by Parliament , the Heads and 
 Principals of his Enemies. The Third , to calm and quiet the 
 fears of the reft of that Party by a General Pardon : not being 
 ignorant in how great danger a King ftands from his Subjeds, 
 when moft of his Subjeds are confcious in themfelves, that they 
 ftand in his danger. Unto thcfe three fpccial Motives of a Par- 
 liament was added , that he as a prudent and moderate Prince, 
 made this Judgement •, That it was fit for him to haften to let 
 his People lee , that he meant to govern by Law , howfoever he 
 came in by the Sveord : and fit alfo to reclaim them to know him 
 for their King , whom they had fo lately talked of as an Enem^ 
 or Bamjhed man. For that which concerned the Entayling of 
 the Crown; ( more than that he was true in iiis own Will, that 
 he would not endure any mention of the Lady Elizabeth : no not 
 in the nature of Special- Jnt ail,) he carried it otherwife with great 
 Wifdom and meafure. For he did not prel's to have the ^St 
 penned by way of Declaration or Recognition of Right : as on the 
 other fide , he avoided to have it by new Law or Ordinance ; but 
 chofe rather a kind of middle-way, by way of Ejlabli^^ment , 
 and that under covert and indifferent words ^ That the inheritance 
 of the Crown jhould rejl, remain, and abide in the King , &c. which 
 words might equally be applied j That the Crown /hould continue 
 
 to
 
 7J^ liiHory of the Reign of 
 
 to him : but whether as having former Right to it , ( which waS 
 doubtful,) or having it then in Fad and PolTeflion, (which no 
 man denyed , ) was left fair to Interpretation either way. And 
 again for the hmitarion of thfe Entail, he did not prcfs it to go 
 further than to himfelf and to the Heirs of his Body , ndt fpeaking 
 of his right Hetrs ; but leaving that to the Law to decide ; fo as 
 the Entail might feem rather a pcrfonal Favour to him and his 
 Children , than a total Dii-inherifon to the Houfe of rork. And 
 in this form was the Law drawn and palTed. Which Statute he 
 procured to be confirmed by the Pole's Bull the year' following, 
 with mention neverthelefs ( by way of Recital ) of his other 
 Titles • both of Defcent and Conquejl. So as now the wreath of 
 Three wis made a wreath of F/Vf , for to the three firft Titles of 
 the two Houfes , or Lines , and Conqueft , were added two more; 
 the Authorities Parliamentary and Papal. i 3i.i •i:jJts 
 
 The King likewife in the Reverfal of the Attainders of his 
 Partakers , and difcharging them oJf all Offences incident to his 
 fervice and iuccour , had his Will ; and Ads did pais accordingly. 
 In the palTage whereof, exception was taken to divers Perlons 
 in the Houie of Commons , for that they were Attainted , and 
 thereby not legal , nor habilitate to ferve in Parliament , being 
 difabled in the higheft degree ^ And that it fhould be a great 
 incongruity to have them to make Laves, who themfelves were 
 not Inl arced. The truth was, that divers of thofe which had in 
 the time of King Richard been ftrongell and moft declared for the 
 King's Party, were returned Knights and SHrgeJJes for the Parlia- 
 ment , whether by care or recommendation from the State , or 
 the voluntary inclination of the People : many of which had been 
 by Richard the Third attainted by Outlawries , or otherwife. The 
 King was fomewhat troubled with this. For though it had a 
 grave and fpecious Shew , yet it refleded upon Iiis Party. But 
 wifely not fhewing himfelf at all moved therewith , he would not 
 underlland it but as a Cafe of Law, and wilhed the Judges to be 
 advifed thereupon: who for that purpofe were forthwith AfTem- 
 bled in the Exchequer-Cha}nber , (which is the Council-Chamber of 
 the Judges,) and upon deliberation they gave a grave and fafe 
 Opinion and Advice, mixed U'ith Law and Convenience ; which was, 
 That the Knights and Burgejfes attainted by the courfe of Law, 
 fhould forbear to come into the Houfe , 'till a Law were pafTed 
 for the Reverfal of their <^ttatndors. 
 
 It was at that time incidently moved amongft the Judges in 
 their Confultation , what fhould be done for the King himfelf, 
 who likewife was attainted 5 But it was with unanimous confent 
 Refblvcd •, That the Crown takes away all defects andjlops in Blood : 
 and that from the time the King did ajjume the Crown , the Fountain 
 was cleared , and all Attainders and Corruption of Blood difcharged. 
 But neverthelefs for Honours fake it was Ordained by Parliament, 
 
 that
 
 V 
 
 -II ' " ^- .— ..... - ■■■ ■ ^■l■^■l■ .1 ■ M. ^ ■ . . 
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 that all Records wherein there was any memory , or mention of 
 the King's (^naittdor , fliould be defaced, cancelled, and taken 
 off the File. 
 
 But on the part of the King's £«f«;/Vj there were by /'/«r//4w<'»/ 
 attainted 5 the late Duke of Glocefter , calling himfelf Richard the 
 Third , the Duke of Norfolk , tlie Earl of Surrey, Vifcount Lifvel, 
 the Lord Ferrers, theLord Zouch , Richard Ratcltjf, WilliamCittesby, 
 and many others of degree and quality. In which Bills of (At- 
 tainders , neverthelels there were contained many juft and tem- 
 perate Claufes , Savings and Provifo's , well fliewing and fore- 
 tokening the Wifdom , Stay, and Moderation of the King's Spirit 
 of Government. And for the Pardon of the reft , that had ftood 
 againft the King •, the King , upon a fecond advice , thought it 
 not fit it fhould pafs by Parliament , the better ( being matter of 
 Qrace ) to impropriate the Thanks to himfelf : ufing only the 
 Opportunitv of a Parliament time , the better to difperfe it into 
 the Veins oi the Kingdom. Therefore during the Parliament , he 
 Publifhed his Royal Proclamation , offering Pardon and Grace of 
 Reftitution , to all fuch as had taken Arms , or been participant 
 of any Attempts againft him 5 fo as they fubmitted themfelves 
 to his Mercy by a Day , and took the Oath of Allegiance and Fi- 
 delity to him. Whereupon many came out of Sanctuary , and 
 many more came out of Fear , no lefs guilty than thofe that had 
 taken SanHuary. 
 
 As for Money or Treafure , the King thought it not feafonable, 
 or fit to demand any of his SubjeBs at this Parliament : both be- 
 caufe he had received fatisfaifbion from them in matters of fo 
 great Importance , and becaufe he could not remunerate them 
 with any General Pardon, being prevented therein by the Coronatian- 
 Pardon , palfed immediately before : but chiefly , for that it was 
 in every mans Eye , what great Forfeitures and Confifcations he had 
 at that prefent to help himfelf: Whereby thofe cafualties of the 
 Crown might in reafon fpare the Purfcs of his Subjeds 5 efpe- 
 cially in a time when he was in Peace with all his Neighbours. 
 Some few Laws paffed at that Parliament , almoft for form fake : 
 amongft which there was One , to reduce Aliens , being made 
 Denizens , to pay Strangers Cuftoms 5 and another , to draw 
 to himfelf the Seifares and Com^ofitions of Italian Goods , for not 
 employment , being Points of Profit to his Coffers , . whereof 
 from the very Beginning he was not forgetful ^ and had been 
 more happy at the Latter End , if his early Providence ( which 
 kept him from all neceflity of Exa<5ling upon his People) could 
 likewife have'attemp'red his nature therein. He adde^ during Par- 
 liament , to his former Creations , the Innoblentent or Advancement 
 in Nobility of a few others ; The Lord Chandos of Britain , wa^ 
 made Earl of Bath ; and Sir Giles Davpbeny was made Lord 
 Davebeny j and Sir Robert Willoughby Lord Brook. 
 
 C The
 
 lO 
 
 The Hilary of the Reign of 
 
 The King did alPj with great Noblenefs and Bounty ( which 
 Virtues at that time had their turns in his Nature) rcftore Edr- 
 rvard Stafford ( eldeft Son to Henry, Duke o^ Buckingham , attainted 
 in the time ot 'K\n2, Richard ,) not only to his D/^»^>/^j , but to his 
 Fortunes and Poffeffions , which were great 5 to which he was 
 moved alfo by a kind of Gratitude , for that the Diike was the 
 man that moved the firft Stone againft the Tyranny of King 
 Richard, and indeed made the King a Bridge to the Crown upon 
 his own Ruins. Thus the Parliament brake up. 
 
 The Parliament being diffolved , the King fent forthwith 
 Money to redeem the Marquefs Vorj'tt , and Sir John Bourchier , 
 whom he had left as his Pledges at Paris , for Money which he 
 had borrowed , when he made his Expedition for England. And 
 thereupon he took a fit occafion to fend the Lord Treafitrer and 
 Mafter Bray ( whom- he ufed as Counfellor ) to the Lord CMayor 
 o£ London, requiring of the City a Preft of fix thoufand Marks : 
 But after many Parlees , he could obtain but two thoufand 
 Pounds; Which neverthelefs the King took in good part ^ as 
 ;rhen ufe to do , that praftife to borrow Money when they have 
 ;no need. About this time , the King called unto his Privy- 
 Council , John \JMorton , and Richard Fox , the one Bifljo^ of Ely, 
 the other Bijhop of Exceter , vigilant men , and lecret , and fuch 
 .is kept' -watch with him almofl: upon all men elfe. They hdd 
 been both verled in his Aflfliirs before he came to the Crown, 
 and wtetc partakers of his adverfe Fortune. This Morton foon 
 , after upon the death o^ Bourchier , he made ^^rchhijhof of Can^ 
 •terbury. And for Fox , he made him Lord Keener of his Privy-Seal, 
 'and afterwards advanced him by Degrees , from Exceter to Bath 
 '. and wells , thence to Durham , and laft to winchefler. For although 
 the King loved to employ and advance Bi^ofs , becaufe having 
 rich Bipjopricks they carried their Reward upon themfelves ; yet 
 he did ufe to raife them by flreps - that he might not lofe the 
 .profit of the Firfi-frtiits , which by that courfe of Gradation was 
 imultipUed. m .^ 
 
 i At laft, upon the Eighteenth of' January was Solemnized the 
 fo long expe<fted and fo much defirfed Marriage, between the 
 JKing and the Lady Eliz^abeth: \vhich Day of Marriage was cele-^ 
 ibrated with greater Triumph , and Demonftrations (efpecially 
 *• on the Peoples part ) of Joy and Gladnefs , than the days either 
 ; of his 'Entry, or Coronation -, which the King rather noted, thari 
 ; liked. And it is trtie , that all his lifetime , \Vhile the Lady Elizor- 
 \Uth liyed with him, ( for flie dyed before him ) hefhewed him-: 
 Ifelf no M6i^ 'indulgent Husband towards her , tho'ugh fhe wa$ 
 ifeeattifttl-',' gentle , and fruitful. But his averfidn towards the 
 iHbufe of York was fo predominant in him , as it found place , not 
 "6nly in h\%iVars and €omcils , but' in his Chamber and Bed. 
 
 Towards the middle of the Spring , the King , full of confidence 
 = •'1" ' and
 
 King H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Seventh. 
 
 II 
 
 and airurancc , as a Pn/7ce tliat had been Viiftorious in B.ittel, 
 and had prevailed with his Varliament in all tliat he dchred , and 
 had the Ring of K^ccUmMtons frelli in his Ears , thought the reft 
 of his Reign ihould be but Play, and the enjoying of a Kingdom. 
 Yet as a wife and watchful King , he would not negledt any 
 thing for his Safety •, thinking ncverthelefs to perform all things 
 now, rather as an fAvrc//? , than as a £4^o«r. So he being truly 
 informed, that the Northern -^Arts were not only Aftedionate to 
 the Houfe of lork , but particularly had been Devoted to King 
 Richard the Third , thought it would be a Summer well Ipent 
 to vifit thofe Parts , and by his pretence and applici\tion of him- 
 felf , to reclaim and redifie thofe Humours. But the King , in 
 his accompt of Pe/tce , and Calms , did much overcaft his For- 
 tunes , which proved for many Years together full of Broken Seas, 
 Tides , and Tempests. For he was no I'ooner come to Lincoln , 
 where he kept his Eafier , but lie received news, that the Lord 
 Lovel , Humphrey Stafford , and Thomas Stafford ( who had for- 
 merly taken Sanctuary at Colchester ) were departed out of San- 
 Huary , but to what place , no man could tell. Which adver- 
 tifement , the King defpifed , and continued his Journey to 
 Tork. At Tork there came frefli and more certain advertiiemenr, 
 that the Lord Lo-uel was at hand with a great power of men, 
 and that the Stajfords were in Arras in IVorcesterjhire , and had 
 made their approaches to the City of li'orcejler , to alfail it. The 
 King , as a Prince of great and profound Judgement , w\as not 
 much moved with it-, for that he thought it was but a Ragg or 
 Remnant of Bofivorth-Field , and had nothing in it of the main 
 Party of the Houfe of Tork. But he was more doubtful of the 
 raifing of Forces to refift the Rel^els , than of the Refiilance it felf ; 
 for that he was in a Core of People , whofe affetflions he fufpeded. 
 But the Adion enduring no delay , he did fpeedily levy and lent 
 againft the Lord Lovel to the number of three thoufand men , ill 
 armed , but well allured, ( being taken fome few out of his own 
 Train , and the reft out of the Tenants and Followers of fuch 
 as were fafe to be trufted, ) under the Condud of the Duke of 
 Bedford. And as his manner was to fend his Pardons rather be- 
 fore the Sword than after , he gave Commiffion to the Dnkc , to 
 proclaim Pardon to all that would come in : Which the Duke, 
 upon his approach to the Lord Lovel's Camp , did perform. And 
 it fell out as the King expeded 5 the Heralds were the Great- 
 Ordnance. For the Lord Lovel , upon Proclamation of Pardon , 
 miftrufting his men , fled into LancajJjire , and lurking for a time 
 withSir Thomas Broughton , after failed over into Flanders , to the 
 Lady ^Margaret. And his men, forfaken of their Captain, did 
 prefently iubmit themfelves to the Di/ke. The St affords likewife, 
 and their Forces , hearing what had happened to the Lord Lovel 
 (in wholeSuccefs their chief Truft was) defpaired, and difperfed. 
 
 C 2 The
 
 12 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 The two Brothers , taking Sxnciiiary at Colnham , a Village hear' 
 Ahinotort ; which Place, upon view of their Pri'viledgc.ui the King's 
 Bench, being judged no iiinfficient 54ac?«4n' for Traytors , Hum- 
 phrey was Executed at Tyburn ; and Thomxs , as being led by his 
 elder Brother , - was Pardoned. So this Rebellion proved but a 
 Biaft^ and the King haying by this Journey purged a little the 
 Dregs and Leaven of the Northern People , that were, before in 
 no good affedlion towards him , returned to London. ^ !x::; j 
 
 In 5'f/'/^^»i^<'r following , the Queen was delivered oF her firll 
 Son, whom the King ( in Honour of the Bntilb-R/tce, oi \\\i\dh. 
 hlmfelf was) named o4>^/W, accordmg to the Name of that I 
 ancient worthy King of the Britatns ; in \v hofe Adts there is truth 
 enough to make him Famous , befides that which is Fabulous. 
 The child'wis ftrong and able , though he was Born in the eighth 
 (Ji'ionth , \\ hich Phylicians do prejudge. 
 
 THere followed this Year , being the Second of ttie King's 
 Reign , a ftrange Accident of utate , whereof the Re- 
 lations whi^h we have , are fo naked , as they leave it fcarce cre- 
 dible- not for the nature of it, (for it hath fallen out oft,) but 
 lor the manner and circumlfance of it , ei'pecially in the begin- 
 nings. Therefore we ihall make our Judgement upon the things 
 themfelves, as they give light one to another , and (as we can) 
 dig Truth out of the Mine. The King was green in his Eftate ^ 
 and contrary to his own Opinion , and Dclert both , was not 
 without much Hatred throughout the Realm. The root of all, 
 was the difcountenancing of the Houfe of Tcrk , which the ge- 
 neral Body of the Realm ftill affefted. This did alienate the 
 Hearts of the Subjects from him dayly more and more, elpecially 
 when they faw, that after his Marriage, and after a Son born, 
 the King did neverthelefs not fo much as proceed to the Coronation 
 of the ilueen , not vouchfafing her the Honour of a M^trimcnid 
 Croven ; for the Coron.xtion of Her was not 'till almolf two Years 
 after, when Danger had taught him what to do. But much 
 more , when it was ipread abroad ( whether by Erronr , or the 
 cunning of CM ale-contents) that the King had a purpofe to put 
 to death Ednard pUntagenet clofely in the Tower : Whole cale 
 was lb neerly parallel'd M-ith that of Edward the Fourth's Chil 
 dren , in rclpe(5l of the blood , like age , and the very place of 
 the Tower , as it did refrelh and refled: upon the King a molf 
 odious relemblance , as if he would be another King Richard. 
 And all this time it was ftill whifpered every where , that at leaft 
 one of the Children of Edward the Fourth was living. Which 
 Bruit was cunningly fomented by fuch as defired Innoz>atton. 
 Neither was the King's nature and cuftoms greatly fit to difperfe 
 tliefe iW//?j-; but contrary-wife he had a fafliion rather to create 
 Doubts , than Aflurance. Thus was fuel prepared for the spark : 
 
 the
 
 - . ^fwm — 
 
 King HIe N, R Y the Seventh. 
 
 3 
 
 the SpArk that afterwards kindled iUcb. a :Fire , and Combuftion, 
 w^as at the Hrll contemptible. .,'..' 
 
 There was a iubtil Priell called- ^/c/A?y4:5'»/o«, that. lived in 
 Oxford, y and had to his Pupil a 5.?^^r's.Son nahied Lambert Stmnel, 
 of the age of lome Fifteen years- a comelj' Youth, 'and well- 
 favoured, not without Ibrae extraordinary dignity arid grace of 
 Afped. It. came into. this Prieft's fancy ,r< hearing what men 
 talked , and in hope to raiie^himfclf to fome great Bijboprkk,) 
 to caiife this L.td to counterfeit and Perlbnate the Second Son of 
 Edward the. Fourth, luppofed to be murthered-^ and' afterward 
 (for he changed his intention in the manage) the I^ord Edward 
 Plantagenet then Prilbner in the Tower •, , and accordingly to 
 frame him and mifrudt him in the Part he was to play* This is 
 than which Y as was touched before ) leemetli fcarcely icnredible : 
 Not that a falle Perfon fliould be ailumed to gain a Kingdom , for 
 it hath been leen in antinet and late times ^ nor that it ihould come 
 into the mind of liich an abjecft Fellow, to enterprife fo great a mat- 
 ter for high Conceits do fometime come ftreaming into the Imagi- 
 nations of bale perlbns , efpeciallv \a hen they are drunk with 
 News and Talk nf the People. But here is that which hath no 
 apparancc •, That this Prieft being utterly unacquainted with the 
 true Perfon , according to whole pattern he iliould ihape his 
 Comterfe/t, fliould think it pofTible for him to inftruCt his Player, 
 either in gefture and falliions , or in recounting palf matters of 
 his Life and Education •, or to fit Anfwers to Quelf ions, or the like, 
 any ways to come near the Refemblance of liim whom he was to 
 reprelent. For this Lad was not to perfonate one, that had been long 
 before taken out of his Cradle, or conveyed away in his Infancy, 
 known to few •, but a Youth that 'till the age almoit of Ten years 
 'had been brought up in a Court where infinite Eyes had been 
 upon him. For King Edward touched with remorle of his Bro- 
 ther the Duke of clarence's Death , would not indeed reftore his 
 Son , { of whom wc Ipeak ) to be Duke of clarence , but yet created 
 liim Earl of Warwick , reviving his Honour on the Mothers fide, 
 and ufed him- honorably during his time, though Richard the 
 Third afterwards confined him. So that it cannot be , but that 
 fome great Perfon , that knew particularly , and familiarly Edward 
 Plant age net , had a hand in the bufinels , from whom the Prieji 
 might take his aim. That which is moft probable, out of the 
 precedent and ilibfequent hcts , is , that it was the Quten Dowager, 
 from whom this Aiftion had the principal fource and motion. 
 For certain it is , flie was a bufie negotiating Woman , and in 
 her withdrawmgrChamber had the {ortuaatc Conjpiracy for the King 
 againft King Richard the Third , been hatched 5 which the King 
 knew , and remembred perhaps but too well ; and was at this 
 time extremely difcontent with the King , thinking her Daugh- 
 ter (as the King handled the matter) not advanced, but dcprellcd : 
 
 and
 
 H 
 
 ne Hiftory of the Reign of 
 
 and none could hold the Book fo m'cU to prompt and inftru(5t this 
 Stage-^Uy , as flie could. Neverthelefs it was not her meaning, 
 nor no more was it the meaning of any of the better and fager 
 fort that favoured theEnterprize and knew the Secret , that this 
 difguifed iM ftiould poffefs the Crown ; but at his peril to make 
 way to the Overthrow of the King : and that done , they had 
 their feveral Hopes and ivajs. That which doth chiefly fortihe 
 this Conje<fture , is , that as foon as the matter brake forth in any 
 ftrength, it was one of the King's firft Ads to cloift-er the Que e^i 
 Doivager in the Nunnery of Bermonfey , and to take away all her 
 Lands and Eftate •, and this by clofe Coundl without any Legal 
 proceeding , upon far-fetcht Pretences •, That JJje had delivered 
 her trvo Daughters out of San^fuary to King Richard , contrary to pro- 
 mife. Which Proceeding being even at that time taxed for ri- 
 gorous and undue , both in matter and manner , makes it very 
 probable there was feme greater matter againft her , which the 
 King upon reafon of Policy , and to avoid Envy would not pub- 
 lilh. It is likewife no fmall Argument that there was fome Secret 
 in it, and fome fuppreffing of Examinations- for that the Pncsl 
 Simon himfelf, after he was taken, was never brought to Exe- 
 cution , no not fo much as to publick Tryal, ( as many clergy-men 
 were upon lefs Treafons,) but was only fluit up clofe in a Dungeon. 
 Add to this , that after the Earl of Lincoln ( a principal Perfon of 
 the Houfe of York ) was flain in Stoke-field , the King opened 
 himfelf to fome of his Council , that he was forry for the Earl's 
 Death , becaufe by him ( he faid ) lie might have known the 
 bottom of his Danger. 
 
 But to return to the Narration it felf 5 Simon did firft inltrud 
 his Scholar for the part of Richard Duke of Tork , fecond Son to 
 King Edward the Fourth , and this was at fuch time as it was 
 voyced that the King purpofed to put to Death Edward Planta- 
 genet Prifoner in the Tower, whereat there was great murmur. 
 But hearing foon after a general bruit that Plant agenet had efcaped 
 out of the Tower , and thereby finding him fo much beloved 
 amongfl: the People , and fuch rejoycing at his Efcape , the cun- 
 ning Priefl changed his Copy, and chofe now Plant agenet to 
 be the Subjed: his Pupil fliould perfonate , becaufe he was more 
 in the prefent fpeech , and Votes of the People ; and it pieced 
 better , and followed more clofe and handfomly upon the bruit 
 of Plant age net's Efcape. But yet doubting that there would be 
 too near looking and too much PerJpeBi've into his Difguife 5 if 
 he (hould fliew it here in England ; he thought good ( after the 
 manner of Scenes in Stage-Plays and Mafques ) to fhew it a-far-off j 
 and therefore failed with his Scholar into Ireland , where the 
 Affedion to the Houfe of Tork was moft in height. The King 
 had been a little Improvident in matters of Ireland , and had not 
 removed Officers and chancellors , and put in their places , or at 
 
 leali
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 15 
 
 leaft intermingled perfons , of whom he flood allured , as he 
 (hould have done , fince he knew the ftrong Bent of that Coun- 
 trey towards the Houfe of York ; and that it was a tickhfli and 
 unletled State , more eafie to receive dirtempers and mutations, 
 than EngLxni was. But trailing to the reputation of his Vi(5lo- 
 ries and SuccefTes in England , he tliought he fliould have time 
 enough to extend his Cares afterwards to that fecond King- 
 dom. 
 
 Wherefore through this negledl , upon the coming of Simon 
 with his Y'^^ttQud^di plant Agenet into Ireland, all things were pre- 
 pared for Revolt and Sedition , almofl: as if they had been fet and 
 plotted before-hand. Simon's firft Addrefs was to the Lord 
 Thomas Fitz-Gerard, Earl oi Kildare , and Deputy oi Ireland: be- 
 fore whofe Eyes he did caft fuch a Mill , ( by his own infinuation, 
 and by the carriage of his Youth , that exprelfed a natural Princely 
 Behaviour,) as joyned perhaps with fome inward Vapours of 
 Ambition and Atfedion in the Earl's own mind , left him fully 
 poffefled , that it was the true Plmtagenet. The Earl prefently 
 communicated the matter with fome of the Nobles and others 
 there , at the firft fecretly. But finding them of like Affedion 
 to himfelf , he fuffered it of purpolc to vent and pafs abroad • 
 becaufe they thought it not fafe to refolve , till they had a taft 
 of the Peoples Inclination. But if the Great ones were in forward- 
 nefs , the People were in fury , entertaining this K^iry Body ©r 
 Fhantafm with incredible affe<^ion 5 partly out of their great de- 
 votion to the Houfe of York ; partly out of a proud humour in 
 the Nation , to give a King to the Realm of England. Neither 
 did the Party in this heat of affedion much trouble themfelves 
 with the Attaindor of George Duke of Clarence ; having newly 
 learned by the King's example , that Attatndors do not interrupt 
 the conveying of Title to the Crown. And as for the Daughters 
 of King Edward the Fourth , they thought King Richard had faid 
 enough for them : and took them to be but as of tlie King's Party, 
 becaule they were in his power , and at his difpofing. So that 
 with marvellous confent and applaufe , this Counterfeit Planta- 
 genet was brought with great Solemnity to the Caftle of Dublin, 
 and there faluted , ferved and honoured as King- the Boy be- 
 coming it well , and doing nothing that did bewray the bafenefs 
 of his condition. And within few days after he was proclaimed 
 King in Dublin, by the Name of King f^w^r^ the Sixths there 
 being not a Sword drawn in King Henry his Quarrel. 
 
 The King was much moved with this unexpected Accident,' 
 when it came to his Ears , both becaufe it ftrook upon that String 
 which ever he moft feared , as alio becaufe it was flirred in fuch 
 a Place , where he could not with fafety transfer his own Perfon, 
 to fupprefs it. For partly through natural Valour , and partly 
 .through an univerfal Sufpition (not knowing whom to truft) 
 
 he 
 
 iru
 
 1 6 l^be HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 he was ever ready to wait upon all his Atchievements in perfon. 
 The King therefore firft called his CouncU together at the Charter- 
 hoiife at shwe. Which Cc»«;?«7 was held with great fecrefie , but 
 the open Decrees ih.QXQO^ ^ which prefently »ame abroad, were 
 three. 
 
 The firft was. That the Queen Dorvager , for that fhe contrary 
 to her Pa^ and Agreement with thofe that had concluded with 
 her concerning the ^Marriage of her Daughter Elizabeth with 
 King Henry , had neverthelefs delivered her Daughters out of 
 Sanctuary into King Richard's hands- fliouldbe Cloyftered in the 
 Nunnery of Bermonj'ey , and forfeit all her Lands and Goods. 
 
 The next was , That Edward Plantagenet then Clofe-prifoner 
 in the Tower , fhould be in the moft publick and notorious man- 
 ner , that could be devifed , fhewed unto the People ; In part 
 to difcharge the King of the Envy of that opinion and bruit , how 
 he had been put to death privily in the Tower • But chiefly to 
 make the People fee the levity and impofture of the Proceedings 
 oi Ireland, and that their ?Untagenet was indeed but a Puppet, 
 or a Counterfeit. 
 
 The third was , That there fhould be again Proclaimed a. 
 General-Pardon to all that would reveal their Offences , and fubmit 
 themfelves by a Day. And that this Pardon fhould be conceived 
 in fb ample and liberal a manner , as no High-Treafen (no not 
 againft the King's own Perfon ) fhould be excepted. Which 
 though it might feem ftrange , yet was it not fo to a wife King, 
 that knew his greateft dangers were not from the leaft Treafons, 
 but from the greateft. Thefe Refqlutions of the King and his 
 Council were immediately put in execution. And firft , the Queen 
 Dowager was put into the Monaftery of Bermonfey , and all her 
 Eftate feized into the King's hands , whereat there was much 
 wondering 5 That a weak Woman , for the yielding to the me- 
 naces and promifes of a Tyrant , after fuch a diftance of time, 
 (wherein the King had fhewed no dilpleafure, nor alteration,) 
 but much more after lb happy a Marriage , between the King and 
 her Daughter , blefTed with iffue-male , fliould upon a fudden 
 mutability or difclofure of the King's mind be fo feverely handled. 
 
 This Lady was amongft the Examples of great variety of For- 
 tune. She had firft from a diftreffed Suitor , and defolate ffiderv, 
 been taken to the Marrtage-Bed of a Eatchelor-King , the goodlieft 
 Perfonage of his time 5 and even in his Reign fhe had endured 
 a ftrange Eclipfe by the King's flight , and temporary depriving 
 from the Crown. She was alfo very happy , in that fhe had by 
 \i\miivc iffue , and continued his Nuptial Love (helping her felf 
 by fome obfequious bearing and diflembling of his Plealures) to 
 the very end. She was much affedionate to her own Kindred, 
 even unto Faction ; which did fVir great Envy in the Lords of 
 the King's fide , who counted her Blood a difparagement to be 
 
 mingled
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 »7 
 
 mingltd with the King's. With which Lords of the King's Blood, 
 joyned jllb the Knig'-. Favorite the Lord Hijtings • who, notwith- 
 ilanding the King's great aftedtion to him , was thought at times 
 through her malice and ipleen , not lo be out of danger of tal- 
 Ung. After her Husband's death. Hie was matter of Tragedy, 
 having Uved to (ee her Brother beheaded , and her two Sons de- 
 poicd ttova the Crown , baftarded in their Blood, %nd cruelly 
 murthered. All this while neverthelefs flie enjoyed her Liberty, 
 State, and Fortunes. But afterwards again , upon the Rife of the 
 iyhecl , when ihe had a King to her Son-tn-Law .^ and was made 
 Grand-mother to a Grand-child of the beft Sex • yet was fhe ( upon 
 dark and unknown Realbns , and no lefs ftrange Pretences ) pre- 
 cipitated , and banilhed the World , into a Nunnery ; w here it 
 was almoft thought dangerous to vifit her , or fee her 5 and where 
 not long after Ihe ended her Life : but was by the King's com- 
 mandment Buried with the King her Husband at mndjor. She 
 was Fmndreji' of Queens-College in C^tmbndgc. For this y^H the 
 King fuftained great Obloquy , which neverthelefs ( befides the 
 realbn of State) was Ibmewhat fweetned to him by a great Confi- 
 jcation. 
 
 About this time aUb Edn^ard fUntagenet was upon a Sunday 
 brought throughout all the principal Streets of Loudon , to be {&tn 
 of the people. And having paffed the view of the Streets , was 
 conducted to St. P-Wi, Church , mioX^m.'o.Vroceffion , where great 
 ftore of people were alfembled. And it was provided aitb in 
 good fafliion , that divers of the Nobility , and others of Quality 
 (efpecialiv of thole that the King moft ibfpeded, and knew the 
 perfon of Plantagenet belf ) had communication with the young 
 Gentleman by the way , and entertained him with fpeech and 
 dircourfe ^ which did in efFe(fl marr the Pageant in Ireland with 
 tlie Subjeds here , at lead with lb many , as out of Errour , and 
 not out of Malice , might be mif led. Neverthelefs , in Ireland 
 ( where it was too late to go back ) it wrought little or no effed. 
 But contrariwife, they turned the Imfojittre upon the King, and 
 gave out , Tliat the King , to defeat the true Inheritor , and to 
 mock the World, and blind the Eyes of limple men , had tricked 
 up a Boy in the likenefs of Edward Plant agenet , and lliev/ed him 
 to the People , not iparing to prophane the Ceremony of a Pro- 
 cejjion , the m<jre to countenance the Fahle. 
 
 The General-Pardon likewile near the fame time came forth-, 
 and theKing therewithal omitted no diligence , in giving ftraighc 
 Order , for the keeping the Ports ; that Fugitives , Male-contents, 
 or llifpcdtcd Perfins might not pal's over into IreUnd,^ andf/iMJ 
 ders, -^r'A !• 1 . ovo \ 
 
 Mean while the Rebels in Ireland had lent privy Meflengers 
 both into Engla/id , and into Flanders , who in both places had 
 wrought effeds.of no fraall Importance. For m England they 
 
 D won 
 
 ^^
 
 i8 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 won to their Party John , Earl of Lincoln , Son of J^hn de U Pole, 
 Duke of Safolk , and of Eli-abeth , King Edward the Fourth's 
 eldeft Sifter. This E.irl was a man of great Wit and Courage, 
 and had his thoughts highly raifed by Hopes and Expedations 
 for a time. For Richard the Third had a Refolution , out of his 
 hatred to both his Brethren , King Edward, and the Duke of 
 clarence, *d their Lines , (having had his hand in both their 
 Bloods,) to difable their IfTues upon falfe and incompetent pre- 
 texts 5 the one , of Attainder ; the other , of lUegtttmation : and 
 to defign this Gentleman ( in cafe himl'elf fhould dye without 
 Children ) for Inheritor of the Crown. Neither vias this unknown 
 to the King , who had lecretly an Eye upon him. But the King 
 having tafted of the Envy of the People , for his Imprifonment 
 of Edward Plantagenet , was doubtful to heap up any more dif- 
 tafts of that kind , by the Imprifonment of De U Pole alfo •, the 
 rather thinking it Policy to conferve him as a Corrival unto the 
 other. The Earl of Lincoln was induced to participate with the 
 A(flion of Ireland, not lightly upon the ftrength of the Proceedings 
 there, which was but a Bubble, but upon Letters from the Lady 
 ^Margaret of Burgundy , in whole fiiccours and declaration for 
 the Enterprize , there feemed to be a more folid Foundation , 
 both for Reputation and Forces. Neither did the Earl refrain 
 the Bufinefs , for that he knew the pretended Plantagenet to be 
 but an Idol. But contrariwife , he was more glad it fhould be 
 the falfe Plantagenet than the true : becaufe the falfe being fure 
 to fall away of himfelf , and the true to be made fure of by the 
 King ; it might open and pave a fair and prepared way to his 
 own Title. With this Refolution he fayled iecrctly into Flanders -y.. 
 where was a little before arrived the Lord Lovel, leaving a cor- 
 refpondcnce here in England with Sir "thom.u Broughton , a man 
 of great Power and Dependencies in Lancajhire. For before this 
 time , when the pretended Plantagenet was firlt received in Ireland, 
 fecret Meffengers had been alfo lent to the Lady Margaret , ad- 
 vertifmg her what was paffed in Ireland, imploring Succours in 
 an Enterprize ( as they faid ) lb pious and juil: , and that God had 
 fo miraculoufly profpered the beginning thereof • and making 
 offer, that all things fhould be guided by her will and direction, 
 as the Strvereign Patroneff and ProteSlreJi of the Enterprize. Mar- 
 garet was fecond Sifter to King Edward the Fourth , and had been 
 fecond Wife to Charles , fir named the Hardy, Duke o{ Burgundy, 
 by whom , having no Children of her own , ihe did with fingular 
 care and tendernefs intend -the Education of Philip znA Margaret, 
 Grand-children to her former Husband 5 which won her great 
 Love and Authority among the Dutch. This Prince^ ( having 
 the spirit of a Man , and CMalice of a Woman ) abounding in 
 Treasure , by the greatnefs of her Dovper , and her provident Go- 
 vernment 5 and being childlefs , and without any nearer Care, 
 
 made
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 19 
 
 made it her Defign and Enterprize , to fee the M-ijeJiy Royal ot" 
 EnglMi once again re-placed in her Houfe , and had let up King 
 Henry as a Mark , at whole Overthrow all her Adions ihould 
 aim and /hoot ^ in-fo-much as all the Counsels of his fuccceding 
 Troubles came chiefly out of that Quiver. And Ihe bare fuch 
 a mortal Hatred to the Houfe of Z,.t»f4/?f/' , and perfonally to the 
 King , as Ihe was no ways mollified by the Conjunctton of the 
 Houles in her Neeces Mirriage, but rather hated her Neece , as 
 the means of the King's afcent to the Crown , and aflurance therein. 
 Wherefore with great violence of atfedion fhe embraced this 
 Overture : And upon Counfel taken with the Earl of Lincoln, 
 and the Lord Lovel , and Ibme other of the Party , it was refolved 
 with all fpeed , the two Lords affifted with a Regiment of two 
 thoufand Kyilmains , being choice and veterane Bands under the 
 Command o( Martin Srvarf (a valiant and experimented Captain) 
 Ihould pafs over into Ireland to the new King, Hoping , that 
 when the (Jetton fhould have the face of a received and fetled 
 Regality , ( with fuch a fecond Perfon , as the Earl of Limeln , 
 and the ConjunBion and Reputation of Forein Succors,) the Fame 
 of it would embolden and prepare all the Party of the Confede- 
 rates and CMale-contents within the Realm of England , to give 
 them Afliftance , when they fhould come over there. And for 
 the Perfon of the Counterfeit , it was agreed , that if all things 
 fucceeded well , he lliould be put down , and the true Plant agenet 
 received ; - Wherein neverthelefs the Ear^ of Lincoln had his par- 
 ticular hopes. After they were come into Ireland, and that the 
 ?arty took courage , by feeing themfelves together in a Body^ 
 they grew very confident of fuccefs , conceiving and difcourfing 
 amongft themfelves , that they went in upon far better Cards to 
 overthrow King Henry , than King Hi?;?^' had to overthrow King 
 Rtchard. ^nd that if there were not a Sword drawn again it 
 them in Ireland , it was a fign the Swords in England would be 
 foon flieathed, or beaten down. Andfirft, for a Bravery upon 
 this acceflion of Power, they Crowned their new King in the 
 in the Cathedral Church of Dublin ; who formerly had been but 
 Proclaimed only- and then fate in Council what ihould furtli^" 
 be done. At which Council , though it were propoiinded by 
 fome , that it were the beft way to Eftablifli themfelves firft in 
 Ireland, and to make that the Seat of the War, ^ndto draw King 
 Henry thither in Perfon , by whofe abfence , they thought there 
 would be great Alterations and Commotions in England, yet 
 becaufe the Kingdom there was poor , and they fhould not be ablq 
 to keep their Army together , nor pay their German Soldiers, and 
 for that alfo the fway of the Irijh-men, and generally of the Mpn-of- 
 War , which ( as in fuch cafes of popular Tumults is ufual ) did 
 in effed govern their Leaders, was eager, and in affe(5lion to make 
 their Fortunes upon England : It was ccwicluded witjh all pofTible 
 
 D 2 fpeed
 
 20 
 
 The HiUory of the Reign of 
 
 fpeed to tranfport their Forces into England. The King in the 
 mean time, who at the firft when he heard what was done in 
 Ireland , though it troubled him , yet thought he fhould be well 
 enough able to fcatter the Irijb as a Flight of Birds , and rattle 
 away this Swarm of Bees , with their King • when he heard after- 
 wards that the Earl of Lincoln was embarqued in the Adlion, 
 and that the Lady Margaret was declared for it , he apprehended 
 the danger in a true Degree as it was , and faw plainly that his 
 Kingdom muft again be put to the Stake , and that he muft fight 
 for it. And firft , he did conceive , before he underftood of the 
 Earl of Lincoln's fayling into Ireland out of Flanders , that he 
 (hould be aflailed both upon the Eaft-parts of the Kingdom of 
 England by fome impreflion from Flanders , and upon the North- 
 weft out of Ireland. And therefore having ordered Mufters to 
 be made in both Parts , and having provilionally defigned two 
 Generals , Jfjper Earl of Bedford , and John Earl of Oxford , 
 ( meaning himfelf alio to go in perfon , where the Affairs fhould 
 moft require it,) and neverthelefs not expeding any adltial 
 invafion at that time ( the Winter being far on ) he took his jour- 
 ney himfelf towards Suffolk and Norfolk , for the confirming of 
 thofe parts. And being come to St. Edmonds-i>Hry , he under- 
 ftood 5 that Thomas , Marquefs Dorfet ( who had been one of the 
 Pledges in France ) was haftning towards him , to purge himfelf 
 of fome Accufations which had been made againft him. But 
 the King , though he kept an Ear for him , yet was the time fo 
 doubtful , that he fent the Earl of Oxford to meet him , and 
 forthwith to carry him to the Tower ; with a fair MefTage never- 
 thelefs, that he Ihould bear thatdifgrace with patience, for that 
 the King meant not his hurt , but only to preferve him from 
 doing hurt , cither to the King's fervice , or to himfelf- and that 
 the King fhould always be able ( when he had cleared himfelf ) 
 to make him reparation. 
 
 From St. Edmonds-bury he went to Norwich , where he kept his 
 Chriflmas. And from thence he went ( in a manner of Pilgri- 
 mage) to waljingham, where he vifited our Ladies church , fa- 
 mous for iMiracles , and made his Prayers and Vows for help 
 and deliverance. And from thence he returned by Camhridge to 
 London. Not long after , the ReMs with their King ( under the 
 Leading of the Earl of Lincoln , the Earl of Ktldare , the Lord 
 Lo^el, and Colonel Swart ) landed at Fouldrey in Lancajhire, whi- 
 ther there repaired to them , Sir Thorns Brtughton , with fome 
 fmall company of Enghfh. The King by that time ( knowing 
 now the Storm would not divide , but fall in one place ) had 
 levied Forces in good number ^ and in perfon ( taking with him 
 his two defigned Generals , the Duke of Bedford, and the Earl 
 of Oxford)' was come on his way towards them as far ^sCoventry, 
 whence he fent forth a Troop of Light-horfmen for difcovery, and 
 
 - ^ to
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 21 
 
 to intercept fome ftraglers of the Enemies , by whom he might 
 the better underftand the particulars of their Progrefs and pur- 
 pofes , which was accordingly done 5 though the King otherwife 
 was not without InteUigence from EJpials in the Cutnp. 
 
 The Rebels took their way towards York , without fpoiUng 
 the Countrey , or any ad of Hoftility , the better to put them- 
 felves into favour of the People , and to perlbnate their King : 
 who ( no doubt , out of a Princely feeling ) was fparing , and 
 companionate towards his Subjedts. But their Smrv-ball did not 
 gather as it went. For the People came not in to them : Neither 
 did any rife or declare themfelves in other parts of the Kingdom 
 for them , which was caufed partly by the good tall: that the 
 King had given his People of his Government , joyned with the 
 reputation of his Felicity , and partly for that it was an odious 
 thing to the People of EngLmd , to have a King brought in to 
 them upon the (houlders of Jnjh and Dutch , of which their Army 
 was in fubftance compounded. Neither was it a thing done 
 with any great Judgement on the Party of the Rebels , for them 
 to take their way towards Tork : Confidering that howfoever 
 thofe parts had formerly been a Nurfery of their Friends 5 yet 
 it was there , where the Lord Level had fo lately disbanded , and 
 where the King's prefence had a little before qualified difcontents. 
 The Earl of Lincoln, deceived of his hopes of the Countries con- 
 courfe unto him, ( in which cafe he would have temporized,) 
 and feeing the bufinefs paft Retracft , refolved to make on where 
 the King was, and to give him Battel 5 and thereupon, rharched 
 towards Newark , thinking to have furprifed the Town. But 
 the King was fomewhat before this time come to NottinghAm, 
 where he called a Council of War, at which was confulted , whe- 
 ther it were beft to protra(5l time , or fpeedily to fet upon the 
 Rebels. In which Council the King himfelf ( whofe continual 
 vigilancy did fuck in fometimes caufelefs Sufpitions , which few 
 elle knew ) inclined to the accelerating a Battel. But this was 
 prefently put out of doubt , by the great Aids that came in to 
 him in the inftant of this Confultation , partly upon sJMtjfives, 
 and partly Voluntaries from many parts of the Kingdom, 
 r jThe principal perfons that came then to the King's aid , were 
 the Earl of Shrewsbury , and the Lord Strange ■, of the Nobility 5 
 and of Knights and Gentlemen to the number of at leaft Three- 
 fcore and ten perfons , with their Companies , making in the 
 whole , at the leaft Six Thoufand fighting men , belides the 
 Forces that were with the King before. Whereupon the King, 
 finding his Army fo bravely re-enforced , and a great alacrity 
 in all his men to fight, was confirmed in his former Refolution, 
 and marched fpeedily , fo as he put himfelf between the Enemies 
 Camp and Newark ; being loth their Army fliould get the com- 
 modity of that Town. The Earl nothing difmaycd , came 
 
 forwards
 
 22 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 forwards that day unto a little Village called Sfoke , and there 
 camped that night , upon the brow or hanging of a Hill. The 
 King the next day prel'ented him Battel upon the P/ain , the fields 
 there being open and champion. The Earl couragioufly came 
 down and joyned Battel with him. Concerning which Battel, 
 the Relations that are left unto us are fo naked and negligent, 
 ( though it be an Adion of fo recent memory ) as they rather 
 declared the Succefs of the day , than the Manner of the Fight. 
 They fay , that the King divided his Army into three Battels , 
 whereof the Fmfjt-guard only well ftrengthned with Wings, 
 came to fight. That the Fight was fierce and obftinate , and lafted 
 three hours, before the Vidlory incUned either way-, fave that 
 Judgement might be made , by that the King's Fnunt-guard of it 
 ielf maintained fight againft the whole Fovoer of the Hnemies, 
 (the other two Battels remaining out of adion,) what the fuccefs 
 was like to be in the end : That Martin Srvart with his Germans 
 performed bravely ; and fo did thofe few EHgltjh that were on 
 that fide, neither did the Irijh (ail in courage or fierccnefs , but 
 being almoft naked men , only armed with Darts and Skeins , it 
 was rather an Execution , than a Fight upon them •, infomuch 
 as the furious flaughter of them was a great difcouragement and 
 appalement to the reft : That there dyed upon the place all the 
 Chieftains- that is, the Earl of Lincoln, the Earl of Kildare, 
 Francis Lord Lovel , Uiiartin Srvart , and Sir Thomas Broughton ; 
 all making good the fight , without any ground given. Only 
 of the Lord Love/ there went a report , that he fled and fwara 
 over Trent on horfeback , but could not recover the further fide, 
 by reafon of the fteepnefs of the Bank , and fo was drowned in 
 the River. But another report leaves him not there , but that 
 he lived long after in a Cave or Vault. The number that was 
 flain in the field , was of the Enemies part , Four thoufand at 
 the leaft • and of the Kin^s part , one half of his Faunt-guard , 
 befides many hurt , but none of name. There were taken Pri- 
 foners , amongft others , the Counterfeit PUntagenet ( now Lam- 
 bert Simnel again ) and the crafty Priefi his Tutor. For Lambert, 
 the King would not take his Life , both out of Magnanimity, 
 taking him but as an Image of wax , that others had tempered 
 and molded • and likewife out of Wifdom , thinking that if he 
 fuffered death, he would be forgotten too foon ^ but being kept 
 alive, he would be a continual Spectacle, and a kind of remedy 
 againft the like Inchantments of PeofU , in time to come. For 
 which caufe he was taken into fervice in his Court , to a bafe 
 office in his Kitchin -, fo that ( in a kind of Mattacisa of humane 
 fortune) he turned a Broach, that had worn a Crown: Whereas 
 Fortune commonly doth not bring in a Comedy or Farce after 
 a Tragedy. And afterwards he was preferred to be one of the 
 King's Falconers. As to the ?r/>jf? , he was committed Clofe- 
 
 prifoner j
 
 King Henry tbe Seventh, 
 
 25 
 
 pnfoner , and heard of no more , the King loving to feai up his 
 own dangers. 
 
 After the Battel , the King went to Lincoln , where he caufed 
 Sufplicitions and Thsnkfgivtnos to be made for his Deliverance 
 and Victory. And that his Devotions might go round in Circle, 
 he lent his B.umer to be Oifered to our Lady of ty.ilfingham , 
 where before hejmade his f^oivs. And thus delivered of this fo 
 ftrange an Engm and new Invention of Fortune , he returned to 
 his former confidence of mind , thinking now , that all his mif- 
 fortunes had come at once. But it fell out unto him according 
 to the Speech of the common People in the beginning of his 
 Reign , that faid 9 It w^ a token he jhould reign in Labour, hcmfe 
 his Reign began with a ftcknef of Sweat. But howfoever the King 
 thought himfelf now in o. Hsven , yet fuch washisWifdom, as 
 his Conjidence did feldom darken his Fore-fight , el'pecially in things 
 near hand. And therefore awakened by lo frelh , and unexpe<5led 
 dangers , he entred into due conlideration , as- well how to weed 
 out the Partakers of the former Rebellion , as to kill the Seeds 
 of the like in time to come : and withal to take away all lliel- 
 ters and harbours for difcontented Perlons, where they might 
 hatch and fofter Rebellions, which afterwards might gather ftrength 
 and motion. And firft , he did yet again make a Progrefs from 
 Lincoln to the Northern parts , though it were indeed rather an 
 Itinerdry Circuit of Juftice, than a Progrefs. For all along as he 
 went, with much leverity and ftridl inquifition, partly by Mar- 
 tial Law , and partly by Commiflion , were punifhed , the Ad- 
 herents and A} ders of the late Rebels : not all by Death , ( for 
 the Field had drawn much blood , ) but by Fines and Ranfoms , 
 which fpared Life, and raifed Treafure. Amongfl: other Crimes 
 of this nature , there was diligent inquiry made of fuch as had 
 raifed and difperfed a bruit and rumour, a little before the Field 
 fought , That the Rebels had the day ; and that the Kings K^rtny 
 vfiu cruerthrcnyMt , and the King fled. Whereby it was illppot'ed 
 that many Succours , which other wife would have come unto 
 the King , were cunningly put off, and kept back. Which 
 charge and (.y^ccufation , though it had fome ground , yet it was 
 induftriourty embraced and put on by divers, who having been 
 in themfelves not the beft affected to the King's part , nor forward 
 ! to come to his ayd , were glad to apprehend this colour , to 
 cover their neglecl and coldnefs , under the pretence of fuch 
 difcouragements. Which cunning neverthelels , the King would 
 not undcrftand , though he lodged it , and noted it in fome par- 
 ticulars , as his manner was. 
 
 But for the extirpating of the roots and caules of the like Com- 
 ntotiiHS in time to come , the King began to find where his ihooe 
 did wring him , and that it was his deprelTing of the Houfe of 
 York, that-did rancle and feftcr the Affediions of his People. And 
 
 therefore
 
 24 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 therefore being now too wife to difdain perils any longer , and 
 willing to give fome contentment in that kind ( at leaft in Cere- 
 mony ) he reiblved at laft to proceed to the Coromtton of his 
 Queen. And therefore at his coming to London , where he entrcd 
 in State , and in a kind of Trinrnph , and celebrated his Ficfory, 
 with two days of Devotion , ( for the firft day he repaired to 
 St. Pauls, and had the Hymn of Te Deum fung, and the morrow 
 after he went in ProceJJion, and heard the Sermon at the Crofy) 
 the Queen was with great folemnity Crowned at Wefimtnfier, the 
 five and twentyeth of November , in the third year of his Reign, 
 which was about two years after the Marriage ; Like m old. 
 Chnjlmng, that had fi aid long for Godfathers. Which ftrange and 
 unufual diftance of time , made it fubjed to every man's note, 
 that it was an Aft againit his ftomach , and put upon him by 
 neceffity and reafon of State. Soon after , to fhew that it was 
 now fair weather again , and that the Imprifonment of Thomas 
 Marquels Dorfet , was rather upon fufpition of the Time , than 
 of the Man , he the faid Marquefs was fet at liberty without 
 Examination , or other circumftance. At that time alio the King 
 fent an Ambajfador unto Pope Innocent , fignifying unto him this 
 his Marriage, and that now (like another ^^^^4;^^ he had pafTed 
 through the floods of his former Troubles and Travels , and was 
 arrived unto a lafe Haven : and thanking His Holineji, that he 
 had honoured the Celebration of his Marriage with the prefence 
 of his Ambajfador , and offering both his Peribn and the Forces of 
 his Kingdom upon all occafions to do him {ervice. 
 
 The i^mbajfador , making his Oration to the Pope , in the 
 prefence of the Cardinals , did lb magniiie the King and Quee», 
 as was enough to glut the Hearers. But then he did again fo 
 extol and deifie the Pofe , as made all that he had faid in praife 
 of his Majier and Mtjtre^ feem temperate and pallable. But he 
 was very honorably entertained , and extremely much made on 
 by the Pope ^ who knowing himfelf to be lazy and unprofitabJe 
 to the chripan World , was wonderfully glad to hear that there 
 were fuch Eccho's of him founding in remote parts. He obtained 
 alfo of the Pope a very juft and honorable BhU, qualifying the 
 Privtledges of San£iitary , ( wherewith the King had been ex- 
 tremely galled ) in three Points. 
 
 The firft , that if any SanSittary-man did by night , or other- 
 wife, get out of San£ti(ary privily, and commit mifchief and 
 trefpafs , and then come in again , he rtiould lofc the benefit of 
 Sanctuary for ever after. The fecond , that howlbever the Perfon 
 of the SanCfuary-man was protected from his Creditors , yet his 
 Goods out of SanBuary fliould not. The third, that if any took 
 Sanctuary for cafe of Treafon , the King might appoint him 
 Keepers to look to him in Sanituary, 
 
 The King alfo for the better fecuring of his Eftate , againft 
 
 mutinous
 
 ■ King H E N" R Y the Seventh. 
 
 mutinous and male-contented Subjects ( whereof he law the 
 ReaUn was full) who might have their refuge into ScotLmd, 
 wiiicli was not under Key , as xht Ports were : For that caufcj 
 rather than for any doubt of Hol-tility from thofe parts , before 
 his coming to London ( when he was at Nerve afile ) had fent a Ib- 
 lemn Ambalfage unto jawes the Third , King oi Scotland ;iq treat 
 and conclude a Peace with hini. The AmbafTadors were Rit^aM 
 Eox Billiop o( Exceter , and Sir Rubard Edgcomb Comptroller of 
 'the King's Houfe , who were honourably received and enter- 
 tained there. But the King of ScotLxnd labouring of the i-amc 
 dileafe that liingHenry did, ( though more mortal , as afterwards 
 appeared .) that is , Difcontented Subjecfs , apt to rife , and raile 
 Tumult , although in his own affedion he did much defire to 
 make a Peace with the King : Yet finding his Nobles averfe , and 
 not daring to difpleafe them , concluded only a Truce for 'iQvcn 
 years •, giving neverthelels promife in private , that it fliould be 
 renewed from time to time , during the two Kings lives. 
 
 Hitherto the King had been exercifed in fetling his A^urs at 
 home. But about this time brake forth an occafion that 
 drew him to look abroad, and to hearken to forein bufinefs. 
 Charles the Eighth the French King , by the virtue and good for- 
 tune of his two immediate PredecelTors , Charles the Seventh his 
 Grand-father , and Leveis the Eleventh his Father , received the 
 Kingdom oi Prance in more flourilhing and fpread Eftate, than 
 it had been of many years before ; being redintegrate in thofe 
 principal Members , which antiently had been portions of the 
 Crown of France , and were after dillevered , fo as they re- 
 niained only in Homage , and not in Sovereignty , ( being go- 
 verned by abfolute Princes of their own) C^njou , Normandy, 
 Provence and Burgundy ; there remained only Britain to be re-united, 
 and fo the Monarchy of France to be reduced to the antient Terms 
 and Bounds. 
 
 King Charles was not a little inflamed with an ambition to 
 re-purchafe, and re-annex that Dw^c/^. Which his ambition was 
 a wife and well-weighed Ambition • not like unto the ambitions 
 of his fucceeding Enterprizes of Italy. For at that time being newly 
 come to the Crown , he was fomewhat guided by his Father's 
 Coimfels , (Counfels, not Counfe/lors ) for his Father was liis own 
 Counfel, and had few able men about. him. And that King (he 
 knew well ) had ever diftafted the Defigns of It^ly , and in par- 
 ticular had an Eye upon Britain. There were many circum- 
 ftances that did feed the Ambition of Charles , with pregnant 
 and apparent hopes of Succefs. The Duke of Britain old , and 
 entred into a Lethargy , and ferved with CAiercenary Cotinfcllors, 
 Father of two only Daughters , the one fick and not likely to 
 continue. King Charles himfelf in the^flower of his age , and 
 
 E the 
 
 ^5
 
 i6 
 
 'The- HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 the Subjcfts of France at that time well trained for War , both 
 for Leaders and Soldiers • men of lervice being not yet -uorn out, 
 fince the Wars of Lewis againft Burgundy. He found himlclf alio 
 Peace with all his Neighbour-Princes. As for thofe that 
 
 in 
 
 might oppofe to his Entcrprize •, Maximil!a»K\ng of the Romans, 
 his Rival in the fame delires , ( as well for the JDutchy , as the 
 Daughter) feeble in means- and King Henry oi England ^s well 
 fomewhat obnoxious to him for his favours and benefits , a^ 
 bufied in his particular troubles at home. There was alfo a fair 
 and fpecious occafion offered him to hide his Ambition , and to 
 juftifie his Warring upon Britain , for that the Etake had re- 
 ceived and fuccouredZfiVi^Duke of Orleance , and other of the 
 F-ench Nobility , which had taken Arms againft their King. 
 Wherefore King Charles being refolved upon that War , knew 
 well he could not receive any oppofition ib potent , as if King 
 Henry fhould either upon Policy of State , in preventing the 
 growing Greatnefs of France: or upon gratitude unto the Duke 
 of Britain , for his former favours , in the time of his diftrefs , 
 efpoufe that Quarrel , and declare himlclf in ayd of the Duke. 
 Therefore he no fooner heard that Kiiig Henry was fetled by his 
 Vid:ory , but forthwith he fent Amballadors unto him , to pray 
 his affiftance , or at the leaft that he would ftand neutral. Which 
 AmbalTadbrs found the King at Leicelier , and delivered their 
 Embafly to this effedl : They firft imparted unto the King the 
 fuccefs that their Mafter had had a little before againft Maximilian, 
 in recovery of certain Towns from him : which was done in 
 a kind of privacy , and inwardnefs towards the King •, and if the 
 French King did not efteem him for an outward or fortnal Confer 
 derate , but as one that had part in his Atfeftions and Fortunes, 
 and with whom he took pleafure to communicate his Bufinefs. 
 After this Compliment , and ibme gratulation for the King's 
 Vi<5tory , they fell to their Errand • declaring to the King, 
 that their Mafter was enforced to enter into a juft and necelfary 
 War with the Duke of Britain , for that he had received and 
 fuccoured thofe that were Traytors, and declared Enemies unto 
 his Perfm and State. That they were no mean , diftreffed , and 
 calamitous perlbns that fled to him for refuge , but of (b great 
 quality , as it was apparent that they came not thither to pro- 
 ted their own fortune , but to infeft and invade his • the Head 
 of them being the Duke of Orleance , the firft Prince of the 
 Blood, and the fecond Perfon of France. That therefore, rightly to 
 underftand it , it was rather on their Mafter's part a Dcfenfive 
 I War , than an Ofenjive ; as that , that could not be omitted or 
 forborn, if he tendred the confervation of his own Ejlate; and 
 that it was not the firft Blow that made the War invalive , ( for 
 that no wife Prince would ftay for ) but the firft Provocation , 
 or at leaft the firft Preparation. Nay that this War was rather a 
 
 fup-
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 /"uppreffion of Rebels , than a War with a jufl Enemy , where 
 the Cafe is • That his Subjedls , Trxytors , arc received by the 
 Duke of Bntciin his Homager. That King Hemy knew well what 
 went upon it in example , if Netghboitr Princes Ihould patronize 
 and comfort Rebels , againft the Law of Nations and of Leagues. 
 Neverthclefs that their Mafter was ndt ignorant , that the King 
 had been beholding to the Duke of Brttatn in his adverfity-, as 
 on the other (ide , they knew he would not forget alfo the readinefs 
 of their King, in ayding him when the Duke of 5m4/» , or his 
 mercenary Coimjellors failed him , and would have betrayed him • 
 And that there was a great difference between the courtefies 
 received from tiieir Mafter, and the Duke of Britain ; for that 
 the Dukes might have ends of Utility and Bargain , whereas 
 their Mafters could not have proceeded but out of entire Affe5fion. 
 For that , if it had been mealured by a politick line , it had been 
 better for his affairs , that a Tyrant fliould have reigned in Eng- 
 land , troubled and hated , than fuch a Prince , whofe virtues 
 could not fail to make him great and potent , whenfoever he was 
 come to be Mafter of his affairs. But howfoever it ftood for the 
 point of Obligation, which the King might owe to the Duke 
 of Britain , yet their Mafter was well affured , it would not di- 
 vert King Henry oi England from doing that, that was juft, nor 
 ever embarque him in ib ill-grounded a Quarrel. Therefore, 
 fmce this War which their Mafter was now to make, was but 
 to deliver himfelf from imminent dangers , their King hoped the 
 King would fliew the like af&dlion to the confervation of their 
 Mailer's Eftate, as their Mafter had ( when time was) fliewed 
 to the King's acquifition of his Kingdom. At the leaft , that 
 according to the inclination which the King had ever profefTed 
 of Peace , he would look on , and ftand Neutral ^ for that their 
 Mafter could not with reafon prefs him to undertake part in the. 
 War, being fo newly fetled and recovered from inteftine Se- 
 ditions. But touching the Myftery of re-annexing of the Dutchy 
 of Britain to the Crown of France , either by War, or by Marriage 
 with the Daughter of Britain; the AmbaUadors bare aloof from 
 it , as from a Rock , knowing that it made moft againft them. 
 And therefore by all means declined any mention thereof, but 
 contrariwife interlaced in their conference with the King , the 
 affured purpofe of their Mafter, to match with the Daughter of 
 Maximilian ; And entertained the King alfo with fome wandring 
 Difcourfes of their King's purpofe, to recover by Arms his right 
 to the Kingdom of Naples , by an expedition in Perfon ^ All to 
 remove the King from all jealoufie of any Design , in thcle hither 
 Parts upon Britain , otherwife than for quenching of the Fire , 
 which he feared might be kindled in his own Eftate. 
 
 The King after advice taken with his Council , made anfwer 
 to the AmbalTadors. And firft returned their Compliment , fhewing 
 
 E 2 he 
 
 V
 
 28 
 
 The Hiftory of the Reign of 
 
 he was right glad of the fr^w/' King's reception of thofe Towns 
 
 from L^iaximiliar}. Then he familiarly related fome particular 
 
 pallages of his own Adventures and Vi(5tory palled. As to the 
 
 bufinefs of Britain , the King anfwered in few words ^ That the 
 
 Frcfich King and the Duke of Britain , were the two perfons to 
 
 whom lie was molt obliged of all men ^ and that he fliould think 
 
 himfelf very happy, if things fliould go fo between them, as he 
 
 (liould not be able to acquit himfelf in gratitude towards them 
 
 both 5 .and that there was no means for him as a chrifitan King 
 
 and a common Friend to them , to fatisfie all Obligations both 
 
 to God and man , but to offer himfelf for a Mediator of an Accord 
 
 and Peace between them ., by which courfe he doubted not but 
 
 their Kmg's Eftate , and Honour both , would be preferved with 
 
 more Safety and Icfs Envy than by a War , and that he would 
 
 fpare no coft or pains , no if it were To go on Pilgrimage, for fo 
 
 good an effeift ^ And concluded , that in this great Affair , which 
 
 he took fo much to heart , he would exprefs himfelf more fully 
 
 by an Ambalfage , which he w^ould fpeedily difpatch unto the 
 
 French King for that purpofe. And in this fort the French Am- 
 
 bafladors were diimifled ; the King avoiding to underfland any 
 
 thing touching the re-annexing of Britain , as the AmbafTadors 
 
 had avoided to mention it^ fave that he gave a little touch of it 
 
 in the word , Envy. And fo it was , that the King was neither 
 
 fo fhallo'.v , nor fb ilLadvertifed , as not to perceive the intention 
 
 of the French , for the invefting himfelf of Britain. But firft he 
 
 was utterly unwilling ( howfoever he gave out ) to enter into War 
 
 with France. A Fame of a War he liked well , but not an At- 
 
 chievement ; for the one he thought would make him Richer , 
 
 and the other Poorer : and he was poifeired wdth many fecret 
 
 fears , touching his own People , which he was therefore loth to 
 
 ►arm , and put Weapons into their hands. Yet notwithftanding 
 
 (as a prudent and couragious Prince) he was notfo averfefrom 
 
 a War , but that he was refolved to choofe it, rather than to have 
 
 Britain carried by France ^ being fo great and opulent a Dutchy, 
 
 and htuate fo opportunely to z.'c\no'^ England , either for Coalf, 
 
 or Trade. But the King's hopes were , that partly by negligence, 
 
 commonly imputed to the French , ( efpccially in the Court of a 
 
 young King ) and partly by the native power of Britain it felf, 
 
 which was not fmall- but chiefly in re(pc£t of the great Party, 
 
 tliat the Duke of Orleance had in the Kingdom of France , and 
 
 thereby means to ftir up Civil troubles , to divert the French 
 
 King from the Enterprizc of Britain : And laftly , in regard of 
 
 the Power oi Maximilian , who wasCorrival to the f ;'f w/' King 
 
 in that purfliit , the Entcrprize would either bow to a Peace , or 
 
 break in it felf. In all which, the King meafured and valued things 
 
 amifs, as afterwards appeared. He lent therefore forthwith to tlie 
 
 French King , cbrifio^her Wfvick , his Cliaplain , a perfon by him 
 
 much
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 (29 
 
 much trufted and employed • chooling him tlie rather , becaufe 
 he was a chnrch-mxn , as beft forting with an EmbaJfy of" Pac/Ji- 
 cation : and giving him alio a Commijfion , That if the French King 
 conlented to Treat, he (Iwuld thence repair to tlic Duke o^ Bri- 
 tain , and ripen the Treaty on both parts. Urfnvck made decla- 
 ration to the French King , much to the purpofe of the King's 
 anlVer to the French AmbalTadors here-, inftiiling alio tenderly 
 fome overture of receiving to grace t\vi Duke of Orleame , and \ 
 fome tailed of Conditions of Accord. But the French King on 
 the other fide proceeded not fincerely , but with a great deal of 
 art and diffimulation , in this Treaty ^ having for Ins end to gain 
 time, and fo put off the Engli[lj Succours, under hope of Peace, 
 till he had got good footing in £m/t/>?, by force of Arms. Where- 
 fore he anlwered the Amballador , That he would put himfelf i 
 into the King's hands , and make him Arbiter of the Peace : and j 
 willingly eonfent , that the AmbafTador fliould ilraightways j 
 pals into Britain , to fignifie this his eonfent, and to know the] 
 Duke's mind likewife • well fore-feeing , that the Duke of Or- 
 leance , by whom the Duke oi Britain was wholly led, taking 
 liimfelf to be upon terms irreconcilable with him , would admit 
 of no Treaty of Peace. Whereby he fliould in one, both generally 
 abroad veil over his Ambition , and win the reputation of juft 
 and moderate proceedings •, and fliould withal endear himfelf in 
 the Aflfedions of the King of England , as one , that had commit- 
 ted all to his Will : Nay, and ( which was yet more fine) make 
 faith in him , That although he went on with the War , yet it 
 Ihould be but with his Sword in his hand , to bend the lliffnefs 
 of the other party to accept of Peace ; and fo the King fliould 
 take no umbrage of his arming and profecution • but the Treaty 
 to be kept on foot , to the very laft inllant , till he were Majler 
 of the Field. 
 
 Which grounds being by the French King wifelv laid , all 
 things fell out as he expedcd. For when the Englijb Amballador 
 came to the Court of Britain, the Duke was then Icarcely perfe(5i 
 in his memory , and all things were diredled by the Di^kc of 
 Orleance ; who gave audience to the Chaplain Urfrvick , and upon 
 his AmbaflTage delivered , made anfwer in fbmeu'hat high terms • 
 That the Duke of Britain having been an Hosi , and a kind of 
 Parent or Fofler-father to the King , in his tenderncfs of age , 
 and weaknefs of fortune , did look for at this time from King 
 Henry (the renowned King oi England) rather brave Troops for 
 for his Succours , than a vain Treaty of Peace. And if the King 
 could forget the good Offices of the Duke done unto liim afore- 
 time ^ yet he knew well, he would in hisWifdom confider of the 
 future , how much it imported his own Safety and Reputation, 
 both m Foreign parts , and with his own People , not to iliffer 
 Britain ( the old Confederates of England ) to be fwallowed up 
 
 by 
 
 i
 
 30 
 
 I'be HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 ^ 
 
 by Frur/ce , and fo many good Ports , and ftrong Towns upon the 
 Coaft , be in the command of fo potent a Neiglibour-King, and 
 Co ancient an Enemy. And therefore humbly defired the King 
 to think of this bufinefs as his own •, and therewith brake off, 
 and denyed any further Conference for Treaty. 
 
 Urfmck returned firfl to the trench King, and related to him 
 M'hat had pafTed. Who finding things to Ibrt to his defire , took 
 hold of them, and faid> That the Ambaffador might perceive 
 now, that which he for his part, partly, imagined before 5 
 That confidering in what hands the Duke of Britain was , there 
 would be no Peace , but by a mixt Treaty of force and perfwa- 
 fion. And therefore he would go on with the one, and defired 
 the King not to defifb from the other. But for his own part , he 
 did faithfully promile , to be ftill in the King's power , to rule 
 hiin in the matter of Peace. This was accordingly reprefented 
 unto the King by Urfwick at his return , and in llich a falhion, 
 as if the Treaty were in no fort defperate , but rather ftayd for 
 a better hour , till the Hammer had wrought , and beat the Party 
 of Britain more pliant. Whereupon there pafTed continually 
 ?4f2'«^/j and D/^^rt/yfi- between the two Kings, from the one out 
 of dffire , and from the other out of dijJlmuUtion , about the ne- 
 gotiation of Peace. The French King mean-while invaded Bri- 
 tain with great Forces , and diftreffed the City of Nantes with 
 a ftrait Siege , and ( as one , who though he had no great Judge- 
 ment , yet had that , that he could Dilfemblc home ) the more 
 he did urge the profecution of the War , the more he did at the 
 fame time, urge the folicitation of the Peace. Infomuch as during 
 the Siege of Nantes , after many Letters and particular MefTa- 
 ges , the better to maintain his diffimulation , and to refrefh the 
 Treaty , he fent Bernard Vaubigney ( a perfon of good quality ) to 
 l^he King , earneftiy to defire him , to make an end of the bufinefs 
 nowfoever. 
 
 The King wasno lefs ready to revive and quicken the Treaty ; 
 and thereupon fent three Commiffioners , the ^ipl;ot of <^bl7ingto»y 
 Sir Richard Tunflal , and Chaplain Wr/iv/c^' formerly employed , to 
 do their utmolt endeavours , to manage the Treaty roundly and 
 ftrongly. 
 
 About this time the Lord Woodvile , ( Uncle to the Queen ) 
 a valiant Gentleman , and defirous of Honour , fued to the King, 
 that he might raife fome Power of Voluntaries under-hand , and 
 without licence or pafport ( wherein the King might any ways 
 appear ) go to the ayd of the Duke of Britain. The King denyed 
 his requeft , ( or at leaft feemed fo to do ) and laid ftrait Com^ 
 mandment upon him , thathefhould notftir, for that the King 
 thought his Honour would fuffer therein , during a Treaty , to 
 better a Party. Neverthelcfs this Lord ( either being unruly , 
 or out of conceit that the King would not inwardly diflike that, 
 
 which
 
 King Henry the Seventh. Qt 
 
 '.vhich he would not openly avow ) {"ailed lecrctly over into the 
 I Kle of if'/^ht , whereot' he was Governour , and levied a tair 
 Troop of four hundred men , and with them palled over into 
 Britain , and joyned hiinlelf with the Duke's forces. The news 
 whereof when it came to the Frer/cb Court, put divers Young 
 bloods into iiich a fury , as the Efigtijh Ambalfadors were not 
 without peril to be outraged. But the French King , both to 
 preferve the E|jvilcdge of Amballadors , and being conicious to 
 himlelf , tlut iri the buhnefs of Peace , he himfclf was the greater 
 dilTembler of the two, forbad all injuries of fnflor word, againft 
 their Perlbns , or Followers. And prclendy came an Agent from 
 the King, to purge himlelf touching the Lord P'/^i^dviU's going 
 over, uling for a principal argument , to demonftrate that ic 
 was without his piiviry , for that tlie Troops were fo 'fmall , as 
 neither had the face of a Succour by Authority , nor could much 
 advance the Eritains Affairs. To which Melfage , although the 
 French King gave no full credit , yet he made fair wtather with 
 the King, and Teemed latisfied. Soon after the £>:g'////j Ambalfa- 
 dors returned , having two of them been likewife v\ ith the Duke 
 of Britain , and found things in no other terms , than they were 
 before. Upon their return , they informed the King of the Hate 
 of the Affairs , and how far the French King was from any true 
 meaning of Peace-, and therefore he was now to advile of fome 
 other courle. Neither was the King himfelf led all this while 
 with credulity mccrly , as was generally fuppofed ^ but his Errour 
 was not fo much facility of belief, as an ill-meafuring of the 
 Forces of the other Party. 
 
 For ( as was partly touched before ) the King had caft the 
 bufinefs thus with himfelf. He took it for granted in his own 
 judgement , that the War of Britain , in relped of the If rength 
 of the Towns , and of the Pirty , could not fpeedily come to » 
 period. Fof he conceived that the Counfels of a War , that 
 was undertaken by the French King , then Childlel's , againft an 
 Heir-apparent of France , would be \'ery faint and flow. And 
 befidcs , that it was not poifible , but that the ftate of France 
 fhould be 'fembroylcd with tome troubles and alterations in favour 
 of the Duke of Orkance. He conceived likewife, that ^JMaxi- 
 milian , King of the RimMs , was a Prince warlike and potent 5 
 who (he made account) would give fuccours to the tritains 
 roundly. So then judging it would be a work of Time, lie laid 
 his Plot , how he might beft make ufc of that Time , for his 
 own afifairs. Wherein hrft he thought to make his vantage upon 
 his Parliament ; knowing that they being af!e«5tionate unto the 
 Quarrel of Britain, would give Treafure largely. Which Treafure, 
 as a noilc of War might draw forth , fo a Peace iucceeding might 
 tofter up. And becaufe he knev/ his People were hot upon the 
 bufmefs 5 he chofe rather to fccm to fae deceived, and lulled 
 
 afleep
 
 5 2 T'be HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 afleep by the French , than to be backward in himfclf ; confi- 
 dering his Subje(5ls were not lb fully capable of the reafbns of 
 State J which made him hold back. Wherefore to all thefe pur- 
 poles he faw no other expedient, than to let and keep on foot 
 a continual 'treaty of Peace ; laying it down , and taking it up \ 
 again , as the occurrence required. Befides , he had in confide- 
 ration the point of Honour in bearing the bleflcd perfon of a Pa- 
 ctfcator. He thought likewife to make ufe of t^ Envy , that 
 the French King met with , by occafion of this War of Britain, 
 in ftrengthning himfelf with new Alliances ^ as namely that of 
 Ferdinando of Spain , with whom he had ever a confent even in 
 Nature and Cuftoms, and likewife with Maximilian , who was 
 particularly interelfed. So that in fubftance he promifed himfelf 
 Money , Honour , Friends , and Peace in the end. But thole 
 things were too fine to be fortunate , and fucceed in all parts ^ for 
 that great atfairs are commonly too rough and ftubborn to be 
 wrought upon by the finer edges , or points pf Wit. The King 
 was likewife deceived in his two main grounds. For although he 
 had rcafon to conceive , that the Council of France would be wary 
 to put the King into a War againft xht Heir-apparent of France; 
 yet he did not confider , that Charles was not guided by any of 
 the principal of the Blood or Nobility , but by mean men , who 
 would make it their Mafter-piece , of Credit and Favour , to give 
 venturous Counfcls , which no great or wife man durft or w^ould. 
 And for CMaximilian, he was thought then a Greater-matter 
 than he was 5 his unliable and neceffitous Courfcs being not 
 then known. 
 
 Afi:er Coilfultation with the Ambalfadors , who brought him 
 no other news , than he expe(5led before , ( though he would not 
 feem to know it till then ) he prefently fummoned his Parliament, 
 .and in open Parliament propounded the Caufe of Britain to both 
 Houfes , by his Chancellor CMorton Archbilhop of Canterbury, 
 who fpake to this effe(5t : 
 
 e 
 
 Mr Lords and Mafiers ; The King's Grace our Sovereign Lord, 
 hath commanded me to declare unto you the Caufehthat have 
 moved him at thif time tofummon this his Parliament; vehich 
 I fljall do infevp words , craving Pardon of his Grace , and you all , 
 if I perform it not as I would. 
 
 His Grace doth firjl of all let you know , that he retaineth in thankful 
 memory the Love and Loyalty Jhewcd to him by you , at your lafl Meeting, 
 in Ejlablijhment of his Royalty ; freeing and difchargtng of his Partakers, 
 and confifcation of his Tray tors and Rebels : more than which could net 
 come from Subjects to their Sovereign , in one action. This he taketh 
 fo well at your hands , as he hath made it a Resolution to himfelf to 
 communicate with fo loving and well-approved Subjects , in all Affairs 
 that are of publick natur^, at home or abroad. 
 
 Two
 
 ' King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 Tn'o therefore are the citijes of your frefent <^y^emhling : the one, 
 A Forein hujiaefs ; the other , matter of Governmefit at home. 
 
 The French King ( as no doubt ye have heard ) maketh at tbu 
 f relent hot IVar upon the Duke of tiritain. His ^rmy ii now he^ 
 fore Nantes , and holdeth it Hraitly Befieged , being the principal 
 City ( if not in Crcremony and, Prehemtnence , yet in Strength and 
 Wealth ) of that Ducliy. Te may nuefs at hii Hopes , by his at- 
 tempting of the h.irdesi part of the U ar first. The caufe of this H'ar 
 he k/mveth Lest. //> allcdgeth the entertaining and fuccouring of 
 the Duke of Qrleance , and feme other French Lords , whom the King 
 taketh for hts Enemies, Others divine of other Matters. Both parts 
 have by their Ambajfadors divers times prayed the Kings Ayds : The 
 French King , i^yds or Neutrality ; the Britons , ^yds [imply ; 
 forjb their cafe requireth. The King , at a Chriflian Prince, and blcffed 
 Son of the Holy Church , hath offered hirnfclf as a Mediator , to treat 
 a, Peace betvcecn them. The French King yieldeth to Treat , but 
 will not stay the profecution of the War. The Britons , that defire 
 Peace moji , hearken to it leaf ; not upon confidence or Jli^nefs , but upon 
 distrust of true meaning ,, feeing the War goes on. So as the King , 
 after Oi much pains and care to effect a Peace , as ever he took in any 
 bujinefs , not being able to remove the Profecution on the one fide , nor 
 the Distrujl on the other , caufed by that Profecution , hath let fall the 
 Treaty ^ not repenting of it , but defpairing^ of it now , as not likely 
 to fucceed. Therefore by this Narrative you now undcrfand the fate 
 of the Question , whereupon the King prayeth your ^^dvice ; which 
 is no other , but whether he fljall enter into an auxiliary and defenfive 
 War for the Britons , againjl France. 
 
 And the better to open your underfandings in this Affair , the King 
 hath commanded me to [ay fomewhat te you from him , of the Perfons 
 that do intervene in this Bufinefs ; and fomewhat of the Confequence 
 thereof, as it hath relation to this Kingdom ; and fomewhat of the 
 Example of it in general : making nezrrtherlefs no Conclufon or Judge- 
 ment of any Point , until his Grace hath received your faithful and 
 politique Advices. 
 
 First , for the King our Sovereign himfelf , who is the principal 
 Perfon you are to eye in this bufinefs • his Grace doth profefs , that 
 he truly and confantly defireth to reign in Peace. But Ins Grace faith, 
 he will neither buy Peace with Difhonour , nor take it up at interest 
 of Danger to enfuc ; butjhall think it a good Change , if it pleafed God 
 to change the inward Troubles and Seditions , wherewith he hath been 
 hitherto exercifed , into an honourable Forein War. And for the other 
 two Perfons in this Action , the French Kmg , and the Duke tf/^ Bri- 
 tain , his Grace doth declare unto you , that they be the men , unto whom 
 he IS of all other Friends and Allies mofl bounden : the one having held 
 ozer him his harrd of Protection from the Tyrant ; the other having 
 reacht forth unto him his hand of help , fcr .the lie cover y of his Kingdom. 
 So that his affeliion toward them tn his natural Ferfon , is upon equal 
 
 F terms. 
 
 39
 
 54 
 
 The Hiftory of the Reign of 
 
 terms. o/W vphereai you may have heard , that hts Grace veas en- 
 forced to fly out ^Britain into France , for doubts of being betrayed-^ 
 his Grace rvoitld not in any fort have that refeff upon the Duke ^Bri- 
 tain , in defacement of his former benefits : for that he is throuohly 
 informed , that it rva^ but the practice of fome corrupt per fans about 
 him, during the time of his Sicknej^ , altogether veithout his ccnfent or 
 privity. 
 
 But howfoever thefe things do inter ej? his Grace in his particular , yet 
 he knotveth reell that the higher Bond that tyeth him to procure by all 
 means the fafety and welfare of his loving Subjects , doth dif-interejihim 
 of thefe obligations of Gratitude, otherveife than thus ; that if his Grace 
 Deforced to make a war , he do it without Vaffion , or Ambition. 
 
 For the confequence of this AHion towards this Kingdom , it is much 
 as the French Kings intention is. For if it be no more , but to range 
 his Subjects to reafon , vpho bear themfelves flout upon the Jlrength of 
 fhe Duke of Britain , it is nothing to m. But if it be in the French 
 King's purpofe , or if it fhould not be in his purpofe , yet if it /hall 
 follow all one , as if it were [ought , that the French King jhall make 
 a Province 0/ Britain , andjoyn it to the Crown of France : then it is 
 worthy the conftderation , how this may import England , as well in the 
 increafement of the greatneji of France , by the addition ef fuch a 
 Countrey , that flretcheth his Boughs unto our Seas , as in depriving this 
 Nation , and leaving it fo naked of fo firm and ajfured Confederates, 
 as the Britons have always been. For then it will come topaj?, that 
 whereas not longftnce , this Realm was mighty upon the Continent , firji 
 in Territory , and after in Kyilliance , in reflect of Burgundy and 
 Britain, which were Confederates indeed , but dependant Ccnfederates'j 
 now the one being already cast , partly into the greatnefs of France, 
 and partly into that of Am^vi^ , the other is like wholly to be cafl into 
 the greatnefs of France , and this jfland ^j all remain confined in effect 
 within the Salt-waters , and girt about with the Coafl-Countries of 
 two mighty Monarchs. 
 
 For the Example , it rejleth likewife upon the fame Queflion , upon 
 the French King's intent. For if Britain be carried and [wallowed up 
 by France , as the world abroad ( apt to impute andconjlrue the Anions 
 of Princes to Ambition) conceive it will ^ then it is an Example very 
 dangerous and univerfal , that the le[[er Neighbour-Ejtate fjould be 
 devoured of the greater. For this may be the cafe p/^ Scotland, to- 
 JV/ir^/j' England ; ^Portugal, towards S^2L\n i, of the [mailer Eftates 
 of Italy J towards the greater ; and fo ^Germany; or as if [ome 
 of yon of the Commons might not live and dwell fafely , befides fome of 
 thefe great Lords. K^nd the bringing in ef this Example , will be 
 chiefly laid to the King's charge , as to him that was moft inter ej[ed and 
 moji able to forbid it. But then on the other fide, there is fo fair a Pretext 
 OH the French King's part , ( and yet pretext is never wanting to 
 power ) in regard the danger imminent to his own Ejlate is fuch , as 
 may make this Enterprize [eem rather a work of NeceJJity , than of 
 
 Ambition,
 
 i King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 A:nl;ition , as doth tn re.ifon correal the Dinger of the Example. For 
 that the Example of th.it ivhich is done in a. man's orvn defence , cannot 
 be danger cm j because tt is in another's porver to avoid it. But in all 
 this bufinefs , the King remits Jnrnfe If to your grave and mature Ad- 
 vice , whereupon he pitrpofeth to rely. 
 
 This was tiie effeft of the Lord chancellor's Speech touching 
 the Caufe of Britain : For tlie King had commanded him to 
 carry ic lb, as to ai(c£t the Parliament towards theBufinefsj but 
 without engaging the King in any exprefs Declaration. 
 
 The chancellor went on ; 
 
 FO R that which mxy concern the Goz'ernment at home , the King 
 hath commanded me to fay unto you ; That he thinketh there 
 rv.u never any King {for the fmall time that he hath reigned) had 
 greater and jufler caufe of the two contrary Pajjtens of Joy and Sorrow, 
 than his Grace hath. Joy , in reJpeSt of the iftre and vifible Favours 
 of Almighty GOD in girting the Imperial Sword upon his fide , and 
 tffijltng the fame his Sword againfl all his Enemies : and likewife in 
 bleffmg him with fo many good and loving Servants and Subjects , which 
 have never failed to give him faithful Counfel , ready Obedience , and 
 cour/tgiotis Defence. Sorrow , for that it hath not pleafed God to fuffer 
 him to fheath his Sword, ( as he greatly de fired , otherw:fe than for 
 Adminif ration of Jujiice ) but that he hath been forced to draw it fo 
 oft , to cut off TrayteroM and difoyal SubjeSfs , whom (it feems ) God 
 hath left (a few amongst many good ) as the Canaanites among the 
 People of Ilrael , to be thorns in their fides , to tempt and try thm; 
 though the end hath been always ( God's Name be blejfed therefore ) 
 that the Dcjlrucfion hath fain upon their orvn Heads. . Y,-iji;fi.,j/i 
 
 wherefore his Grace faith •; That he feeth , that it is not the Blood 
 Jpilt in the Field, that will fave the Blood in the City; nor the Mar- 
 {hii's Sword , that will fet this Kingdom in perfe^ Peace : But that 
 the true way is , to fop the Seeds of Sedition and Rebellion in their 
 beginnings ; and for that purpofe to devife, confirm, and quicken good 
 and wholfom Laws , againjl Riots and unlawful Ajfemblies of People, 
 and all Combinations and Confederacies of them , by Liveries , Tokens, 
 and other Badges of Factious dependance ; that the Peace of the Land 
 may by thefe Ordinances , as by Bars of Iron, be foundly bound m and 
 siren^ned , and all Force , both tn Court , Countrey , and private 
 Houjes , be fupprefi. The care hereof, which fo much concerneth your 
 felves , and which the nature of the Times doth injlantly call fir , his 
 Grace commends to your Wtfdoms. 
 
 <^nd becaufe it is the King's defire , that this Peace , wherein he 
 
 hopeth to gorvern and maintain you , do not hear only unto you Leaves 
 
 for you to (it under the fJjade of them in Safety ; but alfo fhpitld bear you 
 
 fruit of Riches , Wealth an^ Plenty : Therefore hts Grace prays you, 
 
 F 2 'to 
 
 95
 
 3^ 
 
 The Hiftory of the Reign of 
 
 to take i»tQ confideration matter of Trade , as alfo the 'JAla.nufa[iares . 
 of the Kingdoms, and to repref the bajiard and barren EmfUyment of 
 Moneys , to Ufury and tmUvcful Exchanges , that they may be ( as thetr 
 natural ufe is) turned ufon Commerce ,. and larvfd and Royal Trading. 
 And likevptfe , that Our People be fet on work in K^rti and Handy- 
 crafts ; that tite Realm may fttbJiB more of it felf- that idlenej^ be 
 avoided, and the draining out of our Treasure , for Foreign Manufa- 
 ctures , Hofped. But you are not to reU here only , but to provide 
 further , that .whatfoever Merchandize JJjall be brought in from beyond 
 the Seas , may be employed upon, the dmr'nodities of this Land ; vchereby I 
 I the Kingdoms flock of Treasure may be fure to be kept from being dimi- 
 nijhed , by any over-trading of the Foreiner. 
 
 K^nd lajily , becaufe the King is well ajfured , that you would not 
 have him poor , that wtfhes you rich \ he doubt eth not., but that you will 
 have care , as well to maintain his Revenues , of Cnjloms , and all other 
 Natures , as alfo to fupply him with your loving Ayds , if the cafe /ball 
 fo require. The rather , for that you know the King is a good Hits band, 
 and but a Steward in effe£t for the Publish ; and that what comes 
 from you is but as MoiHure drawn from the Earth , which gathers into 
 a cloud, and falls, back upon the Earth again. \^nd you know well, 
 how the Kingdoms about you grow more and more in Creatnefl , and 
 the Times are stirring -J and therefore not ft to find the King with an 
 empty Purje. OH ore J have not to fay to you ; and wiJJj , that what 
 hath been faid , had been better expreji ; But that your fVifdoms and 
 good AffeHions will fupply. GOD blefs your Doings. 
 
 IT was no hard matter to difpofe and affed the Parliament in 
 this Bufinefs , as well in relped of the Emulation between 
 the Nations , and the Envy at the late growth of the French 
 Monarchy 5 as in regard of the Danger , to fufler the French to 
 make their approaches upon England , by obtaining lb goodly a 
 Maritim Province , full of Sea-Towns, and Havens, that might 
 do mifchief to the Englijh, either by Invafion , or by interruption 
 of Traffick. The Parliament was alfo moved witn the point of 
 OppreJJion 5 for although the French feemed to fpeak Reafon , yet 
 Arguments are ever with multitudes too weak for Sufpitions. 
 Wherefore they did advife the King roundly to embrace the Bri- 
 tons Qiiarrcl , and to fend them Ipeedy Ayds , and with much 
 alacrity and forward nefs granted to the King a great rate of 
 Subfidy , in contemplation of thefe Ayds. But the Kin^ both 
 to keep a decency towards the French King, to whom he profeft 
 himfelf tohe obliged , and indeed defirous rather to fhew War, 
 than to make it; fent new folemn AmbafTadors to intimate unto 
 him, tht Decree of his Ejlates , and to iterate his motion, that 
 the French^would defift from Hoftilitiy ^ or if War muft follow, 
 to defire hith to take it -in good part , if at the motion of his 
 People^ \vho were fenfible of the caufe of the Britons as the ancient 
 ;' Friends,
 
 Kwg H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 97 
 
 Friends, and Confederates,^ he did fend them Succours-, witli 
 protellation neverthelefs , that to fave all Treaties and Laws of 
 Friendfliip , he had limited his Force , to proceed in ayd of the 
 Britons , but in no wile to war upon the French , otherwile than 
 as they maintained the pofTcflion of Britain. But before this 
 formal AmbalTage arrived , the Party of the Duke had received 
 a great blow , and grew t5 manifcft declination. For near the 
 Town oi Sunt. Alb^n in Britain , a Battel had been given , where 
 the Bntons were overthrown , and the Duke of Orlemce , and 
 the Prince of OrAnge taken Prifoners • there being flain on the 
 Bntons part fix thouiand men, and amongft them the Lord w'W- 
 'vile , and almoft all his Souldiers , valiantly fighting. And of 
 the French part one thoufand two hundred, with their Leader, 
 'James Galcot , a great Commander. 
 
 When the news of this Battel came over into Eng/and , it was 
 time for the King ( who now had no fubterfuge to continue fur- 
 ther 'irexty, and law before his Eyes , that Britain went fo fpeedily 
 for loft , contrary to his hopes , knowing alfo that with his 
 People and Foreiners both, he fuftained no fmall Envy and dif^ 
 reputation for his former delays ) to difpatch with all poflible 
 fpeed his Succour into Britain ; which he did under the Conduct 
 of Robert Lord Brook , to the number of eight thoufand choife 
 men , and well armed 5 who having a fair wind , in few hours 
 landed in Britain , and joyned themfelves forthwith to thofe 
 Briton Forces , that remained after the Defeat , and marched 
 ftraight on to find the Enemy , and encamped fafi: by them. The 
 French wifely husbanding the pofiefilon of a Vi<5lory , and well 
 acquainted with the Courage of the English , efpecially when 
 they are frefh , kept themfelves within their Trenches , being 
 ftrongly lodged , and refolved not to give Battel. But mean- 
 while , to harrafs and weary the Englijh , they did upon all ad- 
 vantages fet upon them with their Lrght-horfe ; wherein' never- 
 thelefs they received commonly lofs , efpecially by means of the 
 Engli/b Archers. 
 
 But upon thefe Atchieveraents Francis Duke of Britain de- 
 ceafed • an accident that the King might eafily have forefeen , 
 and ought to have reckoned upon , and provided for , but that 
 the Point of Refutation , when news firft came of the Battel loft, 
 (that fbmewhat muft be done ) did over-bear the Reafon of War. 
 
 After the Duke's deccafe , the principal perfons of Britain, 
 partJy bought, partly through fadion, put all things into con- 
 fufion •, fo as the Englijh not finding Head or Body with whom 
 to joyn their Forces , and being in jealoufie of Friends , as well 
 as in danger of Enemies , and the Winter begun , returned home 
 five Months after their landing. So the Battel of Saint i^lban, 
 the death of the Duke , and the retire of the Englijh Succours 
 were ( after Ibme time ) the caufes of the lofs of that Duchy ; 
 
 which 
 
 _ii_ I./ (>
 
 9§ 
 
 The Hi^ory of the Reign of 
 
 which adion fome accounted as a blemifli of the King's Judge- 
 ment -, but moft , but a5 the misfortune of his times. 
 
 But howfoever the temporary Fruit of the ParltAtnent in their 
 Ayd and Advice given for Britain , took not, nor profpcred not •, 
 yet the iafting Fruit o^ P.trli/tment , which is good and whoiefom 
 Laws , did profper , and doth yet continue to this day. For 
 according to the Lord chancel/tr's adftionition , there were that 
 
 Parliament divers excellent Laws ordained 
 
 concernmg 
 
 the 
 
 Points which the King recommended, 
 
 Firft, the Authority of the Star-Chamher , which before fub- 
 fifted by the ancient Common-Laws of the Realm , was con- 
 firmed in certain Cafes by A(5l of Ptirltament. This Court is one 
 of the fageft and nobleft Inftitutions of this Kingdom. For in 
 the diftribution of Courts of Ordinary Juftice ( befides the High 
 Court of Vxrliament ) in which diltribution the Km^s-Bench 
 holdeth xht pleas of the Crevpn , the Common- Place, Pleas-Civil , the 
 Exchequer-Pleas concerning the King's Revenue , and the chancery 
 thePretorian power for mitigating the rigour of Law, in cafe of 
 extremity , by the confcience of a good man 5 there was never- 
 thelefs always referved a high and preheminent power to the 
 King's Council, in Caufes that might in example , or confequence, 
 concern the ftate of the Common-wealth , which if they were 
 Criminal , the Council ufed to fit in the chamber , called tlie star- 
 Ch amber ; if Civil, in the f-yhite-Chamber , or fvh it e-ff all. And 
 as the chancery had the Pretorian power for Equity , fo the Star- 
 Chamher had the Cenforian power for Offences , under the de- 
 gree of Capital. This Court of Star-chamber is compounded 
 of good Elements : for it confifteth of four kinds of Perfons- 
 Counfellors , Peers, Prelates, and chief Judges. It difcerneth 
 alfo principally of four kinds of Caufes • Forces, Frauds, Crimes 
 various of Stellionate , and the Inchoations or middle a(fls to- 
 wards Crimes capital , or heinous , not actually committed or 
 perpetrated. But that which was principally aimed at by this 
 a<fl was Force , and the two chief Supports of Force , Combi- 
 nation of Multitudes , and Maintenance or Headflnp of Great 
 perfons. 
 
 From the general peace of the Countrey , the King's care went 
 on to the peace of the Kings Houfe , and the fecurity of his great 
 Officers and Counfellors. But this Law was fomewhat of a ftrange 
 compofition and temper 5 That if any of the King's Servants 
 under the degree of a Lord , do confpire the death of any of the 
 King's Council, or Lord of the Realm , it is made Capital. This 
 Law was thought to be procured by the Lord Chancellor , who 
 being a ftern and haughty man , and finding he had fome mortal 
 Enemies in Court , provided for his own fafety •, drowning the 
 envy of it in a general Law , by communicating the priviledge 
 with all other Counfellors and Peers , and yet not daring to extend it 
 
 further 
 
 5 1
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 59 
 
 further, than to the King's Servants in Check-roll, left it fliould 
 have been too harfh to the Gentlemen , and other Commons of 
 the Kingdom -, who might have thought their ancient Liberty, 
 and the clemency of the La\\'S of England invaded , If the tvill 
 in any cafe of Felony jhould be made the deed. And yet the reafon 
 which the Aft yieldeth (that is to fay, That he that confpireth 
 the death of Councilors may be thought indirectly , and by a mean , tc 
 confptre the death of the King himfelf,) is indifferent to all Subje^fs, 
 as well as to Servants in Court. But it feemcth this fufBced to 
 ferve the Lord Chancellor's turn at this time. But yet he lived to 
 need a General Law , for that he grew afterwards as odious to 
 the Comtrey , as he was then to the Court. 
 
 From the peace of the King's Houfe , the King's care extended 
 to the peace of Private Hoitfes and Families. For there was an 
 excellent Moral Law molded thus • The taking and carrying 
 away of women forcibly , and againft their will ( except Female- 
 f^ards and Bond^Women ) was made Capital. The Parliament 
 wifely and juftly conceiving, that the obtaining of w/wf» by force 
 into Pojfeffion ( howfoever afterwards AfTent might follow by Al- 
 lurements ) was but a Rajje drawn forth in length , becaufe the 
 firft Force drew on all the reft. 
 
 There was made alfo another Law for Peace in general , and 
 reprefting of Murthers and Man-flaughters , and was in amendment 
 of the Common Laws of the Realm, being this ; That whereas by 
 the Common Law , the King's Suit in cafe of Homicide , did expeiil 
 the Tear and the Day , allowed to the Parties Suit by way of 
 appeal; and that it was found by experience , that the Party was 
 many times compounded with , and many times wearied with 
 the Suit , fo that in the end fuch Suit was let fall , and by that 
 time the matter was in a manner forgotten , and thereby Profe- 
 eution at the King's Suit by Indictment ( which is ever beft , Fla- 
 grante crimine ) neglefted ; it was Ordained , That the Suit by 
 Indiiiment might be taken as well at any time within the Tear 
 and the Day , as after , not prejudicing neverthelefs the Parties 
 Suit. 
 
 The King began alfo then , as well in Wifdom as in Juftice 
 to pare a little the Privilcdge of Clergy , ordaining , That Clerks 
 convtcl jhould be burned in the hand ; both becaufe they might tafte 
 of fome corporal Punifhment , and that they might carry a Brand 
 of Infamy. But for this good Adts fake , the King himfelf was 
 after branded by Perkins Proclamation , for an execrable breaker 
 of the Rites of Holy church. 
 
 Another Law was made for the better Peace of the Countrey ; 
 by which Law the King's Officers and Farmors were to forfeit 
 their Places and Holds , in cafe of unlawful Retainer , or partaking 
 in Routs and unlawful AITcmblies. 
 
 Thefe were the Laws that were made for reprefTing of Force, 
 
 which
 
 40 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 which thofe times did chiefly require ^ and were ib prudently 
 framed , as they are found fit for all fucceeding times j and lo 
 continue to this day. 
 
 There were alfo made good and politick Laws that ParliafKent 
 againft Ufury, which is the Bajlard-ufc of Money • And againft 
 unlawful chievances and Exchanges, which is Baftard-Ufury ; 
 And alfo for the Security of the King's Cufioms ; And for the Em- 
 ployment of the frocedmes of Forein Commodities , brought in 
 by CMerchant'Ur Angers , upon the Native-Commodities of the 
 Realm 5 together with fonie other Laws of lels importance. 
 
 But howlbever the Laws made in that rarliament did bear 
 good and wholefom Fruit - yet the Subfidy granted at the fame 
 time , bare a Fruit , that proved harfh and bitter. All was inned 
 at laft into the King's Barn 5 but it was after a Storm. For when 
 the CommiHioners entred into the Taxation of the Subfidy in 
 Yorkjhire , and the Biflioprick of Ditrefm ; the People upon a fud- 
 den grew into great mutiny , and faid openly ^ that they had 
 endured of late years a thouiand miferies , and neither could nor 
 would pay the Subfidy. This ( no doubt ) proceeded not fimply 
 of any prefent necefiity , but much by reafon of the old humour 
 of thofe Countries , where the memory of King Richard was fo 
 ftrong, that it lyes like Lees in the bottom of mens hearts • and 
 if the f^ejje/ was but ftirred , it would come up. And ( no doubt ) 
 it was partly alfo by the inftigation of ibme fatftious Malecontents, 
 that bare principal ftroke amongfl: them. Hereupon the Com- 
 miffioners being Ibmewhat aftonifhed, deferred the iBatter unto 
 the Earl ol Northumberland, who was the principal man of Au- 
 thority in thofe Parts. The Earl forthwith wrote unto the 
 Court, fignifying to the King plainly enough in what flame he 
 found the people of thofe Countries, and praying the King's 
 direction. The King wrote back peremptorily, That he would 
 not have one penny abated , of that which had been granted to 
 him by Parliament , both becaufe it might encourage other Coun- 
 tries to pray the like Releale or Mitigation , and chiefly, becaufe 
 he would never endure ,' that the bale Multitude Ihould fruft rate 
 the Authority of the Parliament , wherein their Fotes and Con- 
 {cnts were concluded. Upon this difpatch from Court , the Earl 
 aflTembled the principal Jujlices and Free-holders of the Countrey^ 
 and fpeaking to them in that imperious Language wherein the 
 King had written to him, which needed not, (fave that an harlh 
 bufmefs was unfortunately fallen into the hands of a harlh man,) 
 did not only irritate the People , but make them conceive , by 
 the ftoutnefs and haughtinefs of delivery of the King's Errand ^ 
 that himfelf was the Author or principal Pcrfwadcr of that Coun- 
 ifel. Whereupon the meaner Ibrt routed tdgether , and fuddenly 
 aflailing the Earl in his houfe , flew him , and divers of his fer- 
 vants. And refl:ed not there , but creating for their Leader Sir
 
 f 
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 John EgremoHd , a fa(5tious peribn , and one that had of a long 
 time born an ill Talent tow ards the King ^ and being animated 
 ahb by a bale Fellow , called John A chamber , a very Boutefeu, 
 who bire much fway amongfl: the vulgar and popular , entred into 
 open Rebellion , and gave out in flat terms that they would go 
 againfl: King Henrjf , and fight with him for the maintenance of 
 their Liberties. 
 
 When the King was advertifed of this new Insurrection (being 
 almoft a Fever that took him every year ) after his manner little 
 troubled therewith , he fent Thomas Earl of Surrey ( whom he had 
 a little before not only releafed out of the Toveer , and pardoned, 
 but alfo received to fpecial favour ) with a competent Power 
 againfl: the Rebels ; who fought with the principal Band of them, 
 and defeated them , and took alive John A Chamber , their fire- 
 brand. As for Sir John Egremond, he fled into Flanders, to the Lady 
 Margaret of Burgundy ; whofe Palace was the SanBuary and Rece- 
 ptacle of all Traytors againft the King. John A chamber was 
 Executed at Tork , in great ftate ; for he was hanged upon a Gibbet 
 railed a Stage higher in themidft of a fquare Gallows , as a Tray- 
 tor paramount ; and a number of his men that were his chief 
 Complices , were hanged upon the lower Story round about him • 
 and the reft were generally pardoned. Neither did the King 
 himfelf omit his cuftom, to be firft or fecond in all his Warlike 
 Exploits -, making good his Word , which was ufual with him 
 M'hea he heard of Rebels ; that He deftred but to fee them. For 
 immediately after he had lent down the Earl of Surrey, he marched 
 towards them himfelf in pcrfon. And although in his journey 
 he heard news of the Viftory, yet he went on as far as Tork , to 
 pacific and fettle thofe Countries. And that done returned to 
 London , leaving the Earl of Surrey for his Lieutenant in the 
 Northern parts , and Sir Richard Tunjlal for his principal Com* 
 miflioner , to levy the Subjidy, whereof he did not remit a Denier. 
 
 About the fame time that the King loft fo good a Servant , as 
 the Earl of Northumberland , he loft likewife a taithful Friend and 
 Allie of James the Third , King of Scotland, by a miferable difafter. 
 For this unfortunate Prince , after a long fmother of difcontent, 
 and hatred of many of his Nobility and People , breaking forth 
 at times into feditions and alterations of Court, was at laft di- 
 ftreffed by them , having taken Arms , and furprifed the pcrfon 
 of Prince James his Son , partly by force , partly by threats that 
 they would otherwife deliver up the Kingdom to the King of 
 England, to (hadow their Rebellion, and to be the titular and 
 painted Head of thofe Arms. . Whereupon the King ( finding 
 himfelf too weak ) (ought unto King Henry , as alio unto the 
 Pope , and the King of France, to compofe thofe troubles, between 
 him and his Subjeds. The King accordingly interpofed their 
 Mediation in a round and Princely manner : Not only by way of 
 
 G requeft 
 
 41
 
 42 
 
 The HiUory of the Reign df 
 
 requeft and perfwafion , but alfo by way of proteftation of me- 
 nace^ declaring, that they thought it to be the common Caufe 
 ^of all Kings , if Subjects jljoiiU be fuffered to give Laws unto their 
 Sovereign ; and that they would accordingly refent it , and re-- 
 venge it. But the Rebels that had fhaken off the greater To^k of 
 Obedience , had likewife caft away the leffer Tjf of Refpedt. 
 And F»ry prevailing above Fear , made anfwer , That there was 
 no talking of Peace, except the King would refign his Crown. 
 Whereupon ( Treaty of Accord taking no place ) it came to a 
 Battel , at Bannocks-bourn by Striveltn. \p. which Battel , the 
 King traniported with wrath and juft indignation, inconfiderately 
 fighting and precipitating the charge , before his whole numbers 
 came up to him, was (notwithftanding the contrary exprefs and 
 ftraight commandment of the Prince his Son) flain in thePurfuit, 
 being fled to a Mill , fituate in the field , where the Battel was 
 fought. 
 
 As for the Pope's Embaffy , which was fent by Adrian de Ca- 
 Hello an Italian Legate, ( and perhaps , as thofe times were , might 
 have prevailed more ) it came too late for the Embaffy , but not 
 for the AmbafTador. For pafling through England , and being 
 honourably entertained, and received of King Hi?;?/;' ; (who ever 
 applied himfclf with much refped to the See of Rome) he fell 
 into great grace with the King , and great familiarity and friend- 
 fliip with Morton the Chancellor. In fo much as the King taking 
 a liking to him, and finding him to his mind , preferred him to 
 the Biflioprick of Hereford, and afterwards to that of Bath and 
 ^ells , and employed him in many of his affairs of State , that 
 had relation to Rome. He was a man of great learning , wifdom, 
 and dexterity in bufinefs of State • and having not long after 
 afcended to the degree of Cardinal, payd the King large tribute of 
 his gratitude, in diligent and judicious advertifement of the oc- 
 currents of Italy. Neverthelefs in the end of his time , he was 
 partaker of the confpiracy , which Cardinal K^lphonfo Petrucci , 
 and fome other Cardinals had plotted againft the life of Pope Leo. 
 And this offence in it felf fo heinous , was yet in him aggravated 
 by the motive thereof, which was not malice or difcontent , but 
 an afpiring mind to the Papacy. And in this height of impiety 
 there wanted not an intermixture of levity and folly - for that ( as 
 was generally believed, ) he was animated to exped the Papacy, 
 by a fatal mockery , the Predidion of a Soothjayer ; which was. 
 That one (hould fucceed Pope Leo , n^hofe name fbould be Adrian , an 
 aged man of mean birth , and of great learning and wifdom. By which 
 charadler , and figure , he took himfelf to be defcribed , though 
 it were fulfilled oi^dria» the Fleming , Son of a Dutch Brewer, 
 Cardinal of Tortofa , and Preceptor unto Charles the Fifth , the fame 
 that not changing his Chriflcn- name, was afterward called Adrian 
 the Sixth. 
 
 But
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 But thelb things happened in the year following , \v hich was 
 the hfth of this King, But in the ena of tlie fourth year the King 
 had called again his Parliament , not as it feemcth for any parti- 
 cular occafiori of State. But the former Parliament being ended 
 fomewhat fuddenly , in regard of the preparation for Britain , the 
 King thought he had not remunerated his People fufficiently 
 with good z,.«v/ , which evermore was his Retribution _ for Trea- 
 fure. And finding by the Infurredion in the North , there was 
 difcontentment abroad , in refped: of the Subfidy , he thought it 
 good to give his Subjects yet further contentment , and comfort 
 in that kind. Certainly his times for good Commonwealths Laws 
 did excell. So as he may juftly be celebrated for the beft Larv- 
 giver to this Nation , after King Edward the Firft. For his Larvs 
 (who fo marks them well ) are deep , and not vulgar : not made 
 upon the fpur of a particular Occafion for the prefent , but out 
 of Providence of the future , to make the Eftate of his People 
 ftill more and more happy 5 after the manner of the Legijlators in 
 ancient and Heroical times. 
 
 . Firft therefore he made a Larv , fuitable to his own Ads and 
 Times. For as himielf had in his Perfon and Marriage made a 
 final Concord , in the great Suit and Title for the Crorvn ; fo by 
 this Law he fetled the like Peace and Quiet in the private Pof- 
 feffions of the Subjeds. Ordaining , That Fines thence-forth jhould 
 be final, ts conclude all Strangers Rightt ; and that uponf/»^/ levied, 
 and folemnly proclaimed , the Subject fhould have his time of 
 Watch for five years after his Title accrued 5 which if he fore- 
 pafled J his Right fhould be bound for.ever after t, with fome ex- 
 ception neverthelefs , of ^Minors , Married-women , and fuch 
 incompetent Perfons. . .-:.-;■(_• 
 
 This Statute did in effed but reftore an ancient- Statute of the 
 Realm , which was it felf alfo niade but in affirmance of the 
 Common-Lave. The alteration had been by a Statute, commonly 
 called the Statute of Non-claim , made in the time of Edward the 
 Third. And iurely this Law was a kind of PrognoHick of the 
 good Peace , which fince his time hath ( for the moft part ) con- 
 tinued in this Kingdom , until this day. For Statutes of Non^ 
 claim are fit for times of War, when mens. heads are troublcdi, 
 that they cannot intend their Eftate ^ but Statutes , that quiet 
 Pojfeffions, are fitteft for times of Peace, to extinguifh Suits and 
 Contentions , which is one of the Banes of Peace, .vv bo-r . .;^.ii; 
 
 Another statute was made of fingular Policy , for th^ Population 
 apparently , and ( if it be throughly jCDnfidered.) ibr thfi Soldierji 
 and Militar Forces oi xhtKtaXm. '■ v;^«t •-\^.A^ knf-. •.',-sw-V/j.:.'.jal\ 
 
 jnclofures at that time began to be more frequent , whereby 
 Arable Land (which could not be manured without Pieople and 
 Families ) was turned into Pafture , which was eafily rid by a 
 few Herdf-men ; and Tenancies for Tears , Lives , and Kyit Will 
 
 G 2 (where- 
 
 43
 
 44 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 ( whereupon much of the Teomandry lived ) were turned into De- 
 melhes. This bred a decay of People , and ( by eonfequence ) 
 a decay of Tovpnsy churches, lythes, and the like. The King like- 
 wife knew full well , and in no wile forgot , that there enfued 
 withal upon this a decay and diminution of Subfidy and Taxes j 
 for the more Gentlemen , ever the lower Books of Subjidtes. In 
 remedying of this inconvenience , the King's Wifdom was ad- 
 mirable , and the Parliaments at that time. Inclofures they would 
 not forbid, for that had been to forbid the improvement of the 
 Patrimony of the Kingdom • nor Tillage they would not compel, 
 for that was to ftrivc with Nature and Utility. But they took 
 a courfe to take away depopulating Jnclofures , and depopulating 
 Pafinrage , and yet not by that name , or by any Imperious exprels 
 Prohibition , but by conlequence. The Ordinance was , That all 
 Hotij'es of Husbandry , that voere ufed with trvettty Acres of Ground , and 
 upwards , fljotdd be maintained and kept up for ever ; together with 
 a competent proportion of Land to be ufed and occupied rvith them ; and 
 in no wife to be fevered from them , as by another Statute , made 
 afterwards in his Succcflbrs time , was more fully declared. This 
 upon Forfeiture to be taken 5 not by way of Popular ^Hion, 
 but by feifure of the Land it fclf , by the King and Lords of the 
 Fee , as to half the Profits , till the Houles and Lands were re- 
 ftored. By this means the Houfes being kept up, did of necef- 
 ,fity enforce a Dvoeller ; and the proportion of Land for Occu> 
 pation being kept up, did of neceffity enforce that Dweller , not 
 to be a Beggar or Cottager , but a man of fome fubftance , that 
 might keep Hinds and Servants , and fet the Plough on going. 
 This did wonderfully concern the Might and Manner-heed of the 
 Kingdom , to have Ferms , as it were of a Standard fufficicnt to 
 maintain an able Body out of Penury, and did in effe(5t amortize 
 a great part of the Lands of the Kingdom unto the Hold and 
 Occupation of the Teomanry or Middle people , of a condition be- 
 tween Gentlemen and Cottagers or re fonts. Now , how much this 
 did advance the Milttar power of the Kingdom , is apparent by 
 the true Principles of War , and the examples of other Kingdoms. 
 For it hath been held by the general Opinion of men of beft 
 Judgement in the Wars ( howiocver Ibme few have varied , and 
 that it may receive fome diftincSion of Cafe ) that the principal 
 ftrcngth of an Army confifteth in the infantry or Foot. And to 
 make good Infantry, it requireth men bred , not iu a fervile or 
 indigent fafhion , but in fome free and plentiful manner. There- 
 fore if a State run moft to Noble-fxem and Gentlemen , and that the 
 Bttiband-men and Plough-men be but as their Work-folks and La- 
 bourers, or elfe meer Cottagers , (which are but Heufed-Seggars ) 
 you may have a good Cavalry, but never good ftable Bands of Foot; 
 like to Ccppice-Wocds , that if you leave in them staddles too thick, 
 they will run to Buflies and Bryars , and liavc little clean Under- 
 wood.
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 45 
 
 Vv Ood. And this is to be feen in France , and Italy, and ibme other 
 parts abroad, where in effedl all is Noblef, ox Pefantry, \ fpeak 
 of people out of Towns , and no middle people ; and therefore no 
 good Forces of Foot : In fo much , as they are enforced to employ 
 Mercenary Bands , of Swifzers arid the like , for their Battailions of 
 Foot : Whereby alfo it comes to pafs, that thofe Nations have 
 much People , and few Soldiers. Whereas the King faw, that 
 contrarivvife it would follow, that England, though much lefs 
 in Territory , yet iliould have infinitely more Soldiers of their 
 native Forces , than thofe other Nations have. Thus did the 
 King fecretly fow Hidra\ teeth , whereupon ( according to the 
 P»ets fi(5tion ) ftiould rile up ^^rmed men for the fcrvice of the 
 Kingdom. 
 
 The King alfo ( having care to make his Realm potent, as well 
 by Sen as by Land) for the better maintenance of the A^^x/^ , Or- 
 dained , That wines and Wo ads from the farts of Gafcoign and Lan- 
 guedock , fhoidd not be brought but in Englilh Bottoms ; Bowing the 
 tflcient Policy of this Eftate , from confideration of Plenty , to 
 confidcration of Power. For that almoft all the ancient Statutes 
 incite by all means sMerchant^sirangers , to bring in all forts of 
 Commodities •, having for end cheapnef, afld not looking to the 
 point o( itate concerning the Naval-povper. 
 
 The King alfo made a statute in that Parliament Monitory and 
 Minatory, towards Jufiices of Peace , that they fhould duly execute 
 their Omce , inviting complaints againft them , firft to their 
 Fellffw Juftices , then to the Jujiices of Ajjize , then to the King or 
 chancellor ; and that a Proclamation , which he had publifhed of 
 that Tenor , fhould be read in open Seffions four times a year , to 
 keep them awake. Meaning alfo to have his Laws executed , and 
 thereby to reap either Obedience or Forfeitures ; ( wherein towards 
 his latter times he did decline too much to the left hand) he did 
 ordain remedy againft the practice that was grown in ufe , to ftop 
 and damp Informations upon Penal Larvs , by procuring Informations 
 by coUufion to be put in by the Confederates of the Delinquents, 
 to be faintly profecuted, and let fall at pleafure , and pleading them 
 ifi Bar of the Informations , which were profecuted with effedt. 
 " '^He made alfo Laws for the corredlion of the Mint , and coun- 
 terfeiting of Forein Coyn currant. And that no payment in 
 Gold ftiould be made to any Merchant-Hranger , the better to keep 
 Treafure within the Realnd , for that Gold was the metal that lay 
 in leaft room. 
 
 He made alfo Statutes for the maintenance of Drapery , and the 
 keeping of wools within the Realm 5 and not only fo , but for 
 ftinting, and limiting the prices of cloth, one for the, finer , and 
 another for the courj'er fort. Which I note , both becaufe it was 
 a rare thing to fct prices by Statute, cfpecially upon our Home- 
 Commodities 5 and becaufe of the wife Model of the K^5i , not 
 
 prefcribing
 
 46 
 
 The Haiory of the Reign of 
 
 prelcribing Prices , but glinting them not to exceed a rate , that 
 the clothier might drape accordingly as he might afford. 
 
 Divers other good statutes were made that Parliament ^ but thefe 
 were the principal. And here I do defire thofe , into whofe hands 
 this Work Ihall fall , that they do take in good part my long infift- 
 ing upon the Laves that were made in this King's Reign ^ whereof I 
 have thefe realbns : Both becaufc it was the prcheminent virtue 
 and merit of this King , to whcfe memory I do honour , and 
 becaufe it hath fome correfpondence to myPerfon- but chiefly, 
 becaufe ( in my judgement ) it is fome dcfedl even in the beft 
 Writers of Hijlory , that they do not often eno«gh fummarily 
 deliver and fet down the moft memorable Laws , that palfed in 
 the times whereof they write , being indeed the principal K^ifs 
 of Peace. For although they may be had in Original Books of 
 Laiv themfelves • yet that informeth not the judgement of Kings 
 and Counfellors , and Per fins of Ejiate , fo well as to fee them de- 
 fcribed , and entred in the Talkie and Pourtrait of the Times. 
 
 About the fame time , the King had a Loan from the City of 
 Four tho/tfand pounds; which was double to that they lent before, 
 and was duely and orderly payd back at the day, as the former 
 likewife had been 5 the King ever choofing rather to borrow too 
 loon , than to pay too late , and fo keeping up his Credit. 
 
 Neither had the King yet cafl off his cares and hopes touching 
 Britain , but thought to mafter the occafion by Policy , though 
 his Arms had been unfortunate, and to bereave the fr^w^ King 
 of the fruit of his Victory. The fumm of his defign was , to en- 
 courage Maximilian to go on with his fwit , for the Marriage of 
 Ann , the Heir of Britain , and to ayd him to the confummation 
 thereof. But the affairs of Maximilian were at that time in great 
 trouble and combuftion , by a Rebellion of his Subjeds in Flanders ; 
 efpecially thofe of Brttges and Gaunt , whereof the Town of Bruges 
 ( at fuch time as Maximilian was there in peribn ) had fuddenly 
 armed in tumult , and flain fome of his principal OiEcers , and 
 taken himfelf prifoner , and held him in durance , till they had 
 enforced him , and fome of his Counfellors , to take a folemn 
 Oath to pardon all their offences , and never to queftion and 
 revenge the fame in time to come. NeverthdQd' Frederick the 
 Emperor would not fuffer this reproach and indignity offered to 
 his Son to pafs, but made fharp Wars upon f/^Wrrj, to reclaim 
 and chaftife the Rebels. But the Lord RavenHeia, a principal 
 perfon about C^iaximilian , and one that had taken the Oath of 
 Abolition with his Mafter , pretending the Religion thereof, but 
 indeed upon private ambition, and (as it was thought) inftigated 
 and corrupted from France , forfook the Emperor and Maximilian 
 his Lord , and made himfelf an Head of the popular Party , and 
 feized upon the Towns of /pre and sluce , with both the C allies • 
 and forthwith fent to the Lord Cordes , Governour of Picardy under 
 
 the
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 47 
 
 the French King, to defire ayd , and to move him , that he on the 
 behalf of the French King would be Protector of the united Towns, 
 and by force of Arms reduce the reft. The Lord Cordes was 
 ready to embrace the occafion , which was partly of his own fct- 
 ting , and ient forthwith greater Forces , than it had been poflible 
 for him to raife on the iudden , if he had not looked for fuch a 
 fummons before , in ayd of the Lord Ravemfein , and the Fletn- 
 mings , with inftrudions to invert the Towns between fr^wc^ and 
 Bruges. The French Forces befieged a little Town called Dixmue, 
 where part of the Flemijh Forces joyned with them. While they 
 lay at this fiege , the King of England, upon pretence of the fafety 
 of the Englipj Pale about Calke , but in truth being loth that 
 Maxtmilim fliould become contemptible , and thereby be Ihaken 
 off by the States of Britain about this Marriage , fent over the 
 Lord Morley \\\\h a thoufand men unto the Lord Daubigny , then 
 Deputy of Caltce , with fecret inftrudlions to ayd CMaximilian, 
 and to raife the fiege of Dixmue. The Lord Datihigny ( giving 
 it out that all was for the ftrengthning of the Engliflj Marches ) 
 drew out of the Garrifons , of cdice , Hammes , and Cmnes, to the 
 number of a thoufand men more. So that with the frefh Suc- 
 cours that came under the Condu(51: of the Lord CMorley , they 
 made up to the number of two thoufand , or better. Which 
 Forces joyning with (bme Companies o( Almains , put themlelves 
 into Dixmue , not perceived by the Enemies - and pafling through 
 the Town with fome re-enforcement , ( from the Forces that were 
 in the Town ) aflailed the Enemies Camp , negligently guarded, 
 as being out of fear ^ where there was a bloody Fight , in which 
 the Efiglijh and their Partakers obtained theVi(5lory, and flew to 
 the number of eight thoufand men , with the lofs on the Englijh 
 part of a hundred or thereabouts 5 amongft whom was the Lord 
 Morley. They took alfo their great Ordnance , with much rich 
 fpoils , which they carried to Neve fort , whence the Lord Dau- 
 bigny returned to Calice , leaving the hurt men, and fbme other 
 Voluntaries in Newport. But the Lord Gordes being at Jpre with 
 a great power of men , thinking to recover the lofs and difgrace 
 of the Fight at Dtxmne , came prefently on , and fate down before 
 Nevoport and befieged it; and after fome days fiege, he refolved 
 to try the fortune of an Affault : Which he did one day , and 
 fucceeded therein fo far , that he had taken the principal Tower 
 and Fort in that City , and planted upon it the French Banner. 
 Whence neverthelefs they were prefently beaten forth by the 
 English , by the help of fome frefh Succours of Archers arriving 
 by good fortune (at the inftant) in the Haven of Newport ; Where- 
 upon the Lord Cordes difcouraged, and meafuring the new Suc- 
 cours ( which were fmall ) by the Succefs , ( which was great , ) 
 levied his Siege. By this means , matters grew more exafperate 
 between the two Kings of England and France , for that m the 
 
 War
 
 4.8 
 
 T^he HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 War of FUrders , the auxiliary Forces of French and EngUjlj were 
 much blooded one againft another. Which Blood rankled the 
 more , by the vain words of the Lord Cordes , that declared him- 
 felf an open Enemy of the Englijh , beyond that that appertained 
 to the prefent Service 5 making it a common by- word of his, 
 That he could, be content to lye in Hell feven years , fo he might vein 
 Calice from the Engliili. 
 
 The King having thus upheld the Reputation of Maximtlim, 
 advifed him now to prefs on his Marriage with Britain to a con- 
 clufion. Which ^Maximilian accordingly did , and fo far forth 
 prevailed both with the young Lady , and with the principal 
 perfons about her , as the Marriage was confummate by Proxy, 
 with a Ceremony at that time in thefe parts new. For rtie was 
 not only publickly contraded , but ftated as a Bride, and folemnly 
 Bedded ^ and after flie was laid , there came in CMaximilians 
 Ambaflador with Letters of frocuration , and in the prefence of 
 fundry Noble Perfonages , Men and Women , put his Leg ( ftript 
 naked to the Knee ) between the Efpoufal-Sheets -, to the end, 
 that that Ceremony might be thought to amount to a Confum- 
 mation , and a(5lual Knowledge. This done , Maximilian ( whofe 
 property was to leave things then , when they were almoft come 
 to perfedion , and to end them by imagination ^ like ill Archers, 
 that draw not their Arrows up to the Head : and who might as 
 eafily have Bedded the Lady himfelf , as to have made a ?Uy and 
 Dijguife of it) thinking now all aftured, negleded for a time 
 his further proceeding , and intended his Wars. Mean- while, the 
 Frexch King (confulting with his Divines, and finding ttiat this 
 pretended Confummation was rather an Invention of Court , than 
 any ways valid by the Laws of the Church) went more really 
 to work , and by fecret Infhruments and cunning Agents , as well 
 Matrons about the young Lady , as Ceunfellors , firffc fought to re- 
 move the point of Religion and Honour out of the mind of the 
 Lady her felf , wherein there was a double labour. For <JMaxi' 
 milian was not only contraded unto the Lady , but Cl't aximilian's 
 Daughter was likewife contraded to King Charles. So as the 
 Marriage halted upon both feet , and was not clear on either fide: 
 But for the Contra<5l with King Charles , the Exception lay plain 
 and fair • for that Oliaximilians Daughter was under years of 
 Confent , and fo not bound by Law , but a power of Difagreement 
 left to cither part. But for the Contrail made by CMaximtlian 
 with the Lady her felf , they were harder driven 5 having nothing 
 to alledge , but that it was done without the confent of her So- 
 vereign Lord , King Charles , whofe Ward and Client flie was , 
 and he to her in place of a Father • and therefore it was void, 
 and of no force , for wa^t of fuch Confent. Which defed (they 
 faid) though it would not evacuate a ^Marriage , after Cohabi- 
 tation , and Actual Confummation , yet it was enough to make 
 
 void
 
 King 
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Seventh, 
 
 m 
 
 void a Contraci. For ds for a pretended Confummtitim , they made 
 fport with it , and faid ^ That it vom an Argument , //w^ Maximilian 
 W/ftf a fViddovcer , and a cold fVooer , that could content himfelf to i/e 
 a Bridegroom by Deputy , and would not make a, little 'journey-, to put all 
 oat ofquepon. So that the young Lady, wrought upon bythefe 
 Realbns , finely inftilled by iuch as the French King , ( who (pared 
 for no Rewards or Promifes) had made on his fide 5 and allured 
 like wife by the prcfent Glory and Greatnefs of King Chxrles , 
 ( being alio a young King , and zhatchelor) and loth to make her 
 Countrey the Seat of a long and miferable War ^ fecretly yielded 
 to accept of King Charles. But during this fecret Treaty with 
 the Lady , the better to fave it from Blafts of Oppofition and 
 Interruption , King Charles reforting to his wonted Arts , and 
 thinking to carry the Ad am age , as he had carried the Wars, by 
 entertaining the King o^ England in vain belief, fent a folemn 
 AmbafTage by Francis Lord of Luxemberg , Charles Oilarigman and 
 Robert Gaguetn , General of the Or^^^* of the Bonnes Homines of the 
 Trinity , 16 trfiat Peace and League with the King •, accoiipling 
 it with ail y^rticle in nature of a Requejl , that the French King 
 might with the King's good will ( according unto his right of 
 Seigniory and Tutelage ) . difpofe of the Marriage of the young 
 Duchefs of Britain , as he fhould think good 5 offering by a Ju- 
 dicial proceeding to make void the Marriage of Maxim/lian by 
 Proxy. Alfo all this while the better to amufe tlic World, he 
 did continue in his Court and cuftody the Daughter of Maxi-, 
 milian , who formerly had been fent unto him , to be bred and 
 educated in France ; not difmiffing or renvoying her i but con- 
 trariwife profefling and giving out flrongly , that he meant to 
 proceed with that Match. And that for the Duchefs of Britain, 
 he defired only to preferve his right of Seigniory , and to give hei? 
 in Marriage to fome fuch Allie , as might depend upon him. 
 
 When the three CommifTioners came to the Court of England, 
 they delivered their AmbafTage unto the King, who remitted them 
 to his Council ; where forhe days after they had Audience , and 
 made their Propofitiorl by the Prior of theTnnity, (who though 
 he were third in place ^ yet was held the befl Speaker of them J 
 to this ef&d : 
 
 Mr L^^rds , the King our Master , the greateU and mightieH 
 King that retgned in France /?w<? Charles the Great , { whofe 
 Narne he beareth } hath neverthelef thought it no dijpa- 
 ragement to his Greatneff, at this time to propound a Peace , yea , and 
 to pray a Peace voith the King of England. For which purpofe he hath 
 fent us his Commiffianers injlru^ed and enabled with full and ample 
 power , to treat and conclude ; gfving us further in charge , to epen in 
 fome other bttftncj^ the fecret s of his own intentions. Thefe be indeed 
 the precious Love-tokens between great Kings , to communicate one 
 \ H vfith
 
 50 
 
 ne HiBory of the Reign of 
 
 with another the trt/tjiate of their Affairs , and to paji by nice Points 
 of Honour y which ought not to give Law unto ^ffe£iien. This I do 
 affure your Lordjhips ; It is not pjfible for you to imagine the true and 
 cordial Love , that the King our Mafter beareth to your Sovereign , ex- 
 cept you were near him , as we are. He ufeth his Name with fo great 
 reffe£i ; he remembreth their firfi acquaintance at Paris rvithfo great 
 contentment ; nay , he never Jpeaks of him , but that prefently he falls 
 into difcourje of the miferies of great Kings , in that they cannot con- 
 verge with their Equals , but with Servants. This affe^ion to your 
 King's Perfon and Virtues , COD hath put into the Heart of our Ma- 
 zier , m doubt for the good of chriliendom , and for purpofes yet un- 
 known to us all. For other Root it cannot have , ftnce it was the fame 
 to the Earl of Richmond , that it is new to the King of England. 
 This is therefore the firjl motive that makes our King to defire Peace , 
 and League with your Sovereign : Good affection , and fomewhat that he 
 finds in his own Heart. This affection is alfo armed with reafon bf 
 Efiate. For our King doth in all candour and franknej^of dealing open 
 himfelf unto you ; that having an honourable , yea , andk a Holy purpose, 
 to make a Voyage and war in remote parts , he conftdereth that it wiU 
 be of no fmall effect , in point of Reputation to his Enterprize , if it be 
 known abroad, that he is in good peace with all his Neighbour Princes, 
 and fpeciaUy with the King of England , whom for good caufes he 
 ejleemeth moji. 
 
 But now { my Lords ) give me leave to u[e a few words to remove all 
 fcruples and mi^underBandings , between your Sovereign and turs , 
 concerning fome late Alfions ; which if they be not cleared , may perhaps 
 hinder this Peace. To the end, thatfor matters paji , neither King may 
 conceive unkindnej? of other , nor think the other conceive th unkindnefi 
 of him. The late K^Bions are two; that of Britain , and that of 
 Flanders. In both which , it is true , that the Subje^s [words of both 
 Kings, have encountred and flricken , and the ways and inclinations 
 alfo of the two Kings , in reJpeSi of their Confederates and Allies , have 
 fevered. 
 
 For that of Britain , The King your Sovereign knoweth befi what 
 hath faffed. It was a War of neceffity on our Afaflers part. And though 
 the Motives of it were /harp and piquant as could be , yet did he make 
 that tvar rather with an Olive-branch , than a Laurel-branch in his 
 hand, more defiring Peace than Victory, Befides , from time to time 
 hefent(asitwere) Blank-papers to your King, to write the conditions 
 of Peace. For though both his Honour and Safety went upon it , yet 
 he thought neither of them too preciotts, to put into the King o/' Eng- 
 land'/ hands. Neither doth our King on the other fide make any un- 
 friendly interpretation , of your Kings fending of Succours to the Duke 
 *^ Britain ; /tT the King kmweth weU, that many things muli be done 
 of Kings for fatisfa£lion of their People , and it is not hard to difcern 
 what is a King's own. But this matter of Britain is now ( by the A£i 
 of GOD) ended and pajfed; and (as the King hopcth ) like the way
 
 Kine Henry the Seventh. 
 
 51 
 
 of a ahip in the Sea ^ rvithetit learoing any imtrejfion in' either of the 
 Kings minds ; as he is fiirc, for his part, it hath not done in hiSk\ "\t, v.^-rr^ 
 . For the AJionofYAwAtts-^ As the former ofSintiiaw.ts aji^'atof 
 Neteffily , fo this was a If-'ar ofjuflice ; rvhich with a good King is of 
 equal neccjjity , with danger of -Efiate , for elfe he jhoiUd leave to be 
 A King. The Suhjecls of Burgundy are SubjeBs in chief to the Crown 
 of France., and their Duke the Homager and yaffal of France. They, 
 had wont to hegood Suhjecls , howfoever Maximilian hath of late dif- 
 tempered them. They fled to the King for Justice , and deliverance 
 from Opprcfjtcn. Jiijlice he could not deny ; Purchafe he did not feek. 
 This was good for 'M.i%mu\iin , if he could have feen it in people nm- 
 tinei, to arreji Fury , and prevent Vejpair. My Lords , it may ^e 
 this I have fiid is needle fs , fave that the King our Mafler is tender 
 in any thing , that may but glance upon the Friendjhip of England. 
 The amity between the two Kings ( no doubt ) fiands eritire and inviolate. 
 And that their Hubje^s [words have clajjjed , it is nothing unto thepub- 
 Ifck Peace of the Crowns ; it being a thing very ufual in Auxiliary Forces 
 cfthe beji and flraitefl Confederates , to meet and draw blood in the 
 Field. Nay , many times there be <^yds ef the fame Nation en both 
 fides, and yet it is not (for all that) A Kingdom divided in it felf. 
 
 It rejleth ( my Lords ) that I impart unto you a matter , that J know 
 your Lordfjips all will much re Joyce to hear ; as that which import eth the 
 ChriflianCommon-ifgeal more , than any Action that hath hapned of long 
 time. The King our Mafler hath apurpofe and determination , to make 
 iVar uponthe Kingdom of Naples • being new in the pojfeffion of a Ba- 
 Hardjhip of Arragon , but appertaining unto his Majejly , by clear and 
 Kffdeubted right ; which if hejhotild not by jufl Arms feek to recover , ha 
 could neither acquit his Honour , nor anfwer it to his People. But hit 
 Noble and chrifiian thoughts rffl not here. For his Refolution and Hope 
 is , to make the Ke-conquefl of Naples , but tu a Bridge , to tranfport his 
 Forces into Gxccii 5 and not tojpare Bloodor Treafure (if it were to the 
 impawning of his Crown , and dif-pespling tf/^France ) till either he hath 
 overthrown the Empire of the Ottomans , or taken it in his way to Pa- 
 radife. The King knowetb well , that this is a defgn, that could not 
 arifc in the mind of any King , that did not stedfaflly look up unto GOD, 
 who[e quarrel this IS , and from whom cometh both the Will , andthcDeed. 
 But yet it is agreeable to the Per fan that he bear eth { though unworthy ) 
 of the ThriceChriftian King , and the Eldest Son of the Church. 
 whereunto he is alfo invited by the Example ( in more ancient time ) 
 of King Henry the Fourth 0/' England , (the Firji Renowned King of 
 the Houfe ^/ Lancaller , Ancejlor , though not Progenitor to your King ) 
 who had a piopofe tmvards the end of his time (as you know better ) to 
 make an Expedition into the Holy Land ; and by the Example alfo 
 (prefent before his eye^ of that Honourable and P^eligiom War which 
 the King of Spain now rnaketh , and hath almefl brought to perfeSlion, 
 for the Recovery of the Realm of Gnn^dafrom the Moors. (_^W 
 although this Enterprise may feem vafl and unmeafured , for the King 
 ^ H 1 to
 
 52 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 to AttetHPt that by hts oven Forces , wherein heretofore a Conjunction of 
 moji of the ChriHian Princes hath found, rvork enough ; yet his Majejiy 
 wifely conftdereth , that fometimes fmalkr Forces being united under one 
 Command , are wore efeilitai in Proof ( though not fopromijing in Ofmiok 
 and Fame ) than much greater Forces , varioufly propounded by <y^Jfo- 
 ciations and Leagues ; nhich commonly in a jhort time after their begin- 
 nings , turn to Tti^ociat'ions and Vivifons. But { my Lords ) that which 
 is at a Voice from Heaven that called the King to this Enterfrize , is 
 a, Kent at this time in the Houfe of the Ottomans. / do not fay , but 
 there hath been Brother againjl Brother in that Houfe before , but never 
 any that had refuge to the Arms of the chriflians , as novo hath Gemes, 
 ( Brother unto Bajazcth , that reigneth ) the far braver man of the 
 two ' the other being between a Monk and a Philofopher , and better read 
 iff the Alcoran and Averroes , than able to weild the Scepter <f fe 
 warlike an Fmpire. This therefore is the King our Majier's memoraUe 
 and heroical Refolution for an Holy War. . i^nd becaufe he carrietk- 
 in this the per fin of a Chrijlian Soldier , as well as of a great Temporal 
 Monarch ; he beginneth with Humility , and is content for this caufe , 
 to beg Peace at the hands of other Chrifiian Kings. There remaineth 
 only rather a Civil Re^uefi , than any effential part of our Negotiationy 
 which the King maketh to the King your Sovereign. The King { as 
 the World knoweth) is Lord in thief of the Duchy of Britain. The 
 Marriage cf the Heir belongeth to him as Guardian^ This is a private 
 Patrimonial Right , and no buftnef of Bjiate : yet never the lef^ (to run 
 a fair ceurfe with your King; whom he de fires to make another Himfelf, 
 snd to be one and the fame thing with him ) his Requejits , That with 
 the King's Favour and Confent , he may dijpofe of her Marriage, as he 
 thinketh good , and make void the intruded and pretended CMarriage 
 #^ Maximilian , according to JuHice. This (my Lords) is all that I 
 have to fay, de firing your pardon for my weaknej^ in the delivery. 
 
 THus did the French Ambafifadors with great (hew of their 
 King's affediion , and many fugred words feek to adulce 
 all matters between the two Kings , having two things for their 
 ends 5 The one , to keep the King quiet till the Marriage of Bri- 
 tain was paft 5 and this was but a Summer s-frmt , which they 
 thought was almoft ripe , and would be foon gathered. The 
 other was more lafting • and that was to put him into fuch a 
 temper as he might be no difturbanceor impediment to the Voyage 
 for Italy. The Lords of the Council were filent -, and laid only. 
 That they knew the i^mbaffadors would look for no anfwer , //// they 
 had reported to the King ; and (b they rofe from Council. The King 
 could not well tell what to think of the Marriage of Britain. He 
 faw plainly the ambition of the French KiRg was to impatronize 
 hirafelf of the Duchy ; but he wondred he would bring into his 
 Houfc a litigious Marriage , efpecially confidering who was his 
 SuccefTor. But weighing one thing witl^^other , he gave Bri- 
 
 ^^ tain
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 tain for lolt • bnt refolved to make his profit of this bufinefs of 
 Britdin , as a quarrel for War -, and that of Naples , as a Wrench 
 and mean for Peace; being well advertifed , how ftrongly the 
 King was bent upon that Adlion. Having tlierefore conferred 
 divers times with his CoumcH , and keeping himfelf fomewhat 
 clofe , he gave a diredion to the chancellor, for a formal Anfwer 
 to the Ambafladors , and that he did in the prefence of his Council, 
 And after calling the chancellor to him apart , bade him fpeak in 
 llich language , as was fit for a Treaty that was to end in a 
 Breach •, and gave him alfo a fpecial Caveat , that he Hiould not 
 life any words , to difcourage the Voyage of Italy. Soon after 
 the Ambafladors M'ere fent for to the Cotmcil, and the Lord Chan- 
 cellor fpake to them in this Ibrt : 
 
 
 A. 
 
 S 
 
 Mr Lords t^mbajfaiors , i fhaU jiiahe anfcfier My the Kiji£s 
 Commandment , unto the eloquent Declaration of you my Lord 
 Prior , in a brief and plain manner. The King forgetteth 
 not his former love and acquaintance rvtth the King your CMafler. But 
 «f this there needeth no repetition. For if it be between them as it vpas, 
 it is well ; if there be any alteration , it is not words that will make 
 it up. 
 
 For the BuftneJ? of Britain , the Kingfndeth it a little strange that 
 the Yxtnch King maketh mention of it , as matter cf well-deferving at 
 his hand. F:r that Deferving was no more , hut to make him his In- 
 Urument , to furprize one of his bejl Confederates. And for the Mar- 
 riage , the King would not meddle in it if your CMaBer would marry 
 by the Book , and not by the Sword. 
 
 For that c^ Flanders, if the Subjects ^Burgundy had appealed to 
 your King, as their Chief Lord, at firji, by way of Supplication , it might 
 have had a Jhew of Justice. But it was a new form of Procefs , for 
 Subjects to tmfrifon their Prince frji , and to Jlay his Officers , and then 
 to be Complainants. The King faith , That fur e he is, when the French 
 King , and himfelf fent to the Subjects of Scotland ( that had taken 
 Arms againfi their King ) they both Jpake in another Stile , and did in 
 Princely minner figfttfe their detejiation of Popular Attentates , upon 
 the Perfon or Authority of Princes. But my Lords \^rnbaffadors , the 
 King leaveth thefe two actions thus: That on the one fide , he hath not 
 received any manner of fatisfalfion from you concerning them ; and en 
 the other , that he doth not apprehend them fo deeply , as in reflect of 
 them , to refufe to treat of Peace , if other things may go hand in hand. 
 As for the War of Naples , and the Defign againfi the Turk ; the King 
 hath commanded me exprefly to fay , Th.it he doth wifb with all his heart, 
 to bis good Brother the French King , that his Fortunes may fucceed ac- 
 cording to his hopes , and honourable intentions. K^nd rvhenfoever he 
 fbatl hear , that he is prepared for Grecia , as your Mafter is pleafed 
 Hcrcv to fay , that he beggeth a Peace of the King , fo the King will then 
 beg ^ him a part in that fVar. 
 
 But 
 
 53
 
 54 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 But now my Lords Ambajfadsrs , J am to propound imto you fomewhat 
 on the Kings part. The King your Majler hath taught our King vphat 
 to fay and demand. Tou fay ( my Lord Prior ) that your King ts refol- 
 njed to recover his right to Naples , wrongfully detained from him. And 
 thiit if he fljould not thus do , he could not acqmt his Honour, nor an fiver 
 it, to his People. Think ( my Lords ) that the King our Majier faith the 
 fame thing over again to you touching Normandy, Guien , Anjou , yea 
 and the Kingdom o/^ France it felf, J cannot exprej^it better than in 
 your own words : jf therefore the Vrench King pjall confent , that the 
 King our Mafler's Title to France ( at le^Jl Tribute for the fame ) be 
 handled in the Treaty , the Kiifg is content Jo go on with the reji^ other' 
 wife he refufeth to Treat. ,,..!> ^ ^ ■: . . r-;:' / . - 
 
 TH E AmbafTadors being fomewhat abafhed with this de- 
 mand , anfwered in feme heat •, That they doubted fiot , but the 
 King their Sovereigns Sword would be able to maintain his Scepter: 
 And they affured themfelves , he neither could nor would yield to 
 any diminution of the Crown of Frame , either in Territory or 
 Regality. But howfoever , they were too great matters for them to 
 Ipeak of, having no Commiflion. It was replied, that the King 
 looked for no other anfwer from them ^ but would forthwith fend 
 his own Ambaifadors to the French King. There was a queftion 
 alfo asked at the table , whether the French King would agree to hare 
 the difpofmg of the Marriage of Britain with an exception and exclufton, 
 that he jhould not marry her himfelf ? To which the AmbafTadors 
 anfwered -, That it was fo far out of their King's thoughts , as they 
 had received no Inftru(5tion touching the fame. Thus were the 
 AmbafTadors difmiffed 5 alUavethe/'wr; and were followed im- 
 mediately by Thom.ts Earl o[ Ormond, and Thomas Coldenjlon Prior 
 of chrifl'Church in Canterbury , who were prelently fent over into 
 France. In the mean fpace, Lionel Bifliop o^ Concordia , was fent 
 as Nuntio from Pope Alexander the lixth to both Kings , to move 
 a Peace between them. For Pope Alexander finding himfelf pent 
 andlockt up , by a League and AfTociation of the principal States 
 o^ Italy , that he could not make his way for the advancement of 
 hisownHoufe, (which he immoderately thirfled after) was de- 
 firous to trouble the waters in Italy , that he might filh the better j 
 cafTing the Net , not out of St. Peter's , but out of Borgia's Bark. 
 And doubting left the fear from England , might ftay the French 
 King's voyage into Italy, difpatched this Bifhop to compofe all mat- 
 ters between the two Kings , if he could. Who firft repaired to 
 the French King , and finding him well inclined ( as he conceived ) 
 took on his Journey towards England, and found the £a?o///2» Am- 
 bafTadors at Caltce , on their way towards the French King. After 
 fbme conference with them , he was in honourable manner tranf- 
 ported over into England , where he had audience of the King. But 
 notwithftanding he had a good ominom name to have made a Peace, 
 
 nothing
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 55 
 
 nothing followed. For in the mean time, the purpole of" the French 
 King to marry the Duchefs could be no longer dilTembled. Where- 
 fore the Engltjh AmbafTadors (finding how things went) took their 
 leave , and returned. And the Pritr alfo was warned from hence, 
 to depart out of EngUnd. Who when he turned his back ( more 
 like a Pedant, than an Ambaflador) difperfed a \mjzK Libel, m 
 Latin Verfe , againfl: the King 5 unto which the King ( though he 
 had nothing of a Pedant ) yet was content to caufe an anfwer 
 to be made in like Verfe • and that as fpeaking in his own perfon, 
 but in a ftile of fcorn and fport. About this time alfo was born 
 the King's fccond Son Henry , who afterward reigned. And foon 
 after followed the folemnization of the Marriage between Charles, 
 and Ann Duchefs of Britain , with whom he received the Duchy 
 oi Britain as her Dowry ^ the Daughter of Maximilian being a little 
 before fent home. Which when it came to the ears o{ Maximilian, 
 (who would never believe it till it was done , being ever the Prin- 
 cipal in deceiving himfelf, though in this the French King did 
 very handfomly iecond it ) and tumbling it over and over in his 
 thoughts, that he fhould at one blow (withfuch a double fcorrt ) 
 be defeated , both of the Marriage of his Daughter, and his own 
 ( upon both which he had fixed high imaginations • ) he loft all 
 patience , and cafting off the Refpefts fit to be continued between 
 great Kings , ( even when their blood is hotteft , and moft rifen ) 
 tell to bitter InveSiives againft the perfon and aiSfions of the French 
 King. And (by how much he was the lefs able to cJo,taIking fo much 
 the more ) fpake all the Injuries he could devife of Charles , faying 5 
 That he was the moft perfidious man upon the earth , and that he 
 had made a Marriage compounded between an KAdvotary and a 
 Rafe : which was done (he laid) by the juft judgment of God • to 
 the end, that (the Nullity thereof being lb apparent to all the 
 World ) the Race of fo unworthy a perfon might not reign in 
 France. And forthwith he fent AmbafTadors as well to the King 
 of England as to the King of Spain , to incite them to War , and 
 to treat a Leagtte offenfive againft France , promifing to concur with 
 great Forces of his own. Hereupon the King of England ( going 
 neverthelefs his own way ) called a Parliament, it being the feventh 
 year of his Reign , and the firft day of opening thereof , (fitting 
 under his Cloth o^ Ejlate) fpake himfelf unto his Lords and Com- 
 mons, in this manner : - 
 
 Mr Lords , and yen the Commons ; ff^hen I purpofed to make a 
 war in Britain by my Lieutenant , I made declaration thereof 
 to you by my Chancellor. But norv that I mean to make a War 
 upon France in Perfon , J wiU declare it to you my Self. That War, 
 rvas to defend another man' s right, but this is to recover our m>n ; and 
 that ended by Accident , but we hope this (hall end in Ft^ory. 
 
 The French King troubles the Chrijlian World. That which he 
 
 hath,
 
 5^ 
 
 ^be Hilhry of the Reign of 
 
 hath , U not hU oven , and, yet he feeketh more. He hath in'vejled him- 
 felf of Britain , he maintaweth the Rebels in Flanders , and he threat- 
 neth Italy, tor Our Helves , he hath proceeded from DiffimuUtion to 
 Neglect , and from Negle£f to Contumely. He hath ajfailed our Confe- 
 derates ; hedenieth our Tribute ; in a word, he feeks f^Far. So did not 
 his Father , but fought PeAce at our hands ; and fo perhaps nv7/ he , when 
 good Counfel or Time fly all make him fee as much as his Father did. 
 
 Mean-vphile ; let tts make his Ambition , cur Advantage ; and let m 
 not Hand upon a few Crowns of Tribute, or Acknowledgement , but {by 
 the favour of Almighty GOD) try Our Right for the Crown of France tt 
 felf; remembring that there hath been a French King Prifoner in 
 England ^ and a King o/" England Crowned in France. Our Confede- 
 rates are not diniimfljed. Burgundy is in a mightier Hand than ever, 
 dnd never, moreprovoked ; Britain cannot help us , but it may hurt them: 
 New Acquefts are more Burthen , than Strength. ' The Male-contents 
 of his own.Kingdom have not been Bafe , Popular, nor Titulary Impojlors, 
 but of an. higher nature. >The King <»/' Spain ( doubt ye not ) will joy n 
 with m , nei knowing where the French Kings Ambition will flay. Our 
 Holy Father th Pope , likes no Tramontanes in Italy, But howfoever 
 It be , this matter of CnxfederAtes , is r if her to be thought on., than 
 reckoned on. For God forbid > but England jbould be able to get Reafon 
 pf France , without a Second. 
 
 . ^t the Battels of CrefTy, PbicSiers , Agent-Court ^ ree were of 
 Our f elves. France hath much People , and few Soldiers, They have n9 
 If Able Bands of Foot : fome good Horfe the) have ; but thofe are Forces, 
 which are leajifit for 4 Be fen five War , where the Actions are tn the 
 Ajfailant's •chvice. It was our Difcords only , that loft France 5 and ( by 
 the Power of GOD) it is the good Peace which we now. enjoy , that will 
 recover it. GOD hath hitherto bleffed my Sword. J have in this time 
 that J have Reigned , weeded out my bad SubjeBs , and tryed my good, 
 . AJy People and I know one another • which breeds Confd^me. KjAnd. if 
 there fhould be any bad Blood left in the Kingdom , an Honour able Fore in 
 tvar will vent it , or furifie it. In this great. Bufinefj let me have your 
 Advice, and Ayd. If any of you were to make his Son Knight , you might 
 have ayd of your Tenants by Law. This concerns the Knighthood and 
 . Spurs of the Kingdom , whereof I ain Father ; and bound not only tofeek 
 to maintain it , but to advance it. But for niatter of Treafure , let it 
 not be taken from the Poorefi fort ; but from thofe , to whom the Benefit 
 
 of the War may redound. France is no wilder nefi: and I, that profe^ 
 good husbandry , hope to make the War { after the Beginnings ) to pay it 
 felf. Go together in G OJJfs Name , and lofe no time ; for I have 
 
 called this Parliament wkofy.fsv this Caufe, . 
 ■■■'.'■■<:. \. -. •■ ^ ^f^v\ 'iv'-', 
 
 THus fpake the King. But for all this , though he ftiewed 
 great forwardnefs for a War , not otily to his Parliament and 
 Court , but to his Privy Council likevvife , ( except the two Bifhops, 
 and a few more ) yet neverthelefs in his fecret intentions , he had 
 
 no
 
 King H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Seventh. 
 
 S7 
 
 no purpofe to go through with any War , upon France. But the 
 truth was , that he did but traffick with that War , to make his 
 Return iri money. He knew well, that Frmce was now entire, 
 and at unit}' with it felf , and never lb mighty many years before. 
 He faw bv the taft that he had of his Forces lent into Brit am., that 
 thQ French knew well enough how to make War with the f^^/z/Z^;' 
 by not putting things to the hazard of a Battel , but wearing theni- 
 by long Sieges of Towns , and ftrong fortified Encampings. James 
 the Third of Scotland, ( his true Friend, and Confederate) gone • and 
 James the Fourth ( that had fucceeded) wholly at the devotion of 
 France, and ill affeded towards him. As for the Conjunctions 
 of Ferdinando of S^ain , and Maximilian \ he could make no foun- 
 dation upon them : for the one had Povoer , and not fV/U ;■ and the 
 other had mil, and not Power. Befides that, Ferdinando hxd but 
 newly taken breath , from the War with the C^oers ; and mer- 
 chanded at this time with France , for the reftoring of the Coun-, 
 ties of Ruffjgmn and Perpignian , oppignorated to the French. Nei- 
 ther was he out of fear of the D.'fcontents , and ill blood within 
 the Realm ; which having ufed always to reprefs and appeafe in 
 perfon , he was loth they Ihould find him at a diftance beyond Sea, 
 and engaged in War. Finding therefore the Inconveniences and 
 Difficulties in the profecution of a War, he caft with himfelf 
 how to compafs two. things : The one , how by the declaratiort, 
 and iachoation of a War, to make his Profit ; the other , how CQ 
 eomc/ off from the War^ with faving of his Honow.: For Propi 
 it wais to be made two ways 5 upon his Subjeds for the rf'^r , an4 
 u^n his Enemies for the Peace; likQ a good Merchant, that mar 
 kethhisgam, both upon the Commodities fjc/^or-f^-^, n{\<^ Imj>ort^d 
 back again. For the point of Honour, wherein he might fuffer, 
 for giving over the War • he confidered well , that as he could not 
 truft upon the aydsof Ferdinando and Maximilian for fupports of 
 War ; fo the impuiflance of the one , and the double proceeding 
 of the other, lay fair for him for.occafions to accept of Peace, 
 Thefe things he did wifely fote-fee , and did as artifici;illy,.condu(ai 
 whereby all things fell into his lap, ashedefired. cy.frl/iV r ■(-,, 
 Ix.JFor as for the Parliament. , it prefently took fire , bemg affecitio-' 
 nate ( of old ) to the War of France ; and defirous afrefh' tdj repJiir 
 the difhonour , they thought the King fuftained by the lofs af.^^v- 
 tain. Therefore they advifed the King (with great alacrity) to 
 undertake the War of France. And although the Parliament con: 
 fifted of the firjl and fecond Nobility, ( together with principal 
 Citizens and Townfmen ) yet worthily and juflly refpe/ifting more 
 the People (whofe Deputies they were) than.their,pwn private 
 ■Perfons, and finding by the Lord chancellor's Speech the King's 
 nclination that way- they confented that Coww/^c/?frj {hould go 
 
 forth, for the gathering and» levying of a Benc'volence ,'{xom the 
 more able fort. This Tax ( called Benevolence.) ^was devif^d by 
 
 / Edrvard
 
 58 
 
 ne HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 Edward the Fourth , for which lie fnftaiued much Envy. It was 
 aboHfhed by Richard the Third , by Aft of Pirltament , to ingratiate 
 himfelf witli the people • and it was now revived by the King , 
 but with confent of Parliament , for fo it was not in the time of 
 King Edveard the Fourth. But by tliis way he raifed exceeding 
 great fumms. Infomuch as the City of London (in thoie days) con- 
 tributed nine thoufand pounds and better , and that chiefly levied 
 upon the wealthier ibrt. There is a Tradition of a Dilemma , that 
 Bifliop dMorton the Chancellor ufed , to raife up the Benevolence to 
 higher Rates -, and fome called it his Fork , and fome his Crotch. 
 For he had couched an Article in the Inftrudions to the Commijpo- 
 ners , who were to levy the Benevolence ; That if they met with any 
 that were Jparing , they Jhould tell them , That they mujl needs have, 
 hecaufe they laid up ; and if they were Jpenders , they mufl needs have, 
 hecaufe it was Jeen in their fort , and manner of living. So neither 
 kind came amifs. 
 
 This Parliament was mecrly a Parliament o^ War 5 for it was in 
 fubftance , but a Declaration of War againft France and Scotland, 
 wich Ibme Statutes conducing thereunto 5 As the fevere punifhing 
 of Mortfayes , and keeping back of Soldiers Wages in Captains. 
 The like feverity for the departure of Soldiers without hcence 5 
 Strcngthning of the dmmon Law in favour of Proteliicns , for thofe 
 that were in the King's lervice • And the fetting the gate open 
 and wide , for men to Sell or Mortgage their Lands without Fines 
 for ^^Uenatten , to furnifh themfelves with Money for the War 5 
 And laftly , the avoiding of all Scott ijh-men out oi England. There 
 was alio a Statute , for the difperfing of the Standard of the Ex- 
 chequer, throughout England; thereby to fize Weights and O^fea^ 
 fures ; and two or three more of lefs importance. 
 
 After the Parliament was broken up (which lafted not long ) the 
 King went on with his Preparations for the War of France ; yet 
 negledcd not in the mean time the affairs of Maximilian , for the 
 quieting of Flanders , and reftoring him to his Authority amongft 
 his Subjcfts. For at that time , the Lord of Ravenjlein being not 
 only a Subject rebelled , but a Servant revolted , ( and fo much the 
 more malicious and violent , by the ayd of Bruges and Ghent ) had 
 taken the Town , and both the Caftles of sluyce ; as we Paid before. 
 
 And having ( by the commodity of the Haven ) gotten together 
 certain Ships and Barques , fell to a kind of Tyratical trade ^ rob- 
 bing and fpoyling , and taking Prifoners the Ships and VelTcls of 
 all Nations , that pafTed alongft that Coafl , towards the Mart of 
 Antwerp , or into any part of Brabant, Zealand, or Friejland ; being 
 ever will vi(5lualled from Picardy , befides the commodity of Vi- 
 suals from sluyce , and the Countrey adjacent , and the avails of 
 his own Prizes. The French aflifted him ftill under- hand' and 
 he likewife ( as all men do , that haf e been of both fides ) thought 
 himfelf not fafe , except he depended upon a third Perfon. 
 
 There
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 59 
 
 There was iffmall Town fome two miles frotn Bruges , towards 
 the Sel , called Dam ; which was a Fort and Approch to Bruges, 
 and had a relation alio to sluyce. This Town the King of the 
 Romans had attempted often, (not for any worth of the Town in 
 it felf, but becaule it might choak5r«:^fj, and cut it off from the 
 Sea ) and ever failed. But therewith the Duke of Saxony came 
 down into Flanders , taking upon him the perfon of an Umpire, 
 to compofe things between C^taximiltm and his Subjefts 5 but 
 being ( indeed ) faft and afTured to Maximilian. Upon this Pretext 
 of Neutrality and Treaty, he repaired to Bruges ; deliring the States 
 of Bruges , to enter peaceably into their Town , with a Retinue of 
 fome number of men of Arms , fit for his Eftate , being fomewhat 
 the more ( as he faid ) the better to guard him in a Countrey , that 
 was up in Arms : and bearing them in hand , that he was to com- 
 municate with them of divers matters of great importance , for 
 their good. Which having obtained of them , he fent his Car- 
 riages and Harbingers before him , to provide his Lodging. So that 
 his Men of iVar entred the City in good Array , but in peaceable 
 manner , and he followed. They that went before , enquired ftill 
 for Inns and Lodgings , as if they would have refted there all 
 night , and fo went on , till they came to the Gate , that leadeth 
 dire<5Hy towards D4«j ; and they of 5r«^^j only gazed upon them, 
 and gave them palTage. The Captains and inhabitants or Dam alfo 
 fufpeded no harm , from any that pafled through Bruges ; and 
 difcovering Forces a-far-off , fuppofed they had been fome Succour Sy 
 that were come from their Friends , knowing fome Dangers 
 towards them. And fo perceiving nothing but well, till it was 
 too late , fuffered them to enter their Town. By which kind of 
 Sleight, rather than stratagem , the Town of Dani was taken , and 
 the Town of Bruges fhrewdly blockt up , whereby they took great 
 difcouragement. 
 
 The Duke of Saxony having won the Town of Dam , fent imme-. 
 diately to the King , to let him know that it was Sluyce chiefly , and 
 the Lord Ravenjiem, that kept the Rebellion of Flanders in life-, 
 And that if it pleafed the King to befiege it by Sea , he alfo would 
 befiege it by Land , and fo cut out ihtCore of thole Wars. 
 
 The King willing to uphold the Authority of Maximilian , ( the 
 better to hold France in awe ) and being likewife fued unto by 
 his Merchants , for that the Seas were much infefted by the Barques 
 of the Lord Ravenjlein ; fent ftraightways Sir Edward Poymngs , 
 a valiant man , and of good fervice , with twelve Ships , well 
 furnilhcd with Soldiers and Artillery , to clear the Seas , and to 
 befiege Sluyce on that part. The Engltjhmen did not only coop 
 up the Lord Ravenjiein , that heftirred not, and likewile hold in 
 ftrait Siege the Maritim part of the Town - but alfo alTailed one of 
 the Caftles , and renewed the alfault fo for twenty days fpace 
 (iffuing ftiU out of their Ships at the Ebb) as they made great 
 
 I 2 flaughter
 
 6o 
 
 ne HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 flaughter of them of the Caftle ^ who continulify fought with 
 them to repulfe them, though of the Effglijh part alfo wereflain 
 a Brother of the Earl of Oxford's , and fome fifty more. 
 
 But the Siege ftill continuing more and more ftrait , and both 
 the Caftles ( which were the principal ftrength of the Town ) 
 being diftreffed , theone by the Duke of Saxony , and the other by 
 the Englijh ; and a Bridge of boats , which the Lord RavenHem 
 had made between both Caftles , whereby Succours and Relief 
 might pafs from the one to the other , being on a night fet on fire 
 by the Engltjh , he defpairing to hold the Town, yielded (at the laft) 
 the Caftle to the Englijh , and the Town to the Duke of Saxtny, 
 by compofition. Which done , the Duke of Saxony and Sir Ed- 
 vcxrd. Poynmgs treated with them of Bruges , to fubmit themfelves to 
 Msximiliatf their Lord 5 which after ibme time they did , paying 
 (in fome good part) the Charge of the War , whereby the Almains 
 and forein Succours were difmilTed. The example of Bruges, other 
 of the Revolted Towns followed, fo xkizx. Maximilidn^tQ.^ to be 
 out of danger , but ( as his manner was to handle matters ) never 
 out of neceflity. And Sir Edrvard Poymfigs.(after he had continued 
 i.t iluyce fome good while, till all things were fetled) returned 
 unto the King , being then before BuUoign. 
 
 Somewhat about this time came Letters from Ferdinando , and 
 ifabella , King and Queen of Sfam ; fignifying the final Conqueft 
 of Granada from the ^-Moors; which adion in it felf fo worthy, 
 King Ferdinando , ( whofe manner was never to lofe any virtue for 
 the (hewing ) had exprefTed and difplayed in his Letters at large, 
 with all the particularities , and Religious Puncto's and Ceremonies, 
 that were obferved in the reception of that City and Kingdom : 
 Shewing amongft other things , That the King would not by any 
 means in perfon enter the City , until he had firft aloof feen the 
 Crof let up upon the greater Tower of Granada, whereby it became 
 chriftian ground : That likewife before he would enter , he did 
 Homage to God above , pronouncing by an Herald from the height 
 of that Tower , that he did acknowledge to have recovered that 
 Kingdom , by the help of God Almighty and the glorious Virgin, 
 and the virtuous Apoftle St.^ames,znd the holy Yathet Innocent the 
 Eighth , together with the ayds and fervices of his Prelates, Nobles 
 and Commons: That yet he ftirred not from his Crfw*/', till he had 
 feen a little Army of Martyrs , to the number of feven hundred 
 and more chrifiians ( that had lived in bonds and fervitude , as 
 Slaves to the Moors) pafs before his Eyes, Tinging a Pfalm for their 
 redemption , and that he had given Tribute unto God by alms , and 
 relief, extended to them all , for his admiflion into the City. Thefe 
 things were in the Letters , with many more Ceremonies of a kind 
 of Ho/y ofientation. 
 
 The King ever willing to put himfelf into the confort or Choir of 
 all Reltgiom adions, and naturally affeding much the King cUsfain, 
 
 (as
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 ( as far as one King can affed another ) partly for his virtues , and 
 partly for a counterpoife to France ; upon the receipt of thefe Let- 
 ters , fcnt all his Nobles and PreUtes , that were about the Courts 
 together with the CM/tyor ^ad Aldermen of London , in great fo- 
 lemnity to the Church of St. pWj; there to hear a Declaration 
 from the Lord Chancellor , now Cardinal. When they were affem- 
 bled, the Cardinal ( ftanding upon the uppermoftftep, or half-pace 
 before the choir; and all the Nobles, PreUtes , a.nd Govcrneurs oi' 
 the City at the foot of the ftairs ) made a Speech to. them ■ letting 
 them know, that they were aflembled in that Confecrate place , to 
 fing unto God a New-fong ; For that ( faid he ) thefe many years 
 the chriftians have not gained new ground or Territory upon the 
 Jnfidels , nor enlarged and fet further the Bounds of the Chrifi tan- 
 world : But this is now done, by the prowefs and devotion of 
 Ferdinando and IfabeUa , Kings of Spain ; who have ( to their im- 
 mortal Honour ) recovered the great and rich Kingdom of Gra- 
 ff ada , and the populous and mighty City of the fame name , from 
 the Moors , having been in poiTeflion thereof by the fpace of feven 
 hundred years and more. For which , this AlTembly and all 
 Chrifiians are to render laud and thanks unto God , and to celebrate 
 this noble Ad of the King o^ Spain; who in this is not only FtcJo- 
 rious, but Apojlolical, in the gainmg of new Provinces to the Chrtjltan 
 Faith. And the rather , for that this vidtory and Conqueft is ob- 
 tained, without much effafion of blood. Whereby it is to be 
 hoped, that there fliall be gained , not only new Territory , but 
 infinite Souls , to the Church of Chrift ; whom the Almighty ( as 
 it feems ) would have live to be converted. Herewithal he did 
 relate fome of the moft memorable particulars of the War and 
 Vi<Sory. And after his Speech ended, the whole afTembly went fo- 
 lemnly in Proce(Jton , and Te Deum was fung. 
 J ' Immediately after the Solemnity , the King kept his CMay-day 
 at his Palace of Shein , now Richmond. Where to warm the blood 
 of his Nohiltty , and Gallants , againft the War , he kept great 
 Triumptft of Jt(p»g and Tourney, during all that Month. In which 
 fpace it fo fell out , that Sir James Parker , and H/^h Vaughan , ( one 
 of the King's Gentlemen-Ulhers ) having had a controverfie 
 touching certain Arms , that the King at Arms had given Faughan, 
 were appointed to run fome Courfes one againft another. And 
 by accident of a faulty Helmet, that Parker had on, he was ftricken 
 into the mcuth at the firft Courfe , fo that his tongue was born 
 unto the hinder part of his head , in fuch fort that he died prefently 
 upon the place. Which becaufe of the Controverfie precedent , 
 and the Death that followed , was accounted among the Vulgar , 
 as a Combat or Tryal of Right. The King , towards the end of 
 this Summer , having put his Forces , wherewith he meant to in- 
 vade France , in readinefs , ( but fo as they were not yet met or 
 tnuftered together ) fent UrCmck (now made his Almoner) and Sir 
 ^ ^ John 
 
 6i
 
 6i 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 Joh^ Rijley , to C^iaximilim ; to let him know , that he was in 
 Arms , ready to pafs the Seas into France , and did but expedt to 
 hear from him , when and where he did appoint to joyn with 
 him i according to his promife made unto him by Count ebd , his 
 Ambairador. 
 
 The Englifh Ambaffadors , having repaired to Maximilian , did 
 find his power and promife at a very great diftancc 5 he being ut- 
 terly unprovided of Men, Money, and Arms, for any fuch enterprize. 
 For <Si'l aximlian , having neither Wing to flie on (for that his 
 Patrimony of Aujlria was not in his hands , his Father being then 
 Uving : And on the other fide , his \Matrimomd Territories of 
 Flanders being partly in Dowre to his Mother-in-law , and partly 
 not ferviceable, m xd'^Q^k of th&htt Rebellions ) was thereby de- 
 ftitute of means to enter into War. The AmbalTadors faw this 
 well, but wifely thought fit to advertife the King thereof, rather 
 than to return themfelves , till the King's further pleafure were 
 known : The rather , for that Maximilian himfelf fpake as great, 
 as ever he did before , and entertained them with dilatory An- 
 fwers^ fo as the formal part of their Ambaflage might well warrant 
 and require their further ftay. The King hereupon ( who doubi-ed 
 as much before , and faw through his bufinefe from the beginning) 
 wrote back to the Ambaffadors , commending their difcretion in 
 not returning , and willing them to keep the ftate wherein they 
 found Maximilian , as a Secret , till they heard further from him ; 
 And mean while went on with his Voyage Royal for France , fup- 
 prefling for a time this Advertifement touching CMaximilian'% 
 poverty and difability. 
 
 By this time , was drawn together a great and puiffant Army 
 into the City oi London; in which were Thomas Marquefs Dorfet^Ths- 
 mas Earl oi Arundel, Thomas Earl of Derby, George Earl oiShrevpsbury, 
 Edmond Earl of Suffolk , Edward Earl of Devonshire , George Earl of 
 Kent , the Earl of Ejfex , Thomas Earl of Ormond , with a great 
 number of Barons, Knights,and principal Gentlemen- and amongft 
 them , Richard Thomas , much noted for the brave Troops that he 
 brought out of ivales ; the Array rifing in the whole to the number 
 of five and twenty thoufand Foot, and fixteen hundred Horfe. Over 
 which J the King ( conftant in his accuftomed trufl: and employ- 
 ment ) made J^Jper Duke of Bedford , and John Earl of Oxford 
 Generals under his own perfon. The nrnxhoi September , in the 
 eighth year of his Reign , he departed from Greenwich , towards 
 the Sea , all men wondering , that he took that feafon ( being fo 
 near Winter) to begin the War; and fome thereupon gathering 
 it was a fign that the War would not be long. Neverthelefs , 
 the King gave out the contrary, thus : That he intending not to make 
 a Summer-bufmefi of it , but a refclute tvar ( without term prefixed ) 
 until he recovered France ; it skilled not much when he began it: ejpe- 
 ciaSy havingQzlice at his back ; where he might winter , if the reafon 
 
 of
 
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 cf the }V.trji> reqtttred. The fixth of October , he embarqued at Sa»d- 
 ivi(h ; and tlic fame day took Izn^ziCdtce : whichwas thei?f»- 
 dezraoaz, , where all his Forces were a/Iigned to meet. But in 
 this his Journey towards the Sea-fide ( wherein , for the caufe that 
 we /hall now I'peak of, he hovered lb much the longer) he had 
 received Letters from the Lord Cordes: who the hotter he was 
 againft riie Engltflf in time of iVar, had the more credit in a Ne- 
 gotiation of Peace ; and befides was held a man open , and of good 
 faith. In wliich Letters there was made an overture of Peace from 
 the French King , with fuch Conditions , as were fomewhat to the 
 King's taft : but this was carried at the firft with wonderful fe~ 
 crecy. The King was no Iboner come to Cdice , but the calm 
 winds of Peace began to blow. For firft , the Engltjh AmbafTadors 
 returned out of FUnders komM^ximtltan ; and certified the King, 
 that he was not to hope for any ayd from CMaximilian , for that 
 he was altogether improvided. His will was good 5 but he lacked 
 money. And this was made known, and fpread through the Army. 
 And although the Englijh were therewithal nothing difmayed ^ 
 and that it be the manner of Soldiers , upon bad news to fpeak the 
 more bravely ; yet neverthelcfs it was a kind of preparative to 
 a Peace. Inftantly in the neck of this ( as the King had laid it ) 
 came ntVi/si\\3XFerdtnafido and Ifabella, Kings of Spam, had con- 
 cluded a peace with King Charles ; and that Charles had reftored 
 unto them the Counties of Euffignon and Ferfignian , which for- 
 merly were Mortgaged by 'John King of Arragon { Ferdinandos Fa- 
 tber) unto Frame , for three hundred thoufand Crowns 5 which 
 debt was alfo , upon this Peace , by Charles clearly releafed. This 
 came alfo handfomly to put on the Peace: both becaufe fo potent 
 a GonfedertUe was fain off, and becaufe it was a fair example of 
 a Peace bought ; fo as the King Ihould not be the fole Merchant 
 in this Peace. Upon thefe Airs of Feace , the King was content, 
 that the Bifliop of Exceter , and the Lord Daubigny ( Governour of 
 CslUe ) fhould give a meeting unto the Lord Cordes , for the Treaty 
 of a Peace. But himfelf neverthelcfs , and his Army, the fifteenth 
 of OSoher , removed from Calice , and in four days march fate him 
 down before BuUoign. 
 
 During this Siege of BuUoign ( which continued near a Month ) 
 there paffed no memorable A<fiion , nor Accident of War : only 
 Svc John Savage , a valiant Captain , was flain, riding about the 
 Walls of the Town , to take a View. The Town was both well 
 fortified, and well manned; yet it was diftreffed , and ready for 
 an Aflfault ; which if it had been given ( as was thought) would 
 have coft much blood ; but yet the Town would have been carried 
 in the end. Mean while , a Peace was concluded by the Com- 
 miffioners , to continue for both the Kings Lives. Where there 
 was no Article of importance; being in effed, rather a Bargain, 
 than a Treaty. For , all things remained as they were : lave that 
 
 there 
 
 63
 
 64 
 
 l^he HiUory of the Reign of 
 
 there fliould be paid to the King feven hundred forty five thoufand 
 Ducats in prefent , for his Charges in that Journey •, and five and 
 tvv'cnty thoufand Crowns yearly , for his Charges fuftained in the 
 i Ayds oit\\Q Britons. For which ^^»«4/, though he \\■^6. Maximi- 
 \ Uan bound before for thofe Charges 5 yet he counted the aheration 
 of the Hand , as much as the principal Debt. And befides , it was 
 left fomewhat indefinitely 5 when it Ihould determine or expire: 
 which made the English efteem it as a Tribute , carried under fair 
 Terms. And the truth is , it was paid both to the King , and to 
 his Son King Henry the Eighth, longer than it could continue upon 
 any computation of Charges. There w^ere alfo afligned by the 
 French King , unto all the King's principal Counsellors , great Pen- 
 fions , befides rich Gifts for the prefent. Which whether the King 
 did permit , to fave his own Purfe from Rewards , or to commu- 
 nicate the Envy of a Bufinefs , that was difpleafing to his People, 
 was diverfly interpreted 5 for certainly , the King had no great 
 fancy to own this Peace. And therefore , a little before it was 
 concluded, he had under-hand procured fome of his beft Captains, 
 and Men of war, to advife him to a Peace under their hands , in 
 an earneft manner, in the nature of a Sufflicettion. But, the truth is, 
 this Peace was welcom to both Kings. To Charles , for that it 
 aflhred unto him the pofleffion of Britain , and freed the enterprife 
 of Naples. To Henry , for that it filled his Coffers ^ and that he 
 forefaw at that time a ftorm of inward troubles coming upon him 5 
 which prefently after brake forth. But it gave no lefs difcontent 
 to the Nobility , and principal perfons of the Army ; who had many 
 of them fold or engaged their Eflates, upon the hopes of the War. 
 They ftuck not to fay , That the King cared mt to plume his Nobility 
 and, People , to feather himfelf. And fbme made themfelves merry 
 with that the King had fa id in Parliament : That after the war vpas 
 once begun , he doubted not but to make it pay it felf; faying he had 
 kept promife. 
 
 Having rifen from Bulloign , he went to Calice , where he flayed 
 fome time. From whence alfb he wrote Letters , ( which was a 
 Courtefie that he fometimes ufed ) to the Ci^ayor oi London , and 
 Aldermen his Brethren 5 half bragging , what great fumms he had 
 obtained for the Peace • knowing well , th^t full Cojfers of the 
 King, is ever good news to London. And better news it would 
 have been , if their Benevolence had been but a Loan. And upon 
 the feventeenth of December following , he returned to JVeJlmiH- 
 Iter , where he kept his Chriflmas. 
 
 Soon after the King's return , he fent the Order of the Carter, 
 to Alphcnfi Duke of Calabria , eldefl Son to Ferdinando King of 
 Naples ; an honour fought by that Prince , to hold him up in the 
 eyes of the Italians : who , expeding the Arms of Charles , made 
 great account of the Amity of England, for a Bridle to France. It 
 was received by Alphonfo, with all Ceremony and Pomp that could 
 
 be
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 ^5 
 
 be deviled • as things ufe to be carried that are intended for Opi- ; 
 nion. It was fent by Urfvick : upon whom the King beftowed tliis ; 
 AmbafTage , to help him , after many dry Employments. | 
 
 t 
 
 AT this time the King began again to be haunted with Spirits, j 
 by the Magick and curious Arts of the Lady MArgaret : who | 
 raifed up theGhoftof Richard Duke of Tork , fecond Son to King ! 
 Edrvard the Fourth , to walk and vex the King. This was a hner ' 
 Counterfeit Stone, than L.tmhert Sininet , better done, and worn upon 
 greater hands • beiiig graced after , with the wearing of a King j 
 o( France , and a King of Scotland , not of a Duchefs of Bitrgtindy 1 
 only. And for Simnel, there was not miich in him , more than j 
 that he was a handfom Boy , and did not thame his Robes. But ' 
 this Youth ( of whom we are now to fpeak ) was fuch a Mercnrid, \ 
 as the like-hath feldom been known , and could make his own Part, I 
 if at any time he chanced to be out. Wherefore , this being one ! 
 of the ftrangeil Examples of a Perfcnation , that ever was in Elder 
 or Latter times •, it deferveth to be difcovered , and related at the 
 full: Although the King's manner of (hewing things, by Pieces 
 and by Dark Lights , hath ib muifled it > that it hath left it almoll 
 as a Myfiery to this day. 
 
 The Lady 'JMargaret ( whom the King's Friends called Juno, 
 becaufe {he was to him as Juno was to Mneas, ftirring both Heaven 
 and Hell, to do him mifchief) for a foundation of her particulaf' 
 Pradices againft him, did continually, by all means po/Iible, 
 nouriih, maintain , and divulge the flying Opinion , That Richard 
 Duke of Tork ( fecond Son to Edward the Fourth ) was not mur- 
 thered in the Tower , fas was given out} but faved alive t, For 
 that thole , who were employed in that barbarous Faft , having 
 deftroyed the elder Brother , were fl-ricken with remorfe and com- 
 panion towards the younger , and fet him privily at liberty , to 
 feek his Fortune. This Lure fhe call abroad , thinking that this 
 Fame and Belief ( together with the fre(h Example of Lambert 
 Simnel) would draw at one time, or other , fome Birds to ftrike 
 upon it. She ufed likewife a further diligence , not committing 
 all to chance. For, fhe had f»me lecret Ejpials (like to the Turks 
 CommiJJioners for Children of Tribute ) to look abroad for handfom 
 and graceful Youths to make VLmtagenets, and Dukes of Tor^. At the 
 laft flie did light on one , in whom all things met, as one would 
 wifli to ferve lier turn , for a Counterfeit of Richard Duke of Tork. 
 
 This was Perkin pyarbeck , M'hofe Adventures we {hall now dc- 
 fcribe. For, firft, the years agreed well; Secondly, he was a 
 Youth of fine favour and Hiape. But more than that , he had fuch 
 a crafty and bewitching fafhion , both to move Pity , and to induce 
 Belief, as was like a kind o^ Fafcination , and Jftchantment to thofe 
 that faw him, or heard him. Thirdly, he had been from his Child- 
 hood fuch a Wanderer, or (as the King called himj fuch a Land-bfer, 
 
 K as
 
 66 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 as it was extreme hard to hunt out his Nejl and Pxrcnts. Neither 
 again could any man , by company or converfing with him , be 
 able to fay or deted well what he was • he did fo flit from place 
 to place. Laftly , there was a Circumjlance { which is mentioned 
 by one that wrote in the lame time ) that is very likely to have 
 made Ibmewhat to the matter ; which is , That King Edward 
 the Fourth was his God-father. Which , as it is fomewhat fu- 
 Ipicious , for a wanton Prime to become Gollip in fo mean a Houfe -, 
 and might make a man think , that he might indeed have in him 
 fome bafe Blood of the Houfe of Tork : fo at the leafl ( though that 
 were not ) it might give the occafion to the Boy , in being called 
 King Edward's God-fon, or perhaps in fport, King Edward's Son , to 
 entertain fuch Thoughts into his Head. For , Tutor he had none, 
 ffor ought that appears} as Lambert S'unnel had, until he came 
 unto the Lady Margaret , who inftrudled him. 
 
 Thus therefore it came to pafs : There was a Towns-man of 
 Tourney , that had born Office in that Town , whofe name was 
 JohiiOsbeck , a Qonv&n-Jerv , married to Catherine de Faro ; v/hofe 
 bufinefsdrew him, to live for a time with his Wife at i/cWc»., in 
 l^ing Edward the Fourth's days. During which time he had a 
 Son by her : and being known in Court, the King- either out of 
 a religious Noblenefs , becaufe he was a Convert , or upon fome 
 private acquaintance, did him the Honor, as to be God- father to 
 his Child, and named i\im Peter. But, afterwards, proving a 
 dainty and effeminate Youth , he was commonly called by the di- 
 minutive of his name 5 Peterkin, or Terkm. For , as for the name 
 of War beck, it was given him when they did but guefs at it , before 
 examinations had been taken. But yet he had been fo much 
 talked on by that name , as it ftuck by him after his true name of 
 Osbeck was known. While he was a young Child his Parents 
 returned with him to Tourney. Then was he placed in a houfe of 
 a kinfman of his , called "johu Stenbeck , at Antwerp : and fo roved 
 up and down between Antwerp and Tourney , and other Towns of 
 Flanders , for a good time 5 living much in Englijh Company , and 
 having the Englijh Tongue perfed. In which time , being grown 
 a comely Youth, he was brought by ipme of the Efpials of the Lady 
 Margaret unto her Prefence, Who viewing him well, and feeing 
 that he had a Face and Perfonage tjiat would bear a Noble for- 
 tune, and finding him otherwile of a fine Spirit, and winning 
 Behaviour 5 thought flie had now found a curious Piece of Marble, 
 to carve put an Image of a. Duke of Tork. She kept him by her 
 a great while , but with extreme fecrecy. The while, fhe in-, 
 ftrudtcd him , by many Cabinet-Conferences. Firft , in Princely 
 behaviour and gefturc; teaching him how he fhould \\&&^ state, 
 and yet with a modelt fenfe of his misfortunes. Then fhe in- 
 formed him of all the circumftances and particulars , that con- 
 cerned the Perfon of Fjchard Puke of Tork , which he was to acfl : 
 
 Defcribing
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 6-j 
 
 Dcfciribing unto him the rerfcn.ices, Lweamcnts, and Fentures of t\\t 
 King and Queen , his pretended Parents ^ and of his Brother and 
 Sifters, and divers others, tliat were neareit him in his Childhood 5 
 together with all paflages , fome fecret, fome common , that were 
 fit for a Child's memory , until the death of King Edvrard. Then 
 (he added the particulars of the time , from the King's death , until 
 he and his Brother were committed tothcTorver, as well during 
 the time lie was abroad , as M'hile he was in Saf^cfuary. As 
 for the times while he was in the Tovcevy and the manner of his 
 Brother's death , and his own elbape • ihe knew they were things 
 that a very few could controle. And therefore flie taught him, 
 only to tell a fmooth and \\kdyTale of thofe rtiatters^ warning 
 him not to vary from it. It was agreed likewile between them, 
 what account he Ihould give of his Feregrinatio/i abroad ^ inter- 
 mixing many things which wefe ttue , and fuch as they knew 
 others could teftifie , for the credit of the reft : but, ftill making 
 them to hang together , with the P^rt he was to play. She taught 
 him likewife how to avoid iundry captious and tempting queftions 
 which were like to be asked of him. But , in this ihe found him 
 of hinifelf fo nimble and fliifting , as fhe trufted much to his own 
 wit and readineis • and therefore laboured the lefs in it. Laftly^ 
 (he raifed his thoughts with fome prefent rewards , ahd further 
 proihifes - fetting before him chiefly the glory, and fortune of a 
 Crown , if things went well-, and a fure refuge to her Court , if 
 the worfl: (hould fall. After foch time as fhe thought he was 
 perfed in his Lejja», flie began to caft with her felf from what 
 coaft this Blazing- star fliould riirft appear , and at what time it muft 
 be upon the Horizon of Ireland ; for there had the like CMeteor 
 ftrong influence before : the time of the K^ffurition to be , when 
 the King (hould be engaged into a War with France. But well ihe 
 knew, that whatfoever ihould come from her, would bfe held 
 fufpefted. And therefore, if he fhould go out of Flafiders imme- 
 diately into Ireland , (he might be thought to have Ibme hand in it. 
 And belides, the time was not yet ripe- for that the two Kings 
 were then upon terms of Feace, Therefore ihe whcel'd about-, 
 and to put all fuipition a-far-off, and loth to keep him any longer 
 by her, ( for that Hie knew i'fcrff/ are not long-lived) fhelenthim 
 unknown into /'frfw!^^:/, with the Lady 5r/?wpfo» , an f/?^///?* Lady, 
 that embarqued for Fortugal at that time -, with Ibme Pnvado of 
 her own, to have an eye upon him: and there he was to remain 
 and to expeft her further diredions. In the mean time , ihe omit- 
 ted not to prepare things ft;r his better welcome , and accepting, 
 nor only in the Kingdom of Ireland, but in the Court of Frame. 
 He continued m Portugal about a year- and , by that time , the 
 King of England called his Parliament ( as hath been i'aid ) and de- 
 dared open War igainft France. Now did the Sign reign , and 
 the Conftellaiijn was come, under which Perkin ihould appear, 
 
 K 2 And
 
 ( 68 
 
 ^he HiHory of the Reign of^ 
 
 And therefore he was ftraight lent iinro by the Duchefs , to go 
 for IreUnd, , according to tlie firft defignment. In Ireland he did 
 arrive at the Town of Cork. When he was thither come , his 
 own T.xle was , ( when he made his Confefflon afterwards ) That 
 the Irijh-men , finding him in fome good clothes , came flocking 
 about him , and bare him down, that he was the Duke of Clarence, 
 that had been there before • and after , that he was Richard the 
 Third's bale Son- and laflly, that he was Richard Duke ofTork, 
 lecond Son to Edward the Fourth : But that he ( for his part ) 
 renounced all thcfe things , and offered to fwear upon the Holy 
 EvangeliJIs , that he was no fuch man 5 till , at laft, they forced it 
 upon him, and bad him fear nothing , and fo forth. But the truth 
 is, that immediately upon his coming into Ireland, he took upon 
 him the faid Perfon of the Duke of r^r^ , and drew unto him Com- 
 plices, and Partakers , by all the means he could devife : . Infomuch , 
 as he wrote his Letters unto the Earl of Denfmond and Ktldare , to 
 come in to his ^jid , and be of his Parfjf : the Ortgimls of which 
 Letters are yet extant. 
 
 Somewhat before this time , the Duchefs had alfo gained unto 
 her a near Servant of King Henrys own , one Stephen Prion , his 
 Secretary for the French Tongue 5 an a(5tive man , but turbulent , 
 and dilcontented. This Prion had fled over to Charles xht French 
 King , and put himfelf into his fervice , at fuch time as he began 
 to be in open enmity with the King. Now King Charles , when 
 he undcrftood of the Perfon and Attempts of Per kin (ready of him- 
 felf to embrace all advantages againfl: xhcKingoi England; infti- 
 gated by Prion , and formerly prepared by the Lady ^Margaret,) 
 forthwith difpatched onQ Lucas, and i\{is Prion, in the nature of 
 of Ambafladors to Per kin , to advertife him of the King's good 
 inclination to him , and that he was refolved to ayd him , to reco- 
 ver his right againfl King H^^ry , an Ufurperof £»g/4W, and an 
 Enemy of France ; and wifhed him , to come over unto him at 
 Paris. r^r^/» thought himielf in heaven now, that he was in- 
 vited by fo great a King , in fo honourable a manner 5 And im- 
 parting unto his Friends in Ireland for their encouragement 5 how 
 Fortune called him , and what great hopes he had , failed prefently 
 into France. When he was come to the Court of France , the 
 King received him with great honour •, faluted , and ftiled him by 
 the name of the Duke of Tork ; lodged him , and accommodated 
 him in great State ; And the better to give him thereprelentatioa 
 and the countenance of a Prince , afligned him a G»ard for his 
 Perfon , whereof the Lord Congrejhall was Captain. The Courtiers 
 likewife (though it be ill mocking with the fr^w^j applied them- 
 felves to their King's bent, feeing there was reafonot State for it. 
 At the fame time there repaired unto Perkin divers Engli^j-men of 
 Qiiality •, Sir George Nevile, Sir John Taylor, and about one hundred 
 more : and amongft the refi:, this Stephen Prion, of whom we Ipake 5 
 
 who
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 ^9 
 
 who followed his fortune both then and for a long time after, and 
 was indeed his principal Couftji'/Ior and Injlrument in all his Proceed- 
 ings. But all this, on the Pz-^w^ King's part, was but a Trick, the 
 abetter to bow King Henry to Peace. And therefore upon tlic firft 
 Grain of Incense , that was lacriiiced upon the K^hir of Peace , at 
 Bitlloign, Per kin was Ihioaked away. Yet would not the French 
 King deliver him up to King Henry ( as he was laboured to do j 
 for his Honors lake , but warned him away , and difmiilld him. 
 And Per km on his part , was as ready to be gone , doubting he 
 might be caught up under-hand. He therefore took his way mto 
 flinders , unto the Duchel's of Burgundy ; pretending , that having 
 been varioudy tolled by Fortune , he diredled his couri'c thither , as 
 to a fafe //jrZ-iJar ^ No ways taking knowledge, that he had ever 
 been there before , but as if that had been his firft addrefs. The 
 Duchefs , on the other part , made it as new and ftrange to fee 
 him : pretending ( at the firft ) that ihe was taught and made wife 
 by the example of Lambert Simnel , how ilie did admit of any 
 Caunterfeitiiuff-j though even in that (die faid ) flie was not fully 
 fatisfied. She pretended at the firft ( and that was ever in the pre- 
 ience of others ) to pofe him and fift him , thereby to try whether 
 he were indeed the very Duke o^Tork, or no. But, feeming to 
 receive full fatisfadion by his anfwers , Ihe then feined her felf to 
 be tranfported with a kind of aftonilhment , mixt of Joy and Won- 
 der , at his miraculous deliverance ^ receiving him , as he were 
 rjjen from death to life ; and inferring, that God , who had in fuch 
 wonderful manner prelerved him from Death, did likewife refervc 
 him for fome great and profperous Fortune. As for his di! million 
 out of France , they interpreted it not , as if he were deteifted or 
 neglefted for ^Counterfeit Deceiver ; but contrari wile , that it did 
 fhewmanifeftly unto the World, that he was fome Great matter ; 
 for that it was his abandoning, that (inefted) made tho. Peace: 
 being no more but the facrificing of a poor diftrcfted Prince unto 
 the utility and Ambition of two Mighty Monarchs. Neither was 
 Perkm for his part wanting to himfelf , either in gracious and 
 Princely behaviour , or in ready and appofite anfwers , or in con- 
 tenting and careffing thofe that did apply themfelves unto him, 
 or in pretty fcorn and difdain to thofe that feemed to doubt of him ^ 
 but in all things did notably acquit himfelf: Infomuch as it was 
 generally believed ( as well amongft great Perfons , as amongft 
 xhs, Vulgar ) that he was indeed Duke Richard. Nay, himfelf, 
 with long and continual counterfeiting , and with oft telling a 
 Lye , was turned by habit almoft into the thing he feemed to be -, 
 and from a Lyar , to a Beliei;er. The Ducheis therefore ( as m 
 a cafe out of doubt) did him all Princely honour, calling him 
 always by the name oihtt Nephew, and giving Kixntho. Delicate 
 Title of the Pvhtte-Ro(e of England ; and appointed him a Guard 
 of thirty perlbns , Hilberdiers , clad in a party-coloured Livery 
 
 of
 
 70 
 
 ^he HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 of Murrey and Blew , to attend his Perfon. Her Court likevvife, 
 and generally the D«ff/» and Strangers in their ufagc towards him, 
 'i expreffed no lefs refped, 
 
 ji The News hereof c*mc blazing and thundering over into EKg- 
 i lafid, that the Duke of Terk was lure alive. As for the name of 
 PerkiniVarbeck , it was not at that time come to light, but all the 
 nbws ran upon the Duke of Tork ; that he had been entertained in 
 Ireland, bought and fold in France , and was now plainly avowed, 
 and in great honour in Flanders. Thefe Fames took hold of divers 5 
 in fome upon difcontent , in fome upon ambition , in fome upon 
 levity and defire of change , and in fome few upon confcience and 
 belief, but in moil: upon fimplicity 5 and in divers out of depen- 
 dance upon fome of the better fort, who did in fecret favour and 
 nouriih thcfe bruits. And it was not long , ere thele rumors of 
 Novelty , had begotten others of Scandal and Murmur againft the 
 King, and his government -, taxing him for a great Taxer of his 
 ?eoflc , and difcountenancer of his Nobility. The lofs of Britain, 
 and the Peace with France were not forgotten. But chiefly they fell 
 upon the wrong that he did his Queen , in that he did not reign in 
 her Right. Wherefore they faid , that God had nOw brought to 
 light a Masculine-Branch of the Houle of Tork , that w^ould not be 
 at his Courtefie , howfoever he did deprefs his poor Lady. And 
 yet ( as it fareth in things which are currant with the Multitude, 
 and which they affed) thefe Fames grew fo general, as the Au- 
 thors were loft in the generality of Speakers. They being like 
 running Weeds, that have no certain root • or like Footings up and 
 down , impoffible to be traced. But after a while , thcfe ill Hu- 
 mors ditw to an head , and fetled fecretly in fome eminent Perfons • 
 which were Sir William Stanley Lord Chamberlain of the King's 
 Houfhold, ththoxA Fit z-water. Six Simon Mountf art , Six Thomas 
 Thveattes. Thefe entrcd into a fecretConfpiracy to favour Duke 
 Richard's Title. Neverthelefs none engaged their fortunes in this 
 bufinefs openly,but two • Sir Robert Clifford, and Mafter mlliam Bar- 
 ley, who failed over into Flanders, fent indeed from the Party of the 
 Confpirators here, to underftand the truth of thofe things that 
 pafled there , and not without fome help of monies from hence • 
 Provifionally to be delivered , if they found and were fatisfied, that 
 there was truth in thefe pretences. The perfon of Sir Rfbert Clif- 
 ford ( being a Gentleman of Fame and Family ) was extremely wel- 
 com to the Lady Margaret. Who after flie had confeernce with him, 
 brought him to the fight of Perkin, with whom he had often fpeech 
 and difcourle. So that in the end won either by the Duchels ," to 
 affedl, or by Perkin to believe, he wrote h^ck into England , that 
 he knew the Perfon of Richard Duke of Tork , as well as he knew 
 his own^and that this Toung-man was undoubtedly he.By this means 
 all things grew prepared to Revolt and Sedition here, and the Conjpi- 
 racy cCimQ to have a Correspondence between Flanders and England. 
 
 The
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 The King on his part was not afleep • but to Arm or levy Forces 
 yet , he thought would but fliew fear , and do this idol too much 
 worfliip. Neverthelels the Parts he did Ihut up, or atleaft kept 
 a yVittch on them , that none ihould pafs to or fro tliat was fufpetJed. 
 But for the reft , he chofe to work by Counter-mine. His purpofes 
 were two- the one, to lay open the Abufe : the other, to. break 
 the knot of the Co>i(pirators. To deteifl the Ahufe , there were but 
 two ways • the firft , to make it manifeft to the world , that the 
 Duke of Tork was indeed murthcral : the other , to prove , that 
 were he dead or alive , yet Per km w:ns a Counterfeit. For the £rft, 
 thus it ftood. There were but four perfons that could fpeak upon 
 knowledge ,*to the murther of the D uke of Tork ; Sir Ja?fies Tirrel, 
 (the cmployed-man ixomYim^^ Richard) 'johnDighton , ^nd M/les 
 Forrcji , his Servants , ( the two Butchers or Tormentors ) and' the 
 Priefi of the Tomer, that buried them. Of which four. Miles Forrejl, 
 and the Pr/V/? were dead, and tiiere remained alive only Sir Jjw^j 
 Ttrrel, and John Dighton.lhck, two the King cauled to be committed 
 to the Tovceryxnd examined touching the manner of the Death of the 
 two Innocent Princes.1\\Qy agreed both in a Tale, (as the King gave 
 out) to this effejfl ; That King Richard having diredled his Warrant 
 for the putting of them to death , to BrackenLiury the Lieutenant of 
 the Titveery was by him rcfufed. Whereupon the King diredled his 
 Warrant to Sir James Tirrel , to receive the Keys of the Tov^er from 
 the Lieutenant ( for tlie fpace of a night ) for the King's fpecial fer- 
 vice- That Sir James Ttrrel accordingly repaired to the Tcwer 
 by night , attended by his two Servants afore-named , whom he 
 had cloofen for that purpofe. That himfelf ftood at the ftair-foot, 
 and Cent thefe two Villains to execute the murther. That they 
 finothcred them in their bed ^ and that done , called up their Ma- 
 fter to fee their naked dead bodies, which they had laid forth. That 
 they were buried under the^/.t/W , and fome ftones caft upon them. 
 That when the report was made to King Richard , that his will 
 was done , he gave Sir James Tirrel great thanks , but took ex- 
 ception to the place of their burial , being too bafe for them that 
 were King's children. Where upon another night by the King's 
 Warrani renewed , their bodies were removed by the Prtejl of the 
 Toveer y and buried by him in fome place, which ( by means of the 
 Priefi\ death foon after ) could not be known. Thus much was 
 then delivered abroad , to be the effed of thofe Examinations. But 
 the King neverthelefs made no ufe of them in any of his Declara- 
 tions ; where';y (asitieems) thofe £jc.'Jw//?^/-/o»/ left the bufinefs 
 fomewlrf perplexed. And as for Sir James Tirrel , he was foon 
 after beheaded in the Toveer-yard', for other matters of Treafin. 
 But johnDighton ( who it feemeth fpakebeft for the King) was 
 forthwith let at liberty , and w^as the principal means of divul- 
 ging this Tradition. Therefore this kind of proof being left fo 
 naked , the King ufed the more dihgence in the latter , for the 
 
 7^ 
 
 tracing
 
 72 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 tracing o( Per kin. To this purpofe, he fent abroad into feveral parts, 
 and elpecially into Flanders , divers fecret and nimble Scouts and 
 Spies • fome feigning themfelves to flie over unto Perkin , and to 
 adhere unto him ^ aha fome under other pretences, to learn, fearch, 
 and difcover all the circumttances and particulars of Perkm's Pa- 
 rents,. Birth, Perfon, Travels up and down • and in brief , to have 
 a "journal ( as it were ) of his life and doings. He furnifhed thefe 
 his employed-men liberally with Money , to draw on and reward 
 intelligences ; giving them alfo in charge , to advertife conti- 
 nually what they found, and neverthelefs ftill to go on. And 
 ever as one Advertifement and Difcovery called up another, he 
 employed other new Men , where the •Bufinefs diti require it.. 
 Others he employed in a more fpecial nature and truft , to be his 
 Plotters in the main Counter-mine, Thefe were direded to in- 
 fmuate themfelves into the familiarity and confidence of the prin- 
 cipal per Pons of the Tarty in Flanders , and fo to learn what Jj[o- 
 dates they had, and Correjpondents, either here in England, or abroad • 
 and how far every one engaged , and what new ones they meant 
 afterwards to try , or board. And as this for the Perfons ; fo for 
 the Aoiions themfelves , to difcover to the Bottom ( as they could ) 
 the utmoft of Perkin^s and the Conjpirators their Intentions, Hopes, 
 and Pradices. Thefe latter BeJi-be'truJl-Spies had fome of them 
 further inftrudions , to pradife and draw off the beft Friends and 
 Servants of Per kin , by making remonftrance to them, how weakly 
 his Enterprize and Hopes were built , and with how prudent 
 and potent a King they had to deal t, and to reconcile them to the 
 King , with promile of Pardon , and good Conditions of Reward. 
 And ( above the reft ) to afTail , fap , and work into the conftancy 
 of Sir Robert Clifford -^ and to win him , ( if they could ) being the 
 man that knew moft of their fecrets , and who being won away, 
 would moft appall and difcourage the reft , and in a manner break 
 the Knot. 
 
 There is a ftrange Tradition ; That the King being loft in a 
 Wood of Sufpitions , and not knowing whom to truft , had both 
 intelligence with the Confeffors and chaplains of divers great men, 
 and for the better Credit of his Ejpials abroad with the contrary 
 fide , did ufe to have them curfed at St. PahIs ( by Name ) amongft 
 the Bead-Roll of the King's Enemies , according to the Cuftom of 
 thofe Times. Thefe EJptals plyed their Charge fo roundly 5 as the 
 King had an Anatomy of Perkin alive ^ and was likewife well in- 
 formed of the particular correfpondentCtf»/^/>/i^c^j in £»g/4W, and 
 and many other Myfteries were revealed 5 and Sir Robert Clifford 
 in efpecial won to be affured to the King , and induftrious and 
 ofticious for his fervice. The Kin^ therefore ( receiving a rich 
 Return of his diligence , and great latisfadion touching a number 
 of Particulars ) firft divulged and fpred abroad the ImfoHure and 
 jugling of Perkin'.s Perfon and Travels , with the Circumftances 
 
 thereof.
 
 King H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh, 
 
 73 
 
 thereof, throughout the Realm. Not by Prodamatton (becaufe 
 things were yet in Examination , and fo might receiv^e the more 
 or thelefs ) but by Court-fumes , which commonly print better than 
 printed ProcUmaticns. Then thought he it al(o time to lend an 
 AmbafTage unto Archduke Philtp , into Flanders, for the aban- 
 doning and difmifling of Perkin. Herein he employed Sir Edward 
 Peynii^s, and Sir mlliam fvarham, Dodor of the Canon Law. The 
 Archduke was then young, and governed by his Council : before 
 whom the Embklfadors had audience , and Do6tor warham Ipake 
 in this manner : 
 
 Mr Lords , the Kiftg our Mafier is very firry , that England 
 and ycur Countrey here of Flanders having been counted as 
 Man and mfe for fo long time , now this Countrey of all others 
 fljould be the Stage , where a bafe Counterfeit foodd flay the fart of 
 A King of England ^ not only to his Graces difquiet and di/bonour , but 
 t« the /corn and ref roach ef all Sovereign Princes. To counterfeit the 
 dead Image of a King in his Coyn , U an high Offence by all Laws : But 
 to counterfeit the living Image of a King in his Perfon , exceedeth all 
 Faljif cations , exceftitjhouldbethat of & Mahomet, cr /«»Antichrift, 
 that counterfeit Divine Honour. The King hath too great an Opinion 
 ef this yi^^r. Council , to think that any of you is caught with this Fable, 
 ( though way may be given by you to the fajfian of fome )■ the thing in it 
 felf is fo improbable. .To fet Testimonies a fide of the Death of Duke 
 Richard, which the King hath upon Record , plain and infallible {..bf- 
 caufe they may be thought to be in the King's ovptt power) let the tfiing 
 tejlife for it felf Senfe and Reafon no Pewer can command. Is it po0Ue 
 ( tr«w you ) that King Richard pould damn his Soul , and foul his Name 
 with fo abominable a Murther , and yet not mend his Cafe ? Or do you 
 think , that C^en of Blood ( that were his InBruments ) did turn to 
 fity in the middeji of their Execution ? Whereas in cruet and f^v^e 
 heajls, And Men alfi , thefrjl Draught of Blood doth yet mAke them mke 
 fierce , and enraged. Do you not know , that the Bloody tixecutioners of 
 Tyrants do go to fuch Err ants, with an Halter about their tieek : So that 
 if they perform not, they are fur e to die for it? ^^nd doyou think, 
 that thefe men would hazard their own lives , for JpAriag another s? 
 'Admit they jbould have farved him : jvhAtfbould they have done with 
 him ? Turn him into London-Sfrf^// , that the watch-men or any 
 pajfenger that jbould light upon him , might carry hiiH before a Juftice, 
 and Jo all come to light f Or Jbould they have kept him by them fecretly ? 
 That furely would have required a great dedof Care, Charge , and con' 
 tinual Fears. But ( my Lords ) I labour too much in A clear Bufinefi, 
 The King is fo wife , And hath fo good Friends abroad , as nrnv he knaweth 
 Duke Perkin yr(Jw his Cradle . And btcAttfk he is a great Prince y^ 
 you have any good Poet here , he can help him with Notes to write his 
 Life ; And to parallel him with Lambert Simnel , now the King*s Fd^ 
 coner. K^nd therefore { to Jpeak plainly to your Lordfbips ) it is the 
 I L slrangefl
 
 74 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 Hntigejl thing tn theif'orld, that the Lady Margaret (excttfe ttt , if 
 vee name her , vehofe Malice to the King is both caHjllej? and endleji ) 
 jhould now when /he is old, at the time when other Women give over 
 child-bearing , bring forth two fuch Monjlers ; being not the Births of 
 nine or ten Months , but of many Years. And where a4 other natural 
 Mothers bring forth children weak , and not able to helf themfelves ; 
 (he bringeth forth tall Striplings , able foon after their coming into the 
 IVorld, to bid Battel to mighty Kings. My Lords , we Jlay unwillingly 
 upon this Part. fVe would to Cod , that Lady would vnce tajl the Joys , 
 which God Almighty doth ferve up unto her , in beholding her Niece to 
 Reign in fuch Honour , and with fo much Royal Iffue , which Jbe might 
 be pleafed to accompt as her ovpn. The Kings Requeji unto the Arch- 
 duke , and your Lcrd/hips , might be ; That, according to the example 
 of King Charles, who hath already difcardei him, you would banijb 
 this unworthy letow out of your Dominions. But hecaufe the King may 
 juflly expeil more from an ancient Confederate , than from a nevp recon- 
 ciled Enemy ; he maketh his Requefi unto you , to dt liver him up into 
 hit hands. Pirates and Impojlures of this fort , being fit to be accounted 
 the Common Enemies of Mankind , and n0 ways to be prote^ed by the 
 Law of Nations . 
 
 After fome time of deliberation , the Ambaffadors received this 
 fhort Anfvver : 
 
 Hat the ^.Archduke , for the love tf King Henry , vpould in no 
 fort ayd or affiji the pretended Duke , but in all things conferve 
 the Amity he had with the King. But for the Duchej! DffwO' 
 
 ger , jbe was abfolute in the Lands of her Dowry , and thut he could net 
 
 let her to dijpofe of her own. 
 
 TH E King , upon the return of the Ambaffadors , was no- 
 thing fatisfied with this Anlweri For well he knew, that 
 a Patrimonial Dowry carried no part of Sovereignty , or Command 
 oi Forces. Befides, the Ambaffadors told him plainly, that they 
 faw the Duchefs had a great Prfr/y in the Archduke's Ctf«/»«7; and 
 that howfoever it was carried in a courfe of connivence , yet the 
 Archduke under-hand gave ayd and furtherance to Perkin. Where- 
 fore ( partly out of Courage , and partly out of Policy) the King 
 forthwith baniftied all Flemings ( as well their Perfons , as their 
 Wares ) out of his Kingdom 5 commanding his SubjeAs likdwife 
 (and by name his Merchants-Adventurers) which had a Refiance in 
 Antwerp , to return ; tranflating the Mart ( which commonly fol- 
 lowed the Englijh Cloth ) iinto Calice , and cmbarred alio all further 
 Trade for the future. This the King did , being fcnfible in point 
 of honour , not to fuffcr a Pretender to the Crown of England, 
 to affront him fo near at hand , and he to keep terms of Friendfhip 
 with the Countrey where did fet up. But he had alfo a further 
 
 v reach
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 75 
 
 reach: for that he knew well , tiiat the Subieds of Fl.tnders drew 
 fo great cornmodity from the Trade of EngU»a , as by tliis Erxbargo 
 they would foon wax weary of Perkm, and that the Tumults of 
 Flanders had been fo late and frcdi , as tt was no time for the Prince 
 to difplealc the People. Neverthelefs for forms fake , bv way of 
 requital , the Archduke did likewife banilh the Englijh out of 
 Flanders ; which in effecfl was done to his hand. 
 
 The King being well advertifed , that Perkin did more truft 
 upon Friends and Partakers within the Realm, than upon forein 
 Arms , thought it behoved him to apply the Remedy , where the 
 Difeafe lay • and to proceed with ieverity againll fome oi the 
 principal Confptrators here within the Realm ^ Thereby to purge 
 the ill humours in England, and to cool die hopes in Flanders. 
 Wherefore he caufed to be apprehended ( almoit at an inftant ) 
 John Ratclijf Lord Fitz.-rcater , Sir Simon LMoitntford , Sir Thomas 
 Thveaites , i^'ilUam Daubigney , Robert Ratcl-ijf, Thomas Chrejjenor, and 
 Thomas Ajlwood. All thele were arraigned , convicfled and con- 
 demned for High-Tre a fon , in adhering, and promifing ayd to Perkin. 
 Of thefe, the Lord Fitz-rvater was conveyed to Caltce , and there 
 kept in hold, and in hope of life, until foon after (either im- 
 patient, or betrayed) he dealt with his Keeper to have efcaped, 
 and thereupon was beheaded. But Sir Simon CMoHntford , Robert 
 Rxtcliff'^nd. mlltam Daubigney were beheaded immediately after their 
 Condemnation. The reft were pardoned , together with many 
 others , Clerks and Laicks ^ amongft which were two Dominicah 
 Friers , and William Worfelev , Dean of St. Pads : which latter 
 fort paffed Examination , but came not to publick Tryal. 
 
 The Lord chamberlain at that time was not touched 5 whether 
 it were, that the King would not ftir too many humours at once, 
 but ( after the manner of good Phyficians ) purge the Head laft • 
 or that Clifford ( from whom moft of thefe Difcoveries came ) re- 
 ferved that Piece for his own coming over : fignifying only to the 
 King in the mean time , that he doubted there were fome greater 
 ones in the bufmefs , whereof lie would give the King further 
 account, when he came to his prefence. .;•.'; 
 
 Upon K_yill-hallorvs-dAv-eTen , being now the tenth year of the 
 King's Reign , the King's fecond Son Henry was created Duke of 
 York ; and as well the Duke, as divers others. Noblemen, Knights- 
 Batchelors , and Gentlemen of quality were made Knights of the 
 Bath , according to the Ceremony. Upon the morrow after Twelfth- 
 day , the King removed from IVeJlminfier ( where he had kept his 
 chrijimas) to the Toveer of London. This he did as foon as he had 
 ad vertifement , that Sir Robert cUford ( in whole Bofom or Budget 
 moft of Perkins lecrets \Vere laid up ) was come into England. 
 And the place of the Torver was chofen to that end , that if Clifford 
 Ihould accufe any of the Great-ones , they might without fufpition, 
 or noife, or fending abroad of Warrants, be prefently attached ;, 
 
 L 2 the
 
 76 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 the Court and Prifin being within the cinfture of one Wall. After 
 a day or two , the King drew unto him a feledted Coumil, and 
 admitted Clifford to his prefence 5 who firft fell down at his feet, 
 and in all humble manner traved the King's Pardon , which the 
 King then granted , though he were indeed fecretly allured of his 
 life before. , Then commanded to tell his knowledge, he did 
 amongft many others (of himfelf, not interrogated) appeach Sir 
 milt Am Stanley . the Lord chMiberUm of the King's Houihold. 
 
 The King Teemed to be much amazed at the naming of this 
 Lord , as if he had heard the news of fome flrange and fearful I 
 Prodigy. To hear a man that bad done him fervice of lb high 
 a nature, as to lave his Life , and fet the Crown upon his head • 
 a man , that enjoyed by his favour and advancement , fo great a 
 fortune, both in Honour and Riches ^ a man , that was tyed unto 
 him in lb near a band of Alliance, his Brother having married the 
 King's Mother 5 and laftly, a man to whom he had committed the 
 itruft of his Perfon , in making him his chamberlain. That this 
 Man, no ways difgraced, no ways difcontent, noways put in 
 fear , fliould be falie unto him. Clifford was required to fay over 
 again, and again, the Particulars of his Accufation 5 being warned, 
 that in a matter fo unlikely , and that concerned fo great a Servant 
 of the King's , he fliould not in any wife go too far. But the King 
 finding that he did fadly , and conftantly ( without hefitation or 
 varying, and with thofe civil Proteftation? that were fit ) ftand to 
 that that he had faid , offering to juftifie it upon his foul and life -, 
 he caufed him to be removed. And after he had not a little be- 
 moaned himfelf unto his Council there prefent , gave order that Sir 
 mlliam Stanley Ihould be rcftrained in his own Chamber , where 
 he lay before , in the square Tovper. And the next day he was 
 examined by the Lords. Upon his Examination , he denyed little of 
 that wherewith he was charged , nor endeavoured much to ex- 
 cule or extenuate his fault. So that (not very wifely) thinking to 
 make his Offence Icfs by Confeffion , he made it enough for Con- 
 demnation. It was conceived , that he trufted much to his former 
 Merits , and the intereft that his Brother had in the King. But 
 thofe helps were over-weighed by divers things that made againft 
 him J and were predominant in the King's nature and mind. Firft, 
 an Over-merit ; for convenient Merit , unto which reward may 
 eafily reach , doth beft with Kings. Next the fenfe of his Poxver ; 
 for the King thought, that he that could fet him up , was the more 
 dangerous to pull him down. Thirdly , the glimmering of a Con- 
 ffcation; for he was the tiche^ Subject for value in the Kingdom : 
 there being found in his Caftle of Holt forty thoufand Marks in 
 ready Money, and Plate, befides Jewels , Houfliold-ftuff , Stocks 
 upon his grounds , andoiherPerfenalEjlate, exceeding grezt. And 
 for his Revenue in Land and Fee , it was three thoufand Pounds 
 ■a year of old Rent, a great matter in thole times. Laftly, the 
 -. . Nature
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 11 
 
 Nature of the time ; for if the King liad been out of fear of his 
 own Eftate , it was not unlike he would liave fpared his life. But 
 the Cloud of fo great a Rebellion hanging over his head , made him 
 work fure. Wherefore after fomc fix Weeks dilhnce of time, 
 which the King did honorably interpofe , both to give fpace to 
 his Brother's InterccfTion , and to flie w to the world , that he had 
 a conflid with himfelf what he ihould do • he was arraigned of 
 High-TreAJon , and condemned , and prefently after beheaded. 
 
 Yet it is to this day left but in dark memory , both what the C.tfe 
 of this Noble Perfon was , for which he fuffered • and what like- 
 wife was the ground and caule of his defedion , and the alienation 
 of his heart from the King. His Cafe was faid to be this : That 
 in difcourfe between Sir Robert Clifford and him , he had faid 5 That 
 if he rverefure , that that yoimg man were King Ed ward'j S.Tf, he veonld 
 never bear i^rms agatnjl him. This Cafe feems fomewhat an 
 hard Cafe , both in refped: of the Conditional, and in refped of the 
 other words. But for the Conditional, it feems the Judges of that 
 time (who were Learned men , and the three chief of them of the 
 Privy Council } thought it was a dangerous thing to admit ^ and 
 y^nds, toqualiSe words oftreafin; whereby every man might 
 exprefs his malice , and blanch his danger. And it was like to the 
 Cale ( in the following times ) of Elizabeth Barton , the holy Maid 
 of Kent; who had faid, That if King Henry the Eighth did not take 
 Catherine hit pyife again , he fjyould be deprived cf hii Crown , and dye 
 the dcAth of a Dog. And infinite Cafes may be put of like nature. 
 Which ( it feemeth ) the grave Judges taking into Confideration, 
 would not admit of Treafons upon Condition. And as for the Poftive 
 words , That he would not bear i^rms againfl King Ed ward' J Son^ 
 though the words feem calm , yet it was a plain and dired Over' 
 ruling of the King's Title , either by Line of Lancajler , or by Ad of 
 Parliament. Which ( no doubt ) pierced the King more , than if 
 Stanley had charged his Lance upon him in the field. For if Stanley 
 wouid hold that opinion , that a Son of K\ngEdvpardh%d ftill the 
 better right, he being fo principal a perfon of Authority, and favour 
 about the King j it was to teach all England to fay as much. And 
 therefore (as thole times were) that fpeech touched the quick. But 
 fome Writers do put this out of doubt •, for they fay , that Stanley 
 did exprefly promife to ayd Verkin, and fent him ibme help of 
 Treafiire. •■-•"- J»-' 
 
 Now for the Motive of his falling oft from the King - It is true, 
 that at Bofivorth-Field the King was be-fet , and in a manner in- 
 clofed round about by the Troops of King Richard, and in manifefl 
 danger of his hfe -, when this Stanley was feot by his Brother , with 
 three thoufand men to hisRefcue, which he performed fo, that 
 King Richard was (lain upon the Place. So as the condition of | 
 Mortal men is not capable of a greater benefit , than the King 
 received by the hands of Stanley ; being like the benefit of chrtH, 
 
 at
 
 78 
 
 The HtHory of the Reign of 
 
 at once to Save, and Crown. For which fervice the King g^ve 
 him great gifts , made him his Councilor and Chamberlain ; and 
 ( fomewhat contrary to his nature ) had winked at the great Spoils 
 of Bojrcorth-Field, which came almofb wholly to this man's hands, 
 to his infinite enriching. Yet neverthelefs blown up with the 
 conceit of his C^Urit , he did not think he had received good 
 Meapire from the King , at leaft not Preffing-doven , and Running- 
 as he expcded. And his ambition was fb exorbitant , and 
 
 over . 
 
 unbounded , as he became Suitor to the King for the Earldom of 
 Chejler. Which ever being a kind of Appenn^ge to the Principality 
 of Wales , and ufing to go to the King's Son -, his Suit did not only 
 end in a Demal , but in a DiJiaBe. The King perceiving thereby, 
 that his jyefires were intemperate , and his Cogitations vaft , and 
 irregular , and that his former Be>fefits were but cheap , and lightly 
 regarded by him. Wherefore the King began not to brook hira 
 well. And as a little Leaven of new Diftafte doth commonly 
 fowre the whole Lamp of former Merits , the King's fvit began 
 now to fuggeft unto his Pafflon , that Stanley , at Bofvporth-Field, 
 though he came time enough to fave his life , yet he flayed long 
 enough to endanger it. But yet having no matter againft him, 
 he continued him in his Flaces, until this his Fall. 
 
 After him was made. Lord Chamberlain, Giles Lord Davpheny, 
 a man of great fuiRciency and valour 5 the more , becaufe he was 
 gentle and moderate. 
 
 There was a common Opinion , That Sir Robert Clifford ( who 
 now was become the St ate -informer ) was from the beginning an 
 Emtjfary , and Spy of the King's -, and that he fled over into Flan- 
 ders with his conlent and privity. But this is not probable • both 
 becaufe he never recovered that degree of Grace,whiQh he had with 
 the King before his going over : and chiefly , for that the Difeovery 
 which he had made touching the Lord Chamberlain (which was 
 his great Service ) grew not from any thing he learn'd abroad , 
 for that he knew it well before he w ent. 
 
 Thefe Executions ( and efpecially that of the Lord Chamber- 
 Iain's, which was the chief ftrength of the Party, and by means 
 of Sir Robert Clifford, who was the moft inward man of Truft 
 amongft them ) did extremely quail the Defign of Perktn , and 
 his complices , as well through Difcouragement , as Diftruft. So 
 that they were now ( like Sand without Ltfne ) ill bound together 5 
 efpecially as many as were Englijh : whb were at a gaze , looking 
 ftrange , one upon another , not knowing who was faithful to 
 their Side ; but thinking , that the King (what with bis Baits, and 
 what with his Nets) would draw them all unto him that were 
 any thing worth. And indeed it came to pafs , that divers came 
 away by the Thred , fometimes one, and fometimes another. 
 Barley (thatwas Joynt-Commiflioner withc/;jj^r^j did hold out 
 one of the longeit , till Perkin was far worn j yet made his Peace 
 
 at
 
 King Henry the SeventL 
 
 at the length. But the Fall of this Great mm , being in ib high 
 Authority and Favour ( as was thought) with the King ; and the 
 manner of Carriage of the Bufinefs, as if there had been lecret 
 Inquifition upon him , for a great time befoi"e , and the Caufe for 
 which he luffered , which was little more , than for faying in 
 effed , That the Title of York was better than the Title of Lancafter • 
 which was the Cafe almoft of every man ( at the leaft in Opinion^) 
 was matter of great Terrour amongft all the King's Servants and 
 Subjedls : Infomuch , as no man almoft thought himfelf fecure -, 
 and men durft Icarce commune or talk one with another : but 
 there was a general Diffidence every where. Which neverthelefs 
 made the King rather more Abfilute, than more Srfe. For , Bleeditig 
 Imvards Audfljitt Vafours strangle [oonefi , and. oppref mofi. 
 
 Hereupon prefcntly came forth Svearms and Folies of Libels 
 ( which are the GuHs of Liberty of Speech reftrained , and the 
 Females of Sedition ) containing bitter Inve^ives , and Slanders 
 againft the King, and fome of the Council. For the contriving and 
 difperfing whereof ( after great Diligence of Inquiry ) five mean 
 pcrfcns were caught , and executed. 
 
 Mean while, the King Avi not nt^tCt Ireland, being the Soil 
 where the Mu{bromes and Upslart-fVeeds ( that fpring up in a Night) 
 did chiefly profper. He fent therefore from hence ( for the better 
 fetling of his aflrairs there ) Commijfioners of both Robes : The Prior 
 of Lanthony, to be his chancellour in that Kingdom 5 and Six Edward 
 foynings , with a Power of Men , and a Marjhal Commifficn , toge- 
 ther with a Civil Power of his Lieutenant , with a Claufe , That 
 the Earl of Kildare , then Deputy , {hould obey him. But , the Wild- 
 Irijb ( who were the principal Offendors ) fled into the Woods and 
 Bogs , after their manner : and thofe , that knew thcmfelves guiltyj 
 in the Pale , fled to them. So that Sir Edward Poynings was en- 
 forced to make a Wild-Chafe upon the Wild-lrijh : Where ( in 
 refpeifl of the Mountains and Fafl:ne{res ) lie did little good. 
 Which (either out of a fulbicious Melancholy upon his bad SucceJ^, 
 or the better to fave his fervice from Dijgrace) he would needs 
 impute unto the Comfort , that the Rebels fliould receive under-hand 
 from the Earl of Ktldare ; every light fufpition growing upon the 
 Earl , in refped of the Ktldare that was in the Ad:ion of Lambert 
 Simnel, and flain 'MStoke-pld. Wherefore he caufed the Earl to 
 be apprehended, and fent into EttgUnd ; where, upon Examination, 
 he cleared himfelf lb well , as he was re-placed in his Government. 
 But , Poynings ( the better to make compenfation of the Meagernefs 
 of his Service in the Wars , by a<5ls of Peace ) called a Parliament; 
 where was made that memorable ^ci , which at this day is called 
 Poynings Law , whereby all the Statutes of England were made to 
 be of force in Ireland. For , before they were not : neither are any 
 now in force in Ireland , which were made in England fince that 
 time 5 which was the tenth year of the King. 
 
 About 
 
 79
 
 8o 
 
 The HiUory of the Reigtt of 
 
 About this time, began to be difcovered in the King that difpo- 
 fition , which , afterward nourilhed and whet-on by bad Cmnfellors 
 and Miniprs, proved the Blot of his times ^ which was, the courfe 
 he took, to crufti Treaptre out of his Subjedts Purfes, by Forfeitures 
 upon Pe»al Laves. At this , men did ftartle the more at this time, 
 becaufe it appeared plainly to be in the King's Nature , and not 
 out of his Neceffity , he being now in Float- for Tnafitre ; For that 
 he had newly received the ?eace-m»ney from trance , the Benevo- 
 lence-money from his Subjedls , and great Casualties upon the Con- 
 fifcations of the Lord Chamberlain , and divers others. The firft 
 noted Cx^e of this kind , was that of Sir William Cafel, Alderman 
 of London : Who , upon fundry Penal Lavps , was condemned in the 
 fumm of feven and twenty hundred Pounds , and compounded 
 with the King for fixteen hundred ; And yet after , Empfon would 
 have cut another Chop out of hiqi , if the King had not died in 
 the inftant. 
 
 The Summer following , the King , to comfort his t^hther 
 ( whom he did always tenderly love and revere ) and to make 
 Demonftration to the World , that the proceedings againft 
 Sir ivtlliam Stanley ( which was impofed upon him by neceffity of 
 State ) had not in any degree diminiflied the afitdion he bare to 
 Thomas, his Brother 5 went in Progrefs to Latham , to make merry 
 with his Mother , and the Earl 5 and lay there divers days. 
 
 During this Progrels , Ferkin IVarbeck finding , that time and, 
 temporizing,which(whileil his pradices were covert and wrought 
 well in England) made for him 5 did now, when they were dif- 
 covered and defeated , rather make againft him , ( for that when 
 matters once go down the Hill , they ftay not without a new 
 force ) refolved to try his adventure in fome exploit upon England ; 
 hoping ftill upon the affedions of the Common People towards 
 the Houfe of Terk. Which body of Common People he thought 
 wasnottobepradlifedupon, as perfons of Quality are 5 But, that 
 they only pradice upon their affedions , was , to fet up a Standard 
 in the field. The Place where he Ihould make his Attempt , he 
 chofe to be the Coaft of Kent. 
 
 The King by this time was grown to fuch an height of Repu- 
 tation for cunning and PoUcy, that every Accident and Event, 
 that went well , was laid and imputed to his forefight , as if he 
 had fet it before : As , in this particular of ferkin's Defign upon 
 Kent. For , the world would not believe afterwards , but the 
 King , having fecret Intelligence of Perkins intention for Kent 
 C the better to draw it on ) went of purpofe into the Notth , a-far- 
 ofF, laying an open fide unto Perkin, to make him come to the 
 clofe , and fo to trip up his heels , having made fure in Kent before- 
 hand. 
 
 But fo it was , that Perkin had gathered together a Power of all 
 Nations , neither in number , nor in the hardinefs and courage of 
 
 the
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 8i 
 
 t^ie Perfons, contemptible-, but, in their nature and fortunes, to 
 be feared as well of Friends as Enemies ; being Bankrupts, and many 
 of them Felons , and fuch as hved by Rapine. Thefe he put to Sea, 
 and arrived upon the Coaft of Sandvptch and Deal in Kent , about 
 
 There he caft Anchor • and to prove the affcdions of the People, 
 fent fome of his men to land , making great boaft of the Power 
 that was to follow. The Kentijb-men ( perceiving that Perkin was 
 not followed by any Englijh of name or account, and that his forces 
 confifted but of ftrangers born, and moft of them bafe People , and 
 Free-L/ooters , fitter to Ipoil a Coaji , than to recover a Kingdom) re- 
 forting.unto the principal Gentlemen of the Countrey , profefTed 
 their loyalty to the King, arid defired to be direded and com- 
 manded for thebeft of the King's fervice. The Gentlemen , entring 
 into Conl'ultatiori , direded fome forces in good number , to fhew 
 themfelves upon the Coaft ; and fome of them to make figns , to 
 entice Perkins Soldiers ro land , as if they would joyn with them : 
 and fome others to appear from fome otlier places , and to make 
 femblance as if they fled from them • the better to encourage them 
 to land. But, Perkin (who, by playing thie Prince , or elfe taught 
 by Secretary Frion , had learned thus much , That People under 
 Command) doufeto confult, and after to march in order- and 
 Kebels contrariwife run upon an Hexd together in confufion ) con- 
 fideringthe delay of time , and oblcrving their orderly , and not 
 tumultuary Arming , doubted the worft. Arid therefore the wily 
 Touth would not fet one foot out of his Ship , till he might fee 
 things were fure. Wherefore the King's Forces , perceiving that 
 they could draw on no more than thofe that were formerly landed, 
 fet upon them , artd cut them in pieces , ere they could flie back to 
 their Ships. In which skirmijb ( befides thofe that fled , and were 
 flain) there were taken about an hundred and fifty perfons. Which, 
 for that the King thought , that to punifh a i^^^ for example was 
 Gentleman s-pUy, but for Rafcal-People , they were to be cut off 
 every man , efpecially in the beginning of an Enterprize 5 and 
 likeM'ife for that he faw , that Perkin's Forces would now confift 
 chiefly of fuch Ralpble and fcum of defperate people 5 he therefore 
 hanged them all , foi: the greater terrour. They were brought 
 to London, all rail'd in Ropes, like a Team of Horfesin a Cart ^ 
 and were executed fome of them at London , and ivapping , and the 
 reft at divers places upon the Sea-Coaft of Kent, Sujfex, and Norfolk, 
 for Sea-marks, or Light-houfes , to teach Perkin's People to avoid 
 the Coaft. The King , being advertifed of the landing of the 
 Rebels , thought to leave his Progreis : But , being certified the 
 next day , that they were partly defeated , and partly fled , he 
 continued his Progrefs , and fent Sir Richard Guilford into Kent 
 in meffage. Who , calling the Countrey together, did much com- 
 mend (from the King) their fidelity , manhood , and well handling 
 
 M of
 
 82 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 of that fervice •, and gave them all thanks , and ( in private ) pro- 
 mifed Reward to fome particulars. 
 
 Upon the lixteenth q{ Norvember (this being the Eleventh year 
 of the King ) was hoWen the Serjeants-Feaft , at Ely-place ; there 
 being nine Serjeants of that Call. The King , to honour the Feaft^ 
 was prefent with his Queen at the Dinner ; being a Prince , that 
 was ever ready to grace and countenance the Profeflbrs of the 
 Larv; having a little of that. That at he gcrvernei hU Subjeds by 
 his Laws , ^0 he governed, his Laws by his Lawyers. 
 
 This year alfo the King entred into League with the Italian Po- 
 tentates , for the defence of Italy , againft France. For , King 
 Charles had conquered the Realm of Naples , and loft it again , in 
 a kind of Felicity of a Dream. He paffed the whole length of 
 Italy without refiftance : fo that it was true which Pope Alexander 
 was wont to fay 5 That the French-men came into Italy , veith Chalk 
 in their hands , to mark up their lodgings , rather than xvith Swords to 
 fight. He likewife entred and won , in effed , the whole Kingdom 
 of Naples it felf , without ftriking ftrofce. But , prefently there- 
 upon , he did commit and multiply fo many Errours , as was too 
 great a task for the beft fortune to overcome. He gave no con- 
 tentment to the Barons of Naples, of the Faction of xh^Angeovines ; 
 but , fcattered his rewards according to the mercenary appetites 
 of fome about him. He put all Italy upon their Guard , by the 
 feizing and holding of Oftia , and the protefting of the Liberty of 
 Pifa : which made all men fufpc(ft that his purpoles looked further, 
 than his Title of Naples. He fell too foon at difference with Lk- 
 dovico Sfortia; who was the man that carried the Keys which 
 brought him in, and fhut him out. He negleSed to extinguifh fome 
 reliques of the War. And laftly , in regard of his eaiie paiTage 
 through Italy without refiftance , he entred into an over-much 
 dcfpifing of the Arms of the Italians : whereby he left the Realm 
 of Naples, at his departure , fo much the lefs provided. So that 
 not long after his return ^ the whole Kingdom revolted to Ferdi- 
 nando the younger , and the French were quite driven out. Never- 
 thelefs , Charles did make both great threats , and great prepa- 
 rations , to re-enter Italy once again. Wherefore , at the inftancs 
 of divers of the States of Italy ( and efpecially of ^ot^q Alexander) 
 there was a League concluded, between the faid Pope, Maximilian 
 King oi Romans , Henry King oi England , Ferdinxndo and Ifabella, 
 King and Queen of Spain ( for fo they are conftantly placed in the 
 Original Trt 4/;;' throughout,) Augujltfjimo Barbadico, Duke of Venice , 
 and Ludcvico Sfortia , Duke of Millan , for the common defence of 
 their Eftates. Wherein though Ferdinando oi Naples was not named 
 as principal 5 yet, no doubt, the Kingdom oi Naples was tacitly 
 included, as a P^f of the Church. 
 
 There dyed alfo this year Cecile, Duchefs o^York, Mother to King 
 Edrvard the Fourth, at her Caftle of Barkhamfiead, being of extreme 
 
 years $
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 85 
 
 years • arid who had lived to fee three Princes of her body crowned 
 and four murthered. She was buried at lodcringham , by her Hul- 
 band. 
 
 This year alfo the King called his Parliament : where many 
 Laws were made, of a more private and vulgar nature , than ought 
 to detain the Reader of an Hiflory. And it may be iuftly iufpedlcd, 
 by the proceedings following, that as the King didexcell in good 
 Common- wealth L.^vcs; fo neverthelefs he had, infecret, a de- 
 fign to make ufe of them , as well for colleding of Treasure , as 
 for correding of Manners ; and fo, meaning thereby to harrow his 
 People , did accumulate them the rather. 
 
 The principal Law , tliat was made this Parliament, was a Law 
 of a ftrange nature: rather juft, than legal • and more magnani- 
 mous than provident. This Law did ordain , That no peribn , 
 that did aflill: in Arms, or otherwife, the King for the time be- 
 ing , fliould after be impeached therefore , or attainted , either by 
 the courfe of the Law, or bi/.A6to( Parliament : But, if anyfuch 
 A(5l of Attainder did happen to be made , it Ihould be void , and of 
 none cflfedl • For that it was agreeable to reafori of Ejlate , that 
 the Sulje{i Ihould not enquire of the juftnefs of the King's Title , 
 or parrel; and it was agreeable to good Confcience , ( that what- 
 focver the fortune of the War were ) the Subject ihonXA not fuffer 
 for his Obedience. The fpirit of this Law was wonderful Pious 
 and Noble ; being like in matter of IVar , unto the fpirit of David 
 in mzttet q( plague , who laid, if I have finned , ffrike ?n€ ; hut 
 what ha^e thefefheep done ? Neither wahted this Law parts of pru- 
 dent and deep fore-fight. For, it did the better take away occafion, 
 for the People to bufie themfelves , to pry into the King's Title ; 
 for that howfoever it fell , their fafety was already provided for. 
 Befides , it could not but greatly draw unto him , the love and 
 hearts of the People , becauie he feemed more careful for them, than 
 for himfelf. But yet neverthelefs, it did take off from his Party, that 
 great Tye and Sfiur of neceflity , to fight and go ricfors out of the 
 Held ^ confidering their lives and fortunes were put in fafety , and 
 prote(5fed , M'hether they ftood to it , or ran away. But the force 
 and obligation of this Law was in it (qK Illufcry , as to the latter 
 part of it 5 by a precedent Ad of Parliament , to bind or frultrate 
 a future. For a lupreme and abfolute Power cannot conclude it 
 felf , neither can that which is in nature revocable be made fixed -, 
 no more than if a man fhould appoint or declare by his Will , that 
 if he made any Latter Will, it fliould be void. And for the Cap 
 of the A(5t of Parliament , there is a notable Prefident of it in 
 King Wif*/;- the Eighth's time: Who, doubting he might dye m 
 the minority of his Son , procured an Ad to pafs , That no statute 
 made during the minority of the King , jhould bind him or his Suecejfors, 
 except tt were confirmed by the King under his great Seal , at his full 
 age. But the iirll Ad that palTed in King Edward the Sixth his 
 
 M 2 time,
 
 84 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 time , was an A6t of Repeal of that former Ad: ^ at which time 
 neverthelefs the. King was M/mn But things that do not bind , 
 may fatisfie for the time. \ 
 
 There was alio made a flioaring or under-propping Ad for the 
 Benevolence ; to maketh&fumms wflich any perfon had agreed to 
 pay, and neverthelefs were not brought in , to be leviable by courfe 
 of Law. Which Ad did not only bring in the Arears, but did 
 indeed countenance the whole bufinefs , and was pretended to be 
 made at the defire of thofe , that had been forward to pay. 
 
 1\iisPArliament 2X^0 was made that good Law, which gave the 
 Attaint upon ^falfe VerAi^ between Partjf a.nd Party, which before 
 was a kind of Eva/igile , irremediable. It extends not to caufes 
 Capital, as well becaufe they are for the raoft part at the King's 
 Suit ^ as becaufe in them ( if they be followed in Courfe of l?ttU^- 
 ment ) there paffeth a double Jury , the Jndt^iors and the Tryers ; 
 and lb not Twelve Men , but Four and twenty. But it feemeth 
 that was not the only reafon 5 for this reaibn holdeth not in the 
 Appeal. But the great reafon was , left it fhould tend to the dif- 
 couragement of Jurors in Cafes of Life and Death ; if they fhonld 
 be fubjed to Suit and Penalty , where the favour of L^e maketh 
 againft them. It extendeth not alfo to any Suit, where the Dermnd 
 is under the value of forty Pounds -, for that in fuch Cafes of petty 
 value , it would not quit the Charge , to go about again. 
 
 There was another Law made againft a branch of Ingratitude 
 in Women , who having been advanced by their Husbands , or 
 their Husbands Ancejlors , fliould alien , and thereby feek to defeat 
 xht Heirs , or thofe in Remainder , of the Lands, w hereunto they 
 had been fo advanced. The remedy was , by giving power to the 
 next , to enter for a forfeiture. 
 
 There was alfo enadled that Charitable Law , for the admiflion 
 of poor Suitors In Forma Pauperis , without Fee to Counfellor , At- 
 torney , or clerk , whereby poor men became rather able to vex , 
 than unable to [ue. There were divers other good Laws made 
 that Parliament , as we faid before : but we ^ill obferve our man- 
 ner , in feleding out thofe , that are not of a Vulgar nature. 
 
 The King this while , though he fate in Parliament , as in full 
 Peace , and feemed to account of the defigns of Perkin ( who was 
 now returned into Flanders ) but as a May-game ; yet having the 
 compofition of a wife King { Stout without , and ^^pprehenfive 
 within ) had given order for the watching of Beacons upon the 
 Coafts , and ereding more where they ftood too thin ^ and had 
 a careful eye where this wandering Cloud would break. But Perkin 
 advifed to keep his fire ( which hitherto burned as it were upon 
 green wood) alive, with continual blowing-, Sailed again into 
 Ireland, whence he had formerly departed , rather upon the hopes 
 France , than upon any unreadinefs or difcouragemcnt he found in 
 that People. But in the fpace of time between the King's Diligence 
 
 and
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 85 
 
 .and Poymngs Commiflion , had fo fetled things tliere , as there 
 was notliing left for Perkin , but the bluflring affedtion of wild and 
 naked people. Wherefore he was advifed by his Coitm/l , to fcek 
 ayd of the King of Scotland ; a Prince young , and valorous , and 
 in good terms with his Nobles and People , and ill affeded to King 
 Henry. At this time aUo both M.ixtr»ilian and Charles oi Frattce 
 began to bear no good will to the King. The one being difpleafed 
 with the King's Prohibition of Commerce with Flanders ; the 
 other holding the King for fufpedt , in regard of his late entry into 
 League with the Italians. Wherefore befides the open Ayds of 
 the Duchefs of Bttrgnndy , which did with Sails and Oars put on 
 and advance Perkins deligns , there wanted not fbme fccret Tides. 
 from Maximilian a.nd Charles, which did further hisfortunes. In 
 fo much as they, both by their fecret Letters, and MeffageSj recom- 
 mended him to the King of Scotland. 
 
 Perkin therefore coming into Scotland upon thofe hopes , with 
 a well appointed company , was by the King of Scots (being for- 
 merly well prepared ) honourably welcomed , and loon after his 
 arrival admitted to his Prefence , in a folemn manner. For the 
 King received him in State in his Chamber of Pr^/f^f^ , accom- 
 panied with divers of his Nobles. And Perkin well attended , as 
 well with thofe that the King had fent before him , as with his 
 own Train, entred the room where the King was, and coming 
 near to the King , and bowing a little to embrace him , he retired 
 fome paces back , and with a loud voice (that all that were prefent 
 might hear him ) made his Declaration in this manner : 
 
 High And Mighty King , your Grace , and thefeyotir Nobles here 
 prefent , may be pleafed benignly to bove yoitr Ears , to hear the 
 Tragedy of a young Man, that by right ought to hold in hU 
 hand the Ball of a Kingdom • but by Fortune is made Himfelfa Ball, 
 t off ed from Mifery to Mrfery , and from Place to Place. Teu fee here 
 before you the Spectacle of a Plantagenet , veho hath been carried from 
 the Nurfery to the SanBitary ; from the SanBuary, to the direful Prifon • 
 from the Prifon, to the hand of the critel^ormentor ; and from that hand, 
 to the rvide Wilder nef ( as I may truly call it ) for fo the fVorld hath been 
 to me. So that he that is born to a great Kingdom , hath not ground t» 
 fet his foot upon , more than thii vehere he novo fiandeth , by your Princely 
 Favour. Edward the Fourth , late King of England , ( as your Grace 
 cannot but have heard) left trvo Sons ; Edward, and Richard Duke 
 of York , both very young. Edward, the eldefl fucceeded their Father 
 in the Crcnvn , by the name of King Edward the Fifth. But Richard , 
 Duke of Glocefter, their unnatural Uncle, jirfl thirfing after the King- 
 dom , through Ambition , and aftertvards thirfiing for their Blood , out 
 of defer e to fecure himfelf; employed an Inflrument of his { confident to 
 him , as he thought ) to mnrther them both. But this Man that was 
 employed to execute that execrable Tragedy , having cruelly flain King 
 
 Edward,
 
 86 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 Edward the eldeji of the two , was moved partly by Remerfe , and partly 
 by Come other, mean , to fave Richard hi^ Brother ; making a Report 
 neverthelef to the Tyrant , that he had performed his Commandment 
 for both Brethren, This R.eport was accordingly believed, and publijhed 
 generally. So that the ^Vorld hath beenpojfejjed of an Opinion , that they 
 both were barbaronjiy made away , though ever Truth hath fome Jparks 
 that fite abroad , until it appear in due time , as this hath had. But 
 Almighty God , thatjlopped the mouth of the Lion , andfaved little Joas 
 from the Tyranny e/ Athaliah , whenjhe majfacred the King's children; 
 and did fave Ilaac , when the hand was fir etched forth to facrifice him , 
 preferved the fecend Brother. For I my felf, that Jiand here in your 
 pre fence , am that very Richard , Duke of York , Brother of that infor- 
 tanate Prince, King Edward the Fifth , now the rnofl rightful furviving 
 Heir-male to that yi^ioriom and mojl Noble Edward , of that name the 
 Fourth , late King of England. For the manner of my Efcape , it is fit 
 it Jhould paf in plence, or (at leaf) in a morefecret Relation : for that it 
 may concern fome alive , and the memory of fome that are dead. Let 
 itftiffice to think , that I had then a Mother living , a Queen , and one 
 that expeBed daily fuch a Commandment from the Tyrant , for the 
 murthering of her children. Thtts in my tender age efc aping by God's mercy 
 out of London , / was fecretly conveyed over Sea. where , after a time, 
 the Tarty that had me in charge, (upon what new Fears, change of Mind, 
 or Practice , God knoweth) fuddenly forfook me. whereby I was forced 
 to wander abroad, to fee k mean Conditions for the fujiaimng ef my Life, 
 wherefore diBracied between feveral Fafjions , the one of fear to be 
 known, lejl the Tyrant Jhould have a new Attempt upon me ; the other 
 of Grief and Difdain to be unknown , and to live in that bafe andfervile 
 manner that I did ; / refolved with my felf to expe^ the Tyrant's death, 
 and then to put my felf into my Sifters hands , who was next Heir to the 
 Crown. But in this feafon , it happened one Henry Tidder , Son to 
 Edmond Tidder f^r/e/^ Richmond , to come fromVt^nct, , and enter 
 into the Realm , and by fubtil and foul means to obtain the Crown of the 
 fame , which to me rightfully appertained. So that it was but a change, 
 from Tyrant to Tyrant. This Henry, my extreme and mortal Enemy, 
 fo foon as he had knowledge of my being alive , imagined and wrought 
 ail the fubtil ways and means he could, to procure my final DeftruUion. 
 For my mortal Enemy hath not only falfty furmi fed me to be a feigned 
 Perfon, giving me Nick-names , fo abufing the world ; but alfo , to deferr 
 and put me from entry into England , hath offered large fumms of 
 Money , to corrupt the Princes and their Minifters , with whom I have 
 been retained ; and made importune Labours to certain Servants about my 
 Per fan, to murther or Poyfon me, and others to for fake and leave my right eom 
 Quarrel , and to depart from my Service , as Sir Robert Clifford , and 
 others. So that every man ofReafonmay well perceive , that Henry, 
 calling himfelf King of England , needed not to have bellowed fuch 
 great fumms of Treafure , nor fo to have bufied himfelf with importune 
 and mceffant Labour and Jnduftry,to compafimy Heath and Ruine, if J had 
 
 been
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 87 
 
 Uett fiuh a feigned Perjon. But the truth of my Caufe heiagfe manifefl, 
 moved the mof Chrijlian King Charles , and the Lady Duche/Dewager 
 ef Burgundy , my moji dear \^u»t , not only to ackncwUdge the truth 
 thereof, but lovingly to affisi me. But it feemeth that God above (for the 
 good cf this whole ffland , and the knitting of thefe two Kingdoms of 
 England and Scotland i» ajlrait Concord and i^mity , by fo great 
 an obligation ) had referved the placing of me in the Imperial Tyrone 
 of England , for the K^rms and Succours of your Grace. Neither is it 
 the frfi time that a King o/" Scotland hath fuf ported them y that voere 
 bereft and Jpoiled of the Kingdom of England 5 as of late (in frefh 
 memory ) it vfos done in the Perfon of Henry the Sixth. Wherefore for 
 that your Grace hath given clear figns , that you are in no Noble quality 
 i/rferieur to your Royal Ancejlors ; I , fo difireffed a Prince , vs> as hereby 
 moved to come and put my felf into your Royal Hands , de firing your 
 y^ffijlance to recover my Kingdom of Enghnd -, promijing faithfully to 
 bear my felf towards your Grace no otherrvife , than if I were your own 
 Natural Brother, and will upon the Recofvery of mine Inheritance, grate- 
 
 fuBy do you all the Pleafure that is in my utmojl Power. 
 
 \y>.'\ . 
 
 AFter Perkin had told his Tale , King James anfwered bravely 
 and wifely ^ That whatfoever he were , he Jbould not repent 
 him of putting himfelf into his hand. And from that time forth , 
 though there wanted not fome about him , that would have ^er- 
 fwaded him , that all was but an lUufion ; yet notwithftanding, 
 either taken by Perkin's amiable and alluring behaviour , or in- 
 clining to the recommendation of the great Princes abroad , or 
 willing to take an occafion of a War againft King Henry , he enter- 
 tained him in all things , as became the perfon of Richard Duke of 
 Tork ; embraced his Quarrel ^ (and the more to put it out of doubt, 
 that he took him to be a great Prince , and not a Reprefentation 
 only ) he gave confent that this Duke fhould take to Wife the 
 Lady Catherine Cordon , Daughter to Earl Huntley , being a near 
 Kinfwoman to the King himfelf, and a young Virgin of excellent 
 beauty and virtue. 
 
 Not long after , the King of Scots in perfon , with Perkin in his 
 company , entred with a great Army ( though it confifted chiefly 
 of Borderers, being raifed lomewhatfuddenly) into. Northumberland. 
 And Perkin , for a Perfume before him as he went , caufed to be 
 publi£bed z Proclamation of this tenour following , in the name of 
 Richard Duke of Tork , trae Inheritor of the Crown of England. 
 
 * w T hath pleafed God , voho putteth down the C^ighty from their 
 I Seat y and exalteth the Humble , and fuffereth not the hopes of the 
 JL Jufi toperijh in the end, to give Us means at the length, to 
 jbew Our Selves armed unto Our Lieges and People ^England. But 
 far be it from Us , to intend their hurt and damage , or to make War i 
 f^on them , otherwife than to deliver Our Self and them from Tyranny ' 
 and Oppreffion. For , Our mortal Enemy Henry Tidder > afalfe Ufurfer | 
 
 » The Origi- 
 nal of this Pro- 
 clamation re- 
 maineth with 
 Sir Kohert Cot. 
 ton, a woitliy 
 I'referver and 
 Treafurer of 
 rare Antiqui- 
 ties : from 
 who(e Mann- 
 Jcrifis I hive 
 had tnach 
 light for the 
 furniOiing of 
 this Work.
 
 ^ 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 tf the Crown ^England , ( vehich tolls by Natural and, Lineal Right 
 appertaineth ) i'nomng in his oivn Heart Our undoubted Right , ( ive 
 being the very Richard, Duke ^ York, younger Son, and nomv furviving 
 Heir-male of the Noble and ViBorioui Edward the Fourth , late 
 King of England ) hath not only deprived Us of Our Kingdom , hut 
 likewtfe by all foul and wicked means , [ought to betray Us , and bereave 
 Us of Our Life. Yet if his Tyranny only extended it [elf to Our Per [on 
 ( although Our Royal Blood teachethUsto be [en[ible of Injuries ) it [bould 
 be leji to Our Grief. But this Tidder , veho boaBeth himfelf to have 
 overthrown a Tyrant , hath ever fince his firfi entrance into his Ufurfed 
 Reign , put little in praBice , but Tyranny and the feats thereof. 
 
 for King Richard Our unnatural Uncle , although defire of Rule did 
 blind him , yet in his other a£iions (like a true Plantagenet) was Noble, 
 and loved the Honour of the Realm , and the Contentment and Comfort 
 of his Nobles and People. But this Our Mortal Enemy ( agreeable to the 
 meanne^ of his Birth ) hath trod under foot the Honour of this Nation ; 
 felling Our hefl Confederates for Money , and making Merchandize of 
 the Blood, Ejlates , and Fortunes of Our Peers and Subjects , by feigned 
 wars , and dt[honourable Peace , only to enrich his Coffers. Nor unlike 
 hath been his hateful <^i[government , and evil Deportments at home. 
 Firfi, he hath{tofortife his fal[e Quarrel) caufed divers Nobles of this Our 
 Rea^m ( i^hom he held Sujpe^ , andfiood in dread of) to he cruelly mur- 
 thred; as Our Ceujin iir WiWhm Stanley Lord Chamberlain, J/> Si- 
 mon Mountfort , i'/r Robert RatclifF, William Dawbeney, Hum- 
 phrey Stafford , and many others , biftdes [uch as have dearly bought 
 their Livei with intolerable Ran[oMS. Some xf vehich Nobles are now 
 in the Sanduary. Al[o he hath long kept, and yet keepeth in Prifon , Our 
 right entirely beloved Coujin Edward , Son and Heir to Our Uncle Duke 
 <?/ Clarence , and others ; vcith-bolding from them their rightful Inhe- 
 ritance, to the intent theyfhould never be of might and^oiver , to aid and 
 affifi lis at Our need , after the duty of their Liege ances. He alfo married 
 by compulfion certain of Our Sifiers , and alfo the Sifier of Our faidCoufm 
 the £4r/^ Warwick , and divers other Ladies of the Royal Blood , unto 
 certain of his Kinfmen and Friends of fimple and low Degree , and 
 putting apart all welLdifpofed Nobles , he hath none in favour and irufi 
 about his Per [on, but Bifbop Fox , Smith, Bray, Lovel, Oliver King, 
 David Owen, Rifley, Turbervile, Tiler, Cholmley, Empfon', 
 James Hobart, John Cut , Garth, Henry Wyat, and [uch other 
 Caitiffs and Villains of Birth , which by [ubttl Inventions and Pitting of 
 the People , have been the principal Finders, Occafioners, and CounfeUors 
 of the Mifrule and Mifchief new rtigning in England. 
 
 We remembring thefe Premijfes , with the great and execrable Offences 
 daily committed and done by Our for efatd great Enemy, and hit Adherents, 
 im breaking the Liberties and Franchifes of Our Mother the Holy Church, 
 upon pretences of wicked and Heatbenifh Policy , to the, high difpleafure 
 ef Almighty God; be fides the manifold Tredfons , abominable Murthers, 
 Man-fiaughters , Robberies , Extortions , the daily Pilling of the People, 
 
 h
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 89 
 
 by Difms, Taxes, Tallages, Benevolences, and pther unlawful 
 
 Impofittons , and grie'vons Exactions , with many fit her heinous Effe6is , 
 
 to the likely defiritction and deflation of the whole Realm ; fhall by God's 
 
 grace , and the help and affiflance of the great Lords of Our Blood , with 
 
 the counfei of other fad Perfons , fee that the Commodities of Our Realm 
 
 be employed to the mofl ad.vantage of the fame ; the inter courfe of Mer- 
 
 chandife betwixt Realm and Realm , to be minislred and handled, as 
 
 jhall more be to the. Common-weal and projpertty of Our Subjecfs ; anA 
 
 all fuch Difms, Taxes, Tallages, Bentvolences, unlawful /mpo- 
 
 jitions , arid grievous Exactions , m be above rehear fed to be fore -done 
 
 and laid apart , and never from henceforth to be called upon , but inftfch 
 
 cafes oi Our Noble Progenitors , Kings of England , have of old time 
 
 been accufiomed to have the ayd, fuccour , and. help of their Subje^s anU 
 
 ^ true Liege-men. ' iJjJ30.„. ./ 7.;n.';i/ii ; W.W.a,. 10 CJL 
 
 <yind further , JVe do out of Our Grace an A 'clemency , 'heteby 'as •^oeli 
 publifh and promife to oM our Subjects Remiffion and free Pardon of alb 
 By-pafl offerees whatfoever , againf Our Pcrfon , or Eflate, in adhering 
 to Our faid Enemy , by whom ( IVe know Well ) they have been mif-led , if 
 they fb all within time convenient fubmit themfelves unto Us. And for 
 fuch as fb all come with the forcmofi , to affifl Our Right eotu Quarrel ^ we 
 fball make them fo far partakers of Our Princely Favour and Bounty , 
 as fball be highly for the Comfort of them and theirs , both during their 
 life , and after their death. As alfo JVefhaU. by all means , which God 
 fball put into Our hands , demean Our felves to give Royal contentment 
 to all Degrees and Eflate s of Our Veople , maintaining the Liberties of 
 Holy church in their Entire , preferving the Honours , Priviledges , and 
 Preheminences ef Our Nobles , from contempt or diffaragement , ac- 
 cording to the dignity of their Blood, f^'e jhall alfo unyoak Our People 
 from all heavy Burthens and Endurances , and confirm Our Cities yBo-^ 
 roughs , and Towns in their charters and Freedoms , with enlargement ,, 
 where it fball be deferved ; and in all points give Our Subjects caufe to 
 think , that the bleffed and debonair Government of Our Noble Father 
 King Edward ( in his lafl times ) is in Us revived. . . ■ ( ' ! 
 
 Cxnd for oi much as the putting to death, or taking alive of Owifi 
 faid Mortal Enemy , may be a rhean to flay miiclj effiifion if Blood , which 
 otherwtfe may enfue , if by Compulfion or fair Promifes , he ^3 all draw 
 after him any number of Our Subjects to rejifl Us ; which We defire to 
 avoid {though We be certainly informed, that Our faid Enemy is pur" 
 pofed and prepared to flie the Land , having already made over great, 
 maffes of the Treafure of Our Crown , the better to fupporthim in Foreiit 
 Parts ) We do hereby declare , That whofoever fljall take or difirefi Our 
 faid Enemy { though the Tarty be of never fo mean a Condition ) he jhall 
 be by Us rewarded with a fhoufand Pound in Money , fortl/with to he 
 laid down to him , and an Hundred Marks by the yedr of Inheritance ;' 
 befides that he may otherwife merit , both towdrd God and all good People, 
 for the deflrnction of fuch a Tyrant, 
 
 Lafly , Wc do all men to wit , and herein We take alfo God io witnef?, 
 
 N That
 
 oo Tbe HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 That whereas Cod hath moz'ed the Heart of Our deareji Coufiu , the King 
 of Scotland , to aid Us w Perfon , tn this Our righteous Quarrel ; it is 
 altogether without any "Pact or Promife , or fo much as demand of any 
 thing , that may prejudice Our Crown, or SubjeSis : But contrariwife with 
 promife on Our [aid Coufins part , that whenfoever he jh all find Us in 
 Cuffifient firength to get the upper hand of our Enemy, { which we hope 
 will be very fuddenly ) he will forthwith peaceably return into his trwn 
 Kingdom ; contenting himfelf only with the glory of fo Honourable an 
 Enterprtz.e , and Our true and faithful Love and K^mity. lihich IVe 
 jball ever ( by the Grace of Almighty God ) fo order , a6 jhall be t9 the 
 great comfort of both Kingdoms. 
 
 BU T Per kin's Proclamation did little edifie with the people 
 of England ; neither was he the better welcom for the com- 
 pany he came in. Wherefore the King of Scotland feeing none 
 came in to Perkin, nor none ftirred any where in his favour , turned 
 his Enterprize into a Rode ; and wafted and deftroyed the Countrey 
 oi Northumberland with fire and fword. But hearing that there were 
 Forces coming againft him , and not willing that they fhould find 
 his men heavy and laden with booty , he returned into Scotland 
 with great Spoils, deferring further profecution , till another 
 time. It is faid , that Perkin ading the part of a Prince handfomly, 
 when he faw the Scotttflj fell to wafte the Countrey , came to the 
 the King in a paflionate manner , making great lamentation , and 
 defired , That that might not be the manner of making the War* 
 for that no Crown was fo dear to his mind , as that he defired to 
 purchafe it with the blood and ruine of his Countrey. Whereunto 
 the King anfwered half in fport ^ that he doubted much , he was 
 careful for that that was none of his, and that he Ihould be too 
 good a steward for his Enemy , to fave the Countrey to his ule. 
 
 By this time , being the Eleventh year of the King , the Inter- 
 ruption of Trade between the Englifb and the Flemmtjh , began to 
 pinch the Merchants of both Nations very fore. Which moved 
 them , by all means they oould devife , to affeCt and difpofe their 
 Sovereigns refpedively , to open the Intercourfe again. Wherein , 
 time favoured them. For the Arch-Duke and his Council began 
 to fee , that Perkin would prove but a Runnagate, and Citizen of the 
 World ; and that it was the part of Children to fall out about Babies. 
 And the King on his part , after the Attempts upon Kent and 
 Northumberland , began to have the bufinefs of Perkin in lefs efti- 
 mation ^ fo as he did not put it to accompt , in any Confultation 
 of state. But that that moved him moft , was , that being a King 
 that loved Wealth and Treafure, he could not endure to have Trade 
 fick, nor any Obftrudion to continue in the Gate-vein , which 
 difperfeth that blood. And yet he kept State fo far , as firft to be 
 fought unto. Wherein the Merchant-Adventurers likewife , ( being 
 a ftrong Company at that time, and well under-fet with rich men, 
 
 and
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 9^ 
 
 and good order) did hold out bravely- taking; off the Commo- 
 dities of the Kingdom , though they lay dead upon their hands for 
 want of l^ent. At the laft , ContmtJJloners met at London , to Treat* 
 On the King's part •, Bidiop Fox Lord Privy Seal , Vifcount l^'ells, 
 Kendd Prior of St. 'johns, , iVarham Mafter of the Rolls , who began 
 to gain much upon the King's opinion •, Urfmck , who wasalmolt 
 ever one. znd Rijley. On the Arch-Duke's part, the Lord 5ff^rj 
 his Admiral , the Lord Venmfel Prefident of Flanders, and others. 
 Thefe concluded a perfeft Treaty, both of Amity and J»tercour[e, 
 between the King and the Arch-Duke ; containing Articles both 
 oi State, Commerce, and Free-Fijhtng. This is that Treaty, which the 
 Flemings call at this day , Intercurfm Magnus ; both becaufe it is 
 more compleat , than the precedent Treaties of the Third and 
 Fourth years of the King : and chiefly to give it a difference from 
 the Treaty that followed in the One and twentieth year of the 
 King, which they call Inter cur [m UMalus. In this Treaty, there 
 was an exprefs Article againfl: the Reception of the Rebels of either 
 Prince by other-, purporting , that if any fuch Rebel (hould be 
 required by the Prince whofe Rebel he was , of the Prince Confede- 
 rate, that forthwith the prince Confederate fhould by Proclamation 
 command him to avoid the Coufitrey. W hich if he did not witliin 
 fifteen days , the Rebel was to ftand profcribed , and put out of Pro- 
 tection. But neverthelefs in this Article , Perkin was not named, 
 neither perhaps contained , becaufe he was no Rebel. But by this 
 means his wings were dipt off his Followers , that were Engltfh. 
 And it was exprefly cbmprifed in the Trf 4^/ , that it fhould extend 
 to the Territories of the Duchef Devcager. After the Intercourse thus 
 reftored , the Englifj Merchants came again to their Manfion at 
 Antwerp , where they wxxt received with Proceffion and great 
 
 The Winter following, being the Twelfth year of his reign, the 
 King called again his Parliament : Where he did much exaggerate 
 both the Malice,2nd the cruel Predatory tvar lately made by the King 
 o{ Scotland; That that King,being in Amity with him, and no ways 
 provoked , fhould fo burn in hatred towards him , as to drink of 
 the Lees and Dregs of Perkins Intoxication , who was every where 
 elfe detedfed and difcarded. And that when he perceived it, was 
 out of his reach , to do the King any hurt , he had turned his Arms 
 upon unarmed and unprovided people , to fpoil only and depopu- 
 late , contrary to the Lavps both of H^ar and Peace : Concluding , 
 that he could neither with Honour , nor with the fafety of his 
 People, to whom he did owe Prote(5lion , let pafs thefe wrongs 
 unrevenged. The Parliament underftood him well , and gave him 
 a Subfidy , limited to the lumm of one hundred and twenty thou- 
 fand Pounds , befides two Fifteens. For his fvars were always to 
 him as a Mine of Treasure , of a ftrange kind of Ore ; Iron at the 
 top, and Gold and Silver at the bottom. At this Parliament (for that 
 
 N 2 there
 
 92 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 there had been fo much time fpent in making Larrs the year before , 
 and for that it was called purpolely in rcfped: of the Scottijb Wat) 
 there were no Lavps made to be rcmembred. Only there palled 
 a Law , at the Suit of the Mer chant- Aiventitrers of England , againft 
 the Merchant- Ai'venturers of London , for Monopdt&ing and exa<5ling 
 upon the Trade : which it leemeth they did , a little to fave them- 
 felves, after the hard time they had fuftained by want of Trade. 
 But thofe InncfVAttons were taken away by Purltament. 
 
 But it was fatal to the King , to fight for his Money. And 
 though he avoided to fight with Enemies abroad , yet he was ftill 
 enforced to fight for it with Rebels at home. For no Iboner began 
 the Subftdie to be levied in Cormval , but the people there began to 
 grudge and murmur. The Cornijh being a race of men , flout of 
 Itomach, mighty of body and limb, and that lived hardly in a 
 barren Countrey , and many of them could (for a need ) live under 
 ground, that were Tinners ; they muttered extremely , that it was 
 a thing not to be fuffered, that for a. little ftir oithz Setts, foon 
 blown over, they flwuld be thus grinded.to Powder with Payments : 
 And faid, it was for them to pay, that had too much, and lived 
 idly. But they would eat the bread they got with the fweat of 
 their brows >, and no man ftiould taKe it from them. And as in the 
 Tides of People once up , there want not commonly ftirring fVinds 
 to make them more rough : So this People did light upon two 
 Ring-leaders , or Captains of the Rout. The one was one Michael 
 Jofeph , a Black-fmith or Farrier of Bodmin ; a notable talking Fel- 
 low , and no lefs defirous to be talked of. The other was Thomas 
 Flammocke , a Lawyer 5 who , by telling his neighbours commonly 
 upon any occafion , that the Law was on their fide , had gotten 
 great fway amongft them. This man talked learnedly , and as if 
 he could tell how to make a Rebellion , and never break the Peace. 
 He told the people , that Subfidtes were not to be granted nor levied 
 in this cafe 5 that is , for Wars of Scotland , ( for that the Lavp had 
 provided another courfe , by fervice of Efcuage, for thofe Journies,) 
 much Icfs when all was quiet , and War was made but a Pretence 
 to poll and pill the Peofle : And therefore that it was good , they 
 (hould not fland now like Iheep before the Shearers , but put on 
 Harnefs , and take Weapons in their hands : Yet to do no creature 
 hurt ; but go and deliver the King a Strong Petition, for the laying 
 .down of thofe grievous Payments , and for the puniflim.ent of thole 
 'that had given him that Counfel 5 to make others beware how 
 they did the like in time to come : And laid , for his part he did 
 not lee how they could do the duty of true £»^///l&-w^», and good 
 \Liege-men., except they did deliver the King from fuch wicked 
 Ones that would deftroy both Him and the Countrey. Their aim 
 was at Archbifhop CMorton, and Sit Regi;ia/d Bray , who were the 
 King's skreens in this Envy. 
 
 After that thefe two , Flammocke and the Black-fmith , had , by 
 
 joynt
 
 King Henry the Seventh, ^^ 
 
 joynt and fevefal Pratings , found tokens of confent in the Midti- 
 
 ttfde , they ©ffered themlelves to lead them , until thty Jhould hear 
 
 of better men , to be their Leaders ; which they (aid would be ert 
 
 long : Telling them further, that they would be but their fervants, 
 
 and firfl: in every danger •, but doubted not but to make both the 
 
 Weft-end and Eaft-end c^Eftglnnd to meet in fo good a Qmrret\ and 
 
 that all (rightly underftood) wasbutfor the King's fervice. The 
 
 People, upon thele ieditious Infiigations, did arm (moft of them with 
 
 : Sowsy and Arrows , and Bills , and fuch other Weapons of rude and 
 
 Countrey People ) and forthwith under the Command of their 
 
 Leaders (which in fuch cafes iseveratpleafure ) marched out of 
 
 ' Cornxval, through DevoMJhire, unto Taunton in Somerfetfliire, without 
 
 [any flaughter, violence, or fpoil of the Countrey. At Tmnten 
 
 they killed , in fury , an oiEcious and eager Cemmiffioner for the 
 
 Suhfdie , whom they called the Prof off- of Peri^. Thence they 
 
 marched to WeHs: where the Lord K^itdley ( with' whom their 
 
 Leaders had , before , fome fecret Intelligence ) a "Hoble-man of an 
 
 ancient family , but unquiet and popular , and afpiring to Ruine, 
 
 ,came-in to them , and was by them ( with great gladnels and cries 
 
 ,of Joy) accepted as their General-^ they being nowproud,that they 
 
 were led by a Noble-man. The Lord Audley led them on jfrom weUs to 
 
 SdUbHry^ and from SaliibHry to winchefier. Thence the foolifli people, 
 
 who ( in efife<5t ) led their Leaders , had a mind to be led into Kent ;. 
 
 fancying , that the people there would joyn with theni, contrary to 
 
 all reafon or judgment- confidering , the Kenti/b-wen had fliewed 
 
 great Loyalty and Affedion to the Kmg fo lately before. But the 
 
 rude People had lieard Flammock fay, that Kent rvas never Conquered,- 
 
 and that they reere the freeji People of England. And , upon thefc 
 
 vain NoifeSj they looked for great matters at their hands , irt 
 
 a caufe which they conceited to be for the liberty of the Subjeif. 
 
 But when they were come into Kent , the Countrey was fo well 
 
 fetlcd , both by the King's late kind ufage towards them , and by 
 
 the credit dnd power of the Earl of Kent , the Lord ^^bergaveny, 
 
 and the Lord Cobham , as neither Gentleman nor Teoman came-in 
 
 to their- aid; which did much damp and difmay many of the 
 
 fimpler fort:- Infomuch, as divers of them did fecretly flie from 
 
 the o/my, and went home. But the fturdier fort, and thofe 
 
 that were moft engaged , ftood by it , and rather waxed Proud , 
 
 than failed in Hopes and Courage. For as it did fomewhat appall 
 
 them , that the people came not in to them ^ fo it did no left 
 
 encourage them , that the King's Forces had not fet upon them, 
 
 having marched from the Weil unto the Eaft of England. Where* 
 
 fore they kept on their way, and encamped upon Black-heath , ht- 
 
 tween Greenwich and Eltham ; threatning either to bid Battel to the? 
 
 King, (for now the Seas went higher than to Morton, and Bray) 
 
 or to take London within his view , imagining Vftth themfclves, 
 
 there to find no lefs Fear , than ivealth. " ""^^^ " • "^ ' ' ^ 
 
 But
 
 94 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 But to return to the King. When firft he heard of this Com- 
 motion of the Cornijh'men- occafioned by the Subfidte , he was much 
 troubled therewith : Not for it felf , but in regard of the Concur- 
 rence of other Daggers , that did hang over him at that time. For 
 he doubted left a w<tr from ScotUad., a Rehellion from Cormval , and 
 the Pradices and Conj^irAcies of Verktn and his Partakers , would > 
 come upon him at once j Knowing well , that it was a dangerous 
 Triplicity to a Momrchy , to have the Arms of a Foreiner , the Dif 
 contentsoi SubjeBs, and the 7itle of a Pretender , to meet. Never- 
 thelefs , the Occafion took him in fome part well provided. For as 
 foon as the Parliament had broken up, the King had prcfently raifed 
 a puilTant Army, to war upon Scotland. And King James of Scot- 
 land likewife , on his part , had made great preparations either for 
 defence , or for new affailing of England. But as for the King's 
 Forces , they were not only in preparation , but in readinefs pre- 
 fently to fet forth , under the Condud of Dawbeney , the Lord 
 Chamberlain. But as foon as the King underftood of the Rebel- 
 lion of Cornvoal, he ftayed thofe Forces, retaining them for his own 
 fervice and fafety. But therewithal he difpatched the Earl of 
 Surrey into the North , for the defence and ftrength of thofe parts, 
 in cafe the Scots fliould ftir. But for the courfe he held towards 
 the Hebels , it was utterly differing from his former cuftom , and 
 pra<5tice ^ which was ever full of forwardnefs and celerity, to make 
 head againfl: them , or to fet upon them as foon as ever they were 
 in A(5lion. This he was wont to do. But now, befides that he was 
 attempered by rf4r J , and lefs in love with Pd«g^rj , by the conti- 
 nued Fruition of a Crown; it was a time when the various ap- 
 pearance to his Thoughts of Perils of feveral Natures , and from 
 ciiveys Parts , did make him judge it his beft and fureft way, to 
 keep his Strength together, in the Seat and Centre of his Kingdom. 
 According to the ancient Indian Emblem 5 in fuch a fwelling 
 Sealbn, To hold the hand upon the middle of the Bladder , that no fide 
 might rife. Befides , there was no neceflity put upon him , to alter 
 this Counfel. For neither did the Rebels fpoil the Countrey ; in 
 which cafe it had been diflionour to abandon his People : Neither 
 pn the other fide, did their Forces gather or increafe , which might 
 haftcn him to precipitate and aflail them , before they grew too 
 ftrong. And laftly, both Reafon of Efiate and ^F^r feemed to agree 
 with this courfe ; For that Infurreciions of bafe People are com- 
 monly more furious in their Beginnings. And by this means alfo 
 he had them the more at Vantage , being tired and harrafled with 
 a long march 5 and more at Mercy , bemg cut off far from their 
 Comtrey , and therefore not able by any fudden flight to get to 
 Retrait , and to renew the Troubles. 
 
 When therefore the Rebels were encamped on Black-heath, upon 
 the Hill , whence they might behold the City of London , and the 
 fair Valley about it ; the King knowing well,that it ftood him upon, 
 
 by
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 95 
 
 by how much the more he had hitlierto protraded the time in 
 not encountnng them , by fo much the iboner to difpatch with 
 them, that it might appear to have been no Cold»ef^'m f'oreflow- 
 ing, \3\1tmfdom in choofing his time; rcfoived with ail fpeed to 
 zS:i.\i them , and yet with that Providence , and Surety , as fliould 
 leave little to Venture or Ftrtune. And having very great and 
 puilTant Forces about him , the better to mafter all Euents and 
 Accidents , he divided them into three parts. The firft was led by 
 the Earl of Oxford in chief, affiiled by the Earls of Effex and Suf 
 folk. Thefe Noble-men were appointed , . with fome Cornets of 
 Horfe, and Binds oi Foot, and good ilore of Artillery wheeling about 
 to put themfelves beyond the Hill , where the Rebels were en- 
 camped 5 and to befet all the skirts and defcents thereof, except 
 thole that lay towards London ; whereby to have thefe fVild Beajls 
 (as it were) in a Toyl. The fecond part of his Forces (which were 
 thole that were to be moft in ^^Slion , and upon which he relyed 
 moft for the Fortune of the Day ) he did aflign to be led by the Lord 
 chamberlain , who was appointed to fet upon the Rebels in Front, 
 from that fide which is toward London. The third part of his 
 Forces ( being likewife great and brave Forces ) he retained about 
 hiralelf , to be ready , upon all Events , to reftore the Fight , or 
 confummate the Viiiory ; and mean while, to fecure the City. And 
 for that purpole he encamped in Perfon in St. George's Fields , put- 
 ting himfelf between the City and the Rebels. But the City of 
 London (fpecially at the firft) upon the near encamping of the 
 Rebels , was in great Tumult : As it ufeth to be with wealthy and 
 populous Cities , (efpecially thole, which, for greatnefs and for- 
 tune , are Queens of their Regions ) who feldom fee out of their 
 Windows , or from their Toveers , an Army of Enemies. But that 
 which troubled them moft, was the conceit, that they dealt with 
 a Rout of People , with whom there was no Compofition , or Con- 
 dition , or orderly Treating , if need were ^ but likely to be bent 
 altogether upon Rapine and Spoil. And although they had heard 
 that the Rebels had behaved themfelves quietly and modeftly , by 
 the way as they went •, yet they doubted much , that would not 
 laft, but rather make them more hungry, and more in appetite, to 
 fall upon Ipoil in the end. Wherefore there was great running 
 to and fro of People , fome to the Gates , fome to the Walls , fome 
 to the fvater-fide ; giving themfelves Alarms , and Panick fears con- 
 tinually. Neverthelefs , both Tate the Lord Mayor , and shaw, 
 and Haddon, the Sheriffs, did their parts ftoutly and well , in arming 
 and ordering the People. And the King likewiledidadjoynibme 
 captains of experience in the Wars, to ad vile and aflift the Citizens. 
 But foon after , when they underftood that the King had fo ordered 
 the matter , that the Rebels muft win three Battels , before they 
 could approach the City , and that he had put his own Perfon 
 between the iff ^f A" and them, and that the great care was rather 
 I how
 
 96 
 
 The H'Mory of the Reign of 
 
 how to impound the Rebels, that none of them might efcape , than 
 that any doubt was made to vanquilTi them • they grew to be quiet 
 and out of fear. The rather, for the confidence they repofed (which 
 was not fmali ) in the three Leaders , Oxford, Ejfex, and Davcbeney; 
 all, men famed and loved amongft the People. As for J^Jper Duke 
 o( Bedford, whom the King ufed to employ with the hrft in his 
 Wars , he was then fick , and dyed foon after. 
 
 It was the two and twentieth of 'jane , and aSaturday ( which 
 was the day of the week the King fancied ) when the Battel was 
 fought 5 though the King had , by all the Art he could devife , 
 given out a falfe Day , as if he prepared to giv^e the Rebels Battel 
 on the Monday following , the better to find them unprovided , 
 and in difarray. The Lords , that were appointed to circle the 
 Hill , had fome days before planted themfelves ( as at the Receipt)' 
 in places convenient. In the afternoon , towards the decline of 
 the day, (which was done , the better to keep the Rebels in opinion 
 that they fhould not fight that day ) the Lord Dawbeney mai^ched' 
 on towards them , and firft beat fome Troops of them from J>et- 
 ford-bridge , where they fought manfully : But being in no great 
 number were foon driven back , and fled up to their main <^rmy 
 upon the Hill. The Army , at that time hearing of the approach 
 of the King's Forces , wxre putting themfelves in Array , not 
 without much Confufion. But neither had they placed upon the 
 firft high-ground towards the Bridge , any Forces to fecond the 
 Troops below , that kept the Bridge ; neither had they brought 
 forwards their Main-Battel ( which ftood in array far into the 
 Heath ) near to the afcent of the Hill. So that the Earl with his 
 Forces mounted the Hill , and recovered the Plain , without re- 
 fiftance. The Lord Darvbeney charged them with great fury 5 
 Infomuch , as it had like ( by accident) to have brandled the For- 
 tune of the Day. For , by inconfiderate Forwardnefs in fighting 
 in the head of his Troops , he was taken by the Rebels ; but , im- 
 mediately relcued , and delivered. The Rebels maintained the Fight 
 for a fmall time , and for their Perfons fhewed no want of courage ; 
 but being ill armed, and ill led , and without Hprfe or Artillery, 
 they were with no great difficulty cut in pieces , and put to flight. 
 And for their three Leaders • the Lord Audley , the Black-fmith , 
 and Flammocke , ( as , commonly the Captains of Commotions are 
 but half coar aged Men) fuffered themfelves to be taken alive. The 
 number flain on the Rebels part, were fome two thoufand men* 
 their Army amounting ( as it is faid ) unto the number of fixteen 
 thoufand. The reft were ( in effe<5l ) all taken • for that the Hill , 
 as was faid , was encompaffed with the King's Forces round about. 
 On the King's part there dyed about three hundred • moft of them 
 fliot with Arrows, which were reported to be of the length of 
 a Taylor' s-yard : So ftrong and mighty a Bow the Cormfh-men were 
 faid to draw. 
 
 The
 
 Kins, H E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 91 
 
 The ricfory thus obtained , the King created divers Bannerets, 
 as well upon Black-hcrah, v\'here \m Ltettten.mt had M'on thcField 
 ( whither he rode in Pcrfon to perform the faid Creation ) as in 
 St. George's Fields , where his own perfon had been encamped! 
 And for matter of Liberality, he did (by open Edict) give the 
 goods of all the Pnfcners , unto thofe that had taken them • cither 
 to take tiiem in Kind , or compound for them as they could. After 
 matter of Honour and Liber Ality , followed matter of Severity and 
 Execution. The Lord Aidley was led ixova. New-gate to Torver-hill , 
 in a Paper-Coat painted with his own Arms ; the Arms reverfcd , 
 the Coat torn , and he at Torver-hill beheaded. Flammochc .^ and 
 the Black-fmith were hanged , drawn, and quartered at Ty- 
 burn ; The Black-fmith taking pleaiure upon the Hurdle ( as it 
 feemeth by words that he uttered) to think that he fliould be famous 
 in after-times. The King was once in mind to have lent down 
 Flammocke, and the Black-fmith , to Iiave been executed in Comvral, 
 for the more terrour. But , being advertifed , that the Countrej' 
 was yet unquiet and boyling , he thought better not to irritate the 
 People further. All the reft were pardoned by ProcUmation, arid 
 to take out their Pardons under Seal , as many as would. So that , 
 more than the blood drawn in the Field , the King did fatisfie him- 
 felf with the lives of only three Offenders , for the expiation of this 
 great Rebellion. 
 
 It was a ftrange thing, to obferve the variety and inequality of 
 the King's Executions and Pardons. And a man would think it, 
 at the firft , a kind of Lottery or Chance. But , looking into it more 
 nearly , one (hall find there was reafon for it , much more perhaps, 
 than ( after fo long a diftance of time) we can now difcern. In 
 the Kenttjh Commotion ( which was but an handful of men ) there 
 were executed to the number of one hundred and fifty • and , in 
 this fo mighty a Rebellion , but three : Whether it were , that the 
 King put to accompt the men that were flain in the field ; or 
 that he was not willing to be feverc in a popular caufe • or that 
 the harmlefs behaviour of this People (that came from the Welt of 
 England , to the Eaft , without mifchief almoft , or fpoil of the 
 Countrey) did fomewhat mollifie him, and move him to com- 
 paflion 5 or laftly , that he made a great difference between Peo- 
 ple J chat did rebel upon fVantonnef, and them that did rebel upon 
 ivant. 
 
 After the Comifj-men were defeated , there came from Cali^c to 
 the King , an honourable AmbafTage from the French King , which 
 had arrived at Calice a Month before , and there was Ifayed in 
 refped of the troubles- but honourably entertained and defrayed. 
 
 The King , at their firft coming , fent unto them , and prayed 
 them to have patience, till a little Smoak , that wasraifecfin his 
 Countrey, were over • which would foon be : Slighting (as his man- 
 ner was) that openly, which neverthelefs he intended ferioully. 
 
 O This
 
 98 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 This Ambaffage concerned no great Affair 5 but only the Pre- 
 lofjgation of Days for payment of Moneys , and Ibme other Par- 
 ticulars of the Frontiers. And it was ( indeed ) but a wooing 
 Ambaffage 5 with good refpeds to entertain the King in good 
 affedion : but nothing was done , or handled , to the derogation 
 of the King's late Treaty with the Italians. 
 
 But, during the time that the Cornijh-fnen were in their march 
 towards Londen , the King of Scotland ( well advertifed of all that 
 pafTed, and knowing himlelf fure of War from England, whenfocver 
 thofe Stirs were appeafed ) neglecfted not his opportunity ; But , 
 thinking the King had his hands full , entred the Frontiers of 
 England again with an Army , and befieged the Caftlc of Norham 
 in Perfon , with part of his Forces , fendmg the reft to forrage the 
 Countrey. But Fox , Bifliop of Vitrefm ( a wife man , and one tiiat 
 could fee through the Prefent , to the Future ) doubting as much 
 before , had caufed his Caftle of Norham to be ftrongly fortified , 
 and furnifhed , with all kind of Munition : And bad manned it 
 likewife , with a very great number of tall Soldiers , more than for 
 the proportion of the Caftle 5 reckoning rather upon a fliarp Aj- 
 fault, than a long Siege. And for the Countrey likewife , he had 
 caufed the people withdraw their Cattel and Goods into Fast 
 Places , that were not of eafie approach 5 and fent in poft to the 
 Earl of Surrey ( who was not far off, in Yorkjhire ) to come in dili- 
 gence to the Succour. So as the Scottijh King both failed of doing 
 good upon the Caftle , and his men had but a catching Harvcft of 
 their Spoils. And when he underftood , that the Earl of Surrey 
 was coming on with great Forces , he returned back into Scotland. 
 The Earl finding the Caftle freed, and the Enemy retired , purfiied 
 with all celerity into Scotland ; hoping to have overtaken the 
 Scott'jh King , and to have given him Battel ^ But not attaining 
 him in time, fate down before the Caftle of ex/iro« ( one of the 
 ftrongeft places , thenefteemed, between Berveick and Edenburgh) 
 which in a fmall time he took. And loon after , the ScottijJj King 
 retiring further into his Countrey, and the weather being extraor- 
 dinary foftl and ftormy , the Earl returned into England. So that 
 the Exf editions on both parts were ( in effeift) but a Caftle taken , 
 and a Caftle diftreffed •, not anfwerable to the puilTance of the 
 Forces , nor to the heat of the Quarrel, nor to the greatnefs of the 
 Exfeciation. 
 
 Amongft thefe Troubles , both Civil and •External, came into 
 England from Spain Peter HiaUs , fomc call him Elias , ( furely he 
 was the fore-runner of the good Hap , that wc enjoy at this day. 
 For his Ambaffage fet the Truce between England and Scotland ; 
 the Truce drew on the Peace ; the Peace the Marriage ; and the 
 Marriage the Union of the Kingdoms) a man of great Wildom, and 
 j ( as thofe times were) not unlearned -, lent from Ferdmando and 
 jfabella Kings of Spain unto the King , to treat a Marriage between 
 
 Catherine
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 99 
 
 Catherini their iecond Daughter, and Prince Arthur. ThisTrekty 
 was by him let in a very good way, and almoll brought to per- 
 Fection. But it lb fell out by the way, that upon foma Conference 
 which he had with the King touching this bufincfs , the King- 
 ( wlio Iiad a great dexterity in getting luddenly into the bofom of 
 Ambafladors of forein Princes , if he liked the men ; Inibmuch as 
 he would many times communicate with them of his own affairs, 
 yea and employ them in his fervice ) fell into (peech and dilcourle 
 incidently , concerning the ending the Dekites and diferences 
 with ScotUfid. For the King naturally did not love the barren 
 Wats with ScotLtnd , though he made his profit of the Noife of 
 them. And he wanted not in the Council of ScotUnd thole that 
 would advile their King to meet him at the half-way , and to give 
 over the War with £«^/^»^; pretending to be good P^/^r/cirj , but 
 indeed favouring thcatfairs of the King. Only his heart was too 
 great to begin with ScotLxnd for the motion of Peace. On the 
 other fide, he had met with an hWi^oi Ferdinmdo o^ ^rragon , 
 as fit for his turn as could be. For after that King Ferdinmdo had, 
 upon afTured confidence of the Marriage to fucceed , taken upon 
 him the perfon of a Fraternal AUie to the King , he would not let 
 ( in a Spanijh gravity ) to counfel the King in his own affairs. And 
 the King on his part not being wanting to himfelf, butmaking. 
 ufe of every man's humours , made his advantage of this in fuclv 
 things as bethought either not decent, or not pleafantto proceecF 
 from himfelf 5 putting them off, as done by the Counfel of Ferdi- 
 nando. Wherefore he was content that Hulas ( as in a matter, 
 moved and advifed from HULts himfelf) fliould go into Scotland , 
 to treat of a Concord between the two Kings. HiaUs took it upon 
 him : and coming to the Scottifh King , after he had with much 
 Art brought King James to hearken to the more fafe and quiet 
 Counfels , wTOte unto the King, that he hoped that Peace would 
 with no great difficulty cement and clofe , if he would fend fome 
 wife and temperate Counfellor of his own , that might treat of the 
 Conditions. Whereupon the King diredtcd Billiop Fox (who at 
 that time was at Iiis Caftle of Norham ) to confer with HiaUs , and 
 they both to treat with fome Commiffioners , deputed from the 
 ScottijJj King. The Commiffioners on both fides met. But after much 
 difpute upon the Articles and Conditions of Peace , propounded upon 
 either part, they could not conclude a Peace. The cbiti Impediments 
 thereof was the demand of the King , to have Perktn delivered 
 into his hands , as a reproach to all Kings , and a perfon not pro- 
 teded by the L.txv of Natiens. The King of Scotland , on the other 
 fide, peremptorily denied fo to do •, faying. That he (for his part) 
 was no competent Judge of Perking Title : But that he had re- 
 ceived him as a Suppliant , protefted him as a perlbn l^ed for Refuge, 
 efpoufed him with his Kinfivoman , and aided him wxthhis Arms, 
 upon the belief that he was a Prince ; And therefore that he could 
 
 O 2 
 
 not
 
 lOO 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 not new with his Honour fo unrip , and ( in a fort ) put a Lye upon 
 all that he had faid and done before » as to deliver him up to his 
 Enemies. The Bilhop likewife (who had certain proud inftrudions 
 from the King , at the leaft in the Fro»t, though there were a pliant 
 claufe at the Foot , that remitted all to the Biihop's difcretion , and 
 required him by no means to break off in ill terms ) after that he 
 had failed to obtain the delivery of Perkifz , did move a fecond 
 point of his Injirucliom ; which was , that the Scottifli King 
 would give the King an Entervievp in Perfon at Nevecaftle. But 
 this being reported to the Scottijh King , his anfwer was , That he 
 meant to treat a Peace , and not to go a hegging for it. The Bifliop 
 alfo (according to another Article of his JnjlruBions) demanded 
 RejlitHtion of the Spoils taken by the Scottiflj , or Damages for the 
 fame. But the Scottijh Ccmmiffioners anf^'ered 5 "that that rvoi but 
 as Water Jpilt upn the ground , which could not be gotten up again ; and 
 that the KtfJgs People were better able to bear the lof, than their Alafier 
 to repair tt. But in the end ( as perfons capable of Reafon ) on 
 both fides they made a kind of Receji, than a Breach of Treaty , 
 and concluded upon a Truce for fome Months following. But the 
 King of Scotland , though he would not formally retradt his judge- 
 ment oi Perkin , wherein he had engaged himfelf fo far 5 yet in 
 bis private opinion , upon often fpeech with the EngUjh-men , and 
 divers other advertifements , began to fufped him for a Counterfeit. 
 Wherefore in a Noble falliion he called him unto him , and re- 
 counted the benefits and favours that he had done him , in making 
 him his Allte , and in provoking a Mighty and Opulent King by 
 an Offenfive fvar in his Quarrel, for the i'pace of two years together. 
 Nay more; that he had refufed an Honourable Peace , whereof he 
 had a fair Offer , if he would have delivered him ■ and that to keep 
 his promife with him , he had deeply offended both his Nobles and 
 People, whom he might not hold in any long difcontent. And there- 
 fore required him to think of his own Fortunes , and to choofe out 
 fome fitter place for his Exile : Telling him withal , that he could 
 not fay, but the Englijh had forfaken him before the Scottijh, for 
 that upon two feveral Tryals , none had declared themfelves on 
 his fide. But neverthelefs he would make good what he faid to 
 him at his firft receiving, which was. That he (bould not repent 
 him , for putting himfelf into his hands ; For that he would not caft 
 him off, bat help him with Shipping and means , totranfJDorthira 
 where he fhould defire. Perkm , not defcending at all from his 
 Stage-like Greatnefs , anfwercd the King in few words • That he 
 faw his time was not yet come ; But whatfoever his Fortunes were , he 
 Jhould both think and (peak Honour of the King. Taking his leave , 
 he would not think on Flanders , doubting it was but hollow 
 ground for him , fince the Treaty of the Arch-Duke concluded the 
 year before 5 but took his Lady, and fuch followers as would not 
 leave him , and failed over into Ireland. 
 
 This
 
 Kifjg Henry the Seventh, 
 
 lOI 
 
 This Twelfth year of the King, a httle before tliis time , Pope 
 Alex.t?fder ( who loved befb thole Princes that were furtlieft off, 
 and with whom he had leaft to do ) taking very thankfully the 
 ! King's late entrance into League , for the defence of Itxly , did re- 
 j munerate him with an Hallowed Svcord , and Ca^-oi-'JAfainte/iAKce 
 Tent by his Nuncio. Pope Jnnocent had done the like , but it was 
 not received in that Glory. For the King appointed the Mayor and 
 his Brethren to meet the Pope's Orator at Lotdon-Bndge , and all the 
 Streets between the Bridge-foot and the Palace of St. P.itds ( where 
 the King then lay) were garnilhed with the Citizens, ftanding 
 in their Liveries. And the morrow after ( being All-hallows day ) 
 the King, attended with many of his Prelates, Nobles, and principal 
 Courtiers , went in Procejfim to St. Pmls , and the Caf and Svcord 
 were born before him. And after the Proceffion , the King himfelf 
 remaining feated in the Choir, the Lord Archbilhop upon the greece 
 of the Choir , made a long Oration , letting forth the greatnefs and 
 Eminency of that Honour , which the Pope ( in tliefe Ornaments and 
 Eniigns of Benedtcf ion) had done the King , and how rarely, and 
 upon what high deferts they ufed to be bellowed. And then 
 recited the Kings principal Acis and Merits , which had made him 
 appear worthy in the eyes of his Holinefs of this great Honour. 
 
 All this while the Rebellion ofComrval (whereof we have fpoken) 
 leemed to have no relation to P-erkin; favethat perhaps Perkins 
 Proclamation had ftricken upon the right Vein , in promiling to 
 lay down Exactions and Payments , and io had made them now and 
 then have a kind thought on Perkin. But now thefe Bubbles by 
 much ftirring began to meet , as they ufe to do upon the top of 
 water. The King's lenity (by that time the Corwy/^ Rebels , who 
 were taken and pardoned , and ( as it was faid ) many of them fold 
 by them that had taken them , for twelve pence and t\vo fhillings 
 a piece, were come down into their Countrey) had rather im- 
 boldened them , than reclaimed them : Infomuch , as they ftuck 
 not to lay to their Neighbours and Countrey-men , that The King 
 did well to far don them , for that he knew he jhouldl eave few Subjeifs 
 in England , if he hanged all that were of their mind : And began 
 whetting and inciting one another to renew the Commotion. Some 
 of the (ubtilelt of them , hearing of Per kin's being in Ireland, 
 found means to fend to him , to let him know , that if he would 
 come over to them, they would ferve him. 
 
 WhcnP^r/t/^ heard this News, he began to take heart again , 
 and advifed upon it with his Council, which were principally three ; 
 Heme a Mercer , that had fled for Debt 5 Skelton a Taylor , and 
 Asiley a Scrivener : for Secretary Prion was gone. Thefe told him, 
 that he was mightily overfeen , both when he went into Kent, 
 and when he went mio Scotland. The one being a place fo near 
 London , and under the King's Nole 5 and the other a Nation fo 
 diftafted with the People of England, that if they had loved him 
 
 never 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 \ ;
 
 102 
 
 The Hilary of the Reign of 
 
 never lb well, yet they could never have taken his part in that 
 Company. But if he had been lb happy , as to have been in Comival 
 at the firft , when the People began to take Arms there , he had 
 been crowned at Wefimffificr before this time. For , thefe Kings 
 ( as he had now experience ) would fell poor Primes for Ihooes : But 
 he muft rely wholly upon People ; and therefore advifed him to lail 
 over with all poflible Ipeed into Cornvenl. Which , accordingly he 
 did 5 having in his Company four fmall Barques, with Ibme fix 
 fcore or feven fcore fighting men. He arrived in September at 
 fVhitfmd-Bay • and forthwith came to Bodmin , the Black-jmith's 
 Town : Where there affembled unto him to the number of three 
 thoufand men of the rude People. There he let forth a new Pro- 
 cUmAtion, Itroaking the People with fair Promifes, and humouring 
 them with Invecirues againit the King and his Govermnent. And, 
 as it fareth with Smoak , that never lofeth it felf till it be at the 
 higheft^ he did now before his end raile his Stile , intituling him- 
 felf no more Richard, Duke of Tork ; but Richard the Fourth , King 
 of England. His Coimcil advifed him , by all means , to make him- 
 felf Majier of fome good walled Town ; as well to make his Men 
 find the f^^eetnefs of rich Spoi/s , and to allure to him all loofe and 
 loft People, by like hopes oi Booty ; as to be a fureRefrait to his 
 Forces , in cafe they fiiould have any ill Daji , or unlucky Chance 
 in the Field. Wherefore they took heart to them , and went on , 
 and befieged the City of Exceter , the principal Town for Strength 
 and Wealth in thole Parts. 
 
 When they were come before Exceter, they forbare to ule any 
 Force at the firft; but made continual Shouts and Out-cries, to 
 terrific the Inhabitants. They did likewife in divers places call 
 and talk to them from under the Walls , to joyn with them , and 
 be of their Party ; telling them , that the King would make them 
 another London , if they would be the firft Town that fliould ac- 
 knowledge him. But they had not the wit to fend to them , in 
 any orderly fafhion , Agents , or chofen Men , to tempt them , and 
 to treat with them. The Citizens on their part Ihewed them- 
 felvesftout and loyal Subjeds. Neither was there fo much as any 
 Tumult or Division amongft them: but all prepared themfelves for 
 a valiant Defence , and making good the Town. For , well they 
 faw, that the Rebels were of no fuch Number or Power , that they 
 needed to fear them as yet ; and well they hoped , that before their 
 Numbers mcreafed , the King's Sticmurs would come-in. And , 
 howfoever , they thought it the extremeft of Evils , to put them- 
 felves at the mercy of thofe hungry and dilorderly People. Where- 
 fore , letting all things in good order within the Town , they 
 neverthelefs let down with Cords , from feveral parts of the Walls 
 privily, feveral Mejfengers (that, if one came to mifchance, another 
 might pafs-on ) which fliould advenife the King of the State of 
 the Town , and implore his a}'d. Perkin alfo doubted, that Succours 
 
 would
 
 King H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 103 
 
 would come ere long • and therefore refolvcd to ufe his utmoft ' 
 Force to afFault the Towi-i : And for that purpofe , having mounted I 
 ScaliNg-L.tdders\n. divers places upon the Walls, made at the fame 
 inftant an <^ttempt to force one of the Gates. But , having no 
 K_Artillery nor Engtns , and finding that he could do no good bv 
 ramming with Logs of Timber , nor by the ufe of Iron B.irs anci 
 Iron Crorvs , and fuch other means at hand , he had no way left him, 
 but to fet one of the Gates on Hre : which he did. But the Citizens, 
 well perceiving the Danger, before the Gate could be fully con- 
 fumed, blocked up the Gate, and fome ipace about it on the infide , 
 with Fagots and other Fuel ; which they likewife fet on fire , and 
 fo repulfed fire with fire 5 And , in the mean time, raifed up Ram- 
 piers of earth , and caft up deep Trenches , to ferve inftead of ivall 
 and Gate. And for the Efea/ada's , they had fo bad fuccefs , as the 
 Rebels were driven from the JValts,\vii\\ the lofs of two hundred men. 
 
 The King , when he heard of Perkin's Siege of Exceter , made 
 fport with it, and faid to them that were about him, that The 
 King of Rake-hells was landed in the rvejl , and that he hoped norv to have 
 the honour to fee him , vchich he could never yet do. And it appeared 
 plainly to thofe that were about the King, that he was indeed much 
 joyed with the News of Perkins being on Engltjh ground , where 
 he could have no retreat by Land • thinking now , that he (liould 
 be cured of thofe privy Stitches , which he had long had about his 
 Heart , and had fometimes broken his Sleeps in the midft of all his 
 felicity. And , to fet all rnens hearts on fire , he did by all poffible 
 means let it appear , that thofe , who fliould now do him lervice td 
 make an end of thele troubles , fhould be no lefs accepted of him , 
 than he that came upon the Eleventh Hour, and had the whole tvages 
 of the Day. Therefore now ( like the end of a Play) a great num- 
 ber came upon the Stage at once. He lent the Lord Chamberlain , 
 and the Lord Brook , and Sir Rice ap Thomas , with expedite Forces 
 to fpeed to Exceter , to the Refcuc of the Town , and to fpread the 
 Fame of his own following in Perfbn with a Royal Army. The 
 Earl of Dezionjbire , and his Son , with the Caroes , and the Fttlfords, 
 and other principal Perlbns of Devonjhtre ( uncalled from the Court, 
 but hearing that the King's heart was fo much bent upon this 
 Service) made hafte with Troops, that they had raifed, to be the 
 firft that Ihould fuccour the City of Exceter, and prevent the King's 
 Succours. The Duke of Buckingham likewife , with many brave 
 Gentlemen, putthemfclvesin^rwj, not ftaying either the King's, 
 or the Lord Chamberlain's coming on , but making a Body of 
 Forces of themlelves, the more to indear their merit 5 fignifying j 
 to the King their readinefs , and defiring to know his pleafure. 
 So that according to the Proverb , In the coming dovpn , every Saint 
 did help. 
 
 Perkin , hearing this Thunder of ^^rms , and Preparations 
 againft him from fo many Parts, raifed his Siege, and marched 
 
 to
 
 104 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 to Tatmton ; beginning already to fquint one eye upon the Craven, 
 and another upon the Sanctuary : Though the Corfitjb-meft were 
 become, like Metal often fired and quenched , chmiiili, and that 
 would fooner break than bow 5 fwearing and vowing not to leave 
 him , till the uttermoft drop of their blood were Ipilt. He was 
 at his rifing from Exceter httv^ttn fix and leven thoufand ftrong , 
 many having come unto him , after he was fet before Exceter, upon 
 fame of fo great an Enterprize , and to partake of the Spoil • 
 though upon the raifing of his Siege , fome did Hip a^vay. When 
 he was come near Tmnton , he dilTembled all fear , and Teemed all 
 the day to ufe diligence in preparing all things ready to fight. 
 But about midnight , he fled with threefcore Hori'e to Bcveley in the 
 New-Forejl , where he and divers of his Company regiftred them- 
 felves SAncluary-men , leaving his CormjJj-men to the Four ivinds ; 
 But yet thereby eafmg them of their rviv, and ufing his wonted 
 Compaflion, Not to he by rvhen his Subjects blood fljould be fj/ilt. The 
 King , as foon as he heard of Perkins Flight , fent prefently five 
 hundred Horfe to purfue and apprehend him , before he ihould get 
 either to the Sea , or to that fame little ifland, called a SanHiury: 
 But they came too late for the latter of thefe. Therefore all they 
 could do , was to befet the San&uary , and to maintain a ftrong 
 fVdtch about it , till the King's pleafure were further known. As 
 for the reft of the Rebels, they (being deftituted of their head) with- 
 out ftroke ftricken , fubmitted themfelves unto the King's Mercy. 
 And the King, who commonly drew Blood (as Phyjicia/isdo) rather 
 to fave life, than to fpill it , and was never Cruel , when he was 
 Secttre ; now he faw the danger was paft , pardoned them all in the 
 end , except fome few defperate perlbns which he relerved to be 
 Executed , the better to fet off his Mercy towards the reft. There 
 were alfo fent with all fpeed fome Horie to St. Muhael' s-Mount in 
 Cornvpal, where the Lady Catherine Gordon was left by her Huf- 
 band , whom in all fortunes fhe entirely loved ; adding the virtues 
 of a wife , to the virtues of her Sex. The King fent in the greater 
 diligence, not knowing whether flie might be with Child • where- 
 by the bufinefs would not have ended in Perkins peribn. When 
 (he was brought to the King , it was comimonly laid , that the King 
 received her not only with Comfaffion, but with Affection -^ Pity 
 giving more Irtifreffion to her excellent Beauty. Wherefore com- 
 forting her ( to lerve as well his Eye as his Fame) he fent her to his 
 Queen, to remain with her^ giving her very honourable o^/- 
 loveance for the fuport of her Eltate : which flie enjoyed both during 
 the King's life , and many years after. The name of the ivhite-Rofe 
 ( which had been given to her Husband's Falfe-Title ) was con- 
 tinued in common fpeech to her true Beauty. 
 
 The King went forward on his Journey , and made a joyful 
 entrance into Exceter, \\hcre he gave the Citizens great com- 
 mendations and thanks •, and taking the ^jv^r^ he wore, from his 
 
 lide,
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 105 
 
 fide, he gave it to the Mayor, and commanded it flioiild be ever 
 after carried before him. There alli) he caiifed to be executed fome 
 oWht Ring-leaders of the Cormjb-meti , in facrifice to the Citizens, 
 whom they had put in fear, and trouble. At Exccter the King 
 conililted with iiis Council, whether he ihould offer hfe to /'fr/v* , { 
 if he would quit the SAnCiiury , and voluntarily fubmit himfclf. ■ 
 Tha Council were divided in opinion. Some advifed the King to 
 t^ke him out of Sancfuary per-tbrce, and to put liim to death, as 
 in a cafe of Ncccfjity , which in it lelf difpenfeth with Cvnfccrated 
 Places and things. Wherein they doubted not alfo , but the King 
 flnuld find the Pope tradable to ratifie his Deed, cither by Decla- 
 rxtUtt , or ( at leaft ) by Indulgence. Others were of opinion (fince 
 all was now fafe , and no further hurt could be done) that it was 
 not worth the expofing of the King to new Sc.indd and£/^77. A 
 third fort fell upon the opinion that it was not poflible fur the King 
 ever, either to fatisfie the World well touching the Impojlure , or to 
 learn out the bottom of the Cofijpiracy, except by promife of Life and 
 Pirdon, and other fair means, he fliould get Perkin into his hands. 
 But they did all in their Preambles much bemoan the King's Cafe, 
 with a kind of Indignation at iiis Fortune ; That a Prince of his 
 high mfdom and Firtite , fliould have been fo long , and fo oft 
 exerciled and vexed with Idols. But the King faid 5 that it was the 
 rexation of God Almighty himfclf, to be vexed v/ith idols, and 
 therefore that that was not to trouble any of his Friends. And that 
 for himfelf, he always defpifed them -, but was grieved that they 
 had put his People to fuch trouble and milcry. But ( in Concufion) 
 he leaned to the third opinion , and fo fent fbme to deal with Perkin. 
 Who feeing himfelf Prifbncr , and deftitute of all hopes , having 
 tryed Princes an6 People, Great and Small , and found all cither falle, 
 faint or unfortunate , did gladly accept of the Condition. The 
 King did alio ( while he was at Exceter ) appoint the Lord, Darcy, 
 and others, Commiffioners, for the fining of all fiich , as were of any 
 value , or had any hand or partaking in the ayd or comfort of Per- 
 kin or the Cornijh-mcn , either in the Field or iu the Flight. 
 
 Thefe Commijfioncrs proceeded witli inch ftridnels and feverity, 
 as did much oblcure the King's mercy in fparing of Blood , with 
 the bleeding of \o much Treafure. Perkin was brought unto the 
 King's Court , but not to the King's prcfence ; though the King 
 (to fatisfie his Cunofitj) faw him fbmetimes out of a window, or in 
 pafTage. He v.as in ihcw at liberty , but guarded with all care and 
 watch that was pofTible , and willed to follow the King to London. 
 But from his firfi appearance upon the^r^e^ , in his new perlbn of 
 a Sycophant or "jugjer , infliead of his former perfon of a Prince , all 
 men may think how^ he was expoled to the derifion , not only of 
 the Courtiers , but alfo of the Common- People who flocked about him 
 as he went along- that one might know a-far-off, where the (.'«'/ 
 
 fbme 
 P curfing, 
 
 was by the F/ight of Birds. Some mocking, fbme wondering.
 
 [o6 
 
 The Hiilory of the Reign of 
 
 I curfing , fome prying and picldng matter out of his Countenance 
 and Gefture , to calk of. So that the faUb Honour and Rejpe^s which 
 he had fo long enjoyed , was plentifully repay ed in Scorn and Con- 
 tempt. As foon as he \\z.scomQ to London, the King gave alfo the 
 City the folace of this May-Game. For he was conveyed leifurely 
 on Horfe-back ( but not in any ignominious falhion ) through 
 cheappde, and Cormval , to the Tower ; and from thence back again 
 unto }VejlminJler , with the churm of a thoufand taunts and re- 
 proaches. But to amend the shove , there followed a little diftance 
 of Perkin , an inward Counfellor of his , one that had been Serjeant- 
 Farrier to the King. This Fellow when Perkin took San^uary , 
 chofe rather to take an Holy Hsbtt than an Holy Place , and clad him- 
 felf like an Hermit , and in that weed wandred about the Countrey, 
 till he was dilcovered , and taken. ButthisMan was bound hand 
 and foot upon the Horfe , and came not back with Perkm , but 
 was left at the Tovper , and within few days after Executed. Soon 
 after , now that Perkin could tell better what himfelf was , he was 
 diligently examined 5 and after his Confeffion taken , an Extract 
 was made of fuch parts of them as were thought fit to be divulged, 
 which was Printed and difperfed abroad. Wherein the King did 
 himfelf no Right. For as there was a laboured Tale of particulars^ 
 of ferktns Father, and Mother, and Grmdftre, and Grandmother, and 
 Unc/eSjZndCoHftns, by Names and Sirnames , and from what places 
 he travelled up and down ^ fo there was little or nothing to pur- 
 pofe of any thing concerning his Deftgns , or any Prances that had 
 been held with him ^ nor the Duchels of Burgundy her felf ( that 
 all the World did take knowledge of, as the Perfon that had put 
 Life and Being into the whole Bufmefi ) fo much as named or 
 pointed at. So that men miffing of that they looked for , looked 
 about for they knew not what , and were in more doubt than 
 before. But the King chofe rather not to fatisfie , than to kindle 
 Coals. At that time alio it did not appear by any new Examinations 
 Qt Commitments , that any other Perfon of quality was difcovered 
 or appeached , though the King's clofeneis made that a Doubt- 
 Dormant. 
 
 About this time , a great Fire in the night time fuddenly began 
 at the King's Palace of Sheyn , near unto the King's own Lodgings, 
 whereby a great part of the building was confumed , with much 
 coftly Houfliold-ftuff 5 which gave the King occafion of Building 
 from the ground that fine Pile of Richmond , which is now Handing. 
 Somewhat before this time alfo , there fell out a memorable 
 Accident. There was one Sebajlian Gabato , a Fenetian , dwelling 
 in Brijlovp , a man fcen and expert in Cofmography and Navigation. 
 This man feeing the fucccfs , and emulating perliaps the enter- 
 prize of C^r(/?<»/'Afr»^ Cc/ww/'w in that fortunate dilcovery towards 
 the South-rvejl , which had been by him made fome fix years before 5 
 conceited with himfelf, that Lands might likewife be difcovered 
 
 towards
 
 Kinz 
 
 H E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 107 
 
 towards the North-wcji, And furely it may be he h;d more firm 
 and pregnant Conjedtures of it , than CoUmbm had of this at the 
 firft. For the two great Ilhnds of the Old and Newirorld, being 
 ( in the Ihape and making of them) broad towards the North , and 
 pointed towards the South ; it is likely , that the difcovery firft 
 began where the Lands did neareft meet. And there had been before 
 riiat time a difcovery of fome Lands , which they took to be Iflands, 
 and were indeed t\\QCmtinem cf AmencA , towards xhaNorth-vcrJi., 
 And it may be , that fome Relation of this nature coming after- 
 u^ards to die knowledge of Coinmbu-s , and by him fupprefled , 
 (dcfirous rather to make his Enterprize the child oi his Science 
 and Fortune , than the Follovocr q{x former Drfcoverv ) did give him 
 better affurance that all was not Sea , from the fvejl of Europe and 
 jifrickvLnioAfiA, than either Seneca's Prophefie, or Plxto's Anti- 
 quities, or the Nature of the Tides , and Land-winds ., and the 
 like , which were the ConjecHures that s\'ere given out , whereupon 
 he ihould have relyed. Though I am not ignorant , that it was 
 likewifc laid unto the cafual and n-ind-beaten Difcovery ( a little 
 before ) of a Spantflj Pilot , who dyed in the houfe of Coitimbta. 
 But this Gibato bearing the King in hand, that he would find out 
 an Jjland endued with rich Commodities , pirocured him to man 
 and vidiual a Ship at Brtflow , for the difcovery of that Jjland; 
 With whom ventured alio three linall Ships of London-Merchants , 
 fraught with fome grofs and Height Wares, fit for Commerce with 
 barbarous people. He fayled ( as he afiirmed at his return , and 
 made a Curd thereof) very far tvejlwards, with a Quarter of the 
 North y on the North-fde of Ttcrrx de Labrador , until he came to 
 the Lxtttude of fixty fc ven Degrees and an half , finding the Seas 
 ftill open. It is certain alfo , that the King's Fortune had a tender 
 of that great Empire of the jvejl-lndies. Neither was it a Refufal 
 on the King's part , but a Delay by accident , that put by fo great 
 an Aci^uefi. For chrtjlopherits Columbus refufed by the King of Por- 
 tugal (who would not embrace at once both Enjl and ^vejl) em- 
 ployed his Brother Bartholom.nn Columbm unto King Henry, to 
 negotiate for his Difcovery. And it fo fortuned, that he was taken 
 by Pirates at Sea , by which accidental impediment he was long 
 ere he came to the King. So long, that before he had obtained 
 a Capitulation with the King for his Brother - the Enterprize by 
 him was atehicved , and lb the ^< esi-Indies by Providence were 
 then referved for the Crovan of .Capita. Yet this fharpened the 
 King fo , that not only in this Voyage , but again in the Sixteenth 
 year of his Reign , and likewile in the Eighteenth thereof, he 
 granted forth new Cowmiffions , for the D/fccvery and inverting of 
 unknown Lands. -,-■;, 
 
 In this Fourteenth year alfo (by God's wonderful providence, 
 that boweth things unto his will, and hangeth great ivetghts 
 upon fmall fVires ) there fell out a trifling and untoward Accident, 
 
 P 2 that
 
 io8 
 
 The HiSfory of the Reign of 
 
 that drew on great and happy effeds. During the Truce with Sect- 
 land, there were certain Scott ijh young Gentleman, that came into Nor- 
 ham Town , and there made merry with ibme of the Englifh of the 
 Tovfin. And having Uttle to do , went fometimcs forth, and would 
 ftand looking upon the Caflle. Some of the Garrifofi of the Cajlle, 
 obferving this their doing twice or thrice , and having not their 
 minds purged of the late iil blood of Hojiility , either fufpe(iled 
 them , or quarrelled them for Sfies. Whereupon they fell at ill 
 fVords , and from words to Blows ; fo that many were wounded of 
 cither fide , and the Scottijh-men ( being ftrangers in the Tm>n ) 
 had the worft. In fo much as fome of them were flain , and the 
 reft made hafte home. The matter being complained on , and 
 often debated before the wardens of the Marches of both fides , and 
 no good order taken , the King of Scotland took it to himfelf , and 
 being much kindleii , fent a Herald to the King to make Prote- 
 ftation , That if Reparation were not done , according to the 
 Conditions of the Truce , his King did denounce wax. The King 
 ( who had often tryed Fortune , and was inclined to Peace ) made 
 anfwer 5 That what had been done , was utterly againft his will , 
 and without his Privity. But if the Garrifon-Souldiers had been 
 in fault , he would fee them punifhed , and the Truce in all points 
 to be preferved. But this anfwer feemed to the Scottifj King but 
 a delay, to make the complaint breathe out with time-, and there- 
 fore it did rather exafperate him , than fatisfie him. Bifliop Fox , 
 underftanding from the King , that the Scottijb King was ftill 
 difcontent and impatient , being troubled that the occafion of 
 breaking of the Truce (hould grow from his men, fent many humble 
 and deprecatory Letters to the Scottijh King to appeafc him. Where- 
 upon King James , mollified by the Bifhop's fubmifs and eloquent 
 Letters, wrote back unto him 5 That though he were in part moved 
 by his Letters , yet he fhould not be fully latisfied , except he fpake 
 with him. as well about tlie compounding of the prefent difle- 
 rencesj as about other matters that might concern the good of both 
 Kingdoms. The Bifliop advifing firft with the King , took his 
 Journey for Scotland. The meeting was at Melrof, an Abbey of 
 the Cejlercians, where the King then abode. The King firft roundly 
 uttered unto the Bifliop his offence conceived for the infoient 
 Breach of Truce, by his men of Norha?n-Qz\k\Q. Whereunto Bifliop 
 Ftfjc made fuch an humble and fmooth anfwer, as it was like Oyl 
 \nto the ivound, whereby it began to heal. And this was done in 
 the prefence of the King and his Council. After , the King fpake 
 with the Bifliop apart , and opened himfelf unto him , faying 5 
 That thefe temporary Truces and Peaces were foon made , and foon 
 broken : But that he defired a ftraiter Amity with the King of 
 England, difcovering his mind 5 that if the King would give him 
 in Marriage , the Lady Margaret, his eldeft Daughter , That indeed 
 might be a Knot indiflToluble. That he knew well what Place 
 
 and
 
 Kiijg H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh, 
 
 109 
 
 and Authority the Bilhop defervedly had with his Mafter. There- 
 fore , if he would take the bufinefs to heart , and deal in it effe- 
 ftually, he doubted not but it would fuccecd well. TheBiftiop 
 anfwered foberly , that he thought himfelf rather happy , than 
 worthy , to be an iaftrument in llich a matter 5 Jbut would do his 
 beft endeavour. Wherefore the Bifliop returning to the King, 
 and giving account what had pafTed , and finding the King more 
 than well difpofed in it , gave the King advice 5 firft to proceed to 
 a Conclufion of Peace , and then to go on with the Treaty of 
 Marriage, by degrees. Hereupon a Peace was concluded , which 
 ivas publiHied a little before chrijlmxs in the Fourteenth year of the 
 King's Reign to continue for both the Kings lives, and the over- 
 liver of them, and a year after. In this Peace there was an Article 
 contained , that no Englijh-man fliould enter into .Sw/^/^W, and no 
 Ssottifh-man into England , without Letters Commendatory from 
 the Kings of either Nation. This at the firft fight might feem 
 a means to continue a ftrangenefs between the Nations ; but it 
 was done, to lock in t\\t Borderers. x-ib 0; t?r.7/ | 
 
 This year there was alfo born to the King a third Son , who was 
 ehriftned by the name of Edmund, and fhortly after dyed. And 
 much about the fame time came news of the death of Charles the 
 Fremh King-, jFor whom there were celebrated Solemn and Princely 
 Obfequies. 
 
 It was not long , but Perkin ( who was made of Q^ck-ftlvity 
 which is hard to hold or imprifon ) began to ftir. For deceiving 
 his Reefers , he took him to his heels , and made fpeed to the 5erf- 
 coafis. But prefently all Corners were laid for him, and fuch diligent 
 purfuit and fearch made , as he was fain to turn back, and get 
 him to the houfe of Bethleem , called the Priory ofs/jyne , ( which 
 had the priviledge of a Sanlfuary ) and put himfelf into the hands 
 of the Prior of that L^^IonaJlery. The Prior was thought an Holy 
 Man , and much reverenced in thofe days. He came to the King , 
 and befought the King for Perkins life only , leaving him other- 
 wife to the Kings discretion. Many about the King were again 
 more hot than ever , to have the King take him forth , and hang 
 him. But the King ( that had an high ftomach, and could not hate 
 any that he defpifea ) bid , Take him forth , and fet the Knave in the 
 Hocks. And fo promifing the Prior his life , he caufed him to be 
 brought forth. And within two or three days after , upon a Scaf- 
 fold , fet up in the Palace-Court at wejlminfter , he was fettered 
 and fet in the stocks , for the whole day. And the next day after, 
 the like was done by him at the Crofiin Cheapjide , and in both 
 places he read his Confe§ion , of which we mad* mention before •, 
 and was from Cheapftde conveyed and laid up in the Torver. Not- 
 withftanding all this, the King was ( as was partly touched before ) 
 grown to be fuch a Partner with Fortune , as no body could tell 
 what ^^ciions the one , and what the other owned. For it was 
 
 believed
 
 I ID 
 
 Tie HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 believed generally that Perkm was betrayed , and that this Elcape 
 was not without the King's privity , who had him all the time 
 jof his Flight in a Line ^ and that the King did this, to pick a 
 Quarrel to him to put him to death , and to be rid of him at once. 
 But this is not probable. For that the fame lnJlruMe»ts who ob- 
 served him miiis Flight , niight have kept him from getting into 
 
 But it was oirdained', that, this winding-Ivy of z PUntagenet, 
 fliould kill the true Treeh felf. For Perkii^, after he had been a while 
 in the Tower , began to infinuate himfclf into the favour and kind- 
 ntkoi \\i^ Keepers , Servants to the Lieutenant o^ the Tovper , Sir 
 John Vighy , being four irt number 5 Strangways, Eleveet, i^Jhveod', 
 and Long-Roger. Thefe V.arlets, with mountains oi promips, he 
 /ought to corrupt , to obtain his Efcape. But knowing well , that 
 his o\y p. Fprtfwfs were made fo contemptible , as he could feed no 
 man's Hopes (aiid by Hopes he muft work, for Revp/trds he had none) 
 he. had contrived with himfelf a vaft and tragical Plot; which 
 was, to draw into his Company Edward P/antagenef Ea.d oi war- 
 rvick^ then Prifoner in theT^wer; whom the weary life of a long 
 /fftpr ifontnf fit , and the oftqn and renewing Fears of being put to 
 DetjitJi , had foftned to take any imprefTion of counfcl for his Li- 
 hrty. This young Prince l]e thought thefe Servajits would look 
 lipon , though not upon himfelf. And therefore after" that by fome 
 Meffage by One or two of them , he had tailed of the Earl's confcnt 5 
 it was agreed that thefe four fliould murder their <MaHer the 
 Lieutenant y fecretly in the night , and make their beft of fuch 
 Money and portable Goods of his , as they fhould find ready at 
 hand, and get the Keys of the TcJv^r, and prefently let forth />fr^/» 
 andithe Eajcl. But this CcnJ}iracy was revealed in time , before it 
 could be executed. And in this again the Opinion of the King's great 
 mfdem did furcharge him with a finiller Fame , that Per km was 
 but his Bait, to entrap the Earl of Warwick. And in the very inftant 
 while this ■Co»/^^r49'was^ in working (as if that alfo had been the 
 King's induftry ) it was fatal , that there fliould break forth a 
 counterfeit Earl of Warwick , a Cordwa/ner's Son , whole name was 
 Ralph wilford ; a young man , taught and fet on by an ^^ugujiin^ 
 Frier , called Patrick. They both from the parts of Suffolk , came 
 forwards into Kent , where they did not only privily and under- 
 hand give out , that this iVilford was the true Earl of Warwick , 
 but alio the Frier finding fome light Credence in the People, took 
 the boldnefs in the Pulpit to declare as much , and to mcite the 
 People to come in to his ayd. Whereupon they were both pre- 
 fently appreheudtd , and the young fellow executed , and the 
 Frier condemned to perpetual Imprisonment. This alfo hapning 
 lb opportunely , to reprelent the danger to the King's Eflate , from 
 tliq Earl di Warwick, and thereby to colour the King's fcverity 
 that follovved ; together with the madnd's of the Frier, fo vainly 
 
 and
 
 King H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 Ill 
 
 and defperately to divulge a Treafin , before it Jiad gfUten any 
 manner of ftrcngth -, and the faving of the Frier's life, which never- 
 thelefs was ( indeed ) but tlie priviledge of his Order ; and the Pity 
 in the common People ( which if it run in a ftrong Stream , doth 
 ever caft up Sandd and Envy) made it generally rather talked, 
 than believed , that all was but the King's device. But howfoever 
 it were, hereupon Perkin (that had offended againft Grace now 
 the third time) was at the lall proceeded with, and by Commiffio- 
 ners of Oyer and Determiner , arraigned at n'ejlmtf?jler , upon divers 
 TreafoKs committed and perpetrated after his coming on land 
 within this Kingdom (for fo the Judges advifed , for that he was 
 a Foreiner) and condemned , and a few days after executed at 
 Tyburn. Where he did again openly read his Confeffion , and take 
 it upon his Death to be true. This was the end of this little 
 Cockatrice of a King , that w^as able to deftroy thofe that did not 
 efpy him firft. It was one of the longeft PUys of that kind , that 
 hath been in memory -, and might perhaps have had another end, 
 if he had not met with a King both wife , ftout and fortunate. 
 
 As for Perkins three eonnfe/Urs , they had regiftred themfelves 
 SMi[tuary-men when their Mafler did. And whether upon Pardon 
 obtained, or continuance within the Priviledge , they came not 
 to be proceeded with. 
 
 There was executed with Perkin the Mayor of Cork , and his Son, 
 who had been principal Abettors of his Treasons. And foon after 
 were likewife condemned eight other Pcrfons , about the Tovoer- 
 Confpiracy , whereof four were the Lieutenant's men. But of thofe 
 eight but two were executed. And immediately after was ar- 
 raigned before the Earl of Oxford ( then for the time H/gh -St ervard 
 of England ) the poor Prince the Earl of rvarvpick ; not for the 
 i^ttemft to efcape fimply ( for that was not aded ; And bcfides, 
 the Imprisonment not being for Treafon , the Efiafe by Law could 
 not be Treafon ) but for confpiring with Perkin to raife fedition, 
 and to deftroy the King. And the Earl confefling \\\e indictment 
 had Judgment , and was fhortly after beheaded on Torver-hi/L 
 
 This was alfo the end not only of this Noble and Commiferable 
 perlbn Edward the Earl of Warwick , eldeft Son to the Duke of 
 Clarence, but likew'ife of the Line-Male of the Plant agenets , which 
 had flourifhed in great Roj'alty and Renown , from the time of 
 the famous King of England King Henry the Second. Howbeit it 
 was a Race often dipped in their own Blood. It hath remained fince 
 only tranfplanted into other Names, as well of the imperial-Line, 
 as of other NoUe Houfes. But it was neither guik of Crime , nor 
 ireafon of Ejate , that could quench the Envy that was upon the 
 King for this Execution. So that he thought good to ex{X)rt it out 
 of the Land , and to lay it upon his new Allie Ferdinando King of 
 Spain. For thefe two Kings underftanding one another at half 
 a word , fo it was , that there were Letters ihcwed out of spam , 
 
 whereby
 
 112 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 whereby in the palTages concernnig the Treaty of the CMarrjjige, 
 Ferdimtjdo had written to the King in plain terms , that he fkw 
 no ailurance of his Succeffion , as long as the Earl of fvarwick lived 5 
 and that he was loth to lend his Daughter to Troubles and Dangers. 
 But hereby, as the King did in fome part remove the Envy from 
 himfclf-, fo he did not obferve, that he did withal bring a kind 
 of MalcdiBio/i and Infauiling upon the CMarriage , as an ill Pro- 
 gfjejiick. Which in event fo far proved true , as both Prince Arthur 
 enjoyed a very fmall time after the Marriage , and the Lady Kathe- 
 rine , her felf (a fad and a religious woman ) long after, when 
 King Henry the Eighth his relolution of a Divorce from her was firlt 
 made known to her , uled fome words ; Thjit jbe hadmt ojf ended: 
 hut it was .1 Judgment of God , for that her former Marriage was mnde in 
 blood ; meaning that of the Earl of iv.nivick. 
 
 This Fifteenth year of the King there was a great Plague , both 
 in London, and in divers parts of the Kingdom. Wherefore the 
 King after often change of P/^f^i (whether to avoid the danger 
 of the Sicknef, or to give oc'cafion of an Entcrview with the Arch- 
 Duke, or both) fayled over with his Qaeen to Cdice. Upon his 
 coming thither , the Arcli-Duke lent an honourable AmbalTage 
 unto him , as well to welcom him into thole parts , as to let him 
 know , that ( if it pleafed him ) he would come and do him reve- 
 rence. But it was laid withal ^ That the King might be plealed 
 to appoint fome place, that were out of any ivalled Town or Fortrefs, 
 for that he had denied the fame upon like occafion to xhe French 
 King. And though he faid , he made a great difference between 
 the two Kings , yet he would be loth to give a Preftdent , that 
 might make it after to be expeded at his hands , by another whom 
 he trufted lei's. The King accepted of the Courtefie , and ad- 
 mitted of his Excule , and appointed the place to be at St. Peter's 
 Church without Ca/ice. But withal he did vifit the Arch-Duke 
 with Ambaifadors fent from himfelf , which were the Lord Saint- 
 John, and the Secretary; unto whom the Arch- Duke did the honour, 
 as ( going to Mafs at St. Orners ) to let the Lord Saint-John on liis 
 right hand , and the Secretary on his left , and fo to ride between 
 them to Church. The day appointed for the Enterview , the King 
 went on Horfe-back fome diltance from St. P'eter\ Church, to 
 receive the Arch-Duke. And upon their approaching , the Arch- 
 Duke made haft to light, and offered to hold the King's Stirrof 
 at his alighting 5 which the King would not permit , but de- 
 fcending from Horfe-back, they embraced with great affection, 
 and withdrawing into the Church to a place prepared , they had 
 long Conference , not only upon the Confirmation of former 
 Treaties, and the freeing of Commerce , but upon Crofs Marriages, 
 to be liad between the Duke of York the King's iccond Son , and 
 the Arch-Duke's Daughter • And again between Charles the Arch- 
 Dukes Son and Heir , and Marji the King's fecond Daughter. But 
 
 thcfe
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 113 
 
 thefc Bloffoms of unripe Marriages', were but friendly wifhes , and 
 the K^irs of loving Entertainment ; though one of them came 
 afterwards to Conclufion in Treatjf , though not in Efecf. But 
 during the time that the two Princes converfed and commoned 
 together in the Suburbs oiCAlia, the Demonftrations on both lides 
 were paffing hearty and affe(5tionate , efpecially on the part of the 
 Arch-Duke. Who ( befides that he was a Prince of an excellent 
 good nature ) being confcious to himfelf , how drily the King had 
 been ufed by his Council in the matter of Pcrkin , did Itrive by all 
 means to recover it in the King's affcdion. And having alio his 
 ears continually beaten with the Counfels of his VAther and Father- 
 in-law, who (in refpeft of their jealous hatred againft the f rfw/jr 
 King ) did always advife the Arch-Duke to anchor himfelf upon 
 the Amity of King Henry di England, -^ was glad upon thisoccafion, 
 to put inure and pradice their precepts , calling the King Patron, 
 and Father , and Protector , ( thefe very words the King repeats 5 
 when he certified of the loving behaviofir of the Arch-Duke to 
 the City ) and what elfe he could devife , to exprefs his love and 
 obfervance to the King. There came alfo to the King the Go- 
 vernour of Picardy, and the Bailiff of Amiens, fent from Levels the 
 French King to do him honour , and to give him knowledge of 
 his vidory and winning of the Duchy of Mtllan. It feemeth the 
 King was well pleafed with the honours he received from thofe 
 parts, while he was at C.^/zf e*. For he did himfelf certifie all the 
 News and Occurrents of them in every particular, from Calice, 
 to tht May»r a.nd Aldermen of London , which (no doubt) made no 
 fmall talk in the City. For the King , though he could not enter- 
 tain the good will of the Citizens , as Edrvard the Fourth did ; yet 
 by affability and other Princely Graces, did ever make very much 
 of them , and apply himfelf to them. . 
 
 This year alfo dyed John CMorton , Archbifhop of Canterbury , 
 Chancellor oi England, and Cardinal. Hewasa wife man , and 
 an eloquent, but in his nature harfh, and haughty 5 much accepted 
 by the King , but envied by the Nobility , and hated of the People. 
 Neither was his name left out of Perkins Proclamation for any 
 good will , but they would not bring him in amongft the King's 
 Cafiing-Counters , becaufe he had the Image and Su^erfiri^tion upon 
 him of the Pope , in his Honour of Cardinal. He wan the Kmg 
 with Secrecy and Diligence , but chiefly becaufe he was his old Ser- 
 vant in his \q{s Fortunes: And alio for that (in his affedions) he 
 was not without an inveterate malice againft the Houfe of Tork, 
 under whom he had been in trouble. He was willing alio to take 
 En^y from the -King , more than the King was willing to put upon 
 him. For the King cared not for Subterfuges , but would ftand 
 Envy, andappear in any thing that was to his mind-, which made 
 Envy ftili grow upon him more univerfal , but leis daring. But in 
 the matter of Exa(5iions , time did after fhew, that the Bifhop in 
 
 Q^ feeding
 
 114 
 
 Tbe Hiftory of the Reign of 
 
 feeding the King's humour, did rather temper it. He had been by. 
 Richard the Third committed ( as in cuftody ) to the Duke of 
 BiickinghAm , whom he did fecretly incite to revolt from King Ri- 
 chard. But after the Duke was engaged , and thought the Bifhop 
 fliould have been his chief ?ilot in the Tempest , the Bifhop was 
 gotten into the Cff/'-^(?/«^ , and fled over beyond 5i?/». But whatfo- 
 ever elfe was in the Man, he deferveth a moll "happy Memory, 
 in that he was the principal Mean of joyning the two Rofes. He 
 dyed of great years , but of ftrong health and Povcers. 
 
 The next year , which was the Sixteenth year of the King , and 
 the year of our Lord One thoufand five hundred , was the year of 
 Jubile at Rome. But Pope K^lexander , to fave the Hazard and 
 Charges of mens Journeys to Rome ^ thought good to makeover 
 thofe Graces by exchange , to fuch as would pay a convenient iJ4/^, 
 feeing they could not come to fetch them. For which purpofe 
 was lent into EngUndJajper Pons , a Spaniard, the Pope's dmrniffli- 
 ner , better chol'en thanKvere the CommiJJioners of Pope Leo , after- 
 wards employed for Germany ; for he carried the Bufinefs with great 
 wifdom , and femblance of Holme f. In fo much as he levied great 
 fumms of Money within this Land to the Pope's ufe, with little 
 or no Scandal. It was thought the King fliared in the Money. But 
 it appeareth by a Letter which Cardinal Adrian , the King's Pen- 
 fioner, wrote to the King from Rome fome few years after , that this 
 was not fo. For this Cardinal , being to perl'wade Pope Julius on 
 the King's behalf, to expedite the 5«^ oi Dtjpenfation for the^/^r- 
 rtage between Prince Benry and the Lady Katherine , finding the 
 Pope difEcil in granting thereof, doth ule it as a principal Ar- 
 gument concerning the King's merit toward that See , that he had 
 touched none of thofe Denier s , which had been levied by Pons in 
 England. But that it might the better appear ( for the fatisfadion 
 of the Common people) that this \V2S Confecrate CMmey , the 
 fame Nuncio brought unto the King a Brief from the Pope, wherein 
 the King was exhorted and fummoned to come in Perion againft 
 the Turk. For that the Pope ( out of the care of an Untverfal 
 Father) feeing almoft under his eyes the SuccelTes and ProgrelTes 
 of that great Enemy of the Faith , had had in the Conclave , and 
 with the A/Iiftance of the Ambaffadors of forein Princes , divers 
 Confultations about an Holy tvar , and a General Expedition of 
 Chrijlian Princes againft the Turk. Wherein it was agreed , and 
 thought fit , that the Hungarians , Polonians , and Bohemians fhould 
 make a ^ar upon Thracia ; the French and Spaniards upon Gr^cia ; 
 and that the Pope ( willing to facrifice himfelf in fo good a Caufe ) 
 in Perfon and in Company of the King of England , the Venetians, 
 and fuch other States as were great in maritim Power , would fail 
 with a puiiTant iNT/ix'^ through the Mcd/terrane unto Conjiantinople. 
 And that to tliisend , his Holineis had lent Nuncio's to all Chnjlian 
 Princes ; As well for a Ceffation of all Quarrels and Differences 
 
 amongft
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 "5 
 
 amongfl: thcmlelves , as for ipeedy Prepar.ttivf/s and Contrtititions 
 of Forces and Trcaftire for this Sacred Enterpri;z,e. 
 
 To this the King , (who underftood well the Court of Rome ) 
 made an oafc/»vr rather Solemn , than Serioiu : Signifying; 
 
 THat m Prince on E.irtb (Ijould be more forward and obedient, both 
 by bis Perlbn , and by all his foffible Forces , and Fortunes , to 
 enter into thts Sacred War , than himfelf. But that the distance of 
 place tv.is pich , as no Forces that he jhoiild ratfe for the Seas , could 
 be levied or prepared , but with double the charge , and double the time 
 { At the least ) that they might be from the other Princes , that had 
 their Territories nearer adjoyning. Be fides , that neither the manner 
 of his ships {having no Galleys) nor the Experience of his Pilots and 
 Mariners could be jo apt for tbofe Seas , as theirs. And therefore that 
 his Holinefs might do well , to move one of thofe other Kings, who lay 
 fitter for the purpofe , to accompany him by Sea. ivhereby both all things 
 would be fooner pnt in readimf , and with lef^ Charge , and the Emu- 
 lation and Divifion of Command , which might grow between thofe 
 Kings of France and Spain , if they jhould both joyn in the War by 
 Land upon Grecia , might be wifely avoided. <^nd that for his part, 
 be would not be wanting in Ayds and Contribution. ICet notwith- 
 sianding , if both tbefe Kings jhould refuj'e , rather than hi* Holinefs, 
 jhould oo alone , he would wait upon him , as focn oj he could be ready. 
 ^^Iways provided , that he might firii fee all Diflferenccs of thc< 
 Chriftian Princes amongst themfelves , fully laid down and appealed 
 (as for his own fart he was in none. ) And that he might have/ome good 
 Towns upon the Coajl in ItzXy put into hk handf ,Jor tbe,J^etrait an^ 
 fafeguard of his Men. ' .rr' ' -. : ,\.j.\ :;flj •;.'! :^: . ./ 
 
 With this Anfwer J^Jfer Pons returned , nothing at all difcon: 
 tented. And yet this Declaration of the King ( as lliperficial as it 
 was ) gave him that Reputation abroad , as he was not long after 
 cleded by the Knights of tht Rhodes , Protector of their Order ; Ali 
 things multiplying to Honour in a Prince , that had gotten fuch 
 high Eftimation for his mfdom and Sufficiency. 
 :■ There were thefe two laft years Tome proceedings againft He- 
 reticks y which was rai-e in this King's Reign, and rather by 
 Penances , than by Fire. The King had ( though he were no good 
 School-man) the Honour ta convert one of them by DifputQ.at 
 Canterbury. . cJ.T Ih; ;'_uii ?f;.a3q) 
 
 This year alfo , though the King were no more haunted with 
 Sprites, for that by the Jprinh ling , partly oi' Blood, and partly of 
 fvater , he had chafed them away •, yet neverthelcfs he had certain 
 Apparitions that troubled him, ftill fliewing themfelves from one 
 Region , which was the- Houfe of rorh. It came lb to pafs , that 
 the Earl of Suffolk, Son to Elizabeth , eldcft Sifter to King Edward 
 the Fourth, by John Duke of 5«/c//C'., her fecond Husband , and 
 
 Q 2 Brother
 
 ii6 
 
 The HiUory of the Reign of 
 
 Brother to John Earl of Lincoln , that was flain at Stockfield, being 
 of an hafty and Cholerick difpofition , had killed a man in his 
 fury ^ whereupon the King gave him his Pardon. But either willing 
 to leave a Cloud upon him , or the better to make him feel his 
 Grace , produced him openly to plead his Pardon. This wrought 
 in the Earl , as in a haughty Itomack it ufeth to do •, for the 
 Ignominy printed deeper than the Grace. Wherefore he being dif- 
 content , fled fecretly into Flanders , unto his '•^unt the Duchefs 
 of Btirgtwdy. The King ftartled at it. But being taught by Tro-u- 
 bles, to ufe fair -and timely Remedies, wrought fo with him by 
 MelTages , ( the Lady Margaret alfo growing by often failing in 
 her Alchymy , weary of her Experiments , and partly being a little 
 fweetned , for that the King had not touched her name in the 
 Confeffion of Per kin) that became over again upon good terms , 
 and was reconciled to the King. 
 
 In the beginning of the next year , being the Seventeenth of 
 the King , the Lady Katherine fourth Daughter of Terdinando and 
 ifabelU , King and Queen oi Spain , arrived in England, at Plimouth, 
 the fecond of O^ober , and was married to Prince Arthur in 
 Pauls the fourteenth of November following. The Prince being 
 then about fifteen years of age , and the Lady about eighteen. The 
 manner of her Receiving , the manner of her Entry into London, 
 and the Celebrity of the Marriage were performed with great and 
 true Magnificence , in regard of CoH , sbeiv , and Order. The 
 chief man that took the care was Bifhop Fox ; who was not only 
 a grave Ccunfellor for War or Peace , but alio a good Surveyor of 
 Works , and a good Majler of Ceremonies , and any thing elfe that 
 was fit for the Active part , belonging to the fcrvice of Court , or 
 State of a great King. This CMarriage was almoft feven years 
 in Treaty ; which was in part caufed by the tender years of the 
 Marriage-couple , efpecially of the Prince. But the true reafon was , 
 thzt ih.t{ttvjo Princes , being Pri^rw of great Policy and profound 
 Judgment, ftood a great time looking one upon another's Fortunes, 
 how they would go , knowing well that in the mean time , the 
 very Treaty it felf gave abroad in the World a Reputation of 
 a ftrait Conjunftion and Amity between them 5 which ferved on 
 both fides to many purpofes , that their feveral Affairs required , 
 and yet they continued flill free. But in the end , when the For. 
 tunes of both the Princes did grow every day more and more pro- 
 fperous and alTured , and that looking all about them they faw no 
 better Conditions , they {hut it up. 
 
 The Marriage-yionty the Princeji brought ( which was turned 
 over to the King by Acft of Renunciation ) was two hundred thou- 
 flnd Ducats. Whereof one hundred thoufand were payable ten days 
 after the Solemnization , and the other hundred thoufand at two 
 payments Annual ; but part of it to be in Jewels and Plate , 
 and a due courfe fet down to have them jultly and indi&rently 
 
 prized. 
 
 m\y
 
 King 
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 117 
 
 prized. The Joynture or Advancement of the Lady, was the third 
 part of the Pnnc/pa/ity of lyales , and of tlie Dukedom of Cornwal , 
 and of the Eirldem of chejler , to be after fet forth in feveralty. 
 And in cale ihe came to be Queen of England, hs.r:\yidvancement 
 was left indefinite , but thus ^ That it fliould be as great , as ever 
 any former Queen of England had. 
 
 In all the Devices and Conceits of the Triumphs of this Marriage, 
 there was a great deal of Jjlrenomy. The Lady being refemblcd to 
 Hej^enu , and the Prince to Arciurus , and the old King i^lphonfu-s 
 (that was the greateft -^rowwf r of Kings, and was Ancejhr to the 
 Z,4^y ) was brouglit in to be the Fortune-teller of the Match. And 
 wholbever had thofe Toys in Compiling , they were not altogether 
 Pedantical. But you may be fure that King Arthur , the Briton , 
 and the defcent of the Lady Katherine from the Houfe of Lancajler, 
 was in no wife forgotten. But ( as it fliould feem ) it is not good 
 to fetch Fortunes from the Stars, For this young Prince ( that drew 
 upon him at that time , not only the Hopes and Affections of his 
 Countrey, but the Eyes and Expedation oi Foreiners) after a few 
 Months , in the begmning of April, deceafed at Ludlerv-Czdle , 
 where he was fent to keep his Refiance and Court, as Prince of ivales. 
 Of this Prince, in refped he dyed fo young , and by reafon of his 
 Father's manner of Education , that did caft no great Lujlre upon 
 his children, there is Uttle particular Memory. Only thus much 
 remaineth , that he was very ftudious and learned , beyond his 
 years, and beyond the Cuftom of great P;'/«f^/. 
 
 There was a doubt ripped up in the times following , when the 
 Divorce of King Henry the Eighth from the Lady Katherine did fo 
 much bufie the world, whether Arthur was bedded with his Lady 
 or no , whereby that matter in fa<5t ( of Carnal Knowledge ) might 
 be part of the C-t/^. And it is true, that the Lady her fcU denyed it, 
 or at leaft her Council ftood upon it , and would not blanch that 
 Advantage , although the plenitude of the Pope's porver of Dif- 
 penfing was the mam Queftion. And this Doubt was kept long 
 open , in refped of the two Queens that fucceeded , yMarv and 
 EUx.abeth , whofe Legitimations were incompatible one with ano- 
 ther , though their Succejfwn was fetled by Acl of Parliament. And 
 the Times that favoured Queen Maries Legitimation , n' juld have 
 it believed , that there was no Carnal Kmwledge between 'Arthur 
 and Katherine. Not that they would feem to derogate from the 
 Pope's abfolute power , to dilpenfe even in that Ca^e ; but only in 
 point of Honour , and to make the Cafe more favourable and 
 1 fmooth. And the Times that favoured Queen Elizabeths Legiti- 
 mation ( which were the longer , and the later ) maintained the 
 €ontr3ry So much there remaineth in Memory , that it was half 
 a years time between the Creation oi Henry Prince oiwdes, and 
 Prince Arthur's death • which was conftrued to be, for to cxpeA 
 a full time , whereby it might appear, whether the Lz^"^ Katherine 
 
 were
 
 ii8 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 were with child by Prince Arthur , or no. Again , the Lady her 
 lelf procured a Bull, for the better Corroboration of the Marrtage, 
 with a Claufe of (velforjm cognitam) which was not in the firft 
 Bull. There was given in Evidence aUb , when the caufe of the 
 Divorce was handled , a pleafant paiTagc , which was ^ That in 
 a Morning Prince Arthur , upon his up-riling from Bed with her , 
 called for drink, which he was not accuftomed to do , and finding 
 the Gentleman of his Chamber that brought him the drink to fmile 
 at it and to note it , he faid merrily to him , That he had been 
 in tlie midft oi Spain, which was an hot iJf^^/W, and his Journey 
 had made him dry , and that if the other had been in lb hot a 
 Clime , he would have been dryer than he. Befides , the Prince 
 was upon tlie point of Sixteen years of Age when he dyed , and 
 forward , and able in Body. 
 
 The February following , Henry Duke of Tork was created Prince 
 offvales, and Earl of Chester and Flint. For the Dukedom of 
 Cornwal devolved to him by Statute. The King alio being faft- 
 iianded , and loth to part with a fecond Dowry, but chiefly being 
 atfe<5lionate both by his Nature, and out of Politick Confiderations 
 to continue the Alliance with Spain, prevailed with the Prince 
 ( though not without fome Reludation , fuch as could be in thofe 
 years, for he was not twelve years of Age) to be contraded 
 with the Princefs Katherine. The fecret Prcvidence of God or- 
 daining x.hAt'J^'^arriage, to be the Occafion of great Events and 
 Changes. 
 
 The fame year were the Ef^cufals of James King of Scotland, 
 with the Lady CMargarct, the King's eldeli Daughter 5 which was 
 done by Proxy, andpublilhed ati^^WsCrols, the five and twen- 
 tieth of 7<f;?«4?7 , and Te Deum folemnly lung. But certaia it is, 
 that the Joy of the City thereupon fliewed , by Panging of Bells, 
 and Bon-fires , and fuch other Jncenfe of the People , was more than 
 could be expe(5ied , in a Cafe of fo great and frcHi Enmity between 
 the Nations ; el'pecially in Lmdov , which was far enough off from 
 feeling any of the former calamities of the tvar. And therefore 
 might be truly attributed to a Secret Jnfimtt and Jnjpiring ( which 
 many times runneth not only in the Hearts of Princes , but in the 
 Pulj'e and Feins of People ) touching the happinefs thereby to enfue 
 in time to come. This Oi'Urriage was in Augnjl follo^^ ing con- 
 fummate at Edenburgh. The King bringing his Daughter as fir as 
 Colly-wcjlon on the way, and then configning her to the Attendance 
 of the Earl of Northumberland ; who with a great Troop of Lords 
 and Ladtes of Honour , brought her into Scotland , to tJie King her 
 Husband. 
 
 . .This Marriage had been in Treaty by the fpace of almoft three 
 years, from the time that the King of Scotland did firil open his 
 mind to Bilhop Fox. The Summ given in iJiiarriage by the King , 
 was ten tliouland Pounds. And the Joynture and ^advancement 
 
 aiTurcd
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 IT9 
 
 allured by the King of Scotland, was two thoufand Pounds a year, 
 after King J.tmes his Death , and one thoufand Pounds a year 
 in prefcnt , for the Ladys Allowance or Maintenance. This to be 
 let forth in Lands , of the beft and moft certain Revenue. During 
 the Treaty , it is reported , that the King remitted the matter to his 
 Council ; And that forae of theTabie in the Freedom of Counfcllors 
 ( the King being prefent) did put the cafe ; that if God Ihould 
 take the King's two Sons without Ijfue , that then the Kingdom 
 oi England would fall to the King oi Scotland, which might pre- 
 judice the yJl^onarchy of England. Whereunto the King himfelf 
 replied 5 That if tliat (hould be , Scotland would be but an <^c- 
 cejjion to England , and not England to Scotland , for that the greater 
 would draw the lefs ; And that it was a fafer Union for England, 
 than that of France. This paffed as an Oracle , and filenced thofe 
 that moved the Quesiion. 
 
 ■ The fame year was fatal , as well ht Deaths , as Marriages, and 
 that with equal temper. For the 'joys and FeaHs of the two Mar- 
 riages , were compenfcd with the Mournings, and Funerals of Prince 
 t^rtbur ( of whom we have fpoken ) and of Queen Eliz,abeth , 
 who dyed in Child-bed in the Tw^r , and the c/^?7^ lived not long 
 after. There dyed alfo that year Sir Reginald Bray , who was noted 
 to have had with the King the greateft Freedom of any CoHnfellor ; 
 but it was but a Freedom , the better to i^e.t off Flattery. Yet he bare 
 more than his juft part of Envy , for the Exactions. 
 
 At this time the King's Eftate was very profperous , fccured by 
 the Amity of Scotland , ftrengthned by that of Spain , cheriflied 
 by that of Burgundy , all Domeftick Troubles quenched , and all 
 Noife of fvar ( like a Thunder a-far-off) going upon Italy. Where- 
 fore Nature , which many times is happily contained , and re- 
 frained by fome Bands oi Fortune , began to take place in the King ^ 
 carrying (as with a ftrong Tide ) his Affedions and Thoughts unto 
 the gathering and heaping up of Treasure. And as Kings do more 
 eafily find Inftruments for their mil and Humour , than for their 
 Service "isidi. Honour ; He had gotten for his purpofe, or beyond his 
 purpofe , two Inftruments , Emffon and Dudley, (whom the people 
 eftecmed as his Horfe-Leeches and shearers ) bold men , and carelefs 
 o( Fame, and that took ToU of their Mafter's Grilt. Dudley was 
 of a good Family, Eloquent, and one that could put Hatefal BufineJ^ 
 into good Language. But Empfon, that was the Son of a Sieve-maker, 
 triumphed always upon the Deed done , putting off all other re- 
 fpecfts whatfoever. Thefc two Perlbns being Lawyers in Science, 
 and Privy Counfellors in Authority ( as the corruption of the heji things 
 is the vporji) turned i^n^ zndjujlice into fVormwood and Rapine. For 
 firft , their manner was to caule divers Subjects to be indi(5ted of 
 fundry Crimes, and fo far forth to proceed in form of z-fjv ; But 
 when the BiHs were found , then prefently to commit them. And 
 neverthelefs not to produce them to any reafonable time to their
 
 I20 
 
 l^be Hilary of the Reign of 
 
 Anfiver, but to fuffer them to languilh long in Pri[c» ; and by fundry 
 artificial Devices and Terrours , to extort from them great Fines and 
 Rxnfoms , which they termed Compofitions and MittgntUns. 
 
 Neither did they (towards the end ) obferve fo much as the HAlf- 
 face of Jujiice , in proceeding by Indictment ; but lent forth their 
 Precepts to attach men , and convent them before themfelves and 
 fome others , at their private Houfes , in a Court of Commijfion , and 
 there ufed to fhuifle up a SummAry Proceeding , by Examination , 
 without tryal of jKry • afliiming to themfelves there , to deal both 
 in Pleas of the Crown , and Controverfies Civil. 
 
 Then did they alfoufe to enthral and charge the -Sw/^ftifi Lands 
 with Tenures in Capite , by finding Falfe Offices, and thereby to work 
 upon them for JVardjhips , Livertes , frimier Seiftns , and Alienations, 
 ( being the fruits of thole Tenures ) refufing upon divers Pretexts 
 and Delays , to admit men to traverfe thofe Falj'e Ojjices , according 
 to the Law, Nay, the King's wards after they had accomplifhed their 
 full Age 5 could not be fuffered to have Livery of their Lands , 
 without paying excellive Fines , far exceeding all reafonable Rates. 
 They did alio vex men with Informations of Intrufion upon fcarce 
 colourable Titles. 
 
 When men were Out-larved in Perfonal Actions they would not 
 permit them to purchafe their Charters of Pardon , except they 
 paid great and intolerable fumms ^ ftanding upon the ftri(fl Point 
 of Lavp , which upon Ont-lawries giveth Forfeiture of Goods. Nay, 
 contrary to all Lave and Colour , they maintained , the King ought 
 to have the half of mens Lands and Rents , during the fpace of full 
 two years , for a Pain in Cafe of Ont-lawry. They would alio 
 ruffle with Jurors , and enforce them to find as they would dire(ft, 
 and ( if they did not) Convent them , Imprifon them , and Fine 
 them. 
 
 Thefe and many other Courfes , fitter to be burled than re- 
 peated, they had of Preying upon the People ; both like Tame Hawks 
 for their Mafter , and like yvtld Hawks for themfelves . in fo much 
 as they grew to great Riches and Subifance. But their principal 
 working was upon P^'WZrfJv/, wherein they fpared none , great 
 nor fmall ; nor confidered whether the Law were poffible , or im- 
 poflible, in Ufe or objolete. But raked over all old and new Sta- 
 tutes , though many of them were made with intention rather of 
 Terrour, than oi Rigour ; having ever a Rabble of Promoters , Quejl- 
 mongers, and leading jurors at their Command, fo as they could 
 have any thing found either for Fa£l, or Valuation. 
 
 There remaineth to this day a Report , that the King was on 
 a time entertained by the Earl of Oxford (that was his principal 
 Servant , both {oiKWar -x^A Peace) nobly and fumptuoufly, at his 
 Caftle at Henmngham. And at the King's going away , the Earl's 
 Servants flood ( in a feemly manner) in their Ltvery-Ccats , with 
 Cognifances, ranged on both fides , and made the King a Lane. The 
 
 Kmg
 
 King H E xNT R Y the Seventh. 
 
 King calJed the Earl-to him , and laid •, (J^iy Lord , J have heard 
 much of your Hofiitality , but I fee it u greater thax the fieech. Thefe 
 kandfiw Gentlemen and Teomen , vch'tch I fee on both fides of me , are 
 fure your Menial Servants. The Earl fmiled , and laid , Itmayfleafe 
 your Grace , that were n»t fvr mine eafe. They are ?mU of them my 
 Retainers y they are come to do me fervice atfuch a time as this , and 
 chiefly to fee your Grace. The King ftartcd a little , and laid 5 By 
 my faith {nty Lord) I thank you for my good Cheer , but I tfiay not en- 
 dure to have nty Laws broken tn my fight. CMy K^ttormy mufl fpeak 
 vithyoH. And it is part of the Report , that the Earl compounded 
 for no lefs than fifteen thouland Marks. And to rtiew further the 
 Kings extreme Diligence- I do remember to havefeen longfince 
 a Book of Accompt of Empfon's , that had the King's hand almoft 
 to every Leaf, by way of Signing , and was in fome places PofliUed 
 in the CMargin , with the King's hand likewife , where was this 
 Remcmbrame : 
 
 Item , Received of fuch a one , five CM arks for the Pardopi to be 
 procured ; and if the Pardon do not pafi, the Money to be re-paid , 
 except the party be fomeother-rvays fatisfied. 
 
 And over againft this ^Memorandum ( of the King's own hand ) 
 
 Otherveife fatitfiedi 
 
 Which I do the rather mention , becaule it Ihews in the King 
 a Nearaefy but yet with a kind oijuftne^. So thele little 54«^j 
 and Grains of Gold and Stiver ( as it feemeth ) helped not a little 
 to make up the great Heap and Bank. 
 
 But mean while (to keep the King awake) the Earl o{ Suffolk 
 having been too gay at Prince Arthur's Marriage , and funk him- 
 felf deep io Debt , had yet once more a mind to be a Knight-Errant, 
 and to feek Adventures in Forein parts. And taking his Brother 
 with him , fled again into Glanders. That (iio doubt) which gave 
 him Confidence , was the great Murmur of the People againft the 
 King's Government. And being a Man of a light and rafli Spirit , 
 he thought every rapcur would be a Tempefi. Neither wanted he 
 fome Party within the Kingdom. For the Murmur of People awakes 
 xh&Difcontents oi Nobles ; and again, thatcalleth up commonly fome 
 Head oi Sedition. The King reforting to his wonted and tryed 
 Arts, caufed Sir Robert Curfon, Captain of the Cafile at Hammes 
 ( being at that time beyond Sea , and therefore lefs likely to be 
 wrought upon by the King ) to flie from his charge , and to feign 
 himfelf a fervant of the Earl's. This Knight , having infinuated 
 himfclf into the Secrets of the Earl , and finding by him upon 
 whom chiefly he had either Hope or Hold , advertiled the King 
 thereof in great fecrecy. But neverthelefs maintained his own 
 Credit and inward truft with the Earl. Upon whofc Advertife- 
 
 121 
 
 R 
 
 mcnts ,
 
 122 
 
 The Hiftory of the Reign of 
 
 ments , the King attached mlltam Courtney, Earl of Devonjhire, his 
 Brother-in-Law, married to the Lady Kmienne, Daughter to King 
 Edward the Fourth 5 mllura de U Pole , Brother to the Earl of 
 Suffolk ; Sir James Tirrel , and Sir John windham , and fome other 
 meaner Perfons , and committed them to Cuftody. George , Lord 
 Abergaveny , and Sir Themoi Green , were at the fame time appre- 
 hended i, but as upon lefs Sufpition , fo in a freer Reftraint , and 
 were foon after delivered. The Earl of Devon/hire, being interefled 
 in the blood of Tork , that was rather Feared than Necent ; yet as 
 One , that might be the Ohjeif of others Plots and Deftgns, remained 
 Prifoner in the Torver, during the King's life, miltam de la Pole, 
 was aifo long reftrained , though not fo flraitly. But for Sir James 
 Tirrel ( againft whom the Blood of the Innocent Princes , Edward the 
 Fifth, and his Brother did (till cry from under the K^ltar) and 
 Sir John windham , and the other meaner ones , they were attainted 
 and executed 5 the two Knights beheaded. Neverthelefs , to 
 confirm the Credit of Curfon ( who belike had not yet done all his 
 Feats of ASttuity ) there was publifhed at Paul's Crofs , about the 
 time of the faid Executions , the Pope's Bull of Excommunication 
 and Curfe, againft the Earl of Suffolk , and Sir Robert Curfon , and 
 fome others by name , and likewife in general againft all the 
 K^bettors of the faid Earl. Wherein it muft be confelTcd , that 
 Heaven was made too much to bow to Earth , and Religion to 
 Policy. But foon after , Curfon ( when he faw time ) returned into 
 England , and withal into wonted Favonr with the King , but 
 vjoxi^Fame with the People. Upon whofc return the Earl was 
 much difmayed , and feeing himlelf deftitute of hopes ( the Lady 
 Margaret alfo by trad of Time , and bad Succefs , being now be- 
 com cool in thofe attempts ) after Ibme wandering in France , and 
 Germany , and certain little Proje&s , no better than Squibs of an 
 Exiled man , being tired out, retired again into the Protection of 
 the Arch- Duke Philip in Flanders , who by the death of Ifabella was 
 at that time King of Cajlile , in the right of Joan his Wife. 
 
 This year ( being the Nineteenth of his Reign ) the King called 
 his Parliament. Wherein a man may eafily guefs , how ablblute 
 the King took himfelf to be with his Parliament , when Dudley 
 that was fo hateful , was made Speaker of the Houfe of Comrmns. 
 In this Parliament , there were not made any 5/i»/^»f<fi' memorable, 
 touching publick Government. But thofe that were , had ftill the 
 Stamp of the King's tyifdom and Policy, 
 
 There was a Statute made for the difannulling of all Patents of 
 Leafe, or Grant, to fuch as came not upon lawful Summons , to ferve 
 the King in his wars ,. againft the Enemies or Rebels , or that fliould 
 depart without the King's licence; With an exception of certain 
 Perfons of the Long-robe. Providing neverthclels , That they fhould 
 have the King's Wages, from their Houje , till their return home 
 again. There had been the like made before for offices, and by 
 
 this
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 this Statute it was extended to Lands. But a man may cafily fee 
 by many Statutes made in this King's time , that the King thought 
 it fatelt , to affill Martid Lxtv by Lth^ of Parlixment. 
 
 Another statute was made , proliibiting the bringing iii of Ma- 
 nttfaBures of Silk wrought by it fclf , or mixt with any other Thred.i 
 But it was not of Stkjfs of w hole piece ( for that the Realm had 
 of them no Manufacture in ufe at that time ) but of Kmt-Silk-,. or 
 Texture of Silk ; as Ribands , Laces, Cavpls, Points, and Girdles , &c. 
 which the people of England could then well skill to make. This 
 Law pointed at a true Princifle ; ihat where for einmtaerials are but 
 SHferfluities , for an Manufaciitres Jhould be prohibited. For that will 
 either banifli the Superfimty , or gain the Manufa&uri^ i//; io * l • / sH 
 
 There was a Larv alfo of Refumption of Patents of Gaels, and this 
 Re annexing of them to the Sherifwtcks ; Friv Hedged Officers being nOt 
 lels an Interruption of Jitjlice , than Priviledgid Places. , \ 
 
 There was likewife xLava to reltrain the By-laves or Ordinances, 
 of Corporaiiojts , which many times were againft the Prerogative of 
 the King , the Common-law of the Realm , and the Liberty of the 
 Saije^, being Fraternities in Evil. It was therefore Provided, 
 that they fliould not be put in Execution , without the Allowance, 
 of the Chamellor, Treaftirer, and the two Chiefjujltces , or three of 
 them , or of the two Jujiices of Circmt where the Corporation was. 
 
 Another Law \v^ ( in effed ) to bring in the Silver of the Realm 
 to the Mint , in making all clipped, rainilhed, or impaired Coins of: 
 Silver , not to be currant in payments, without giving any Re- 
 medy of weight, but with an exception only of a reafonable 
 wearing , which was as nothing in relped of the incertainty 5 and 
 fo (upon the matter) to fet the iW/«/ on work, and give way to 
 New Coins of Silver , which fliould be then minted. 
 
 There likewife was a long Statute againft Fagabonds , wherein 
 two things may be noted ; The one , the Dijlike the Parliament 
 had of Gaoling of them , as that which was chargeable , pefterous, 
 and of no open Example. The other , that in tne statutes of this 
 King's time , ( for this of the Nineteenth year is not the only 
 Statute of that kind ) there are ever couplai , the pumjhment of 
 Vagabonds , and the ftrhiddtng of Dice , and Cards , and unlawful 
 Canus unto Servants and mean people , and the putting down and 
 fupprefling oi Ale-houfes, as Strings of one Root together , and as if 
 the One were unprofitable , without the Other. 
 
 As for Rtet and Retainers , there paiTed fcarce any Parliament in 
 this time without a Law againft them , the King ever having an 
 Eye to Might , and Multitude. 
 
 There was granted alfo that Parliament a Subfdy , both for the 
 Tewptralty and the Clergy. P^a^ yet ncverthelefSjCre the year expired, 
 there went out Ctmmiffions for a general Benevtleme , though there 
 were no ivars , no Fears. The fame year the City gave five thoufand 
 Marks, for Confrmation of their Liberties ; A thing fitter for the 
 
 R z Begin- 
 
 123
 
 124 
 
 The HiUory of the Reign of I 
 
 Beginnings of King's Reigns , than the latter Ends. Neither was it 
 a fmall matter, that the Af/«? gained upon the late Statute, by the 
 RecoinAge of Groats , and Half-Groats , now Tvpelve-fences and Six- 
 pences. As for Emffon and Dudleys Mills , they did grind more 
 than ever. So that it was a flrange thing , to fee what Golden shovers 
 poured down upon the King's Treafury at once. The laft pay- 
 ments of the C^larriage-Money from Spain ; The Sttl^fidy ; The 
 Benevelence ; The Recotnage ; The Redemption oi the Cities Liberties ; 
 The Cafualties. And this is the more to be marvelled at , becaufe 
 the King had then no Occafions at all of ^yars or Troubles. He 
 had now but one Son and one Daughter unbeftowed. He was ff^ife ; 
 He was of an High CHimd ; He needed not to make Riches his Glory. 
 :He did excel in fo many things elfe-, fave that ctn^wAy Avarice 
 doth ever find in it felf matter of Ambition. Belike he thought to 
 'leave his Son fuch a Kingdom , and fuch a Mafs of Trexfure , as he 
 might choofe his Greatnefs where he would. :^i-';' i 
 
 This yeat -was alfo kept the Serjeants FeaB , which was the 
 fecond Call in this Kings Days. 
 
 About this time Ijabella , Queen of Cajlile , deccafed 5 a right 
 
 Noble Lady, and an Honour to her Sex, and Times, and the 
 
 Corner-Jione of the Greatnefs of Spain , that hath followed. This 
 
 Accident the King took not for iW^rj at large , but thought it had 
 
 a great Relation to his own Affairs ; efpecially in two points ; The 
 
 one for Example ; the other for Confeqaence. Firft , he conceived 
 
 that the Cafe of Ferdinando of ^rragon , after the death of Queen 
 
 Ifabella , was his own Cafe , after the death of his own Queen : 
 
 and the Cafe of Joan the Heir unto Cajlile , was the Cafe of his 
 
 own Son Prince //(?»r>'. For if both of the Kings had their King- 
 
 doms in the right of their IVives , they defcended to the Heirs , and 
 
 did not accrew to the Husbands. And although his own Cafe had 
 
 both Steel and Parchment , more than the other ( that is to fay , 
 
 a Conquefl in the Field, and an ^^£1 of Parliament) yet, notwith- 
 
 ftanding , that Natural Title of Defcent in Blood , did ( in the 
 
 imagination even of a wife man ) breed a Doubt , that the other 
 
 two were not fafe nor fufficient. Wherefore he was wonderful 
 
 diligent to enquire and oblervc what became of the King of Arra.^ 
 
 gon , in holding and continuing the Kingdom of CaHile. And 
 
 whether he did hold it in his own Rtght , or as Adminiflrator to his 
 
 Daughter ; and whether he vi^cre like to hold it in Fafi^ , or to be put 
 
 out by his Son-in-Law. Secondly , he did revolve in his mind , that 
 
 the State of Chnflendom might by this late Accident have a turn. 
 
 For whereas before-time himfelf, with the Conjandion of Ar- 
 
 ragon and Cajlile ( which then was one) and the Amity of \Maxi- 
 
 milian and thilip his Son the Arch-Duke , was far too ftrong 
 
 a Party for France ; he began to fear , that now the French King 
 
 ( who had great Interejl in the Affedlions of Philip the young King 
 
 ofCaple) dind Philip himfelf, now King of CaJlile, (who was in 
 
 ill
 
 I 
 
 King Henry the Seventh, 
 
 125 
 
 ill terms wich his F-uher-inLavp about the prefent Government 
 of CafiiU. ) And thirdly 'J^tAximilian, Phtltp's Father (who was ever 
 variable , and upon whom the furefl: Aim that could be taken , was 
 that he would not be long , as he had been laft before ) would , all 
 three being potent Pnnces , enter into fome ftrait Z.f.t^wd' and Con- 
 federation amongft themfelves. Whereby though he fhould not 
 be endangered , yet he rtiould be left to the poor Amity oiArra^on. 
 And whereas lie had been heretofore a kind o'l Arbiter o{ Europe , he 
 ftiould now go lels , and be over-topped by lb great a Conjimction. 
 He had alio ( as it feems) an inclination to marry, and bethought 
 himfelf of ibme fit Conditions abroad. And amongtt others he had 
 heard of the Beauty and virtuous Behaviour of the young Queen of 
 Nitples , the Widow of Ferdimade the younger , being then of 
 Miitrond years of fcven and tv^'Cnty. By whofe Marriage he thought 
 that the kingdom oi Naples ( having been a Goal for a time, be- 
 tween the King oi i^rragtin, and the Frf»c/» King , and being but 
 newly fetled ) might in fome part bedepofited in his hands , who 
 was fo able to keep the Stakes. Therefore he fent in Ambaffage or 
 MefTage three confident Perfons • Francis Marfm, James Braybrook, 
 and John Stile , upon two feveral tnquifitions rather than Negotia- 
 tions. The One , touching the Perfon and Condition of the young 
 Queen of Naples ; the Orher , touching all particulars of Ejiate , 
 that concerned the Fortunes and Intentions of Ferdtnando. And 
 becauie they may obferve beft , who themfelves are obferved Icaft , 
 he fent them under Colourable Pretexts ; giving them Letters of 
 Kindnefs and Compliment from Katharine the Princels , to her 
 Aunt, and Niece, the Old and Young Queen of Naples , and 
 delivering to them alfb a Book of new Articles of PeAce ; which 
 notwithftandir^ it had been dehvered unto Doftor De PuebU, the 
 Leigier Ambaflador of Spain here in England ^ to be fent 5 yet for 
 that the King had been long without hearing from s^atn , he 
 thought good thofc Meffengers , when they had been with the two 
 Qijeens , ihould likewile pafs on to the Court of Ferdinando , and 
 take a Copy of the Book with them. The JnHruBions touching 
 the Queen of Naples were fo curious and exquifite , being as Ar- 
 ticles whereby to dired a Survey , or framing a Particular of her 
 Perfon , for Complexion, Favour, Feature , Stature , Health, Age, 
 Cuftoms, Behaviour, Conditions , and Ertate , as if the King had 
 been young , a man would have judged him to be A/ncrout ; but 
 being ancient , it ought to be interpreted , that fure he was very 
 ch>ifi, for that he meant to find all things in one Woman, and 
 fo to fettle his (_^feciions , without ranging. But in this (JIUtch 
 he wasi. foon cooled , when he heard from his Ambafladors , that 
 this young Queen had had a goodly Joynture in the Realm of 
 Naples , well anfwered during the time of her Uncle Frederick , 
 yea, and during the time of Lenis the French King , i«.i whofe 
 Div/fon her Revenue fell - but fmce the time that the Kingdom 
 
 was
 
 126 
 
 The Hiiiory of the Reign of 
 
 was in Ferdimndos hands, all was afligned to the Army, and 
 Garrifons there , and ih^ received only a Penfton or Exhibnien out 
 of his Coffers. - ''v 
 
 The other part oH^z, Inquiry \\zd, a grave and diligent Return , 
 informing the King at full of the prefent State of King Ferdtmfido. 
 By this Report it appeared to the King, that Ferdwa»d<>did continue 
 the Government of CasJtle as Adminiftrator unto his Daughter 
 Jeafi , by the Title of Queen JfabeUas Will , and partly by the 
 Cuftom of the Kingdom , as he pretended. And that all Man- 
 dates and Crf.nts were expedited in the name of '^oan his Daughter, 
 and himfelf as Adminiftrator , without mention of Philif , her 
 Husband. And that King Ferdinando , howfoever he did difmifs 
 himfelf of the name of King of Cafii/e , yet meant to hold the King- 
 dom , without Accompt , and in abfoluie Command. 
 
 It apreareth alfo , that he flattered himfelf with hopes , that 
 King Phi/ip would permit unto him the Goverment of Cajiiie 
 during his life- which he had laid his Plot to work him unto, 
 both by fome dtrnfellors of his about him , which Ferdin.tndo had 
 at his devotion , and chiefly by promife , that in cafe Philip gave 
 not way unto it, he would marry fome young Lady, whereby to 
 put him by the Succeflion of K^rrago* and Granada , in cafe he 
 Ihould have a Son. And laftly by reprefenting unto him that the 
 Government of the BHrgmdims , till Phi/ip were by continuance 
 in Spam made as Natural of Spain , would not be endured by the 
 Spaniards. But in all thofe things (though wifely laid down and 
 confidered) Ferdinando failed ; But that •?/«/<> was better to him 
 thsiaPallasi. . hn.<; L!0 - 
 
 In the fame Report alfo , the Ambaffadors being mean men , and 
 therefore the more free , did ftrike upon a firing which was fome- 
 what dangerous. For they declared plainly , that the People of 
 Spain , both Nobles and Commons , were better afFe<^ed unto the 
 part of Pbu'ip ( fo he brought his Wife with him ) than to Ferdt- 
 uando ; and exprefled the reafon to be , becaufe he had impofed 
 upon them many T4A:f/ , and Tallages, which was the King's own 
 Cafe between him and his Son. g-jsv/ ;>\,;v.\\ i^ Vr 
 
 There was alfo in this Report a Declaration of an Overture of 
 of Marriage , which Amajon the Secretary of Ferdinmdo had made 
 unto the AmbafTadors in great fecret, between Charles Prince of 
 Cajtile and Mary the King's fecond Daughter 5 alluring the King, 
 that the Treaty of CMarriage then on foot , for the faid Prince and 
 the Daughter of France , would break , and that flie the faid 
 DiLUghtet of France Ihould be married to Angolefme , that was the 
 Heir Apparant of Frame. 
 
 There was a touch alfo of a fpeech of Marriage between Ferdi- 
 nando and Madam De Fois , a Lady of the Blood of France , which 
 afterwards indeed fucceeded. But this was reported as learned 
 in Frame , and lilenced in Spain. 
 
 The
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 127 
 
 The King by the return of this Amba/Tage , which gave grc.it 
 light unto his Affairs , was well inftrudied , and prepared how to 
 carry himfelf betw een Ferdtnando King o'i Arragon , and Fhilip his 
 Son-in-law, King of Capk ; refoiving with himfelf, to do all that 
 in him lay to keep them atone wdthin themfelves 5 But howfoevei 
 that fucceeded , by a moderate Carriage and bearing the Pcrfon 
 of a Common-friend , to lofe neither of their Friendfhips ^ but yet 
 to run a Course more entire with the King of Arragon , but more 
 laboured and Ojf.ttota with the King of Caftile. But he was much 
 taken with the Overture of Marriage with his Daughter Uiiary ; 
 Both becaufe it was the greateft Marriage of Chrtjiendom , and for 
 that it took hold of both Allies. 
 
 But to corroborate his Alliance with Philip , the Winds gave 
 him an Enterview. For Phil/p choofing the Winter-feafon , the 
 better to furprilb the King of K^rragon , iet forth with a great 
 Navy out of Flanders for Spain in the Month of January , the One 
 and Twentieth year of the King's P.eign. But himfelf was fur- 
 priled with a cruel Tempeji, that icattered his Ships upon the feveral 
 Coafts of England. And the Ship wherein King and Queen were 
 ( with two other fmall Barques only ) torn, and in great peril to 
 efcape the fury of the weather , thruft into Weymouth. King Philip 
 himlelf J having not been ufed (as it feems) to Sea, all wearied and 
 extreme Cck , would needs land to refrefh his Spirits , though it 
 was againft the Opinion of his Council , doubting it might breed 
 l>eUy , his Occafions reqiriring Celerity. 
 
 The Rumour of the Arrival of a puiiTant Navywpon theCoaft, 
 made the Countrey Arm. And Sir Thomas Trenchard with Forces 
 fuddenly raifed , not knowing what the matter might be , came 
 to weymot*Ph. Where underftanding the Accident , he did in all 
 Humblenefs and Humanity invite the King and Qiieen to his 
 Houfe 5 and forthwith difpatched Pop to the Court. Soon after 
 came Sir ^ohn Caroe likevvife , with a great troop of Men well 
 armed - unng the like Humblenefs and Refpecfl towards the King, 
 when he knew the Cafe. King Philip doubting that they , being 
 but Subjeifts , durft not let him pafs away again , without the 
 King's Notice and Leave, yielded to their Entreaties , to ftay till 
 they heard from the Court. The King as foon as he heard the 
 News, commanded prefently the Earl of Arundel , to go to vifit 
 the King of Csftile , and let him underfirand 5 That as he was very 
 forry for his Mifhap , io he was glad that he had efcaped the 
 Danger of the Seas, and likewife of the Occafion himfelf had to 
 do him Honour ; and defiring him , to think himfelf as in his 
 own Land- and that the King made all hafte poffiblc to come and 
 embrace him. The Earl came to him in great Magnificence , 
 with a brave Troop of three hundred Horfe ; and ( for more state ) 
 came by Torch-light. After he iiad done the King's Mcflage, 
 King Philip feeing how the world went, the foonertogetaway, 
 
 went
 
 128 
 
 The HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 went upon fpeed to the King at mndfor, and his Queen followed 
 by eafie journeys. The two Kings at their meeting uled all the 
 Careffes , and loving Demonft rations , that were pollible. And 
 the King of Cajli/e laid prcfently to the King • That he was novo 
 titntlhed, for that he would not come within his vpalledTinvn ^Calice, 
 vphen they met laft. But the King anfwered , That ly/tUs and Sea* 
 were notmng , where Hearts were of en , and that he was here m other- 
 wife , but to he ferved. After a day or two's refreftiing , the Kings 
 entred into fpeech of renewing the Treaty ; the King faying , That 
 though King Philtfs Perfon were the lame , yet his Fortitnes and 
 State were railed. In which Cafe a Renovation o^ Treaty was 
 ufed amongft f rimes. But while thcfe things were in handling , 
 the King choofing a fit time , and drawing the King of CaHile 
 into a Room , where they two only were private, and laying his 
 hand civilly upon his arm , and changing his Countenance a little 
 from a Countenance of Entertainment , faid to him 5 Sir , yon have 
 been faved ufon my Coaji , J hofe you will net fuffer me to wrack upon 
 yours. The King of Cajlile asked him , f-^hat he meant by that fpeech ? 
 I mean it (faith the King ) by that fame Hare-brain wild Fellffw, my 
 Subject , the Earl of SuSolk ^ who is protected in your Countrey , and 
 begins to flay the Fool, when all others are weary of it. The King of 
 Cajlile anfwered; / had thought ( Sir) your Felicity had been above 
 thofe thoughts. But if it trouble you , J will bantjb htm. The King 
 replied • Thofe Hornets were beji in their Nefls,and worfi when they did 
 flie abroad, that his defire was, to have him delivered t<^ him. The 
 King of Cafiile herewith a little confufed , and in a ftudy, faid ; 
 That can J not do with my honour , and leji with yours ; for you will 
 be thought to have ufed me as a Frifoner. The King prclently faid 5 
 Then the matter is at an end. For I will take that dijhemur iffon mcy 
 and fo your heneur is faved. The King of Caflile , who had the King 
 in great Eftimation , and befides remembred where he was , and 
 knew not what ufe he might have of the King's Amity , for that 
 himfelf was new in his Eftate of Spain , and unfetled , both with 
 his Father-in-Law , and with his People , compofing his Counte- 
 nance , faid 5 Sir , you give Law to me ; but fo will J to you. Tou fball 
 have him , but ( upon your honour ) you (hall not take his life. The King 
 embracing him , faid 5 Agreed. Saith the King of Caple , Neither 
 ^ all it dijlike you, if J fend to him in fuch afajhion, as he may partly come 
 with his own good will. The King faid 5 It was well thought of; and 
 if it pie a fed him , he would joyn with him , in fending to the Earl 
 a U^ejfage to that purpofe. They both fent fevcrally , and mean 
 while they continued Feafwg and Pafiimes. The King being ( on 
 his part ) willing to have the Earl lure before the King of Caftile 
 went • and the King of Cafltle being as willing to ieem to be en- 
 forced. The King alfo with many wife and excellent Perfwafions, 
 did advile the King of Caflile , to be ruled by the counfel of his 
 Father-in-Law Ferdinando ; a Prince fo prudent , fo experienced, 
 
 fo
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 129 
 
 (b forcunate. The King of Caflile ( who was in no very good terms 
 with his faid Father-in-Law ) anfwered ; That tf his F.ither-tn- 
 Lxw would fHJfer him to govern hii Kingdoms , hefjoiild "overnfrim. 
 
 There were immediately MeiTengers fent from both King", to 
 recall the Earl of Sujfolk : Who upon gentle words iilcd to him 
 was foon charmed , and willing enough to return - allured of his 
 Life, and hoping of his Libertv. He was brought xhxowgh FUnders 
 to Calice , and thence landed zx. Dover , and with fufficient Guard 
 delivered and received at xhQTower oi London. Meanwhile King 
 Henry (to draw out the time) continued his FeaFiings and Entertain- 
 ments , and after he had recciv'ed the King of Cajtile into the fr^- 
 ternity of the G.irter , and for a Reciprocal had his Son the Prince 
 admitted to the Order of the Golden-jleecc , he accompanied King 
 Philip and his Queen to the City of London ; where they were 
 entertained with the greateft Magnificence and Triumph., that could 
 be upon no greater warning. And as foon as the Earl oi Suffolk 
 had been conveyed to the Tower ( which was the (erious part) the 
 Jollities had an end, and the Kings took leave. Neverthclefs during 
 their being here , they in fubftancc concluded that Treaty^ which 
 die Flemings term Intercffrffis malM , and bears DiteatfV/ndfor -^ for 
 that there be fome things in it , more to the Advantage of the 
 Englijh , than of them- el'pecially , for that the Free-fjJjing of the 
 Di*tch upon the Coafts and Seas of England , granted in the Treaty 
 of Undectmo, was not by this Treaty confirmed. All Articles that 
 confirm former Treaties being precifely and warily limited and 
 confirmed to matter of Commerce only , and not otherwile. 
 
 It was obfervcd , that the great Tempeft which drave Philip 
 into England., blew do^^'n the Golden Eagle , from the Spire of Pat/Is, 
 and in the fall it fell upon a Sign of the Black Eagle , which was 
 in Pauls Church-yard , in the place where the School-Honfe now 
 ftandeth , and battered it , and brake it down. Which was 
 a ftrange stooping of a Hawk upon a Fowl. This the People in- 
 terpreted to be an Ominous Prognoftick upon the Imperial Houfe, 
 which was (by Interpretation alio) fulfilled upon Philip the Em- 
 peror's Son , not only in the Prefent Difafter of the Tempeft , but 
 in that tlTat followed. For Philip arriving -into Spain , and at- 
 taining the Pofleffion of the Kingdom of Cajlile without refiftance, 
 ( infomuch as Ferdinando , who had fpoke fo great before , was 
 with difficulty admitted to the fpeech of his Son-in-Law ) fickned 
 foon after, and deceafed. Yet after fuch time as there was an 
 Obfervation by the wifeft of that Court , That if he had lived , his 
 Father would have gained upon him in that fort , as he would 
 have governed his Connfels and Dejigns , if not his Affections. By 
 this all Spntn returned into the power of Ferdinando in ftate as it 
 was before • the rather , in regard of the infirmity of Joan his 
 Daughter, who loving her Husband (by whom Hie had many 
 Children) dearly well, and no lefs beloved of him) howfoever 
 
 S her
 
 i^o 
 
 I'he HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 her Father , to make rhili^ ill beloved of the People of Spain, gave 
 out that Philip ufed her not well ) was unable in ftrength of mind 
 to bear the Grief of his Deceafe , and fell diftraded of her jvits. Of 
 which Malady her Father was thought no ways to endeavour the 
 Cure , the better to hold his Regal Power in Cajlile. So that as the 
 Felicity of Charles the Eighth was faid to be a Dream ; fo the Ad- 
 verfity qf Ferdi»a»do was faid likewii'e to be a Dream , it pafTed over 
 lb loon. 
 
 About this time the King was defirous to bring into the Houfe 
 oi Lancafier Celeftial Honour, and became Suitor to Pope y«///*^, 
 to Canonize Kmg Henry the Sixt for a Saint ; the rather, in refpedl 
 of that his famous Prediction of the King's ou'n Allumption to the 
 Crown. Jtiliiis referred the matter ( as the manner is ) to certain 
 Cardinals , to take the verification of his Holy Acis and Miracles. 
 But it dyed under the Reference. The general Opinion was , that 
 Pope "jnlim was too dear , and that the King would not come to 
 his Kates. But it is more probable , That that Pope ( who was 
 extremely jealous of the Dignity of the: See of Rome , and of the 
 A(fls thereof ) knowing that King Henry the Sixt was reputed in 
 the World abroad but for a Simple Man , was afraid it would but 
 dimmilh the Eftimation of that kind of Honour , if there were not 
 a dilfance kept between Innocents and Saints. 
 
 The fame year likewife there proceeded a Treaty of Marriage 
 between the King and the Lady Margaret Duchefs Dowager of 
 Savoy , only Daughter to Maximilian , and Sifter to the King of Ca- 
 stile ; a Lady wile, and of great good Fame. This Matter had been 
 in fpeech between the two Kings at their meeting , but was foon 
 after refumed ■ and therein was employed for his iirft piece the 
 King's then Chaplam , and after the great Prelate Thomas ivclfey. It 
 was in the end concluded , with great and ample Conditions for 
 the King , but with promife De Future only. It may be the King 
 was the rather induced unto it , for that he heard more and more 
 of the Marriage to go on between his great Friend and AUie Ferdi- 
 nando diArragon, and Madam Pf Fo^ , whereby that King began 
 to piece with the French King , from whom he had been always 
 before ievered. So fatal a thing it is , for the greateft and ftraiteit 
 Amities of Kings , at one time or other to iiave a little of the wheel. 
 Nay there is a further Tradition ( in Spain , though not with us ) 
 That the King o^Arragon, after he knew that the Marriage between 
 Charles , the young Prince of Ca^ile , and Alary the King's fecond 
 Daughter went roundly on ( which though it v\'as firft moved by 
 the King oi Arr agon , yet it was afterwards wholly advanced and 
 brought to pcrfedion by Maximilian , and the Friends on that fide ) 
 entred into jealoufie , that the King did afpire to the Government 
 of Cajlilia , as ^^dmimjlrator during the Minority of his Son-in- 
 Law 5 as if there fliould have been a Competition of Three for 
 that Government j Ferdinando, Grand-fatiier on the Mothers fide $ 
 
 Maxi'
 
 I 
 
 King Henry tbe Seventh 
 
 131 
 
 Maximtltxn , Grand-father on the Father's fide- and Hims, Henry, 
 Father-in- Law to the young Prince. Certainly , it is not unlike, 
 but the King's Government (carrying the young Prince with him) 
 would have been perhaps mare welcom to the SpMinrds , than that 
 oi the other T wo. For the Nobility of C aft Hi a , that fo lately put 
 out the King of Arragon, in favour of King /'/&////> , and had difco- 
 vered themfelvcs fo far , could not but be in a fecret Diftruft and 
 Dillaft of that King. h.ndzsiox Maximilian , upon Twenty re- 
 fpe(fls he could not have been the Man. But this purpofe of the 
 King's fcemeth to me ( coniidering the King's fafe Courfes , never 
 found to be enterprizing or adventurous ) not greatly probable, 
 except he fhould have had a Defire to breathe warmer , becaufe he 
 had ill Lungs. This MAninge with Margaret was protraded from 
 time to time , in refped of the infirmity of the King , who now in 
 the Two and Twentieth year of his Reign began to be troubled 
 with the Gmt. But the Defluxion taking alio into his Breaft, wafted 
 his Lungs , Co that thrice in a Year ( in a kind of Return , and efpc- 
 cially in the Spring , ) he had great Fitts and Labours of the TiJ/ick. 
 Neverthelefs he continued to intend Bufinefs with as great dili- 
 gence , as before in his Heath. Yet fo , as upon this warning , he 
 did likewife now more ferioufly think of the World to come , and 
 of making himfelf a Saint , as well as King Henry the Sixth , by 
 Treafure better employed , than to be given to Pope Juliits. For 
 this Year he gave greater Aims than accuftomed , and difcharged 
 all Prifoners about the City , that lay for Fees or Debts , under forty 
 Shillings. He did alfo make hafte with Religious Foundations ; and 
 in the Year following ( which was the Three and Twentieth) 
 finiftied that of the Savoy. And heatinff alfo of the bitter Cries of 
 his People againfV the Oppreffions oi Dudley and Empfin j and their 
 Complices - partly by Devout Perfons about him, and partly 
 by publick Sermons {the Preachers doing their Duty therein) he 
 was touched with great Remorfe for the lame. Neverthelefs, £«?//(?» 
 and Dudley , though they could riot but hear of thefe Scruples in 
 the King's Confcience 5 yet as if the King's Soul zndh\s Money 
 were in feveral Ojjices , that the One was not toinxermeddle with 
 the Other , went on with as great rage as ever. For the fame Three 
 and Twentieth Year was there a Iharp Profecution againft Sir ml- 
 Ham Capel now the fecond time 5 and this was for rhatters of Mifr 
 government in his Mator'alty. The great Matter being , that in 
 fomc Payments he had taken knowledge of Falfe Moneys-, and did 
 not his diligence to examine , and beat it out , who were the 
 Offendors. For this and fome other things laid to his Gliarge , he 
 was condemned, to pay two thoufand Pounds ; and being a Man 
 of ftomach , and hardened by his former Troubles , rcfuled to pay 
 a Mite ; and bc-lilce ufed fome untoward Speeches of the Pro- 
 ceedings , for which he was fent to the Toveer , and there remained 
 till the Ring's Death. Knefivorth likewife , that had been lately 
 
 S 1 Mayor
 
 152 
 
 The HiUory of the Reign of 
 
 1 
 
 Mayor of Lendon , and both his Sheriffs , were , for Abul'es ia 
 their OiRces , queftioned , and imprifoned , and delivered , upon 
 one thoufand four hundred Pounds paid. Haviis , an Alderman 
 q{ London , was put in Trouble, and dyed with Thought and 
 Anguifli , before his Bufinefs came to an end. Sir Lawrence Ail- 
 mer, who had likewife been Mayor oi London , and his two Siieriffs, 
 were put to the Fine of one thoufand Pounds. And Sir Law- 
 rence , for refufing to make payment , was committed to Pri- 
 fon , where he ftay'd till Em^fon himfclf was committed in his 
 place. 
 
 It is no marvel ( if the Faults were fo light , and the Rates fo 
 heavy ) that the King's Treafure of Store , that he left at his 
 death , moft of it in fecret places, under his own key and keeping, 
 at Richmond , amounted ( as by Tradition it is reported to have 
 done ) unto the Summ of near eighteen hundred thoufand Pounds 
 Sterling 5 a huge Mafs of Money , even for thefe times. 
 
 The laft o^^ of State that concluded this King's Temporal 
 Felicity, was tlie Conclufion of a Glorious Adatch between his 
 Daughter Mary , and Charles Prince of Castile , afterwards the 
 great Emperor , both being of tender years • which Treaty was 
 perfedled by Bilhop Fox , and other his Commiflioncrs at Calice , 
 the year before the King's Death. In which Atliance , it feemeth 
 he hirafelf took fo high Contentment , as in a Letter which he 
 wrote thereupon to the City of London , ( Commanding all pofli- 
 b!e Demooftrations of Joy to be made for the fame) he exprefleth 
 himfelf , as if he thought he had built a frail of Bra/ about his 
 Kingdom. When he had for his Sons-in-Law a King of Scotland, 
 and a Prince of CaHiU and Burgundy. So as now there was no- 
 thing to be added to this great King's Felicity , being at the top 
 of all worldly ^/{/T, ( in regard of the high Marriages oi his Chil- 
 dren, his great &'w»';z throughout £»rt^f , and his fcarcc credible 
 Riches , and the perpetual Constancy of his profperous Succeffes ) 
 but an opportune Death , to withdraw him from any future blow 
 of Fortune. Which certainly ( in regard of the great Hatred of 
 his teofle and the Title of his Son , being then come to Eighteen 
 years ojf Age , and being a bold Prince and liberal, and that gained 
 upon the People by his very K^Jpeci and Frefence ) had not been 
 impofliblc to have come upon him. 
 
 rii To crown alfo the laft year of his Reign , as well as his firft , 
 he did an c^c? of Piety , rare , and worthy to- be taken into Imi- 
 tation. For he granted forth a General Pardon, as expeding a fecond 
 Coronation in a better Kingdom. He did allb declare in his ivid, 
 that his mind was , that Rejlitution fliould be made of thofe Summs~, 
 which had been unjuftly taken by his officers. 
 
 And thus this Solomon of England ( for Solomon alio was too 
 heavy upon his People \n Exactions) having lived Two and Fifty 
 Years , and thereof Reigned Three and Twenty Years and Eight 
 
 - '' Months,.!
 
 Kii^g H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 159 
 
 Months , being in perfeft Memory , and in a moft Bleiled Mind, in 
 ^ great Cdm. of a Consuming sickneji paffed to a better World , the 
 Two and Twentieth oi April, 1508. at his Palace oi Richmond, 
 which himlelf had Built. 
 
 THii King (to jpeskof him in Terms equal to hii Be ferving) tvots 
 e«e ef the l^efi jort of Wonders ', /t Wonder/^;- Wife-men. He 
 had parts (hotb in hii Virtues, and his Fortune ) not fo fit for 
 a Common-place , m for Obfervation. Certainly he was Religious , 
 ifoth in hit AffeSion and Obllrvance. But as he could fee clear {for 
 thife times) through Superftition , fo he would he blinded (now and 
 than) hy Humane Policy. He advafued Chnrch-mQii-^ he wm tender 
 in the PriviUdge of Sandtuaries , though they wrought him much Aiif- 
 chtef He built and endowed many Religious Foundations , beftdes 
 his Memorable Hofpital of the Savoy. And yet was he a great Alms- 
 giver iff fecret ; which fhewed , that hit W oiks in publick were de- 
 dicated rather to God's glory , than his own. He profeffed always 
 t« love and feek Peace - and it was his tifual Preface tn his Treaties 5 
 That when Chrift came into the ivorld. Peace was fung - and when 
 He went out of the pvorld , Peace was bequeathed. And this Virtue 
 coitld net proceed out of Fear , or Softnefs 5 for he was Valiant and 
 Ai^ivc, and therefore (no doubt) itw,u /r«/y Chriftian and Moral. 
 Tet he knew the way to Peace , was not ta feem to be defirous to avoid 
 Wars. Therefore would he make Offers, and Fames c/^ Wars , till he 
 had mended the Conditions of Peace. It was alfo much , that one that 
 was fo great a Lover of Peace , ^mdd be f$ happy in War. Por his 
 Arms {either tn Forein or Civil Wars) were never Infortunate« 
 neither did he kmw what a, Difafter meant. The War of his Coming 
 in , Md the Rebellions of the Btrl o/' Lincoln , andthe Lord ^\sA\zy 
 were ended by Viftory. The Wars of France and Scotland, by Peaces 
 fought at his hands. That of Britain , by accident of the Duke's death. 
 The Infurredion of the Lord Lovel , and that of Perkin at Exceter, 
 and in Kent , by flight ef the Rebels , before they came to Blows. So 
 that his Fortune of Kxms was sitU Inviolate. The rather fare , for 
 that in the quenching of the Commotions of hit Subjefts, he ever went 
 in Perlon. Sometimes referving himfelf to back and fee end his Lieu- 
 tenants, but ever m Adionj and yet that was not meerly '^otwsitd- 
 ntk, buf partly Dii^vuft of others. V .■>Ji-7C; ruji'/I 'w • 
 
 He did mu:'i maintain arid countenance his Laws , which \ neverthe- 
 lefi) r-.'.ts r. Impediment to httnto work his Will. For it was fo handled, 
 that either Prerogative, mr^io'ax.wentto Diminution. Andyct^ 
 AS hewould fometimes flrainuphishzws ^<» ^i^ Prerogative , fo would 
 he alfo let dffwn his Prerogative to his Parliament. For Mint , and 
 Wars, 4«i Martial Difcipline, (things of abfoUte Power) he would 
 tteverthelef bring to Parliament. Juftice was well adminijlred in his 
 
 time ,
 
 134 
 
 Tie HiHory of the Reign of 
 
 time , fave where the King rvas Party : Save alfo , that the Council- 
 Table intermedled too much with Meum afid Tuum. For it vpae a vcrj 
 Court of Juftice during his time , ej^ecially in the Beginning. But tn 
 that part both of Juftice and Policy , which is the DnraUe Part , and 
 cut ( as it were ) tn Braf or Marble ( which u The making of good 
 Laws ) he did excel/. >^nd with his Juftice , he wm alfo a Merciful 
 Prince, asinwhofe time , there were but three of the Nobility that 
 fuffered ; the Earl of Warwick , the Lord chamber lain , and the Lord 
 Awdley. Though the frjl two were injlead of 'Humbert, intheDiJlike 
 and Obloquie of the People. But there were never Jo great Rebellions , 
 expiated with [o little Blood , drawn by the hand cf 'juflice , as the tw o 
 Rebellions of Black-heath and Exceter. k^s for the Severity ufed 
 upon thofe which were taken in Kent , ft was but upon a Scum of People. 
 His Pardons went ever both before , and after his Sword. But then 
 he had withal a sirange kind of Interchanging of Urge and inexpeBed 
 Pardons , v^ith fevere Executions, fyhich ( his wtfdom confidered ) 
 could not be imputed to any Inconftancy, (t Inequality; but either 
 to fame Reafon which we do not new knew , or to a Principle he had fet 
 untohimfelf, Thathe would vary , and try both ways in turn. But 
 the leji Blood he drew , the more he took of Treafure. And ( as fon/e 
 conjlrued it) hew^isthemoreJparingintheOne, that he might be the 
 more pr effing in the Oihex-, for both would have been intolerable.Of^z- 
 ture ajfuredly he coveted to accumulate Treafure , and was a little 
 Poor in Admiring Riches. The People (into whom there is infufed, 
 for theprefervation of Monarchies , a natural Defre to difcharge their 
 Princes , though it be with the unjufl charge of their Counfellors aud 
 Minifters) did impute this untp Cardinal Morton , and sir Reginold 
 Bray; who (as it after appeared) 4J CounfcUors of ancient Authority 
 with him , didfo fecond his Humours , as neverthelef they did temper 
 them, whereas Empfon, and \i\x^z-yj that followed , being Per fons 
 that had no Reputation with him ( otherwife than by the fervtk fsl- 
 Iffwing of his Bent ) did not give way only ( as thefrfl did) butfbape him 
 way to thofe Extremities, for which himfelf was touched withremorfe 
 ^t his Death , and which his Succeffor renounced , and fought to purge. 
 This Exeefs of his, had at that time many Gloffes and Interpretations. 
 Some thought the continual Rebellions JvAfrf-Jv/V/^ he had been vexed ^ 
 had made him grow to hate his People. Some thought it was dtne to pull 
 down their Stomaclis , and to keep them low. Some , for that he would 
 leave his Son a Golden-fleece. Seme fuJpeBed he hadfome high Defign 
 upon Forein parts. But thofe perhaps (hall come nearejl the truth , that 
 fetch net their reafons fo far off; but rather impute it to Nature , Age, 
 Peace , and a Mind/jff ^ upon no other Ambition or Purfuit. n hereunto 
 / fhould add , that having every day Occafion to take notice of the Ne- 
 ccffities and Shifts for Money of ether great Princes abroad , it did the 
 better (by Comparifon) fet off to htm the Felicity effuUQo^Qis. As 
 to his expending of Trealure , he never Jpared Ch.irge which his Aflfairs 
 required 'j and in his Buildings was Magnificent , l>fit his Rewards 
 
 were
 
 King H 
 
 E N R Y the Seventh. 
 
 35 
 
 nrye very limited. So that his Liberality was rather upon his own 
 Stare /»W Memory , than upeti the T>Q^Q.ns of ethers. 
 
 He was of an High Mind , and loved his own Will , and his ow/i 
 Way 5 as One that revered hitnfe If , and wo/tld Kcin^n indeed. Had 
 he been a Private-man , he would have been termed Proud. But in 
 a wife Prince, tt was but keeping ^/Diftance, which indeed he did 
 towards all; not admitting any -near cry/^// Approach , neither to his 
 Power or to his Secrets. For he was governed by none. His Queen 
 notwithjlanding fhe hadprefentcd him with divers Children , and with 
 A Crowm alfo, (though he would not acknowledge it) could do no- 
 thing with htm. His Mother he reverenc£d much, heard little. For 
 any Perfon agreeable to him for Society ( fuch as was Haftings to 
 King Edward the Fourth, or Charles Brandon after to iif/»^ Henry 
 the Eighth ) he had none : Except we fhould account for fuch Perfons, 
 Fox , and Bray , and Empfon , becaufe they were fo much with him. 
 But it was but as the Inftrument is much with the Work-man. He 
 had nothing in him of Vain-glory , but yet kept State and Majefty 
 to the height ; Being fenfible , That Majefty maketh the People bow, 
 but Vain-glory boweth to them. 
 
 To his Confederates abroad he was Conftant and Juft, but not 
 Open. But rather fuch was his Inquiry , and fuch his Clofenefs , as 
 they stood in the Light towards him , and he stood in the Dark to them. 
 Tet without Strangenefs , but with a femblance of mutual Coramuni-: 
 edition of Affairs. As for little Envies or Emulations uponY-OKin 
 Princes (which are frequent with many Kings) he had never any ; but 
 went fubfiantially to his own Bufinefs. Certain it is,that though his Repu- 
 tation was great at home , yet it was greater abroad. For Foreiners that 
 could not fee the Parages ^Affairs , but made their 'judgments upon 
 the \^\xes of them , noted that he was ever in Strife ., and ever A'loft. 
 It grew alfo from the Airs , which the Princes and States abroad re- 
 ceived from /^f/r Ambaffadors-t/?^ Agents /'^r^; which were attend- 
 ing the Court in great number, whoin he did not only content with 
 Courtefiej Reward, and Privatenefs- but ( upon fuch Conkreaces 
 as paffed with them ) put them in Admiration , to fnd his Univerfal 
 Inlight ifito the Ajjairs of the world, which though he did fuck chiefly 
 from themfelves ; yet that which he had gathered from them all , feemed 
 Admirable to every one : So that they did write ever to their Supe- 
 riours ?» high terms , concerning his Wildom and Art of Rule. Nay, 
 when they were returned, they did commonly maintain Intelligence 
 with him. Such a Dexterity he had to impropriate to himfelf allVo- 
 rein Inftruments. 
 
 He was careful and liberal to obtain good Intelligence /^<"« all parts 
 abroad, wherein he did net only ufe his Intereft in the Liegers here, 
 and his Penfioners which he had both in the Court of Kome ^ and other 
 the Courts ^/"Chriftendom-, but the Induftry and Vigilancy of his 
 own AmbaiTadors m Forein parts. For which purpofe , his Inftrudious 
 were ever Extreme , Curious , 4«i Articulate-, andinthem more 
 
 Articles
 
 ,56 
 
 The HiHory of the Keign of 
 
 Articles touching Inquifition , th.-ui touching Negotiation. Requiring 
 likcwife from his Ambaliadors art Anfwer , in particuUr dijlw^t 
 Articles , rcjpccfrvely to his Queftions. 
 
 As for his j'ecret Spials , trhich he did etnfloy both at home and abroad, 
 by them to difcoz'cr what Practices /iWConlpiracies were againjl him, 
 pirvly his Cafe required it : He had fuch Moles perpetualiy xvorkwg and 
 cafltng to andermtne him. Neither can it be reprehended. For if 
 Spials be Uwful againji lawful Enemies, much more againfi Confpi- 
 rators and Traytors. But indeed to give them Credence by Oaths 
 or Curies , that cannot be well maintained ; for tbefe are too holy 
 Veftments /£»r a Difguife. Tet fnrely there was this further Good 
 in his employing oftheje Flies /r;?^ Familiars • That as the ufe of them 
 WAS catije that many Confpiracics ivrrf revealed , fo the Fame and 
 Sufpition of them kept ( no doubt ) many Qon'^^'ir^iCios from being at- 
 tempted. 
 
 Towards his Queen he was nothing Uxorious , nor fcarce Indulgent •, 
 but Companiable , and Refpedive , and without Jealoufie. Towards 
 his Children he was full of Paternal Affeftion , Careful ef their 
 Education , ajpiring to their High Advancement , regular to fee that 
 they fhould not want of any due Honour ^«^ Refped, but not greatly 
 willing to cafl any Popular Luftre upon them. 
 
 To his Council be did refer much , and fate oft in Perfon ; knowing 
 it to be the Way to ajfifl his Power, and inform his Judgment. In 
 which refpe£l alfo he was fairly patient of Liberty , both of Advice , 
 and of Vote , till himfelf were declared. He kept a Brait hand on 
 his Nobility, and chofe rather to advance Qlergy-men and Lzwyers, 
 which were more Obfequious to him, but had /f /5'Intereft in the People^ 
 which made for his hh^ohxttnck , but not for his So.fetY. Info much 
 as ( I am per [waded ) it was one of the Cnufes of his TrouiAcCom Reign; 
 for that his Nobles , though they were Loyal and Obedient, yet did 
 not Co-operate with him , but let every mango his own Way. He was 
 not afraid of an Able Man , as Lewis the Eleventh was. But contra- 
 riwife , hewasfervedbytheAbleJlMenthatweretobefpund; without 
 which his K^fairs could not have projpered as they did. For War , 
 Bedford, Oxford, Surrey, Dawbeney, Brook, Poynings. For 
 other A fairs , Morton, Fox, Bray, the Prior of hznthony ^ War- 
 ham , Urfwick , Hufley , Frowick , and others. Neither did he 
 care how Cunning they were , that he did employ ; For he thought hint- 
 felf to have the Mafter-Reach. '^nd as he chofe well, fo he held them 
 up well. For it is a strange thing , that though he were a Dark 
 Prince, and infinitely Sufpitious, and his Times full of Secret Con- 
 fpiracies and Troubles • yet in Twenty-four Tears Reign , he never 
 put down , or difcompofed Counfellor, or near Servant , jave only Stan- 
 ley , the Lord chamberlain, k^s for the Difpofition ^^/> Subjeds 
 in General towards him, it stood thtuwith him; That of the Three 
 AiFedtions , which naturally tye the Hearts of the Subje(5ls to their 
 Sovereigns , Love , Fear , and Reverence •, he had the laft in height , 
 
 the
 
 King Henry the Seventh. 
 
 137 
 
 (he (ecx)nd in gvoi me afar e , und fo littk vf the hrit , as' hi -Kdsh'e- 
 htlding to the other Two. 
 
 fJewM aVnncc^ Sad, Serious, and fuH ofTXiow^xis^ amfecret 
 Obfervatiofts, and f/tU of Notts W Memorials of htivvrn hand . cfpe- 
 cUlly touching Perlbns. As whom to Employ , vehom to Reward , vehom to 
 Ene^uire tf, whom to Beware of, what were the DependeiicieS , what 
 wert the ^SiCilons^ and the like; keepi/rg {^s it were) a Journal of hi^ 
 Thoughts. There is to this day a merry Tate ; That his Monkey { iet 
 on as ft was thought by o»e of his chamber) tore his Principal Note- 
 Book all to pieces , when h chance it lay forth, whereat the Court 
 C which liked mt thofe Pen five Accompts) was tilmofl tickled with fport. 
 
 He was indeed full c/" ApprelKhfiohs and Sufpitions. But as he did 
 fxftly take them, fo he did eafily check them , and mafler them: whereby 
 they were mt danger ms , bitt troubled himfelf more than others. Jt is 
 true , his Ihons^hiS were fo many , as they could not well always fl and 
 together ; but that which did good one way , did hurt another. Neither 
 did he At feme times weigh them aright in their proportions. Certainly, 
 that Rumour which did himfo much rnifchief (That the Duke of York 
 fliould be laved , and alive ) was (at the jirfl) of bis own nounjhing ; 
 becaufe he would have more Reafon not to reign in the Right of his 
 Wife. He was Affable , and both Well and Fair-fpoken , and would 
 Hfe Ifrof^e Swefetneis and Blandilhments of Words , where he de- 
 f red to effeU or perjwa'de any thing that he took to heart. He was rather 
 Studious ?A4« Learned; reading mcjl Books that were of any worth, 
 in the French Tongue. Yet he underflood the Latin , as appear eth in 
 that Cardinal Hadrian , and. others , who could very well have written 
 French, did ujitto write to htm in Latin. 
 
 For his Pleafures , there is no News of them. K^nd yet by his In- 
 ftruftions to Marfin and Stile , touching the Queen of Naples , // 
 fe€meth he could Interrogate well touching Beauty. He did by Pleat ures, as 
 great Princes do by Banquets , come and look a little upon them, and turn 
 away. For never Prince was more wholly given to his Affairs, nor in them 
 moreof himfelf. I.1 jo much as in Triumphs of^w^s and Tourneys, and 
 Balls, 4;?^ Mafques {which they then called Difguiles) he was rather 
 a Princely and Gentle Specflator , than feemed much to be delighted. 
 
 N« doubt , in him as tn all men {and mcfl of all m Kings) his Fortune 
 ver ought upon his Nature , and his Nature upon his Fortune. He at- 
 tained to the Crown, not only from a privateVotivmQ , which might 
 endow htm with Moderation 5 but alfo from the Fortune of an Exi- 
 led Man , which had qmckned tn him all Seeds of Qbfervation and 
 Induftry. <^nd his Times being rather Profperous , than Calm, bad 
 raifed his Confidence by Succels, but almost marred hii Nature by 
 Troubles. Hu Witdom,^ Qften evading from Perils, was turnedrather 
 into a Dexterity to deliver himfeif from Dangers, when they prejftd 
 him , than into a Providence to prevent and remove them a far off. 
 And even in Nature , the Sight of his Mind was like fome Sights of 
 Eyes- rather firong at hand, than to carry afar off. For his Wit 
 
 T increased
 
 138 The HiH. of the Reign ofK. Hen. the Seventh, 
 
 increafed upon the Occafion j and fo much the more , if -the Occafion 
 vcere jharpened by Danger, /igain , whether it were the jhortnef of 
 his Forefight , or the lirength of his Will , or the dazeling of his 
 Sufpitions , or what tt was ; Certain it ts , that the perpetual Troubles 
 of his Fortunes (there being no more matter out of which they grew) 
 could not have been without fime great Defeds , and mam Errours /» 
 his Nature, Cuftoms, and Proceedings , which he had enough to do 
 to fave and help , with a thoufand little Induftries ^W Watches. But 
 thofe do befl appear in the Story it felf. Tet take him with all his 
 Defeds, if a Mia/heuld compare htm with the Kings his Concurrent's 
 in France and Spain , he jh all find him more Politick than Lewis the 
 Twelfth of France , and more Entire and Sincere than Ferdinando 
 c/" Spain. But ifyoufiloall change Lewis the Twelfth , for Lewis the 
 Eleventh-, who lived a little before ; then the Conlbrt is more perfe^. 
 For that htvj'isthe Eleventh, Ferdinando, and Henry, may be ejleemed 
 for the Tres Magi of Kings of thofe Ages. To conclude , Jf this King 
 did no greater matters , it was long of himfelf; for what he mtndtd, 
 he compajfed. 
 
 He was a Comely Perfonage , a little abcve Juft Stature, well and 
 flraight limmed, but (lender, /f// Countenance »v4j Reverend , <»W 
 A little like a Church-man : And as it was not ftrangc or dark , fo 
 neither was it Winning or Pleafing , but as the Face of one well 
 dif^efed. But it was to the Difadvantage of the Painter 5 for it was befi 
 when he ffake. 
 
 His Worth may bear a Tale or two, that may put upon himfome- 
 what that may feem Divine, tvhen the f^ady Margaret his Mother 
 had divers great Suitors/tir Marriage , j^f dreamed one Night , That 
 one in the likenefs of a Bifhop, in Pontificial habit , did tender her 
 Edmund Earl o^ Richmond (the King's Father) for her Husband. 
 Neither had fhe ever any Child but the King, though jhe had three 
 Husbands. One day when King Henry the Sixth , (whoje Innocency 
 gave him Holinels ) was wafijing his hands at a great Feall , and cafl 
 his Eye upon King Henry, then a young Youth , hefaid ; This is the 
 Lad , that fhall poflefs quietly that that we now ftrive for. But 
 that that was truly Divine in him , was , that he had the Fortune 
 of a True Chriftian , as well as of a Great King , in living Exer- 
 cifed, and dying Repentant. So as he had an happy WsLfhtQ in both 
 Conflids , both of Sin , and the Grofs. 
 
 He was born at Pemhr 00k- Cajlle , and lyeth buried at Weftminfter, 
 inone of the Stateliefl and Daintiefl \Monuments ^Europe, both for 
 //'f Chappel, </W/6i?'?/'f Sepulchre. So that he dweUeth more richly 
 Dead , in the Monument of his Tomb, than he did hXiVQ inKich- 
 mond , or any of his Palaces. / fotild wijh he did the like , in this 
 Monument of his Fame, 
 
 FINIS.
 
 ANNALS 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND: 
 
 CONTAINING THE KEIGNS 
 
 O F 
 
 HEN RT the Eighth, 
 EDWARD the Sixth, 
 Queen MART. 
 
 Written in Ltth by the Right Honorable and Right Reverend Father in God , 
 
 FRANCIS 
 Lord Bishop of HEREFORD. 
 
 Thus Englifbed, Correifled , and Enlarged with the Author*s confent , 
 
 B Y 
 
 MORGAN GODWIN. 
 
 Nee verbum vtrbt cunbo r eider e , fi^Ms 
 imerfres. Horat. 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed by W.G. for T. Baft, J.Wright , and RXhifml 
 
 "St DC LXX V. 
 
 . ^^
 
 '/I 
 
 K (l 
 
 ! I
 
 TN 
 
 e^ c^* t^^ <f *^ c^ t^ c^ ^^ t.j^ ''iN> «^» «SNf i^jirT.jrxjr^V^t^i' 
 
 H 
 
 The Tranjlator't 'Dedication. 
 
 1o ':uM^ Ri'g'l^ Honorable , the Lord ^ 
 
 SCU DA MO RE, 
 
 Lth'ough I have ever been averfe 
 from works of this nature, as 
 defirous to know them in the 
 Original, rather than in any after- 
 taught Language , yet have I not 
 unwillingly undergone the task of this Tranf- 
 lation. It is an Engiijh Hiftory of thofe tur- 
 bulent times, whereof no one hath written 
 either (b largely or freely as this Author , who 
 intended it for the common good, whereof 
 the meer Engiijh , without thefe or the like 
 pains of fome other would have been incapa- 
 ble. Your Lordfhip hath known it in the 
 Latin , which Tongue you have naturalized. 
 Wherefore this Dedication may (eem needlefs. 
 
 But 

 
 The Tranflators Dedication, 
 
 But it is due to you as the work of your Ser- 
 vant, in which regard it craves your Honorable 
 Patronage. It hath hitherto walked under 
 Royal Protedion. Other would not have be- 
 fitted the Author of this ingenuous Hiftory , 
 by the exemplified Miferies whereof the bufie 
 Spirits of thefe times may learn rightly to deem 
 of our modern Happineft. But even fmall 
 grievances in any Part make us infenfible of 
 the general good eftate of the Whole. Wc 
 will be ignorant of our good , and unhappy. 
 As for thefe Annals, they have long paffcd with 
 approbation. If they now diftaft , let the fault 
 be the Tranflatofs , and the Pardon Yours ; 
 to whom alone my maiden pen fueth for favour, 
 and to whofe fervice dedicateth himfelf 
 
 Tour Honours 
 
 moU humbly devoted. 
 
 MORG. GoDWYN.
 
 ,<4» •*> <tjl 
 
 \ 
 
 The Translator to the Reader. 
 
 ■ • ^ 
 
 THe Author s Preface hath occafiontd jnine. 
 Wherein it may he expe&ed 1 jhould give 
 a fuhlic\ accompt of this aCiion. 1 had 
 once othermfe refolved. But it is the faflmn. 
 And therefore hjion? (gentle Tseader) that Evil 
 is oft times the (accidental) caufe of (jood. Idle- 
 nefs invited me to the tryal of my Pen in fomt 
 fen? loofe floeets , n^hich my fancy converted to the 
 private ufe of a beloved Friend. Other end 
 had I none, Sithence the Reverend Author hath 
 been pleafed to impofe that as a ferious tash^, 
 tpbich I had n^antonly begun , Nature commanded 
 duty and obedience , andfo have I the glory of the 
 time y To be in Print. 
 
 Sed die, FoUhutfte , de tribus capellis. 
 Hojp doth the Authors 'Preface conduce to 
 mine ? Why thus. To many who perhaps ivill not 
 at jirH confider , that this wor\^ is but a Tranfla- 
 tion , or feel^ advantages to expend their Cenfures, 
 bis may feem impertinent. But let them h^riow, 
 that thefe Annals ivere firH written , In gratia m 
 Exterorum Res noftras nofcendi cupidorum. 
 So much witneffeth the fir^ Latin Edition. Per- 
 ufe it and find it, I am hut an Interpreter , of 
 whom:, I hope ^ thou wilt not expeB a di^tonary- 
 
 Tranflj'
 
 The Tranflaror to the Reader. 
 
 Tranflatton, Neither quarrel the omiffion of fome\ 
 things y the knowledge whereof is to our Natives 
 fo innate y that now to infer t them, were as had 
 as to farciir;witb tautologies , and maf^e this little 
 Volume naufeous. Tet hath it loft nothing of its 
 hul\ 3 whatfoever it hath of its ^lendonr ; thofe 
 defalcations being here and there in the courfe of 
 the HiHory fupflied with not unneceffary ad- 
 ditions , whereto the Author s approbation and con- 
 fent was not wanting. As for errours of the Prefsy 
 blame the Printer , not me. If thou by this reaf 
 either profit or pleafure , thanl^ the Author , whofe 
 benefit it is that thou haH it ; and that not tongue- 
 tied, but more than fingle-languaged, (^oodis of 
 it felf diffufevey and he paiticifates fo much of it, 
 that he cannot endeavour an envious confinement 
 of it. FareweL 
 
 iiion 
 
 The
 
 V 
 
 ■ I ■ 
 
 ■i ■-, ■ 
 
 V?' To ttjy fnoft' Gracious Sovereign , 
 
 CHARLES, 
 
 King of Great Britniity France, and Ireland; 
 
 The mofi: invrft Defender of the Faith. 
 
 *J<» c^ «♦• «J> e^a «V** «V* *f* *4'^ '^'* **■> «•?» •♦• *$• ♦■?• f^-'^i-f^if* >4* 
 
 7l»e Authors EftUle T>edicatory, 
 
 *»/.■•< -^tit>V/(^i«i^. 
 
 IbVi: 
 
 ;, u 1 
 
 Vx, 
 
 ^^g^Hefe Commentaries 5 containing 
 the Ads of three Princes , began 
 about fome ten years fince, un- 
 der the Protedion of Your moft 
 Auguft Father to breathe the 
 common air ; and but for fo Gracious an 
 Afped, had fufFered even at the inftant of their 
 Birth. For the errours of the Prefs had made 
 them fuch , as might have deterred even ex- 
 treme Impudence from fo prefumptive a 
 Dedication. Yet fuch as they were, they 
 found Acceptance and Favour at His Royal 
 Hands. Hence am I encouraged to confe- 
 crate this fecond ( but correded ) Edition to 
 
 U Your
 
 The Author s EfiUle Dedicatory. 
 
 Your Majefty , Who inherit as well Your 
 Father's Virtues , as his Kingdoms. Neither 
 indeed can it befit any other after King 
 JAMES of ever Sacred Memory. Mod 
 humbly therefore befeecheth Your MTajefty to 
 daign it the like Gracious Acceptance , who 
 with the fame Loyalty and Obfervance dcdi- 
 cateth and confecrateth to Your Majefty 
 himfelf and his , 
 
 Tour MajeHies 
 moli bumhU 
 
 Cbaflawy 
 
 Fr. Heref^
 
 The Author's Preface to the Reader. 
 
 • 
 
 AMong the many who have in Latin compiled the 
 Hiiiory of our Nation , Polydor Virgi! in the 
 opinion of moji excelleth : not that he hath written 
 either mors truly or copioufiy , than many others i but more 
 politely , and lateft of any that haz>e tah^n pains in this kjnd. 
 For indeed it could not be , that a Foreiner , an Italian , 
 well gone in years even at his frH arrival in England, 
 (where being made Archdeacon of Wells, he long Jmvived 
 not) Jhould not often erre in the delivery of our Affairs , and 
 in regard of his mere ignorance in the Englifli tongue , in 
 filence bury many worthy pajfages recorded by our Englifh 
 Writers only. It being therefore to be wifyed , and is much 
 deftred , that fome one *verfed in our Antiquities would 
 ( as Learned Mafier Camden hath already done for the 
 defcription of the IJlaad ) confecrate part of his learned 
 labours to the Eternity of Britain , not in reforming that 
 obfolete Virgilian Hiflory , but in compofing a new one : Our 
 Antiquaries may juftly be taxed of Sloth (I had almoji faid 
 flothfulaeji) who had rather fuffer the famous ABs of their 
 AnceHors to dye eternally in filence , and fo (as much as in 
 them lieth) defraud their Countrey of its true and deferved 
 Glory ^ than beUow any the leafi pains in commenting i that 
 fo the examples of mofk eminent Virtues (whereof the har- 
 veft here hath ever been moji plentiful ) might not want the 
 Record of their due Monuments. This I hope fome or other will 
 in good time perform. In the mean time, others drawing bacl\ji 
 although I was never endued with fuch eloquence , as that 
 I ffjould dare adventure the writing of an Hijiory (but now 
 
 ejpecially 
 
 vires ultra fortcmque lenedtee , 
 
 when having pajfed the age of fifty , long defuetude may 
 have dulled my faculty of penning ) yet have 1 thought 
 
 V 1 it
 
 The Author's Preface to the Reader. 
 
 «& 
 
 it wight prove pains-worthy , to undertake bnejly in three 
 ffftall Commentaries to fet forth the deeds of three Princes, 
 immediate Snccejfors to Henry the Seventh , fo far forth at 
 I have had notice of them. And that, partly that by touching 
 at the fountain (as they fay) I might Uir up the wits of 
 others '-, partly that the defires of Foreiners wight in fome 
 fort be fatisfed , who not without caufe complain , that thefe 
 times , than whiih for a thoufand years we have had none 
 more memorable j in regard of their divers and remarkable 
 changes , are not defcribed by any , otherwife than flightly, 
 and as if they had not intended any fttch thing. As for 
 Polydor Virgil , he hath written either nothing or very little 
 concerning them ; and that little fo falfe and miibefeeming the 
 ingenuity of an Hijiorian , that he feemeth to have aimed 
 at no other end , than by bitter inveSlives againH Henry 
 the Eighth and Cardinal Wolfey to demerit the favour of 
 Queen Mary , already more than befitted incenfed againji 
 both for the Divofce of her Mother. I have therefore 
 written (friendly Reader) and fo written , that although 
 many things ( I will not deny ) conducing to an Hijioriaa 
 may be wanting in me i yet am I confident , that this my 
 endeavour will find acceptance with many. Other Writers 
 may here have as it were a jiore-houfe , from whence they 
 may (if I be not deceived) furnifj themfelves with fome 
 matter , which may help to raife an everlajiing Monument. 
 Foreiners alfo , ignorant of the Er)g\\(h tongue y may have 
 a taji of thefe times , until fome one arife , who can and 
 will compile a Hifiory of our Nation worthy the majejiy of 
 the Britifh name. I have in this worl{^ been fo obfervant 
 of Impartiality , Simplicity , and Truth , that I fear no- 
 thing fo much as a Domefiicl^ anger for not being pious 
 enough, becaufe I would not be over-pious. Many con- 
 tend ^ that a good Prince Jhould be /x»» "mn^k, oKK iiytinvi^k. 
 This (I think^) no man will affirm of an Hifiorian, though 
 fome feem to opine it : So that he fjall come fljort of his 
 duty , either to God or his Countrey , who in the delivery 
 of an Hifiory will not be at the leafi Miu-mn^k ' and who by 
 affirming incertainties and h^norvn truths , pall not yield 
 
 much
 
 The Author's Preface to the Reader. 
 
 much to fm ajfeBions , Jo they be joy tied with the lorue of 
 Keligion and Conntrey. But horp much do they injure Trnth^ 
 who from lies and faJpyood beg helps to underprop her ? 
 Avant. We ha'Ve no need of them. And had we , yet 
 would it not much profit us to rely on fuch weal{^ ad'van- 
 tages •, one pious lye deteBed provinfi more hurtful^ than 
 a thoufand others , although fo artificially conlri'ved that 
 they ai/oid difcovery , can proite profitable. For example 
 whereof feeh^ no farther than the PapiJfls , whofe feigned 
 Miracles^ I/Mpoftures, and Legends patched up of lyes have 
 brought to paj^ ^ that even in thofe things which are true ^ 
 they fcarce gain belief. Wherefore , / am well content that 
 "Truth , which mattgre her enemies will at length be every 
 where viBorious , Jhall prevail with me. I have done to 
 my power. Folitely , eloquently , polttichjy , I could not 
 write ; Truly , and fide Attica, as they fay , I could. If 
 I have done amij^ in ought ^ it k not out of m^Wcc ^ but 
 errour , which the gentle Reader will (^ I hope) pardon. 
 This I earnefily intreat , withal befeeching the All-good and 
 AU-mighty God , that this my labour direSied to no other 
 end , than to his glory and the good of his Church , may 
 attain its dne , and by nie defired fuccej^, Farewel,
 
 t* ife. J*» i*i 1^"^ £^ S^ '^'^ •■l'» ♦»»' ♦•^ «^ »•>> cA* rA* tA* rA. «Vt» »A> 
 
 K fS? 5SP fS? f'^'3 r^ ^^ C'-P rt<> «^ CY? 'S' <^2P «^^ 
 
 «?H3C, 
 
 c^ c^ 
 
 ♦<i» «^ 
 
 u: 
 
 ANNALS 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND, 
 
 From the Year 1508 , to the Year 1558. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 King HENRY the Eighth. 
 
 K^NNO DOM, ijop. ^£<J. I. 
 
 ;. Ftcr the death of Henry the Seventh , his only 
 Son , Hcary Prince of H^ales, undertook the Go- 
 vernment of this Kingdom. He had then at- 
 tained to the Age of Eighteen years, and was 
 richly adorned with Endowments both of Body 
 and Mind. For o'i Stature he was tall , of a 
 beautiful Afped, and of Form through all his 
 age truly befecming a King : He was witty, docil , and naturally 
 propenfc to Letters , until Pleafurcs (to which the Liberty oi 
 Sovereignty eafily prompteth) did fomewhat unfealbnably with- 
 draw him from his Studies -, to theic you may add, a Great Sjnrit, 
 afpiring to the glory both of Fortitude and Munificence. This 
 towardlinefs was lb feconded by the happy care of his Tutors, 
 that if the end of his Reign had been anfwerable to the beginning, 
 Henry the Eighth might delervedly have been ranked amonglt 
 the greateft of our Kmgs. For if you confider his firft Twenty 
 years , you (hall not eafily find any one , that either more happily 
 managed Affairs abroad , or Governed more wifely at home, or 
 thit bare greater fway among his Neighbour Princes. This 
 I think ought chiefly to be afcribed to the providence of his wife 
 
 Father, 
 
 1509.
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1509- 
 
 Ht^ Privy- 
 Council, 
 
 Tie Tunttals tf 
 K, Henry thi 
 
 S*vt»th, 
 
 St. Stephen'/ 
 Chafftl. 
 
 Father , and his Grand-mother then ftill ahve. For they took 
 care, that he fliould have wife and virtuous Over-feers in his 
 youth , by whole afliftance having once paiTed the hazards thereofi, 
 he happily avoided thole Rocks , whereon fo many daily iliffer 
 wrack. But thele either dying, ot being fo broken with age, that 
 they could be no longer employed in affairs of State , and he 
 himfelf being now come |o thofe years , that commonly caft afide 
 Modefty, ( Medejly ,\(d.Yy the Guardian cf that great Fir tue ,) then 
 making ufe of no Cou»[ellor but his Will , lie fell into thofe Vices, 
 which notwithftanding the glory ,of his former Reign , branded 
 him deeply with the foul liains of Luxury and Cruelty. But 
 remitting thofe things to their proper .places , Uiolc|j Worthies 
 appointed his Ctunfellors were - ' " .■-' • t 
 
 xy'' ■ r"* ". '*' ;' y ! I 
 
 William Warham , ^rchbijbof of Canterbury , and Lord 
 Chamellour of England. - - ^ 
 
 Richard Fox , Bijho^ of Winchefter.' i " ' ■ ' ^"10 1 k 
 
 Thomas Ruthal , Bilhop of Durham. 
 
 Thomas Howard , Earl of Surrey , Lord Treitfuret ef Eng* 
 land. 
 
 George Talbot , £4r/ ^Shrewsbury. 
 
 Lord Steward of the King's Hoiifhold. > 
 
 Charles Somerlet , Lord chamberlain. 
 
 Sir Thomas Lovcl , 7 '. - . 
 
 Sir Henry Wyat, > Knights. 
 
 Sir Edward Poynings 3, 3 
 
 Thefe men , the Solemnity of the dead King's Funeral being 
 duly and magnificently performed , ereded him a Tomb all of 
 Brafs , accounted one of the flatelieft Monuments of Europe, which 
 one would hardly conceive by the Bill of Aecompts : For it is 
 reported that it coft but a Thoufand Pounds. The Monument 
 is to be feen at weBminJier ( the ufual place of our Kings Interr- 
 ments ) in that admirable Chappel dedicated to St. Stephen , by 
 this King heretofore built from the ground , a teftimony of his 
 religious Piety. I have read , that this Chappel was railed to that 
 height for the fumm of Fourteen thoufand Pounds , and no more; 
 and that he at the fame time built a Ship of an unulUal burthen, 
 called from him , The great Henry , which by that time it was 
 rigged, coft little lefs than that ftately Chappel. But now, 
 O Henry / what is become of that Ship of thine 1 that other 
 Work ( befides the reward of Heaven ) will perpetually proclaim 
 thy pious Munificence. Hence learn , O Kings i that the true 
 Trophies of Glory arc not to be placedin Armories and Arlenals, 
 but (and thofe more durable) in Pious Works. Seek, Rtii feek 
 the Kingdom of God, and the righteoufnef thereof ^ and vtnhont ^bt 
 all other things {hall be aided ftnto you. 
 
 But
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 But to go on in my propoled courfe , although He»r^ the Eighth 
 began his Reign the two and twentieth of ^^pril 1509, his 
 Coronation \\as deferred to the four and twentieth o^June, In 
 the mean time , his Cmncil thought it would prove a profitable 
 policy for the King to marry Katherine the Widow of Prince Ar- 
 thur , his deceafed Brother, and Daughter to Ferdinand King of 
 CAfiile ; for otherwile that huge mafs of Money adigned for her 
 Jointure muft yearly be tranfported out of the Kingdom. Neither 
 was there at firft any other doubt made of this Match , than whe- 
 ther it were approved by the Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions , for as 
 much as the Scripture ( laid fome ) forbad any man to marry his 
 Brother's mfc. But this rub was ealily removed by the omnipo- 
 tence of the Pope's BuS, in fo much that prefently upon the Dif- 
 peniation of Pope Juliui , on the third of June , under a malignant 
 Conftellation , the Nuptials of thefe Princes were folemnized , 
 and they both Crowned the four and twentieth of June next fol- 
 lowing , being St. John Baptifl's day. At thefe Solemnities there 
 wanted neither pomp , nor acclamations of the Eftates of the 
 Realm. But to Hiew that of Solomon to be true , The end of Mirth 
 is HeAvinef ; five days had not yet run their courfe fince the 
 Coronation , when Margaret Countefs of Richmond , the King's 
 Grand-mother , made an exchange of this life with death. She 
 was a very godly and virtuous Lady , and one who for her benefits 
 to the Eftate , deferved with all honour to be commended to the 
 perpetual memory of Pofterity ; But her ever-living Works will 
 lb far fet forth her praife , that the pains of any Writer will prove 
 altogether needlefs. Yet notwithftanding , omitting other things, 
 it will favour fomewhat of Ingratitude , if I fliould not recount 
 what (lie hath conferred upon our Univerfities. She founded two 
 CoUedges at Cambridge ; one dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, 
 and the other to St. "John the Evangelift , and endowed them both 
 with fuch large Revenues , that at this time befides Officers and 
 Servants , there are about two hundred Students maintained in 
 them : She alio left Lands to both Univerfities , out of the Rents 
 whereof, two Dotftors, publick ProfelTors of Divinity, to this 
 day do receive their Annual Stipends. She lies interred near her 
 Son , in a fair Tomb of ToHch-H»»e , whereon lies her Image of 
 gilded Brafs. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 15 10. REG. 2. 
 
 HEftry the Seventh , Father to this our Eighth , fome few 
 years before his death had caufed an inquifition to be made 
 throughout the Kingdom, of the breach of the Penal Statutes, 
 faying , That Laws were to no pHrpefe , uniej? the fear of Pumjhment 
 did force men to ohferve them. But the Inquifition proceeding fo 
 
 X rigoroully 
 
 I 509. 
 
 the Co) outnion 
 of Henry the 
 highib. 
 
 His Marr'mgi. 
 
 the death of 
 Lad)/ Marga- 
 ret , Couniefj 
 of Richmond. 
 
 I 5 I O. 
 
 Empfon and 
 Dudley.
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 I o. 
 
 rigoroufly , that even the leaft faults were puniflied according to 
 the Law , which inflifted a pecuniary Muld -, they that were 
 touch'd ( faith Poljidor Firgil) cryed out , that tliis proceeded out 
 of Covetoufnefs , rather than Severity. But the wifer fort con- 
 ceived the King's intent to be , partly to curb the fierce mind of 
 the People , bred up in fadion ^ partly , that by thefe Fines he 
 might not only weaken the rich, but alfo increafe his own ftrength, 
 and fortifie himfelf againft civil Attempts ( whereof he had 
 lately feen fome fparkles flie abroad ) if fo be any fmothered coal 
 fliould happen to breakout into a flame. What-ever the matter 
 was , many there were , who by accufing others fought the King's 
 favour , and enlarged their own Eftates , amonglt whom two 
 were chief- the one was called Richard Empfoit , the other Edmund 
 Dudley, both Lawyers , and both for having ferved the King's turn, 
 lately made Barons of the Exchequer, Ic is faid that £w/'/e»^was 
 born at Torcejhr in Northamfton'^ire , his Father was a Sievicr. 
 Dudley , though he were well defcended , yet being not befriended 
 by Fortune, long ftrugled with Adverfity. But after they had 
 fome Months taken pains in thefe matters , both of them arife to 
 that greatnefs , that there were few of the Nobility , that would 
 not crouch to them , and be ambitious of their favour. There- 
 fore it is not fo much to be wondred at , if they grew exceeding 
 wealthy : But this Wealth drew with it an Envy greater than 
 it lelf , which neverthelefs did them little hurt during the life of 
 He»ry the Seventh , but afterwards caft them both down as low 
 as Envy could have wiHit. The King upon his death-bed com- 
 manded in his Will and Teftament , that reftitution fhould be 
 made to all , who had been wronged by the Exchequer. Where- 
 upon infinite numbers flocking to the Court , and demanding 
 refl:itution , there could not a fitter means be thought of to ftop 
 their mouthes , than by committing of Empfin and Dudley the 
 occafioners thereof , to the People, as Sacrifices to appeafe their 
 fury. They were therefore arraigned and condemned of high 
 Treafon. And thefe things were done prelently upon Henry the 
 t Eighth his coming to the Crown. So their goods being feized 
 upon , they for a whole year endured the miferies , that ufually 
 accompany a Prilbn , and yet were the Commons as eager againft 
 them as ever. Whence it fliould firft arife I know not , but fuch 
 a report there was , that the Queen had begged the poor mens 
 Pardons. The Nobility difdaining , that fuch mean fellows had 
 been heretofore fo prevalent with their Prince , and the Commons 
 being eafily incited againfl: them by fome as eager enemies to 
 them as themfelvcs, cried out, that tliey were cheated of their 
 juft revenge , and wearying the King with continual petitions 
 for their death , he was in a manner forced to fatisfic them. 
 Whereupon on the feventeenth day of K^ugufi , they were both 
 publickly beheaded. .Such was the end <k Empfon and Dudley , 
 
 who
 
 Hen«y the Eighth. 
 
 5 
 
 who abounding with Wealth, and flouriHiing under their Prince'-s 
 favour , while they fct light by all things die , became a SacriHce 
 to the giddy muliicude. And it may ferve to te^ch us to ulp 
 our power moderately , and to cake heed how w c giye ofFenpe 
 to that Beaft with many heads ( I mean the- People) which being 
 angred, and having once got the reins, rageth likea ;;|.imu!tUous 
 Sea. DuMey , left behmd him a Son WAmcd John , who, as if he 
 had been heir to his Father's fortune , being creattid Duke of 
 Northumberland, concluded his powerful life w ith the like unhappy 
 end; leaving much IfTue behind hirri, even to our tinTe , but yet 
 whereof the^heijs male have long fince failed. 
 
 ■^ii . J. 
 
 TT 
 
 
 •. 7,. 
 
 I^tl. 
 
 REG. 3. 
 
 THis year , on New-years-day the Queen was delivered of 
 a Son, Heir-apparant to this Crown ^ but he out-lived not 
 the three and twentieth of the enluing fel/ruarji , to the gifeat grief 
 of the King and Kingdom. • ^r; • : ■ , 
 
 About the fame time there came Ambaffadors from Ferdinand 
 King of Arragon , who craved of the King his Son-in-Law fifteen 
 hundred auxiliary Archers. He was then in hoftiiity with tlie 
 y-Meors inhabiting K^frick. The King very willingly granted, 
 their requeft^i.and having levied the full number, embarqued 
 them for Spam , in four Ships of the . Navy Royal , under the 
 command of Themes Lord Darcy. They were fcarce arrived there^ 
 when news was brought , that a Peace being made , Ferdinmdfl 
 ftood in no farther need of their aid. Yet every one was liberaiiy 
 paid, the General , and thofe of greateft note, that accompa- 
 nied him , were richly rewarded , and all being jdiih3i.ifed„.,>^ith 
 many thanks, fafely returned home. ' %^-^ -u)"-y.,\ ■ii^ v(\ 
 
 In their ablence, Aftrg^ret Dacbeis of Savoy (who w^s Daughter 
 to the En"(per6r ^laximllian , and Governeis of the Netherlands 
 under Charles the Infant of Spain ) prevailed v\'itli our King for 
 the like numbcrof Archers , (lie having then Warsiwith the Duke 
 oi Gueldres , againft whom (he meant to employ them. Thele 
 men in the fpace of five Months did many brave exploits at 
 Brimncji t x^fske , and renloo,, under the command of Sir Edward 
 Tojmngs , a brave Souldier, and in great favour with his Prince. 
 Of them fourteen hundred returned.home , much commended and 
 well rewarded • the fortune: of War had cutotF one hundred. Four 
 Captains in regard of their valour weife: Knighted by the Infmt 
 Charles-, afterwards Emperor j v'vLt Jdhit' Nortari , John, Fog, Jahi^ 
 Scot , znd Thom.ts Lynd. ,. "\ 10 iM,' .;-i' . •', ! ' i., .^,.^iC!^\ 
 
 The King of Scots had then War^ with fhe Portugal j-nn^tt pra-| 
 text whereof one •Andrew. Mar ton , a famous Pirat , took all Ships ; 
 that coafted either England, or Scotland, aifirming jthepi alwaji'^ 
 
 ■ X 2 ■ to' 
 
 . I J I o- 
 
 I 5 I I. 
 
 /in ExfeJiiianl 
 into Attick. 
 
 Into Gueldres. 
 
 Barron . a Pi- 
 rat , t»keu.
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 I I. 
 
 I 5 I 2. 
 
 War with 
 France. 
 
 ■Vi. t . roir H 
 
 to be Portugds , of what Nation loever they werz , or at leait 
 fraught with For titgai Merchandife. ThqKing fent Edrvard Hovcard, 
 Lord Admiral of EngUnd , and his Brother the Lord Thotnai H^vard, 
 eldeft Son to the Earl of Surrey , with one Joi;;t Hopton to take 
 this Rov^r. When they had once found him out, after along 
 and bloody fight they took him alive (but mortally wounded) 
 with his two Ships , and all his companions that furvived the 
 fight, and brought them to Z,tfWo;?. Jii r;r-" ' '■I 
 
 _ ^ ^ — . , 
 
 K^ N N O DOM. l-)ll. R E G. 4. 
 
 AS yet Hefiry had no War with any forein Prince , neither 
 did the wifer fort wifli that he {hould have any. But he , 
 a young King , in the heat of one and twenty years, was tranf- 
 ported with a vehement defire of War , which ( laith the Proverb) 
 is fweet to them that never taftcd of it. Although he had about 
 a year or two before made a League with Lervif the Twelfth of 
 France , yet he was eafily intrcated by Pope Jtilitts to renounce 
 this Confederacy. This Pope , more like to that c^fir , whofe 
 Name he bare , than Peter , from whom he would fain derive his 
 Succeflion , that like another Nero , fitting ftill he might from 
 on high be a Spedator , while the whole World was on fire , 
 had written Letters to our King , wherein he intreated his af» 
 fiftance towards the fuppreflTion of the French ; ivho , rvithcHtfear 
 if God or man ( thefe were the pretended Caufcs ) had mt only faeri- 
 legioujly laid hold on the Revenues of the Church , had can fed Cardwal 
 William to ufkrp the Pafacy , had upheld Alphonfo of Ferara , and 
 the BcntivOgli in RehelUon againfi him '^ but had alfo farther decreed, 
 to make Italy the Theatre of his Tyranny, wherefore he conjured him 
 by the Love of our Saviour , hy the Piety of his Anceflors , vehofe aids 
 were never wahting vehen the church .si ood in need , and hy the fa ft 
 tye of Filial obedteme , that be would enter into the Holy League c/H 
 the Ejiates of Italy , rvho had made cJjoice of him for their jGeneraL 
 Jealoufie, and Reverence to the See of Rome fo prevailed with 
 him , that he eafily condefcended to the Pope's requeft. ^ Yet 
 that he might fome way colour his aiftion , he would needs inter- 
 pofe himfelf as Umpire between the Pope and the French , whom! 
 by his Ambaffadors he intreats to lay afide Arms ^ withal not' 
 obfcurely thrcatning , that if he did not fo , he intended to under- 
 take the defence of the Pope againft him , the common difturber 
 of the peace of Chriftendom. The French let light by this. Where- 
 fore War is proclaimed by a Herald , the French King commanded 
 to part with the Kingdom of France, and tlie Duchies of Normandy 
 and AquitaiH, which he without right unjuftly ufurped. Then 
 entring into League with Maximilian the Emperor , the Arragonois, 
 and the Pope , they confult of ailaulting the French with joynt 
 ' forces.
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 forces. 
 
 The Arragomii irlvites us into Sfain , that thence we might 
 
 invade France , promifing bendes certain Troops of Horie , ftore 
 of Artillery, Wagons for carriage, Munition , and many other 
 things neceftary for fuch an Expedition. Our King relying on 
 his Father-in-Law his promi(es, levies a great Army, whereof 
 he fliips one part for Sf.tin , and employs the other by Sea. Ed- 
 ward Hojvard , Lord Admiral , had charge of the Sea forces , who 
 fought with the French Fleet in the Bay of BretAigne. In which 
 Fight there was no memorable thing done , befides the combat 
 of the two great Ships , ( the one having Icven hundred Er/glijh 
 in it, under the command o't S'vcThom.n Kncvet -^ the other nine 
 hundred French , under PrtmaHget , a BrHon. ) Thefe Ships be- 
 ing both faft grapled , after a long fight fell both on fire, and 
 ^^•ere utterly conlhmed ■ not a man being faved , of whom it 
 might be learned , whether this fire happened by chance , or were 
 purpofely kindled by a forced defpair. Our other Army , under 
 the command of tliC Lord Thomas Gray, Marquis ofDerJet, amongft 
 ten thouland tall Englijb Souldiers, had five hundred Germ.ins, under 
 ont Guint , a Flemtng. This Army landed in Bifcaj , where they 
 fpent fome Months in expc<flation of due performances from the 
 Arragonois , who feeding them with promiles only, tempered the 
 heat of our Men , who were very eager upon the march for France. 
 It happened that O.tftcn of Feix , Competitor for the Kingdom with 
 Johft King of NAvarr , dyed about the lame time^ ■ The Navarreu 
 had promifed Ferdinand Ibme aids toward this War. But now 
 fearing no Competitor , 'he ( whether out of inconftancy , or that 
 he thought his affairs io required ) fecretly by his Agents makes 
 a League with the French. Upon this Ferdinand turns his Arms 
 Upon the NavarroU , and llrains ail his firings to draw our men 
 to the fame attempt • but the Marquis of Dorset pleaded his Com- 
 miflion , beyond whicli he could not with iafety proceed. The 
 Nav/trroii was utterly unprovided , and the Nobility fo divided 
 into the factions of the Egremonts and the Beaumont s j that he could 
 do nothing. It was bruited that two mighty Kings came againft 
 him with no lefs forces , w hat ihould he do < To hope from Frame 
 Avere vain • the French were too far off, and deeply engaged in other 
 Wars. At the approach of the Spa/turd he quits his Kingdom , 
 and with his Wife and Children flying over the Fyrenxan Moun- 
 tains, makes Bern his receptacle. Ferdinand having thus gotten 
 a new Kingdom , cafts oft all farther thought of France , only 
 intending the confirmation of his Conqucft -, to which end lie in- 
 treats oi Henry the help of our Forces raifcd for France, and prevails • 
 but to no purpofe* For the f/T^/j'/^ having their Bodies inflamed 
 With the intolerable heat of a ftrange Climate, and the drinking 
 of ftrong Wines, dropt down every where ^ inlomuch that we 
 lofl about a thoufand ( fome fay eighteen hundred ) men in an 
 inftant. Wherefore impatient of farther delay , they force their 
 
 Com- 
 
 I 5 I 2. 
 
 A frnitleft 
 
 Spain. 
 
 The SpaniarJ 
 Jeijeth en Na-
 
 8 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 I 2. 
 
 1513- 
 
 Tlie tori Ai- 
 wirtl drovJited. 
 
 Terovenne li- 
 
 Commanders to fet fail homeward.The King was mightily enraged 
 at their return, infomuchthat he once thought to havepuniflied 
 them for their obftinacy : But the multitude of Delinquents proved 
 a pardon to all. They did forth in CMay , and returaeti a little 
 \KiotQ Chnjimaji. I-ri-;_5i;; i -i:' 
 
 ^NNO DOM. 1517. REG. 5. 
 
 ■ • 
 
 A Bout the beginning of this year the King affembled the high 
 Court of Parliament , wherein War againft France was 
 determii^ed , and a mighty mafs of Money granted by the Com- 
 mons. Whereupon , in the very beginning of the Spring a Fleet 
 is fet forth, confifting of two and forty Men of War, belides Vi- 
 duallers , and leller Veflels. The Lord Admiral , who had the 
 charge of this Fleet, too too eagerly hunting after Honour , by 
 his ralhnefs fruftrated the defigns of fo goodly preparations. He 
 attempts to land in the Haven near adjoyning to Brest y where 
 ftriving in perfon to fet foot Hrft in the Enemies Countrey, he, 
 with a Spear born over-board and drowned , was the only man of 
 all that Fleet that came (hort home. He therein performed rather 
 the part of a private Souldier , than of a Commander. For his 
 death brought back this headlefs Fleet into England. Where the 
 King makes the Lord Thom,u Haward Admkal , in the place of his 
 deceafed , younger Brother • exhorting him , by employing his 
 fervice for his Countries honour , to revenge his Brother's inglo- 
 rious death. This new Admiral with great Ipeed brings his Navy 
 out of Harbour , and icouring up and down the Seas, ftrookfuch 
 a terrour into the French , that not fo much as a Filher-boat durft 
 peep abroad. At laft he lands in ivhitfand-Bay , ranfacks all the 
 Countrey thereabout, and without reiiftance returns fafe to his 
 
 Ships. .iqi!!< . 
 
 I, In the mean time the King having raifed a mighty Army, 
 arrives at Calais the laft of J me , with a Fleet of four hundred Sail. 
 The one and twentieth of Jidy he marcheth with all his forces into 
 the French Territory -, and having lent fome Enfigns before to 
 beiiege Terovenne a City in Ficardy, he takes his way thither, in- 
 tending in perfon to fit down before it with all the ftrength of his 
 Army. By the way he meets the French near Dernom : They at 
 firft feem refolved to fight •, but whether they diftrufted their own 
 ftrength, and fo purjjofely declined an unequal combat^ or (as 
 by our fide it is reported ) that our Ordnance being conveniently 
 placed dilbrdercd them, and that fo they betook themfelves to 
 flight , as if it had been all one for us to fee them , and conquer 
 them , away they went , and could not any where afterward be 
 difcried by us. So without any let our Army came before Tero- 
 venne. This City had ( according to the relation of oqr Writers ) 
 
 four
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 four tliouland Defendants , whereof fix hundred were Horfe. 
 The place being To well fortified, it had been no hard matter to 
 have defended it ag.iinft a mighty Army , if fo be they had been 
 accordingly provided of other neceflaries ; but they were wanting. 
 Wherefore tliey certified their King to what an exigent they were 
 brought. But he had his hands full elfewhere. For the Spaniard 
 had made an inroad into i^quiuin and Navarre ; and the Siiijfes 
 hiving lately overthrown Tremoville at Novarr , had now coopt 
 him up in Dijoti in Burgoigne ; infomuch that his Forces being by 
 thefe occafions diftraded , he himfelf had not under his Colours 
 above twenty thoul'and Foot ( the moiety whereof were Lxnfquc- 
 nets, under the command of the Duke of Gueldres) and two thou- 
 fand five hundred Launccs. With thefe he comes to Amiens , that 
 the hjpe of Succours , he being lb near , might encourage the 
 Defendants. For it much concerned him that the Siege Ihould 
 be drawn out at length. In our Army were forty thoufand Foot , 
 and five thoufand Horfe , fo that there was no likelihood of doing 
 any good againft us. Neither indeed did the French intend ( efpe- 
 cially at that time ) to hazard the fortune of a Battel , the lofs 
 whereof, in the judgment of the more expert, would have been 
 accompanied with no lefs than the lofs of the Kingdom , which 
 would eafily have followed our Vidory. The French King there- 
 fore fitting ftill at <^miens , left he might feem to negledt fuch 
 a City (the danger whereof did throughly grieve him) fends fome 
 Troops toward Thcrovenne , with inltrudions to put into the City 
 eighty Horfe-men compleatly armed ( but without Horfes , the 
 befieged defiring no other aid ) if poffibly it could be effcdled , as 
 it eafily was , by reafon of the negligence of our Centinels. For 
 indeed the defuetude of a long Peace had made our men altogether 
 unapt for War. But the indifcretion of the French far furpafled our 
 negligence. For whereas with the fame hazard they might have 
 vi^Lialled the befieged , and furnilhed them with other neceffaries 
 which they wanted ^ defiring ( but too late ) to amend this errour, 
 they would needs efted it the fame way as before. But our men 
 had by this time raifed a new Fortification to hinder their entrance, 
 and had withal placed in ambufh ftore of Horfe, with fifteen 
 thoufand Foot, to cut them off in their retreat. The French came 
 near the Walls , but finding all entrance debarred , returned 
 without fufpition of any intended mifchief. They had not gone 
 far 5 when fome ( as if they had been out of their Enemies reach) 
 impatient of the heat , caftofF their Helmets , fome fell a drinking, 
 mofl leave their Hori'es of fervice , and for their eafe mount on 
 little Nags. Our men charge them unawares , and without 
 any refiffance made , put them to rout. The French in this en- 
 counter loft three hundred Horfe. There were taken Prifbners, 
 LenKif de Longwville Marquis of Rotelm , Badi , Clermmt d'Anjou , 
 Bufy d'^^mboife, Bayard , L» Fayet , and Palfjfe ( who efoapt out of 
 
 Prilbn ) 
 
 I 5 I 3. 
 
 Tilt Bi 
 Spun 
 
 tttl of
 
 lO 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1513- 
 
 Tersvenne 
 yitUei. 
 
 Maximilian 
 the EmUror 
 fervitb under 
 King Henry. 
 
 I Prifon ) with many others. It was then the opinion of moft 
 men, that this Vi(ftory (if we had but made due ule of it) laid 
 an eafie way for us to the Conqueft of France : For the French 
 were fo affrighted with the news of this overthrow , that they 
 thought of nothing but flying 5 and the King himfelf with tears 
 in his eyes bewaiUng his hard fortune, caft about for fome place 
 of refuge , and determined to poft into bale Bretaigne. But we 
 looking no farther than Therovenne , brought our Prifoners into 
 the Camp , and without farther profcution left the Enemies to 
 their fears. The French call this The Battel of spurs ; becaufe they 
 trufted more to their Heels, than their Swords. Th^Thereven- 
 mis after this overthrow dcfpairing of Succour came to a Parley; 
 and by the advice of their King, yield up the City the three and 
 twentieth of K^Hgufi , upon condition , That the SoiUdiers might 
 depart with Bag and Baggage , Colours fiying , and Drums heating ; and 
 the Citizens -permitted to carry away their goods. 
 
 A few days before the City was yielded Maximilian the Empe- 
 rour came to our Camp , and ( which deierves to be recorded to 
 the eternal honour of our Nation ) taking for pay a hundred 
 Crowns a day , befides what was disburfed among his Souldiers, 
 difdained not to ferve under our Colours , wearing the Crofs of 
 England , and a party-coloured Rofe , the ufual Cognizance of our 
 Englijh Warfare. But he rather came to be a Spedator, than 
 a Partaker in the danger. Wherefore when he faw into what 
 ftraights our King was likely to drive the French, being weak , if 
 he would prefs hard upon him , and pierce farther into the King- 
 dom ; although he were a profeft Enemy to the French , yet was 
 he jealous of our prolperous proceeding 5 and therefore by all 
 means perfwaded Henry , To difmantle Therovenne , and thence tt 
 proceed to the Siege p/^Tournay : He blamed him (not without juft 
 caufe ) for his late fetting forth , Summer being firH vecU-near Jpent, 
 winter was now at hand , when it would not quit cojl to maintain fuch 
 an Army , good defgns being not then to be put in execution: He told 
 him , That Therovenne was fo far from him , that it could not be 
 kept without great difficulty ; therefore hejhoulddo well to difmantle it, 
 that ft might not hereafter ferve for a Bulwark to the the Enemy : That 
 Tournay woi a French city , but ( like an Ifland with the Sea ) fur- 
 rounded with Flanders and Hainault , and far divided from the rest 
 of France : True it was , that it was well fored with inhabitants , and 
 not meanly fortified; but that there was no other Garrifon , than of 
 Citizens , and thofe he fbould find effeminate ; and for Provifion , 
 that they had none : He fbould therefore make fpeed and come on them 
 unawares , arid with a few days ftege force tlrem to yield: That the 
 French Ki»g, if he intended to fuccour them, mufi firfl march through 
 aU Hainault, and pafi »ver two or three great Rivers , amongH which 
 were the Efcaut and the Scarp: That the Souldiers fhould find good 
 booties there, and the King himfelf the triumph of a mofi ajfured Conqueji : 
 
 That
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eiahtb. 
 
 11 
 
 That the additi-oti of fitch a City would he no mctti tncreafe of his Do- 
 minions , Artdp much the lej? cure to be taken of tt ; fcr as much as it 
 jvtHld ire (U eapefor him to keep tt in obedience , as it rviisfor the FrencH 
 for the f^ ace of fo many years to defend it ^ being placed amidjl fo many 
 Enemies , that Hill had a greedy eye over it. King Henry by this 
 time had (o much of War , that he began to be weary of the toil 
 thereof , and to caft his mind on the pleafures of the Court. 
 Wherefore ( ahhough he wanted notCounfellors for the bcft ) he 
 followed the Emperour's advice , as being the more eafie. The 
 Flemings ( who begged it of the King ) had leave to rafe the Walls 
 of Therozenne , to fill the Ditches , and to burn all the Buildings 
 except the Church, and the Chanons houfes, which they (in 
 regard of the dilTentiotis ufual to bordering Nations) very gladly 
 performed. \> v^- 
 
 Therovenne being thus taken arid deftroyed , away they march 
 with all fpeed to Tournay, endeavouring by their celerity to prevent 
 the fame of their coming. But the Citizens fufpeding fome fuch 
 enterprize , had fortified themfelves as well as the fhortnefs of 
 time would permit them • and the Peafants thereabouts bring 
 all their goods into the City , as to a place of fafeguard. The 
 City was of no great circuit , yet at the beginning of the Siege it 
 contained fourfcorethoufand People : by feafon whereof Viduals 
 began quickly to fail them , and they could no way hope for relief. 
 The French King was far oflf, they had no Garrifon , the Citizens 
 bad Soldiers , two great Princes had begirt the Town with fifty 
 thoufand men 5 but they had an Enemy within, called famine, 
 more cruel and infupportable , than both. So having for fome 
 few days held out the Siege , the nine and Twentieth of September 
 their lives being granted them , they yield ^ and to fave them- 
 felves from fpoil , pay a hundred thouland Crowns. The King 
 makes them ("wear Fealty to him , and appoints Sir Edward Foy- 
 nings , a Knight of the Garter, their Govefnour. Next he gives 
 order for ftore of Warlike provifion , puts in a fmall Garrifon , 
 and builds a Cittadel for the confirmation of his Conquell. Nei- 
 ther amongft thefe Politick affairs did he negled thofe of the 
 Church. For the Bilhop being profcribed , he conferrs the See 
 with all thfe revenues , upon Thom,ts ivolfey , of whofe firft rifing 
 and immoderate Power we fliali have much occafion to fpeak 
 hereafter. 
 
 AH things being thus ordered , becaufe Winter came on a- 
 pace , he begin to bethink himfelf of returning with his Army 
 Into England. This thought fo far pleafed him , that having been 
 ablent fcarce four Months he took Ship , and about the end of 
 o^ober came home triumphing in the Glory of a double Con- 
 quell. ■^Hi:.. 
 
 By the way lie was entertained with the news of afiother Vl- 
 ftory , the Lord Howard Earl of Surrey having under his Fortune 
 
 Y llain 
 
 1515- 
 
 The Siege of 
 Tournay. 
 
 Tournay 
 )ielded 
 
 V,'oKey Bijhcf 
 ef fuuriijy
 
 12 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1513- 
 
 The Kittg of 
 Scots _flahf. 
 
 flain the King of Scots. The King of Frjtnce being encumbred 
 with many Wars, had conjured James the Fourth King of Scots ^ 
 By the ancient Laves of Amity , and the Ute League made between them, 
 that He would not for fake hitn, entangled in fo many difficulties, if He 
 regarded not his friend's cafe , yet he Jhould at leaji look to Himfelf; for 
 whom It would not he fafe to fujfer a l/ordering Nation , always at 
 enmity with Him , by fuch additions to arife to that height of pwer. 
 The King of England hufied with a forein ivar was now ahfent , and 
 with Him the flower of the Englifh Chivalry : He jhould therefore forth- 
 with take Arms , and try to recover Berwick , an ef^ecial Town of the 
 Scottifh Dominions , but for many years with-held by the Englifh ; 
 He would eafily be victorious , if He would but make ufe of this occafon 
 fo happily offered. It could not be , but this JVar would be for His Honour ■, 
 and profitable to His Friend, if not to Himself: He jhould thereby alfo 
 make known to His Enemies , that the Scottifh Arms were not te be 
 contemned, whofe former Victories a long , and ( to them ) hurtful Peace 
 had obfcured , and buried in oblivion among the Englifh. o^/ for the 
 charges of it , He need not be troubled, for that he would afford Him 
 fifty thoufancl Crowns towards the providing of Munition and Ordnance. 
 
 Thefe Reafons fo prevailed with the young King covetous of 
 glory , that notwithflanding he had lately made a League with 
 our King , whofe Sifter he had married , and her vehement dif- 
 fuafionsj he proclaimed War againfti/i?»r;' , which proved fatal 
 to him, bloody to his, and thecaufeof manyenfuing calamities. 
 So having raifed a great Army , he breaks into our Marches j ^nd 
 befiegeth iVbr^^w-Caltle belonging to the Bifhop oi Durham, the 
 which having held out fix days was at laft yielded unto him, 
 Thence he removes his Camp to Berwick , wafting all the Coun- 
 trey as he marcht with Fire and Sword. The news whereof are 
 brought unto them, to whom the government of the Kingdom was 
 committed in the abfence of the King 5 and a levy being made 
 through all the North parts of the Kingdom , ^^Inewike is ap.- 
 pointed the rendezvous , where all the Troops fhould meet at 
 a fet day , that thence they might fet forward againft the Enemy, 
 under the condud of the Lord Thom/ts Howard, Earl of Surrey^ 
 Among the firft (to his Father's great joy ) comes the Earl's Son 
 Thomas Lord Admiral , leading a veteran Troop of five thoufand 
 men of tryed valour , and haughty in regard of their former Naval 
 Vi(5tories obtained under the command of this young Lord. After 
 him came the Lords Dacres, Clifford, Scrope, Latimer, Conyers, LunUey, 
 and Ogle , befides Sir Nicholas Appleyard , Mafter of the Ordnance, 
 Sir IV. Percie , Sir mRiam Sidney , Sir William BtUmer , Sir John 
 Stanley , Sir William Molineux , Sir Thomas Strangwajie^^ ^\x^kb$rd 
 T<fw/'f/? , and many other Knights. .; ^,. .. ., 
 
 Thefe fitting in Council, thought it beft to fend an Herald to the 
 King, to expoftulate with him concerning the outrages comrtiitted : 
 to complain , that He had without all right or reafonff oiled the Countrej
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 }3 
 
 of a. Prince not only K^'lied unta him , but alfo hii Cofifederafe ; and 
 therefore to cert'ihe him , thar they were ready by Battel to. revenge 
 the breach ot" League, iF lb be he durfl await their coming bur 
 a few days , in a ground that might be fitting for the meeting of 
 botli Armies. The King makes aniwer by writing- wherein He re- 
 torts the vieLttton of the League, caUwg God. toveitneji, that Kmo Henry 
 h^d. firH by hiimariy injuries jharvn evident flans of An dteHnted ?/iind. 
 For the EngUfh (he pretended) robbed all along the Marches of Scotland, 
 without rejiitution or yuni^oment : Andrew Barton , a stout and honejl 
 man y had been unju/Ij /lain by the Kings command -, and one Heron, 
 who hadmurthered Robert Car a Scottifh Noble-man , vaunted himfelf 
 c^f/^/y /'» England , the King taking no notice of [o heinom a fact : Of 
 thefe thirds he had often complained by his ^mbajfadors , but without 
 effect. There vem therefore no other tvay for him , but to betake him- 
 self to Arms for the common defence of himfelf, and his Kingdom, againji 
 the Kings injujlice. As for the meeting , he fignified that he ac- 
 cepted of it , and appointed both time and place for the Battel. 
 
 Neither party failed the prefixed day. The Scot feeks to animate 
 his men by taking away all hope of fafeguard by flight , com- 
 manding them ( I know not how wifely , but the event fhewed 
 how unhappily for them) to forfake their Horfes, forafmuch as 
 they were to truft to their Hands , not to their Horfes heels ; and 
 by his own example {hewing what he would have done, he 
 alights , and prepares himfelf to fight on foot. The reft doing 
 the like , the whole Army encountred us on foot, to whom, after 
 a long and bloody fight , the fortune of the Viftory inclined. The 
 Scots had two and twenty pieces of great Ordnance , which ftood 
 them in no ftead. For our men climbing up a Hill where the 
 Enemy fate hovering over us , the ihot pafTed over our heads. 
 Our chief ftrength were our Archers, who fo incefTantly played 
 upon four Wings of Scots ( for the King divided his Army 
 into five BattaUons ) that were but lightly armed , that they 
 forced them to Hie and leave their fellows, who yet ftood ftoutly 
 to it. But the main Battel, where the King was, confifting of 
 choice men, and better armed againft our Ihot, was not fo eafily 
 defeated. For the Scots , although they being inclofed as it were 
 in a toyl , were forced to fight in a ring , made moft defperate 
 refiftance, and that without doubt lb much the rather, becaule 
 they not only heard their King encouraging them , but faw him 
 alfo manfiilly fighting in the foremoft Ranks , until having re- 
 ceived wound upon \\ ound he fell down dead. They lay there 
 fell with him the Archbilhop of St. Jndrervs his natural Son , two 
 other Bifhops, two Abbots, twelve Earls, feventeen Barons, 
 and of common Souldiers eight thoufand. The number of the 
 Captives is thought to have been as many. They loft all their 
 Ordnance , and almoft all their Enfigns ; infomuch that the Vi- 
 (ftory was to be efteemed a very great one , but that it was 
 
 Y 2 fome- 
 
 f^5ii^ 
 
 Flodder.-f((/J.
 
 14 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 I 3' 
 
 fomewhat bloody to us in the lofs of fifteen hundred. This field 
 was fought the ninth of September, near f/c^»-Hill , upon a rihng 
 Bank called Piperdi , not far from Bramfton. 
 
 I am not ignorant, that the Scot tijh Writers conftantly. affir:ra 
 the King was not Hain in the field , but having faved himfelf by 
 flight, was afterwards killed by his own people ^ and that the Body 
 which was brought into E«gU:^d was not the King's , but of one 
 Alexander Elfinfion , a young Gentleman refembling the King both 
 in vilage and ftature , whom the King (that he might delude thoie 
 that purfued him , and might as with his own prefence animate 
 them that fought elfewhere) had caufed with all tokens of Royalty 
 to be armed and apparrelled like himfelf But to let pafs the 
 great number of Nobihty , whofecarcafes found about him fuffi- 
 ciently teftifie , thn,t they guarded their true Kingj and confe- 
 quently that the counterfeit fought elfe- where : It is raanifeft that 
 his Body was known by many of the Captives, who certainly 
 affirmed, that it could be no other than the King's , although by 
 the multitude of wounds it were much defaced. For his Neck 
 was opened to the midfl: with a wide wound , his left Hand 
 almoft cut off in two places , did fcarce hang to his Arm , and the 
 Archers had fliot him in many parts of his body. 
 
 Thus was J/tmes the Fourth King of Scots taken awfty in the 
 flower of his youth, who truly in regard of his Princely Virtues 
 deferved a longer life. For he had a quick wit, and a majeftical 
 countenance : he was of a great fpirit , courteous , miid , liberal 5 
 and fo merciful , that it was obferved he was often forced againft 
 his will to punilli offenders, Thefe virtues endeared him to his 
 People in his life time , and made them fo much lament the 
 lofs of him being dead , that (as all Hiftorians report) they Teemed 
 to have loft only him in the whole fucceflion of their Kings 5 
 which fufficiently argues the improbabiUty of the Subjeds pre-* 
 tended Parricide. 
 
 But he had not fallen into this mifery , if he would have 
 hearkned to the advice of thofe , who perlwaded him to have 
 returned home before the Fight, contented with what he had 
 already performed in the Expedition : that he fhould not upon 
 fo weak forces hazard the eftate of his Kingdom : he had won 
 glory enough , and abundantly fulfilled his Friends requeft. But 
 the French Agent , and fome of the King's Mignons corrupted by 
 the French urging to the contrary , this haughty Prince , even 
 otherwilc very defirous to give proof of his valour, was eafily 
 perfwaded to await our great Forces already marching. His Body 
 ( if at leaft that were his , and not Elfinjion's ) being enclofed in 
 Lead, and brought into England , was by our King's ( I will not fay 
 cruel, but certainly inhumane) command call: in Tome by-corner or 
 other , without due Funeral Rites , faying , that It retis a dne 
 punijhment for one veho had perjitroHJly broken his League ', whereas 
 
 if
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 if we examine the prcmilTes , we ihaii lind he wanted not pvo- 
 bale pretexts for what he undertook. 
 
 Ml ' . ' 
 
 o/iVA'O DOM. 1514. «££7. 6. .1 
 
 TH E next year having begun his courfe, Tl)em<^ Jfm^:d[ 
 Earl of Surrey ( he \i ho had been vidorious over, the Scofs ), 
 was created Duke oi Norfolk , the title and dignity of his Ancd-- 
 ftors. Jibn his Father deriving his pedigree from Thomas de Bror[ 
 therton , Son to King Edward the Firft 5 the Se^r^z'es and the; 
 Morvhrays (who had been all Dukes of A'or/^£'//(') enjoyedthis Ho- 
 nour by right of Inheritance. But becaufe in Bofveortb-Yyt\d Cwher«t 
 here he was flain ) he took part witii the Ufurper , both he and, 
 his Pofterity were deprived of that Honour. This T/jww'.ar dying- 
 in the year 1 5 24 , his Son of the iame name fucceeded him , who 
 deccafed in the year 1554. . His Son Henry ( a young Lord of 
 great hopes ) his Father tJien living M-as beheaded tdwards the 
 end of this King's Reign. He left liTue Thomas the laft Duke of 
 Norfolk (who aifo loft his Head the year 1572) and Henry (at 
 nurfe when his Father dyed ) a very learned and wife man , whom 
 King James ( no good man repining thereat ) created Earl of 
 Northampton. Thomas Duke of Norfolk had three Sons that fur- 
 vivedhim, Philip, Thomas, and mtliim. Philip ^%i\ oi Surrey 
 (and by his Mother, di^^rtmdel) condemned the year 1589,' 
 and after dying in prifon , left lilue Thomas-, then a little one , who 
 by King Jimes his favour fucceeded liis Father in his Honours. 
 His Uncle Thomas out of the fame fountain of Royal Goodnefs was 
 created Earl of Suffolk, with addition of the dignity of Lord Cham- 
 berlain. Befide thele , this Family hath Ch.trles Earl of Nottwg- 
 hum , Lord Admiral of Engl.uid , Nephew by the Lord mliiam his 
 Father , to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, that famous Triumpher over 
 the Scots. This is he, who in emulation of his Grandfather's glory, 
 in the year 1588, under the fortune of Queen Elizabeth, moft 
 happily overthrew that vainly called Irrvinctble Armada, of Spain. 
 ThomM alio Vifcount Bindon is derived from Thomas Duke of Nor- 
 folk , by his Son the Lord Thomas. So this noble Houfe lately 
 afflidled, now glorioufly flourishing, hath four Earls and a Vit- 
 count, ail brave and famous men , and of whom there will be oc- 
 cafionof muchto be fpoken hereafter : I therefore thought it good 
 in brief to fet down their Genealogy , left I fliould trouble the 
 Reader with too often repetition of their Race upon each mention 
 of tlie Name. At the time of this Duke's creation , others 
 were alfo honored with new Titles •, Charles Brandon made Duke 
 of Suffolk y and Charles Somerfet Earl of Worcejler , and Edward 
 Stanley Lord CMountegle , Sir mUiam Brandon Standard-bearer to 
 Henry the Seventh 'mBofvctrth-'^\t\^ ^ and there flain by the hand 
 i- of 
 
 J5 
 
 5 iS- 
 
 ihf dejccut and 
 Honours vf the 
 Hov.ards. 
 
 -'- tr-.si3 
 
 Charles Brar- 
 t!on , Z>»^< of 
 Suflolk.
 
 i6 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1514- 
 
 'Charles 5o- 
 
 o( Richard the Third , was Father to this new Duke of Suffolk , of, 
 whofe Education (he then a little one) King Henry having ob- 
 tained the Crown was very careful , and made him rather a Com- 
 panion than a Servant to the young Prince, of whofe houlholci 
 he was. The Prince fo greatly favoured him , partly for his 
 Father's delerts , chiefly for his own , that he being afterward 
 King, created him Vifcount i///^ , and intending (atleaftraany 
 were fo perfuaded) to give him to Wife the Lady C^tary his 
 Sifter, who afterward was married to the King of Frame ; thought 
 it firft good to honour him with the Duchy of Suffolk , which 
 this year at the feaft of Candlemas was performed. But how he 
 was fruftrated of his hopes , and afterward beyond all hope en-- 
 joyed her , fhall be declared hereafter. Somerfet , the natural Son 
 merfet, r^r/o/ 'q( Henry of the Houfe of LancaUer , the laft Duke oi Somerfet ^^ 
 v\orceaer. took his furnamc of his Father's Honour ; whereas he fhould hav«' 
 been called Beaufort , or x'i.xX^ox'BUntagenet , according to the aiir 
 cient name of our Bnglt^} Kings : He being Coufin-german to 
 Henry the Seventh (whofe Mother was <JMArgAret ,^\^^x.tQ the: 
 Duke of Somerfet) and famous for his many Virtues , of which 
 that King was a quick and exaft Judge , and was by him made 
 Lord High Chamberlain of England. But having behaved himfelf 
 very valiantly in this laft Expedition againft ih.QFremh ( wherein' 
 Guicciardin untruly reporteth him to have been flain ) Henry the. 
 Eighth added this new Title ( which his Pofterity ftill enjoyes) to 
 his ancient Honours. He was great Grandfather by his Son Henry 
 and Nephew WilUarn , to Edward the now Earl , who being one 
 of His Majefties moft Honorable Privy Council , and Lord Privy 
 Seal, doth by his virtues much more ennoble his fo noble Anceftors.' 
 The French King hearing of the overthrow of the Scots , per* 
 ceiving himfelf deprived of fuch a Friend and Confederate , feeing 
 his Kingdom on fire about his ears , and none to rely upon but 
 himfelf, determined ( if fo he might fairly and with credit) to 
 renew his League with us. Pope Julitts the Second , the Incen- 
 diary of Chriftendom was lately dead , and the French King himfelf 
 was now a Widower. He therefore intends to try whether by 
 marr}'ing the Lady Mary the King's Sifter , he might lecure him- 
 felf from War on our fide, and by fo near alliance gain the aflui-ed 
 Friendll^ip of fo potent a Prince. Leo the Tenth fucceeding jHlita 
 the Second, did openly fide with the French againft the 5/»<i»/4r^. 
 He therefore earneftly Ibliciting a reconciliation , a Peace was con- 
 cluded profitable to the French , acceptable to us , and on the ninth 
 of Ociober the Nuptials were with great pomp folemnized. The 
 French King was well ftricken in years, his Wife a tender Vir- 
 gin of fome fixteen or eighteen years of age , but wonderful beau- 
 tiful. Befides the forementioncd realbns , the defire of Children 
 ( for he had no Male Ilfue ) on his part , on her part the good of 
 the publick weal, the authority ot her Brother fo wiUing , and 
 
 ( which 
 
 Ptace uith 
 France. 
 
 the lady Mary 
 ihe Kings Si- 
 jiti-i ttMrtled to 
 Lewis the 
 twelfth , King 
 of France.
 
 Henry tbe Eighth, 
 
 17 
 
 ( whicli bears chiefell iVay in a Womaps heart ) the fiipreiiiacy 
 of Honour in the title of. 'a Qiieen ,i were motives ti^. match lb 
 uneven a Pair. But many not without caufe wefe perlliaded , 
 tfiat (he had rather have made choite of Brandon fujr IterHusband 
 ( (b her power had been anfwerableco her will ) than the greateft 
 Monarch in the World ; ©either was it long before llie enjoyed 
 her defire. For the King (as it often happens to elderly Men, thdt 
 apply themfelves to young Women ) dyed the laft of February ^ 
 having fcarce three Months furvived his Wedding. The Queen 
 might then lawfully , according to the Articles of agreement , 
 return into Englmd, , which ilie earneflly defiring , the Duke of 
 Sujfolk was lent to condu(ft her •, who becoming a frelh Suitor unto 
 her J fo far eafily prevailed , that before their departure from Parif^ 
 they were there privately married. The Marriage wa5 afterward by 
 the King's confent celebrated at Greenwich , the tiairteentli day of 
 May of the enfuing year. 
 
 And now we muft fpeak fomething of ivolfey\ fudden and ( for 
 thefe our times ) incredible rifing , who having ( as we have re- 
 lated before ) been invefted in the Bifhoprick of ToUrnay , was 
 within the year preferred to two other Bifliopricks. That vene- 
 rable Bifiiop of Lincoln , mlliam Smith , was lately deceafed ; who 
 befidc many other Monuments of iiis Piety , having begun in 
 Oxford a College for Students , called Brazen-nofe-Colkge , was 
 immaturely taken away before he could finilh Co good a work. So 
 the See being vacant , it is conferred on fVolfey , now high in the 
 King's favour. He was of very mean parentage ( a Butcher's Son) 
 and fpfivifh (a Town in Sujfelk , but of Norwich Diocefs) where 
 he afterward laid the foundation of a ftately College , was the 
 place of his Birth. He was brought up at Oxford , in Magdalen- 
 College J and afterward became Mafter of the Free-School thereto 
 belonging. Among other Scholars , the Sons of the Marquels 
 of Dorfet were committed to his truft , and for his care over them, 
 the Parfonage of Limington in Somerfefjbire (no very mean one) 
 was bcftowcd on Iiim. As foon as he had fet footing there , he 
 was very difgracefully entertained by Sir^w/4* Porvlet , who clapt 
 him in the Stocks , a punilhment not ufually inflidcd upon any 
 but Beggars and bafe people. What the matter was that fo ex- 
 afperated him againft lyolfey, a n^an not of leafb account , I know 
 not : This I know , that fVolfey being afterward made Cardinal, 
 and Lord Chancellor of England , fo gricvouily punilhed this in- 
 jury » that Sir y^mias Povelet was fain to dance attendance at 
 London fome years , and by all manner of obfequioufnefs to curry 
 favour with him. There remains to this day a fufficient teftimony 
 hereof in a Building over the Gate of the ^tiddle Temple in 
 London , built by the Knight at the time of his attendance there, 
 and decked round about very fumptuoufly with the Cardinal's 
 Arms, hoping thereby fomewhat to allay the wrath of the 
 
 incenfed 
 
 15 14. 
 
 CarJiual 
 Wolfcy.
 
 t8 
 
 '^Ann'dls of England. 
 
 I 5 1-4. 
 
 incenfed Prelate; But theie' things were long after this year. 
 wolj'ey , \iv'hether that he could not brook this dilgrace, or bearing 
 a-r»ind thjt lookt beyond this poor Benefice , left it, and became 
 domeftick Chaplain to Sir John Na/Mt Treafurer of Calaii , by 
 ^Vhofe medns^ he was taken notice of by Fox Bilhop of mtsc/jijler, 
 a man that knew rightly how to judge of good wits. He finding 
 this young rnan to be very fprightful , of Leaf ning fufficient, and 
 very a(5bive iil difpatch of Affairs , lb highly commended' him to 
 King He W7 the Seventh , ( who relied much upon .F<?Ji!s faith and 
 vvifdom) that he thought it good forthwith to employ! him in 
 Affairs of great moment. What need many words i he fo far 
 pleafcd the King, that in fliort time he became a great man, and 
 was firft ^referr'd to the Deanry oi Limoln, and then made the 
 King's Alnioner. YiXiX.lJemy the Eighth, a young Prince, coming 
 jto the Crown, was wholly taken with his fmooth tongue and 
 pliable behaviour. For when all the reft of his friends advifed 
 him to fit every day in perfbn at the Council-Table , that fo by 
 experience and daily pradice he might reap Wifdom , and to 
 accuftom himfelf to the managing of Affairs of Eftate : wolfey 
 adviled him to follow his Pleafures ^ faying, Tbut Ins Youth wonid 
 mt he able to brook their tediom ConfultatioKs ; every Age of man had 
 lis Seafons , and DeUghts agree able. They did not do rvell , that vpsidd 
 force the King to a6i an Old man before his time , Tenth being utterly 
 Aiier^e from rvrinckled Severity. It would come to paji hereafter, if God 
 werefo pleafed , that rvhat wai now trcublefim to him , would not be dis- 
 agree able to riper years , nay prove perhaps a great plea fur e. Until 
 that time came , he jhould enjoy the prefent , and not by hearkning to 
 others needle/ perfuafions , any way interrupt the courfe of that felicity 
 which the largenefS of his Dominions would eafly afford him. He fl^ould 
 hawk and hunt, and as much m him lifl ufe honejl Recreations, if fo 
 be he did at any time defire fuddenly to become an Old m~^n by inter- 
 medling with Old mens Cares., he jbould not want thcje ( meaning 
 liimfelf ) that would in the evening in one or two words relate unto 
 him the effeB of a whole days Confultaiion. . This fpeech hitting 
 fo pat with the King's humour , made ivolfey fo powerful , that 
 whereas the King before favoured him as much as any other ; he 
 ©nly was now in favour with. and next the Kiug, wuh whom 
 there was nothing to be done but by him. For he was the man 
 that was made choice of, who like another CMercury fliould pafs 
 between this our Jorue , and the Senate of the lefler Gods , offering 
 their petitions to him , and to them returning his plealurc therein. 
 Wherefore he was even at the firft fworh of the Privy Council, 
 and befides the late collation of Tournay , upon the death of Smith 
 he was alio made Bilhop of Lincoln. In the government of which 
 Church he had not fully fpent fix months , before he was tranflated 
 from Lincoln to the Archbilhoprick of Tork , then vacant,by the 
 death>of Cardinal Bar/iLndge at Rome. Shortly after , \tfaiat I may 
 '•■■'or- •• at
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 19 
 
 at once fhew all his H Jiiours ) mlliam lyarham Arclibidiop of] 1514. 
 Cxntcrbttry leaving the place , he was by the King made Lord 
 Chancellor of Engl And, and by the Pope Legate a Liter e. Yet he 
 ftayed not there ; but as if the ArchbiHwprick of York , and the 
 Chancellorihip of EngLtnd, had not been fufficient to maintain tlie 
 jX)rt of a Cardinal , befides many other Livings he procured of 
 the King the Abbey of St. Alh^ins , and the Bilhoprick of Bath and 
 Wetts. And not content with thcfe , leaving Bath and wells , he 
 addeth the Bidioprick oi Durham to that of Tork , and then leaving 
 Dnrham leizeth on Winchefier , at that time of greateft revenue of 
 any Biflioprick in England. You now fee wd^^ey in his height 
 rich, his Prince's Favourite, and from the bottom raifcd to the 
 top of Fortunes Wheel. What became of him afterward you 
 (liall know hereafter. 
 
 K^ N N O DOM. 15 15. REG. 7. 
 
 THe League lately made with Lewis the French King , was 
 confirmed by Francis his Succeffor , and publiflied by Pro- 
 clamation in London , the ninth day of Afyil. 
 
 \^ N N O DOM. 1516. REG. 8. 
 
 BUt the French King having taken into his protection the young 
 King of Scots , fent John Stuart Duke of Albany into ScvtUnd, 
 to be Governour both of the King's Perfon and Kingdom. The 
 firll: thing this Duke undertook , was , either to put to death or 
 banifh thofe , whom he any way fufpeded to favour the Englijh. 
 Infomuch , that the Queen Dowager ( who by this time was 
 married to Archibald DougLu Earl of Angles ) forced to lave her felf 
 by flight, came into England to her Brother, with whom flie 
 ftayed at London a whole year , the Earl her Husband after a month 
 or two w ithout leave returning into Scotland. King Henry being 
 difpleafed at thefe French pradiccs , deals underhand with the 
 Emperour CUaximiUnn (with whom x\\t French then contended 
 for the Duchy of Milan) and lends him a great fumm of Money, 
 whereby he might hire the Suites to aid him in the expelling 
 tiic French out of Italy. But the Emperour ^ although he had 
 levied a fufficient Army , returned home without doing an) thing. 
 He was indeed accounted a wife Prince , but unhappy m the ma- 
 naging of his Affairs : whether it were that Fortune waiwardly 
 ojjpofed him , or that he was naturally flow in the execution of 
 his well-plotted Defigns. But fliortly after he intends a fecond 
 tryal of his Fortune. Wherefore by his AmbafTador the Cardinal 
 of SutjferUnd, he yet borrows more Money of the King, which 
 
 Z was 
 
 I 5 15. 
 
 I 5 I 5. 
 
 A Ireach isiitb 
 Frante,
 
 20 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 I 6. 
 
 the Sttr- 
 Chambet , 
 
 Tj^e Ceutt of 
 Bjquefis , IH- 
 fttttttcl by 
 
 Wolfey, 
 
 was delivered to certain Merchants of Gerja , to be by a fet day 
 paid to theEniperour in Italy. But they, whether corrupted by the 
 French, or not of fuificient abihty to make return, deceived him $ 
 and fo his fccond defigns vaniflied alfo into air. I do not think 
 it was the King's fault , although we might juftly fufpeft , that the 
 great Treafure left him by his Father being almoft iperit , and 
 the Trench fecretly offering Peace upon good terms , the friendftiip 
 between him and the Emperouf , which he had fo dearly pur- 
 chafed, began at length to grow cold. Certainly (to fpeak no- 
 thing of the League which was afterwards concluded with trunce) 
 the Treafury was how grown fo bare, that the King was driven to 
 Invent new ways for the railing of Money. The care of this bufineis 
 ( as almoft of all others ) was committed to Cardinal ivolfey , who 
 cafting up the Exchequer- Accompts , found many deeply indebted 
 to the King •, and (whether by the negligence or treachery of the 
 Officers ) never yet called to account. Among others , the Duke 
 oi Suffolk was found to be a great debtor, who befides his own 
 Revenues , received yearly out of Prance his Wives Joindture , 
 amounting to fixty thoufahd Crowns. Yet notwithftanding he 
 was fain to withdraw himfelf from Court , that by living thriftily 
 in the Countrey, he might have wherewith to pay this debt. The 
 Cardinal next bethinks himfelf of publick Mifdemeanors of what 
 fort foevcr : as Perjury, Rapes, Oppreflion of the Poor, Riots , and 
 the like; theOifendors without refpeifl of degree or perfons, he 
 either publickly punifhed in Body , or fet round Fines on their 
 heads. By which means the Treafury ( before empty ) was re- 
 plenished , and the Cardinal by the people much applauded for 
 his Juftice. Thefe things having thus lucceeded to his mind , 
 he undertakes more in the fame kind. He inftitutes a new 
 Court , where the Lords of the Privy Council , . with other of 
 the Nobility fhould fit as Judges. The aforefaid Crimes , which 
 then greatly reigned in this Kingdom , and were punifhable in this 
 Court, which (as I conjedlure) from the Stars painted in the roof is 
 called the StAr-Chamber. He eredled alio the Court of RefteBsy 
 where the complaints of the Poor were to be heard ^ and ordained 
 many other things in the Civil government of the Kingdom , that 
 were acceptable to the People , and are in ufe at this day , wherein 
 he alike manifefted his wifdom and love of his Countrey. Cer- 
 tainly they that lived in that Age would not ftick to fay, That 
 this Kingdom never flourifhed more, than when mlfey did, to 
 whofe WilHom they attributed the Wealth and Safety that they 
 enjoyed, and the due Adminiftration of Juftice to all without 
 exception. 
 
 x^NNO
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 21 
 
 ^NNO DOM. 1 5 17. REG. 9. 
 
 T'He Spring growing on , the fear of a Commotion in London 
 incr-ealed with the year. The original and fucccfs wliereof 
 I will lay open at large, forafmuch as Enormities of this nature, 
 by our wholefom Laws feverely reftrained , are fo rare , that I 
 remember , when I was a child , old men would reckon their Age 
 from this day, by the name of III M.ty-di\. Long Peace havmg 
 with us bcgate Plenty , the Mother and Nurfe both of good and 
 bad Arts , allured the mofi: excellent Artificers of forein Nations 
 to partake of our happinefs, by frequenting the City o^ London. 
 But the giddy multitude not conceiving what good became of 
 communicating their skill unto us, took it very heinoufly, that 
 Strangers lliould be permitted to enjoy the Priviledges of the 
 City; and our home-bred Artificers did moll: efpecially complain. 
 That their meaas were e^'ery day curtailed , for as much as no 
 fmall part was necelfarily to be defalked for the maintenance of 
 thefe Strangers. This was now grown the common dilcourfe, 
 and had gon fo far ^ that one Lincoln , a ringleader of this tumul- 
 tuous rout , did not ftick to perfuade fome Preachers , publickly 
 in the Pulpit to lay open thefe common grievances before the 
 Eftates of the Realm. Our Ladies Hofpital in London, commonly 
 called the Spittle , is famous for the £^fr-Sermons 5 one of which 
 was to be preached by Dr. Henry Standijh ( afterward Bifliop of 
 St. '^fafh) a grave and learned man. Li-acoln had aflayed him, 
 and had the denial, as in a matter, the very mention whereof 
 a good Patriot fliould abhor. But Dr. BeU , a Divine who was 
 after stAndijh to preach in the fame Place , without fear or wit 
 feconding their feditious attempts , did publickly in his Sermon 
 read the Bill by them exhibited to him , taking for his Text that 
 of the Prophet in the hundred and fifteentli Pl'alm : The heAvens^ 
 even the heavens Are the Lords ; but he hath given the earth to the 
 fans of men: Thence mofl foolifhly concluding , that England was 
 given to Englijh-men only , and that therefore it was not to be 
 endured , that Aliens lliould enjoy any part thereof. Many things 
 by him fpoken to this purpofe , were accepted with great applauie 
 and approbation of the Vulgar , who out of extreme hatred to 
 Strangers, breathed nothing but fedition. And to add more fuel 
 to this fire , it happened that many outrages were about, that time 
 committed by fbme of thefe Strangers. This evil then thus 
 fpreading it felf , Foreiners were every where ill intreated , and 
 commonly knockt down Jn the ftreets, havmg not offered injury 
 to any man. The authors of thefe riots being by the Lord Mayor 
 committed to prifbn, a hidden rumor ran through the City , That 
 on M.iy-diy next all Strangers fhould be maflacred. This without 
 doubt proceeded from fome of this unrulycrew, and Wis intended 
 
 Z 2 as 
 
 I 7. 
 
 /// l.Uy-liy.
 
 22 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 I 7- 
 
 as a watch-word to all the Fadion •, but the Strangers made fo 
 good ufe of it , that they had all withdrawn themlelves before 
 that time , and the Magiftrates very carefully attended each 
 occafion , endeavouring to crufh all Tumultuous Defigns in 
 the lliell. On c^^^y-day-Eve therefore (the next day being the 
 Feaft of the Apoftles Phi/tp and Jac6b , the folemnity thereof is 
 ufually augmented by the liberty granted to the younger fort to 
 fport themfelves and to make merry ) the Citizens in general 
 are by Proclamation commanded to keepfaft their doors, and to 
 reftrain their Servants from going abroad until nine of the Clock 
 the next day. But before this had been throughly proclaimed , 
 an Alderman walking in the ftreets , faw a troop of young men 
 confifting of Apprentices and fuch like gathered together , and 
 playing at cudgels. He iliarply reproved them for not obeying 
 the King's Edicft , withal threutning to punilh them , if they the 
 fooner betook not themfelves every one to his home. Words not 
 prevailing , he laid hold on one or two , intending to have com- 
 mitted them. But what reckoning they made of Authority , their 
 refiftance in refcue of their Companions lliewcd • and by outcries 
 giving an Alarm, drew together all the reft of their Fadign in 
 that quarter of the City. The fame of this hurliburly increafed their 
 numbers , by fending Mariners , Gentlemens Servants > Beggars, 
 and Citizens, but the greateftpart were Apprentices. Sedition 
 like a torrent carried them headlong , and animated them to all 
 villany. They break open the Prifons , fet thofe at liberty , that 
 were imprifoned for their outrages on Strangers , flie about the 
 City as in a whirlwind , rob all Foreiners houfes , and not con- 
 tent with their goods , feek after them for their lives. They found 
 their nefts, but the birds were fled. Having thus ipent the night, 
 in the morning hearing the King's forces to approach , moit oif 
 them flipt away , only fome three hundred remained ( whereof 
 eleven were Women ) and being apprehended , fupplied their 
 places, whom they before had freed. They were all arraigned, 
 only thirteen defigned for death , whereof, nine fufFcred on divers 
 Gibbets purpofely ereded in divers parts of the City. Lincoh^ 
 SherveiH , and two Brethren named £ets , Chieftains in this fe- 
 dition , were carried to cheappde , where Lincoln was defervedly 
 hanged. The Executioner ready to turn off another , was pre- 
 vented by the King's gracious Pardon. The mind of man being 
 prone to pity , we may imagine , that others w€re well pleafed 
 at the news 5 but certainly the condemned had caufe to rejoyce. 
 1\\tQnttnso{ England, the two Dowagers of f'''*»ff and Scotland 
 ( both of them the King's Sifters , and then at Court ) became in- 
 ceffa nt Petitioners to his Majefty, and on their knees, ip the behalf 
 of thefe condemned perfons : and at length , ivolfey confenting ( by 
 whom the King was wholly fwayed ) their Petitions were granted 
 to thenij and to the poor men their lives. This wa$ tj^e laft Scene 
 
 of
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 23 
 
 of this Tragical Tumult, the Uke whereof this well-governed City 
 had not known in many Ages. For the Laws very well provi- 
 ded in that cafe , do under a great penalty forbid Alfemblies , efpe- 
 cially of armed men , if not warranted by publick Authority. 
 
 In K^ugnjl and September tiie Sweating-ficknefs (termed bc}ond 
 Sea, Sudor Angluus , ox x\\z Engltjh fiveat ) began, a difeafe utterly 
 unknown to former Ages. Of the common ibrt tiiey were num- 
 berlefs , that perilhed by ir ; of the Nobility , the Lords C//«/o» , 
 and Grey of mito/t. The fymptoms and cure you may find in Po- 
 lyderyirgil {in Anno i.Henr. -j.) who (as confidently, as I believe 
 truly) maintains. That, this difeafe was never till then known 
 to be , much lefs to be mortal. As if there were a concatenation 
 of evils , one evil feldom cometh alone. A Peftilence fucceeded 
 this former mortality , and fo raged the whole Winter feafon in 
 mofl parts of the Realm , that the King for fear of infcdion , at- 
 tended by a few , was fain every day to remove his Court from 
 one place to another. 
 
 The eleventh of February was born the Lady CMary , afterwards 
 Queen of EHgUnd. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1518. REG. 10. 
 
 THe Peace fo long treated of betweeil us and the Trenctj , was 
 now in September at length concluded on thefe Conditions : 
 
 That the D^ulphin/^^'w/^ marry the Lady Mztythe Kings only Child, 
 and not yet two years old : That T OMxmy jhould be rejlored to the 
 French : That the Trcnchfjouldpay King Henry fiur hundred thotifand 
 Crovens , viz. two hundred thotifand for his charge in building the Cit- 
 tadely for the Artillery, Forvder , and Munition , vohich he jhould leave 
 there; and other two hundred thoufand Crowns , partly for the expexce 
 of that war , wherein the City was taken , and partly in regard of other 
 Penjions that were due unto him. 
 
 For the payment of which fumms, the French gave eight Ho- 
 ftages • fo faith Betlay. But our Writers fpeak of a far different 
 fumm , viz. Six hundred thoufand Crowns for the City y and four hun- 
 dred thousand Crvtvns for the Ctttadel: be fides three and twenty thou- 
 fajgd Pounds ToXirnois , which the City of Tournay ought the King ; 
 and an annual Penfionofa thou fan d Marks a^gned to Cardinal Wolley 
 for renouncing all claim and title to the Bijhoprtck of Tournay. For 
 the confirmation of thefe Articles, the Earl of /forci^fr , and the 
 Bjfhop of Ely , with fome others , were fent into France , where 
 both by the King and Princes of the Realm they were magnifi- 
 eently entertained. 
 
 K^NNO 
 
 1517. 
 
 the Sv;eaiing- 
 
 I 5 I 8. 
 
 Peace vitb 
 France.
 
 24 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1 5 I 9« 
 
 The death of 
 the Emperoitr 
 Maxinnlian. 
 
 1520. 
 
 Tl)i Emperoitr 
 Charles the 
 fifth i» Eng- 
 land : 
 
 Cintetbuiy. 
 
 t^NNO DOM. 151P. REG. 11. 
 
 THis year , on the twelfth of Jamary , in the fixty third year 
 of his age , died the Emperour ^taximtlian , having to 
 prevent a difeafe, to which lie thought Iiimfelf incHning , unfea- 
 fonabiy taken a Medicine of uncertain operation. His death bred 
 an equal defire in the minds of two great Princes , who became 
 Competitors for the Empire , Trmcis King of Trance , and Charles 
 KXngo^ Spaift. But Charles , although King oi Spain, yet being 
 by birth (born at Gand) and defcent a German, at the age of nineteen 
 years was chofen Emperour of Germany , with the full confent and 
 fuffrages of all the Princes Eledors. This Eledion , how-ever 
 other flight matters were pretended , was undoubtedly the caufe 
 of the enfuing dreadful War between thefe Princes. The French 
 King taking this repulfe impatiently , meditates nothing but re- 
 venge. And that his defigns might no way be crofled by us , he 
 labours amain for the conlirmation of the Peace lately agreed upon 
 between Henry and him. Therefore by the Admiral Bonivet he 
 deals with W/^- , that at an Enterview between the two Kings, 
 the League might be ratified. To this end Henry intends to come 
 to Guijhes , Francis to Ardres , and a convenient place between both 
 is made choice of for their Enterview. 
 
 K..A N N O DOM. 1520. RE 6. 12. 
 
 HEreupon the King fetting forward towards France , by eaCe 
 journeys comes to Canterbury , intending there to keep his 
 fvhitfontide. The next day after being the twenty fixth of May, 
 the new created Emperour Charles the Fifth in his return from 
 Spain arrives at Dover , diftant twelve miles from Canterbury. , The 
 King gladly entertaines the news , and although it were midnight, 
 takes horfe , and within little more than an hour comes by torch- 
 hght to Dcz'^y-Caftle, where the Emperour lay ^ who Sea-weary, 
 was then afleep. But being certified of the King's arrival , he 
 fuddenly apparelled himfelf, and met the King at the top of the 
 flairs. They embraced and faluted one another , they long con- 
 ferred together , and the next morning ( being whit- Sunday) they 
 rode together to Canterbury, the Emperour alway keeping the right 
 hand , and the Earl of Derby bearing the Sword before them both. 
 Canterbury is a City more famous for antiquity, than for modern 
 beauty. To let pals , that it was above a thoufand years fince made 
 an Archiepifcopal See, our Chronicles do fumciently teftifie, 
 that both in refped of private mens fair Houfes , and the magnifi- 
 cent ftrufture of its Churches , it antiently excelled the braveft: 
 Cities of England. But within thefe few years it hath loft fo much 
 I of
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 25 
 
 of its greatncls and beauty , that a man iliali Hnd little of C.tn- 
 teriury befide the name. VVhy it Ihould fo much in lb lliorc fpacc 
 decay , many realbns may be alledged : As the vicinity of LoMdon , 
 which rweliing like the Spleen, lucks both blood aiid ipoillure 
 from all tiie other languilhing Cities of the Kingdom, rilkewile 
 the fubverfion of St. Augnfline's Monaftery , the lols of C'ii/4/>, and 
 the pulhng down of Archbifliop Becket's Shrine ,■ things which 
 occafioned a great concourfc of people, and did by their lots and 
 overthrow mucii impair this Cities fplendour. One only Orna- 
 ment thereof I'urvives, which is the Cathedral and Mctropoli- 
 tical Church , with fuch a majefty piercing the skies ( laith Eraf- 
 mus ) that it a far off fills the beholder with devout amazement. 
 This Church being at firft dedicated to our Saviour CHRIST, 
 a few Ages part degenerated into the nick-name of St. Thomas. 
 This ThomM, fivn3.med Becket , having obftinately oppofed /fir^rry 
 the Second , was in this Church flain by certain Souldiers 5 and 
 being afterward canonized for a Saint*, his Sepulcher mightily 
 increafed the glory of the place.. For from thofe times even almolr 
 to our days , all forts of people from all parts of Europe , fuper- 
 ftitioufly frequented the Shrine of this upftart Saint , with rich 
 Oblations endeavouring to procure his favour. Hence the Mo- 
 naftery was fo enriched , that of it and the Church Erasmus faid , 
 This every place was ettlightefted with the lufire of moft prectom and 
 huge Hones , And the church throughout abotutded with more than Royal 
 Treasure. But the Shrine efoccially , thaC contained the Relicks 
 of this Saint , was fo emboffcd with Jewels , that Gold was the 
 meaneft thing about it. Hither accompanied with King Henry, 
 came the Emperour Charles, but whether out of devotion or curio- 
 fity , I cannot fay. But this is certain , that the Cardinal and the 
 Clergy going in Proceffion, to the Church they went diredly, 
 where a great deal of time was fpent in Ceremonious Worlhip, 
 and Oblations at Becket's Tomb , not only by the Emperour, but 
 even by him , who fliortly after defaced the Monument, and feized 
 upon that infinite Treafure , heaped up by the devout folly of 
 many preceding Ages. From the Church they went to the Arch- 
 bifhop's Palace, where the Queeri, Aunt to the Emperour, a- 
 waited them , and very joyfully welcomed her Nephew. Three 
 days were fpent in banqueting and paftimes , and then the Empe* 
 rour went to his Navy at Sandwich , the King and Queen toDover, 
 from whence they paffed to Calais , that the intended Interview 
 of the two Kings miglit work its due efifcfts. The feventh of June 
 was the appointed day -, the place , between ^rdres and Gmfnes. 
 There the two Kings mounted on spanijjj Gennets , attended by 
 fuch a multitude of Nobility , as the occafions of a hundred years 
 before had not at once brought togctherthe like , cncountred each 
 other , both in the flower of their age , the goodlieft Princes of the 
 world , and moft expert in all kind of combats both on horfe and 
 
 foot. 
 
 .1 J 3 <3. 
 
 Interi'tev} be- 
 ivjixt thKjngs 
 of England 
 and Francf,
 
 26 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1510. 
 
 Henry vijitt 
 Emperour at 
 Graveling. 
 
 foot. It were needlefs to fet forth the magnificence of thefe Princes, 
 when the bravery of their attendants was fuch , that the place 
 was thence named ThegoUtn Cxm^. Having embraced each other 
 on horfe-back, they ahght and betake themfeives to a Pavilion there 
 purpofely pitched : Henry attended on by the Cardinal of Tork , 
 and the Dukes of Norfolk and S/tfoIk ; Francis by the Admiral B0- 
 nivet , the Chancellor du Prat , and fome other Counfellors. Ha- 
 ving had familiar conference concerning fome private matters, 
 they gave order for erefting a Theatre , and enclollng a ground for 
 a Tilt-yard , that fo they might folace themfeives , whiles their 
 Council treated of graver matters , the conclufion whereof they 
 might at leil'ure every day know by relation. Fourteen days theie 
 Princes gave each other the meeting , with great concourfe of 
 moft famous Souldiers. Henry then entertained the French King 
 at Gttifnes , in a Houfe made of Timber ( framed partly in England, 
 partly in Holland , and thence brought thither) wherein there were 
 four Manfions : The out-fide was covered with Cloth io painted, 
 that it would have deceived the beholders for fquared Stone j the 
 in-fide was hung with moft rich Arras , lb that it every way 
 (eemed a moft artificial and ftately Building. The form of it was 
 much like that of the Exchange at Calau. It being afterward taken 
 afunder, was tranfported into England, and fo Hood the King in 
 little or nothing , faith Bellay. ( Whereas we know , and that by 
 Records , that there were fent over out of England for this Work , 
 three hundred Mafons, fix hundred Carpenters, two hundred Pain- 
 ters, Glafiers, and other Artificers (in all eleven hundred) which for 
 the {pace of two months laboured continually on this Fabrick.) The 
 day enfuing, the French King prepares a Banquet : the Banqucting- 
 houfe was a Canopy every way extended fixty foot, which without 
 was covered with Cloth of TiiTue , within with blew Velvet 
 pouldred with golden Flower s-de-Lys. At each corner was a Pavi- 
 lion of the fame works 5 the cords were of blew Silk twifted with 
 Gold o^ Cyprus, which was of great efteem. But a moft impe- 
 tuous and tempeftuous wind broke afunder the cords , and laid all 
 this bravery in the dirt. Patience par force. The Frf«f/> King fud- 
 denly makes another Banqueting-houfe , in that place where there 
 is now a Fort that takes its name from this Banquet. The pre- 
 parations were extraordinary , and the magnificence outftripped 
 the reach of humane judgment. There wanted neither houies, 
 woods , nor fields for difpon j for many men brought them entire 
 on their backs. But pleafures muft have their intermiffion , and 
 Kings if not by their Greatnefs , are by their Affairs levered. Henry 
 therefore returns to Calais , and Francis to Boloign. The tenth of 
 the enfuing month , the King gallantly attended , vifited the Em- 
 perour at Graveling. The Emperour in requital accompanied him 
 back to Calais.. Shews and Banquets are Princes ufual Entertain- 
 ments, To this end , the King fo commanding , a round building 
 
 IS
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 27 
 
 is made in the tonn of an Amphitheatre, eight hundred foot in 
 compafs. The fides were of planks 5 in the middle was a Pillar 
 made of eight great Malls tied together. This Pillar fupported 
 the weight not only of the roof ot the whole Fabrick , ( whither 
 as into a lower Heaven the Moon and Stars had defcended ) but 
 Organs aifo , and places for the receipt of all forts of Mufick in 
 abundance. Thefe places were adorned with Tapeftry, Statues , 
 and curious Pi<5liJrci, infomuch that the moft fault-finding could 
 not complain of any want in that kind. All things were now 
 prepared for the entertainment of fuch a gueft, and the Banquet 
 ready to be ferved in , when the fame mifchance that befel the 
 French Canopy, made onxEnglijh Heaven and Earth meet together. 
 God , as difpleafed with the mad prodigality of thefe two Kings , 
 fent a tempeft, the violence whereof fcattered this counterfeit Hea- 
 ven , blew out above a thoufand Wax-tapers , defaced the glorious 
 Thrones prepared for thefe Princes , fruftrated the expedation of 
 the people , and forced the King to the neceflity of another place. 
 But to let pafs the Tilting , Mafques, and gorgeous Feafts during 
 the fix days the Emperouf fiaid at Cdais : In thefe feveral Enter- 
 views between all thefe Princes there was no one ferious thing 
 done , but this , that a firm Peace , a perpetual League , and faith- 
 ful Friendfhip feemed to be concluded on all fides. For who would 
 have thought , that it had been poflible for dilcord it felf to have 
 dilTolved this knot, where Charles and Francis attributed (b much to 
 Henry , that they made him Umpire of all controverfies that ftiould 
 arife between them 1 But that there is feldom any heed to be 
 given to the Agreements of Princes , where they are tied by no 
 other bands (as of Religion, Affinity, or manifefl: Utility) than 
 that weak one of their plighted Troth , thofe foul diffentions , and 
 bloody wars which afterwards rent all Chriftendom , and opened 
 a way for that common enemy of our Faith , may be a fumcicnt 
 example. The Emperour , after all thefe palTages of courtefie and 
 humanity, departs toward Graveling , mounted on a brave Horfe 
 covered with a foot-cloth of cloth of gold , richly befet with ftones 
 which the King had given him. He would often fpeak of his Aunts 
 happinefs , that was matcht to fo magnificent a Prince. The 
 King ftaid fome few days after at Calais , from whence paffing to 
 Dover, he with all his train arrived fafe at London. I cannot but 
 envy their happinefs , who in fo little time faw three the mightieft 
 Monarchs in Chriftendom , who for their exploits , and the great 
 alterations happening under each of them , will without doubt 
 be famous through all fucceeding Ages. 
 
 \yi A 
 
 i^NNO 
 
 1520.
 
 28 
 
 Amah of England. 
 
 I 5 2 I. 
 
 Tlie Duks "f 
 Buckingham 
 
 cufei of 
 Treajan. 
 
 ■JX'V 
 
 ~(l' 10 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1521. ^££7. i^, 
 
 EDrvard Stafford Duke of Buckingham was about this time ar- 
 raigned of high Treafon. He was defcended of a Family, 
 which whether it was more antient or noble , is queftionable. 
 He derived himfelf by a direft line from Robert de Stafferd, to whom 
 William the Conquerourgave large revenues, which his pofterity 
 greatly enlarged , by matching with the Heirs female of many 
 noble Families. By the Lady Ann, Daughter to Thomas of fVood- 
 Hock Diike of Glocejler , who was Brother to Edward the Third , he 
 participated of the Blood Royal. The firfl: honourable Title of the 
 Family was of Lord ^/^^^(sr^!^, the next of Earl o^ Stafford, as was 
 Edmund , that married the Daughter to Thomas of ivoodfiock. Hum- 
 phrey Son to Edmund was created Duke of Buckingham by H(»fy the 
 Sixth , who left that Honor to his Son Humphrey, who was Grand- 
 father to this Edward by his Son Henry the third Duke. How Henry 
 affifted the Ufurper Richard the Third , in opprefling Edvpard the 
 Fifth , how he after confpired with the Earl of Richmond ( after- 
 wards Henry the Seventh) againft the Ufurper, but was cut off 
 by the Tyrant before he could bring any thing to pafs ^ the Hifto- 
 ries of thofe times declare. Edward his Son reftored to 3lood 
 and Dignities by Henry the Seventh , for his Defcent, Wealth, and 
 Honors , inferiour to none but the King , not content with this, 
 was by ^- Hopkins a charterhoufe-Monk induced to believe that 
 Heaven had decreed to cut off King Henry , after whole death he 
 fhould reign , and the Crown be for ever eftablifhed on his pofte- 
 rity. This the Monk affirmed , God the Governour of all things, 
 had revealed unto him. He further advifed him by liberality and 
 courtefie to win the minds of the people , for the time was ac 
 hand wherein this fliould certainly come to pafs , if it were not 
 through his own default. The Duke (no ibt, but blinded by 
 ambition) gave fuch credit to the Monk, who was either mad, 
 or elfe flattered him in hope of reward , that although the time 
 prefixed for thefe Miracles were paft , yet was he ftill in hope , 
 fed the Impoftor with gifts , who fed him with air , fecretly vili- 
 fied the King , and gave profufely to all. Nay he could not for- 
 bear , but at length he muft brag of the Jugler's promifes , as 
 he did to a Gentleman named Charles Knevet , to wtwm he boldly 
 unmasked himfelf, and gave a reafon of his adions. Upon Kne- 
 vefs accufation he was arraigned , and condemned the thirteenth 
 of Alay , and on the feventeenth publickly beheaded. His death 
 was lamented by many , and the rather for that he was no way 
 faulty, but in his vanity and pride , which overthrew him. Being 
 a child 5 1 have heard antient men fay , that by his bravery of Ap- 
 parel , and fumptuous Feafts he exafperated the King, with wliom 
 in thefe things he feemed to contend. But he could by no means 
 I bear I
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 29 
 
 bear with the intolerable pride of the Cardinal , vvhofe hatred not 
 improbably proved f.ual unto him , rather than did the King's dif- 
 pieal'ure : for many times Princes are with iefs danger olfendedj 
 than their Mignons. There goes a tale, That tiie Duke once 
 holding the bafin to the King, the Cardinal when tlie King had 
 done , prefently dipped his hands in the lame water : the Duke 
 difdaining to dcbafe hinifelf to the fervice of a Pricft , ili^d the 
 water in his lliooes. The Cardinal therewith incenfed , threatncd 
 him, that He would fit upon his skirts. The Duke to (be w that he 
 flighted his threats , and withal , that the King might take notice 
 of the Cardinal's malice, came the next day to Court, richly (as 
 he ufually was) apparelled , but without skirts to his Doublet. 
 The King and many others demanding \\ hat he meant by that 
 ftrange fafliion, he anfwered readily , That it was done by vcay of 
 prevention , for the Curdinxl jhoitld not now fit upon his skirts. He 
 thought he had put a jeft upon the Cardinal , to whofe infor- 
 mations , as proceeding from envy and fpleen , he hoped the King 
 would hereafter give the Icfs credit. But he miffed his mark : for 
 moft men were of opinion , that the Cardinal's malice crullied 
 liim rather, than did the weight of his own offences. It was tlic 
 faying of Charles the Emperour , upon the report of his death , 
 Thit the Butcher s Dog had killed the fatrefl Hart of England. How- 
 foever it came to pafs , the King who had hitherto ruled without 
 bloodlhed , induced by the former reafbns ( fo the Recordanun ) 
 permitted his hands to be ftained with the blood of this poof 
 Prince 5 many lamenting, that the indifcreet credulity of one man, 
 having not attempted ought againft the Eftate , ffiould be the over- 
 throw of fb noble a Family. If I might lawfully pry fo far into 
 God's judgments , which are indeed infcrutable , I would be bold 
 to impute the punifhment of the Son to the Father's treachery , 
 who confpired with the Ufurper againft his lawful Prince , Edward 
 the Fifth , who by his afliftance was deprived of his Life and 
 Kingdom. But forafmuch as that being touched in confcience, 
 he manifeftly repented this fad ( for feeking to opprefs the Tyrant, 
 whom he himfelf had raifed, he perilhed miferably ) the Divine 
 Juftice (I think) fo far regarded his repentance, that hispofte- 
 rity are neverthelefs Peers of the Realm, by the title of Lord Staf- 
 ford. The firsi point of Wifdom is , not to run into Err our ; the next, 
 quickly to amend it. 
 
 The King having written a Book againft Martin Luther , fent 
 it as a Prefent to Pope Leo the Tenth. This Leo , not yet thirty 
 eight years old , was by the combination of the Junior Cardinals 
 eledled Pope. In which dignity he behaved himfelf according 
 to his years , profufely fpending the Treafures of the Church in 
 hawking and hunting, and other pleafures not deemed over-honeft. 
 Need began at length to pinch him , and money muft be had. 
 Whereupon he refolves to make uie of his Keys , againft the moft 
 
 Aa 2 fubtil 
 
 I 5 = !■. 
 
 King Henrv 
 wnttth ugawjl 
 Luifaer.
 
 90 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 
 
 Luther'^ dt- 
 fanure from 
 thi Churth of 
 Rome. 
 
 fubtil locks , and ftrongeft bars , ever yet held prevalent, Indul- 
 gences of all forts, without diltin(fi:ion of time or place , inuft now 
 publickly be fet to fale. St. Peter's Church (this was the pretence) 
 was out of repair, towards which a certain fumm of money given, 
 would purchafe Pardon of Sins , not only for the Living , but 
 for the Dead alfo , whofe Souls fhould thereby be redeemed from 
 the pains of Purgatory. But whatfoever was pretended , every 
 one palpably faw , that thel'e Pardons were granted to get money 
 for his own relief. And forafmuch as the Commiflioners de- 
 manded it after an impudent and fhamclefs manner , they in moii 
 places incurred the diflike and indignation of the people , efpe- 
 cially in Cermmy , where they faw this faculty of redeeming Souls 
 from Purgatory, was either fold for little or nothing, or played 
 away in their Taverns. But what fpeak I of the Commiflio- 
 ners 1 That which made the Germans moft impatient , was , 
 that the heedlefs Pope had given to his Sifter Magdalen the profit 
 of the exaftions of Indulgences in many parts of Germany , and 
 that fo openly , that every one muft: needs know it. For all Ger- 
 many I'pake it , that this money was not gathered for the Pope or 
 the Treafury of the Church ( whereby peradventifre fome part 
 of it might be employed to good ufes) but was exaded to fatisfie 
 the greedinefs of a Woman. At that time lived Martin Luther, 
 a Dodlor of Divinity , and an i^ugufiine Monk , one who under 
 a re^gious Habit , did not confecrate himfelf to idlencfs , but to 
 God. It is reported , how truly I know not , that recreating him- 
 felf in the fields, his companion with whom he then difcourfed, 
 was fuddenly ftricken dead with Thunder. He thereupon falling 
 into due confideration of the uncertainty of death , and of judge- 
 ment, left the ftudy of the Civil Law, to which he then ap- 
 plied himfelf, and renouncing the world , betook himfelf to a 
 Cloifter , where for his deportment he was beyond exception , 
 for Learning ( efpccially divine ) he was fcarce matchable. Upon 
 this horrible abufe of the authority of the Keys , being inflamed 
 with a pious zeal , he could not contain himfelf, but boldly and 
 bitterly inveighed againft this grofs impiety. Neither ftayd he 
 there , but ( ftorm the Pope never fo much ) proceeds to other 
 enormities in the Church of Rome , fome whereof that Church 
 hath fince reformed, the reft religious Princes, by Luther awakened 
 out of their dead fleep of SuperlHtion , notwithftanding the pra- 
 dices of Rome , have (God be thanked ) exploded. New opinions 
 (efpecially in matters of Religion) are of themfelves always odious. 
 Henry being offended with Luther's new (as the world then deemed 
 them ) Tenets , thought it would prove to his honour , by writing 
 againll Luther , to manifeft his Learning and Piety to the world. 
 Hereupon under his name a Book was fet forth , better befeeming 
 fome antient and deep Divine , than a youtliful Prince ( whom 
 although he earneflly endeavoured it , yet his affairs would not 
 
 permit
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth, 
 
 permit to bury himl'elf among his Books ) which many thought 
 to have been compiled by 'S'n Tbomoj Aioor , ibme by thcBilhop of 
 Rochejhr , and others (not without caulc) ilifpcded to be the work 
 of Ibme other great Scholar. Whofoever wrote it, Lmber replied 
 in fuchfort, that although his holy zeal were approved by many, 
 yet thofe many could have wilhcd him more temperate , and re* 
 fpecfhve of the Majefty of Kings. This Book was ib acceptable 
 to the Pope , that according to the example of Alexander the Sixth, 
 who cntituled the King at Spai», Catbdtck ; and of that Pope, 
 whofoever he were, that gave the fr^w/' King the title of vJJfoi? 
 Chrijiun ; he decreed to grace King Henry and his Succeflbrs with 
 that honorable one of Defender oftfje Faith. Which fevcral Titles 
 are by thefe Princes retained to this day. But Leo long (urvived 
 not his gift , about the end of the }ear dying ( as is fufpecflcd ) by 
 poifon. In the mean time the exulcerated minds of the Emperour 
 and the Trench King ( according to the nature of ambitious hatred, 
 that for its own ends makes all caules juft ) burft out into open 
 Wars . for the compofmg whereof each of them had formerly 
 agreed to refer themlelvcs (if any differences fliould ariie ) to the 
 arbitrement of Henry. He therefore lends to each of them Am- 
 baffadors , the Cardinal of York , the Earl of ivorcejier , and others, 
 who (hould , if it were poffible , reconcile thefe enraged Princes. 
 All they could do , proved but an endeavour : for when they 
 thought they had compaffed their defircs , fudden news came , that 
 the Admiral Bonrvet had by force taken Fuentarahy, a Town of the 
 Emperour*s in Biscay. The Emperour would not then ratifie the 
 Agreement , unlets this Town were redelivered 5 which the French 
 denying to do , all fell to pieces again , and the War was renewed. 
 After their devoir in this caule , our Ambaffadors went dire(5lly 
 to Bruges to the Emperour , of whom for a fortnight , which was 
 the time of their ftay there , they had Royal entertainment. But 
 he held the Cardinal in fo great efteem , that it was apparent he 
 was not ignorant , how powerful the Cardinal was with his 
 Prince. And here perhaps it would not be amils ( in regard of 
 thefe times ) to let the Reader know the pomp and ftate of this 
 Cardinal , how many Gentlemen attended him apparelled with 
 Velvet, and adorned with Gold-chains , and then how many were 
 cloathed in Scarlet-coats , the skirts whereof were guarded with 
 Velvet the full bredth of a hand. But let him guefs Hercules fta- 
 ture by the length of his foot. Such was the bravery of his 
 attendants , that in Chrijhern King oi Denmark , and other Princes 
 then refiding at Bruges , it bred amazement. It was alio reported, 
 that he was by Gentlemen of the beft rank ferved on the knee , 
 a kind of ftate which Germany had yet never known. He fpent 
 a huge mafs of money in that AmbafTage, and that (as it is thought) 
 not againft his will. For he by all means fought the Emperour's 
 favour, hoping that Leo, although much younger , either cut off 
 
 3^ 
 
 * 5 2 1. 
 
 Tf^e King! of 
 EngLina tj the 
 I'epe ftilei , 
 Dttender of 
 the Faith. 
 The death of 
 Leo the Tenth. 
 
 CarSnal \^'ol- 
 fcy «Hi others 
 jeitt Amtiiffa- 
 dors to the Em. 
 pel cur and 
 French King.
 
 5^ 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 a I. 
 
 1522. 
 
 by treachery , or his own intemperance , might leave the world j 
 before him : And then were it no hard matter for him , being . 
 under-propped by the Emperour and our King , to be advanced to 
 the Papacy. Wherefore at the firft bruit of his death he polled 
 away Pacey the Dean of Pauls into /t'th , with Mandates to certain 
 Cardinals whom he thought refpetfted him , that they fhould do 
 their beft in his behalf. But before he could reach Rofxe , he was 
 certainly informed , that Adrian ( ibmetimes Tutor to the Empe- 
 rour, and then Viceroy of 5/4/V? J was already eled:ed , by the name 
 of Adrian the Sixth. 
 
 \^ 1st N O DOM. 1522. REG. 14. 
 
 "T TT T TOlfey neverthelefs was as full of ambitious hope as ever. 
 y V For Adrian was a decrepit weak old man , and there- 
 fore not likely ( as indeed he did not ) to furvive him. In the 
 mean time he might make an afcent , by which his ambition might 
 climb. He therefore feeks to advance the Emperour's defigns more 
 than ever , and to that end he perfuadeth Henry to denounce War 
 againft the French ; for that he denied to (nxxtndiQtFtientarahy, and 
 had broken the Covenants made between them , in not ftanding 
 to the Arbitrement of Henry , as both Charles and Francis had eom- 
 promifed -, at what time it was likewife decreed , that Henry (hould 
 declare himfelf an Enemy to the obftinate refufer. The French 
 difcerning the ftorm before it came , arrefts all Englijh Ships , com- 
 mits the Merchants to prifon , and feizeth their goods to his own 
 ufe-, flops all Penfions due either 10 Henry iox Tournay , or to his 
 Sifter the Dowager of France , for her Jointure. The French Ships 
 and Merchants in England find the like entertainment , the Ho- 
 ftages given by the French for the 'forefaid fumms , are committed 
 to clofe prifon , and the French Ambaflador confined to his houfe. 
 Levies are made throughout England, and great preparations for 
 another Expedition into France : To which the King being wholly 
 bent, Ambafladors fuddenly arrive from the Emperour 5 whole 
 requeft was. That he would joyn his forces with the Imperials : 
 and that , if it fo pleafed him , Charles would withm few days be 
 in England, that fo they might perfonally confer and advife what 
 courle they were beft to run. Many reafons moved the Emperour 
 by the way to touch at England. His Grandfather Ferdinand being 
 dead 5 hisprefence was neceflarily required in i/'4/>7 , whither he 
 muft pals by EngUnd. He feared left this breach betwixt us and 
 France , might eafily be made up , he being fo far diftant. He had 
 an zAiina in his breaft , which burned with extreme hatred toward 
 the French , and was confident , that his prefence would raife our 
 fparkle to a flame. They might perfonally treat and conclude 
 more fafcly and fecurely than by Agents and Pofts , of whom in 
 
 matters
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y the Eighth. 
 
 ■J? 
 
 matters oF moment no wife man would makeulc, unlefs t'orcai 
 by nec^fTity. But tlie chief caule ( as I conjecture ) of tliis his ifi- 
 cond coming into EngUnd , was , that he was weary offrjfey, witli 
 whom he faw it was impoilible long to continue friend. For the 
 Cardinal by his importunity, one while for tlie Papacy, another 
 while for the Archbiflioprick of Toledo, did much moleil hito , 
 who had determined to afford him nothing but good words. He 
 difdained not in his Letters to a Butcher's Sv» , to u(e that honorable 
 compellation of Coufn , and whether prefcnt or abfent , he afforded 
 him all kind of honour whatlbever. But when the Cardinal 
 craved any earneft of his love , forae excufe or other was found out 
 to put him by , yet fo , as ftill to entertain him with hopes. Buti 
 f-yo/fej/ was fubtil , and of a great Ipirit. ' And thde devices were' 
 how grown lb ftale, that they mufl: needs be perceived. Charles, 
 therefore negle<fting his wonted courfeby n'olfey , fludies how to 
 be allured of the King without him. For this no fitter means could 
 be thought of, than this Interview. The King was naturally 
 courteous, loved the Emperour exceedingly, and repofed great 
 confidence in him. Charles therefore hoped that by the familiarity 
 of fome few \\^eeks he might make the King his own. But Henry 
 (he thought) would not long continue fo, unlefs he could fome 
 way lellen his favour toward the Cardinal. This he hoped might 
 be cffeded by admonifhing the King , that he wa^ now paft the 
 years of a child, and needed no Tutor , that it was not fit he ihould 
 fulTer himfdfto be fwaied by a Prieft, one in ailj^afon better 
 skilled 4h the myfteries of the Altar , than of State , againft which 
 in this refped; (befides theabufeof his power) hemuft needs be 
 fome way ( though perhaps unwillingly ) faulty. The addition 
 of fome alperfions withal were thought not to be amifs , which if 
 not true, fhould at leaft carry a fhew of truth. That the Emperpur 
 pradifed foraething in this kind , the confequences make itumore 
 than probable. Henry being a noble Prince , and one that fcorned 
 money as much as any one breathing , was glad of the Emperour's 
 coming j yet was liis Treafury very bare , and fo great a Gueft 
 could not be entertained without as great expences. chxrles upon 
 notice of the King's pleafure , attended by the Marqucls of Hornet, 
 the Blfhop of Coventry and Luhfeld , the Lord Be La-ware , and i** £mj 
 others of the Englijlj Nobility , comes from Graveling to Calais, 
 from whence he pafled to Dover , where he was received by the 
 Cardinal , who was accompanied with two Earls , ten BiflwpSj 
 ten Abbots, thirty fix Knights, a hundred Gentlemen, thirty Priefts 
 (all thele apparelled in Velvet) and at leaft feven hundred Ser- 
 vants. Two days he ftaid at Dover before the King came. At length 
 became, and welcomed him with all Princely entertainment, pro- 
 feffing , that no greater hdppinefs could betide him on earth , than 
 the enjoying his Majefty'smoftdefired company, though but for 
 fo Ihort a time. From Dwer , taking Canterbury in the way , they 
 
 came 
 
 I $ ^^. 
 
 tpcrour 
 Charles the 
 fecond time in 
 England.
 
 54 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1522. 
 
 VVindfor, 
 
 ibt Condiiious 
 of the League 
 cancluiei with 
 the EinferQPir. 
 
 came to Greenwich , where the Queen awaited the longed for pre- 
 fence of her Nephew. From thence to London , where they were 
 received by the Citizens with the folemnities ufual at the Coro- 
 nation of our Kings. At ivhitfontide both Princes came to Fauls, 
 where they heard the Cardinal fay Mafs. Sports agreeable to the 
 entertainment of fuch a Gueft , were not wanting. But when 
 mention was made of renewing the League , fVindfor was thought 
 fitted for the Treaty, it being not above twenty miles from London, 
 and a place altogether as it were compofed for pleafure. fvindfor 
 is fituated in a large Plain, upon the banks of the River Thames. 
 The Caftle ( being the chiefeft in England, for ftrengrh comparable 
 to that oi Dover , but far exceeding it in greatnels and beauty) 
 is built on a hill. This Caftle contains beftdes the King's Court, 
 a goodly Church by Edward the Third dedicated to the BlefTed 
 Virgin and St. George ; adjoyning to which is the College , where 
 are the houfes of the Dean , Prebendaries , and Vicars Choral , 
 where alfo live twelve Souldiers difcharged of the Wars ( called 
 Knights ) and having penfions , who in their habits are bound 
 daily to frequent the Church , there to pray unto God for the 
 Knights of the lUuftrious Order of the Garter. Of this Order the 
 Caftle is the Seat , where according to the firft Inftitution , the 
 Knights are to be inftalled , on certain days are to Offer and to 
 do fome other duties. Here , upon Corpus chrifit day thefe Princes 
 having on the Robes of the Order, in their ftalls heard Mafs, 
 and receiving the Sacrament , bound themfelves by Oath invio- 
 lably to obferve the Conditions of this new League , the chief 
 Articles whereof were thefe ; 
 
 That they Jhould rvith joint and as great Forces as they could , in 
 ie France : That the Emperour jhould yearly pay to the King a 
 
 as 
 
 'i}Ade France : That the Empt,vn, j,^v»n* yt»,*y ^jy n- »/yt iv/«g »! 
 much as rvas due to Htm and his Sister , from the French , viz. 
 
 mucn as was aue to tiim ana. nis :>isrer , jrom idc rrencn , vtz. 
 153000 Cr ovens : That the Emperour jhould at convenient years take 
 to JVife his Coujin-german the Lady Miry , the King's only Child ( who 
 after reigned , and at age of forty years was married to Philip the 
 Emperour's Son 5) That he by rvhofe default it jhould happen , that 
 this match jhould not jucceed , jhould pay the ether 500000 Cr evens : 
 <yindfer ajjurance of this , the Emperour jhould put St. Omers and 
 Aires into the Kin£s hands. 
 
 One would have thought it had pafled the reach of humane 
 policy , to have diffolved this band. But fliortly after broken it 
 was, ^nd could never after be firmly knit again. After eight 
 days ftay at fvindjor , thefe Princes went to mnchejler , and from 
 thence to Southampton , where was the Emperour's Fleet, confifting 
 of a hundred and eighty Ships. Here on the firft of July the 
 Emperour took Ship and made for Spain. 
 
 hi the mean time the Earl of Surrey having gathered a Fleet , 
 landed near Morleys in Bretatgne , forced the Town , and burned it. 
 
 And
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 ?5 
 
 And having wnfted all the Countrey thereabout , lie w ent into 
 ?icxrdy , to jo\n w ith the Imperials. Some Forts they took and 
 razed. They bcfiegcd //c/aV» , but without luccefs : For Winter 
 coming on, and our men d\ ing apace of the Flux , they were fain 
 to fet lail homeward. 
 
 I will conclude this year with an ignominious and fatal lofs 
 to Chriftendom , the Ifle of Rhodes , being on chnjlmai-dxy 
 taken by the Turks , while Chriftian Princes difagreeing about 
 matters of nothing, ruine themlelves, and invite the Mifcreant 
 to propagate his long fince too too formidable Empire. God grant 
 they may at length , confidering the common danger , rouze up 
 themfelves , and with joint-refillance repell this Enemy of chrijt\ 
 Grofs , who although he be far enough from (bme , is too near 
 to the fartheft. 
 
 t^NNO DOM. 1523. REG. 15. 
 
 CHrisiiern the Second, King 0^ Denmark , by the rebellion of 
 his Subjeds driven out of his Kingdom , had refided fome 
 while with the Emperour , whofe Sifter he had married. The 
 fifteenth of June , accompanied with his Wife , Niece to Queen 
 Katherine , he landed at Dover. At London they abode fome days, 
 with that due honour that kindred and Princes give to one ano- 
 ther. The fifth of July they returned toward CnUu. In the mean 
 time a Parliament was held at London , wherein the States being 
 certified of the neceffity of War , and what a fair occafion was 
 offered for the recovery of France , but that the War was like to 
 be defedive, in regard of the weaknefs of its finews^ a great 
 fumm of money was eafily granted. The Kings oi France exadl 
 money of their Subjects at their pleafure •, the Kings of England do 
 not ufually, without a Parliament , wherein the pretence of War 
 with France was wont to be a great motive of the Subjedls Ubc- 
 rality. And indeed France was at this time greatly diftraded , 
 being oppreffed with fo many Enemies abroad , and havmg to do 
 with undermining Treachery at home •, infomuch that our advan- 
 tages , if wifely followed , leemed to promife us whatfoever we 
 could hope for. Francis was on the one fide prefTcd with the War 
 of Milan , on the other fide by the Emperour : At home Charles 
 Duke of Bourbon revolted from him , by Letters inciting our King 
 to the recovery of his hereditary (as he acknowledged) Right in 
 France, whereto, refpedlefs of pain or peril, he promifed his faith- 
 ful afTiftance. Neither was this offer to be flighted ; for he had 
 conceived an implacable hatred againft his Prince , and was srble 
 to make a great party in France. His valour and experience were 
 after manifefted by the greatnefs of his exploits performed in a 
 fhort fpace, TrAncis being taken prifonerby him, Rome facked by 
 
 B b his 
 
 1522. 
 
 RhoJes taktn 
 hy iht Turk. 
 
 1525- 
 
 Chrrfliern , 
 Ring ef t)en- 
 tna». 
 
 Tie Duki tf 
 Bourbon ri- 
 
 •utlts.
 
 36 
 
 Annals of England, 
 
 1523- 
 
 The ieath of 
 Adrian the 
 Sixth. 
 
 Clement the 
 Seventh fitc- 
 ceedeth , ani 
 Wolfey fttf- 
 fereth the re- 
 pulje. 
 
 1524. 
 
 his conduA , the Pope befieged in the Caftle of St. Angela , and 
 fain at laft to ranfom himfelf and his Cardinals at a mighty rate. 
 Thefe notable advantages were all let flip through the never fatif- 
 fied ambition and malice of one man • but fo , that it made way 
 for that great alteration which afterward happened in the ellate 
 of the Chufcli. BlefTed be that almighty Power , that converts 
 the wicked defigns of men to the good of his Church , and his 
 own glory. 
 
 The Parliament being diflblved, the Duke o£ St/ffelk is fent 
 into France with thirteen thoufand men • 'vtz. fix hundred Launces, 
 two hundred Archers on horfe-back, three thoufand Archers on 
 foot, iive thoufand Halberdiers, feventeen hundred drawn out 
 of the Garrifon of Calais , and two thoufand fix hundred Pioners. 
 The Englijh and imperials joining , invaded the French Domi- 
 nions, took Roye,Mondidier,Bohai!i, Bray, ChaJleaubeAu, and marching 
 within twenty two leagues of Paris , put the City in a terrible 
 affright , until the Lord of Br ion , fent by the King with the com- 
 fortable news of the coming of the Duke of Fendofme with four 
 hundred Launces , makes them take heart again. After thefe 
 exploits, our Forces toward the end of Dfcfw^^r were recalled. 
 
 In the mean time , on the fourteenth of Septerftber died Pope 
 (Adrian the Sixth ; in whofe place Julius CMedices was after two 
 months elected. Here wolfey again failed in his Hopes , who ex- 
 peded by the help of the Emperour and the King , to have fuc- 
 ceeded Adrian. But the Emperour never intended this dignity for 
 him ( for he did his beft for Julitts. ) Neither indeed had he been 
 willing, could he have advanced him to the Chair. For the 
 Cardinals were in fo fliort a time weary of (Adrian , who was a 
 ftranger , and little acquainted with the Court of Romt. And the 
 College repined to fee any other fit in St. Feter'% Chair , than an 
 Italian , or at leaft one bred up in Italy. Neverthelefs Wolfey was 
 fo incenfed againft the Emperour , by whole default (he was verily 
 perfuaded ) it happened that he milTed of the Papacy , that now 
 bidding hope farewel, lie was poffefTed with a defire to be revenged 
 on the Emperour for his conceived injury. He therefore on a 
 fudden turns French , and to hinder the Emperour's proceedings, 
 procured our Forces to be called home , pretending the ill feafbn 
 of the year , w ith promife that the next Spring they fhould be re- 
 turned again. 
 
 K/i N N O DOM. 1524. RFC. 16. 
 
 BUt Charles having not given any juft caufe of breach , mlfey 
 dared not publickly to profefs his affedion toward the French, 
 with whom notwithftanding by the intercourle of one 'John "jo*- 
 chim a Cenouefe he maintains intelUgence, and withoiit the privity 
 
 of
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 37 
 
 of Ht-nrj' lays the platform of a new League. The War was very 
 hot betuxen. the Emperour and the French. Francis had already 
 token Milan, and with aniighty Army Hite down betbre /'.iw<j , 
 vowing not to rife from thence until he had taken it. The Duke of 
 Bourbon and the Imperials were in number little inferiour,and llood 
 in want of nothing but money (indeed all in all) wherewith the 
 Pope , the Venetians , and our Henry were to furniih him. clement, 
 although he had obtained the Papacy chiefly by cW/^-j- his means, 
 detained the money which his predeceflbr Adrian had promifed 5 
 laying, it befeemed not his Holinei's, to intermeddle with the 
 Wars of Princes. The Venetians at firft anfvyered coldly , at 
 length plainly denied •, for they flood in awe of the French , and 
 were jealous of the Emperour's ambition ; And the malicious 
 Cardinal had fo played his part with Henry , that the Imperials 
 difappoifited of the monthly fumms due from him , were ex- 
 ceedingly diftreffed. Now ^yolfe)| to make a feparation between 
 thefe two Princes, told the King, that he certainly found that 
 the Emperour did but delude him : that he had indeed promifed 
 to marry the King's Daughter- but a rumour was railed by the 
 Spaniards , That this match would belittle either for his profit of 
 his honour , forafmuch as upon the point , the Lady Mar)/ was but 
 a Baftard , begotten , it is true , in wedlock, yet inceftuoufly , the 
 match being by the Ecclefiaftical Conftitutions made unlawflil ; 
 for he could not lawfully marry Queen Catharine , who had been 
 before married to his Brother Prince .r^r?W: That both the Old 
 and New Teftaments were exprefs againft fuch conjundtions , and 
 that therefore it lay riot in the Pope to dilpenfe with them. It 
 is certain that the Emperour's Ambafladors had thus difcourfed 
 with n'olfey upon this yery point , and jvolfy made his u(e of it 
 accordingly. He knew the King doated not on his Queen , and 
 buzzed thefe things in his ears , in hope he would bethink himfelf 
 of a new Wife. This taking as he defired , and the King lamen- 
 ting, that for lack of Kfue he iliould leave the Kingdom to a Child, 
 to a Woman, to One, whom, in regard the lawfulriefs of her 
 birth was queflionable , he could not with fafety make his Heir 5 
 the Cardinal propofed unto him for Wife C^targaret Duchefs of 
 Alan^on, a beautiful Lady, and Sifter to the King oi France. He 
 knew , that upon his Divorce from Catharine , and Marriage with 
 the other, Hettry muft of neceflity fall foul with the Emperour , 
 and without hope of reconciliation , ftrongly adhere to the French. 
 That this Divorce was for thefe reafons fet on foot by P^elfey , the 
 Imperial Hiftorians do all accord •, neither for ought I ever read, 
 do Ours deny. But howfoever it came to pals , this is certain , 
 That Henry inftead of furnilhing the Emperour with the money he" 
 had promifed , demanded all that he had already lent. 
 
 1525. 
 
 B b 
 
 '^ NNO 
 
 Wolfey f<i- 
 fuades.the King 
 to a Divorce.
 
 38 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1525. 
 
 Richard Pacey 
 Dt»H of Pauls 
 faUtth mifd. 
 
 "The Butttl «f 
 Pavy. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1535. REG. 17. 
 
 Richard Pacey Dean of St. Pauls , had been not long before fent 
 to re/lice as an Agent concerning our affairs in Italy. He 
 was a very Learned man , and worthy ( had God been fo pleafed) 
 of a better Deftiny. He knew not the change of the King's mind. 
 But perceiving the monthly pay due from the King , according 
 to promife came not , of whofe Honour , which now lay at ftake, 
 he was very tender , he was much difcontented. To falve all, 
 he affaied to take up fo much money of certain Merchants , with 
 whom it feems he in part prevailed. But the fumm was fo fmall, 
 that it flood the Imperials in as fmall ftead , and yet fo great , that 
 it exceeded the ability of his private eftate to make latisfa(5lion. 
 Upon notice of the King's alienation from the Emperour , he fell 
 irrecoverably difl:ra(5ked. 
 
 In the mean time the Duke of Bourbon and the Imperials were 
 in fo great diftrefs and want of all things , that unlels they could 
 by fome ftratagem or other draw the Trench to commit all to the 
 fortune of a Battel , the Army muft needs disband. They dilquiet 
 and try the French ( efpecially in the night preceding St. Matthias- 
 day , which was the day of the Emperour Charles his nativity) 
 with many falfe Alarms. They make two Squadrons of Horfe, and 
 four of Foot. The firft confifting of fix thoufand Lanlquenets , 
 Spaniards , and Italians , under the command of the Marquefs of 
 Cuajlo ; the fecond of Spanijh Foot, under the Marquefs of Pefcara ; 
 the third and fourth of Lanfquenets , under the Viceroy Lamoy and 
 the Duke of Bourbon. They came to a Wall called the Park-vpall, 
 and under the covert of the night caft down above fixty paces , 
 enter within it , the firfl Squadron taking the way to ^JMirabell^ 
 the reft marching toward the King's Army. The King thought 
 the Imperials went to <Mirabell, as making choice of the plain" 
 open fields to fight in. He was unwilling to leave the befieged 
 at liberty, and yet the Plains were advantageous for his Horfe. He 
 therefore commands his Artillery to be difcharged , which fome- 
 M'hat endamaged them 5 and though unwilling , draws his Forces 
 out of their trenches ( than which the Imperials defired nothing 
 more)and oppofed the whole ftrengthof his Army againft them.But 
 pafTmg before the Gannon, hinders their execution. They that took 
 the way to Mirabell, now turn head, and both Armies engage them- 
 felves in a cruel fight , wherein the King more following Shadows 
 than Subftanccs, and the idle rumours of the vulgar, than the 
 msans of a moft certain and glorious Vi(5lory , is overthrown and 
 taken prifoner , lofing befide the flower of the French Nobility 
 ( almofi all either taken or flain ) at one blow the Duchy of Milan, 
 the pofTeflion whereof had made him Lord of the greatefl part of 
 Lmbardy. Pope Clement , who had left the Emperour for the 
 
 French
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 39 
 
 French ( which he afterward repented ) often advertiled the King, 
 that the Imperials were in great diftrels and want, that they con- 
 tinually mutinied for lack of pay • that he had taken fo fufficient 
 order with the King of England and the reft of the Confederites 
 that they fliould continue bare enough of money. If therefore he 
 would but hold his hand, and forbear to fight, neceflicy enforcirig 
 the Imperials to disband , he (liould be vidorious without blood- 
 fhed. But he was not capable of ib good advice. His Forces were 
 great ( yet fhort of his account, his Captains treacheroufly abufing 
 him , in not furnifhing thofe numbers of Foot for which they re- 
 ceived pay ) and it were equally a difhonour to him , either to 
 feem to avoid the Enemy, or to lie ftiU fo long at a Siege, to no 
 purpofe. The Divine Power having decreed to chaftife hfrn , per- 
 mitted him through impatience to run headlong into thefe errours, 
 which fo deeply plunged him in thofe calamities , that without 
 God's efpecial favour had proved fatal to him and his France. 
 
 When I confider this and many other the like chances hap- 
 pening as well inthecourfe of a private man's life, as in publick 
 affairs , I cannot but wonder at the fottifh valour of this Age , 
 wherein rather than endure the touch of the leaft (though falfe) 
 afperfion , we will run the hazard both of life and fortunes. How 
 many brave men do we daily fee , wonderful ingenious in this 
 kind of folly < who Handing upon I know not what Points of Ho- 
 nour , upon the leaft offence challenge the field , and wilfully k&k 
 out their own deftruftion. What in God's name is become of 
 the patience of that lingering Fabiui , who quietly bearing the 
 bitter taunts arid mocks of his Souldiers , of the People , and the 
 Senate , yet brought home an eafie , though late Vi(ilory •: We 
 are certainly too blame , with the Dog we catch at the fhadow 
 arid lofe the fubftance. Of our Saviour we fhall learn , that it 
 is the higheft point of Fortitude , In patience to poffef our Souls. 
 And according toArijlotle, true Valour is regardlefs of ill language. 
 
 Oi'lordear opprobriis falfts , mntemque color es ? 
 Falfus honor juvat , ^ mendax infamia, terret 
 Quern , nift mendofum ^ mendacem ? 
 
 it is Horace t 
 
 iack'bitteh , muTt I needs turn fate for it? 
 Falfe honours pleaje , and lyingjlanders fright , 
 whom , but the unworthy and vain-glorious rvight ? 
 
 In the Tent of the captive-King, the Letters of the Pope and our 
 King, concerning their late League with the fr^^f/y, being found, 
 the Duke oi Bourbon now knew the caufe why fupplics of Money 
 came in fo flowly : And Prat, Leiger here for the Emperour, upon 
 notice of it , without leave withdrew himfelf from Court , and 
 on the ninth of o^r// fecretly departed the land. In the mean 
 
 time 
 
 1 J 3 5.
 
 .o 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1525- 
 
 Money itir,.xn. 
 ded and com- 
 mandaibyPrO' 
 clamatmt. 
 
 the King faUs 
 in love Tilth 
 Ann Bolen. 
 
 time Henry little fufpefting that thefc fecret compadts were known 
 to the Emperour, about the end of March fent Ambairadors to 
 him Cutbert Tonsid Biftiop of London , and Sir Richurd fVingjield 
 Knight of the Garter 5 by whom He did congratulate his Ute vi- 
 Bcriotti fucceji , admonijhiKg him to a clo[e purfttit of his fortunes : 
 That if his Imperial Majejiy intendedveith greater forces to oppref the 
 already vanquijhed ; in regard of the sirt£i tie of Friendjhtp hetrveen 
 them , his necejfary endeavours jbould in no fort be rvantmg. What 
 anfwer the Emperour gave I know not. It is very hkely he paid 
 the King in his own coin, and diflembled with the Dinembler- 
 but having courteoufly entertained our Ambafladors, as courteoufly 
 difmiffed them.- 
 
 But fhe King wants money, and mufl now diflemble with his 
 Subjeds. He pretended War with France, and with this key hopes 
 to open his Subjeds coffers. The expedation of fupphes by a 
 Parhament would prove tedious ^ fome fliorter courfe muft be 
 taken. Money is therefore demanded by Proclamation , and 
 that no lefs than according to the fixth part of every man's Move- 
 ables. Divers great perfonages appointed Commiflioners J ufe all 
 fair means to draw the people to contribute. But although they 
 fate in Commiflion in divers parts of the Kingdom at one and the 
 fame time, they were fo far from prevailing , that as if the people 
 had univerfally confpired , it was every where denied , and the 
 Commiflioners very ill entreated , not without further danger of 
 fedition and tumult. Hereupon the King calls a Parhament to 
 be held at London ; wherein he profefleth himfelf to be utterly 
 ignorant of thefe intolerable courles by fuchburthenous taxations. 
 The King difclaiming it , every one feeks to free himfelf The 
 Cardinal was at laft fain to take all upon himfelf 5 protefting , 
 That M a faithful Servant ., he hadno further end in it , than the prof t 
 of his Lord the King ; and that he had advifed not only with his Ma- 
 jesties Council ( whictTthey all acknowledged ) hut alfo nath the 
 Learned in the Laxvs both Divine and Humane , rvhofe opinion it was, 
 That the King might lawfully t.ike the fame courfe /•/?/!? Pharaoh did, 
 who by the mtniHery p/^ Jofepli fequefired a certain portion of every mans 
 private ejlate for the publick good. But the diflike of the people , oc- 
 cafioned by this (though fruitlefs) projeft , was greater than could 
 be removed by this excufe. 
 
 And yet this projed was not altogether fruitlefs , the King's 
 apparent want affording a fuificient pretext of deferring the War 
 \\ ith France until another year. Neither was it the King's intent 
 to make ufe of his advantages over the French , who now lay open 
 to all his blows. Henry having put away his Wife , the Emperour 
 muft needs be netlcd , and then the amity of France would ftand 
 him in fome ftead. Indeed Catharine was a noble and a virtuous 
 Lady, but flie had lived fo long , as to make her Husband weary 
 of her. He aff^ded the Daughter of Sir Thom/ts Bolen , Treafurer 
 
 of
 
 H E N'R Y the Eighth. 
 
 '4'i 
 
 .1525. 
 
 Lurds. 
 
 of his Houfliold. Her he intends to marry, and to be divorced Irom 
 the other : For he did in his foul Abhor this ificejiuom Mdtch , and ft 
 iiood mt rvtth the piihlick rveal , th.it he fljottld live fitjgle , efbicLtllytije 
 lavpfiilaefi of his Daughters hirth being fo qHcU'.onable. He married 
 not agnin for his fleafure , hut to fettle the Kingdom on his Uvoful llfuc. 
 The Learned ( as many as he had conferred veith ) did generally pronounce 
 the frfl Marriage wtd: yet rvoiild he h.tve it lawfully d/cidid, that 
 vpith a fafe confcience he might make choice of a fecond. Thus far had 
 fVolfey willingly led him, hoping to have drawn him to a Match 
 in France. But he was of age to choofe ifor himfelf , and had al- 
 ready elfewhere fetled his aftedions. 
 
 And the more to manifeR his love , on the eighteenth oF June ' a crmivn of 
 he created his future Father- in-Law Sir Thomas Bolen , Vilcount 
 Rochfort. At the fame time were created Henry Fitz-roy the King*s 
 natural Son by Eliz,aheth Blount Daughter to Sir John Blount KnigHr, 
 E.irl o^ Nottingham, and Duke of Richmond and Somerfet : Henr^ 
 Courtney Earl of Devonjhire , the King's Coufin-german , Marqueis 
 of Exceter: Henry Brandon , eldeil: Son to the Duke of Suffolk by 
 the King's Sifter the Dowager of France , Earl of Lincoln : Thofnas 
 (JManners Lord Roos , Earl of Rutland : Sir Henry Clifford, Earl of 
 Cumberland: and Robert Ratcliffhoxd Fitzvealter , Vifcount Ftt'z- 
 vealter. ' . 
 
 Cardinal mlfey this year laid the foundation of two Colleges, 
 one at Ipfrvich the place of his birth , another at Oxford , dedicated 
 to our Saviour CHRIST, by the name of chrifl -church. This 
 latter, though not half finifhed, yet a magnificent and royal Work, 
 a moft fruitful Mother of Learned Children , doth furniih the 
 Church and Commonwealth with multitudes of able men , and 
 amongft others , acknowledgeth me ( fuch as I am ) for her Fofter- 
 child. The other, as if the Founder had alCo been the foun- 
 dation , fell with the Cardinal , and being for the moft part pulled 
 down, is long fince converted to private ufes. The Cardinal's 
 private eftate ( although it were wonderful great ) being not fuf- 
 ficient to endow thefe Colleges with revenues anfwerable to their 
 foundation , the Pope confenting , he demolifhed forty Monafte- 
 ries of meaner note , and conferred the lands belonging to them, 
 On thefe his new Colleges. It hath been the obfervation of fome , 
 That this bufinels , like that proverbial Gold of Tholoufe , was fatal 
 tothofe that any way had a hand in it. We will hereafter (hew 
 what became or the Pope and the Cardinal. But of five , whom 
 he made ufe of in the alienation of the Gifts of fo many Religious 
 men , it afterward happened , that two of them challenging the 
 field of each other, one was llain , and the other hanged for it 5 
 a third throwing himfelf headlong into a Well , pcriflied wilfully -, 
 a fourth , befofe that a wealthy man , funk to that low ebb , that 
 he after begged his bread • and Dr. <^llen the fifth , a man of 
 
 W'olfcy , t9 
 build two Col- 
 leges , 
 
 iemolijheih 
 jorty Mona- 
 fiertts. 
 
 SacrileJgi 
 nijhid. 
 
 pu- 
 
 efpecial note , being Archbifliop of Dublin , was murthcred in 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 .
 
 42 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1525- 
 
 Lather writes 
 to the King. 
 
 Ireland. 1 could wiHi , that by thelc and the like examples , men 
 would learn to take heed how they lay hands on things confe- 
 crated to God. If the Divine Juftice lb feverely punilhed thofe 
 that converted the abufed (yet not regarding the abufe, but fol- 
 lovi'ingthe fu-ay of their ambitious defires) goods of the Church 
 to undoubtedly better ufes • what can we exped of thofe that 
 take all occafions to rob and fpoil the Church, having no other 
 end , but only the enriching of themfelves. 
 
 Luther had notice of Henry his intended Divorce , and that 
 from chrifiiern the expelled King of Denmark , who eagerly foli- 
 cited him to write friendly unto the King 5 putting Luther in hope, 
 that Henry ht'mg a courteous Prince, might by mild perfwafions 
 be induced to embrace the Reformation which Luther had begun.' 
 And indeed Luther forefeeing the necefTary confequences of this 
 Divorce, was eafily intreated , and did write unto the King in 
 this llibmifiTive manner : 
 
 He doubted not but he had much offended his i^ajejiy by his late 
 Reply : but he did it rather enforced by others , than of his own accord. 
 He did novo write , pre fuming upon the Kings much bruited humanity ; 
 ejpecially being informed , That the King himfelf rvas not \.^uthor of 
 the Book againjl him , which thing he underjiood rvas captioufly cavilled 
 at by [ome Sopbijlers. And having occafion to fpeak of the Car- 
 dinal of Tork , he called him the CaterfiUar of England ; He under- 
 jiood , the King did now loath that wicked fort of men , and in his mind 
 to favour the Truth, wherefore he craveth pardon of his CMajeBy , 
 befeeching him to remember , that we being mortal , jhould not make our 
 enmities immortal. If the King would be pleafed to impofe it , he would 
 openly acknowledge his fault , and blazon his Royal Virtues in another 
 Book. Then he wijhed him to Hop his ears againii thofe flanderom 
 tongues that branded him with Here fie : for this was the fumm of his 
 DoUrine , That we mufi be faved through Faith in chrift , who did bear 
 the punifhment of our fns in every fart , and throughout his whole body, 
 who dying for pts , and rifing again , reigneth with the Father for ever. 
 That he taught this to be the Doctrine of the Prophets and C/ipoBles: 
 and that out of this pofition he fhewed , what Charity was , how we 
 ought to behave our felves one towards another , that we are to obey 
 Magiflrates , and to (pend our whole life in the ^rofefjion of the Gojpel. 
 If this DoHrine contain any Impiety or Err our , why do not his Adver- 
 saries demonflrate it ? why do they condemn him without either lawful 
 hearing or confutation ? In that he inveigheth againH the Pope and 
 his Adherents , he doth it not without good reafon ; forafmuch oifor their 
 profits fake , they teach things contrary to what chrif and the Apojlles 
 did , thatfo they may domineer over the Flock , and maintain themfelves 
 in Gluttony and idlenef. That this was the mark at which their thoughts 
 and deeds aimed ; and that it was fo notorious , that they themfelves 
 could not deny it. That if they would reform themfelves , by changing 
 their idle and filthy courfe of life , maintained by the lof and wrong of 
 
 ethers.
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 others , the dijjerences might eafiij be compoj'ed. Thxt his Tenets rvere 
 approved i>j rnnny Princes and Ejl.ttes of Germany, -ivho did reverently 
 acknarvledge this great blcfjing of God , amongst whom he veonderfuUy 
 dejired he might rank his Af.ijcjly. That the Emperotir andfome others 
 oppofed his proceedings , he did not at nlirvonder : for the Prophet David 
 hid many Ages fince foretold , That Kings and Nations (IjohU conjpire 
 againjl the Lord and againjl his chrifl , and cast avcay his yoak from 
 them. Thit when he did consider this and the like places of Scripture, 
 he did rather wonder that any Prince did favour the doctrine of the 
 Gojpcl. And to conclude , he craved a favourable Anjwcr. 
 
 The King made a fliarp Reply to Luther's Letter, accufing him 
 of bafe Inconftancy. He ftands in defence of his Book , which 
 ( he (aid ) was in great ejieem with many Religion's and Learned men. 
 That he reviled the Cardinal ( a Reverend Father ) wm to he regarded 
 a* from him from whofe impiety neither God nor man could he free. 
 That both Himself and the whole Realm had found the prof table and 
 whole fom ejects of the Cardinal's endeavours , who fliould reap this 
 fruit ofhnihex's railing, that where.ts he loved him very well before, 
 he would now favour him more than ever : That among other of the 
 Cardinal's good deeds , this was one , that he took ejpectal care , that 
 none of LutherV leprofe , contagion , and herefie , Jhould cleave to , or 
 take root in this Kingdom : Then he upbraided him with his ince- 
 ^itous marriaae with a Nun , a. crime as beinou-s and abominable as 
 
 Any. 
 
 At this Anfwer (which the King caufed to be printed ) Luther 
 grieved much , blaming his friends that had occafioned it j faying , 
 That he wrote in that humble manner only to pleafe his Friends , and 
 that he now plainly f aw how much he was miflaken. That he committed 
 the like errour in writing friendly at the requeji of others , to Cardinal 
 Cajetan, George D«^'f 0/ Saxony, and Erafmus, the fruits whereof 
 were , that he made them the more violent. That he jhewed himfelf 
 a fool, in hoping to fnd Piety and Zeal in Princes Courts , in fe eking 
 CHRIST in the Kingdom of Satan , in [e arching for John Baptift 
 among the C loathed in Purple. But being he could not prevail by fair 
 means , he would take another courfe. 
 
 The late mention of Erafmus puts me in mind of a Book written 
 by him either this or the year palfed , at the entreaty of the King 
 and the Cardinal ( as he himfelf in an Epiftle confefleth ) enti- 
 tuled, De Ltbero f^rbitrio ; whereto Luther made a quick Reply, 
 writing a Book De Servo (L^rbitrio. 
 
 <^ N N O DOM. 1526. REG. 18. 
 
 MAny reafons might move the Emperour to fcek the conti- 
 nuation of a Peace with England. The French (although 
 they concealed it, their King being not yet at liberty ) intend to 
 
 C c revenge 
 
 43 
 
 1535. 
 
 tht Kings An^ 
 
 fvjtr. 
 
 I $ 2 6. 
 
 A brtach with 
 the EmftrouT.
 
 44 
 
 AnnaU of England. 
 
 1526. 
 
 revenge their late overthrow : The Turk prepares for Hungary, 
 the King whereof ( Lewis ) had married Ann the Emperour's Sifter : 
 Almoft all ltd) by the Pope's means combined againft CbArles , 
 whofe power is now become formidable : And Germany it lelf, 
 the Boors having lately been up in arms , being fcarce pacified , 
 doth yet every where threaten new tumults. In this cafe the 
 enmity oi Henry muft neceffarily much impeach his proceedings. 
 But many things again urge him on the other fide : his Aunts 
 difgrace ^ ( for of this he long fince had an inkling ) the late 
 League concluded under-hand with the French ; but that which 
 fwaied above all, was, the diflike of his promifed match with 
 the King's Daughter. That the Queen his Aunt might be recon- 
 ciled to her Husband , there might yet be fome hope. The League 
 with Frame ( elpecially the French King's cafe being now fo de- 
 fperate ) might be as eafily broken, as it was made : But this Match 
 did no way fort to his mind , w hich he had either for love , or 
 for fome other private refpedts , fetled elfcwhere. Jftbella Sifter 
 to John King of Portugal , was a brave beautiful Lady , and had 
 a Dowry of nme hundred thoufand Ducats. tJMary was neither 
 marriagabie , nor beautiful ^ yet her by agreement muft he marry 
 without any other Dowry than thofe four hundred thoufand 
 Crowns wl.-'.ch he had borrowed of Henry. The Wars had drawn 
 his Treafury dry , and his Subjeds in Spain being required to re- 
 lieve their Prince , do plainly ( perhaps not without fubornation of 
 fome principal perfons ) deny it , unlefs he marry Jfahella , one in 
 a manner of the fame Lineage , of the fame Language and Nation, 
 and of years fufBcient to make a Mother. By way of fervice 
 (Cuftom growing to a Law) they are to give their King at his 
 Marriage four hundred thoufand Ducats : if he will in this be 
 pleafed to fatisfie their requeft , they promife to double the ufual 
 lumm. For thefe reafons , when Henry fent AmbalTadors to treat 
 again ( whether fincerely or no , I cannot fay ) concerning the 
 renewing of the League , the Marriage of thfe Lady CMary , and 
 of War in France to be maintained at the common charge of both ; 
 Charles anfwered but coldly , and at laft even in the very Nuptial 
 folemnities fends to excufe his Marriage to the King, whereunto 
 the undeniable defires of his Subjeds had in a manner forced him. 
 Sorne do farther add , that concerning that part of the Embaffage, 
 of War againft France , our demands were fuch , as if they had 
 been purpofely coined by ivolfey to force the Emperour to the prio- 
 rity of an apparent breach. For the King demanded no fmaller 
 fhare in the Conqueft, than Picardy, Normandy , Cuien , Gafcoign, 
 with the title of, King of France ; and that the Emperour {par- 
 taking both of Peril and Charge Ihould himfelf ferve in Perlbn. 
 But c/;4r/rj wanting money, and tired with continual peril, if he 
 regard either his fafety and eafe , or his profit , muft not give his 
 aflent , elpecially confidcring , that the captive-King made larger 
 
 offers >
 
 H E N R y the Eighth. 
 
 45 
 
 offers , and thofe with Peace, than thefe , yea although he became 
 victorious , with War , the event whereof being always doubtful^ 
 no man can affu're himfelf of wiflied fuceefs. Neither indeed did 
 Henry expect any otlier ilTue of his Embaify , than a flat retufal. 
 For at the fame time he deals with the Regent ( the captive-King's 
 Mother ) to fend over fome truily perfon , with whom he might 
 confult of the main chance • which flie gladly did , difpatching 
 away the Lord of Brio?f Prefident of Roue» , and Joh» Joachun with 
 a large Commiflion, and Inftrudions by all fubmiftive and fair 
 language to perfwade the King to perfift in the profecution of 
 this new League. For indeed llie much feared , left the confide- 
 ration of his advantages over the tottering Ei\^teof Fra»ce might 
 make him flie off again. ?rame was already diftrefled : what 
 would it be , if the Emperour pre/Ting hard on the one fide , and 
 Duke of Bourbon a home-bred enemy revolting , befides many 
 other occafions, thQEt?glt(h fhould infeftit on the other fide ^ In 
 England thefe Agents found their entertainments fuch , that they 
 could not but hope well , efpecially making means to the Cardi- 
 nal , who yet fwayed the King, ivolfey long fince difaffeded the 
 Emperour , but now made his hate apparent. Charles before the 
 Battel of Pitvy (Qnt no Letters to the Cardinal, but entirely written 
 by himfelf, and fubfcribed , Tour Son and Coufin , CHARLES. 
 
 After this Viftory he fent one or two , fubfcribed barely with 
 his Name , without the ufual folemn form , or any fignification 
 of favour or refpedt. Thefe were evident tokens of an alienated 
 mind , and jvolfey durft view hates with him. Neither did he 
 deal otherwife with Heffry , than as one beneath him ; being now 
 puffed up with the conceit of that great Vidory , for the obtaining 
 whereof Hcary did bear a part in the charge , though indeed not 
 fo great as he promifed. The King's affairs now ftood upon 
 thofe terms , that reriouncing the ftridl alliance with the Empe- 
 rour , hitherto by fo many ties kept inviolable , he muft make 
 a party with the French. t;i;?i n. . j ^ 
 
 £rio» therefore at the Council -Table having auditnce ,' D/?- 
 piores his Prince's cdlamity , and the miferies inflichd upon his Countrey 
 hy their late everthrovp. He cdleth to mind what Trophies the Englilh 
 erected in France , rvhen the Efiate of it was moji flour tfbing , withal 
 acknowledgif^g , that France leing now as it were in the Sun-fet of 
 Its Fortune , .occajion was offered of advancing the Englifli Colours far ^ 
 ther than ever. But it would neither bkfeem fo tnagnauimotts a King, 
 nor would it be for the good of England, at this time, to invade tt. 
 A generous mind [cornet h to infult over one already deje^ed:. Neither 
 would the riiiory , bejide the fortune of War , want its dangers , being 
 to be communicated with one , already become fo potent , that no leji , 
 than the united Forces of all Europe would [erve to flop the current of 
 his fortune ; which mufl ncceffarily be done , unlefl we could be content 
 Willingly to undergo the miseries of a Spanifli fervitude. He therefore 
 : •• ., Cc z craved 
 
 15 2 (5. 
 
 The King en- 
 dea'.'OUfS i» 
 retitve the 
 French Kjtig.
 
 46 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1526. 
 
 J league ton- 
 cludedvjith the 
 French KJng. 
 
 the French 
 King Jit at 
 Itbertj. 
 
 craved ef his Majejly , that leaving the Emferour ( ry ho puffed up veith 
 his late fucceji, contemned his hejl Friends ) he would vouchsafe to make 
 a League vfith the King his \JMaJler , whom in this fo great a time of 
 need tf he would be pie a fed to raife as it were from the ground, he 
 fljould by fo great a benefit oblige him to a faithful Friendjhip , which 
 hejhould upon all occafions be ready to mamfefi , unlef for foul Ingrati- 
 tude he had rather undergo the censure of the chriftian world. 
 
 Having delivered thus much in Latin , Sir Thomas yJMore ( after- 
 ward Lord Chancellor ) returned this anfwer in Latin likewife : 
 
 That the Ktng was well pleaded, that the French acknowledged he 
 wanted not power to revenge old injuries ; that having felt his Force, 
 they fjould alfo tajl of his Bounty ; that he would do the utmofl of his 
 endeavour to fet their Captive King at liberty, ivhich if he effected, 
 he hoped when he had occafion to make ufe of their King , he would 
 not be unmindful of fo good a turn freely done in fo urgent a, feafen. 
 In the mean time he was content to ?nake a perpetual Peace with thetn^ 
 As for the Emperour , he would confder what to determine of him. 
 
 So a moft firm League is concluded with the French ( the 
 Regent undertaking for her Son ) and a feparation from the Em- 
 perour fo openly made , that the firft thing concluded between 
 them was. That it fhould not be lawful lor the French King in 
 lieu of his ranfom to confign any part of his Kingdom to the 
 Emperour. The French were glad of this League , who now 
 began to conceive fome hope of good , being fecure of England. 
 Indeed it made fo great an irapreflion in the heart of Francis , that 
 in his care of our affairs for many years together he fliewed him- 
 felf mindful of fo great a benefit. Thefe things were done in the 
 Winter leafon. 
 
 A little after , Francis having been a year Prifoner in Spain , 
 was upon thefe Conditions at length fet at liberty : 
 
 That as foon as he came into France , he fhould confign the Huchy 
 (f Burgoigne to the Emperour : That he fhould quit the Sovereignty 
 of Flanders and Arthois : That he fhould renounce aB his right pre- 
 tended to the Duchy of Milan and Kingdom of Naples ; That he 
 fhould rejlore to his honours the Duke ef Bourbon , and the refl that 
 had revolted with him : That he fhould marry Eleonor the Emperour s 
 Sifter, Queen of Portugal ; That he fhould pay the whole fumms of 
 money heretofore due to the King of England , nis Sifter the Queen of 
 France , md Cardinal Wolfey ; The payment whereof the Em- 
 perour had undertaken , that we might not be endamaged by 
 partaking with him. ♦ 
 
 For the performance of thefe and other things of lefs moment, 
 Francis not only bound himfelf by Oath , but alfo delivered his 
 two Sons, Francis the Daulphin , and Henry Duke of Orleans , who 
 ihould remain Hoitages in Spain until all things were duly per- 
 formed. Francis , as loon as he entred into his Realm ratified all 
 the Articles of the Treaty , but that concerning the Duchy of 
 
 Burgoigne,
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 47 
 
 Burgoigne, which he pretended he could not alienate without the 
 conlent of his Subjeds. Having therefore affembled tlie Eftates 
 of the Countrey for the debating of this matter , upon a iiidden 
 in the prefence of the Emperour's AmbalTadors is publickly pro- 
 claimed the League made between tlie Kings of England and of 
 France , the Pope , the FeKetiam , Florentines , and Siajfes , ( called 
 the Holy League ) for the common liberty of Italy. The Ambaf- 
 fadors much amazed , and leeing fmall hopes of the Duchy of 
 Burgoigne (for which they came) return into 5/>rf?> , and advertife 
 the Emperour , that if he will be content with a pecuniary ranfom, 
 and free the two Princes , tlie King was willing to pay it j other 
 Conditions he was like to have none. 
 
 In the mean time Solyman not forgetting to make his profit of 
 the(e horrible confufions , invaded Hungary with a great Army , 
 overthrew the Hungarians S'^tv^j King Lewis the Emperour's Brother- j 
 in-Law , and conquered the greateft part of the Kingdom. For | 
 the obtaining of this Vi<n:ory our Raflineis was more available to 
 him , than his own Forces. The Hungarians in comparifon of 
 their Enemies were but a handful : but having formerly been 
 many times vidorious over the Turks , they perfwaded the young 
 King that he fliould not obfcure the ancient glory of fo warlike 
 a Nation : that not expedting the aids of Trmfyhania. , he fliould 
 encounter the Enemy even in the open fields , where the Turks in 
 regard of their multitudes of Horfe might be thought invincible. 
 The event (hewed the goodnefs of this counfel. The Army con^- 
 fifting of the chief ftrength and Nobility of the Countrey was 
 overthrown , a great flaughter made , and the King himfelf flain , 
 with much of the Nobility and chief Prelates of the Realm , and 
 among them Tom^AUi Archbifhop of Celocza , the chief author of 
 this ill advifed attempt. 
 
 I cannot omit an odd jeft at the fame time occafioned by ivolfey 
 his ambition. It was ( but fallly ) rumoured that Pope clement 
 was dead. The Cardinal had long hztn jick of the Pope , and the 
 King lately of his mfe. ivolfey perlwades the King , there was no 
 fpeedier wayto compafshisdehres, than if he could procure him 
 to be chofen Pope, Clement being now dead. Stephen Gardiner 
 a ftirring man , one very learned and that had a working fpirit, 
 did then at Rome folicit the King's Divorce from Queen Catharine. 
 Wherein although ufing all poffible means , and that Clement was 
 no friend to the Emperour , yet could he not procure the Pope's 
 favour in the King's behalf. Nay , whether he would not cut off 
 all means of reconciliation with the Emperour, if need were, or 
 whether being naturally flow, he did not ufually difpatch any 
 matter of great moment fpeedily* or peradventure ( whereto the 
 event was agreeable) that he perceived it would be for his profit 
 to fpin it out at length • or (which fome alledge) that he was of 
 opinion , that this Marriage was lawfully contraded , fo that he 
 . '^ '■ could 
 
 I 5 2 6. 
 
 H-'e King of 
 Hungary jtatn 
 by tit Turlis. 
 
 
 Wolfey ^et\i to 
 be Pope, Sede 
 nonduni va- 
 
 cante.
 
 48 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1526. 
 
 1527. 
 
 Kome facl(ed. 
 
 could not give fentence on either fide without either offence to 
 his Confcience , or his Friend 5 the Pope could not be drawn to 
 determine either way in this bufinefs. Thefe delays much vexed 
 the King. If matters proceed fo llowiy under clement , on whom 
 he much prefumed , what could he expecfl from another Pope , 
 one perhaps wholly at the Emperour's devotion < He therefore 
 refolved to endeavour the Advancement of fVolfey to the Chair; 
 from whom he prom^fed to himfelf a fuccefs anfwerable to his 
 defires. Henry therefore fends away fpeedy Pofts to Gardiner with 
 with ample inflrudtions in the behalf of ivolfey , willing him to 
 work the Cardinals, fome with promifes, others with gifts, 
 feme with threats, others with perfwafions , and to omit no means 
 that might be any way available. But this was to build Cailles 
 in the Air. The meffenger had fcarce fet forth , when report 
 that had made clement dead , had again revived him. 
 
 KyiNNO DOM. i^2-j. REG. 19. 
 
 THefixth 0^ Mdy, /?ow?f was taken and facked by the Imperials 
 under the condud of the Duke of Bourbon , who was himfelf 
 Ilain in the affault marching in the head of his Troops. The 
 Pope, Cardinals, Ambalfadors of Princes, and other Nobles 
 hardly efcaping into the Caftle of St. Angeb, were there for fome 
 days befieged. At length , defpairing of fuccours, and viduals 
 failing , the Pope , for fear he fliould fall into the hands of the 
 Lanfquenets for this moft part feafoned with Luther's Dodrine , and 
 therefore paflionate enemies to the See of Rome , agreeth with the 
 Prince of Aaranges ( after the death of the Duke of Bourbon chofen 
 General by the Army ) yielding himfelf and the Cardinals to him, 
 who kept them clofc Prifoners in the Caftle. R»me was now 
 fubjedl to all kind of cruelty , and infolencies ufual to a conquered 
 City intended for deftrudlion. Befide Slaughter, Spoil, Rapes, 
 Ruine , the Pope and Cardinals were the iport and mockery of 
 the licentious multitude. Henry pretended much grief at this 
 news 5 but was inwardly glad that fuch an occafion was offered , 
 whereby he might oblige Clement in all likelihood ( as he had juft 
 caufe) offended with the Emperour for this fo infolent and harfli 
 proceeding. Whereupon he difpatcheth H'olfey into trance , who 
 Ihould intimate to the King , his perpetual Ally , what a fcandal 
 it was to all Chriftendom , that the Head of it ihould be oppreffed 
 with Captivity , a thing which did more efpecially concern Francis 
 his affairs. The Cardinal fet forth from London about the begin- 
 ning of July, accompanied with nine hundred Horfe, among which 
 were many Nobles -, the Archbilhop pf Dublin , the Bifliop of Lon- 
 don , the Earl of Derby , the Lords Sands, Montegle, and Harendon, 
 befides many Knights and Gentlemen. U'olfey found the French 
 
 King,
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 49 
 
 King at Amiens, where it is agreed, that at the common charge 
 of both Princes, War fhall be maintained in itdy to fet the Pope 
 at liberty, and to reftore him to the poiTellions of the Church, 
 Henry contributing fur his pare thirty thoufand Pounds iierling 
 a month. Upon the return of the Cardinal , Frmcis fent into 
 EngUnd C^hntmorency Lord Steward and Marefchal of Fiajsc^ , Fqv 
 the confirmation of this League , and to invert the King with the 
 Order of St. Ai:ch.ul. He arrived in En^Urd about the middle 
 oi October t accompanied with ']oh-/iBi:[Uyh\\):\OT^oiBiycux (after- 
 ward Cardinal ) the Lord of Brton , and among others <J\iarti» 
 BeUay the Writer of the Fretjch Hiftory , who in this manner 
 dcfcribes the paflages of this Embaffage : Montmorency (imvifig 
 at Dover veas honourably received by rnxny Bijbop and Gentlemen fent 
 by the King , who brought him to London , where he reai met by twelve 
 hundred Horfe , who conducted him to his lodging in the Bijhop of Lon- 
 don'/ Pilace. Two days ajter , he went by water to Gvttn\vic\\ four 
 miles beneath London, where the King oftrefideth. There he wm very 
 fumptuoufly entertained by the King .<nd the Cardinal of York. Hanjing 
 had Audience , the Cardinal having often accompanied him at Londoq 
 and Greenwich , brought him to a houfe which he bad built a little 
 before , ten miles above London , feated upon the banks of Thames , 
 called Hampton Court. ( The Cardinal gave it afterward to the 
 King , and it is this day one of the King's chiefeft houfes. ) The 
 Ambajfador with all hn Attendants was there feajied by him four or five 
 days together. The chambers had hangings of wonderful value , and 
 every place did glitter with innumerable vejfels of Gold and Silver. 
 There were two hundred and four [core Beds , the furniture to mo'st of 
 them being Silk ■, and all for the entertainment of Strangers only. Re- 
 turning to London , we were on St. Martin'/ day invited by the King 
 to Greenwich to a Banquet the moil fumptuofis that ever J beheld, 
 whether you co/ftder the Difhes , or the C^lafques and Flays , wherein 
 the Lady Mary the King's Daughter acted a part. To conclude, the 
 King and Montmorency having taken the Sacrament together , the 
 King fir himfetf, Montmorency in the behalf of Francis [wore the 
 cbfervation of the League. The Kingbejlowed great gifts on every one, 
 Msd difnttjfed Montmorency , who left the £//hop of Bayeux Leiger 
 for his King, to endeavour the continuance ef the amity begun between 
 thefe Frinces. 
 
 Shortly after were fent into France Sir Thom.ts Bolen Vifcount 
 Rochfort , znA'Sixx Anthony Br own Yj^x^fcil., who together with 7<'^''« 
 Clerre Biihop of Bath and Wells , Leiger in France , (hould take the 
 French King's Oath , not to violate the late League in any part, 
 and to prefent him with the Order of the Garter. 
 
 We had now made France ours. Nothing remained , but to 
 let the Emperour know the effeds of the late Confederacy. To 
 this end Sir Francis Pointz. and Clarencieux King at Arms are dif- 
 patched away to the Emperour , to demand the moiety of the 
 
 booty 
 
 1527. 
 
 Montmorency 
 jum France, 
 
 War frechinud 
 ngainfi the 
 f-mferour.
 
 50 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1527. 
 
 1528. 
 
 the incott^fanty 
 of the tope. 
 
 Csrdtn»l 
 Campfgiut 
 jent intt Eng- 
 land. 
 
 booty gocien in the Battel of PAvy , and the Duke of Orienns ( one 
 of the French King's Sons left Hoftage for his Father ) to be deli- 
 vered to Hcmy , who had born a ihare in the charges of that War, 
 and therefore expeded to partake in the gains : To command 
 him to draw his Army out of Italy , and not to difturb the peace 
 of Chriftendom by molefting chrtU's Vicar. This if he refuled to 
 do ( neither was there expeftation of any thing elfe ) they lliould 
 forthwith defie him. They execute their Commiflion , and per- 
 ceiving nothing to be obtained, Clar encieux ix\d zcQXVXin French 
 Herald being admitted to the Emperour's preience , do in the 
 names of both King's proclaim War againft him. Charles ac- 
 cepts it chearfuUy. But the Ambafladors of Frame , Venice , and 
 Florence craving leave to depart , are committed to fafe cuftody, 
 until it be known what is become of his Ambaffadors with thele 
 Eftates. The report hereof flies into £/?^/^W, and withal, that 
 Sir Francis Pcintz, and cLtrencieux were committed with the reft:. 
 Whereupon the Emperour's Ambaffador is detained until the 
 truth be know n , as it fliortly was by the fafe return of them both. 
 But Sir Francis Pointz. about the beginning of the next Summer 
 died fuddenly in the Court , being infecTed with the Sweating 
 Sicknefs. The fame happening to divers other Courtiers , and 
 the infedion fpreading it lelf over London , the Term was adjour- 
 ned , and the King fain to keep a running Court. But the(e were 
 the accidents of the enfuing year. 
 
 i^NNO DOM. 1528. REG. 20. 
 
 POpe Clement was of himfelf naturally flow ^ but his own 
 ends made him beyond the infirmity of his nature protradt 
 time in this caufe concerning the King's Divorce. Bearing him- 
 felf as neuter between the Emperour and the French King , he 
 makes them both become jealous of him. And War being re- 
 newed in Italy , he perceives himfelf likely again to become a prey 
 totheConquerour. Which if it Ihould happen , hemuft betake 
 himfelf to the King of England, of whofe help he was certain , as 
 long as his caufe did uncertainly hang in fufpence. But if he 
 fliould determine in the behalf of the King, would he in grati- 
 tude be as beneficial, as hope (or fear of offending ) had made him < 
 That he much doubted. 
 
 Thefe thoughts pofTefling the Pope , Cxftr'^ affairs in Italy began 
 to decUne , almoft all the Towns throughout the Realm of Naples 
 out of hatred to the infolent Spaniard, and affedion to the French, 
 making offer of their Keys , and receiving Garrifons of French. 
 clement therefore did not now muchftand in awe of the Emperour, 
 much againfl: whofe mind he was intreated to fend a Legate into 
 England, Laverence Cimpegim , Cardinal and Bifhop of Saltshury , 
 
 who
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 5^ 
 
 who cngether with the Cardinal of Tork Ihoiild have the hearing 
 oF this Caufe fo long controverted to no purpofe. And the more 
 to teftifie his afFedion to tiie King , he did by a Decretal Bull 
 (but privately drawn) pronounce the King's Marriage with Ca- j 
 thitifie to be void. This Bull was committed to the Legate, with ' 
 thefe inftru(flions , That having Oiewed it to the King and the '■ 
 Cardinal of Tork. He fliould withal lignifie to them , tlut he | 
 had authority tO publifli it : but not to give fentence, until he I 
 received new inflrudliions •, telling him , that he was content the ' 
 King fhould enjoy the benefit of it ( and it may be he was then fo j 
 minded ) but that it flood him upon to have this bufinefs delayed, 
 until he had fufficiently I'ecured himlelf from the Emperour. 
 Thefe were the pretences of the old Fox to the Legate. But his 
 meaning was to make ufe of all feafdns , and to turn with the 
 weather. The ninth o^ October to London comes theLegare, the 
 King having given order to the City for his folemn entertainmeht. 
 But the old man's infirmity fruftrated their preparations: lie was 
 grievoufly tormented with the Gout , and would be privately 
 brought into the City. After a few days reft , carried in a Chair, 
 he was brought to the King's prefence , to whom his Secretary 
 made a Lutin Oration , wherein having much complained of the 
 extreme cruelty of the Imperials in the facking of Rome ; he ufed 
 many words to fignihe , that the King's pious bounty fhewed irt 
 his liberally relieving him in fo needful a feafon was moft acce- 
 ptable to the Pope and the whole College of Cardinals. To this 
 rpeech Edward Fox (afterward Billiop of Hereford) returned an 
 anfwer in L.itin , wherein he declared , Th/it his MajeJIy was much 
 grieved at his Holme fi cciUmity , forAJmuch <&f mnn is nAturally touched 
 veith a feeling of /mothers mifenes. That He had not only performed 
 rvhat coald be expected from him as a man; but had a I fo done the part 
 of a friend for a friend, and what was due from a Prince to Chriji's 
 Vicar on earth. He did therefore hope , that in regard of his flial 
 cbediente to the Holy See , if it jhould happen that He fJjould Band in 
 need if tts affiflance and authority , his Holinef? would be pleafed readtly 
 to grant thofe things , whtch it might befeem a Son to crave of the common 
 yJMother. Thus much paffed in publick. The King and the Le- 
 gates conferring in private , Cam^egiw affured the King of the 
 Pope's forwardnefs to pleafure him. Campegius was indeed no 
 bad man , and fpake truly, what he thought. For clement knowing 
 how difficult a matter it was to deceive a man that was no fool , 
 byoneconfciousof theguile, and that was not deceived himfelf; 
 made the Legate believe , that in this matter of the Divorce he 
 would be ready to do for the King whatfoever he (hould demand. 
 
 After thefe paflages, the Legates fpent fix whole months in con- 
 fultation only concerning their manner of proceeding in the King's 
 Divorce. In the mean time the King underftanding , that among 
 his Subjeds , but efpecially the women kind , this his a(5iion was 
 
 D d much 
 
 1528.
 
 52 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1528. 
 
 rfit Kiufs 
 Speech cancer- 
 King his Di- 
 vorce. 
 
 much traduced , as if he took this courfe more to latisfie his Luft , 
 than his Conrcience ; to give a flop to all farther rumours , having 
 ailembled all the Nobles of the Realm, Judges, Lawyers, and 
 as many of the better fort of Commons as could conveniently 
 attend , upon the eighth of November made an Oration to this 
 effed: 
 
 Twenty years have almoB run their courfe (faithful a»d loving 
 Subjects ) fiMce yve frji began Our Reign among you : In all rvhtch traSt 
 of time we have by God's affijlance fo behaved Our Self, that jve hope 
 We have neither given you cattfe to complain , nor cur Enemies to glory. 
 No forein power hath endeavoured ought againjl you , hut to his own lofi, 
 neither have We employed Our Arms any where , hut jVe have trium- 
 phantly ereSied Our glorious Trophies. So that whether you confider 
 the fweet fruits of plentiful Peace , or the glory of Our Warlike ex- 
 ploits , We dnre boldly avouch , We have jhewed Our Self not unworthy 
 of Our Ancejlors , whom ( without ojfence.be it Jpoken) We have in all 
 points equalled. But when we refiett upon the necejfary end of Our frail 
 life , We are furprized with fear , leH the miferies of future times 
 jjjould fo obfcure thejplendour and memory of Our prefent felicity , that 
 oi the Romans did after the death ^ Auguftus , fo you may hereafter 
 be forced to wifh with tears , either that We had never been , or might 
 have perpetually lived to govern you. We fee many here prefent , who 
 in regard of their age might have b^en parties in the late Civil Wars, 
 which for eighty years together fo miferably r ended this Realm , m man 
 knowing whom to acknowledge for his Sovereign , until the happy Con- 
 junBion of Our Parents did not refolve , but took away allcaufe of far- 
 ther doubt. Confider then, whether after Our death you can hope for better 
 days,than when the f anions of York and Lancafter diflra5ted this Realm. 
 We have a Daughter, whom we the more affectionately tender, becaufe flje 
 is Our file ijjtte. But we would have you know , that having lately 
 treated with Our dear Brother of France , concerning a match between 
 this Our Daughter , and Henry Duke o/ Orleans his younger Son , beth 
 of Us were well pie afed with this alliance , until one of his Privy Council 
 made a quejlion of Our Daughter's birth ; for it was much to be doubted, 
 lest jhe were to be held illegitimate , being begottert of Us and that 
 Mother , who had before been married to Our deceafed Brother: faying , 
 it was utterly repugnant to the Word of God , that any one jhould marry 
 his Brother's Widow ; wherefore he was of opinion , that this match with 
 Our mofl beloved Spoufe was to be deemed no other thin incefiuous. Hovo 
 grievoujly this relation allied Us , God the Searcher of Our hearts 
 knows. For thefe words didjeem to queflion , not only Our dear Cen- 
 fiiet\, andQitr Daughter ,, but even the very eft ate of Our Soul, which 
 after death mufl necejfarily undergo eternal and inevitable torments ^ 
 if being admonifhed of fo horrible an Incefl , We Jhould not endeavour an 
 amendment ; <yiad for your parts , you, cannot but fore fee how great 
 dangers by reafon of this doubt do threaten you and your Poflerity. Being . 
 therefore defirous ( as the cafe indeed required) to be refolved in this 
 
 point 

 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth, 
 
 53 
 
 point , ive frji conferred with Oitr Friends , and then with the moB 
 learned in the Laivs both Divine and Humane ; who indeed were fo I 
 far from fatisfyingUs , that they left Us more perplexed, ive therefore 
 had recomfe to the Holy Apoflolick See , to the Decree whereof we think ' 
 it fitting , that Our Self and all others fhould be obedient. To this and 
 no other end ( ive call immortal God to witnej^) have We procnred this 
 Venerable Legate. As for the Queen Our mofl belorved Confort , what- 
 foever women may tattle , or ill wilier s mutter in private , ive do wil- 
 lingly and ingenuoufly profej? , that in mblene^ of Mind jJje far tran^ 
 fcends the greatne^ of her Birth : So that if Ife were now at liberty 
 and free for a fecond choice , We taie God to witnefi , among all the 
 plenty of the worlds Beauties we would not make choice of any other {if 
 lawfully we might ) than of this Our now Queen , one in regard of her 
 mildn^j?, wifdom , humility . fan^ity of mind , and converfation ( We 
 are verily perfwaded) not to be paralleled. But whenive confider , that 
 ive are bejicfwed on the world to other ends , than the purfuit of Our own 
 pleafures : we have thought it meet rather to undergo the haz^ard of an 
 uncertain judgment , than to commit impiety againji God the liberal Giver 
 of all blejfings , and ingratitude against Our Count rey , the weal and 
 fafety whereof each one fljould prefer before his private life or fortunes. 
 Thus much have you heard from Our own mouth. And we hope, that you 
 will heVe after give no heed either to feditious detractions , or idle ru- 
 mours of the people. 
 
 This Oration took according to the divers difpofifions of the 
 hearers : fome lamenting the Kings , but many more the Queens 
 cafe, every one doubting, and fearful of the event. Some few 
 weary of the prefent eftate defired a change even to worfe , rather 
 than a continuance of the prefent. And by thefe the courle the 
 King had taken ( Hot approved by the vulgar ) as pious, and im- 
 pofed on him by his own and the publick neceflity , was according 
 to the nature of hopeful flattery, moft highly applauded. 
 
 K^N NO !> O M. 1529. REG. 21. 
 
 AT length about the beginning o^ April, the King refiding at 
 Bridewel, at the Black Friers in London began the Suit con- 
 cerning the King's Divorce. There was that to be feen , the 
 like whereof the Hiftories of no other Nation afford : A moft 
 puilTant Monarch , adually Sovereign and bearing rule in his 
 Realm, being cited by the voice of an Apparitor, made his 
 appearance pcrfonally before the Judges. The Ceremonies in a 
 matter fo unufual , and indeed otherwife of great moment, requird 
 an accurate and large relation , beyond the intended rtiortnels of 
 this Hiftory. A Chair of State, whereto was an afcent of fome" 
 fteps was placed above for the King , and by the fide of it another 
 ( but a little lower ) for the Queen. Before the King , at the fourth 
 
 Dd 2 ftep 
 
 I 5 i8. 
 
 1529. 
 
 77« Suit cf 
 King's Vi" 
 
 vera. 
 
 lb,
 
 54 
 
 Amah of England. 
 
 1549. 
 
 TSe Querns 
 Jfeecb to the 
 King itfore 
 tbt ttgatts. 
 
 ^•\C 
 
 ftep late the Legates , but fo , as the one feemed to fit at his right 
 hand , the other at the left. Next to the Legates flood the Ap- 
 paritors and other Officers of the Court , and among them Gardi- 
 ner ( after Bifhop of f^/»f/V/i''" j appointed Regifter in this bufinefs. 
 Beibre the Judges , within the Umits of the Court , iate the Arch- 
 biihop of Canterbury with all the other Bilhops of the Realm. At' 
 the farther end of each fide were the Advocates and Prodors 
 retained for each party : For the King , Sampfen after Bifhop of 
 Chichefter, Bell after Bifliop of *f"<?rff/?fr, Tregonel , and Peters Fa- 
 ther to the now Lord Peters , all Dodors of Law : For the Queen, 
 Fifljer Bilhop of Rochejler, and 'StaHdijh Billiop of St. ^ff^fh , with 
 Ridley ( Dotlor, whether of Divinity or Law I ,know not, but one) 
 who had the efteem of a very Learned man. All things being 
 thus formally ordered , the Apparitor willed by the Regifter to 
 cite the King , cryed , Henry King ef England come into the Court, 
 who anfwered , Here I ttm. The Qiieen being likewife cited 
 ( Catharine Queen of England come into the Court ) made no an- 
 fwer , but rifing from her feat went direftly to the King , to whom 
 on her knees , purpolely raifing her voice tliat every one might 
 hear her , ftie is reported to have Ipoken to this efFe<ft : 
 
 Sir , I humbly befeech your Majelty fo to deal rvith me at this pre- 
 fent , that I may neither have caufe to complain of Injuflice , n$r that 
 you ha've debarred me the favour of your wonted Clemency. I am here 
 a fVoman and a Stranger, deflitute of Friends and Counfel , fo that 
 plead for my [elf I cannot , and whom J may elfe employ , / knovo net. 
 CMy kfffdred md Friends are far off, neither f4» i f4^ly ydy on Any 
 hfre in a_ matter of fo great fmfec^uence. They that are here retained 
 f«r me , are no other , than vobom yett have been pleafed to Appoint , 
 and are yoftr own Subjects ; veho if they would deal upriglnly { which 
 few will believe they dare do ) yet can they net here ntthHand your 
 determinate, j>ffjl.4nd pleafure. But what have wretched I committed^ 
 that after twenty years fpent in peaceable wedlock , and having born 
 you fo many Children , you fhould now at length think of putting me 
 away? J was J confef the widow of your Brother, if at leafi fbe may 
 \be accounted a Widow , whom her Husband never knew. For I take 
 ^.Almighty Cod to witncf , and I am perfwaded you cannot be ignorant 
 ef, it , that I came to your bed an unjpotted Virgin ; from which time 
 htvp I have behaved my felf , J afit cqntent to appeal even te them, 
 vfhofoever they are , that do Vgifh me leajl good, Cfrfi^inly whatfoever 
 their Vcrdi^ may be , you h<ive always found me amf>ft faithfnl ( Ser- 
 vient J may better fay , tha» ) fKife , having never to my knowledge 
 vpithsfood yonr pleafure fo ?nuch cps in jhew. J always loved thofe, whom 
 I thoughtynu favoured , without quefiioning their deferts. i fo earefuSy 
 farthered and procured your pleafures, that I rather fear, / have pff ended 
 God in too vmch endeavouring jour content ■, than that I have any veay 
 fiHedin the leaf] performance <jwy duty. By thii my fbfervance unto you, 
 ifff be you ever thfvght tt worthy. of regard, ^ o^r cmmcn iffte, by 
 
 the
 
 H H N R y the Eighth. 
 
 ^1 
 
 the mi^mry of my F/ither , whom you fomethnes held dear , I do humbly 
 beg , that pu vpould be plea fed to defer the farther hairing of this caufe, 
 until heving fe^t into Spain , / may theme be adv.'fed by my Friends^ 
 in thif cAfe vohax courfe to take, if then in 'just tee tt jhall be thought 
 meet to rend me from you , a part of rvhom I have fo lon^ been ( the 
 apprehenfton whereof doth more terrife me , than death ) I veill even in 
 this continue my long observed courfe of obedience. But oi often as I 
 bethink me of the rvifdom of Our Parents , by tvhofe endeavours and 
 confent tins Match was ratified , I cannot but hope very well of my canfe. 
 Tour father W4i for his admirable wifdom accounted a fecond Solomon , 
 neither can Spain throughout the whole Succeffions of the Kings cf fo 
 many Kingdoms produce aYiy one , who may parallel my Father Ferdi- 
 nand : And what kind of Counsellors mufi we think thefe Princes had , 
 that all jheuld as it were conjpire to hurl Us into the fmferies of an in- 
 ceJiuoi44 Marriage ? No quejlton was then made concerning the lawfulnej^ 
 ef this CMatch , and yet thofe times afforded learned men , yea and 
 [whereof to my harm I have had experimental knowledge ) in holinef? 
 (f life and love ef the Truth f^r furpajjing the Flatterers of thefe times. 
 (Which Jaft words {he therefore ipake , becaufe fhe had heard, 
 that all the Bi(hops of the Realm had by a common Decree pro- 
 nounced againft the Marriage. And indeed fuch a Decree iub- 
 fcribed and fealed by each of them was afterward in the prelence 
 of the King'read publickly in the Court , Fiftfer Bi(hop of ^ochefier 
 Excepting againft it , who denied , that he had affented to it , and 
 ob^^ed forgery to the Archbifliop of CMterbury for putting to it 
 inftead of Biftiop F/Jher's , a falfe Seal and a counterfeit hand. ) 
 
 The Queen having fpokefl thus much , arifing , after her due 
 obeifancetotheKing, when every one expeded fhe would have 
 returned to her feat , made haft out of the Court. Every one 
 amazedly wonders what the Queen intends. But before fhe had 
 gone far , the King commanded the Apparitor to Call her back 
 again : The Apparitor obeying , the Gentleman who lupported 
 her , told hei" ihe was called - to whom Ihe replied , / hear it very 
 well, but go fou en. I cannot hope for justice tn this Court: let them 
 proceed againfi me in what manner they will , I am refolved fut to flay. 
 So away (he went, and would never after be perfwadcd to make 
 her appearance either perfonally or by a Prodor. After fhe was 
 gone, the King commended her in thofe terms, that might befit 
 a great affection and her excellent virtues : Withal protefting 
 how defrofts Ije was to continue in that ejlate , fo that neither his Soul 
 nor the Comiwn-wealtb might be endangered by it. Here Wolfey in- 
 terrupted him, befeeching his C^ajejly , that forafmuch as it w/& 
 bruited , that he had perfivaded Him to this Divorce , His C^fajefly 
 would vouchfafe to fignifie to the prefent f^ffembly how fat this report 
 was true. The King , although that he knew that in this fame lied 
 not , yet to fecure his Favouritefrom the general hate of the people, 
 affirmed , the Bifhop of Bayenx having firft made fcruple of it , 
 
 to 
 
 1529. 
 
 7!he ^eiH it- 
 ptiTtetha
 
 56 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 29' 
 
 BjajoHS for 
 the Divorce, 
 
 ' Reafons a- 
 gainfl the Di- 
 i/orci. 
 
 the Pope's in. 
 tmjtancj. 
 
 Wolfey i«Ui. 
 
 to have firft advifed him to this courfe , and that the Bifliop of 
 Lincoln his Confeffor , and other Bilhops with whom he had con- 
 ferred , did the Uke. Thefe were the Ads of the firft day. 
 
 This cafe was for a month or two held in controverfie , the 
 King's Advocates alledging , that 
 
 It tvoi not in the Pepes povper to ratifie this Mirriage , which as 
 prohibited by the Larv of Nature the Scripture had pronounced unUvpful: 
 That Catharine had been lawfully married to Prince Arthur the Kings 
 elder Brother , and that the Nuptials were fublickly [olemnized , no 
 man sould deny ; and many circurnfiances did manifefi the cenfummation 
 of the Marriage by a carnal conjimciton. 
 
 On the other fide the Queens Advocates maintained , 
 
 The Law which forbad the Jews to marry their Brother's Wife , to 
 be Judicial and not Moral , and therefore abrogated by Chrift: but 
 fo far forth as the Church had retained it , it w,ts by the authority of 
 the fame church difpenfable , ejpecially being they were confident , that 
 the foreaHedged confummation could no way be proved. 
 
 Thus each fide pleaded , and time pafted on. The King obferves 
 Cardinal Campegim to go more coldly to work than he was wont , 
 from whom he before this expeded the promiled decifion. But 
 Fortune had fince that turned her Wheel. The Emperour's af- 
 fairs profpered in Italy , and Clement knew it was not the way 
 to wipe out the remembrance of an old offence by committing 
 a new. He found fome other pretence to fend one Francis Campana 
 into England -J but his chief errand was to will Campegius to burn 
 the Bull , whereby the King's Marriage had before been pro- 
 nounced void , and to return to Rome with fpeed. But the news 
 of the Pope's ficknefs at the fame time made him defer the exe- 
 cution of his Mandate. For if clement fliould die, the Cardinal 
 might with fafety gratifie the King , who had conferred on him 
 the Bifiioprick of Sarisbury , and to whom the Cardinal had pro- 
 mifed fuccefs anfvverable to his defires : And if he fhould permit 
 the King to be thus illuded , he feared he might be accounted , 
 not only ingrateful , but alfo treacherous. But he fhortly under- 
 ftood the Pope was well , whofe Mandate he muft obey , and the 
 Bull as if for Herejie muft be condemned to the fire. . 
 
 In the mean time the King , who was deeply in.love with ^nn 
 Bolen , according to the nature of Lovers counting eacli minute 
 by the hour , quickly refented this chaiiige, and never refted , until 
 he knew the whole carriage of the matter. Then firft fell his 
 wrath like thunder on wolfey , whofe Wit had hitherto made all 
 his projeds feafible : And he could not believe , but that it was 
 in his power to effedt this alio. Here I cannot chufe but cry out 
 with the Comedian , 
 
 
 Jove
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 57 
 
 Jove ^nd ye gods , how hard a thing 
 ■ It is , to Jerve a raging Kt»g ? 
 
 Full twenty years had rvolfey ferved the King , behaving iiimlelf 
 To, that he grew powerful and wealthy beyond a private fortune, 
 and to the reft of the King's Titles had procured the addition of 
 that rich one of, a good Prince. Tor as often as I coniider how 
 laudably Henry had hitherto ruled , and behold the calamities of 
 enfuing times , I cannot but accord with them , who afcribe the 
 fway which he did bear over all the Princes of Chriftendom to 
 the excellency of ivdfey his Counfels. But H'olfey being taken 
 away, to whom ftiall we impute thole effedts of Luft , Tyranny, 
 and Avarice-, two Wives killed , two put away- fo many (and 
 imong them many of the greater fort ) put to death for their 
 Religion only, extremity only differing in the manner ufed by 
 Hanging againftPapifts, by Fire againil Hcreticks, (thefe were 
 the terms of thofe days ) and the Church ( or rather the Common- 
 wealth ) horribly fpoiled and robbed of her Patrimony < Cer- 
 tainly had fVolfey fate at the Stern , the King had never like a Ship 
 dellifute of a Pilot, been carried to and tiro with Inch contrary 
 and uncertain motions. But inordinate greatnefs is always a 
 burthen to it felf, the weight whereof is augmented bytheufual 
 attendance of publick envy and hatred, the misbegotten Elves of 
 long and powerful happinefs. 
 
 fvolfey , the King once offended began prefently to totter , and 
 at his firft frown as at the roaring of a Lion ( before any harder 
 courfe was taken with him ) was fo dejeded , that although he 
 after feemed a little to lift up his head , yet w^as he never able to 
 ftand on his feet. Nay , the King being once alienated from him 
 would never after admit him to his pretence. Behold the power 
 of bafe Detradion ( yet I will not exclude the greatnefs of the 
 Cardinal's wealth already devoured in conceit ) which wipes away 
 the remembrance of the faithful fervice of fo many years , and 
 the confideration of lb great glory purchafed to the King by 
 K'elfeys labours. I am not ignorant what things were objeded 
 againft him. But they carry fo little fliew of probability , that 
 I (hould much fufped his judgment , that would give any credit 
 to them. Until it was known that the King enraged at the flow 
 procecdingsin the caufeof his Divorce, did day and night breathe 
 out againft him threits and revenge , no man ever preferred Bill 
 againft him • which , conlidering the ufual fevere courfes held 
 by our Parliaments , muft needs acquit him of Abule of Power. 
 As for the caules of the King's anger , we will derive them rather 
 from his own difcontents, than H'olfey's faultinefs. 
 
 The King by this time knew the treachery of the difTembling 
 Pope. He had near five years wandered in the Labyrinth of the 
 Court of R<»fte , and could find no clew to lead him out. He 
 
 therefore 
 
 t 5 2 9.
 
 58 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1539. 
 
 lit tigatts rt- 
 
 fair (« tht 
 
 Their tenff 
 riuft Kith ker. 
 
 Her nnj'SJtr. 
 
 therefore determined to make a way where he could not find one, 
 and like K^lexanier by force to undo that Gordian Knot , which 
 by wit and labour he could not. To tvol^ey therefore he commu- 
 nicated his intent of marrying another whether the Pope were 
 willing or no , wifhing him withal to find out Tome courfe or 
 other , whereby Campegius his CoUegue ( notwithftanding the 
 late Mandates to the contrary) might be drawn to give fentence 
 on his fide. Many things might be pretended to excufe the deed, 
 but chiefly the fear of the King's high difpleafure , which perad- 
 venture he flioiald feel too , unlefs he aflented to the King's juft 
 requeft. fVolfey his anfwer to this I cannot relate. But this is cer- 
 tain J that Wolfey , whether for that he did not approve of the 
 King's intended courfe feeming (as the times were then) full of 
 raflinefs and infolence , or that he would not undertake the at- 
 tempting of his Collegue , or that ( as sUtdan writes ) the King 
 had notice , that the Cardmal had advifed the Pope not to ap- 
 prove of the Divorce fifom Catharine , forafmuch as the King was 
 then refolved to marry another infeded with Lutheramfin : fVolfey 
 I fay was fo fharply taken up and threatned by the King , that 
 even then you might read in his face and geftures the fymptoms 
 of his wainiag fortune. For the Cardinal at that time returning 
 from the Court by water, the Biihop of carltU being with him 
 in the fame Barge , complained of the heat which was then extra- 
 ordinary 5 to whom Wol^ey replied, tJMy Lord, if you had he en hut 
 mxv in my place, you would have found it hot indeed. And as fooff zs he 
 came home , he put off his clothes , and went fiek to bed. Before 
 he had repofed himfelf an hour and half, the Vifcount Rochfort 
 came to him, and in the King's Name willed , that he and his 
 Collegue fhould inftantly repair to the Queen , and exhort her 
 not to contend any longer with the King , for that it would be 
 more for her good and the honour of them both to fubmit her 
 felf to the King's pleafure , than to undergo the difgrace of a 
 publick judgment. For it was now brought to that pulh , that 
 longer deferred it could not be. The Cardinal advertifed of the 
 King's pleafure did arife, and with his Collegue went to the 
 Queen , who having notice of their coming , went forth and met 
 them. After mutual falutations, the Cardinals defiredfhe would 
 vouehfafe a few words in private , but the Queen refufed to enter- 
 tain any conference with them but where fhe might have wit- 
 neffes of what paffed. wolfey then began to fpeak in Latin, but 
 the Queen interrupted him , willing , that although Hie underftood 
 Latin , yet he ftiould fpeak in Englijh, So in the names of both 
 Legates he began a Speech in Engltjh , wherein he frofeffed a great 
 deal of ohjervance and duty to her , and that they came to no other end 
 hut to advife her for her good. The Queen anfwcred them much 
 after this manner; 
 
 ^s for your goi>d rvill , j thank you: ai for your advice ,. J mil give 
 
 you
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth, 
 
 5^ 
 
 you the hearing. But the matter ( I believe ) about which you come , 
 is of fo great importance , that it rvili require a great deal of delibe- 
 ration , and the help of a brain furpajjing that cf feminine rveaknefi. 
 rou fee my employments ( fliewing them a Ikain of <v'hite thred 
 hanging about her neck ) in thefe I Jpend my time among my Maids , 
 which indeed are none of the greatest Counfellors : yet I have nene 
 other in England , and Spain (where they are on whom I dare rely) 
 God wot is far enough hence : yet I am content to hear what you have 
 to fay, 4nd will give you an anfwer when we can conveniently. 
 
 So taking the Cardinal by the hand , ilie brought them into 
 a withdrawing Room , where having attentively heard out their 
 meflage, ftie made this reply : 
 
 . That now after twenty years the lawfulnef? of my CMarriage fljould 
 
 be queflioned , / cannot fufficiently wonder , ejpecially when I confider 
 
 who were the Authors of it : CjMany of them are yet alive both in 
 
 England and Spain : andvehat kind of men the refl were, who are now 
 
 dead; the world knows: Henry and Ferdinand our Parents the moji 
 
 fage Princes of their time , and their Counfel fuch without doubt , lyho 
 
 for their rvifdom were approved of as fit ferv ants for fo judicious Ma- 
 
 iiers , beftdes the Pope , whofe Dijpenfation I have to /hew , and which 
 
 was procured by my Father at no fmall rate. But what thing is there 
 
 fo fincere and firm , which e/Fvy wiU not feek to blafl. Of thefe my 
 
 miferies I can accufe none but you, my Lord of York. Becaufe I could not 
 
 away with your monftrotts pride , excefftve riot,whoredom , and intoleraz 
 
 ble opprejjion , therefore do I now fujfer. And yet not only for this : 
 
 for fome part of your hatred I am beholding to my Nephew the Emperour, 
 
 whom , for that he did not fatisfie your infatiable ambition by advancing 
 
 you to the Papacy , you have ever fince maligned. lou ihreatned to be 
 
 revenged on him and his Friends , and you have performed your promife ; 
 
 for you have been the only incendiary and plotter of aH the mifchief md 
 
 PVars againfl him thefe late years. And I am his Aunt , whom how 
 
 you have perfecuted , by raifing this new doubt ^ God only knows, to 
 
 whofe judgment only I commend my caufe. ... 
 
 This fhe fpake in French , as it Teemed very much moved , and 
 would not endure to hear ivolfey fpeak in defence of himfelf , but 
 courteoufly difmiffed Campegiu^. . > 
 
 It was now June, arid the Harveft drawing on ] the Legates' 
 thought it high time to make an end of this Suit. A day there- 
 fore befng prefixed , many of Nobility , and a multitude of 
 the Commonalty repaired to the Court , verily expe(5ting, that, 
 judgment {houtd have been given for the King. Henry ( having 
 I know not how conceived fome hope of the Legates good intents) 
 caufed a feat to be placed for himfelf behind the hangings , under 
 the covert m hereof he might unfeen hear whatfoever was fpoken 
 or paffed i'n Court. The Cardinals being feated , the King's 
 Advocates earneftly requiring that fentence might be given on 
 
 E e their 
 
 1529.
 
 6o 
 
 »S2?- 
 
 CardiHal 
 Campegius his 
 Oration, 
 
 ^Annals of England. 
 
 VVoIfey di(- 
 chargej of the 
 •Great Sstl. 
 
 their fide , Campegius made this Oration , well befeeming the con- 
 ftancy of a man not unworthy of the place he fupplied. 
 
 / haz'c heard and diligently examined iivhatjoever hath been alledged 
 in the Kings behdft CAnd indeed the arguments are fuch , that I 
 wight and ought pronounce for the King , if two reafons did not controU 
 and curb my desires of doing his Miijejiy right : The Qneen {you fee ) 
 vptthdravps her fe If from the judgment of this Court , having before m 
 excepted againji the partiality of the place , where (fjjc faith ) nothing 
 can be determined without the confent of the Plaint if. \JUoreover his 
 HolineJ^ (who is the fountain and life of our authority) hath by a mef- 
 fenger given m to nnderfland , that he hathreferved this caufe for his 
 oven hearing-, fo that if we would never fo fain proceed any farther j 
 peradventure we cannot , I am frire we may not. wherefore ( which 
 only rcmaineth ) I do here dijfelve the Court : Other than this ( as the 
 cafe flands ) J cannot do ; and / befeech them , whom this Caufe coti' 
 cerns , to take in good part what I have d^ne, which if they will net, 
 although it may trouble me , yet not fo much , as to regard the threats 
 of any one. I am a. feeble old man , and fee- death fo near me , that 
 in a matter (f fo great confequence neither hope, nor fear , nor any other 
 ref^eli , but that of the Supreme Judge , before whom I find my felf 
 rt^adj to appear , fhall jway me. ^ . 
 
 - How the King was pleafed at this yoo? may eafily conceive. 
 It is reported , that the Duke of ^«/o/.t knowing the King to be 
 prefent, and confcious of his infirmity, in a great rage leaping 
 out of his Chair , bountifully beftowed a volley of curfes upon 
 the Legates , faying , It woi never well with England , (ince it had 
 any thing- to do with Cardinals. To whom Wolfey returned a few 
 words , faying i, That it was not in his power to proceed without Au- 
 thority from the Pope , and that no man ought to accufe them for not 
 doing that , whereto their pewer did not extend. 
 
 But the King's implacable anger admitted of no excufe : tvolfey 
 himfelf muft become a Sacrifice to appeafe it. As for campegius, 
 he tafted neverthclefs of the King's bounty , and had leave to 
 depart. But at Calais his carriages were fearched by the King's 
 coiTfUTiand. The pretence was, that wolfey intending an efcape, 
 bad by CAmpegioi conveyed his treafures for Rome. But the Bull 
 was the Treafure lb much fought after. The King could not 
 believe it was burned ^ and. if it were found, it was enough to 
 countenanc^^his.fecond Marriage. But found it was nor, no nor 
 I'carce ib rhueh m6ney in all the Cardinal's carriages , as had been 
 .giveahirn by the King. . j 
 
 I j'.rffoi^flytii^ fifing and- his fall were alike fudden •, neither of them 
 iby degriefas, but as the Lion gets his prey, by leaps. Shortly 
 .atier the departure of hibCollegue, upon the eighteenth of Oclober, \ 
 ■the Dukes oi Norfolk and Snfalk in his Majefties name commanded 
 him to Ibrrender the Great Seal. But he pleaded. That the King 
 kud by Patent made him. Itordchancf Hour during term of life i .^»^ h 
 '.'.., " con-
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 6i 
 
 coKfeqiience committed the culhdy of the Great Seal to him : Never 
 thelefi he tvoit/d refign his place , if his A^fdjcfiy Jb commanded. But \ 
 he thought it not jit , havifig received the Seal from the King, to 
 deliver it to xny other , hut upon efpecial Command. The Lords re- 
 turning to mndfor where the Court then was ^ the next day 
 brought the King's Letters , whofe Mandate the Cardinal forth- 
 with obeyed. In this Dignity the fix and twentieth of October 
 Sir Thomas CUore fuccecded , whole admirably general Learning 
 is fo well known to the world , that I fliall not need to fpeak any 
 thing of it. 
 
 j^yolfey being removed from the ChancellorHiip is prefently after 
 accufed of Treafon , and that (which hath been feldom leen) 
 in the Parliament , that fo without hearing he might be con- 
 demned by Ad. But he perceiving the drift of his Adverfaries, 
 procured one of his attendants Thomas Cromvcel ( he who after- 
 ward became fo potent ) to be eleded a Burgefs of tlie Lower 
 Houfe. The Cardinal bein^ daily informed by him what things 
 were laid to his charge , did by Letter inftrud him what to an- 
 fwer. Cromrvel although no Scholar, was very wife and eloquent. 
 Which good parts he fo faithfully employed in the defence of his 
 Lord , that the Houfe acquitted him , and himfelf became fa- 
 mous 5 opening withal by thefe means a way to thofe Honoyrs, 
 to which the current of a few years advanced him. Even they 
 who hated ^ro//^^ , honoured Cromvcel, whofe wifdom , induftry, 
 but above all , fidelity in defending his dejedled Lord , was ad- 
 mirable. 
 
 Now the Cardinal becaufe he would not be found a TraytOr, 
 is fain into a Prsmunire. Whereupon he is thrufb as it were 
 naked forth his own houfe , his great wealth is feized on by the 
 King's Officers, and he fain to borrow furniture for his houfe, 
 and money for his neceflary expences. Judges are fent into the 
 houfe whereto he was confined , to take his anfwer to the obje- 
 ded crime, which was, that without leave from the King he had 
 dared fo many years to exercife his power Legatine.. To which 
 calumny ( for can any man believe it to be other ) he made this 
 anfwer : 
 
 / am nove fixty years old , and have Jpent my days in his L^tajejlies 
 [ervice , neither jhunning pains , nor endeavouring any thing more , 
 than { next my Creatour ) to pleafe him. i^nd is this that heinous 
 offence , for ivhich I am at this age deprived ofmyEflate, and forced 
 as it rvere to beg my bread from door to door ? I expe^ed [owe acctt- 
 fation of a higher fir ain , us Treafon , er the like ; not for that J know 
 my [elf confctoHS of any fuch matter , but that hts Majejlies vptfdom is 
 fuch, M to know , it little befeems the confiancy and magnanimity of 
 A King for a flight fault to condemn , and that without hearing , an 
 ancient fervant , for fo many years next his Perfon , greatest in his 
 favour , and to infliB a, punifhmeM on him more horrid than death. 
 
 Ee z what 
 
 1.5-29. 
 
 sir Thcmas 
 
 More lor J 
 Chaticellour. 
 
 37« Cardinal 
 accujed of 
 Treafon. 
 
 WolfeyV 
 Sfeeth tt thi 
 Juigts.
 
 6i 
 
 AnndU of England. 
 
 1529- 
 
 ctri^-Chmch 
 itt Oxford. 
 
 what wan if he , veho ii fo hafe minded , that be had not rather a thcu- 
 fa»d times perijb , than fee a thoufand men { fo many fny Family num~ 
 breth ) of rvhofe faithful feyjice be hath had long tryal , for the moft 
 part to periflj befsre his eyes ? But finding nothing elfe objecfed., I 
 conceive great hope , that I ffjall of eafily break this machination of 
 combined envy , ds was that late one againft me in the Parliament , 
 concerning Treafon. It is well known to his Majejly { of whofe jujiice 
 I am confident ) that I would not prefume to execute my power Lega- 
 tine , before he had been f leafed to ratifie it by his Royal Affent given 
 under his Seal ; which notrvithjlanding I cannot ncree produce , that and 
 all my goods ( as you well know) being taken from me. Neither indeed 
 if I could , wffttld I produce it. For to what end fhould I contend with 
 the King ? Go therefore , and tell his Majejiy , that I acknowledge all 
 that I have ( but alas what Jpeak I of what I have , who indeed have 
 nothing left me ? ) or whatfoever I had , to be derived from his Royal 
 Bounty , and do think it good reafon , that he fhould revoke his gifts , 
 if he think me unworthy of them. Why then do J not remit my caufe 
 to his Majefiys arbitrement , at his pleafure to be either condemned or 
 abfolved ? To him then if you will have me ackncwledge my fault , 
 behold , I mil make fhort work with you , / confefS it, The King knows 
 my inmcency , fo that neither my own confeffion , mr the calumnies of 
 of my adverfaries can deceive him. I am therefore content to confefi 
 my (elf guilty. His Alajcfly from the fountain of his natural clemency 
 doth often derive the fire am s of his mercy to the delinquent: And, I 
 know , though J fhould not deftre it , He will regard my inmcency. 
 
 Upon his confeffion , the penalty of the Law was forthwith 
 inflidted , only he was not , as the Law requires , committed to 
 perpetual imprifonment. The furniture of his houfe of infinite 
 value , incredible ftore of Plate and great Treafure had been al- 
 ready feifed to the King's ufe. There remained nothing but the 
 Lands wherewith he intended to endow his Colledge , the 
 greateft part whereof were his own purchafe , the reft were the 
 demefnes of the demolifhed Monafteries. Thefe Lands amounted 
 to above four thoufand pounds per annum , and were all confifca- 
 ted. But God would not fuffer fo brave a work to pcrifh. The King 
 afterward bellowed on the Colledge in OJc/<>r^ called Chrifi-Church, 
 revenues for the maintenance of a Dean , eight Prebendaries , a 
 hundred Students , twelvcChaplains and Singing men, and four 
 and twenty Alms-men , for which this Colledge acknowledgeth 
 Henry the Eighth for its Founder. But the King arrogated to 
 himlelf what was truly to be afcribed to the Cardinal ; who wa^ 
 now in the cafe of the poor Moufe , whom the Cat intends to 
 devour. The King had marked him out for deftrU(5lion , yer 
 permitted him to live , butfo, as that he could never efcape, and 
 yet never dcfpair of elcaping. Scarce any day throughout thofe 
 few months paiTcd 5 wherein he endured not fomethingor other, 
 I that would have animated a fenflefs thihg with anger: neither 
 
 was
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 ^3 
 
 was the Cardinal compolcd of patience , yet did he never defpair. 
 His forrows were always tempered with Ibme mixturq of jjy : 
 For he was often vifited from the King , but that very fecretly, 
 and commonly by night 5 often ceitified of the King's aflfedion 
 towards him , in token whereof the Vihtants did fometimes from 
 the King prefent him with a Jewel or fome fuch thing • willing 
 him to be of good comfort, for thatdiortly, they would affure 
 him , he (hould be railed to his former degree of favour and power, 
 Adverlity at length prevailing , he fell into a difeafe , from the 
 extremity whereof few expecfted his recovery. And the King 
 demanding of one of his Phyficians ( whofe patient the Cardinal 
 was ) what difeafe m>/fe)r had , the Dotftor replied , fvhat difeafe 
 foever be hatb , tf you deftre his death , you may be fectire , for I pro- 
 mi fe you he will not live to fee the end of three days more. The King 
 ftriking the table with his hand , crycd out , / had rather lofe 
 twenty thoufand Founds than he fijotdd dye : Make hafl therefore you , 
 and AS many other Phyficians as are about the Court , and by all means 
 endeaveur his recovery. The Phyfician then certifying him , that 
 he was fick , more in mind , than body 5 the King difpatched 
 away a Gentleman with a Ring , which wolfey had formerly 
 given to him , w^illing him withal to tell the Cardinal , that the 
 King's anger was now paft , who was forry that he had fo long 
 given ear to detraction • and that he fhould ftortly find , that the 
 King's affeftion towards him was no lefs , than when heflourifhed 
 moft in the fun-fhine of his favour. The fame comfortable words 
 being again and again ingeminated by divers others fent for 
 that purpole , the Cardinal in a few days recovered his former 
 health. 
 
 At Court each one afpired to rife by vnlfey his fall,' But 
 now jealous left the King intended a real and fincere reconci- 
 liation , and fearing revenge from him whom they had injured , 
 work all their wits to fupplarit him. At , or about London he was 
 too near the Court , fome trick muft be had to fend him farther. 
 mnchefler ( the Biflioprick whereof he held in Cormnendam) 
 was not far enough off. Why then fhould he not ( faid they ) 
 being not detained at London as Lord Chancellor, betake himfelf 
 to the government of his Archbifhoprick of Tork ? So having 
 a thoufand Pounds afligned him by the King (whofe Council 
 thought Marks fufficient ) about the end of ^-March in the en- 
 fuing year he fet forward towards Terk. Of all his Livings they 
 leave him only the Archbifhoprick of Tork wherewith to main- 
 tain him , the revenues whereof might be valued at four thoufand 
 Pounds per annmnJ The fpeech of Seneca concerning yi^icitts , why 
 may I not apply it to the prefent Urate of mlfey ? Hovp grtat -km 
 his Luxury , rvho deemed the income of four thoufand Founds , poverty ? 
 
 And now it were requifite that we fhould proceed to the yeai' 
 1530. But let us firft behold the end of this great Cardinal. That 
 
 Summer 
 
 1529. 
 
 Wolfey /,iff* 
 
 Wolfey M cm- 
 fititi t» York.
 
 64 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 2P. 
 
 Jhe Cardinal 
 it apprthtndid. 
 
 Hu lafi ittOids, 
 
 Summer he fpent at Carvood , a Mannor-houfe belonging to the 
 See of York , where by his mildnefs , juftice , and Ubef ality , he did 
 fo win the hearts of his Diocefans,, j:hac he was both admired 
 and loved. He Teemed to be much delighted with this folitary 
 confinement-, for that having hitherto been toffed in the Court 
 to and fro as in a tempcfl , he had now efcaped , not from fhip- 
 wrack to a Rock , but to his defired Haven of repofe. Yet not- 
 withftanding upon any the leaft hope of recovering his former 
 power ( although he profclTed , that converted by an Ancliorite 
 of Richmond he had bid adieu to the vanities of the World ) he 
 could not conceal the greatnefs of his joy. That he failed of his 
 hopes ( which indeed were none of the leaft ) I cannot aflent to 
 them 5 who impute it to the importunity of his potent Adverfa- 
 ries. For to what end ferved fo many melTages full of gracious 
 and reconciliatory promifes , but ever intermixed with infuflferable 
 difgraces the forerunners of a dire Cataftrophe < Certainly to no 
 other , than that he might be wrought one way or other to ap- 
 prove of, and give fentence for the King's Divorce (atleafl) as 
 Archbifliop Cranmer after did. 
 
 But this courfe not prevailing, they intend a fecond accu- 
 fation of Treafon. To this purpofe the Earl of NerthumherUnd is 
 (ent to apprehend , and ( as he was amazed at this fudden change) 
 bring him to his anfwer to London. But by the way he fell fick 
 of adifeafe, which 2X Leicefier-hhhz'^ fecured himfiromall other. 
 Being near his end , it is reported Sir William KingHon (who lately 
 came thither with fome of the King's Guard) exhorted him to 
 be of good comfort , for that the King ( in whofc name he fainted 
 him ) had fent for him to no other end , but that he might clear 
 himfelf from thofe things , which malice and detraction had for- 
 ged againft him : neither did he doubt , but that fhortly he {hould 
 fee him more potent than ever , if out of pufillanimity he gave 
 not too much fcope to the violence of his difcontented paflions. 
 Whereto the Cardinal in thefe his laft words replied : 
 
 I Am as truly glad to hear of his UMajeJlys health, as I truly knorv 
 my death to be at hand ; / have nove been eight days together troubled 
 with a Flux accompanied with a continual Fever , which kind ofdifeafe, 
 if within eight days it remit nothing of its wonted violence , by the con- 
 sent of all Phyficians threat net h no lef than death , feradventure an evil 
 beyond death , diflraBion. But grown weak , and my difeafe raging 
 more and more , I do each minute exfeEi , when God will be fleafed to 
 free this finful foul from this loathfom prifon of the body^ But jbould 
 my life be a Itttle prolonged , do you think J perceive not what traps are 
 laid for me ? Tou 5ir William (/^ / miflake not) are Lieutenant of the 
 Tower , and I gueffor what you come. But God hath jujlly rewarded 
 me for neglcBing my due fervice to him , and wholly applying my [elf 
 to his Majeflfs pleafure. fVoe is me , wretch and fit that J am , who 
 have been ungrateful to the King of kings / whom if I had ferved with 
 
 that
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 65 
 
 fkit dtte devout obfervAfue th.it befits a ChriJIidn , he woisU not have 
 forj'aken me in the evening of my age. I would I mi^ht be a oenernl 
 example {even to the Kinghi?nj'etf) ffow [lippcrily thcyjhfidin thii, 
 world , who do not above all things rely upon the frm fuppert of G O D's 
 Favour and Providence. Salute his <JMAJe(ly from me , and deliver 
 thU my litjl petition unto him , which is , Th^t he live mindful of the 
 tryal he mujl undergo before GO D's high Tribunal ; fo Jljall he by the 
 fecret tefUmony of his own confcience jree we from thofe crimes where- 
 with my adver fanes feel: to burthen me; 
 
 More he would have Ipoken , but his fpeech failed him , and 
 death prelcntly enlbcd. His body apparelled in his Pontifical 
 Robes , after it had all that day ( tor he expired at the very break 
 of day ) been cxpofcd to open view, was at midnight without 
 any folemnity buried in our Ladies Chappel , in the Church of 
 the Monaftery. Thus unhappily ended Cardinal mlfey , his long 
 happy life 5 than whom England, no nor I believe all Europe , if 
 you except the BiHi )ps of Rome , ever faw a more potent Prelate. 
 His retinue conlilfed of near about a thouland perfons , among 
 which were' one Earl, commonly nine Barons, many Knights 
 and Gentlemen , and of Officers belonging to his houfe above 
 four hundred-, befides their Servants , which far exceeded the for- 
 mer number. His Chappel was ferved by a Dean , a Sub-dean j 
 a Chanter, thirty five Singers , v/ hereof thirteen were Clergy, 
 twelve Lay^ and ten Chorifters, four Sextons, befide fixteen 
 Chaplains (the moft fufficient for their Learning throughout all 
 England) two Crofs-beatcrs , and as many Pillar-bearers. But 
 nothing doth manifeft his wealth and greatnefs fo much as do 
 his llately and incomparable Buildings. We have already fpoken 
 of his Coliedges. whitehil ( then called York-houfe , as belonging 
 to the Archbilhop) the place where our Kings do mod rehde, 
 was almoft wholy built by him. Hampton-Court , the neatcft pile 
 of all the King's houfes , he raifed entirely from the ground , and 
 having furnilhed it with moll rich houlholdftuff , gave itu:o the 
 King. It was a gift fitter for a King to take, than for afubjed: 
 to give. But in the opinion of the vulgar the Monument which 
 lie m tended for the King far liirpafTed all thefe : It was of folid 
 Brals, but unfinilhed , and is to be fecn iaHemj the Eighth his 
 Chappel : in the Church of mridfor. That three of his Children 
 reigning after iiim , none of them undertook by perfecting it to 
 cover the ( as it were ) unburied bones of their Father , what may 
 we think , but that the exctffivc charge of it deterred theme" 
 But upon a farther inquiry we may more juftly afcribe it to the 
 efpecial judgment of the Divine Providence , who had decreed , 
 that he who had fo horribly fpoiled tl«j Church , lliould alone be 
 debarred the honour afforded to each of his Predeceitors in the 
 Church. And thus much concerning v/olfey , who died the 
 thirtieth of iWi/^w^^r , 15 Jo. a oil,/ ^i , -.: 
 
 'In 
 
 J 5 2p. 
 
 Us iieih. 
 
 And is butiii. 
 
 tilt greatnefs. 
 
 His buiWngs.
 
 66 
 
 AnmU of England. 
 
 I 5 2P. 
 
 Cambray, 
 
 "ihe firfi tcca- 
 Jiou of Cran. 
 toei's riftng. 
 
 In the mean time in June , Amo 1529 » after long debating the 
 matter to and fro , by the mediation of Louyfe the French King's 
 Mother, and Margaret Aunt to the Emperour , thefe two Princes 
 are drawn to an accord , and a Peace is concluded between them 
 zx. Cambray, thence commonly called The Peace ^Cambray, biit 
 by us J The Peace of Women. The chief Conditions whereof, 
 and that any way concerned us were ; 
 
 That the French King jhouU give to the Emperour for the freedom 
 of his children ( who had been three years Hoftages in Spain far 
 their Father ) two millions of Crorvns , rvhereof he Jhould pay four 
 hundred thoufand ( due from the Emperour by the League made Anno 
 1522) to Henry and his Sifter Mary Dovpager of France. Befide 
 which huge fumm he jhould alfo acquit the Emperour of five hundred 
 thousand , which he did owe to our King for the indemnity of the Mar- 
 riage between the Emperour and the Lady Mary the King's Daughter, 
 whom ( having been long fince contraded ) he left , to marry 
 with the Daughter of Portugal: And that he fljould difengage and 
 reftore to the Emperour the Flower-de-Lys of gold enriched with pre- 
 cious Hones , and apiece of our Saviour's Croft , which Philip, truly 
 called. The Good Duke of Burgoigne the Emperour' s lather being 
 driven into England by contrary winds , had engaged to Henry the 
 Seventh for fifty thoufand Crowns. 
 
 So that the fumm to be paid to Henry amounted to nine hundred 
 and fifty thoufand Crowns , befides fixteen hundred thoufand 
 more to be paid to the Emperour at the very inftant of the deli- 
 very of the French King's Children. The total fumm was two 
 millions five hundred fifty thoufand Crowns , which of our 
 money make feven hundred fixty five thoufand Pounds. 
 
 Francis not knowing which way fuddeniy to raife fb" huge 
 a mafs , by his Ambaffadors intreated our King to be plieafed to 
 ftay fome time for his moneys. But Henry was much moved , 
 that he had not been made acquainted with this Treaty : not- 
 withftanding his fecret defigns made him temper his choler , nay, 
 and with incredible liberality to grantmore than was demanded. 
 For he abfolutely forgave him the ^vt hundred thouiarid Crowns 
 due for the not marrying his Daughter, hegavetheFlower-de- 
 Lys to his God-fon Henry Duke of Orleans , and left the other' 
 four hundred thoufand to be paid by equal portions in- five years. 
 The Pope had lately by his Legates deluded Henry, who was there-, 
 upon much difcontented not knowing what courfe to run. And 
 this is thought to be the caufe of his fo extraordinary liberality 
 toward \}i\^ French. 
 
 The King being then in progrefs , arid hunting at tvahham , it 
 happened that Stephen Gardiner Principal Secretary of Eftate ( after 
 Biftiop of tvinton ) and Fox the King's Almoner ( after Bifliop of 
 Hereford ) were billeted in the houfe of a Gentlertan named 
 Crejey , who had fent his two Sons to be brought up at Cat^bridge, 
 
 under 
 
 \-
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 67 
 
 under the tutelage of Thomas Crxnnier Dodor in Divinity , a man 
 both very learned and virtuous. The Plague then fprcading it felf 
 in Cambridge , Crstjmer with his two Pupils betook himlelf to 
 Mr. Crejfey their Father his houfe : Where Gardiner and Fox among 
 other table-talk difcourfing of the King's Suit concerning his Di- 
 vorce, which had lb many years depended in the Court of Rome un- 
 decided, Cranmer faid , that he wondred the King required not the 
 opinions of the molt famous learned menthatwereany where to 
 be found ( of whom the world had many far more learned than 
 the Pope) and and followed not their judgments. What Cranmer 
 had as it were let fall by chance they report to the King , ^ho 
 fuddenly apprehending it , faid , that this fellow , whofoever he 
 was , had hit the nail on the head , and withal demanding his 
 name, caufed Cranmer to be fent for, whom! he commended for 
 his (but too late) advice, which courfe if he had taken but five 
 years before , he ihould now have had an hundred thoufand 
 Pounds in his Purfe , which he had unprofitably in this Suit caft 
 away en the Court of Rome : he commands Cranmer to write a 
 Trad concerning this Queftion , wherein having drawn together 
 what Reafons he could for the confirmation of his advice, he 
 fhould conclude with his own opinion. Cramner did it very 
 readily , and is thereupon with Sir Thom.n Bolen ( lately created 
 Earl of mltjhire ) Came, stokejley, and Benet, Dodors of Law, with 
 others fent on an Embaffie to Rome : Cranmer's Book is to be pre- 
 fented tohis.Holiriefs, ajid they are commanded to challenge the 
 Court of Rome to a Difputation, wherein the Contents of that 
 Book fhould be maintained -, the Argument whereof was , That 
 by the authority of holy Scripture , anttent Fathers , and Councils , it 
 iv.a utterly unlawful for any man to marry his Brother's mdarv , and 
 that no fuch marriage could be licenced or authorized, by the Pope's 
 Dijpenfation. This being done, the King's intent was, they fhould 
 procure the opinions of all the Univerfities throughout Europe , 
 by whom if he found his former Marriage condemned , then 
 without farther expeding the approbation of the See of Rome , he 
 was refolved to run the hazard of a fecond. To this the amity 
 of the French feeming very conducible , the King had by his for- 
 mer liberality fought to oblige him. The AmbafTadors came to 
 Reme, had audience, were promifed a publick Difputation , where- 
 of they were held fo long in expedation , that perceiving their 
 ftay there to be to little purpole , they all returned into England , 
 except Cranmer , who w ith the fame inftrudions that he had 
 formerly been fent to the Pope, was to go to the Emperour, 
 whofc Court was then in Germany. There this good and learned 
 man , hitherto no friend to Luther , while he defends his own 
 Book and the King's Divorce , againft the moft learned either 
 of Proteftants or PapiAs , is thought to have been feafoned 
 with the leaven of that Dodrine , for which after he had been 
 
 F f twenty 
 
 i 5 3^-
 
 68 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1^2 9' 
 
 Crtatim of 
 £arb. 
 
 1530. 
 
 ihi Bible 
 tranfiated into 
 Englifh. 
 
 An Emiajfy 
 r« tbf Pept, 
 
 twenty years Archbifhop of canterbury , he was moft cruelly 
 burned. " 
 
 While Cranmer thus laboured abroad , the King at home deals 
 with Laagey the French AmbafTador , by whole means ( with the 
 forcible Rhetorick ( faith one ) of fome EngUjh Angels ) he ob- 
 tained of the Univerfities of Paris , with the reft throughout 
 France, Favia, Padua , Benonia , and others , this Conclufion , That 
 the Pope (who hath no forver over the Pofttive Lave of God) could not 
 by his Dijpenfation ratijie a Kj\iarriage tontra^ed between a Brother 
 and a Brother's fVidovp , it being forbidden by the exfrej^ voords of 
 Scripture. 
 
 The eighth of December the King graced three noble and 
 worthy men with new Titles of Honour. Thomoi Bolen Vifcount 
 Rochfort, the King's future Father-in- Law , was created Earl of 
 m/tjbire, Robert RatclijfWiicountFitz-PValter, of the noble Family 
 of the Fitz-yvalters , Earl of Sujfex ; in which honour his Son 
 Thomas , his Nephews, Thomas firft , then Henry Brother to Thomas, 
 and now Robert the Son of Henry have fucceedcd him : And George 
 Lord Hayings was made Earl of Huntingdon , who left it to his 
 Son Francis Father of Henry , who decealed without ilTue , and 
 George Grandfather to Henry the now Earl by Francis , who died 
 before his Father. 
 
 ^NNO DOM. 1530. REG. 22. 
 
 'X'T\'TlUiam Tyndal having tranflated the New Teftament 
 V V into Englifh , and procured it to be printed at <^nt- 
 verp , had fecretly difperfed many copies thereof thoughout Eng- 
 land. Whereat the Bilhops and Clergy ( efpecially thofe that 
 were moft addided to the Dodlrine of Rome ) ftorraed exceedingly, 
 faying that this Tranflation was full of errours , and that in the 
 Prefaces and elfewhere it contained many things contrary to the 
 Truth. The King being angry with the Pope , had long fince 
 determined to free himfelf from his ufurped power. And. there- 
 fore admonifhed the murmuring Clergy to correft this Book , not 
 to fupprefs it : for it was a moft profitable work , and very necef- 
 fary for the difcovery of the deceits of the Court of Rome , the 
 tj/ranny whereof was become intolerable to all the Princes of 
 Chriftendom. Whereupon he giveth order to the Biihops and 
 fome other learned men to fet forth a new Tranllation , which 
 his Subjeds might read with fafety and profit. 
 
 The hope of prevailing with the Pope by the French King's 
 means haci drawn Henry to fend on a fecond Embaflage to the 
 Pope, the Earl oi mltJJjire, Dodot Stoke/ley Ehdo^ London, and 
 Edveard Lee, fVolfey his Succeflbr in Fork. They found the Pope 
 at Bononia. with the Emperour , but had no other anfwer to their 
 
 demands
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 69 
 
 demands , than , tliat his Holinefs when he came to Rome , would 
 endeavour to do the Kmg juilice. Till then he could do no- 
 thing. 
 
 Fair means not prevailing , the King runs another courfe. By 
 publick Proclamation throughout the Kingdom he forbids all 
 commerce between his Subje^s and the Biihop of Rowe ; com- 
 manding that no man fliould receive any thing from , or fend any 
 thing (elpecially money ) unto him , either by exchange , or any 
 other means, calling him Tyrant, the Harpy of the World, the 
 common Incendiary , and deeming him utterly unworthy of that 
 glorious title which he had vainglorioufly ufurped , cbrtjl's Ficar. 
 This in September. 
 
 But the wealth of the Clergy being very great , and corifi- 
 dering how they had in the P.eigns of his Predecellbrs ftrongly 
 fided with the Pope , the King was fomewhat jealous of them. 
 To curb them he condemns the whole Clergy throughout the 
 Kingdom in a Prxmunire , for that without licence from his Ma- 
 jefty they had been obedient to the authority of the Pope, in 
 acknowledging ^volfej^ for his Legate. The Clergy of the Province 
 of Canterbury , being affembled in Convocation , buy their pardon 
 at a hundred thoufand Pounds , and in this Synod he is ( with 
 much ado ) by the Clergy of both Provinces declared next under 
 Chrift Supreme Head of the church of England , and all forein 
 power or authority whatfoever difclaimed. The Province of 
 Tork is moreover fined at eighteen thoufand eight hundred and 
 forty Pounds. So this one fault ( if it may be fo accompted , it 
 being certain that fvolfey was licenced to exercife his authority 
 Legantine ) coft the Clergy a hundred and eighteen thoufand , 
 eight hundred and forty Pounds. 
 
 t^NNO DOM. 1531. REG. 23. 
 
 THe only publick memorable occurrents of this year were, 
 that the Laity , for the moft part as deep in a Praemunire , as 
 the Clergy , were by Aft of Parliament pardoned. In which 
 aflembly Sir Thomas More Lord ChancelloUr, and other remarkable 
 fpeakers related at large the Conclufions of the Univerfities con- 
 cerning the unlawfulnefs of the King's marriage. 
 
 And yet perhaps the notorious villany of Richard Rofe Cook 
 to the Biihop of Rochejler , might crave a place in this Hiltory, 
 who with poyfoned broth killed fixteen of the Bifliop's fervants. 
 The Biihop himfelf ( who was efpecially aimed at) that day con- 
 trary to his accuftomed diet forbearing broth , efcaped. The 
 poifoner , according to a Law lately enafted , was thrown into 
 a cauldron of boyling water. But the offence deferved tortiires 
 of a moft exquifite ftrain. 
 
 Ffz K^N'NO 
 
 1530. 
 
 Ali coifimeree 
 with the Set 
 of Rome jof 
 biddin. 
 
 The Clergy 
 jiiitd. 
 
 the King de- 
 clared Jufrime 
 Head of th$ 
 Chutcf). 
 
 I 5
 
 70 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1532. 
 
 the death of 
 William Wnr- 
 ham jlrchiijhop 
 of Canterbury. 
 Cranmer 
 ( though much 
 againfi his 
 willjjncceedelh 
 him. 
 
 Sir Thomas 
 
 More reigns 
 the place of 
 Lord Chan- 
 ceBetiT. 
 
 Lyi N N O DOM, i^^i. REG. 24. 
 
 ON the three and twentieth of ^ngujl died mllum warhnm 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury , to whom Thomas Cranmer at that 
 time in Germany about the King's affairs , was appointed Suc- 
 ceflbr. He was not fo ambitious as to afpire to iuch a dignity • 
 and fome reafons made him unwilling to accept it being offered : 
 He knew before he could be confecrated he muft fwear obedience 
 to the Pope , which with a fafe confcience he could not. He 
 feared what would be the ifTueof this abrupt feparation from the 
 See of Rome. He knew the King's difpofition to be violent , fuch 
 fudden changes to be full of danger , and the Court ( although 
 he had not yet purchafcd the acquaintance of it ) to be a meer 
 School of fraud and difTembling. The King's pleafure muft ne- 
 ceffarily be obeyed , and if he flipped never fb little, envy, the 
 mifchievous attendant of great felicity, would help him forward 
 to a break-neck. Cranmer alfo having long fince loll; his Wife 
 whom he had married in his youth , had taken a liking to a cer- 
 tain maid, Niece to Ofander's Wife , whom he intended to make 
 his lecond Wife : yet he knew that the Canon Law permitted 
 not Priefls to marry , and made them uncapable of holy Orders , 
 who had been twice married. Thele confiderations made him 
 linger in Germany fix whole months after the difpatch of his bu- 
 finefs , hoping that his abfence might afford means to fome other 
 to work a way to the Archbifhoprick. But the times were fuch, 
 that they to whom defert might give grcateft hopes of attaining 
 it , did abhor this flill tottering and flippery dignity : and even 
 they who were already advanced to the like , endeavoured to 
 betake themfelves to the fafety of meaner fortune • As did Sir 
 Thomas More the Lord Chancellour , who by his continual earneft 
 petitions obtained leave of the King on the fifteenth of LP\^ay to 
 refign his place ^ and Sir Thomas K^rvdley on the fourth of "june 
 was in his flead made Lord Keeper. Cranmer having privately 
 married his Wife ^tNorimberg, at length returned \\\to England^ 
 where the King's importunity prevailing beyond all fcrupulous 
 difficulties , Cranmer is ( though much againft his will ) made 
 Archbifliop of Canterbury , the Pope alfo by his Bull confirming 
 the Eledion. He refufing the Archbiflioprick , Becaufe he muft 
 take an Oath to the Pope, delivered the Bull to the King , pro- 
 tefting that he would never accept of any Bifhoprick in England, 
 but from the King , who was Supreme Head of the Church of 
 England -J and that he would not take any Oath that fliould any 
 way derogate from the King's Authority. At length the ilibtil 
 heads of the Lawyers found out a quirk whereby to lalve all : 
 He muft firft by a previous Protcftation except againft this Oath 
 (which was to be t^kea pro forma ) that it fliould not hereafter be 
 
 any
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 any way prejudicial to him. Thus afcended Crmmer to the Ar- 
 chiepifcopal See , where he fate near about twenty years , until 
 Queen /T/4/')' the Daughter of repudiated Catharine not only thruft 
 this moft innocent , grave, learned man out of his Bilhoprick,. 
 but with a barbarous cruelty condemned him to the fire , aS' 
 hereafter in its place we Ihall declare. 
 
 For the Treatife of a more ftrid League between the two Kings 
 o^ England and France , an interview is appointed between them. 
 To this end on the eleventh OBober the King with a mighty' 
 train pafled to Calais. The tenth day , after going to Bolotgne , 
 he was met half way by the French King and his Sons , and con- 
 duced to Boloigne , where the two Kings divided the Abbey be- 
 tween them. Henry ftaid there four days , and then brought 
 Francis ( in vi'liofe company were the King of Navarre , fome 
 Dukes, and Cardinals, a great number of Noblemen , and of 
 others at leaft twelve hundred) to Calais. At St. '^oquehert the 
 Duke of Richmond (who was not at Boloigne with the King his 
 Father) received them. After much folemn entertainment, and 
 the interchangeable favours from each King to the Princes of 
 each others company , hom Henry to xhtYiXn^o^ Navarre (or as 
 the French write , to CMontmorency ) and chabot the Admiral by the 
 Order of the Garter ; From Francis to the Dukes of Norfolk and 
 Suffolk by that of St. Michael, thefe great Monarchs parted. 
 
 Jealoufie of the Emperour's ftill increaling power had now 
 united thefe Princes , and their natural difpofitions wonderful 
 agreeable had made them always prone to a mutual love , which 
 by this interview took (iich deep root , that even in their own 
 opinions they refted affured of each other. And indeed had they 
 been private perfons, their friendfhipin all likelihood had conti- 
 nued inviolable* But Princes are not fo much to be fwayed by 
 their own affedlions , as the confideration of the publick Utility. 
 The effeft of this interview was an agreement to repreis the Turk 
 about that time wafting Hungary , to which end they Ihould af- 
 femble together by their joint forces an Army of fourfcore thou- 
 fand men , whereof th^re (hould be ten thoufand horle , with 
 Artillery requifite for the laid Camp : A fpecious pretext : For 
 they both knew , that the Turk had already retreated. But in 
 private they treated of other matters. They had both many.caufes 
 of difcontent. Francis not without caufe was difpleafed with the 
 Pope , and Henry thinking it beft to ftrike while the Iron was 
 hot , endeavoured an utter alienation between them. Henry 
 complains firftof the wrong the Court oi Rome did him touching 
 the matter of his Divorce , in the fuit whereof full fix years were 
 now fpent : and yet at length after all their deceits and mockeries, 
 they leek to force him, either to go in perfon to Rome , or in a 
 matter of fo great importance to (end Deputies , who fhould in 
 the King's behalf follow the Suit. An mlblent proceeding , and 
 
 injury 
 
 7y 
 1533. 
 
 -^« ir.tir'jitis 
 hefjueen tf'e 
 Kings (if Eng- 
 land and 
 France. '
 
 72 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 153 
 
 a. 
 
 injury without example , which did concern the French and all 
 other Princes of Chriftendom. For in like cafes hapning among 
 Sovereign Princes , efpccially touching the conicience fo near , it 
 was the ufual cuftom of other Popes to fend Judges to the place , it 
 being reafonable that the Perfons (hould fpeak perfonally , and not 
 by their Attorneys • and very unreafonable , that a Sovereign 
 Prince leaving the rule and government of his Eftates fhould go 
 and plead his caufe at Rome. Moreover he did complain of the 
 intolerable exadions of the Church of Rome over the Clergy arid 
 people of Etiglitnd ; whereby the yoak, before too heavy, was now 
 become infupportable : neither did he doubt , but iht fame courfes 
 were taken in Frame. Germany had begun the way of freedom 
 to the reft of Chriftendom ; why fliould not other Princes follow 
 their example < To conclude , he did inftantly require , that 
 they two fhould fend their Ambaffadors jointly together to the 
 Pope to fummon him to appear at the next general Council , 
 there to anfwer his extortions , and by the authority and judge- 
 ment of the Council to force him to a reformation • affirming , 
 that there was no Nation in Chriftendom , which did not defire, 
 that the infolencies of the Romanijls fhould be repreiled. To this 
 the Fremh anfwered , that he acknowledged thefe things to be 
 true , but it was not in his power to yield to the King's requeft, 
 yet for the brotherly love which he did bear unto him , and the 
 charitable regard of his own Countrey , he profeffed himfelf ready 
 to undergo all difficulties. He wanted not I'uffieient, injuries 
 whereof to complain , confidering that he having fo well deferved 
 of the Apoftolick See , but more efpecially of this Pope , yet he 
 certainly found , that Clement , all this notwithftanding , was not 
 well affedled towards him. clement had very lately Ibifered his 
 reputation to be violated in his prefence , and by the Bifhop of 
 rerulo had fecretly endeavoured to alienate the Suiffes his Allies 
 from him. France groaned under the burthen of the new and 
 undutiful exadions of the Pope's Officers , by means whereof all 
 the treafure was carried out of the Kingdom , to the prejudice of 
 his Subjeds (the Clergy efpecially) who grew poor, the Churches 
 were unrepaired , and the poor neither cloathed nor fed : and if 
 he himfelf levied any great fumm of money , the Tributes are 
 longer coming in than ufually they were wont. But he thought 
 it beft, before they proceeded to that harfh courfe , to ufe fome 
 milder means, whereto there was a fairoccafion offered > the Pope 
 having by the Cardinal of Grandmont made him a promife of an 
 interview at Nice or Avignon ; where if he could not obtain 
 reafon of him in the behalf of both , he would endeavour to pre- 
 vail by force where he could not by juft intreaties : In the mean 
 time he defired him to attend the iffue of their parley. 
 
 But Fr4»c/> concealed the true caufe of this intended interview, 
 for fear left our Henry not approving it,, ihould feek to dilTwade 
 
 him
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth, 
 
 73 
 
 him from it. The French was implacable towards the Emperour, 
 
 againft whom to ftrengthen himfelf , he means to win the Pope 
 
 by the marriage of his younger Son Henrj Duke of Orleans ( who 
 
 I after reigned ) with Catharine de, Medices Duchefs of Urbm , the 
 
 I Pope's Niece. The Pope could not at firft believe this potent 
 
 Pnnce intended him fo much honour : but perceiving the French 
 
 to be real , he moft eagerly farthered it , appointing time and 
 
 place for the confummation of it , which was after done at Alar- 
 
 feiUes by Clement himfelf in the prefcnce of the French King. 
 
 i^NNO DOM. 1533. REG. 25. 
 
 THe King's love brooked no delays. Wherefore on the five 
 and twentieth of 74»«.<^>' , privately and in the prefence of 
 very few , he marrieth the Lady Ann Bolen. 
 
 Shortly after by Ad: of Parliament the Marriage of the King 
 and the Lady Cathjtrine was declared void and inceftuous ^ and 
 a Law enaded , wherein" all Appeals to Rome were forbidden , and 
 that none lliould ftile Catharine other than Princefs of ivdes , and 
 Widow or Dowager of Prince Arthur. By virtue and authority 
 of the fame Law, the Archbifliop of Canterbury accompanied with 
 fome other Bifliops , coming to Vmjlable fix miles fyom Ampthill, 
 where Catharine then refided , caufed her to be cited before him, 
 next under the King chief Judge in all Ecclefiaftical caufes within 
 the Province of Canterbury , to fliew what reafons could be al- 
 ledged why the Marriage not lawfully contraded between the 
 King and her fliould not be difannulled , and pronounced impious , 
 inceftuous , and confequently void. To thefe things by one of 
 her Servants ihe anfwered 5 that it bcfeemed not the Archbifhop 
 to thruft his fickle into another's harveft : this Caule did yet 
 depend undecided before the Pope, Chrift's Vicar on earth , whole 
 Decree fhe would obey , and other Judge would fhe acknowledge 
 none. Being called fifteen days together and not appearing , fhe 
 is pronounced Contumax , and for her contumacy feparated from 
 the King's bed and company. Whereupon the Lady o^.v.v pro- 
 claimed Queen throughout the Kingdom , on Eafter-eve (hewed 
 her felf publickly as Queen 5 and was at Whitfontidis crowned 
 with as great pomp and folemnity as ever was Queen. The 
 particulars 1 will let pafs , excepting that prophetical Diflich 
 upon one of the Triumphant Arches purpofely ereded in London 
 where fhe was to pafs : 
 
 Retina. Anna , far is Regis de f anguine Nat am , 
 tt f Aries populis AmcA fecU tuis. 
 
 In 
 
 5 3 2. 
 
 Cathatina <Je 
 Medices mar- 
 tied te the 
 Duiie of Or- 
 leans. 
 
 15 33- 
 
 the King mar- 
 rieth Ann Bo- 
 len.
 
 74 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 33- 
 
 ihe birth tf 
 Quttn Eliza- 
 beth. 
 
 In tnglt^J, 
 
 Ann , thou a, "DAughter bearefi to our KtHg , 
 K^ni to thy feofle golden days flidt bring. 
 
 Wafers alfo with the fame impreffion were thrown about , faith 
 Stm. But I rather believe , that this Diftich was made after the 
 Queens dehvery. Whenfbever it w^ere , he that truly confiders 
 the felicity of the four and forty years Reign of this Queefls 
 Daughter , will think this Oracle could not proceed from any but 
 a Delfhixn K^pollo. For the Qiieen at the time of her Coronation 
 was great with child , ( whereof the feventh of September Ihe 
 was delivered at Greemvich ) which was that ever famous Queen 
 Eliz,abeth , who after the death of her Brother and Sifter fo glo- 
 rioufly ruled this Kingdom. 
 
 The Pope was certified of all thefe paffages - that his authority 
 in EngUnd was abrogated , that the late Q.ieen Catharine was put 
 away , that Ann Bokn as Queen was taken to the King's bed , that 
 the King ftiled himfelf Supreme Head of the church of England , 
 that the Archbifliop of Canterbury executed all thofe OiHces which 
 formerly the Pope only did , and that not as the Pope's Legate , 
 but as Primate of England, who under the King plaimed chief 
 authority in Ecclefiaftical affairs thi'oughout his whole Pro^'ince. 
 Wherewith being netled , he feemed to breath nothing but threats 
 and revenge. But knowing himfelf to have been the rnotive of 
 it , and doubtful of the event , he was eafily perfwaded by the 
 French King , as yet not to proceed hy Excommunication againft 
 Henry , until he had made trial of fome milder courfe. Where- 
 upon Francis by Bellay Bifhop of Paris intreats Henry not to with- 
 draw himfelf wholly from the obedience of Rome , for as much as 
 it was a matter of great danger : He would therefore advrfe him 
 once more by AmbafTadors to Rome , to~ fignifie that he was not 
 utterly averfe from a reconciliation : which if he did , he made 
 no doubt but all things would fucCeed to his mind. Henry was 
 certainof enjoying his Love, and let' the Pope decree Avhat he 
 lift 5 was refolved to keep her. He had beeri formerly abufcd 
 "by the Court of Rome , and was loalth tO'rivake farther trial of their 
 dilatory proceedings. Yet had Bellay prevailed fo far with him, 
 that he would be content once mo|re to fubrait Rittifelf to the 
 Church of Rome , if he could be' afTu'red of the Pope's intention 
 to do him equity. The Bifhop conceiVitiig fome hopes of a peace 
 ( although it we're in the Winter time) goes himfelf to Rome , give's 
 the Pope an account of his a(5lions, and certifies him' that the 
 matter was not yet defperate. Whereupon a day is appointed, 
 by which a Poft returning from the King was to give notice of 
 an intended EmbafTy. But the Confiftory gave fo- fhort a time 
 to have an anfvvcr, that the Poft came fhort two days at his return. 
 
 The
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 75 
 
 The term expired , they proceed haftily to the confirmation of 
 their Cenfures , notwithftanding the Bilhop's inftance to obtain 
 fix days more , for as much as contrary winds or fome other 
 chance might hinder the Mellenger- and fix days would be no» 
 great matter, confideringthc King h^ad wavered fix whole years 
 before he fell : The more moderate thought the Billiop demanded 
 but reafon • but the prepofterous hafte of the greater fort pre- 
 vailed. Two days were fcarce paft after the prefixed time , but 
 the Poft arriving with ample authority and inftru<5lions from 
 Englnni, did greatly amaze thofe hafty Cardinals, who afterwards 
 would fain , but could not find any means to mend what they 
 had fb raflily marred. For the matter (to pleafe the Emperour) 
 was fo hudled up, as that which could not ritely be finifhed in 
 three Confiftories , was done in one. So the King and the whole 
 Realm was interdicted , the Bull whereof ( the MelTengers not 
 daring to come nearer ) was brought to 'Dunkirk. 
 
 The report hereof coming to the King , he lays all the blame 
 on the Lady Catburine. Whereupon the Duke of Suffolk was fent 
 to lefTen her Houfhold : They who might be any way fufpeded 
 to have been employed by her in this bufinefs , are turned away, 
 the reft are commanded to take their Oaths to ferve her as Prin- 
 cefs of Wales , not as Queen of England. They that refufe are 
 cafhiered , and they that are content to fwear , are by her caft ofF^ 
 fo that for a time flie had k'N or no Attendants. 
 
 In the mean time , on the three and twentieth of June died 
 Mary Queen of France , the King's Sifter , and was buried in the 
 Abbey of St. Edmundsbury. 
 
 ^5 33' 
 
 A 
 
 K^ N N O DOM. 1 534. REG. z6. 
 
 Bout this time was difcovered the grand Impofture of Eli- 
 zahcth Barton, which brought her to a deferved end. She 
 had formerly been fick of a ftrange difeafe , which not only af- 
 flided her inwardly , but as often as her fitt took her , fo wonder- 
 fully diftorted her mouth and other parts of her body , that moft 
 were of opinion , it could not proceed from any natural caufe. 
 But Cuftom growing to a fecond Nature , the continuance of the 
 difeafe had taught her to diftort, her body after her recovery , in 
 the fame manner as when (he w-as Tick. Hoping to make a profit 
 of this her counterfeit Convulfion , fhe imparted the fecret to the 
 Curate of the Parifh : by whofe device after long deliberation 
 between them , it was agreed , that fhe fhould often feign her felf 
 to be in an Ecftafie : and whereas (he was wont when the fitt 
 feifed her, to lie ftill without motion, as ifflie had beert dead, 
 flie fhould now fomctimes utter fome godly fentences , inveigh 
 againft the wickcdncfs of the times , but efpecially againfl- Hcre- 
 
 G g ticks 
 
 Mary ^ttK 
 of France 
 dieth. 
 
 Tlie Itnpo/ime 
 of Elizabeth 
 Barton Jifco- 
 •virti.
 
 76 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1534. I ticks and broachers of new Opinions • and fliould relate Arrange 
 ' Vifions revealed by God to her in the time ot' her Ecftafie. By 
 thefe jugling tricks , not only anjong the Vulgar ( who termed 
 her the Holy Maid of Kent ) but among the wiier ibrt , fuch as 
 were Archbifhop i-y^rh.i-ai , Bifliop Fijher , and others , her fandity 
 was held in admiration. The Impofture taking lo genenilly , her 
 boldnefs increafed. She prefixeth a day whereon ihe lliall be re- 
 ftored to perfedl health , and the means of her recovery mult be 
 procured forfooth by a Pilgrimage to fome certain Image of our 
 Lady. The day came , and Ihe being brought to the place , by the 
 like cozenage deceived a great number of people , whom the 
 expedlation of the Miracle had drawn thither: and at laft , as if 
 fhe had juft then Ihaken off her difeafe , Ihe appears whole and 
 ftraight unto them all ; faying , That by efpecial command froin 
 God fhe muft become a Nun , and that one Dr. Bocktn"^ a MonK \ 
 of C.wtcrbiiry there prefent , was ordained to be her ConfelTor \ 
 which office he willingly undertook • under pretext whereof this 
 Nun living at Canterbury , Bockwg often reforted to her , not with- 
 out fufpition of diflionefty. 
 
 The intended Divorce from Citharme , and Marriage M'ith 
 Ann Bolen, had much appalled moll part of the Clergy: for then 
 a neceffity was impofed on the King , of a divorce from the Papal 
 See, in which the Church and all Ecclefiaftical perlbns were 
 Hkely to fuffer. The apprehenfion whereof wrought fo with 
 Backing , that making others confcious of the intent , he perfwa- 
 ded Eliz-abeth Barton by denuntiation of God's revealed judgments 
 to deterr the King from his purpofed change. She according as 
 file was inftruifled , proclaims it abroad , That the King adven- 
 turing to marry another , Catharine furviving, fliould, if in the 
 mean time he died not fome infamous death , within one month 
 after be deprived of his Kingdom. The King hears of it , and 
 caufeth the Impoftrix to be apprehended , who upon examination 
 difcovered the reft of the Conipirators , who were all committed 
 to prifon until the next Parliament fliould determine of them. 
 Elizabeth Barton , Backing , Majiers , ( the afore mentioned Curate 
 of the Parifli) Deering, and Riiby , Monks, with Gold a Prieft, 
 are by the Parliament adjudged to die. The Bilhop of Rcchcfier, 
 and Adefon his Chaplain , one Abel a Prieft , Laurence the Arch- 
 deacon of Canterbury his Regifter , and Thomas Gold Gentleman, 
 for having heard many things , whereby they might guels at the 
 intents of the Confpirators , and not acquainting the Magiftrate 
 with them , are as accefli^ry condemned in a Pr-unumre , ( con- 
 fifcation of their goods , and perpetual imprifonment. ) Elizabeth 
 Barton and her Companions , having each of them after a Sermon 
 at Pauls Crofs , publickly confeflcd the Impofture^ are on the 
 tvrentieth of c_^r/7 hanged , and their Heads let over the Gates 
 of the City. 
 
 By
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 77 
 
 By the fame Parliament , the authority of tlie Convocation to 
 make Canonical Conltitutions , unlefs the King give his Royal 
 aflent , is abrogated. 
 
 It is alCo enaded , That the Collocation of all Biihopricks , the 
 Sees being vacant , Hiould henceforth be at the King's difpole , 
 and that no man (liould be cho(en by the Chapter , or confecratcd 
 by the Archbiihop , but he on whom the King by his Co»ge 
 D'eflire or other his Letters had conferred that Dignity. 
 
 And whereas many complained , that now all commerce with 
 Rome was forbidden , all means wcfe taken away of mitigating 
 the rigour of the Ecclefiafirical Laws of Difpenfation ^ Papal 
 authority is granted to the Archbilhop of Canterbury , the Kmg 
 referving to himfelf the power of difpenftng in caufes of greater 
 moment. And that all Appeals formerly wont to bemadefroni 
 the Archbilhop to the Pope, fliould now be from the Archbilhop 
 to the King , who by Delegates Ihould determine all fuch Suits 
 and Controverfics, . , 
 
 Furthermore , the King's Marriage with the Lady Catharine 
 is again ptonounced inceif uous , the Succeffion to the Crown 
 eftablifhed bn the King's IflTue begotten on Queen o//;». And 
 all above the age of fixteen years throughout the Kingdom , are 
 to be bound by Oath , to the obfervance of this Law : WhoCoever 
 refufed to take thisOath , fhould fuffer lofs of all their goods , and 
 perpetual imprifonmeht. 
 
 Throughout all the Realm- there were found but two , who 
 durft refradlorily oppofe this Law , 'viz. Ftjher BiHiop of Rochejier, 
 and Sir Thom.u More the late Lord Chancellor • men who were 
 indeed vefy Itarned, but moil oblfinate Ificklers in the behalf 
 of the Church of Rome : who being not to be drawn by any per- 
 fwafions , to be conformable to the Law , were committed to 
 prifon , from whence after a years durance they were not freed 
 but by the lofs of their lives. 
 
 But the King fearing that it might be thought , That he took 
 thefe courfes rather out of a contempt of Religion , than in regard 
 of the tyranny of the Court of Rome ; to free himfelf from all 
 fufpition either of favouring Luther, or any authors of new Opi- 
 hions , bcgafi to peffecute that fort of men whom the Vulgaf 
 called Hereticks , and condemned to the cruelty of that mercilefs 
 Element Fire , not only certain Dutch Anabaptifts , but many 
 Profeffors of the Truth ^ and amongft others , that learned and 
 godly young man "john Frith, who with one ffeivet and others, 
 on tne two and twentieth of 'July conftantly endured the torments 
 of their martyrdom. . ' j ■' \ 
 
 The five and twentieth of September died Clement the Sevenjh, 
 
 Pope •, in whole place fucceeded Alexander Farnefe by the name 
 
 of Paulas the Third , who to begin his time with fome memorable 
 
 Aft, having called a Cohfiftory, pronounced Henry to be fallen 
 
 * G g 2 from' 
 
 15 3 4- 
 
 Xo Cations to 
 be iDvfinuied 
 zuilhout the 
 lOtig s ajjiui. 
 The KiVi; lo 
 colliie Bi- 
 JhopintiS. 
 
 The Archbi{hof 
 of Canttibury 
 b.ilh Pa^ill au- 
 thor iiy uuiitr 
 the Kjh^, 
 
 FiQier and 
 More itr.^ti- 
 joned. 
 
 PcrftCHlieit, 
 
 Pope Clement 
 
 duik.
 
 78 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 34- 
 
 Tirjl-fruits 
 granted to the 
 King. 
 
 Wales uKittd 
 to England. 
 
 153 5. 
 
 from the Title and Dignity of a King , and to be depofed, re- 
 iterating withal the thunder of Excommunication , with which 
 bugbear his predecelfor clement had fought to affright him. But 
 this peradventure happened in the enfuing year , after the death 
 of Fifljer and <J^ore. 
 
 A Parliament is again called in Novetnher, wherein ( according 
 to the Decree of the late Synod ) the King was declared Supreme 
 Head of the church p/ England , and the punifiiment of all crimes 
 which formerly pertained to the Ecclefiaftical Courts , is made 
 propertohim. So the Kingdom is vindicated from the ufurpation 
 of the Pope, who before Ihared in it, and the King now firft 
 began to reign entirely. 
 
 Alfo all Annats or Firft-fruits formerly paid to the Pope , are 
 granted to the King. 
 
 And tvdes, the feat of the remainder of the true antient Britms, 
 hitherto differing from us (compounded of Normans and Saxom ) 
 as well in the form of their Government , as in Language , is by 
 the authority of this Parliament ( to the great good of both , but 
 efpecially that Nation) united and incorporated to JEw^/^W. Ed- 
 rvard the Firft was the firft who fubdued this Countrej*, yet could 
 he not prevail over their minds , whom the defire of recoverihg 
 their loft liberty , animated to many Rebellions. By reafon 
 whereof, and our fufpitions , being for two hundred years op- 
 preffed either with the miferies of Servitude or War , they never 
 tafted the fweet fruits of a true and folid Peace. But Henry the 
 Seventh by blood (in regard of his Father ) and birth a welthman , 
 coming to the Crown, (as if they had recovered their liberty, 
 whereto they fo long afpired) they obeyed him as their lawful 
 Prince. So the Bngltjb being freed of their former jealoufies permit- 
 ted them to partake of their Priviledges, fince common to both 
 Nations , the good whereof equally redounded to both. I could 
 wifh the like Union with Scotland : That as we all live in one 
 Ifland , profeffing one Faith , and fpeaking for the moft part one 
 Language , under the government of one and the fame Prince ; 
 fo we may become one Nation , all equally acknowledging our 
 felves Britans , and fo recover our true Countrey Britain , loft as 
 it were fo many hundreds of years , by our divifions of it into 
 England, Scotland, and fVales. 
 
 i^NNO DOM. 1555. REG. ay. 
 
 THe Coronation of the new Queen , and other pafTages of 
 entertainment , had exhaufted the Treafury. The Pope 
 and the Emperour were both enemies to Henry , watchfully at- 
 tending all opportunities to do him mifchief. Neither in regard 
 that fo many fided with the Pope , were all things fafe at home. 
 
 ir The
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 The King was therefore forced to a courfe feemingly nUh, and 
 full of dangerous confequenccs, but very neceffary for the time. 
 He rcfolvcs to demoHQi all the Monaftcrics tiiroughout EngUnd. 
 He is content the Nobility fliould Ihare with him in the fpoil , 
 To enriching and ftrengthening himleif by their nccelTary revolt 
 from the Popifli faiflion. To this end , they that were thought 
 more efpecially in maintaining the Pope's authority to withftand 
 the King's proceedings , were condemned of high Treafon • and 
 they that refuled to aclmowledge the King under Chrift , Sui>rerne 
 Head of the Church of England, are hanged. For this caule on 
 the third of May were executed John Houghton Prior of the cbnrter- 
 houfe in London , ^^ugufiine vvebjler Prior of Bcvaley , and Thomas 
 Lxwrcnce Prior of Exham , and with them Richard Reignalds a 
 Monk and Dodor of Divinity , and "John Hales Vicar of Thifile- 
 hurji. 
 
 On the eighteenth of June , Exmerv, Middlemore, and Nitdigate, 
 all charterhoufe-lAonks , fuffered for the fame caufe. And four 
 days after , John Fijher Bifliop of Rochejler , a man much reverenced 
 by the People for his holy life and great learning , waspublickly 
 beheaded , and his Head fet over London Bridge. Our Hiftories 
 hardly afford a prefident of the execution of fuch a man. But 
 the Pope was the occafion of his death , who to eafe the burthen 
 of his now a years imprifonment , by the addition of a new Title, 
 had on the one and twentieth of May created him Cardinal : The 
 news whereof haftened him to a Scaffold. 
 
 The fixth of July , Sir Thom.u CMore for the fame ftiflPnefs in 
 opinion with Bifliop Fijher , luffered the like death. This was 
 that More fo famous for his Eutopia , and many other Works both 
 in Engltjb and Latin. As fof his converfation , the moft cenfo- 
 rious fault him in nothing , but his too too jefting ( I will not fay 
 fcoffing) wit, to which he gave more liberty, than did befeem 
 the gravity of his perfon, not tempering himfelf in the midft of 
 his calamity, no not at the very inftant of death. After his con- 
 demnation he denied to give any thing to the Barber that trim- 
 med him , affirming , That head abottt which he had bejtovced hU 
 fains , rvM the Kings : if he could prove it to be hit that did bear it , 
 he would veeH reward him. To his Keeper demanding his upper 
 gannent as his fee , he gave his Hat. Going up the Scaffold , he 
 defired him that went before him , To lend htm his hand to help 
 him up, as for coming dovon he took no care. Laying his head upon 
 the block, he put afide his beard ( which was then very long) 
 faying , The Executioner rvas to cut off his head , mt his beard. 
 
 The executions of fo many men caufed the Queen to be much 
 maligned , as if they had been done by her procurement , at leafl: 
 the Papifls would have it thought fo , knowing that it ftood her 
 upon , and that indeed (lie endeavoured , that the authority of 
 the Pope of Rome fhould not again take footing in England. They 
 
 defired 
 
 1535. 
 
 'ihe King ie- 
 gius to jubvert 
 Fjl'ginu 
 
 liOMJCS. 
 
 Certain Priors 
 anj Mcn^s 
 executed. 
 
 The Bifnop of 
 
 Rochfiier 
 
 beheaded. 
 
 Made Cardinal 
 Uttjeafsttablj. 
 
 Sir ThonifiS 
 More bt" 
 headed.
 
 o 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 153 5. 
 
 Hoiifcs vifttti. 
 
 i')3 6. 
 
 iht itiflh of 
 iltittn Ca- 
 tharine. 
 ^leen Ann , 
 tht Vijconnt 
 Rochfcrd ani 
 ethers cmnr 
 milled. 
 
 defired nothing more than the downfal of this virtuous Lady, 
 which (hortly after happening , they triumphed in the overthrow 
 of Innocence. 
 
 In the mean time they who undertook the fubverfion of the 
 Monafteries, invented an Engin to batter them more forcibly, than 
 the former courfe of torture and punilhment. They fend abroad 
 fubtil-headed fellows , who warranted by the King's authority , 
 fliouid throughout E»gland fearch into the lives and manners of 
 Religious perlbns. It would amaze one to confider what villa- 
 nies were difcovered among them by the means of Cromrvell and 
 others. Few were found ib guiltlefs, as to dare witlilf and tlieir 
 proceedings-, and the licentioufnefs of the reft divulged , made 
 them all fo odious to the people, that never any exploit fo full 
 of hazard and danger was more eafily atchieved, thara was the 
 fubverlion of our English Monafteries. 
 
 i^NNO rrOM. 1535. KEG. 2?. 
 
 THis year began with the end of the late Queen Catharirie , 
 whom extremity of grief caft- into a difeafe, whereof 6n 
 the eighth of J.t»uary Ihe deceafed. 
 
 Queen ^»» now enjoyed the King without a Rival , whofe 
 death notwithftanding not improbably happened too foonfor her. 
 For the King upon Maj-day at Greenvfiich beholding the VifGOUHt 
 Rochfort tiie Queens Brother, Henry Nor r is , andothei's, running 
 a-Tilt , arifing fuddenly , and to the wonder of all men departing 
 thence to London , cauled the Vifcount Rochfort, Norris, the Queen 
 her felf , and fome others , to be apprehended and committed. The 
 Queen being guarded to the Tower by the Duke of Norfolk, Audtey 
 Lord Keeper , Cromwell Secretary of Eftate , and KmgHon Lieu- 
 tenant of the Tower, at the very entrance upon her knees with 
 dire imprecations difa vowed the crime (whatfoever it were) 
 wherewith flie was charged , bcfeeching God fo to regard her as 
 the juftnefs of her caufe required. 
 
 On the fifteenth of May in the Hall of the Tower flie was ar- 
 raigned , the ETUke of Norfolk fitting high Steward , to whom 
 were adjoined twenty fix other Peers (and among them the Queens 
 Father j by whom llie was to be tryed. The Accufers having 
 given in their evidence ,. and the Witneffcs produced, flie fitting 
 in a Chair ( whether in regard of any infirmity, or out of ho- 
 nour permitted to the Wife of their Sovereign ) having an excel- 
 lent quick wit, and being a ready i'pcaker, did lb anfwer to all 
 obje(5i:ions , that had the Peers given in their verdidl according to 
 the cxpedation of the alTembly , Ihe had been acquitted. But 
 they (among whom the Duke of Suffolk the King's Erother-in-Law 
 was chief, one wholly applying himfelf to the King's humour.) 
 
 pronounce
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 81 
 
 pronounce her guilty. Whereupon the Duke of Norfolk bound 
 to proceed according to tlie verditil; of the Peers, condemned her 
 to death, cither by being Burned in the Green in xXiq Tower , or 
 Beheaded , as his Majefly in his pleafure fhould think fit. Her 
 Brother George Vifcount Rochfort was Ukewiie tlie lame day con- 
 demned , and ihortly after , Hefuy Norris , mll(am Brierton , and 
 Framis ivejlon Gentlemen of the King's Priv^ Chamber , and Murk 
 Smeton a Mufician , either as partakers or accelTory , were to run 
 the lame fortune. The King greatly favoured Norris , and is 
 reported to be much grieved that he was to die with the reft. 
 Whereupon he offered pardon to him , conditionally that he would 
 confefs that whereof he was accuied. Butheanfwered refolute- 
 ly, and as it became the progenitor of lb many valiant Heroes, 
 Thxt in his conjcience he thought her guilt leji of the objeifed crime , 
 but whether jbe were or no , he conld not accufe her of any thing ; 
 and that he had rather undergo a thousand deaths , than betray the 
 Innocent. Upon relation whereof the King cryed out , Hang him 
 up then, hang him up then. Which notvvithlfanding was not ac- 
 cordingly executed ; For on the thirteenth of May, two days after 
 his condemnation , all of them , viz.. the Vifcount Rochfort, Nor- 
 ris , Brierton , and Smeton , were Beheaded at Tower-hiU. Norris 
 left a Son called alfo Henry , v\hom Queen Elizabeth in contem- 
 plation of his Father's deferts created Baron of Ricot. This Lord 
 Norris was Father to thole great Captains ivilUam , John, Thomas ^ 
 and Edward, in our days fo famous throughout Chriftendom , for 
 their brave exploits in England, France , Ireland, and t\\Q Nether- 
 lands. 
 
 On the nineteenth of May the Queen was brought to the place 
 of Execution in the Green within the Tower , fome of the Nobility 
 and Companies of the City being admitted , rather to be witnet 
 fes than Ipedators of her death. To whom the Queen having 
 afcended the Scaffold , (pake in this manner : 
 
 Friends and govd Christian people , I am here in yfur prefence tf 
 fuffcr death , whereto I acknowledge my felf adjudged by the Laws ; 
 how jujlly I will not fay , for I intend not an accufation of any one. J 
 befcech the Almighty to preferve his <JMajeJly long t9 reign over you : 
 a more gentle or mild Prince never fwayed Scepter : hif bounty and 
 clemency towards me I am fure hath been ejpecial. If any one intend 
 an inquifitive fnrvcy of my actions , I intreat him to judge favourably 
 of me.; and not rajhly to admit of any hard cenforioui eoncat. '^nd 
 jo I bid the World far ewe I , befeeching you to commend me in your 
 Prayers to God. To thee O Lord do I commend my Siul. 
 
 Then kneeling down ihe inceffantly repeated thelc words, 
 Chriflhave mercy on my fml, Lord Jeft^ receive my foul ; until the Exe- 
 cutioner of Calais at one blow (inote off her Head with a Sword. 
 Had any one three years before ( at what time the King fo hot 
 in the purfuit of his love , preferred the enjoying of this Lady 
 
 beyond 
 
 1536. 
 
 the QuieucOH' 
 ieniHid, 
 
 ■with her 
 Btothtr , 
 and Nortis. 
 
 Her Exeiuthn.
 
 82 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 ' i 
 
 I $ ^ 6. ' beyond his Friends, his Edate, his Health, Safeguard, and his 
 ' only Daughter ) prophetically foretold the unhappy fate of this 
 Princefs , ne fiiould have been believed with CAJja»dr.t. But much 
 more incredible may all wife men think the unheard of crime 
 for which fhe w^as con-demned : viz. That fearing left her Daugh- 
 ter the Lady Elizabeth born while Catharine furvived , fl>ould be 
 accounted illegitimate , in hope of other ( efpecially male ) IlTue, 
 whereof Hie defpaired by the King , now near fifty years old , ihe 
 had lafcivioufly ufed the company of certain young Courtiers : 
 nay not therewith content , had committed Inceft with her own 
 Brother. A ftrange ingratitude in one raifedfrom fo low degree, 
 even to the height of honour. I will not derogate from the Au- 
 thority of publick Records : But an Ad of Parliament againfl: 
 her rtiall not work on my belief. Surely it carried fo little ihew 
 of probability with forein Princes , that they always deemed it 
 an adl of inhuman cruelty. Efpecially the Eftates of Germany , 
 Confederates for the defence of the Reformed Religion -, who 
 having often treated with Fcx Bifliop of Hereford, and other Am- 
 bafllidors , had decreed to make Henry Head of their League , and 
 had defigned an EmbafTy by John Sturmim , who fhould have 
 brought with him into England thofe excellent Divines Fhilip 
 MeUncihon and Martin Bucer , with one George Draco , who fliOuld 
 endeavour that and the Reformation of our Church. But having 
 heard of the lamentable and unworthy ( as they judged it) end of 
 the Qiieen, loathing the King for his inconflancy and cruelty, 
 they caft oflF all farther thought of t^at matter. I will not pre- 
 fume to diicufs the truth of their opinion : But freely to (peak 
 what I my felf think •, There are two reafons which fway much 
 with me in the behalf of the Qiieen. That her Daughter the 
 Lady Elizabeth wns feated in the Royal Throne , where fhe for fb 
 ; many years riiled fo happily and triumphantly. What iliall we 
 think, but that the Divine Goodneis was pleafedto recompence 
 thcunjuft calamity of the Mother , in the glorious profperity of 
 the Daughter •: And then confider but the King's precipitated 
 Nuptials the very next day after the death of his former Wife, 
 yet fcarce intofted , and with whole warm blood his embrued 
 iiands yet reaked : Confider this , I fay, and you fhall eafily be 
 perfvvaded with me, that the infatiable Prince glutted with the 
 fattety of one, and out of the defire of variety feekmg to enjoy ano- 
 ther , did more willingly give ear to the treacherous calumnies 
 of the malicious Popelings , than either befitted an upright Judge, 
 of a loving. Husband. For it fecmeth wonderful ftrange to me, 
 that cither the fault of the one , or the pleafing conditions find 
 fair language of the other Wife , fliould fb far pofTels the King , 
 is that ht lliould procure his Daughter Elizabeth to be by Ad of 
 Parliament declared illegitimate, the Matrimony comraded with 
 both the former Queens i Catharine and ^nn to be pronounced 
 ' ' invalid, 
 
 l»i) Eliza 
 bcth Jijtnht 
 riled.
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 8? 
 
 invalid , and the Crown to be perpetually eftablKlied on the po- 
 llerity of the third Wife, or if the King had no IlTue by her> 
 that then itlliould be lawful for him by Will and Teftament, to 
 transfer it on whom he pleafed. Parliaments were not then fo 
 rigid , but that they could flatter the Prince , and condcfcend to 
 his demands, though unjull , even in cafes whicli mofl: nearly 
 concerned the publick Weal. But fervile Fear is oft times more 
 ready than Love, which flowly moves by apprehenfion oi Good, 
 as the other is quickly forced by the apprehenfion of Danger. 
 
 On the twentieth of CM ay the King married •J.-rw Seymour 
 Daughter of Sir 'jdm Seymour , who on the nine and twentieth 
 of M.iy, being whitfoniay , clad in Royal habiliments , was openly 
 fliewed as Queen. So that the Court oiEnghnd was now like 
 a Stage , whereon are reprefented the viciffitudes of ever various 
 Fortune. For within one and the fame Month it faw Queen 
 <^nn flourifhing , accufed , condemned , executed , and another 
 afTumed into her place both of bed and honour. The firft of ^4;- (it 
 feemeth) fhe was informed againft, thefecond imprifoned, the 
 fifteenth condemned , and the feventeenth deprived of her Bro- 
 ther and Friends who fuffered in her caufe , and the nineteenth 
 executed. On the t\ventieth the King married Jane Seymour, 
 who on the nine and twentieth was publickly fhcwed as Queen. 
 
 The death of this innocent Lady God leemed to revenge in 
 the immature end of the Duke of Richmond , the King's only ( but 
 natural ) Son , a Prince of excellent form and endowments , who 
 deceafed the two and twentieth of J«/y , for whom the King a 
 long time after mourned. 
 
 In the mean time on the nineteenth ofju/y John Bourchier Lord 
 Fifz^waren was created Earl of &'t(h , whofe fucceflburs in that 
 Honour were his Son John , who begat John deceafed before his 
 Father , whofe Son mlliam is now Earl of Bath. At what time 
 alfo Thomas Cromrvell a poor Smith's Son , but of a dexterous wit, 
 whofe firft rifing was in the Family of Cardinal PVolfey, in whofe 
 fervice by him faithfully performed , he grew famous , was made 
 Lord Cromwell, many dignities being alio conferred on him , to 
 the increafe of his eftatc and honour. For firft he was Mafter 
 of the Rolls , and principal Secretary of Eftate : then Sir Thomas 
 Bolen Earl of mltfhire refigning , he was made Lord Privy Seal, 
 and after that dignified with the unheard of Title , of The King's 
 ytcar general in affairs Ecclefiajlical. For the authority of the Pope 
 being abrogated, many bufinelfes daily happened, which could not 
 be difpatched without the King's con lent-, who not able to undergo 
 the burthen alone , conferred this authority granted him by A(5l 
 of Parliament on Cromwell, not for that he thought a Lay-man 
 fitter for this dignity than a Clergy-man 5 but becaufc he had 
 determined under colour and pretence thereof, to put in execution 
 fomedefigns, wherein the Clergy in all probability would have 
 
 H h moved 
 
 I J 36, 
 
 The King m«f 
 rieth Jane Sey- 
 mour. 
 
 Diaih ef tht 
 I^ukf tf So- 
 Hierfet thi 
 King's natural 
 Son, 
 
 Bourchier 
 
 Cromwe]!'/ 
 Honour and 
 Dignity.
 
 84 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 1 5.36^ 
 
 I He be^nning 
 of sjjtrma- 
 tiou. 
 
 The fiihvtrjsoit 
 of Rjtigioui 
 HoHJes of lefs 
 nne. 
 
 "1 moved very flowly , and againft the hair. He Was therefore 
 
 I Prefident in the S}'nod this year. Certainly a deformed ipedacle, 
 to fee an unlearned Lay-man Prefident over an alTembly of lacred 
 
 i Prelates , and fuch as for their Learning EngLwd liad in no prece- 
 ding Ages known the like. For indeed Hemy is for that much to be 
 
 1 Commended , who \vouId not eafily advance any one to place of 
 
 ■Government in the Church , but whom his Learning fhould make 
 worthy. By the authority of this Synod a Book was iet forth, 
 wherein ( many points of Dodrine being propofcd to be by 
 the Curates expounded to their Parifliioners ) mention Mas made 
 of only three Sacraments , Baptifm , the Encharijl , and Tennnce : 
 
 Some Holy-days alfo were abrogated , and other things pertaining 
 to Religion and Ecclefiaftical difcipline fomewhat changed, 
 wherewith many were otfended, who preferred frefcnpt Erronrs 
 
 I before the Truth. 
 
 t"Iie fame time , the Parliament afTembled the fourth of J/trntary, 
 permitted all Monafteries , the Revenues whereof exceeded not 
 two hundred Pounds a year, to the King's difpofal 5 who caufing 
 thein to be fupprelTed (to the number of three hundred feventy 
 and fix) entred upon their Lands , amounting to thirty two 
 thoufand Pounds a year , and felling their goods even at very 
 low rates , ( moft men accounting it facrilegious to fet to fale the 
 goods of the Church ) raifed above an hundred thoufand Pounds. 
 Thefe things of themfelves were diftaftful to the vulgar fort. 
 Each one did as it were claim a Ihare in the goods of the Church : 
 For many who being neither Monks , nor relied to Religious 
 perfons , did receive no profit of Ecclefiaftical goods , did not- 
 withftanding conceive , that it might hereafter come to pafs , 
 that either their Children , Friends , or Kindred , might obtain 
 the places yet fupplied by others , whereas of thefe goods once 
 Gonfifcated, they could not hope that any commodity Ihould 
 redound unto them. But the commiferation of fo many people, 
 to the number of at leaft ten thoufand , who were without any 
 warning given , thruft of doors , and committed to the mercy 
 of the world , was a more forcible caufe of general diftafte. Which 
 notwithftanding of it felf fufficient, was augmented by the ma- 
 lice of ill difpoled and feditious perfons, who in their Affemblies 
 exaggerated theft proceedings , ^s the beginnings of greater, ez'i/s; 
 that this rvas hut * tryal of their patience ; as yet the jhrubs and under- 
 woods T^ere but touched , but without Jpeedy remedy the end rvould be 
 •Kith the fall of the lofty Oaks. While thefe general difcontents 
 [thus vented themfelves in private, CrowweU'va September lent forth 
 Icertain Injuridions to the Clergy , by virtue whereof each Cu- 
 rate was to expound to his Parifliioners the ^^pojiles Creed, the 
 tefd\ Prayer , tht^^ve Adaria , and the Ten Cammandments , and 
 tfarneftly to endeavour that they might learn them in the Englijh 
 ■Tongue. This drave thefe Male-contents into fuch extremes, 
 
 ii'jj /<-.:: that
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 85 
 
 that the mid\\-ifVy' of any occafion ferved to produce the prodi- 
 gious iffues of their madneli. For in Lincotfijhire the Commons 
 being afTembled about the beginning oi Ocfoher, concerning Sub- 
 fidies to be paid to the King ^ as if the fpirit of fury had generally 
 animated them , they luddenly to the number of twenty thoufand 
 took Arras , forcing certain Lords and Gentlemen to be their 
 Leaders , and to fwear to fuch Articles as they fliould propound , 
 iuch as refufed were either imprilbued or put to death , as was 
 a certain Priefl: , Chancellor to the Bilhop of Lincoln. The King 
 being certified of this Cominotion , fcnt againft the Rebels with 
 great Forces the Duke of SHJfolk , and the Earls of Shrcrvsbury and 
 Kent , either to appeafe or fupprefs them. The rumour of an 
 Army marching againft them, lo quailed their courages, that 
 they fent to excufe themfelves unto the King, pretending 5 
 
 That their endeavours tended to no other than the fafety of his Ma.- 
 jefiy , and good of the Realm : That he having followed the advice of 
 bad Counsellors , had lately beyond the example of any of his AnceJlorSy 
 changed many things in the ejlate of Commomvealth and Church : That 
 having dijpoffejfed the religioui Inhabitants , he had demolifhed many 
 LMenaJleries , where the poor had daily relief, and God vp,u wont to be 
 devoutly worshipped by godly men : That the Feajls of Saints infiitnted 
 many years fmce , were profaned by his command : That new Tenets 
 which the Catholick Church did abhor , were every where preached and 
 obtruded to the people : That now in each aged perfon was to be feen 
 the Emblem of Ignorance , who having one foot in the grave, were fain 
 to betake them to their ABC Books , that they might learn new kind 
 tf Prayers never before ufed by any chrijiians : That many unjuji and 
 perntctoHs Laws had lately been enacted , and great Subfidies exacted 
 both of the Clergy and Laity even in the time of Peace , which were 
 net wont to be demanded but for the maintenance of wars : That the 
 Commons in general did dtfafte thefe things ; and the rather, for that 
 they conceived them to be but trials of their patience , and the begin- 
 nings (f more ixfupportable evils, wherefore they humbly befeeched 
 his <^MajeJly , whom they could not [afely petition unarmed , that the 
 Authors of thefe pernicow counsels might ft no longer at the Bern , 
 but that ethers who fhould faithfully endeavour the amendment of the 
 aforefaid evils , might fupply their places , and that it might not be any 
 way prejudicial to them , that they had taken Arms , which even with 
 the lof of their dearcji blood they were ready to employ for his 'JUaje- 
 ffies fafety , and the defence of the Realm. 
 
 The King had a Spirit befitting his greatnefs, and perceiving 
 them to fhrink , could not diffemble the rage he had conceived 
 at the prefumption of this rafcally Rout, who durfb capitulate 
 with their Sovereign , and leek to curb the unUmited power of 
 Kings. Wherefore he roughly commands them , that without 
 delay one hundred of their company, fuch as by his appointment 
 Oiould be made choice of, fhould be delivered up to his mercy. 
 
 Hh 2 The 
 
 1536. 
 
 Commition in 
 Lincojnibirc.
 
 f 86 
 
 AnnaU of England. 
 
 1556. 
 
 Infurreliion in 
 Yorkfture, 
 
 The performance whereof if they but deferred , nothing but ex- 
 tremity was to be expeded. The report whereof made the Rebels 
 disband , each one fearing left himfclf might help to make up the 
 number of this Hecxtomb. 
 
 This blaze was yet fcarce quenched , when witliin fix days 
 another far more dangerous, kindled by the fame accidents, 
 bewrayed it felf in rorkjhire , where no fewer than forty thou- 
 fand had gathered together , naming themfelves Fellows of the 
 Holy Tilgrimage ; and that the fpecious pretext of Religion 
 might palliate their madnefs , they in their Enfigns on the one 
 fide pourtraied the Saviour of the World hanging on the Crofs , 
 on the other fide the Chalice, and the Hoft by them called the 
 Body of our Lord. They furprifed many of the Nobility , as 
 Edrvard Lee Archbifhop o( Tork , (he that wrote againft Erafmuf) 
 the Lords Darcy and Hf*j[eji , befides many Knights and Gentlemen , 
 whom they forced to be fworn to their party , whereto it is very 
 probable fome of them were much againft their wills , who not- 
 withftanding fuffered for it afterward upon a Scaffold. Againft 
 thefe Rebels were fent the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk , the Mar- 
 quels of Exceter , and the Earl of Shrewsbury , who endeavoured 
 peaceably to compofe all matters , and to bring this corrupt Body 
 to its former temper without Phlebotomy. For they knew they 
 were to deal with fuch a bafe fort of people , to whom if they 
 gave the overthrow , yet woiild their Vi<^ory be inglorious 5 nei- 
 ther could they promife themfelves fo happy fuccefs againft the 
 moft adive and hardy bodies , and moft enured to Warfare of the 
 whole Realm ; Befides , defpair had caft them into the extremes 
 cither of viftory or death , refolutely determining not to flie to 
 feek an ignominious end at a Gallows, which if they elcaped, 
 they could expeft no other than an accuftomed milerable life , 
 more intolerable than the moft horrid torturing death. Thefe 
 reafons made thefe Nobles unwilling to hazard a Battel. But the 
 Rebels defperate refolution admitted no parley , wherefore by 
 confent of both Armies the Field was appointed on the Eve of the 
 Saints Simon and "jude. Between both Armies did run a little 
 Brook, fo fhallow, that on the Eve of the Battel it was in moft 
 places palfable for footmen , even without danger of wetting their 
 feet : But that night (God abhorring the effufion of fo much Englijh 
 blood ) a rain ( and that no great one ) fell , which fo raifed this 
 little Brook (thelike whereof never happened there before) that 
 it became impaffable both for horfe and man , which hindered 
 the meeting of the two Armies. This chance did fo work in 
 the fuperftitious and giddy heads of this Rout, that theyperfwa- 
 ded themfelves, God by this Prodigy did manifeftly forbid their 
 intended Battel. Wherefore pardon being again offered ( as it 
 had formerly been) as well to the Leaders and Gentry, as the 
 reft who had been either authors or partakers in this Tumult , 
 
 finding
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y the Eighth, 
 
 % 
 
 Sc.irborough- 
 
 finding it confirmed by the King , with promife m^^reover , that i j j 6. 
 he would have a care that thcfe things whereof they complained, 
 ihould be redrefled , they laying afide their Arms , peaceably rcr 
 paired each one to his home. They in the heat of this theiS: fury 
 had for fix weeks ftraitly befieged Scariforoagh-C-iiWQ-^ then kept 
 by Sir Ralph Evers of the noble Family diEvers^ who withoiii 
 any other Garrifon than oi his Houilioid-fervants and Tenants , 
 and fo flenderly viftualled 5 that for tvrenty days together they 
 fuftained themlelves with Bread and Water, manfully defended 
 it againft their furious attempts , and kept it until the Commotion 
 was appeafed. For which brave lervice the King, made him 
 Leader <^ the Forces appointed for the defence of tlie Marches to- 
 wards ScotUnd • which he with great credit performed, until 
 he was in the }«ear of our Lord 1545 unfortunately Haiti. 
 
 Neither was the Eftate of Ireland more peaceable than of Eng- RsbtUicu ia 
 laftd. {iirtdd Fitz^Girdd Earl of Kildare having been twelve ^"^^'^nd 
 years Lord Deputy of IreUnd, , was for fome flight matters re- 
 moved , called into England , and condemned to death •, which 
 punifhment he through die malice of ivolfey had undergone , had 
 not friendihip fliewed its cflfedls in the Lieutenant of tlie Tower, 
 to whofe cuftody the Earl was committed. He having received 
 a Mandate for the execution of the Earl , durft hazanl the dif- 
 
 Eleafure of the potent Cardinal , to fave his friend. Wherefore 
 e repairs to the King at midnight, defirousto know hisMajefty's 
 pleafure concerning the Earl 5 who not only difapproved the Man- 
 date , but alio pardoning the Earl , received him into his favour, 
 and a few years after reftored him to his former dignity of Lord 
 Deputy. But thele garboils happening in England , he is for as 
 flight fufpitions as before , revoked , and commanded to attend at 
 the Council-Table , where by his anfwers he appeared not alto- 
 gether fb innocent , but that he was again committed to the 
 Torver. Before his departure out of Ireland, the King had com- 
 manded him to fubff itute fome one in his place , for whole faith 
 and diligence he would undertake. He had a Son named Thomas, 
 little above twenty years old, a haughty and flout young Lord, 
 very ingenious, and exceedingly affeding his Father. To this Son, 
 as to another Phaeton , he commits the guidance of his Chariot 5 
 
 Sed qui non virihui ijlii 
 
 LMunera convemunt , nee tarn pnerilibits annu : 
 
 which indeed proved fatal to them both , and to almoft the wfwle 
 Family. For no fboner was the Earl impfifoned, but report (railed 
 as is conjedured by his enemies ) beheaded him , threatning the 
 like to his Olf-fpring and Brethren , whofe deftrudlion the King 
 had moft certainly refolvcd. The author of this report was un- 
 certain , and the young Lord as railily credulous , who taking 
 Arms , iblicited the aid of his friends againfl the King's injuftice. 
 
 He
 
 88 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 Cardinal Pool. 
 
 He had then five Uncles Brethren to his Father, three of which 
 at firft diffwaded him from thefc violent proceedings. Butpiaflion 
 had excluded reafon^ and they at length affociatethemfelves with 
 their Nephew, witlr^vhom they were involved in the fame mine. 
 Many others flocking unto him , he had fuddenly raifed a great 
 Army , wherewith marching up and down the Countrey , he 
 robbed and killed them who refufed to obey him : And among the 
 reft , he permitted the Archbifhop of Dukt^t to be murthered in 
 his fight. The poor Earl already afflided with aPalfie, wasfo 
 ftricken to the heart with the news of this Tumult , that he but 
 a few days furvived the knowledge of his unhappinefs. The 
 King levying great Forces, quickly curbed the unruly Youth, 
 and after fome months forced him to yield. His Uncles were 
 cither taken , or willingly fubmitted themfelves. All of them 
 were fent to London , and there brought to their anfwer. There 
 goes a Story , that thofe three Uncles who endeavoured to reftrain 
 their headftrong Nephew , did half prefume on the King's cle- 
 mency , until in the pafTage demanding of the Mafter the name 
 of the Ship wherein they lailed ; and underftanding it was called 
 The Cow , bethinking themfelves of a certain Prophecy ^ That 
 jive Sons of An Eurl jhoHld in the belly of a Corp be tarried /Wo Eng- 
 land , never to return -y they forthwith defpaired of pardon. The 
 event approved the skill of the Wizard :" For fome enemies to 
 this noble Family ineenfing the King , by fuggefting , that he 
 ftiould never expe<5t to fettle Ireland as long as any of the race of 
 the Fitz-Giralds remained , eafily prevailed with the King for 
 their Execution. In regard whereof I cannot blame cirald the 
 ^Brother of Thomas, who trufting not to the weak plea of his 
 injiocencc, then fick of the Meafles as he was , fought by making 
 an efcape , to fet himfelf out of the reach of malice. Being there- 
 fore packed up in a bundle of clothes , he was privately con- 
 veyed to one of his Friends , with whom he lurked until he found 
 an opportunity of efcaping into France , where he was for a time 
 favourably received by the King. But long he could not be there 
 fecure, the Agents of Henry prefllng hard, That by the League 
 all Fugitives were to be delivered ; wherefore he went thence 
 into the Netherlands ; where finding himfelf in no lefs danger 
 than before , he fled into Italy to Reignald Pool, who maintained 
 and ufed him very nobly , and at length procured him to be re- 
 ftored to his Countrey and the Honors of his Anceftors. 
 
 The mention of Pool falls fit with our time , he being this year 
 on the two and twentieth of December by Pope Paul the Fourth 
 chofen into the Colledge of Cardinals. He was near of blood 
 to the King , who firft beftowed Learning on him , and afterward 
 finding his modefty and excellent difpofition , conferred on him 
 the Deanry o( Exceter. But travelling afterwards to forein Uni- 
 verfities , he was in Italy quickly bewitched witli the Sorceries 
 
 ofi
 
 Henry tbe Eighth. 
 
 89 
 
 of the Circe of Rome , infomuch that he became a deadly enemy 
 to his Fofterer , his Prince , his Kinfman. For when he would 
 neither allow of the Divorce from the Lady Catharwe , nor the 
 abrogating of the Authority of the Pope, and openly condemned 
 other the King's proceedings in Ecclefiaftieal affairs , refufing alfo 
 to obey the King , who commanded him home 5 Henry difpofed 
 of his Deanry , and withdrew the large ftipend which he had 
 yearly allowed him. The Pope therefore intending to make ufe 
 of this man as an Engin of battery againft the King ( and being 
 induced by the commendations of Cardinal Contare») beftowed 
 on him a Cardinal's Hat , and was thereby aflured of him , wlio 
 had of late been fufpeded to have been feafoned with the Leaven 
 of purer Dodlrine. But of that hereafter. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1537. REG. 29. 
 
 THe accidents of this year were Tragical , and Englmd. the 
 Scene of blood and deaths of many famous Perfonages. On 
 the third of February was Thomas Fit2>Girald beheaded for Treafon, 
 his five Uncles hanged, drawn, and quartered , and their members 
 fixed over the Gates of London. The fame month , NtchoUs Muf- 
 grave and Thomas Gilby , for that ftirring a new Rebellion , they 
 had befieged Carltle , were executed. 
 
 The tenth of CMarch was "^ohn Papvp Batchelor of Divinity 
 and Abbot of whalley , put to death at Lancafter , and with him 
 one Enfigate a Monk of the fame place 5 and three days after them 
 another Monk called H^ydock was hanged at whdley. The Abbots 
 of Siuley and ivoburn with two Monks make the like end at Woburn. 
 And a little after , one Doctor Mac Ar ell, another Abbot , the Vicar 
 oi Louth , two other Priefls , and feven Lay-men. All thefe, 
 for as much as I can any way colIc(5l , were condemned for having 
 been efpecial furtherers of the late Rebellions. But the Chieftains 
 and nobler fort were referved until y«»^, at what time the Lords 
 Darcy and Hu^ey were beheaded , the one at Lincoln , the other at 
 London • Sir Robert Conjlable , Sir Thomas Percy , Sir Francis Bigot, 
 Sir Stephen Hamilton , and Sir "John Bulmer were likewife put to 
 death: Margaret Lady to Sir John Bulmer was burned at London: 
 William Thurft Abbot of Fountaines , Adam Sudbury Abbot of Ger- 
 ziaux , the Abbot of Rivers , ivold Prior of Birlington, George Lumley, 
 Nicholas Tonfefi Efquires , and Robert <^ske , with many otliers , 
 as having been partakers in the late Infurre(5bion , did likewife 
 partake in punifhment for the fame. And for a Commotion in 
 Somerfet/hire in April were threefcore condemned , whereof only 
 fourteen fuffered. 
 
 But left any one may vronder at thefe fevere and unheard of 
 courfes taken againft the Clergy , I think it not amifs to relate 
 
 what 
 
 I J 55. 
 
 15 37- 
 
 S.eisls execu' 
 ud.
 
 90 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 37- 
 
 Cardinal Pool 
 wrues againfi 
 the King. 
 
 what Sleidan writes of Cardinal Pool , who fet forth one or two 
 Books , which as yet lurking at Rome , about this tinie were fpred 
 abroad in Germany , and came at length to the King's hands. 
 Wherein dire(fiing his ftilc to the King , he (liarply reprehendeth 
 him /or f/iki/ig upon him the title of Head of the Church , vphich only 
 belonged to the Pope , -ivho is ChriftV Vicar on earth , Sec. Then he 
 proceeds to the matter of his Divorce , alledging , That he neither 
 out of t err ear of conscience , nor fear of Cod, (as he fretehded) but 
 out of lufl and blind love had forfaken the Lady Catharine his Wife , 
 whom his Brother Prince Arthur a veeak yonngman, and but fourteen 
 years old , had left a Virgin : That it vpos not laveful for him to marry 
 Ann Bolen , vpho^e Sijier he had before ufed as his Concubine i K^nd 
 that he himfelf had confejfed to the Bmperonr and others , That he 
 found the Lady Catharine a, CMaid. He aljb eagerly reproveth him 
 for feektng the Opinions of the Univerfties concerning his former Mar- 
 riage , and triumphing in his oivn rvickednef, rehen fime of them had 
 pronounced it Incefluom ; and that he might be afljamed to prefer the 
 Daughter of a whore , before one that veas legitimate , and a mofi Vir- 
 tuous Princef. Thenjpeaking of the death of the Bijhep of Rochefter 
 and Sir Thomas More , he detefls his cruelty. He then rips up what 
 tyranny he had exercifed over his Subjects of all degrees , in what mi- 
 feries he had plunged this flourijhing P.ealm , what dangers he incurred 
 from the Emperour , in regard of the injury offered to his Aunt , and 
 the overthrow of Religion ; and that he could not expeSt any aid either 
 from his own or forein Nations ,. who had defervedfo ill of the Chrijiian 
 Commonwealth. After this , he whets on the Emperour to revenge the 
 difhonour of his Family ; affirming that TuvciCm (meaning the Pro- 
 teftant Religion ) had found entertainment in England and Germany. 
 K^nd after many bitter reproofs , he invites Henry to repentance , per- 
 fwading him , That for thefe evils there was no other remedy , but to 
 return to the bofom of the Church , in the defence whereof ( a mofl glo- 
 rious example ) he had made ufe not only of his Sword , but his Pen alfo. 
 
 Neither did the Cardinal only by Book , but by other perfonal 
 endeavours manifeft his fpleen againft the King , being fent Am- 
 baffador from the Pope to the French , under colour of reconci- 
 ling him with the Emperour 5 but his chief errant was , to com- 
 bine them both againft Henry. Whereof he having intelligence, 
 did by his Agent earneftly folicit Francis, That in regard of their 
 mutual amity , he would caufe Pool to be apprehended , as guilty 
 of high Treafon , and fent to him , where he fhould undergo the 
 punilhment due therefore. But becaufe Religion and the Law of 
 Nations had been violated in betraying any (efpecially the Pope's) 
 Ambaffador, the French could not yield to the King's requeft: 
 But to (hew that he would adminifter no caufe of offence , he 
 refufed to admit ©f his Embafly , and commanded him fpeedily 
 to depart out of his Dominions. 
 
 Hercules ftature might be guelTed at by the proportion of his 
 
 foot^
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 91 
 
 and by this one man's endeavours, Henry-was taught what, if 
 need were, he was to expeft of his Clergy. So that he was 
 eafily induced as any of them offended , to lend him to his grave , 
 for that a dead Lion biteth not : And this courfe being taken with 
 his profefTed enemies , the fear of the like punilhment would le- 
 cure him of the reft. 
 
 On the twelfth of O^ober , the Queen having long fuffered the 
 throws of a moft difficult travel , and fuch a one, wherein either 
 the Mother or the Infant muft necelTarily perifh , out of her womb 
 was ripped Prince Edivard , who after fucceeded his Father in 
 the Crown. The Queen only furviving two days , died on the 
 fourteenth oi October , and on the twelfth of A^ox^fw^^r was with 
 great pomp buried at mndfir in the middle of the Quire , on whofe 
 Tomb is infcribed this Epitaph : 
 
 Phsnix Jana jncet nato Phcenice ; dolendum , 
 SacuLa FhcE»ices nuUa tulijfe duos. 
 
 Here a Phenix lieth , whofe death 
 To another Phenix gave breath : 
 It is to be lamented much , 
 The World at once ne'r knew two fuch. 
 
 On the eighteenth of October the Infant was created Prince of 
 fVates , Duke ofcormval, and^Earl of chejler: and with him his 
 Uncle Edtvard Seymour Brother to the deceafed Queen , Lord 
 Beauchamp , znd'Eztl of Hertford ; which Honours only (and not 
 thofe afterwards conferred on him ) he left to his pofterity. f^il- 
 liam Fitz^wiUtams Lord Admiral , was made Earl of SoHthantptort. 
 Then alfo mllUm Porvlet and John Ruffel began their races in the 
 lifts of Honour ^ Tofclet being made Trealurer , and Ku^el Comp- 
 troller of the King's Houfhold, and both fworn of the Privy Coun- 
 cil. Neither was here their mn ultr* , the one being afterward 
 raifed to Lord Treafurer of EngUnd and Marquefs of ivinchejler , 
 the other to Earl of Bedford , wherein he dying in the year 1554, 
 his Son Francii that pious old man , and liberal relie v^er of the Poor, 
 fucceeded him , who at the very inftant of his death loft his Son 
 Francis flain by a Scot , Anno 1587. Which Francis was Father 
 to Edrvard Earl of Bedford , and Brother to mliiam by King J*mes 
 created Lord Rujfel. Porvlet living to be a very decrepit old man, 
 had to his Succeffor his Nephew by his Son mllia?n , named alfo 
 William the fole Marquefs of England. 
 
 And to end this year with death , as it began , Thorns Howard 
 youngeft Son to the Duke of Norfolk , having been fifteen months 
 imprifoned for affiancing' himfelf without the King's confent to 
 tJHatgaret Daughter to Archibald Douglas Earl of <^ngfts and 
 Lady ■LMargaret the King's Sifter , on the firft day of November, 
 to the unfpeakable good of this Ifland , deceafed in the Tower. 
 
 I i For 
 
 5 5 7- 
 
 tite birth ef 
 Viinft Ed- 
 warj. 
 
 Seymrur Zarl 
 of Hertford. 
 
 Fitx-William 
 Earl »f 
 Southampton, 
 Powlct ani 
 Ruflel rift.
 
 92 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 153 7- 
 
 1538. 
 
 ihe abuft of 
 tmagts rt- 
 firamid. 
 
 Becket'/56f»»«e 
 demolijhij. 
 
 Uniones, 
 
 the image of 
 our Lady »f 
 Walfinghani. 
 
 Frier Foieft 
 tnal^s good 
 a Fro^hicy. 
 
 For this Margaret being after married to Matthew Earl of Lemx , 
 had by him Henry the Father of King James of facred memory j 
 the moft happy Unitor of divided Brttatfi. 
 
 'T^-:* ^\ 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1538. R EG. ,^0i 
 
 IT is at length after many Ages refolved , That through the 
 fuperftitious abufc of Images, God was robbed of his due ho- 
 nour. The King much prone to Reformation (efpecially if any 
 thing might be gotten by it) thought it fit to remove this 
 ftumbling-block , and the rather, for that he conceived his 
 Treafury would be thereby fupplied. There were fome Images 
 of more efpecial fame , and Shrines of reputed Saints , where- 
 unto Pilgrimages were made from the fartheft parts of the King- 
 dom , nay even from forein Countries alfo -, the Oblations whereto 
 were fo many and fo rich , that they not only fufficed for the 
 maintenance of Priefts and Monks, but alio to the heaping up 
 of incredible wealth. The Shrine of Thomas Beckef. Archbifhop 
 of Canterbury was covered with plates of Gold , and laden with 
 Gifts of ineflimable value. The blind zeal of thole and former 
 times , had decked it with Gems, Chains of Gold of great weight, 
 and * Pearls of that large fize, whiclji in our Language find no 
 proper term. This Tomb was razed , ajid his Bones found en- 
 tire -, inftead of whofe Head the Monks ufually obtruded the Scull 
 of fome other, peradventure better deferving than did their Tup* 
 pofed Martyr. The fpoil of this Monument , wherein nothing 
 was meaner than Gold , filled two Cherts io full , that each of 
 thiem required eight ftrong men for the portage. Among the 
 reft was a Stone of efpecial luftre called the Royal, of France , of- 
 fered hy Letv is the Seventh, King of France , in the year iiyp, 
 together with a great mafTy Cup of Gold , at what time he alfo 
 beftowed an annuity on the Monks of that Church, of an hun- 
 dred Tons of Wine. This Stone was ifterward highly prized by 
 the King , who did continually wear it on his thumb. Erafmus 
 fpeaks much of the magnificence of this Monument, as alfo of 
 the Image of our Lady of iValfingham , both which he had feen and 
 admired. This Image was alio ftripped of whatfoever worthy 
 thing it had , the like being alfo done in other the like places , 
 and the Statues and Bones of the dead digged up and burned, that 
 they might be no further caule of Superftition. Among the reft 
 of theft; condemned Images there was a Crucifix in South-wdes , 
 called of the Inliabitants , Darvel Catheten , concerning which 
 there was akindof Prophecy, That it fhould one day fire a whole 
 JForeft. It chanced that at this time one. Dodor Foreft a Frier- 
 ObYervant , who had formerly taken the Oath of Supremacy, 
 was upon his relapfe apprehended and condemned of Treafon and 
 ioi Herefie:
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 93 
 
 Herefie : For this Frier a new Gallows was creded , whereon he 
 was hanged by the arm-pits , and underneath him a fire made of 
 tliis Image , wherewith he was burned , and lb by liis death made 
 good the Prophecy. i 
 
 Great was theTreafure which the King railed of the fpoils of 
 Churches and Religious Houles. But whether the guilt of 
 Sacriledge ( adhering like a confuming Canker ) made this ill 
 gotten Treafure unprofitable, or that he found he had need of 
 greater fupplies to withftand the dangers that threatned him from 
 abroad , not content with what he had already corraded , he carts 
 his eyes on the Wealth of the Abbeys that had efcaped the vio- 
 lence of the former Tcmpell : and not expeding ( as he deemed 
 it ) a needlefs Aft of Parliament, feifeth on the reft of the Abbeys 
 and Religious Houfes of the Realm. At firft he begins with that 
 at Canterbury , dedicated to >^ngujline the Engltjb Apoftle , who 
 was there interred. This being the firft-fruits of Chriftianity 
 among this Nation (I mean the Saxons, for the Britans had been 
 watred with ftreams derived even from the Fountains ApoftoHck, 
 far more pure than were thofe later overflows of ^^ugufiwe ) 
 he invades , expels the Monks , and divides their means between 
 his Exchequer and Courtier^ Battel-Ahhey built by jvilliam the 
 Conquerour , in the fame place where by the overthrow of Ha- 
 rold the laft Saxon King he purchafed this Kingdom to himfelf 
 and his pofterity , did allb run the fame fortune. So that it is not 
 fo much to be wondered at , if thofe at Merton in Surrey , Strat- 
 ford in Ejfex , Levpfi in Snjfex , the Charterhoufe, Black-Friers, Gray. 
 Friers , and iHite- friers in London , felt the fury of the lame Whirl- 
 wind. 
 
 At the fame time among many other Reformations in this 
 Church, that wholeibm Injundion was one , whereby the Bible 
 tranflated and printed in Englijh , was commanded to be kept in 
 every Parilli Church , and to be conveniently placed where anv 
 that were (o defirous , might read therein. 
 
 They who were more eagerly addidlcd to the {iiperftition of 
 their Anceftors, brooked not thele proceedings , amongwhom 
 were chief Henry Courtney Marquefs of Exceter , Henry Lord Motin- 
 tagtie Brother to Cardinal Fool , and Sir Edward NeviU Brother to 
 the Lord Abergavenny , who on the fifth day of November , upon 
 the acculation of Sir Geoffry Poole Brother to the Lord Mount ague , 
 were committed to the Towfr , for having maintained intelligence 
 with the Cardinal , and confpired the King's deftruftion 5 for 
 which they were on the third of the enfuing "January , the Lord 
 K^udley fitting high Steward for the time , arraigned and con- 
 demned, and on the ninth of the fame month beheaded. Two 
 Priefts named Crofts and Colins , with one Holland a Mariner ,■ as 
 partakers in the fame guilt, were hanged and quartered at Ty- 
 burn. This Courtney was l^y the Father's fide of a very noble 
 
 I i 2 dcfcent , 
 
 Saint Augu- 
 ftinc'j at Can- 
 terbury , 
 
 ^Mel-Mbey , 
 
 and others 
 
 fnfpreJIeJ. 
 
 The Biile 
 tr.jKjlattd, 
 
 Tfre Mar^HiJs 
 tf Exceter /i«i 
 Oihers behended
 
 94 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 153S. 
 
 Lambert co»- 
 ■uented , and 
 turned. 
 
 defcent , deriving himfelf from the Blood Royal of Fraf^ce , by 
 Hugh Courtney created Earl of Devof7Jbire by Edrvard the Third. 
 But by his Mother he far more nearly participated of the Blood 
 Royal of Englmd , being Son to Catharine Daughter to Edward 
 the Fourth , who was Sifter to Qyeen Elizaheth the Mother of 
 King Henry. The King long favoured him as his Goufin-german, 
 but at length in regard of his near Alliance to the Crown , be- 
 came jealous of his Greatnefs , whereof he had lately given more 
 than fufficient teftlmony , in fuddenly arming fome thoufands to 
 oppofe againft the Torkjhtre Rebels. The confideration whereof 
 m^idQ Henry gladly entertain any occafion to cut off ;th4S Nobie 
 Gentleman. '■ 
 
 About the fame time John Lambert a religious and learned man 
 was alfo condemned , the King himfelf fitting Judge. This Lum- 
 bert being accufed of Herefie , appealed from his Ordinary to the 
 King 5 who fearing left he fliould be accounted a Luther m^ re- 
 folved upon this occafion to manifeft to the World how he ftood 
 affeded in Religion. To this end fummoning as many of the 
 Bilhops and other Peers of the Realm as could conveniently be 
 prefent , he caufed Scaffolds to be built in Wefiminjler Hall , from 
 whence the people might be fpedators and witneffes of the A(5ls 
 of that day. On the right hand Vi the King were feated the 
 Bifhops 5 and behind them the Judges and chief Lawyers of the 
 Realm : at his left haad fate the Temporal Lords , and behind 
 them the Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber. Lambert being 
 brought to the Bar, Hay Biftiop of chkhejler, by the King's appoint- 
 ment made an Oration , wherein he declared the caufe of this 
 meeting 5 faying , 
 
 That Lambert having been accufed of Herefte before his Ordinary, 
 had made his Appeal unto the King , as if expecting from his Majefy 
 more favour for Herefie , than from the Bifbop. So that he now found 
 it to be true , whereof he had been eft informed. That the credulous 
 People vpere verily perfvpaded , that his Majejly abhorring the Religion 
 of his K^nceflors , had embraced the new Tenets lately broached in 
 Germany. True it was , the tyranny of the Court ^Rome had been 
 trouble fom to his Predecejfors , but to Him intolerable , and therefore 
 had He fhaken it off': That Religion might no longer patronize Jdlenef^ , 
 He had expelled Monks , who were no other than Vrones in the Bee- 
 hive : He had taken away the idolatrous worjhip of Images , had per- 
 mitted to his Subjects the reading and knowledge of God's Word , hi- 
 therto prohibited by the Church of Rome , lejl their wiles and cozenages 
 jhould be difcovered : And had made reformation in fome other things 
 per adventure of lef moment, which no man could deny, would much re- 
 dound to the good both of Church and Commonwealth, But as for other 
 things , He had determined there jhould he no change in the church 
 during his Reign: which his Refolution He now intended pullickly to 
 manifefl. His Majeflys defire was , That the Delini^uent rptouncing 
 
 his
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 his Err our s , jhoidd [uffer himjelf to be recefucd into the bofom of the 
 church: To which end pxrtly, and partly to fjciv that He thnfied mt 
 after any one's blood , out of his clemency , He had procured the prefenc^ 
 ofthofe Grave and Learned men ( meaning the Bifliop?) rvho by Mi 
 thority and force of Arguments (hoiildif it were pojfible , br ins back this 
 Grayed Sheep into the Fold of the church. But if he pervcrfly oppugned 
 the Truth , and all perfxvafons notnuthjlandino , became immoveable, 
 He would by this mans exemplary punijhment make knoven , rvhat others 
 jhould in the like Cafe expeti , and injlrult the judges and, Maoijlrates 
 what they ought to do therein. 
 
 The Bifhop having ended , the King demanded of Lambert , 
 What he thought of the prefence of chnjl's Body in the Sacra- 
 mento Whole anfwer being little to tlie King's liking, realbns 
 and arguments were produced , as if a Difputation in the Schools, 
 and not a Judiciary Se/Iion had been appointed. Five whole 
 hours this Difputation lafted , the Kmg being as it were Prior 
 Opponent, Archbifliop Cranmer alio, and nine other Bifhops 
 forcibly preffing upon poor Lambert. But neither this courfe, 
 nor the battery of threats and terrours prevailing againft his con- 
 ftancy , the King commanded the Lord Cromwell to pals fentence 
 of condemnation upon him , by virtue whereof within a day or 
 two after he was burned. Neither this dreadful Sentence , nor 
 his torturing death did any way appale him , which he fo little 
 regarded , that going to his death , he merrily took his Breakfaft 
 with fome Gentlemen into whole company he chanced, as if he 
 had been going to fome fportful Game , rather than his Execution. 
 
 <^ N N O DOM. I55p. REG. 51. 
 
 ON the third of CMarch , Sir Nicholas Carew Knight of the 
 Garter , and Mafter of the Horfe , was beheaded for being 
 of Counfel with the Marquefs of Exceter , and the Lord Mount ague. 
 And on the eight and twentieth of \^pril a Parliament began , 
 wherein Margaret Countefs of Salisbury Mother to Cardinal Poof 
 and Daughter to George Duke of Clarence who was Brother to 
 Edward the Fourth , was attainted of high Treafon , and con- 
 demned without liearing , and with her the Cardinal her Son , 
 Gertrude Widow to the Marquefs of Exceter , Sir Adrian Fortefcue, 
 and Sir Thomits Dingley. Dingley and Fortefcue were beheaded 
 on the tenth of "july , and the Countefs being then aged three- 
 fcore and ten years , fuffered two years after. 
 
 In the fame Parliament it was Enaded , That the King might 
 wred new Epifcopal Sees in opportune places of the Realm. For 
 the performance whereof, and of fome other things no lels fpc- 
 cious , the late difTolution of thofe Abbeys whereon the King 
 feifed, was confirmed, and all Religious Houfes as yet unfuppreifed, 
 
 were 
 
 95 
 
 1539. 
 
 Margaret 
 Couiitejs ef 
 Salisbury ccu- 
 iimnsd. 
 
 Tie futwrfion 
 of Rjligiout 
 Hfiijts.
 
 96 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 39- 
 
 Seme Abbots 
 extcutid. 
 
 Glaflonbury, 
 
 were granted to the King for ever. Upon notice whereof, many 
 either out of guilt of confcience , or defirous to purchale the 
 King's favour, furrendred their charge even before they were 
 required. And firft of all the Abbot and Convene of St. Albans 
 ( the firft Abbot of the Realm , as St. Alban was the firfl: Martyr : 
 which Honour was conferred on this Houfe by Pope Adrian the 
 Fourth , whofe Father had long lived a Monaftical life therein ) 
 forfake their rich Abbey feated near the ruins o'tFcrol.tmtttm , once a 
 great and antient City, and leave it to the mercy of the Courtiers. 
 Which derelicftion afforded matter of example to many other , few 
 enjoying that fecurity of confcience , that they duriit lay claim to 
 their own. Only three were found , whofe innocence made them 
 fo regardlefs of threats , promifes , or reward , that they could 
 never be induced to betray the goods of their Churches to the 
 mercilefs impiety of facrilegious Harpies : Which three were 
 John Bed) Abbot' of ColcheHer in Ejfex , Hugh Turingdon Abbot of 
 the Abbey of Reitng , built by Henry the Firft for the place of his 
 Sepulture , and Richard jvhiting Abbot of Ghfionbtiry , one of the 
 ftatelieft and antienteft Monafteries of Europe , being firft builded 
 by Jofeph of ^^rimathe.t , who buried the Body of our Saviour 
 Chrift , and is himfelf there interred , as is alfo ( befide fome Saxon 
 Kings ) that moft renowned King Arthur, whofe glorious A<fls, 
 had they been undertaken by a fit Hiftorian , would have ranked 
 him among the antient Worthies without the help of a fabuious 
 Romance. Againft thefe men therefore, other courfes not availing, 
 that one was taken of adminiftring the Oath of Supremacy, which 
 they refufing , are as enemies to the Eftate condemned of high 
 Treafon. Bech was hanged at Colchejier , and Faringdon with two 
 Priefts named Rug and Ogmon at Riding, whiting , a man very aged, 
 and by reafon thereof doating , fcarce perceiving that he had been 
 condemrled, returning from the place of Judgment (which was 
 in the Bifhop's Palace ^t wells , diltant from G/^7?c/7/'«/-y four miles) 
 with conceit that he was reftored to his Abbey , was fuddenly 
 rapt up to the top of the Tor (a Hill that furveysthe Countrey 
 round about) and without leave of bidding his Convent farewel , 
 which he earneftly begged , was prefently hanged , the ftain of 
 ingratitude flicking faft to the authors of this fpeedy execution , 
 of whom the poor Abbot is reported to have better delerved. 
 With whiting were two Monks alfo executed , named Roger James 
 and John Thorn, their Bodies all drawn and quartered , and fet 
 up in divers places of the Countrey. The punifliment of thefe 
 few fo terrified the reft, that without more ado they permitted all 
 to the King's difpofal. The number of thofe that were fuppreft 
 is not eaiily caft : But the names of the chiefeft , and whofe Ab- 
 bots had voices among the Peers in the higher Houfe of Padia- 
 ment , are thefe : 
 
 St. Peter's
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eigktk 
 
 n 
 
 St. Peter's in Wefimtnficr , 
 St. *^^ba.as , 
 St. Edmundsbury , 
 St. Benet's of Huljne , 
 Berdney , 
 Shrervsbury , 
 Crowland , 
 Abimdon , 
 Evejbdm , 
 blocefier , 
 Ramsey , 
 
 St. iJdTugusfwe's in C/tw- 
 terbtiry , 
 
 Peterborough , 
 St;, partes in rfTT/C- , > 
 Tervksbury , 
 Reding , 
 Battel, 
 H^inch^omb , 
 Hide by Wtnchefier , 
 Ciremefier , 
 fValtham , 
 Walmesbury , 
 : Thorfjfy , 
 St. jfo/'^'s in ColcheBer , 
 Corjentrey , 
 Tiivejlock. 
 
 The King, that he might fome way fupply the want of the 
 fuffrages of fo many learned and wife men m the Parliament, 
 Houfe , as alfo that of fo great a prey he might confecrate ( if not 
 the tenth to Hercdes , at leaft ) fome part to God , according to 
 his promife ereded fome new Bifhopricks 5 whereof one was at 
 l^'eJlminHer , a place fo near and contiguous to London , that it 
 might rather feem a part of the Suburbs thereof, than adiftindl 
 City. But a City it is , and fo ennobled with niany ftately 
 Monuments , that for Beauty it contendeth with mofl: in Chri- 
 ftendom : In it are the chief Seat of the Prince , and Palaces of 
 the Nobility , the chief feats of Juftice in the Land , the molt 
 magnificent Church , wherein are int;erred moft of our Kings 
 and Nobles , whofe fumptuous Monuments render it unparallel'd 
 even by the World. Another was at Oxford, in the Colledge 
 founded by Cardinal Wolfey. The reft a^ Peterborough ■> BriHol , 
 cheHer , and Glocesier. wejlminlter was by Queen CMary again 
 reduced to an Abbey , and furniflied with Monks of St. Benet's 
 Order-, whom Queen Elizabeth ag3.in expelled, and converted 
 the P.evenues of the Bilhoprick to the maintenance of Scholars, 
 and other pious ufes. As for the other Sees , they remain to this 
 day. From thofe antieiit Cathedral Churches wherein Monks 
 werefeated , nothing was taken away •, only Canons were placed 
 there inftead of ^onks , as likewife in the Cathedral Churches 
 of the new erc(5ted BiQiopricks. The Churches, wherein" antiently 
 C(inpn3 jy^d^iP^p^ndarieS- we:^ ia^ifiitfid , are 
 ....',■.., ■ . ■ . .. .'I <- < 
 
 In ivALES, 
 
 St. David's , 
 Landa^y 
 Banger , 
 St. A[A(h. 
 
 The 
 
 In ENGLAND, 
 
 rcrk. 
 
 fVells , 
 
 London, 
 
 Lichfield, 
 
 Lincoln , 
 
 Hereford , 
 
 Sarubury , 
 
 Chichefier. 
 
 Exceter , 
 
 
 4- — • — 1 — 
 
 A catalogue 
 of the Abbots 
 "uho bad V9tcti 
 among the 
 Peers, 
 
 New Bifhop. 
 ricks triiled.
 
 98 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1539. 
 
 ihiLawefthe 
 Six Artidet, 
 
 Latimer and 
 Schaxton rt- 
 ftgn their Bi- 
 Jhe friths. 
 
 The CATHEDRALS founded with Monks, were 
 
 Canterhury , 
 Winchefier, 
 
 Norvptch , 
 Worcefier , 
 Rochejler , 
 
 Durefm , 
 Carlilc. 
 
 The new SEES where primarily were Abbeys , are 
 
 Oxford, 
 Brijlol, 
 
 Glocejler , 
 Chejler , 
 
 I Feterhrough. 
 I 
 
 So there are fix and twenty Bifhopricks within this Realm , 
 and in every Cathedral , Archdeacons , Prebendaries , and other 
 Miniilers , as alfo a Dean who governs the reft , unlefs it be in 
 St. David's , where the Chanter ; and Landaf, where the Arch- 
 deacon is Head of the Chapter. 
 
 Thefe things thus ordered , the King ftill jealous left it fhould 
 be conceived that he had forfaken the Religion of his Fathers , 
 began to thunder out againft the maintainers of new Tenets , and 
 much againft Cranmer's will , by Parliament enafted the Law of 
 the Six Articles , the fumm whereof was , ^ 
 
 L That if any one fhould deny the True and keal pre fence of the 
 Body ^CHRIST in the Sacrament , or fhould maintain , That the 
 fubflance of Bread and Wine remained after the words of Confecratien 
 pronounced by the Priefl , he fhould be burned as an Here tick. 
 
 IL Jf any fhould deny the Sacrament to be fufficiently adminiBred 
 under one Species only: 
 
 in. Or fhould hold it lavcful for Prielts to be married , but much 
 mere he that having entrcd into holy Orders , fhould pre fume to take 
 a ivife: 
 
 IV. Or that Chajlity vovped upon mature deliberation was not to be 
 kept: 
 
 V. Or that private Aiaffes ought not to be celebrated in the church 
 of England , or elfewhere :^ ■ ,'",' V'^*""^ . ' " '; ' 
 
 VI. Or that K^uricular Confefjton was not expedient ; he fhould 
 for hU err ours undergo lof of life by hanging. 
 
 Thefe Laws like thofe of Draco written in Blood , were the 
 deftruftion of multitudes , and filenced thofe who had been 
 hitherto furtherers of Reformation. Among whom Hugh Lati- 
 mer and NtcholiU SchaxtonBiihopSy the one of fVorcefler, the other 
 of Sdiibury , were remarkable , who that they might quietly 
 enjoy themfelves , the Parliament being fcarce diiujived , did 
 both on one day , viz. the firft of July , refign their BiHiopricks. 
 Latimer ( who for the freedom of his confcience could as willingly 
 refign his life , as he did this rich Bilhoprick , being burned for 
 it in Queen Maries reign ) after his Relignation taking off his 
 
 Rochet ,
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 Rochet , being a merry conceited man , with a little leap lifted 
 himfelf from the ground , faying, that He feh bimfelfmuch more 
 light and quick , »orv he hud freed himfelf of fo great a burthen. 
 
 Henry ( in regard of his wiving dilpofition) had long continued 
 a Widower. And that he fliould at length marry , the confide- 
 ration of his Eftate being furrounded with Enemies pafTionate in 
 the Pope's caufe , perfwaded him : Wherein \\t alio gave ear to 
 Cromwell, who advifed him to combine with thofe Eftates, whom 
 the burthen of the Pope's tyranny had forced to the fame courfes 
 and like fears. By whofe afliftance he might countermine the 
 fecret pradices of Rome. A counfel without doubt good and be- 
 fitting the times , but producing the effeds of 111 ones , proving 
 ( as is thought ) Pernicious to the Giver. For the treatife of 
 fuch a Match, in September came into England Frederick Duke 
 and Elecflor of Saxony , Frederick Duke of Bavaria , Otho Henry 
 Count Palatine of Rhine , and the Chancellour of the Duke of 
 Cleve , with fome others , who were for eight days Royally enter- 
 tained by the King at mndfor , where the Marriage with K^nn 
 Sifter to the Duke of cleve being concluded , they returned to 
 their own Countries. 
 
 This year died Margaret Queen of Scotland , Sifter to King 
 Henry y who was buried at the Charterhoufe in the Town of St. John, 
 near the Tomb of James the Firft. 
 
 99 
 
 5 3 9. 
 
 <yf N N O DOM. 1540. REG. 32. 
 
 ON the Eve of the Circnmcifion , the Lady Ann of Cleve defti- 
 nated to the King's Bed , arrived at Dover , was on the 
 third oi January triumphantly received at Creenrvtch, and on the 
 Feaft of the Eftfhany ritely married to the King. 
 
 On the twelfth of March Henry Bourchier Earl of Effex , the 
 antienteft Earl of the Realm , thrown by an unruly young Horfe 
 which he fought to break , brake his neck : By whofe death the 
 Inheritance was devolved to his Daughter , and from her deceafirrg 
 without Iffue, to the Family of Dearettx ,which Family in regard of 
 their claim by defcent, was hyO^Qtn Elizabeth advanced to the 
 Earldom of £j(/<?x But in the mean time Cromrvell ( yet chief in 
 the King's favour ) was on the eighteenth of A^ril created Earl 
 of Ef^ex, 
 
 And here behold thfc frailty of Human affairs. The current 
 of few years had firom very mean beginnings brought Cromwell to 
 the height of Honour , infomuch that his happinefs was admired 
 by all , envied by many : But Fortune iittending a Tragedy , he 
 is unexpededly apprehended fitting at the Council- Table , and 
 committed to the Ttvoer, where he continued until his Execution. 
 For in this Parliament begun the twelfth of Afnf he is accufcd of 
 
 K k Treafon 
 
 'the arrhal ofl 
 certain Princes \ 
 of Germany in I 
 England , for 
 the treatife of 
 a Match be- 
 tween the King 
 and Ladj Ann 
 of Cleve. 
 
 I 540. 
 
 The King mar. 
 rieth the taij 
 Ann «/ Cleve. 
 Cromwell 
 created Earl of 
 EHex , and 
 •within three 
 months after 
 teheadei.
 
 lOO 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 J 5 40* 
 
 Cleve 
 dinted. 
 
 Ann »f 
 
 refn- 
 
 Treafon and Herefie , without being brought to his anfwer 
 condemned , and on the twenty eighth of Jul)/ beheaded. This 
 King may well be cenfured of cruel inconftancy , who could 
 fo cafily dilpenfe with the death of thofe whom he had admitted , 
 to intimate familiarity , and made ufe of their counfels and en- 
 deavours ; as if he had advanced them to no other end , but to 
 deprefs them, m/fey had his turn , Cromwell fucceeds , whofe 
 fudden downfal there want not thofe who attribute to God's 
 Jufl:ice inflided on him for the Sacriledge ( whereof he was re- 
 ported to be the Author ) committed in the (ubverfion of fo many 
 Religious Houfes. And indeed even they who confefs the rouzing 
 of fo many unprofitable Epicures out of their dens> and the 
 abolishing of Superftition , wherewith the Divine Worfliip had 
 by them been polluted , to have been an ad: of finlgular Juftice 
 and Piety 5 do notwithilanding complain of the lofs of lb many 
 ftately Churches dedicated to God's fervice, tlie goods whereof 
 , were no otherwife employed , than for the fatisfa(ftion of private 
 mens covetoufnefs : and although many have abufed the Vail of 
 Religion , yet was that Monalf ical life inftituted according to the 
 pious example of antient Fathers , that they who found themfel ves 
 unfit for the execution of worldly affairs, ( as many fuch there are) 
 might in fuch their voluntary retirements fpend their days in 
 Divine Writings or Meditations: and are verily perfwaded , that 
 ifor the taking away of thefe things , God was offended both with 
 the King and Cromwe//. But Sleidan peradventure comes nearer 
 I the matter , touching the immediate caufe of his death. 
 j About this time ( laith he ) the King of England heheAdeth Tho- 
 rnas Cromwell , whom he had from fortunes aKfrverable to his love 
 parentage , raifed to great Honours ; repudiates the Lady Ann ^Cleve, 
 and marrteth Catharine Howard Daughter to the Lord Edmond 
 Howard, who was Brother to the Duke ^Norfolk. Cromwell had 
 been procurer of the Match with Ann. But the King losing Catha- 
 rine , is thought to have been perfwaded by her to make axvay Crom- 
 well, whom jhe [Hjpectcd to be 4 Remora to her advancement. The 
 adlions of Kings are not. to be fifted too nearly , for which we 
 are charitably to prefume tliey havereafqns, and thole infcrutable. 
 
 But let us fee the procels of this Divorce. Six months this 
 conjugal, band lafted firm without fcruple , the King and Queen 
 giving daily teftimonies of their mutual love. On the twentieth 
 of June the Qiieen is willed to remove from London , ( where the 
 King flayed by reafon of the Parliament ) to Richmond, a place 
 pretended in regard of the fituation and air, to, be more for her 
 health. luHi^o 
 
 On the fixth of Juiy Reafons are propofed by certain Lords pur- 
 pofely lent to the lower Houfe of Parliament , dembnftrating the 
 invalidity of the King's Marriage with the Lady Ann , ib that it 
 was lawful for them both to marry where they plcafed. The 
 
 fame
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 rIOI 
 
 fame reafons are alledged in the Convocation-HoufeVancf gene- 
 rally approved. Whereupon the Queen alio ( whether forced 
 or willing ) confenting , the Parliament pronounced the Mar- 
 riage void. ..',-.. 
 What the allegations were is uncertain. Some relate difa- 
 bility by reafun of fome defefts to be objedled to her , which 
 feems the more probable , for that in her Letters wherein fhe fub- 
 mitted her felf to the judgment and determination of the Parlia- 
 mentjflie afErmed that the King never knew her carnally. Whether 
 for this , or for that Nature having not over-libcrally endowed 
 her with Beauty 5 but a private woman rtie became , and as fuch 
 ( not enduring to return to her friends with difhonour ) fhe lived 
 upon, ibme Lands afligned her by the King , ( who always uied 
 her refpedively ) until the fifteenth of Jit// Anno 1557, at what 
 time fhe ended her difcontented life , and lieth buried at fVeH-- 
 minHer on the South fide of the Quire in a Tomb^ not yet H- 
 nifhed. ., , 
 
 Scarce had the refolution of the Convocation-Houfe, and the 
 Decree concerning it pafled both Houfes , when this lufty Wi- 
 dower with as good fuccefs as before , marrieth his fifth Wife 
 Catharine Howard. When their Nuptials were celebrated is not 
 known , but on the eighth of K^ngufi in Royal habiliments fhe 
 fhe wed her felf as Queen. , , 
 
 The fautors of Reformation' were much difmayed at the fud-, 
 den unqueening of Ann-^ fearing (not without caufe) left it 
 proving occafion of enmity between Henry and the Princes of 
 Germany , he muft of necelfity rely on them who mifliked our di- 
 vorce from Rome. But the King proceeding ftill in the courfe he, 
 had begun , like a torrent bearing all before him , not only caufed 
 three Anabaptifts to be burned , but alfb n^any fincere Profefror?, 
 of the Truth, for not fublcribing to the Six Articles. Among 
 whom three Divines were moft eminent , 'viz. Robert Barnes 
 Dodor of Divinity , Thomas Gerard, , and miliam 'Jerome Bache- 
 chelors , who by Parliament ( unheard ) being condemned for 
 Herefie, were on the one and thirtieth committed to the torments- 
 of the mercilefs fire. At the fame time and place three other Do- 
 dors of Divinity^ viz. Poveel, Able , and Fetherjlon were hanged 
 for denying the King's Supremacy 5 the fight whereof made a 
 French-man cry out in thefe words , Deus bone , qitomodo hie vivu'nt 
 gentes ? fKjpendantur Papijtx , comburuntur (^Ahtipapisiit ; " Good 
 " God, how do the people make a fhift to live here., where both 
 " Papifts are hanged , and Antipapifts burned ^ In o//^«/? the 
 Prior of Dancajler and fix other for defending the Inftitution of 
 the life Monaftical ( a. crime now become as capital as the greateft ) 
 being alfo condemned by Ad of Parliament , were hanged. 
 
 The fame day with the Lord Cromwell , the Lord Wmgerford 
 was alfo Beheaded. As their caufes were divers , fo died they 
 
 K k 2 alike' 
 
 I 5^0. 
 
 tht KJng.aiar' 
 rittb Catha- 
 rine Howard. 
 
 
 Protefiants 
 and Papfis a- 
 lil(i {eifetuted. 
 
 Tit Frier ef 
 Danc.ifter and 
 Jix tthcTS 
 hanged. 
 
 The lord Hun- 
 gerford exc 
 cuttd.
 
 I02 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1 540. 
 
 IJ4I. 
 
 Bt^mmHgs ef 
 a cominotioH 
 in Yorklbire. 
 
 Lord Leonard 
 Grey if 
 httukd. 
 
 tht Lard 0a- 
 crcs bangti. 
 
 I 542. 
 
 ^ttn Catfra- 
 Tir.e t/iheaiki. 
 
 alike differently. Cromwell's confcience quietly welcomed death 5 
 to the other fuffering for that molt unnatural cnme of SodomVj 
 death prefented it felf with that horror , that the appreiienfion 
 of it made him as impatient , as if he had been feifed witn a freniy, 
 
 ^ N N b T) O M. 1 541. -R£C?. jj. 
 
 THei'late Torkjhire Rebellion xvas not fo throiJghly quehched, 
 but it again began to Ihew it felf- but by the punilhmenc 
 of the chief Incendiaries it was quickly fupprefied. Fourteen of 
 the Confpirators were put to death ; Leigh a Gentleman , Thornton 
 a Yeoman , and Tdtterpall a Glothier , at Lmdm", Sii" John Nevii 
 and ten others at Tork. Which Commotion whether raiftdifl 
 favour of Religion , or being fufpeded that it had any abettors 
 beyond the Seas , is thought to have haftened the death of the long 
 fince condemned Countefs of Sarisbury , who on the feven and 
 twentieth of May was Beheaded in the Tower. : 
 
 The eight and twentieth of June the Lord Leonard Ofey Deputjr 
 d^ Ireland, did on the Tovper Hill publickly undergo the like pu- 
 nifhment. He was Son to the Marquis of Dor jet , near allied to 
 the King , and a brave Martial man , having often done his Coun" 
 trey good fervice. But for that he had fuffered his Nephew Gerard 
 Fitz^Gerard ( Brother to Thomtu lately executed) proclaimed enetny 
 to the Eftate , to make an elcape , and in revenge of fome con- 
 ceived private injury had invaded the Lands of the King's friends^ 
 he was arraigned and condemned, ending his lift with a rero- 
 lution befitting a brave Souldier. 
 
 The fame day Thomtn Fines Lord Vacres of the Sbuth , with 
 fomc other Gentlemen , for the death of one Bftshrig (lain by them 
 in a fray , was hanged at T;^/rw. Many in regard of his yoUth 
 and Noble Difpofition , much lamented his lois, 4nd the King'sr 
 inexoraWe rigour. . : . iT' ^ 
 
 \^ N N O D O M. 1542. REG. 34. 
 
 BY this time Henry began to find the conveniency of his change, 
 having married one as fruitful in evil, as his former Wives 
 were in good ; who could not contain her felf within the facred 
 limits of a Royal marriage bed , but muft be fupplied with more 
 vigorous and adive bodies , than was that of the now growing 
 aged and unwieldy King. Alas , what is this momentary pleafufe -, 
 that for it we dare hazard a treble life, of Fame, of Body, of 
 Soul < Heaven may be merciful , but Fame will cenlure , and the 
 enraged Lion is implacable : fuch did this Queen find him , who 
 procured not only her to be condemned by Ad of Parliament 
 
 begun
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 lo^i 
 
 begun the fixtecnth of ']*ituary , and with her the Lady Jaw 
 Wife to the Vifcount Rtuhfort , ( behokl the thrift of the Divine 
 Juftice , which made htr an Inftrtfdifent of the punifliment of her 
 own and others wickednefs , who by her calumnies had betraVfed 
 her own Husband and his Sifter the Idtc beheaded Queen (^;tn) 
 but tw6 others alfo long^ fince ex5<3uted , Francif Derham and 
 Th9mM Ctd^epf/er , in their double coiidertination fcarce fufficiently 
 punifhed. Derham had been too faniiliar with hef in her vir'girt 
 time 5 and having after attained to fome publiik Offices in 
 Ireland, was by her how Queen fertt for and entertained as a 
 houfhold Servant, in which time whether he revived his former 
 familiarity is not manifeft. But Culvefffr was (b plainly con\^i(^ 
 of many fecret meetings with the Queen by the means of the 
 Lady Rochftrt , that the Adultery was queflionlefs. For which 
 the Queen and the Vifcountefs Rochfirt w ere both beheaded within 
 the Towtr on the twelfth of February. Derham had been hanged, 
 and Culpepfer beheaded at Tyburn the tenth of the preceding De- 
 cember. 
 
 Hitherto our Kings had ftiled themfelves Lords of Ireland,.^ 
 Title with that rebellious Nation not deemed fo facred and dread- 
 ful • as to f^rce obedience : The Eftates therefore of Ireland af- 
 fembled in Parliament Enadcd him King of Ireland , according 
 to which Decree he was on the three and twentieth of January 
 publickly Proclaimed. 
 
 About the fame time Arthur Vifcount Ltjle natural Son of Ed- 
 ward the Founh , out of a furfeit of fuddcn Joy decealed. Two 
 of his SerVJmts had been executed the preceding year for having 
 confpired to betray Calau to the French , and the Vifcount as being 
 confcious Committed to the Torver. But upon manifeftation of 
 his innocence , the King fent unto him Sir Thorns wrtothfley Prin- 
 cipal Secretary of Eftate , by whom he fignified the great con- 
 tent he received in the Vifcount's approved fidelity , the effeifis 
 whereof he fhould find in his prclent liberty , and that degree of 
 favour that a faithful and beloved Uncle deferved. The Viicount 
 receiving ftich unexpeded news imbellifhed with rich promifes 
 and Royal tokens ( the King having fent him a Diamond of great 
 value )-6fifrured favour-, being not fufficiently capable of fo 
 great joy , free from all fymptoms of any other dileafe , the enfuing 
 night expired. After whofe deceafe Sir John Dudley was created 
 Vifcount Lij!^ , claiming that Honour as hereditary in the right 
 of his Mother the Lady Elu.abeth , Sifter and Heir to the Lord' 
 Edward Grey Vifcount LtJ^e , Wife to the late deceafed Lord Arthur, 
 but formerly married to Edmund Dudley one of the Barons of the 
 Exchequer, beheaded the firft year of this King's reign. Which 
 I the rather remember, for that this man afterwards memorable 
 for his power and dignities , might have proved more happy in" 
 his IfTue , than his greatnefs , had not his own ambition betrayed 
 
 fome 
 
 1^42. 
 
 Ireland madt 
 a Kingdom. 
 
 Th Vi (count 
 Lifle deceafed 
 of a jtirfeit 
 of Joj. 
 
 Sir JohnDui!- 
 iev made Vij- 
 coum Lifl.-.
 
 I04 
 
 1542- 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 War lahh 
 Scotland. 
 
 fome of thelc fair fprouts to the blaft of utifeafonable hopes , and 
 nature denying any ( at leaft lawful ) IlTue to the reft , the name 
 and almcft remembrance of this great Family hath ceafed. Of 
 
 which hereafter, ricii:. loH vd --ri '' - .'ijfihelqt.v "^-j^riia brtr nwo 
 Scotland had been long^ peaceable , yet had it often adminiftred. 
 motives of difcontent and jealoufie. James the Fifth , King of 
 Scots , Nephew to Henry by his Sifter, having long lived a Ba- 
 chelor , Henry treated with him concerning a Marriage with his 
 (then only) Child the Lady cJW^ry, a Match which probably 
 would have united thefe neighbour Kingdoms. ;^utXjp!i hai 
 referved this Union for a more happy time. vTf? I>!f r^ ; 
 
 i^The antient League between France and .^^o/Z^W had always; 
 made the 5cof J aflfeded to the f r^»f/; , and J^w^j prefer the alliance 
 with France , before that of England, where the Dowry was no 
 lefs than the hopes of a Kingdom. So he marrieth with Magda- 
 lem Daughter of fr4»c^ ; who not long furviving , he again 
 matcheth there with CMary of Gui^e , Widow to the Duke of 
 Longueville. Henry had yet a defire to fee his Nephew , to which, 
 end he defired an interview at Tork or fome other oportune place. 
 James would not condefcend to this , who could notwithftanding- 
 undertake a long and dangerous voyage into France , without in- 
 vitation. Thefe were the firft feeds of difcord , which after 
 bladed to the Scots deftruftion. There having been for two years 
 neither certain Peace, nor a juft War, yet incurfions from each fidcj 
 Forces are affigned to the Duke of Norfolk to reprefs the infolency 
 of the Scots , and fecure the Marches. The Scot upon news of 
 our being in Arms , fends to expoftulate with the Duke of Nor- 
 folk , concerning the motives of this War , and withal difpatcheth 
 the Lord Gordon with fome fmall Forces to defend the Frontiers. 
 The Herald is detained until our Army came to Berveick , that he 
 might not give intelligence of our ftrength : And in October the 
 Duke entring Scotland , continued there ranfacking the Gountrey 
 without any oppofition of the Enemy until the middle of Novem- 
 ber. By which time King James having levied a great Army, 
 rcfolved on a Battel , the Nobility perfwading the contrary, efpe- 
 cially unwilling that he fhould any way hazard his Perfon , the 
 lofs of his Father in the like manner being yetfrefh in memory, 
 and Scotland too fenfible of the calamities that enfued it. The 
 King proving obftinate , they detain him by force , defirous ra- 
 ther to hazard his difpleafure , than his life. This tendernefs of 
 him , in the language of rage and indignation he terms cowardife 
 and treachery , threatning to fet on the Enemy aflifted with his 
 Family only. 
 
 The Lord Maxveell feekihg to allay him , promifed with ten' 
 thoufand only to invade England , and with far lefs than the Engltjh 
 Forces to divert the War. The King feems to confent : But of- 
 fended with the reft of the Nobility , he gives the Lord Oliver 
 
 Saint.
 
 IT 
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 105 
 
 SaintcUre a private Commiflion nor to be opened until they were 
 ready to give the onfet , wherein he makes him General of the 
 Army. Having in £/7^/^»i^dircovered five hundred EngUpj Horfe led 
 by Sir Thom.ts wh.irton and Sir William Mufgrave , the Lord Saint- 
 clxre commanded his CommilTion publickly to be read , the recital 
 whereof lb diftafted the Lord M.xxwell and the whole Army , 
 that all things were in a confufion , and they ready to disband. 
 
 The opportunity of an adjoyning Hill gave us a full profpeft 
 into their Army , and invited us to make uje of our advantages : 
 We charge them furioufly , the Scots amazedly fly , many are (lain, 
 many taken, more plunged in the neighbouring Fens, and taken 
 by Scottish Freebooters (old to us.~ Among the Captives were the 
 Earls of Glencarn and Caffels , the Lords S.iintcUre , Maxwell Ad- 
 mitzlof Scafiavd, Fleming ^ Somerwell , Olifhsttt., and Gray, befides 
 tlwo hundred of the better Ion , and eight hundred common Soul- 
 'diers. The ronfideration of this overthrow occafioned (as he 
 conceived ) by the froward raihnefs of his own Subjedls -, and the 
 death of an ^nglijh Herald flain in Scotland, fo furchargcd him 
 ; with rage and grief, that he fell Tick of a Fever , and died in the 
 three and thirtieth year of his age , and two and thirtieth of his 
 reign, leaving his Kingdom to the ufually unhappy government 
 of a Woman , a Child Icarce eight days old. The chief of the 
 Captives being conveyed to the Tower we're two days after brought 
 before the King's Council, where the Lord Chancellour repre- 
 hended their treachery, who without due denuntiation of War, 
 invaded and fpoiled the Territories of their Allies , and commit- 
 ted many outrages, which might excufe any levere courfes, which 
 might in juftice be taken w ith them : Yet his Majefty out of hi^ 
 natural Clettiency was pleafed to deal with them beyond their 
 dtlerts , by freeing them from the irkfomriefs of a ftrid impriibn- 
 ment, and diipofing of them among the Nobles, to be by them 
 entertained, until he fhould otherwife determine of them. 
 
 By this time King James his death had poffcffed Henry with 
 new hopes of uniting. Britain under one Head. England had a 
 Prince , and Scotland a Queen , but both fo young that many ac- 
 cidents might diffolve a contrad before they came to fufficiency. 
 Yet this feeming a courle intended by the Divine Providence to 
 iextirpate all' caufes of enmity and difcord between thefe neigh- 
 bouring Nations , a Marriage between thefe young Princes is pro- 
 pofed. With what alacrity and applaufe the propofition was on 
 both fides entertained , we may conceive , who have had the 
 happinefs to fee that eflFe<fted , which they but intended. Which 
 being a niattflr of lb fweet a conlequencc , it is to be wondered 
 at , thac the confpiracy of a few fadUous fpirits lliould fo eafily 
 hinder it. The hope of it prevailed with the King for the liberty 
 of the Captives, conditionalljf, that they ihould leave Hoftages 
 for their teturn , if Peace were not fliortly concluded 5 which. 
 
 as 
 
 JC'542. 
 
 7 fe Scots over- 
 thioviu. 
 
 the death of 
 James the 
 Fifth, King 
 of Scotland, 
 
 Hopes »/" a 
 Match ietweeu 
 Piiiice Ed- 
 wjrd and the 
 ^cen of 
 Sc^ts.
 
 [o6 
 
 1542. 
 
 M4 3- 
 
 Hu Scottifti 
 Csftivei fet 
 libirty. 
 tht Earl of 
 Angus return- 
 ith itit» Scot- 
 land. 
 
 iht league 
 mud Match 
 ctncladid. 
 
 ibt Scott'ih 
 fiiffing de- 
 tamei. 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1 
 
 as alfo the furtherance of this fo wifhcd conjundlion, they faith- 
 fully promifed* 
 
 t^NNO DOM. 1543. REG. 35. 
 
 AFter their fhort Captivity, the Scottijb Lords (having been 
 detained only twelve days at London ) on Nerv-years-day be- 
 gan their journey towards Scotland, and with them ^^nhibald 
 Douglas Earl of Angm , whom his Son-in-Law King James had a 
 little before his death intended to recall. Fifteen years had he 
 and his Brother George lived Exiles in England, Henry out of his 
 Royal Bounty allowing to the Earl a Penfion of a thoufand Marks» 
 and to 'his Brother of five hundred. The fudden return of thefe 
 captive Lords caufed in moft as fudden a joy. Only the Cardinal 
 of St. Andrervs ( who had by forgery made himfelf Regent ) and 
 his Fadion could willingly have brooked their abfence. They 
 came not as freed from a Captivity , but as Ambaffadors for Peace 
 by them earneftly perfwaded , which by the happy conjun(5tion 
 of thefe Princes might be concluded to perpetuity. But the Car- 
 dinal with his factious Clergy , the Queen Dowager , and as 
 many as were affeded to the floveer-de-lys interpofcd themfelves 
 for the good of France. Yet notwithftanding the Cardinal's fraud 
 being detedled , he is not only depofed from his Regency , and 
 James Hamilton Earl of Arren fubftituted , but alfo committed to 
 cuftody, whence afterwards making an efcape he was the author 
 of more garboils. In the mean time the Marriage of the young 
 Queen and other conditions propofed to the Eftate of Scotland by 
 Sir Ralfh Sadler the King's Ambaflador , are fully aflented unto, 
 and Hoftages promifed for the performance of them. But the ad- 
 verfe Faftion became fo prevalent , that the Hoftages were not 
 delivered at the day , neither did the Captive Nobility render 
 themfelves in England. Only Gilbert Kenneda Earl of Caffels , like 
 another Regultts , had rather commit himfqlf to the mercy of his 
 enemies , than proftitute his Honour to the foul taint of bafe infi- 
 delity. His Brethren had become Pledges for his return : the 
 importunity , nay violence of his friends could not deter him from 
 recleeming them. So to London he came , where the bountiful 
 King duly honouring him for his conftancy , inftead of receiving 
 a Ranfom gave him one , difmifling him and his Brothers fraught 
 with honour and rewards. The Scots falling off from their late 
 Agreement , the King commandeth ftay to be made of all their 
 Ships , and confifcateth their goods • fends Letters fiill of threats 
 and juft complaints to the Eftates at EdenhoroHgh , Blaming them for 
 arrogantly rejecting his Alliance , the want rvhereof muji needs be fre- 
 judicial to them ; neither had they Bnty rejected it , h»t unmindful of 
 former benefits bad [oven feeds of new war , and forced him to ^^rms. 
 
 But
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 -But Letters proving ineffectual, ScotUfid is by the frontier Gar- 
 rifons invaded in three i'everal places , forty Scots making reiiliance 
 are flain , five and fifty Villages burned , ^vt hundred and fixty 
 prifoners taken , and a booty brought into England , of three thou- 
 iand five hundred head of cattel , eight hundred Horfes, and leven 
 thoufand Sheep , befide great provifion of houfholdftuff. 
 
 But this obftinacy of the Scots proceeded not only from them- 
 felves. France and Scotland were ever combined againft England, 
 lb that to invade one , was to draw on a War with both. We 
 had been often vidorious in France , whereof many portions an- 
 ciently belonged to Us : if we fliould make any claim to all of 
 part of our Inheritance , Scotland would fervc either to diftrad 
 our Forces , or to transfer the feat of War nearer home. The 
 uniting of England and Scotland would by fecuring us at home fa- 
 cilitate our Enterprizes upon France. Thefe were motives fuffi- 
 cient for Francis , notwithftanding the long inviolate amity be- 
 tween him and Henrji , fecretly to crofs our defigns in Scotland. 
 Whereof Henry could not long be fenfible , and not revenge* 
 Wherefore he proclaims open hoftility with France , as he had aU 
 ready with Scotland , and reconciles himfelf with the Emperour 
 ( before thought irreconciliable in regard of his Aunts difgrace ) 
 who profeffed , that all caufes of difference between them were 
 buried with her : yet is it certain that unto the Pope he accuied 
 Henry to have difpatched her by poifon. But now they are be- 
 come Confederates , and art aid of ten thoufand Engltjh fent to 
 joyn with the Imperials. Landrecy ( a Town lately taken from 
 the Emperour by the French) is the firft exercile of our Arms. 
 The Emperour alfo coming in Perfon , it is inverted with forty 
 thoufand men,ris furioufly battered , and the Souldiers brought 
 to the diftrefs of half a provant loaf of Bread a day , and to 
 drink Water. Francis being certified of their wants affembles his 
 Forces > draws near the Emperour feeding him with hope of a 
 Battel , entertaining him with skirmifhes relieves the bcfieged , 
 and without any more ado under the covert of the night retreats. 
 
 Let us now conclude the year at home. And to begin with the 
 Church • In February the people by Proclamation is licenfed to 
 eat White Meats in Lent , but under a great penalty enjoyned to 
 abftain from Flelh. 
 
 The third of J«»^, MorcghOBrien a Nobleman 6{ Ireland, de- 
 fcended from the Kings of Limrick fubmitted himfelf to the King , 
 and was fliortly after made Earl oUTrvomond, which Honour his 
 pofterity at this day enjoyeth , having given ample proof of their 
 Loyalty to fucceeding Princes. 
 
 The twelfth of J«/y the King married his fixth Wife the Lady 
 Catharin Parr , Widow to the Lord Latimer, and Sifter of fvilliam 
 Parr lately created Earl of Ejfex in the right of his Wife fole 
 Daughter and heir to the late Earl Henry Bourehier. At what 
 
 L 1 time 
 
 107 
 
 War iiith 
 Scotland. 
 
 U'jr luiih 
 
 Fiance, 
 
 A League with 
 
 Landrecv be- 
 fieged, tut in 
 
 vain. 
 
 The people li- 
 cenjtd to eat 
 ll'hJte Meats 
 in Lent. 
 
 rtf KJng's 
 fixth Marri- 
 age. 
 
 ll-'llJiam Psrr 
 Earl of Effcx.
 
 io8 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 43- 
 
 jittithtr of thi 
 fame nami 
 made Lird 
 Parr. 
 
 1544. 
 
 "the Lord Chan- 
 tiBtur dietb. 
 
 Ao Exfeditiott 
 into Scotland. 
 
 time another of the fame name , Uncle to the Queen and the 
 Earl , was created Lord P^rr , and Chamberlain to the Queen. 
 
 The eight and twentieth of Juljf for the Profeffion of tlieir 
 Faith were K^nthony Purfins , Robert Tejhvood, and He»ry Filmer 
 Burned at Lovdott ; Marbeck was alfo condemned , but afterward 
 pardoned. 
 
 i^NNO DOM. 1544. REG. 36. 
 
 THe Lord Thomas Attdley Chancellour of England deceafing the 
 laft of April , the Lord Wriothjley chief Secretary of Eftate 
 is defigned his SuccefTour. And the Earl of Hertford made Lieu- 
 tenant of the North , is fent thither with an Army to reprefs the 
 incurfions of the Scots. 
 
 The Vifcount Lijle Admiral of England , with a Navy of two 
 hundred Sail cntred the Eorth of Scotland , landed ten thoufand 
 men , forced the rich Town of. Leith , and then marched toward 
 Edenlurg the Metropolis of the Kingdom. The Regent was there 
 with the Cardinal (at whofe difpo(e he now wholly was) and 
 many other Nobles, guarded with fix thoufand Horfe and a great 
 number of Foot , who upon fight of an invading Army betook 
 themfelves to flight , and left the City void of defendants. The 
 Provofl: craving parley, offered to yield the City upon condition of 
 departure with Bag and Baggage, and faving the Town from Fire. 
 But the breach of League , and infolencies of the Inhabitants of 
 Leith and Edenburg had infpired us with Revenge, fo that no Con- 
 ditions were to be admitted , but what the Viftorfhould impofe. 
 This drives the Provoft to a defperate refolution of defence. The 
 Englijh give a furious Affault , enter at the Canigate , put the In- 
 habitants to the fword , pillage and fire it. The like calamity 
 felt the Countrey round about , fire and fword cruelly feeding 
 upon Villages , Caftles , and Noblemens Houfes. Leith had hi- 
 therto been reprieved from the like mifery ; but at our return to 
 the Navy , it is made its own Funeral pile , and the Peer of the 
 Haven utterly coofumed. 
 
 New employments call home our Admiral. Henry refolves 
 once more to tranfport his Arms into France , there to join with 
 the Earls of Reux and Bures , Imperial Commanders. It was 
 agreed between the Emperour and the King , that the one fliould 
 invade champaigne , the other Picardy , and having united their 
 Forces ( which fhould amount to fourfcore thoufand Foot , and 
 eighteen thoufand Horfe ) to march diredly to Paris , thereby 
 either to force the French to fight with difad vantage , or to fuifer 
 the ruin of his Countrey. Henry lands at Calais , and finds Pi- 
 cardy unfurniftied of men , Francis having withdrawn his Forces 
 towards champaigne to oppofe them againft the Emperour. He 
 
 therefore
 
 Henry the Eighth, 
 
 109 
 
 therefore (ends the Duke oi' Norfolk with the Earls o'i Reux and 
 Bures to befiege CMontrucil. Tlie Marllral of Biez. feeing which 
 way'' we turned the point of our Army , being commanded by his 
 King to have an efpecial care of that Territory , puts himfdf 
 into Montrueil , and left the Lord di Fcrvein his Son-in-Law, a 
 man of fmall experience , to command in Bouloign. This oppor- 
 tunity invites Henry to encamp before Boloign a Town near to Ca- 
 Uii, and many ways commodious. He caufeth the Duke of Norfolk 
 ( now in danger to be furprifed by the trench Army ) to arife 
 from before Montrueil ; and omitting his intended Voyage to fAris 
 ( fruftrated by the Emperour's Peace with the French ; to enter 
 into which Henry was invited by the Cardinal Be Hay , Raymond 
 Prefident of Rouen , and <^nbcjpine Secretary of Eftate , fent of 
 purpofe) he invefteth Boloign. The Duke of Suffolk had firll: en- 
 camped upon a Hill on the Eaft of Boloign , from whence he after 
 made his approaches into the Valley : and the King encamping 
 on the North , fl:ut up the Town on all fides. The firft altaulc 
 is given on the Suburbs or Bafe Town , which the French under 
 the covert of a made Imoak had forfaken. They pretend it to 
 have been purpofely fired as unprofitable , and the fire quenched 
 by our induftry. Next the Tower of the Ordre ( called by us the 
 Old-man ) defended by twenty Souldiers is yielded , and the Town 
 continually battered in four places , whereof the moft fcycible 
 was the Battery from the Hill on the Eaft fide,which beat down the 
 Steeple of our Ladies Church,rent the houfes,and fcoured the ftreets 
 of the Town. The breach made by the Cannon being not fuffi- 
 cient , theyfall to mining, which Happily fucceeding , they blow 
 up a great part of the Wall. We give a furious alTault , and are 
 repulled with lofs , yet did this affault carry the Town , that brave 
 Captain Phtlif Corj'e being llain in it, whofe valour alone had 
 hitherto preferved it. Ver'vcin upon the lofs of this man , at his 
 wits end , Ibunds the intention of the King , and yields him the 
 Town upon compofition -, That the Souldters and citizens might 
 depart voith their Baggage ; and that all the Artillery , Munition , and, 
 Victuals ( whereof there was great ftore ) fhould remain to the King. 
 The Inhabitants refufe this bad compofition , and the Mayor 
 with the Townfmen offer to keep the Town : Which had they 
 accordingly undertaken , Boloign in all probability had continued 
 French. For the Capitulation was no fooner concluded ( Hoftages 
 not yet given) but a horrible Tempeftof Wind.and Rain over- 
 throws our Tents , and the foil being fat and flippery , we fhould 
 not have had any means to mount to an affault. Moreover the 
 Daulphin was on march with great Forces for their fuccour, 
 whofe approach would have forced Henry to have changed his 
 defign. But Vervein profeffing that he would keep touch even 
 with his Enemy, continued conftant in his promiie, for which 
 he foon loft his Head on a Scaffold at PAris. The four-and twentieth 
 
 LI 2 of 
 
 I 544.
 
 no 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1544. 
 
 of Seftember , the City was delivered to the Duke of Suffolk , 
 and the French departed to the number of threefcore and feven 
 Horle , a thoufand five hundred threefcore and three able Foot , 
 and a thoufand nine hundred twenty and feven Women and Chil- 
 dren , many of the infirmer fort not able to depart , ftaying be- 
 hind. The next day the King entred triumphantly , and caufed 
 our Ladies Church to be demolifhed , and in place thereof a 
 Fortification to be raifed , and having ordered his affairs to his 
 mind , making the Vifcount Lijle Governour j fet fail for Dover , 
 where he arrived on the firlt of October. 
 
 But the King's hafty departure permitted not all things to be 
 fufficiently (etled. Part of the Artillery , Viduals and Munition 
 by the Capitulation left in Bolotgn , were not removed from the 
 Bafc Town , which was fortified only with fome fmall Trenches 5 
 for the furprifal whereof, the Daulphift in the night fends fome 
 Troops , who before morning enter the place , cut all in pieces 
 they meet, win the Artillery and Munition, and think to have 
 gotten an abfolute Vidory : but being intent to pillage , fome 
 Enfigns iffue from the higher Tower, find them indiforder, fet 
 upon them and rout them. Many of the Enemies were ftain, among 
 whom was FoiiqueffoUes , another Son-in-Law of Biez , the Victory 
 not being without blood on our fide. 
 
 Nqther was our Fleet idle in the mean , which fcouring 
 the Seas brought three hundred Prizes fo fraught with Merchan- 
 dife , that the three fpacious Churches of the t^ugnJtme , the 
 Gray , and the BUck Friers in London , whofe Monaftcries had 
 lately been.f^pprelled, were ftored with nothing but Hogfheads 
 of Wine. >^i-; • Tn ;Wf-. -.w Jir/J 
 
 The Earl of Lenox lately difpatched out of France for the ma- 
 naging of the affairs of Scotland , to the behoof of the French found 
 not entertainmejit there according to his expectation. The Queen 
 Mother and Cardinal , as long as they had need of him , deluded 
 him with hopes of marrying the Queen Mother , and by their 
 fecret calumnies rendred them fufpedled to ihc French. At length 
 finding his fafety queftionable , he flies for refuge into England, 
 accompanied with ^.^lexander Son and Heir to the Earl of Glen- 
 \caxn :, W^<«//'^r C7r/t/^4az Brother to the Earl of yJ/is^/ro;?, and Sir jfc/;/? 
 .Eerthrvick with others, and were honourably received by Henry , 
 jw^o moft happily repaired the Earl's loflTes of Revenues in France 
 fallen by the. death of Rpberf Stuart oi^^ubigny , and of his Mar- 
 riage in Scotloftd , with that moft fuccefsful Match that beautiful 
 Lady Margaret , Niece to the King and Daughter to the Earl of 
 Angta , and an annual P^fion of feven hundred Marks. And 
 once more ihe refolved to try his fortune in Scotland attended by 
 Sir Rice M/iivfell , and Sir Peter Mewtas , Wintor , Dudley . and Brooks 
 with others, who with eight Ships fet fail from Brifiol , and 
 hanging over the Coaft of Scotland like a Cloud uncertain where 
 
 ti.j 
 
 to
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 Ill 
 
 to disburthen it felf , deterred the Scots fromenterprifing any thing 
 upon Efi^Lind in the ablcnce of the King. 
 
 The Church of late had daily t'elt fome change or other : And 
 this year mjnne the Let Any tet forth ia Englijb was commanded 
 to be ufed in all Churches. 
 
 \^ N N O DOM. 1545. ^£6". 37. 
 
 OUr late Expeditions had without doubt been very chargeable. 
 So that I fhould not wonder that the King began to w^ant 
 ilipplies , if I did not confider the incredible fumms raifed of the 
 fpoils i)f the late fuppreifed Religious Houfes. All which not- 
 withftanding , whether it were that God not pleafed with this 
 authorized Sacriledge did not enlarge them with his Bleffing, 
 fFhicb only ( faith Solomon ) maketh Rich : Or that a great part 
 thereof was otherwife divided either among his Courtiers , or 
 for the maintenance of the ejeded Religious Perfons , the Treafury 
 was certainly very bare. To which former reafons we may add 
 the fix new ereded Bifhopricks , and the like number of Cathe- 
 dral Churches , as alio the Stipends conferred on both Univerfities 
 for the publick ProfefTors of the Hebrew and Greek Tongues , Di- 
 vinity J Law , and Phyfick , to each whereof he allotted an 
 Annuity of forty Pounds. Howfoever it were , certain it is , that 
 levies being made in Germany for the King , the Souldiers dif- 
 banded for want of Pay. The Parliament had already granted 
 him great Subfidies , fo that thence he could exped no more. Yet 
 Monies muft be had. Henry therefore refblves on an honeft kind 
 of Rapine. The Intreaties of Princes little differ from Com- 
 mands, unlefs perhaps in this, that they work more fubtilly, 
 and render them pliable with whom Commands would not have 
 prevailed 5 which manifeflly appeared in the execution of this 
 Projed. He had twenty years ilnce commanded Money by Pro- 
 clamation , a courfe fo far from taking as was delired , that it 
 had like to have been the caufe of much mifchief : But now by 
 fome fit CommilBoners informing his Subjeds of hjs neceflitieSj 
 and defiring the richer fort one by one to contribute towards his 
 fupport, he quickly replenifhed the Exchequer. The Commif- 
 fioners begin firft with the Citizens of London , among whom two 
 were more ftrait - laced than the reft , 'viz,. Richard Read , and 
 mlliam Roch ; but their parfimony lliall coft them dear. For Read 
 being an old man and utterly unexpert of Martial Difcipline, is 
 commanded to ferve in perfon in the Wars oi Scotland , is taken 
 by the Scots, and forced to ranfom himlelf at a high rate. Roch , 
 as having ufcd fome uncivil language before thole of his Maje- 
 ftie's Council who fate Commilfioners , was for fome months 
 
 punilhed 
 
 I 5 44- 
 
 I 545.
 
 -\ 
 
 112 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 M45< 
 
 and at length ( not im- 
 
 punillied with ftraight imprifonment 
 
 probably) bought his liberty. j 
 
 In the mean time Boloign was a great eye-fore to the French. \ 
 They try to regain it by ftratagems and furpriliils, but in vain, i 
 They betake themfelves to force with the like lliccefs. The Mar- 1 
 fhil of Bicz, Governour of the Boloigmis comes with a great Army } 
 tothe/'cr?, a Town two miles from .Sc/o/i^'«, and begins to build i 
 a Fort on this fide the River upon the point of the Tower of Ordre, 
 but is by the Earl of Hertford forced away , and leaves his Caftle 
 ;n the Air. His intent was by this Fort to have kept the Garri- 
 fon of BoloigK within their Walls , to have commanded the Haven, 
 fo to cut off all Succours by fea , and from cdcU by land. Which 
 being done , Francis refolved in Perfon to befiege Gutfues , and 
 there to fortifie, thereby to famifli Boloign, and to keep CaLtis and 
 the land of Oye in fubjeftion. But thele defigns proving fruitlels, 
 he prepares his Naval fofccs , giving forth, that he intended to 
 invade England, hoping that this Alarm would have made us 
 have a care of the main , and negleft thofe pieces abroad , fo that 
 Boloign for lack of aid (hould eafily be reduced. The noife of art 
 invafion made Henry arm, who having gathered together a fuf- 
 ficient Fleet, awaited the Enemy at Portjmonth , intent to all oc- 
 cafions. Neither did the French only intend an Alarm , landing 
 in three feveral places in England , but were every where with 
 lols driven aboard their Ships. Two days after they fall down to 
 the Channel that divideth the Ifle of jvight from the reft of Bri- 
 tain ; they fcem to threaten Portfmouth , where the King then 
 was , and feek to draw our Fleet to fight. The French , befide 
 a fufficient Fleet of other Ships had twenty five Gallies, no 
 way probably ufeful in thefe tempefluous and rough Seas not 
 brooking this flat kind of fliipping , but by their bulk and num- 
 ber to terrific us : Yet at this time an unufual calmnefs of the Sea 
 without wind or current , put them in hope of effe(5i:ing wonders 
 by their Gallies. But our Fleet was not to be drawn to fight, 
 much lefs to be forced without apparent danger to the Enemy, 
 who muft flip down a narrow Channel , where but few Ships 
 could go in front , and the like number oppofed might eafily j 
 defend it; Where they could not enter , but with the Tide and 
 Wind , and the firft Ships repulfed , in their falling back would 
 have difordered the refl: of the Fleet 5 where of neceifity they muft 
 fight under the favour of our Forts and Cannon , which would 
 eafily have hindered their approach. The Enemy being put off 
 here, confult of fortifying the Ifle o^ IVight , where at St. Helens 
 Point they land two thoufand men , refolve forfooth to make 
 that the Seat of the War , and there to build three Forts ^ but the 
 valour of the Inhabitants made them change their defign , and 
 forced them again to their Ships. Thus every where affronted 
 CO their lofs , without any memorable zik they let fail for Normandy. 
 
 The
 
 Henry the Eighth. 
 
 '3 
 
 The French Fleet confifted of a hundred and three Sail of all forts, 
 ours of only fixty , fo that it was no way fafe for us to encounter 
 them. Some light proflfers were made on both fides , wherein we 
 always came off with the better. As for the Mury Rofi, a Ship 
 which with her lofs buried Sir George Carow the Captain , and 
 feven hundred men 5 the French do well to make ufc of eafualties 
 to their own glory : But it was not the valour of the French , or 
 fury of their Cannons that funk her, but the fupihe negligence 
 of the Mariners , being wrecked in the very Haven , in the pre- 
 lence of the King. 
 
 Boloign was not idle the while. Upon hope of a Fort to be 
 built by the Marlhal of Biez, , Francis had made great preparations 
 for an Enterprize upon Gmfnes, but was diverted by the death of 
 the Duke o{ Orleans his younger Son, and the loft hopes of his 
 intended Fort near Boloigne , and having for a while encamped at 
 * Mont-Lambert , retired at laft toward <^miens. The nearnefs 
 of the King's Camp at Mont-Lambert did daily invite both Nations 
 to make trial of their valour , the Englijh fometimes , fometimes 
 the French having the better. One day among the reft the Englijh 
 hotly charging the French , the Duke of Aumde comes to relieve 
 them, who being ftrook with a Lance under his right Eye, it 
 breaks in pieces and leaves the Trunchion half a foot within his 
 Head. It was a token of an excellent fpifit in this young Noble- 
 man , that for fo rough a charge he loft not his ftirrups , and 
 endured the torture whereto they put him in drawing out the 
 three fquare head , with fuch an invincible conftancy , as if they 
 had picked a Thorn from out his Finger , and beyond all expe- 
 dhation of the Chirurgions recovered. The Vi(5lory remained to 
 the Engltjh : who could not long brag of it , afterward feeking 
 to cut off a Convoy of the Enemies , defeated by the Khinegrave 
 with the lofs of fixtecn Captains, and (even or eight hundred men. 
 Tbe Earl of surrey , who led them , favcd himfelf by flight. And 
 were it not difcourtefie in us not to requite the late vifit of the 
 French ? The Lord Admiral therefore landed fix thoufand men 
 at Trefort in Normandy , burned the Town and Abbey with thirty 
 Ships and a Barque in the Haven , and returned with the lofs of 
 only fourteen men. 
 
 Neither were our employments Icfs or fewer in Scotland, than 
 among the French. Scotland had fo many enemies at home , that 
 it needed not any abroad. But their home-bred diflentions had 
 caufed War from us , and the way to fet them at Peace was , to 
 invade them. In the beginning of March Sir Ralph Evers , by tlie 
 death of his Father Lord Evers, with an Army entred Scotland, 
 making all the Countrey defert about Jedbury and Kelfon. Thence 
 marching to Coldtngham fortified the Church and Tower , and 
 leaving a Garrifon there , departed. The Garrifon partly out of I 
 covetoufnefs , partly to difttefs the Enemy if he fliould lay fiege 
 
 to! 
 
 15 45- 
 
 • Alias Bon- 
 lanibeig.
 
 114 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 54J- 
 
 to them, pillaged and wafted all the neighbouring Countrey. The 
 Regent according to their expedation befiegeth the Church with 
 eight thoufand menjand batters it a whole day and a night.But lud- 
 denly, making none of the Nobles partakers of his determinations, 
 whether out of fear to be betrayed by his Army , or forae other 
 caufe, took horfe and ported away toDimbar, whichoccafionedthe 
 disbanding of the Army , and the freedom of the befieged. Our 
 often fuccefs having emboldened us , we adventure upon another 
 impreflion, the fury whereof disburdened it kli'm Merch, Teifi- 
 dale , and Lauden , the Inhabitants being either forced to yield , 
 or flie , and leave their goods to be feiled on by Bellonas Harbin- 
 gers. The Scots at length make head, and although of more 
 than equal number , they betake themfelves to ftratagems. They 
 underftand by their Scouts of our approach • and tO deceive us , 
 by the advice of ivalter Scot fend their Horfes to the adjoyning 
 Hills. Neither indeed was the place fo advantageous for Horfe, 
 as for Foot. The Horfes backed by the Grooms that kept them, 
 did from the Hills make fliew of an Army , and that flying. Wc 
 advance , as loath to let our enemies efcape , in the purfuit of 
 whom we unawares fall among the whole Army not dilorderly 
 flying , but prepared to receive us. It is not unufual to encounter 
 men 5 but if Heaven and the Elements oppofe us , how can we 
 hope for viftory < We find the number of our adverfe Army 
 great beyond our expedation , the Sun far declining to the Weft 
 darted his rays in our faces , and a violent wind drives the fmoak 
 of the fliot into our mouthes , which not only made the moft 
 neceflary fenfe unufeful , but with a foul ftench corrupted the 
 Air , and hindred the breathing of the already panting Souldiers. 
 The many advantages give them the Viftory. We leave two 
 hundred in the place, and among them the Lord Evers ; a thoufand 
 are taken , whereof Alderman Read was one. 
 
 A little after this Vidoty , Francis fent into Scotland a fupply of 
 five hundred French Horfe and three thoufand Footmen, under the 
 command of the Lord of Lorges Earl oi Montgomery , not fo much 
 to crofs our attempts againft t\\Q Scots, astodiftradl our Forces, 
 that the violence of thera united might not at once fall on France. 
 
 This year among other accidents is alfo memorable through 
 the death of the King's Brother-in-Law Charles Brandon Duke of 
 Sujfolk , a man of a mighty fpirit , yet fo tempering it with mild- 
 nefs and fair demeanour , that he was generally beloved both of 
 Prince and people: Who in thatheightof favour carried him fo 
 evenly as to die quietly in his Bed. A happinefs under this Prince 
 rare even to Fortunes and His Favourites. 
 
 A Parliament aflembled in November granted the King the 
 Difpofal of all CoUedges , Chantries , and Hofpitals , the de- 
 melnes, falaries and Itipends thereto belonging, or given to 
 Priefts to fay Mafs for the Souls of the departed. The King 
 
 perfonally
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth, 
 
 pcrfonally gave thanks to botli Houfes , promifing to have a care 
 that they fhould be employed to the honour of God and the pub- 
 lick good. But we find not the effedl of his promifes. 
 
 <A N N O DOM. 1546. REG. 38 , & ulttnio. 
 
 T T Y T E are now come to the laft year of Henry liis Reign • 
 
 V V who having tired himfelf with the Trench Wars, be- 
 gan at length ferioufly to bethink himfelf of Peace. Neither 
 was Irancis lefs defirous of his Friendfhip. To this end Deputies 
 from both fides meet often between Guifnes arid K^rdres : For 
 Henry, the Earl of Hertford, Gardiner Bifhop of Winchester , the 
 Vifcount LtJIe Lord Admiral, Sir rviUtam Paget Secretary of Eftare, 
 and Dr. ivotton the firft Dean of Canterbury : For Francu , the 
 Admiral Annebault , Raymond firft Prefident of Romn , and Bou- 
 cher el Secretary. After many confultations a Peace was conclu- 
 ded on thefe Conditions : 
 
 That Francis within eight years Jhould pay fourfcore hundred thou- 
 ftnd Crcrwns te the King , as ve ell for the arrerage of his Tension , as for 
 muny other expences made by him in War , in the fortification of V)0- 
 loign and of the Countrey : And upon receipt of the [aid Sumrn, Henry 
 fbeuld deliver unto the King of France Boloign and all the Countrey 
 belonging to it , vcith the ancient places or newly edified by him , Mont- 
 Lambert , the Torver ef Ordre , Ambleteul and others , with all the 
 Artillery and Munition in them. 
 
 For the confirmation whereof, the Vifcount Lifle was fent 
 AmbafTador into France , and from thence came the Admiral An- 
 nebault to receive the Oaths of each King , and the Peace was 
 Proclaimed in London. 
 
 On the fixteenth of 'July were burnt at London for their Religion 
 "John Labels , Nicholas Otter den , 'John Adlam , and L^nn K^skew 
 a young Gentlewoman aged twenty five , of an ancient Defcent, 
 excellent beauty, and acute wit, whofe examinations, writings, 
 tortures , and patient fuffering are at large fet down by Mr. Fox, 
 being before their Execution by Dr. Schaxten exhorted to Recant, 
 as he then was forced , who fome years pafTed had refigned his 
 Biflioprick to enjoy his Confcience. 
 
 And here I may not omit an addition to the feptenary number 
 of Sleepers , rriZ^i^w Foxley a Pot-maker in London, who without 
 any touch of any preceding infirmity was feifed with fiich a dead 
 fleep , that for fourteen days and fifteen nights no force nor in- 
 vention "Gould awake him •, on the fifteenth day this miraculous 
 fleep forfaking him, he was as it were reftored to life , and found 
 as found and entire as if he had taken no more than an ordinary 
 repofe : Neither wouW he believe that he had taken other , but 
 that the building of a certain Wall made it apparent to him how 
 
 M m mucii 
 
 "5 
 
 545- 
 
 V,^' 
 
 1546.
 
 ii6 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 46. 
 
 1547. 
 
 much time he had flept away. He lived above forty years after, 
 vtz. to the year 1587. 
 
 Let us conclude this year with the death of MArtin Luther that 
 famous impugner of the Church of Rome , who being fcnt for by 
 the Counts of LMansfeld to compofe fome differences between 
 them concerning their inheritance, died among them in his 
 Climaderical year , and after much contention for his Body, heth 
 buried at wirtenberg. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1547. 
 
 HE»ry long fmce ^rown corpulent was become a burthen to 
 himfelf, and ot late lame by reafon of a violent Ulcer in 
 his Leg , the inflammation whereof caft him into a lingering 
 Fever , which by little and little decaying his fpirits , he at length 
 began to feel the inevitable neceflity of death. The cogitation 
 of many things ( as in the like exigents ufually happeneth ) op- 
 preffed him, and chiefly of his Son's nonage , but now entring 
 into his tenth year , an age infirm and opportune to treacheries , 
 againft which he found imall provifion in his Friends , having 
 none amongfl: thofe on whofe Loyalty he chiefly relied , of fo 
 fufficient eminency , as to underprop his weak Eftate with thofe 
 fupporters of Royalty, Povper and Authority. ' His Brother-in-Law 
 the Duke of Suffolk was lately deceafed : Seymour the young 
 Prince's Uncle was a man whofe Goodnefs was not tempered with 
 Severity, and being deicended of a Family more ancient than 
 noble ( as having until now never tranfcended Knighthood ) 
 would be fubjedl to contempt. They who more nearly partici- 
 pated of the Blood Royal , as they any way excelled in Power or 
 Virtue , were the more fufpeded and hated by him. The Family 
 of the Howards was then moft flourifhing , the chief whereof was 
 Thomas Duke of Norfolk , a man famous for his exploits in France, 
 Scotland , and elfewhere , long exercifed in the School of Expe- 
 rience , many ways deriving himfelf from the Crown , popular, 
 of great command and revenues. But the edge of the old man's 
 difpofition made mild and blunted with age, adminiftred the lels 
 caufe of fufpition. Of his eldeft Son ffenry Earl of Surrey, the 
 King was certainly jealous , and refolved to cut him off. He had 
 lately in the Wars of France manifeffed himfelf heir to the glory 
 of his Anceftors , was of a ripe wit , and endued with great 
 Learning , fo that the Elogy afterwards given tt) his Son Henry, 
 that He rvM the Learned'B among the Nobility , and the Noblejl among 
 the Learned, might have as fitly been applied to him, was very 
 gracious with the people, expert in the Art Military, and eftcemed 
 fit for publick Government. Thefe great Virtues were too great 
 Faults , and for them he mufl fuffer. Treafon is obje^ed to him, 
 
 and
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 and upon the furmife he and his Father fent to the Tower. On 
 the tliirteenth of Jamtary he is arraigned , the chief point of 
 his accufation whereon they infifted being , for bearing certain 
 Arms, which only belonged to the King , and confequently afpi- 
 ring to the Crown. Of other things he eafily acquitted himfelf, 
 and as for thofe Arms , he conftantly affirmed that they here- 
 ditarily pertained unto him; yet notwithftanding he would not 
 have prefumed to have born them , but being warranted by the 
 opinion of the Heralds , who only were to give judgment in thefe 
 cafes. The Judges not approving of his anfwer condemn him , 
 and fo the Flower of the Englijh Nobility is on the nineteenth of 
 JumiAry beheaded , the King lying in extremity , and breathing j 
 his laft in Blood. The Duke was adjudged to perpetual impri- j 
 fonment , where he continued until he was by Queen M^ry fet 
 at liberty. 
 
 The King , his difeafc growing on him , at laft makes his Will, 
 wherein ( by virtue of a Law lately Enadted ) he ordains Prince 
 Edward his SuccelTour in the firft place , and in the fecond ( Prince 
 Edrvard dying IfTuelefs ) fubftitutes the Lady iJMary begotten of 
 Cathxrine of Arragon , and upon the like defecft of IlTue in A<fary 
 in the third place fubftitutes the Lady Eitz-nbeth. Thefe three 
 reigned fucceflively, and accoraplifhed the number of fifty fix years; 
 at the expiration whereof Queen Elizuthth ended her long glorious 
 Reign , and left the Diadem to King James , in the many regards 
 of his Learning, Religion, Goodnefs , peaceable and happy Reign 
 the Mirrour of late Ages. The next care was of his Executors, 
 whom he alfo appointed ( Tutors fhall I fay or ) Counfellors to. 
 his Son , and .wgre in number fixteen , viz. 
 
 Thomas <^rchbijhof of Canterbury. 5i 
 
 Thomas Wriothfley Lord chamellour. 
 
 William Paulet Lord Saint- John. 
 
 John Rulfel Lord Privy Seal. 
 
 Edward Seymour Eari of Hertford. 
 
 John Dudley , Vifcount Lifle Lord <^dmiral. 
 
 Cuthbert Tonftall Bijhof of Durefm. 
 
 Sir Anthony Brown <JMaHer of the Horfe. 
 
 Sir Edward Mountague chief Jufiice of the Common Pleas,. 
 
 Sir William Paget. 
 
 Sir William Harbert. 
 
 Sir Thomas Bromley. 
 
 Sir Anthony Denny. 
 
 Sir Edward North. 
 
 Sir Edward Wotton. 
 
 Doctor Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York, 
 
 II7 
 
 ^54' 
 
 Mm 
 
 Tq
 
 ii8 
 
 AnnaU of England. 
 
 1547. To whom he add&ii«s-' Affiftants, efpecially ia matters of great 
 
 1 hiiK 
 
 Henry f^r/ oj" Arundel. 
 
 William Earl of Bffex. 
 
 Sir Thomas Cheny Steveard. of the King's mujhold. 
 
 Sir John Gige Cimptro/Ier. i^rotv: . 
 
 Sir Anthony Wingfield Vice-Chamberlkiri: : . . - , 
 
 Sir William Peter Secretary. H .j . ; 
 
 Sir Richard Rich. ' '^\^ ^rlT 
 
 Sir John Baker. -uv/ul?. -jri; 
 
 Sir Ralph Sadler. 
 
 Jir Thomas Seymour. 
 
 Sir Richard Southwell, 
 
 Sir Edmond Pecham. 
 
 He ordained his Body fhould be interred at ivtndfor in a Monu- 
 ment ( yet imperfe(5t ) ereded by Cardinal JVolfey , not for him- 
 felf ( as many falfly furmife ) but for the King , as by the Infcri- 
 ption is manifeft , which cannot be of later date. For therein 
 Henry is ftiled Lord of JreUnd. without any mention of Supreme 
 Head of the Church , which two particles it is^ manifeft were 
 changed in the Title after wolfey his death. In the fame his laft 
 Will he commanded that the Monuments of Henry the Sixth 5 
 and Edrvard the Fourth ( both interred in mndflr } ftiould be made 
 more magnificent and ftately , and other things of lefs momentj 
 moft of which were neglected. This laft Will and Teftamtnr 
 he confirmed , fubfcribed , and fealed the laft of December , and 
 furvived a month after , dying at jvejlminjler the eight and twen- 
 tieth of January, and that in this manner : The King having 
 long languiflied , the Phyficians finding apparent fymptoms of 
 approaching death , wiflied fome of his friends to admonifh him 
 of his eftate , which at laft Sir Anthony Denny undertook, who 
 going diredly to the fainting King , told in few (but thofe plain) 
 words , That the hope of humane help was vain ^ wherefore he 
 befeeched his Majefty to ered his thoughts to Heaven , and be- 
 thinking him of his 'fore-pafTed life, through Chrift to implore 
 God's Mercy. An advice not very acceptable to him. But find- 
 ing it grounded upon the judgment of the Phyficians , he fub- 
 mitted himfelf to the hard law of necefCty , and refleding upon 
 the courfe of his Life ( which he much condemned ) he profefled 
 himfelf confident, that through Chrift bis infinite Goodnefs all 
 his fins , although they had been more in number and weight , 
 might be pardoned. Being then demanded whether he delired 
 to confer with any Divines • IVith no ether ( faith he ) but the 
 <^^rchbijhop Cranmer , and not with him as yet ; J rvill jirH repofe 
 wyfelf a. little , and as I then find my felf mil deter mi n accordingly. 
 
 After
 
 H 
 
 E N R Y 
 
 the Eighth. 
 
 After the fleep of an hour or two rinding himfelf fainting , he 
 commanded the Archbilliop (then at Croydon) Ihould be lent for 
 in all haft. Who ufing all polTiblc fpeed came not until the King 
 was fpeechlefs. As foon as he came , the King took him by 
 the hand , the Archbilliop exhorting him to place all his hope 
 in God's Mercies through Chrift, and befeeching him, that if 
 he could not in words , he would by fome fign or other teftiiie 
 this his Hope : Who then wringed the Archbilliop's hand as 
 hard as he could , and lliortly after expired , having lived fifty 
 five years and feven months , and thereof reigned thirty feven 
 years nine months and fix days. 
 
 Thus ended Henry the Eighth his Life and Reign , which for 
 the firft years of his Government was like Nero's Five years , 
 Admirable j for often Vidories and happy Succefs in War , Glo- 
 rious • for the many Changes under it, Memorable; for the 
 Foundation of the Churches Reformation , Laudable ; to Queens, 
 moft unhappy ^ for the Death of fo many ( for the moft ) great 
 Perfonages, Bloody ^ and for the frequent Exadions and Subfidies, 
 and Sacrilegious Spoil of the Church , much Prejudicial to the 
 Eftate , Grievous and Burthenfom to the Subje(51:. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 "9 
 
 I 547-
 
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 ■vanHM^waMH
 
 ANNALS 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 EDWARD 
 
 THE 
 
 SIXTH. 
 
 Tbe Second Boof^ 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed for Thomoi Bajfet , John Wright, and Kiehard Chiftvel 
 
 M. DC. LXXV.
 
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 «*•»•?-♦-*' «f» •*• €^ «^ tji* c^ tijjr •¥» «f?^» «4y «$;Z5* Vir* ♦ip 
 
 ANNALS 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 Book II. 
 E D W A R D the Sixth. 
 
 ANNO DOM. 1547. REG. i. 
 
 Oyalty like a Pythagorean Soul tranfmigrates. 
 Although Henry were dead , the King was 
 ftill alive, and lurvived in the perfon of young 
 Edward, who began his Reign the eight and 
 twentieth of January , then in the tenth year 
 of his age • and having been on the laft of 
 the fame Month proclaimed King , came 
 the fame day from Enfield ( where the Court 
 had then been ) to the Tcwer , there according to the an- 
 cient cuftom of our Kings to abide until his Inauguration at 
 Wejiminsier. The next day the Council affembled for the ma- 
 naging of the Eftate , conferred on the King's Uncle, Edward 
 Seymour Earl of Hertford the honour and power of Protedior of 
 the King's Perfon and Kingdom. Who to fealbn his new Dig- 
 nity with fome memorable ad , on the fixth of February , dubbed 
 the King Knight , the King prefently imparting the fame Honour 
 to Richard Hoblethorn Lord Mayor of London. 
 
 On the fifteenth of February King Henry his Funerals were fo- 
 lemnizied , and his Body Royally interred in the middle of the 
 Quire in the Church at mndfor. 
 
 Two days after were fome of the Nobility dignified with 
 greater Honours , fome new created. The Lord Protedor Earl 
 of Hertford , was made Duke of Sonxerfet ; H'tUiam Farr Earl 
 
 N n of 
 
 15 47- 
 
 The Earl of 
 Hertford PfO- 
 ttiltr. 
 
 Hiti£ Henry'; 
 ^HtitTalt.
 
 124 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 47- 
 
 Tl!tCer$Hiiiictt- 
 
 T*« it»th cf 
 Francis KJtig 
 ef France. 
 
 of Ejfex , Marquis of Northampton ; J oh ft Dudley Vifcount Lijle , 
 Earl of fyarivtck ; and the Lord Chancellour fyriethjley , Earl of 
 Southimfton. Sir Themss Seymour Brother to the Protedor and 
 Lord Admiral , Sir Thema^ Rich , Sir fVtUiam fVilUughl>y , and Sir 
 Edmend, sbeffeild were inrolled among the Barons. Other two 
 days being fled after their predecefTors , the King paffed trium- 
 phantly from the Toreer through London to fvefimwffer, where he 
 was folemnly crowned , anointed , and inaugurated by Cranmcr 
 Archbifhop of Canterbury. At what time alfo with incredible 
 indulgence pardon of all crimes wbatfoever was publickly pro- 
 claimed and granted to all perfons throughout the Realm , fix 
 only being exempted from the benefit thereof, namely , the Duke 
 of Ntrfolk , Cardinal Pool, the lately beheaded Marquis of Exceter 
 his eldeft Son , one Throcmorton , Fortefcue , and Richard Pate late 
 Biftiop of worcefier, who left he fliould be conftrained to acknow- 
 ledge the King Head of the Church , had fome years pafTed fled 
 to Rome. 
 
 -On the nineteenth of "June m the Cathedral Church of St. PauI 
 in London were celebrated the Exequies of Francis King of France. 
 He deceafed the two and twentieth of the precedent LMarch, 
 having been after the death of our Henry much difpofed to melan- 
 choly , whether for that he failed in the hope of ftrengthening 
 their late comraded amity with fome ftrifter tie -, or that being 
 fome few years the younger , he was by his death admonifhed of 
 the like approaching fate. They were alfo of fo conlpiring a 
 fimilitude of difpofition and nature , that you fliall hardly find 
 the like between any two Princes of whatc^r different times. 
 This Bred a mutual affection in them , and as it were forcibly 
 nouriihed the fecret fire thereof between them , unlefs peradven- 
 ture when emulation or the refpeft of publick utility fwayed 
 them the contrary way , fo that the death of the one could not 
 but much grieve the furviver. He therefore in the Cathedral 
 at Parti celebrated the Funerals of Henry , though Excommuni- 
 cated by the Pope. He alfo lefi: one only Son named Henry in- 
 heritor of his Crown , whofc Reign lafted but to the beginning 
 of Queen Eltzaheth. 
 
 And now the affairs o^ Scotland, which have witliout doubt 
 been great and memorable, crave a part in our Hiftory. We 
 have before made mention of our League with Scotland , wherein 
 it was determined concerning the Marriage between the now 
 King Edward and the Queen of Scots. The times fince then 
 were full of continual jarrs. We at length relblved not to dally 
 with them , but to undertake the War with forces agreeable to 
 the caufe. The Duke of Scmerfet by confent of the Privy Coun- 
 cil is fent into Scotland with ten thoufand Foot and fix thoufand 
 Horfe ( befides Pioncrs and Artificers thirteen hundred ) and 
 and fifteen pieces of Brafs Ordnance. To the Lord Clinttn is 
 
 afligned
 
 Edward the Sixth, 
 
 125 
 
 adigned a Navy confifting of four and twenty men of War, one 
 Galley , and thirty Ships of burthen , wherewith he was to fcour 
 the Seas , and infeil the maritim parts of ScotUnd. On the third 
 of September the Duke of Somerfet made an hoftile entrance upon 
 the Enemies Countrey , and forthw ith difpatched Letters to the 
 Earl of Arren , Regent of Scotland , much to this effed : That he 
 tvifhed the Scots rvould co»fider , th.it this iVar was waged mnong 
 Chrijliaris , and that cur efjds were no other than a jujl Peace , whereto 
 the endeavours of all good men fljould tend. <^n occasion not only of 
 a League , but of a perpetual Peace was now happily offered , if they 
 would fttffer the two differing and emulous Nations by uniting the 
 Heads to grow together. This as it had been formerly fought by ifs , fo 
 had It been generally ajfented to by the Ejiates if Scotland. Therefore 
 he could not but wonder why they fijoiild rather treacheroufly recurr to 
 Arms { the events of War being ufually even to the Viclor fujficiently 
 unfortunate ) than maintain inviolate their troth plighted to the good 
 of both Nations. They could not in reafon expect that their Queen 
 fjould perpetually live a Firgin-life. And if {he married , where could 
 flje bejlow her ft If bettter , than on a puiffant Monarch inhabiting the 
 fame Ijland , and parly ing the fame language ? They faw what incon- 
 veni-encies were the confequents of forein Matches , whereof they jhould 
 rather make tryal by the examples of others , than at their own peril. 
 He demanded nothing but equity ; yet he fo much abhorred the effifton 
 of chrijiian blood , that if he found the Scots not utterly averfe from 
 an accord , he would endeavour that feme of the Conventions jhould be 
 remitted : He would alfo permit that the Queen Jhoiild abide and be 
 brought up among them until her age made her marriageable , at what 
 time fje fhculd by confent of the Eflates her felfmake choice of a Huf- 
 band. In the mean time there jhould be a Cejfation of Arms , neither 
 fljould the Queen he tranjported out of her Realm , nor entertain treat ife 
 of Marriage with the French or any other foreiner. This if they 
 would faithfully promife , he would forthwith peaceably depart out of 
 Scotland ; and whatjpever damages the Countrey had fuffered by this 
 invafion , he would according to the ejieem of indifferent ^Arbitrators 
 make ample fatisfaciion. The Scotti/Jj Army confifted of thirty 
 thouland Foot, fomc fpeak a greater number. The chief Com- 
 manders whereof puffed up with confidence of their ftrength 
 ( although they had lately loit eight hundred in a tumultuary skir- 
 mifh) and mifconceiving our offers to proceed out of fear, rcjed 
 all Conditions of Accord : And left upon knowledge of the 
 equity of our demands , the Council lliould incline to rclblutions 
 of Peace, they conceal our Letters. And not only Co , but upon 
 affurance of Vi<5l:ory fpread a rumour , that nothing would con- 
 tent the infolent Engliflj , but the delivery of the Queen, which 
 if they could not othcrwife , they would by force obtain , and 
 proceed to the ablolute conqueft of the Kingdom. This report 
 enraged the Souldiers , whom no motives could diilvvade from 
 
 Nn 2 prefent 
 
 1547.
 
 :26 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 £ 5 4 y, 1 prefent engaging themfelves in Battel. The wifer fort were not 
 ignorant of the neceflities that long fince began to prefs us, who 
 were brought to that pafs , that by reafon of the difficulties of 
 paffages we could not make a fafe retreat, nor force the Enemy 
 to fight in regard of the ftrength of the place where he was en- 
 camped. But the vaiw hope of Vi^lory had pofTefTed the minds 
 
 MuiTelburgH- 
 
 rieiJ. 
 
 of the greater part , and excluded reafon. Neceflity forced us 
 to a relblution brave and expedient, which was, to ieek'the 
 Enemy in his lodging , and endeavour to draw him to combat. 
 But the hot-fpur Scots iffuing from out their faftnelTes , feemed 
 willing to prevent us. So both Armies entertain a mutual refo- 
 lution. A little before the joyning of the Armies an accident 
 happened, whichdidnot ahttlemake way toour Viftory. The 
 Enemy marching along near the Sea-flioar, a piece of Ordnance 
 difchargcd from our Galley took away five and twenty of their 
 men , whereof the eldeft Son of the Lord Grimes was one. Four 
 thoufand Archers terrified with fo unexpeded a /laughter made 
 a ftand , and could never after be brought on. The two Arniies 
 approaching each other , the Duke of Scmerfet commanded the 
 Lord Gray with the Cavallery to charge the Scots , and find them 
 employment until the Infantry had feized on an adjoyning Hill , 
 and if he could without much hazard , to diforder the Enemy. 
 But they were gallantly received by a ftrong Squadron of Pikes , 
 whereon fome of the formoft having too far engaged themfelves 
 were cafl: away , the reft retreated affirming , that it was as eafie 
 to force a Wall , as through the Scettifl) Ranks. The Duke makes 
 a fecond trial by the light Horfe , feconding them with the Or- 
 dnance and the Archers. The Enemy either not able to ftand fo 
 violent a charge, or ( as fbme relate ) to draw us from the favour 
 of our Cannon , begins to give ground , which we perceiving 
 give a fliout, crying out withal , They fly , they fly ; which fo 
 amazed them , that fomc began to fly indeed , and at length the 
 whole Army was routed. The Scots complain , that we tyran- 
 nized over the Captives , efpecially the Priefts and Friers (whereof 
 many ferved in this Field ) becaufe by their inftigation chiefly 
 our Conditions were fo arrogantly rejefted. Of the Enemies 
 were flain thirteen thoufand , and among them ( befide the Earl 
 of Lohemor and the Lord Fleming ) the chief of the ScctttjJj Gentry, 
 with their Tenants , who thought it a difgrace to furvive their 
 Lords. In the chafe were taken fifteen hundred , among 
 whom were the Earl /f/*;:^//^ Chancellour of Scotland, the Lords 
 Hefier , Hobbey , and Hamilton , befide many other perfons of. 
 Qtiality. This lamentable overthrow was given the tenth of 
 Seftember, 
 
 L The Englijh become Vigors beyond their expedlation , ranfacked 
 the Countrey five miles about , fortified in the Forth the forfaken 
 Iflands Keth and H.tymon , took Bro^h Caftle , by their terrour 
 
 forced
 
 Edward ibe Sixth. 
 
 127 
 
 forced the Garrifons of Humes and Fajicajile to yield , and having 
 built a Fort at Lauder , and repaired the ruines of RoxLttrgh , by 
 their departure recreated the dejcifhed minds of the diftreffed 
 Scots. "-' "'" 
 
 Our affairs thus fucceeding abroad , the Church at home had 
 her changes. Many of the Council , but efpccially the Protedor, 
 much endeavoured Reformation in point of Religion. The reft, 
 who were addided to the Doftrine of Rcme , could for private 
 refpeds temporize , fearing indeed reftitution of Church goods 
 (wherein each of them fhared) unlefs an irreconcilable breach 
 were made with that See. So that whiles fome eagerly oppofe 
 Popery , and others coldly defend it , not only what had been 
 ena(5ted by He»rj> the Eighth concerning the abrogation of the 
 Pope's authority is Gonfirmed , but many other things are added , 
 whereby our Church was fo purged from the dregs of Super- 
 ftition , that for Purity of Dodrine , and Inftitution of feledl 
 Ecclefuiftical Rites , it excelled the moft Reformed Churches of 
 Germmy. All Images are pulled down , Priefts are permitted to 
 marry , the Liturgie fet forth in the English tongue , the Eucharijl 
 adminiftred under both kinds , AuriaiUr Confeffion forbidden , no 
 man prohibited the reading of the Scriptures , no U^faj[es to be 
 faid for the Souls of the departed , and many other things or- 
 dained , fo far differing from the Inftitution of our Forefathers , 
 that it adminiftred matter to the common people ( who are wont 
 to judge not according to Reafo» , but Cufhm) of breaking out 
 into Rebellion. And it is fomewhat remarkable , that the fame 
 day wherein the Images , whereof the Churches were difpolTeffed, 
 were publickly burned at Lmden, we obtained that memorable 
 Vidory over the Scots at Muffelbttrgh. 
 
 This year at Archbifliop Crmmer his invitation came into 
 England Peter Martyr a Florcntwe , Martin Bucer of Selejladt , and 
 Paulns Phagius born in the PaUtinate : Who being very courtcoufly 
 received by the King and Nobles , having repofed themfelves 
 fome while at Canterbury , were lent, ^J^artyr to Oxford, Bucer 
 and Phagius to Cambridge , there publickly to Read Divinity ; but 
 Phagiiis having fcarce faluted thellniverfity , deceafed of a Quar- 
 tan Ague the twelfth of November , in the five and fortieth year 
 of his age. Neither did Lucer long furvive him , who died at 
 Cambridge the laft of February 1551, being then threelcore years 
 old. CMartyr (hortly after his coming to Oxford , maintained 
 publickly in the Schools , and that with folid Arguments , againft 
 Trefhant znd Chedfey Opponents , that thePopi(hTranfubfia»tiatien 
 was but a meet HCt'ion -, which Difputation he after publifhed 
 and enlarged. 
 
 ^NNO 
 
 I 547. 
 
 Rfftrmatitn 
 in thi Church.
 
 128 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 7Je Scots tud 
 French befiege 
 Hadinton. 
 
 Tht Quten oj 
 
 Scots trauj- 
 foritd into 
 France. 
 
 ^NNO PO^/. 1548. REG. 2. 
 
 THe English having this year fortified and put a ftrong Gar- 
 rifon into Hadinton a Town feated in the mcft fertil loi! of 
 all Scotland, did from thence and Z^Wfr make often inroads upon 
 the bordering Countrey , burning and fpoiling whatfoever might 
 be ufeful to the Enemy , from whom they expcdied a Siege. In 
 the mean time had the French fent fix thouland ( ten thoufand 
 fay we) men into Scotland^ whereof three thoufand were Lanf- 
 quenets led by the Rhinegrave. The Lord of Ejfe a man of tried 
 valour , famous in the Siege of La.ndrecy and other Expeditions 
 was chief of the Army. Tkefe adventurers landing at Dunbar, 
 march fpeedily for Hudintm , and joyning with the Scottijh Forces 
 confifting of eight thoufand men ftraightly befiege it. At the 
 Abbey near the Town they call a Council , treat of tranfporting 
 the Queen into France , and marrying her to the Daulphin. They 
 whom the refped of private ends had not corrupted and with- 
 drawn from the care of the publick weal , objedled , That they 
 jjjoidd fo draw en them a prfetual war from England , and betray 
 themselves to the (lavery of the French : That the Propofitions made 
 by the Englifh vpere reasonable , vpho offered a ten years Truce , and 
 fought not to entrap the Scot in any bands er prejudicial compaBs , 
 their demands being no other than this , That if veithin the ten years 
 either the King of England , or the Queen of Scots jhould deceafe , 
 all things jhould on each fide remain entire and in their former efiate: 
 Delay had often in the like cafes proved advantageous , rrhereas (peedy 
 repentance commonly follovaeth precipitated hafl. The Popifh Fadion 
 (efpecially the Clergy, to whom the amity di England was little 
 pleafing , in regard of the differences in Religion) and fome 
 others obliged to the French either in refped: of received benefits 
 or future profit , with might and main interpofed to the contrary, 
 and chiefly the Regent , bought with a Penfion of four thoufand 
 Crowns , and the Command of one hundred Lances. The French 
 Fsdion prevailed for her tranfportation. The Fleet from' Leith, 
 where it harboured , fetting fail as if for France , fetching a com- 
 pals round about Scotland, put in a.t Dunbritton , where they em- 
 barqued the fix-year-old Queen, attended by James her bafe Bro- 
 ther J John y^reskin, and William Levijlon , who being put back by 
 contrary winds, and much diftreffed by tempeft , arrived at length 
 in Little Bretaigne , and from thence fet forward to the Court of 
 France , fo elcaping our Fleet which hovered about Calais to inter- 
 cept them, if (as we were perfwaded they needs muft) they 
 croffed thofe neighbouring Straights. Hadinton in the mean time 
 being ffraightly beleaguered, Sir Robert Bonrs znd Six Thomai Pal- 
 mer are with feven hundred Lances and fix hundred light Horfe 
 fent to relieve it. Buchanan faith there were but three hundred 
 
 Horfe ,
 
 Edward the Sixth. 
 
 c»29 
 
 Horfe, the refr Foot. Of what fort luevcr they were, if is 
 certain that before they could reach H/tdmgton , they were circum- 
 vented and (lain almoft to a man. Yet did not the befieged let 
 fall their courages, but bravely defended themfelves, until Frawis 
 Earl of Shrevfibury with an Army of twelve thoufand E»gli}h and 
 four thoufand Lanfquenets difa/Iiegcd them , and forced the French 
 to retreat. The Earl having fupplied the Town with neceffaries> 
 and reinforced the Garrifon , returned to Berwick. What they 
 could not by force , the Enemy hopes more eafily to effcCt by a 
 furprifal. To this end D'EJle with fome feled: Bands arrives at 
 Hidifitm about the break of day , where having killed the Cen- 
 tinels and taken an Half-moon before the P^Jrt, ibme feek to force 
 the Gates , fome invade our adjoyning Granaries. The noife and 
 rtwuts of the afTailants gives an alarm to the Garrifon , who give 
 fire to a Cannon planted before the Port , the Bullet whereof pe- 
 netrating the Gate , makes way through the clofe rapks of the 
 Enemies , and fo affrights them , that they feek to fave themfelves 
 by flight. ; 3^0].' • 
 
 Fortune was not fo favourable to the Garrifons of Humes and 
 Fajicajlle ^ where by the negligence of theCentinels, thedefigns 
 of the Enemy were crowned with fuccefs. At Humes , being 
 conduded by fame that knew all the fecret pafTages , they climb 
 up a fleep Rock, enter , malTacre the fecure Garrifon, and enjoy 
 the place. At FusicaBle the Governour had commanded tlie 
 neighbouring Husbandmen at a prefixed day to bring in their 
 contribution of Corn and other neceflary provilion. The Enemy 
 makes' ufe of this opportunity. Souldiers habited like Pefants 
 at the day come fraught with their burthens , whereof eafing 
 their Horfes, they carry them on their flioulders over the Bridge, 
 which joyned two Rocks together , and fo gain entrance : The 
 watch-word being given , they call: down their burthens , kill 
 the Centincls, open the Gates to their fellows, and become ma- 
 fters of the place. Neither were our Naval enterprifes fortunate, 
 being at St. MtntAmnd Merne repelled with lofs. 
 
 In Autumn the Earl of Rutlam with three thoufand Lanlqucr 
 nets and fome Bands drawn out of the frontier Garrifons arrives 
 ztHidington: Who duly confidering that this Town could not be 
 kept any longer without the exceffive charges of a juft Army , 
 foraftnuch as the Countrey about being milerably forraged , it 
 could not be vi(ilualled without great difficulty and danger-, rafed 
 the Walls , fired the Houfes , brought away the Artillery , and 
 finding no refiftance , returned in fafety to Berwick. BuchanAu 
 refers it to the enfuing year , but I follow the record of our own 
 Hiftorians. 
 
 And having thus far fpent the year abroad , I at lengtli return 
 home , where I find Stephen Girdmer Bilhop of Wtnchejier in the 
 Tmer. He was a man very learned , and no lefs fubtil , adhering 
 
 to 
 
 Humes CafiU 
 
 an4 
 
 
 Faftcaftle 
 gained bj the 
 Enemj, 
 
 Gardiner £<- 
 jhcf of Win- 
 chefler com- 
 n-.ittti to th 
 Tower.
 
 130 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1548. 
 
 Gardiner if 
 
 prived of / •■■ 
 Bijhtfrith 
 
 Booer Bifitf 
 »f London 
 ummhtti alfo. 
 
 to the Popifh Fa(5lion , yet fo , as that he would be content to 
 accommodate himfelf to the current of the times. King Heftrjf 
 had employed him in many Embaflages , and that with ample 
 authority , under whom he durft not oppole the proceedings con- 
 firmed by enafted Laws. And under Edward he repreffed him-i 
 felf for a time , feemingly confenting to the commenced Refor- 
 mation. But his diflimulation was at length manifeftly difco- 
 vered to the Privy Council , who had commanded him in a Ser- 
 mon at P^fli Crofs to fignifie his approbation of the prefent 
 eftate of the Church 5 which he accordingly did on the nine and 
 twentieth of y«»f, but fo ambiguoufly and obfcurely, that he 
 fatisfied them not. And being expredy forbidden to (peak any 
 thing concerning the Euchdriji, he knowing that by the Laws no- 
 thing was definitively determined in that point , did fo eargerly 
 affert that Papiftical ( I will not fay Capernaitical ) Corpora^ 
 and Real Prelence of chrifi in the Sacrament , that he wonder- 
 fully offended the minds of many , but efpecially of the Lords of 
 the Council. Wherefore he was on the thirtieth of June com- 
 mitted , and obftinately refufing to acknowledge his errour , was 
 two years after deprived of his Bifhoprick , and ( as he was of 
 a turbulent fpirit) left he fhould pracitife any thing againft the 
 Eftate , detained neverthelefs in prifon until the death of Bdward. 
 In the mean time Archhiiho^pCr a»mer by writing oppugned that 
 grofs and carnal affcrtion of the Church of Reme concerning 
 c/jriji's Prefence in the Sacrament ; whom Gardiner fccretly an- 
 fwered under the fi(5litious name of ^. Conjiautim. 
 
 Neither did that Blood-fucker Boner Bilhop of London ( who 
 in Queen Maries Reign fo heated the Kingdom with the Funeral 
 Piles of fo many Saints ) fpeed any better than mnchejier. For 
 being likewife enjoyned to Preach at the Croji, he did it fo coldly, 
 omitting many of thofe points whereof he was commanded to 
 fpeak , that he was likewife committed , deprived of his Bi- 
 fhoprick , and fo lived until Queen Mary fet them both at liberty. 
 What the Objedions were againft Cutbert Tonjlail Bifhop of Du- 
 refm , and George Day Bifhop of Chichejler , I do not find , but that 
 they ran the fame fortune is manifeft. They were both very 
 Learned Prelates , but efpecially Tonllall , a mild man, and of 
 moft fweet conditions , in regard whereof I do not a little won- 
 der that he was fo hardly dealt with. But the drift of the pu- 
 nifhments of f uch men , who in Henry's time were accounted the 
 chief Lights of our Church , I conceive to have been , that the 
 reft of that Order might by their example be admonifhed , with- 
 out diflimulation either to rcfign their Bilhopricks to others that 
 were thought more worthy , or be induced to conform themfelves 
 to the prefent Reformation of the Church , according to the pre- 
 fcript of the Laws in that behalf lately Enaded. And yet I 
 would there were not fufficient caufe to fufped , that this was 
 
 but
 
 Edward the Sixth. 
 
 ^3^ 
 
 but a made opportunity, the removal of thefe obdacles making 
 way for the Invafion of thcfe widow Seas. For as toon as TonftdU 
 was exautorated, t^at rich Biflioprick of Durcjm by Art of Par- 
 liament was wrecked , the chief revenues and culfoms of it being 
 incorporated to the Crown, and the reft in deipight of the Te- 
 nants fo gelded , that at this day it fcarce polTeiTeth the third part 
 of its antient Revenues. Yet did Queen Alary ferioully endeavour 
 the reftitution of thofe religious portions : Queen Elizaheth would 
 hardly confcnt that it Ihould lole any of its plumes, ( yet Ibme 
 it did ) and Kingjf^w^j hath lately enadedagainft the Alienation 
 of Church-lands, yea even to the Crown , otherwife than upon 
 refervation of a realbnable Rent , and the return of them to the 
 Church after the expiration of three lives or one and twenty 
 years. The hungry Courtier finding how good a thing the 
 Church was , had now for fome years become acquainted with 
 it out of a zealous intent to Prey : Neither could the horridnefs 
 of her facred Skeleton as yet fo work on him , as to divert his 
 refolutions , and compaffionately to leave the Church to her reli- 
 gious poverty. Befide , the infancy of the King in this incertain 
 ebb and flow of Religion , made her opportune to all kind of Sa^ 
 criledge. So that we are defer vedly to thank the Almighty Guar- 
 dian of the Church , that thefe Locufts have not quite devoured 
 the Maintenance of the Labourers in this Englijh Vineyard. For 
 we yet retain that antient form of government in the Primitive 
 Church by Birtiops , who have for the moll part wherewith to 
 fupport their honourable Fun(5iion , as likewife have other thofe 
 fubordinate Prelates, Deans, Archdeacons, and Canons of Ca- 
 thedral Churches : And as for our Preachers of the more polite 
 and learned fort , we think him little befriended by Fortune , 
 who long liveth in expedlation of a competent preferment. 
 I would the refidue of the Reformed Churches of Chriftendom 
 had not been pared fo near the quick by frectfe hands , that but 
 fome few of them might in this kind be paralleled with ours. 
 
 And now behold two Brothers ading their feveral Tragedies, 
 Jealoufie, Envy, and Ambition infernal Furies, had armed them 
 .againft each other, and the Pride of the Feminine Sex prepared' 
 them for the Lifts. A lamentable exigent , wherein the lofs of 
 his Adverfary muft be the deftrudtion of each 5 wherein the King- 
 dom muft groan at the lofs of one , both being in the Ellate in- 
 compatible- wherein the King himlelf muft (as moft fufped 
 he did ) fuffer , that he might not fuffer. Thomas Seymour Lord 
 Admiral had married Catharine Parr the Widow of the deccafcd 
 King. What correfpondence there might be between Her ( who 
 had been the Wife of the late Sovereign) and the Duchefs of 
 Somerfet , whofe Husband being Protestor of the Realm , in point 
 of command little differed from a Sovereign , and had over his 
 Brother the Admiral the Advantages of Age , Dignity, and 
 
 O o general 
 
 I 548. 
 
 Difcoid It- 
 fvjtcn the 
 Dukt cf So- 
 mCTlet ani hk 
 EtOiher the 
 Ltrd Admirol'
 
 192 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1548. 
 
 general Efteem , if any man cannot without difficulty conjedurcj 
 I refer him to the firftBook oi Herodtan, where let him obferve 
 the contentions arifing between Crij^inx the Wife of Commodus , 
 and LmilU , who had been formerly married to L. f^erus the Empe- 
 rour. But in this the divers difpofitions of the Brothers fet on 
 edge on the emulous humours of their Wives. The Duke was 
 mild, affable, free, open, and no way malicious 5 the Admiral 
 was naturally turbulent , fierce , ambitious , and conceived him- 
 felf to be of the two the fitter for Publick Government. Pre- 
 fently after the death of Henry, the Admiral thruft on by the flat- 
 tery of his overweening conceits , refolved to add a luftre to his 
 good parts , by marrying the Lady Eliz^abeth , as yet indeed fcarce 
 marriageable. But the Protcdor wifely confidering how rafh 
 and perilous this projed was , fruftrated that defign. By his after 
 marriage with Catharine a moft beautiful and noble Lady , and 
 abounding with wealth befitting her dignity , moft men were 
 confident, that the gulf of his vaftdefires would have been fatif- 
 fied 5 but the Law whereby he was condemned ( though perad- 
 venture Enadled by ftrength of Fadion) will manifeft the con- 
 trary. What notice I have received , and what the publick Re- 
 cords teftifie concerning this , being perfwaded , that they fwerve 
 not much from the truth, I think I may without blame relate. 
 The Admiral having now fortified himfelf with money and 
 friends , and deeming his Brother's Lenity , Sluggiflincfs 5 began 
 to behold him with the eye of contempt , and to caft about how 
 to difpolTefs him of the faddle , and ( being of like degree of con- 
 fanguinity to the King) to enjoy the feat himfelf. To the fur- 
 therance of this proje(5l it would be conducible , fecretly to vilifie 
 and traduce the Protedior's a(ftions , to corrupt the King's Ser- 
 vants , efpecially if in any degree of favour , by fair words and 
 large promifes by degrees to affure himfelf of the Nobility, to 
 fecure his Caftle of Holt with a Magazin of warlike provifion , 
 but above all to take care for money the nerves of ivar and alTu- 
 rance of Peace. Thefe things having been ordered with exad 
 diligence , and for fupply of coin the Exchequer mightily pilled , 
 he unmasks himfelf to fome of the Nobility , fignifying his intent, 
 of fetling himfelf at the Stern, by forcibly feifing on the King's 
 perfon. Nay his madnefs fo far tranfported him, that to one of them, 
 conditionally that his affiftance were not wanting to the advance- 
 ment of his defigns , he promifed that the King fhould marry his 
 Daughter. In the mean time the Queen his Wife being in Septem- 
 ber delivered of a Daughter, died in child-bed, and that not with- 
 out fufpition of Poifon. For after her death he more importu- 
 nately fought the Lady Elizabeth than ever , eagerly endeavouring 
 to procure her confent to a clandeftine Marriage (as was that 
 with the deceafed Queen J and not until after the Nuptials , to 
 crave the alTent of the King or the Lords of the Council. 
 
 K^NNO
 
 D w A R D the Sixth. 
 
 153 
 
 \^ N N O DOM. 1549. REG. 5. 
 
 BUt the Admiral's projcds being opportunely difcovcred , and 
 a Parliament lately allembied , he is by the authority thereof 
 committed to the Tonxr , and without tryal condemned. The 
 Parliament being on the fourteenth 0/ Mxrch dii^ohtA , he is on 
 the fixth day after publickly beheaded , having hrfl: vehemently 
 protefled, that he never willingly did either actually endeavour, 
 or ferioufly intend any thing againll: the Perfon of the King , or 
 the Ellate. Concerning his death the opinions of men were di- 
 vers , their cenfures divers. Among fome the Proteftor heard 
 ill , for fuffering his Brother to be executed without ordinary 
 courfc of trial : As for for thele faults proceeding from the vio- 
 lence of youthful heat , they might better have been pardoned, 
 than the King be left deftitute of an Uncle's help, or himlelf of 
 a Brother's. Nay ( they lay ) there wanted not thofe that before 
 this fevere courfe taken with the Admiral, admonilhed the Pro- 
 tedor to have a heedy regard to this adion : Some peradventure 
 might be content to let a Brother flied tears; to ihed his bUod, 
 when they might prevent it , fcarce any : it was much to be 
 feared left his Brother's death would be his ruine , and the lofs of 
 fuch Friends , a hazard to the King. Others highly extolled his 
 impartial proceeding , whom fraternal atfedion could not divert 
 from righting his Countrey : For if Confanguinity or Alliance 
 to the King ihould be a fufficient caufe to exempt them from 
 punifliment , who fliould plot and contrive the change of govern- 
 ment in the Eftate •, upon what ticklilfi terms fliould we all ftand, 
 whiles nothing could be certain and fure inthepublick govern- 
 ment < Others maintained the neceflity of cutting oif the Ad- 
 miral , and that it flood the Protedor upon fo to do , if he either 
 regarded his own or the King's fafeguard. For at what other 
 mark did the Admiral aim , but that having feifed on the King's 
 Perfon, removed his Brother from the Protedorfliip , and mar- 
 ried the Lady Eliz,a.beth , he might by Poifon or fome other means 
 make away the young King already deprived of his Friends , and 
 as in the right of his Wife inveft himfelf in the Regal Throne, 
 whereto the Lady Oliary ( although the elder Sifter ) as ince- 
 ftuoufly begotten , could make no claim 1 And thus much was 
 in a Sermon delivered before the King by Hugh LAttmer , who 
 having ten years fincc refigned his Bilhoprick, had alio hitherto 
 abftained from Preaching , until after the death of King Henry 
 this Light was again reftored , that by his rays he might illuftratc 
 God's Church. But how true his conjedlures were concerning 
 the Lord Seymour , I will not undertake to determine. Whether 
 faulty in his ambition , or over-born by his envious advcrfarics, 
 thus ended the Admiral his life 
 
 who was 
 Oo 2 
 
 indeed a valiant 
 Com- 
 
 5 49- 
 
 rt« Lord Ai- 
 niral Ic- 
 headti.
 
 134 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 5 49- 
 
 An Infutrt. 
 
 SiCH 
 
 in Norfolk, 
 
 Commander , and not unfit for a Confultation , in whofe mine 
 the Proteftor was likewile involved. 
 
 Not long after this great man's fall , the People throughout 
 almoft the whole Realm brake out into a Rebellion, whereto the 
 frequent ufurpations and avarice of the Gentry , who in many 
 places enclofed the common and waftc grounds for their own 
 pleafure and private profit » had incited them. The Lords of the 
 Council upon notice of the Peoples difcohtents , and the proba- 
 bility of an Infurredion unlefs fpeedy courfe wete taken to ap- 
 peafe them, dilpatched fome into iC^^f (the Fountain of this ge- 
 neral Uproar) who fliould upon due examination of the caufes 
 of the Peoples grievances , admonidi thole that were in that kind 
 faulty , by throwing open the Inclofures to reftore to the People 
 what had beenunjuftly taken from them; otherwife they fliould 
 by Authority Royal be forced thereunto , and by their punilli- 
 ments fcrve to deter others from the like infolencies and oppref- 
 fions. The moft part obey , and ( a moll: grateful fpedtacle to 
 the People ) caufe their new made Inclofures to be again laid open. 
 Wherewith Report acquainting the neighbouring Shires , the 
 unruly multitude enraged , that like reftitution had not as yet 
 been made to them , not expelling the ncceffary direction of the 
 Magiftrate , but as if each one were authorized in his own caufe, 
 both to judge of and revenge received injuries , taking Arms 
 level the Dikes , aflert the inclofed the Lands , and give hope that 
 there their fury would be at a ftand. But as the Sea having once 
 tranfgrefTed the juft limits of its fhoar, by little and little eats its 
 way to an Inundation , and is nut but with exceflive toil to be 
 forced within its ufual bounds : So thefe having once tranfcended 
 the prefcripts of the Laws , let themfelves loofe to all kind of 
 licentioufnefs, over- run and fpoil the Countrey , murther thofe 
 that favour not their proceedmgs , and at length by the conflux 
 of the bafer fort and malecontents fo increafe their numbers , that 
 it was not to make head againft them with fmall Forces. And 
 although this plague reigned more in Norfi/kjhire than any xvhere 
 elfe 5 yet had it lo fpred its contagion over the moft part of the 
 Kingdom , that it was Icarce any where fincere and free from in- 
 feftion. For the Counties of Ke^t , Oxford , Surrey , Buckingkvn , 
 Effex , Cambridge , Tork , Lincoln, but efpeciallyDftfwaod Somerfet 
 were imbroiled in thefe tumults. In Norfdk only had twenty 
 thoufand aflembled , who now confident of their ftrength , did 
 no more talk of Inclofures , but ftretched their complaints to a 
 higher ftrain 5 as that , The free-born Commonalty iwn oppreffed by 
 a fmall number of Gentry , who glut thetnfelves Vfith pleafioe , whiles 
 the poor Commons wajled with daily labour do like pack-horfes live i;: 
 extreme flxvery. But htwfoewer the caUniities incident to this present 
 life may with a. conflant patience be endured, the Soul is to be redeemed 
 even with n thoufand deaths. Holy Rites ejhbltjhed by^ntiquity , are 
 
 abolijhed,
 
 Edward the Sixth. 
 
 135 
 
 abolifljed , nerv ones are autorized, and a. new form of Religion obtrn- ' 1549. 
 ded. To ether evils death gives ah end ; but if they f»fer their Souls I 
 to he contaminated and polluted by this kind of imftety , what thing ii , 
 there that can equal them in mtjeries , to whom the end of thefe prefent . 
 ones is but the beginning of fame more horrid , namely of the pains infer- \ 
 nal, which no death can ever terminate, why thenjhould they net goto the 1 
 Court, and appoint the King yet in his minority new CoimfeUors , removing 
 thofe who now ruling as they lijl , confound things [acred and prophane, 
 regarding nothing elfe but the enriching of themfelves with the publick 
 Treasure , that they may not it amid the publick calamities ? 
 
 This was the common complaint and refolution , eipecially of 
 the Devonshire Rebels , who having among them made choice of 
 their Chieftains , did endeavour to unite themfelves with the reft 
 of their fellow Rebels. But to keep them from joyning , Forces I 
 are difpatched , fome into Norfolk , fome into Devonfhne. For j 
 Norfolk are defigned only fifteen liundred under the condud of the 
 Marquis of Northampton , who for a time bravely defended that j 
 fpacious but weak City Norwich againft the infolent Clowns, But 
 his fmall Troops being much diminillied by the lofs of the Lord j 
 Sheffeild and fome others, he was at laft fain to quit the City to 
 the Enemy , who after fpoil barbaroufly fet it on fire , and con- 
 (umed a great part of the edifices. This ill fucccfs drave the Lords 
 of the Council to a more ferious apprehenfion of the danger , 
 who thereupon fent the Earl of fvarwick with more competent 
 Forces , who ( as he was an excellent Commander ) not only 
 forced the Rebels to relinquilh the City , but alfo prefTed them fo 
 hard in their retreat , that he compelled them to fight. They 
 feeing a neceflity of battel impofed , placed all their Captives ( for j 
 the moft part Gentlemen ) manacled and chained together , in 
 front 3 that they alone might bear the fury of the onfet, and dull 
 both the fwords and courages of the Royalifts. But their loyalty 
 was not fo ill recompenced , as to futfer for it, fcarce any of 
 them falling by the fword. The Rebels were neverthelefs over- 
 thrown , and all cither taken or flain except a very few , who 
 rallying themfelves, feemed delperately refolved to renew the fight. 
 But the propofal of a Pardon made them caft away their Arms , 
 and peaceably to depart. The number of the chief authors of this 
 Commotion , who were hanged , was great. But Robert Ket 
 a Tanner , w ho in thofe times , and by that trade had gathered 
 a fortune of a brace of thoufands, was above all as in Fault, fo 
 in Execution remarkable. He had been the Chieftain in this 
 Rebellion , and was not in reafon to be obfcured among the com- j 
 mon fort : Wherefore it being thought fit that he Ihould furmount 
 them in the glory of a more notorious punifliment, he was fairly] 
 hanged in Chains on the very top of Norwich Callle. 
 
 While the Eaftern parts of the Kingdom were thus poflefled, I-Bj/wDevon- 
 theWeftern parts were not lefs tormented with the fame Furies. ! '^"^^• 
 
 Devonjhire ,
 
 136 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 49- 
 
 S»me Torts hjt 
 in Boloignois. 
 
 C»nuplj 
 Bonlaroberg. 
 
 I Vevonjhire and Cornrvall with Ibme additions out oi Somerfetjhire, 
 had on the iame pretences armed fifteen thouiand men , who after 
 they had licentioufly ranfacked the Countrcy , at length fate down 
 before the famous City of Exceter. Forty days they befieged it, 
 and were repulled by the Inhabitants , though utterly deftitutc 
 of warlike provifion. On the fixth of Angujl , John Lord Ruffel 
 ( after Earl of Bedford ) entring the City with forces and munition, 1 
 difallieged it , purfued the Rebels , Hew fome , took others , to I 
 the number of four thoufand , whereof many were after executed 5 
 but efpecially Httmfrey Arunddl Captain of St. Mkhaefs-Aiount in 
 Cornwall , a man of antient defcent and fufficiently ample revenues: 
 fo that 1 cannot fufficiently wonder , what madnefs drave hirxi 
 to affociate himfelf with this defperate and unruly rabble. Wfth 
 him were hanged Robert Bochin , Jo. Tomfin , Roger Barret, Jo.Ul- 
 cocke, JVtll.Afa, James Norton ■, Jo. Barofi , and Richard Benct Priefls, 
 and befides them , John and "james Rojoga-a , Jo. Payne , Tho. tlnder- 
 hill, and Jo. Solman , all prime incendiaries and chief authors of 
 this tumult. The City of Exceter in memory of this their deli- 
 very hath ever fince with an anniverfary folemnity kept the fixth 
 of AuguJ} holy. As for the other Counties infefted with the re- 
 liques of this Rebellion , the evil being tempeftively Tuppreft be- 
 fore it fpred it felf, and the ringleaders punifhed, they were 
 quickly reduced to their former temper. 
 
 Neither were our affairs more peaceable abroad than at home. 
 For Henry King of France taking advantage of our domeftick fe- 
 dition , not regarding the League concluded between us and his 
 Father , invaded Boloignois , where his fuccefs was fuch , that he 
 was animated to greater attempts. He fets forth a Fleet for the 
 taking in of the Ifles of Jerfiy and Guarnfey the fole portions re- 
 maining to the Englijh of the Duchy of Normandy. At thefe Ifles 
 the French are with great lofs driven aboard their Ships. At the 
 landing they loft a thoufand men , and we very few. About 
 Bouloignc , * C^tont-Lambert , Sellaqne , and Jmbleteul were loft. 
 Sellaque was defended by two Enfigns : But having been battered 
 by the Enemy , whileweunwarily parley with A/o»/»z(jrfW)', was 
 on the five and twentieth of Atigujl forced by them. At Ambletetd 
 were fix Enfigns of Foot , who for fome days made good the place : 
 But finding themfelves unable long to hold out againft fo great 
 forces , upon no other terms than grant of lives , yielded the Fort 
 to the French. The lofs of thefe places fo daunted the Garrifon 
 at Blanconet , that having been fcarce faluted by the Enemies 
 Cannon , upon condition of life and goods they quitted the place. 
 Neither was this the laft important effed of our conceived ter- 
 rour • for the Engl/jb at Oi^ont- Lambert not fo much as attending 
 the coming of the Enemy, fired their lodgings, made their pro- 
 vifion unuieful , and retreated to Guifnes. The Fort at the Tower 
 of Ordre fortified both by nature and art, gave a period to this 
 
 years
 
 Edward the Sixth, 
 
 137 
 
 154^- 
 
 £arl 0/ War- 
 wick. 
 
 ! years fuccefs • ftanding refolutely upon defence until the extremit}' 
 of Winter forced the French to raife their fiege. 
 
 The lofs of thefe fmall pieces fet the Proteftor in the wane of J ^"mhy b^ 
 the vulgar opinion, and afforded Ibfficient matter for Envy to i ' T"' '*' ^"' 
 work on. Among the Lords of the Privy Council the moft emi- ' " "' '" '" 
 nent was the Earl of mtrwick , a man of a valt fpirit , which 
 was the more enlarged by the contemplation of his great Acts 
 performed both abroad and at home. He had long looked a- 
 fquint upon Somerfet's greatnefs , whom in a favourable efteem 
 of himfclf he deemed far beneath him ^ and was withal perfwaded, 
 that could he but remove the Duke , due regards would caft 
 the Proted:orfliip on him. The confideration alfo of the Duke's 
 nakednefs (difarmed of that metalfom piece the Admiral ) 
 
 ( En qK!> difeordia Fr Aires 
 
 Perdiixit miferos ) 
 
 made his hopes prefent themfelves in the more lively fhapes. He 
 feeks about for fufficient matter wherewith to charge the Duke, 
 who could not be long ignorant of thefe pra<5lices againft him.The 
 Duke finding himfelf aimed at, but not well difcerning whether 
 the Earl intended a legal or military procefs againft: him , on the 
 fixth of Ocfeber , from Hampton-Court where the King then refided , 
 fent Letters to the City of London , requiring firom thence an aid 
 of a thoufand men , who fliould guard the King and him from 
 the treacherous attempts of fome ill-affefted Subjedls. And in 
 the mean time preffeth in the adjacent Countrey •, where having 
 raifed a reafonable company , he the fame night carried away the 
 King , attended by fome of the Nobility and Ibme of the Council, 
 from thence to windjor , a place , becaufe fortified , more fafe , 
 and convenient for refiftance. But the Earl h:id made a greater 
 part of the Council , who accompanied him at London. To them 
 he makes a formal complaint againft the Protedtor , befceching 
 them, by their affiftance to fecure him from the Protedror's 
 malice , who fought to entrap him for his life. Thele Lords lend 
 a contre-Letter to the Londoners , demanding aids of them for the 
 delivery of the King out of the hands of his Enemy ( for fo they 
 were pleafed to term the Duke. ) Then they fend abroad Pro- 
 clamations , wherein they infert the chief heads of their accu- 
 fation •, as that By forving feeds of difcord , the Duke h^d troubled 
 tbut fet led and peaceable cHate wherein Km? Henry had left this 
 Kingdom; and had been the chief caitfe that it had lately been engaged 
 in Civil tVars to the lo/ of many thoufand lives : That many Forts 
 conquered by Henry rctth hazard of his Perfon , ivere by the Duke's 
 either coveardtfe or treachery regained by the tnemy : That he regarded 
 not the advice of the refl of the Lords of the Council , and had plainly 
 neglected King Henry 'j Instructions concerning the Gcrcernment of 
 
 the
 
 138 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 49- 
 
 The Pr$leSor 
 cemmiltrd. 
 
 The ii»th of 
 Paul the third, 
 
 Fopt. 
 
 C»riinal Pool 
 tUSid Popt. 
 
 the Kingdoms 0/ England af^d Ireland : That his chief ftudtcs ., and 
 rvherein he n\is moH feen , vtere to rake up ivealth , to maintnin a 
 FaSiion among the Nobility , and yet comply with both parties for his 
 own advantages , to build Jl ate ly Palaces far exceeding the proportion 
 of A SHbje£l , and that even in the very inHant that the EH ate did 
 /brink under the burthen both of inteflwe and fore in tVars. 
 
 The Duke certified of their proceedings , and feeing himfelf 
 forfaken ( for the Londoners being prepofTelfed , were fo far from 
 fupplying him , that they at the fame time afforded his Adverfary 
 five hundred , and the greateft part of the Nobility had by joyning 
 with the Earl made their caufe one ) at lafl: forfbok himfelf alfo* 
 and craving of the adverfe party , that they would abftain from 
 violence toward him , and proceed only according to the ufual 
 courfes of Legal trya^ delivered the King to their tuition, and 
 remitted himfelf to their difpofal 5 by whom on the fourteenth of 
 Odieber he was committed to the Tmer , together with Sir Michael 
 Stanhop , Sir Thomas Smith , Sir "^ohn Thin , and fomc others. 
 
 On the tenth of November died Paul the Third , having fate 
 Pope near about fifteen years. The Conclave of Cardinals con- 
 fulting about the eledion of a new Pope , began to have regard 
 of Cardinal Pool, in whom the greatnefs of his Extras, his Vir- 
 tuous Life, Gravity, and admirable Learning, wece very confi- 
 derable motives.The Conclave was at that time divided, fome were 
 Imperialijls, Come French, and a third Part( whereof the Cardinal 
 Farnefe was principal j flood Neuter. Thefe later at length joyning 
 with the /mperialijls , caft their unanimous Votes upon /'W; Who 
 upon notice of his Eledlion , blamed them for their raflinefs , ad- 
 vifing them again and again, that theyfliould not in their Con- 
 fultations be mifled by perturbation of mind , or do any thing for 
 friendfhip or favour , but totally to dire<5l their cogitations to the 
 honour of God and the profit of his Church. 
 
 Pool himfelf having thus put off the matter , the French Car- 
 dinals began to alledge , That in regard of the difficulties of ways 
 and diftance of places, many of the Colledge were yet abfent, and 
 that there was no reafon why they (hould with fuch precipitation 
 proceed to a partial Eledion before the Conclave were full. The 
 Cardinal Caraffa (who fome years after was Pope , by the name of 
 Paul the Fourth) a wayward old man, whofe cold fpirits were 
 fet on fire by Envy and Ambition , fought to make ufe of Pool's 
 Modcftyto his own advantage, hoping himfelf as eminent and 
 in as fair a way as any of the Colledge { Pool excepted ) might be 
 advanced to the Chair , and to leffeh the favour of the Conclave 
 towards Pool, he betook himfelf to calumnies , accufing Pool of 
 fufpition of Herefie and Incontinency , that In Germany and his 
 Legacy at 1 tent ^ he had too much favoured the Lutherans, had often 
 entertained Immanuel Tremellius , had enrolled Antonio Flaminio 
 fuf^eCled e/^Lutheranifm, in his Family^ and promoted him to many 
 
 Eccle-
 
 D w A R D the Sixth, 
 
 159 
 
 EccUfiaUical Dignities ; and in his Legacy at Viterbo H^ed, not that 
 feTJerity againH that fort of men , that vtM requiftte. Neither could 
 that compofed gravity fo free him from the taint of loofenef^, but that 
 many were of opinion he had cloijiered a Virgin of his oven begetting : 
 That he wondred what the Conclave meant , rvith jo impetuotts a cur- 
 rent to proceed to the Election of tfjis one man, and he a Foreiner: As 
 if Italy it felf were [0 t>arren of deferving men , that we mujl be fain 
 to fend for this man out of Britain , almojl the farthest part of the 
 known World , to invefi him in the Papacy ; whereof what would be 
 the effect , but that the Emperour , at whofe devotion this msn wholly 
 was , might once again make himfelf Majler of Rome , now by indul- 
 gence , as before by force. 
 
 To thefe allegations Pool\ reply was Tuch , that he not only 
 cleared himfelf, but alfo quickned the almoft extinguifhed de- 
 fires of the Conclave to eled him. The major part whereof 
 aflembling at his Chamber by night, wilhed Ludovico Pnule the 
 Cardinal's bofom-friend ( between whom the correlpondence of 
 of their difpofitions had bred a mutual affedion ) to awake him , 
 for that having Eleded him , they were purpofely come ( an ac- 
 cuftomed ceremony ) to Adore him, and dilTolve the Conclave. 
 Priulo having fignified to him with teftimonies of exceflive joy, 
 the intent of thefc Cardinals , was gently blamed by him , and 
 they difmifled with this anfwer , That a matter offo great confe- 
 quence (carrying with it fo great a burthen , that it would deterr an 
 ingenmtts man from the acceptation ef it ) was not to be tumultuoujly, 
 but upon mature d.e liberation orderly to be tranf acted: tit for the feafon, 
 it was utterly unft , forafrnmh at God was the God of Light , and 
 not of Darknefs : they fljould therefore do well to defcrr it until the 
 next day , and if then their refolutions proved the fame , he would fub- 
 mit himfelf to their pleafures. The Italian Cardinals conceiving 
 thefe delays to proceed out of ftupidity , began to contemn him 5 
 and changing their determinations , a little after pitched upon 
 Cardinal CMontanm , whom they created Pope , by the name of 
 Jidius the Third. 
 
 (^ N N O DOM. 1550. REG. 4. 
 
 THe Duke of Somerfet having now for three months conti- 
 nued a prifoner , and not conviifted of any crime which 
 might touch his life •, it being not thought fitting that fo great 
 a man , lately Protecftor of the King's Perfon and Realm , fhould 
 for a fmall offence be condemned to perpetual imprifonment ^ is 
 under-hand dealt with to fubmit himfelf, with acknowledgement 
 that he had deferved this or whatfoever greater punilliment the 
 Kmg fliould be pleafed to inflid on him , and withal to implore 
 the favour of his Majefty's Royal Clemency. To this he eafily 
 
 P p con- 
 
 I 5 49. 
 
 1550.
 
 140 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1550. 
 
 Tie Dake of 
 Soinerlet fet 
 at liberty. 
 
 Peace tuith the 
 Scots »nd 
 French. 
 
 condefcended , and was on the fixth of FeLruary let a liberty , 
 but not reftored to the dignity of Protedor, only contenting 
 himfelf with the rank of a Privy Counfellor. Blh: it being con- 
 ceived , that revenge might draw the Duke to new prartices , 
 by mediation of Friends he is reconciled to the Earl of iranvuk , 
 and that this atonement might be the more firm and lincere , the 
 Duke's Daughter is on the third of }«»^ married to the VKcount 
 L!/lc the Earl oi Warwick's Son, the King gracing the Nuptials 
 with his prefence. Thiianm ( I know not upon what grounds ) 
 writeth , That the Earl by a kind of counterfeit ftiew that he 
 was defirous of the reftitution of the RonajJj Religion , had fetled 
 himfelf in the good opinion of the vulgar , who had not yet 
 learned to renew themlelves by cafting off the old skin , but 
 reverenced Superftition for its reputed Antiquity : and that his 
 diflimulation being difcovered , fearing left he fhould be forfaken 
 of them whom he had with falfe hopes deluded , the confide- 
 ration thereof, and of the Duke's mild and free difpofition , 
 would endear his Adverfary to them : to prevent this dan- 
 ger he contrived this alliance with the Duke , and procured his 
 liberty. 
 
 In the mean of thefe paffages , on the nineteenth of jA»uarji 
 the Lord RuJlel Lord Privy Seal, was created Earl of Bedford, 
 mlltam Lord Sai»t-Joh» Earl of fvihjhire , and Sir iviUtnm Paget 
 Lord Paget. 
 
 The Earl of Bedford and the Lord Paget were within three days 
 after with Sir WilUam Peters and Sir "^ohn (JMafon difpatched into 
 France for the Treaty of a Peace with the Deputies appointed by 
 the French, who w^xq Mmtmorency Governour oi Ptcardy , Gajper 
 Coligny Lord of ch.tfiillon afterward Admiral of France , Andrew 
 Gillar <Jifortair and Willtam BoiichereUe. The Lord Paget not long 
 before had been lent to the Emperour to fignifie how we were 
 diftrelTed on the one fide by the Scets, and on the other by the 
 French , and miferably rent at home by inteftine didentions , that 
 our neceflities required fpeedy lliccours , or would force us to con- 
 defcend to an inconvenient Peace with France. But perceiving 
 nothing was to be obtained of him , we flrook hands with the 
 French upon thefe conditions. 
 
 That Boloigne and all the Forts in Boloignois jhould be furren- 
 dred to the French , together with the 'Artillery and other military 
 frovifion : 
 
 That in lieu thereof the King of Vr^nce jhould pay unto Edward 
 four hundred thoufand Crowns by equal portions , at two pay?nents : 
 
 That the Englilh fljould rcflore to the Scots, Lauder and Douglas 5 
 and {if the Queen of Szois jhould dejire it) fljould rafe their Fortiji- 
 c at ions in Haymon and at Roxburgh, 
 
 The Emperour was on both fides comprehended in the League, 
 and the Queen of Scots by the French. The two Kings prefented 
 
 each
 
 Edward the Siotth. 
 
 HI 
 
 each other with their Military Orders •, and (as one writeth ) it 
 \^zs on both parts agreed on , that Edrvard ihould marry one of the 
 Daughters of France. For the ratification of the Articles , on 
 the eighth of Afrtl Hoftages were given : 
 
 By Us , 
 
 The Duke of Suffolk , 
 
 The Birl of Hertford Sen to the Duke of Sonicrfet , 
 
 The Exrl of Arundel > 
 
 The BaH of Derby , 
 
 The Earl of Bath. 
 
 By the French, 
 
 John of Bourbon Buke of Anguien , 
 Claud of Lorain CMarquis of Mayenne, 
 Francis Son to the ConHMe Montmorency, 
 Lewis of Tremoville , 
 Francis of. Vendofme ViiMme of Chartres , 
 Claud <i'Annebalt. 
 
 This Peace between us and France was on the third of March 
 folemnly Proclaimed in London , and on the five and twentieth 
 of f^pril, Bouloigne being accordingly furrendred to the French , 
 our Hoftages were returned. 
 
 On the thirtieth of July died the Lord rvriothfley Knight of the. 
 Garter , late Lord Chancellour of England and Earl o( Southampton. 
 He had about the beginning of this King's Reign delivered up 
 the Seal , the Cuftody whereof was committed to the Lord Rich. 
 But having been about half a year paft removed ( as was alfo the 
 Earl of i^rnndel , but for what caufe is uncertain ) from the 
 Council Table , he at length (whether out of Grief or fome other 
 caufe ) Ml fick and died. He was Father to Henry the fecond 
 Earl, and Grandfather to Henry the third Earl. of Southampton 
 not long fince deceafed , whohavingtaftedof both fortunes, did 
 heretofore as generoufly behave himfelf in adverfity , as he did 
 fince moderately in prolperity , whereto by the Clemency of our 
 late Sovereign he was reftored. 
 
 LyfNNO DOM. 1551. REG. 5. 
 
 MEntion hath formerly been made concerning the Sweating 
 Sicknefs, a difeafe to which England hath given a name, 
 as well in regard of its original , as of the known difpofition of 
 our Bodies to admit of this virulent contagion. England had been 
 formerly affiidled with it, but never io mortally as this prefent 
 
 Pp 2 year. 
 
 1550. 
 
 I 5 5 I. 
 
 tht Sv/tatiug 
 Sitkneft.
 
 142 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 5 1. 
 
 the death of 
 tbt Dul^ »f 
 Suffolk. 
 
 J crtatiBtr ^ 
 of Duties and 
 Katls. 
 
 year. Shrewsbury was now the firft place acquainted with this 
 Peftilence , there it began in <^r/7 , and thence ditfufing it felf 
 over the moft part of the Kingdom , at length it vanilhed away 
 in the North about the beginning of Ocleber. The fury of it was 
 fuch , as if it would never end but by its proper cruelty , when 
 it fhould not have left fubje(5ts whereon to feed. The dead whom 
 it fwept away were numberlefs. In London only eight hundred 
 was fcarce a ieven-nights ftint. It made its firft entry into this 
 Uland in the Reign of Henry the Seventh Anm i486, and from 
 hence it took its progrefs into other Nations. The Infedied flowed 
 away , and within the fpace of twenty four hours when this 
 malignant difeafe was moft merciful in its execution, peradventure 
 within twelve , did fweat out their Souls. Women , children , 
 and old men it for the moft part over-pafTed , and wreaked it fclf 
 on the robuftious youth and well compadt middle age , who , if 
 ;in the beginning of their ficknefs did but flumber, perifhed in- 
 iftantly. If it feifedon any that were full gorged, the recovery 
 was in a manner defperate. Nay and of others whatlbever they 
 were , fcarce one of a hundred efcaped , until time had found 
 out a remedy ; the manner whereof was thus : If any be taken 
 in the day time, he muft without fhifting of his apparel betake 
 himfelf to bed : If by night and in bed , let him not ftir thence , 
 until twenty four hours be run. In the mean let the cover- 
 ture be fuch, that it provoke not fweat, but that it may gently 
 diftil of it felf: if it be poffible for him fo long to forbear, let 
 him not eat nor drink more than may moderately ferve to extin- 
 guifh thirft ; But above all , let him fo patiently endure heat , 
 that he uncover not any part of his body , no not lb much as a 
 hand or a foot. The ftrangencfs of this difeafe I do not fo much 
 admire 5 for that Plmy in his twenty fixth Book the firft Chapter 
 witnefleth , and daily experience teacheth us , that every Age 
 produceth new and Epidemical difeafes. But that which fur- 
 paiTeth the fearch of humane reafon is this , that this Peftilence 
 afflided the E»glijh in what part of the World foever , without 
 touching the Natives , but in England alone. This dire conta- 
 gion promifcuoufly impoverifht the Land of people of all forts : 
 among thofe of efpecial note were Henry Duke of Suffolk , and his 
 Brother , who were the Sons of Charles Brandon , the King's Cou- 
 fins germane, young Gentlemen of great and lively hopes : by the 
 [death oi Henry, the Duchy was for fome few hours devolved to 
 the younger Brother, who had the unhappy honour but to be feifed 
 of the Title and die. The Lord Gray Marquis of Dor[et having 
 married Frames the eldeft Daughter of Charles Brandon, in the 
 : right of his Wife made claim to the Duchy , and was on the 
 eleventh o( Oifober inverted in it. At whutimQ^lio John Dudley 
 Earl of v/arwick was created Duke of NorthuMberUnd ; William 
 Powlet Earl of H'Utjhire , Marquis of mnchefier ; and Sir William 
 
 Herbert
 
 Edward the Sixth. 
 
 H3 
 
 Herbert Lord C/ird.'f Mailer of the Horfe , Earl of Pembroke. Th4 
 mafculine Line of Dudley and Gr.ty hath been long fince extihdl :' 
 Of the Family of the Po.vlets we have fpoken ah-eady: The Lord 
 Herbert Brother-in-Law to Queen dtkirine Parr , derived hirafelf 
 from mlliam Herbert in the time of Edivard the Fourth Eal'I of 
 Pembroke, and was fucceeded in the Earldom by his Son H'enry 
 Father to fvilliam the modern Earl ( whofe mature wifdom and 
 gravity even in his greener years , long fince ranked him in the 
 fagc Senate of the Privy Council to two fucceflive Kings ) and 
 to Philip by King James created Earl of 'JM»»tgotnerj. Then alio 
 were knighted Sir "^olm Cheeke the King's Schoolmafter , Sir Hcfiry 
 Dudley , Sir Henry Nevill , and ( whom I cannot mention but witn 
 due honour) S'n William Cectll. Cm// I fay, who then Secretary 
 of Eftate , was afterward by all Europe held in admiration for his 
 wildom 5 whom Queen Elizabeth made Lord Treafurer of Englnnd 
 and Baron of Bnrleigh , and was whileft he lived a fecond proji 
 of this Eftate; who oti the fourth o^ Augujl 1598 ploufly ended 
 his long , but for the publick weals fake ever reft lefs life , leaving 
 nvo Sons, Thomas by King James created Earl of Mxceter, ^rra 
 Rebert out of the fame Fountain of Royal Goodnefs Earl of* Sd^ip- 
 bury and Lord Treafurer of England. 
 
 Arid now the ill cemented afFedions of the Dukes of 5ff»i?(?^y>/ 
 and NorthumberUnd diflblved into open enmity. In the proft- 
 dtition whereof, ^pw^r/f/, otherwifeof a moftmild difpofition (bilfc 
 Patience abufed oft runneth into the extreme of Fury) provoked 
 by continual injuries, refolved (as fome write) to murther Not- 
 thumberUhd. To this end , but under colour of a vifit , privily 
 armed , and well attended by Seconds who awaited him in an 
 outer Chamber , he comes to his Adverfary at that time by 
 reafon of fome indifpofition of Body keeping hisChamher , hath 
 accefs unto him naked as he was in his Bed , but is fo courteoufly 
 entertained , and with fuch fmooth language , that the Duke of 
 Somerfet good man repenting himfelf of his Bloody Refolutions, 
 would not Execute \a hat he purpofely came for. At his depar- 
 ture one of his Confpirators is reported to have asked him , whe- 
 ther he had done the Feat ? and upon his denial to have added , 
 Then yott are undone. This his intent being by his own Party 
 bewrayed', a fecond Accufation is engroffed againft him. The 
 matter is referred to the Council Table, and he on the fixteenth of 
 Ocfober again committed to the Tow^r together with theDuchefs 
 hi-s Wife , the Lord Gray of Wilton , Sir Ralph rane , Sir Thomnj 
 Palmer , Sir tvilliam Partridge , Sir Michael Stanhop , Sir ThomM 
 ArandeU , and many other of his Friends. 
 
 On the firft of December the Marquis of winchejler being fo^ 
 that day High Steward , he is Arraigned for Treafon agaialt the 
 Eftate , which he had not only ill but treacheroufly managed • 
 and for Confpiracy againft the Duke of Northnniberland. Of 
 
 Treafon 
 
 I'j 5 I. 
 
 77'f defcent of 
 the Earli of 
 ['enibreke. 
 
 Etimit} Bi- 
 ticeea the 
 Vttkes of So- 
 nitrfet and 
 Noithumber. 
 land mtvid.
 
 144 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 155 1' 
 
 Certain Bijhops 
 dtpfvei. 
 
 Some of tit 
 Strvants of 
 the Lady Mary 
 tiwmitted. 
 
 Treafon he cleared himfelf , and his Peers acquitted him. Foi; 
 the Confpiracy he was by his own Confeffion condemned , and 
 that by virtue of a Law Enaded 3 Hen. 7. which made the very 
 Intent, nay Imagination of Killing a Privy Counfellour punishable 
 by Death. But howfoever the Law ( Enacted as fome conceive, 
 upon fomewhat differing intents and meaning ) were extended 
 to the higheft of its rigour , yet can I not but wonder , how a 
 man fo great in the regards of his Reigning Nephew , of his 
 Honours , of the Popular Favour , ftiould be fo deftitute of Learned 
 Advice , as not to exempt himfelf from a Felonious Death by 
 his clergy. But fuch were the Times , fuch his Misfortunes in 
 the minority of his Prince • from whofe revengeful Hand how 
 could the ad verfe Faction prefumethemfelvesfecure in the future f 
 Neither could they choofe but be fomewhat terrified with that 
 Ecchoing Teftimony of the Peoples Joy , who feeing that fatal 
 Virge the Ax ( ufually marfhalling Traytors to the Bar ) laid 
 afide upon his freedom from the guilt of Treafon ^ from fvejimin- 
 Her Hall certified that part of the City by their loud feflivai 
 Acclamations , of the gladfom tidings of their Favourite's con- 
 ceived Abfolution. And thefe peradventHre might be caufes 
 that his Execution was deferred. 
 
 Hitherto had the Eftate patiently endured the obflinate Oppo- 
 fition of fome Bifhops in point of Reformation , who for their 
 Non-conformttj are at length deprived , and others fubftituted in 
 their Bifhopricks. Of fome of them we have occafionally already 
 fpoken , whofe Cenfures notwithflanding fall in with this Year. 
 Gariiner Bifhop of Wtnchefier was deprived the fourteenth of Fe- 
 bruary ; Day of chichejler , and Heath of JVorceJier on the tenth of 
 OBober ; Tonjiall of D»refm on the twentieth of December commit- 
 ted to the Tovper ; and Bff»er of London on the firft of O£iober 
 1549 had been already exautorated. All of them for fear of 
 praiftifing againft the Eftate were deteincd in Prifon. 
 
 And on the laft of Oifober Francis Inglefield , fValgrave , and Re- 
 chejier Servants to the Lady M*ry , as alfo Francis Mallet Doflor 
 of Divinity her Chaplain , were committed. I cannot fpeak 
 any thing certain of the caufes of any of their Imprifonments , 
 excepting Dodor Mallet's only. At the Emperour's requefl he 
 was permitted to celebrate Mafs , but with this limitation , In 
 the prefence of the Lady Mary , not ctherrvife : for adventuring to 
 Celebrate in her abfence , it was thought fit he fhould be punifhed 
 for his prefumptuous Tranfgreffion. With the Lady her felf all 
 means had been ufed to conform her to the Times : the King him- 
 felf had taken much pains with her by often ("uafory Letters , the 
 Council had done the like , and perfonally to fatisfie her with 
 Reafon , divers Learned men had been employed. But their la- 
 bours were vain ; for hatred to our Religion for her Mothers , 
 for her own fake , and fome politick rejpe^s ( for by the Decrees 
 
 of
 
 D vv A R D the Sixth, 
 
 H5 
 
 of our Religion Hie was made Illegitiinatc , and confequently cut 
 off from the Succeflion to the Crown , if he Brother fliould die 
 IlTuelefs ) confirmed her in that Superftitiou which flie had fucked 
 from her Mother. 
 
 On the four eenth of Jpril one Gccrge Paris a German was at 
 London burned for Arrianifm. 
 
 On the five and twentieth of May , Croydon and feven or eight 
 other Villages in Surrey were terribly lliaken with an Earth- 
 quake. 
 
 Toward the beginning oi November , Mary Dowager oi Scot- 
 land zxtWmgzi For tfinouth , fent to the King and craved leave to 
 pz(s through England [nx.0 Scotland. Which being granted, and 
 Hie invited to London , entred the City on the fecond of November, 
 where her "Entertainment was general and Royal. On the fixth 
 of November (he departed for Scotland, and had the Charges of her 
 whole Retinue born until Ihe arrived there in iafety. 
 
 About the lame time alio the Earl of Arundel and tne Lord Paget 
 were ( but for what caufes is uncertain ) committed to the Tewer. 
 In the enfuing yipril the Garter was taken from the Lord Paget, 
 and conferred on the Earl of ivarvetck the Duke of Northumberland's 
 cldeft Son. As for the Earl of ^^rundel he was on the third of 
 December in the next year fet at liberty. 
 
 On the one and twentieth of December was the Lord Rich re- 
 moved from the Chancellorlhip , and Thomas Goodrich Bilhop of 
 Ely made Lord Chancellor. 
 
 ^NNO DOM. 1552. REG. 6. 
 
 THe Duke of Somerfet had now continued two Months in 
 Prilbn fince his Condemnation. At length the violence of 
 his Enemies (notwithftanding the King's dehre to fave his Uncle, 
 under whofe Tuition he had palfed his Childhood ) drew him 
 to the Scaffold. Being on the twenty fourth of 'January brought 
 to the place of Execution , he in this manner befpake the Af- 
 fembly : 
 
 Being by the Lave condemned , I here xvtlUngly fubmit my felf, by 
 exemplary puntjhment to [atiific its Rigour. That God hath been 
 pleafed to grant me fo long a Preparative to my End , I humbly thank 
 his Eternal Goodnef: But in that he hath been farther fleajed to in- 
 fpire me with the Knowledge of his Truth , and to make me an Infiru- 
 ment for the propagation of the fame , I can never Sufficiently magnife 
 his ^Mercies. In thif do I rejoice , in this only do I triumph : he- 
 feechmg htm , that his Church in this Realm beings norv reformed acccrdmg 
 to the Inflttuticn of the ant lent Primitive , the Members thereof may 
 conform their lives to the purity ef its received Docirine. 
 
 More 
 
 1551. 
 
 Ah ArrUn 
 turned. 
 
 An Earib- 
 
 Tlie Qktiu of 
 Scots in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The Eatl of 
 Arundel avd 
 the Lord Pagtt 
 committed. 
 
 Tl;e Eijhop of 
 Ely lord Chan- 
 cellor. 
 
 1552. 
 
 rtie Da^e 
 
 Somerlet 
 
 headed. 
 
 of 
 be-
 
 146 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 5^. 
 
 More he would have faid , but a ftrange tumult and fudden 
 confternation of the Aflembly interrupted him. The People pof- 
 ieffed with a Pahick terror , as it were with an unanimous conient 
 crycd out, Fly quickly , fly: infomuch that of that infinite multi- 
 tude which the expedlation of the Duke's death had drawn toge- 
 ther, as many as well could feeking to fhifc for themfelves, many 
 are troden to death , and others in the throng as unfortunately 
 preft j the reft arnazedly cxpeft their own deftrudion , when 
 their own fears were the greateft danger. The caufe of their fears 
 no man could certainly ipeak: one laid he heard a terrible crack 
 of Thunder ^ another the noife of a Troop of Horfe : and fomc 
 over credulous , according to the fway of their Affedions , joy- 
 fully affirmed that Meffengers were come with a Pardon for the 
 Duke. But certain Halberdiers appointed to guard the Duke 
 to the Scaffold ^ but coming tardy , and crying to their Fellows 
 Arvay , nreay , were more probably the occafion of this Tumult. 
 The true meaning of this amphibological word , which com- 
 mandeth hafte to ^ndfrom, being miftaken, and withal I a com- 
 pany of Armed men bending themfelves (as was fuppofed) againft 
 the multitude , filled all M'ith terrour and confufion. The af- 
 frighted People being at length with much ado pacified ; the 
 Duke intreating them for a while to contain themfelves , that he 
 might with a more fetled mind depart out of this World 5 by 
 Prayer commended his Soul to God 5 and then fuffered with admi- 
 rable conftancy, neither by voice, gefture, nor countenance fhew- 
 ing himfelf any way dejefted or moved at the apprehenfion of 
 Death- unlefs peradvcnture you might take this for a token of 
 fear , that when he covered his Eyes with his Handkerchief, his 
 Cheeks had a little more tinfture of red than ufual. 
 
 That his Death was generally lamented is manifeft. Many 
 there were who kept Handkerchiefs dipped in his Blood , as fo 
 many facred Relicks. Among the reft a Ipritefui Dame two years 
 after, when the Duke of Northumberland was led Captive through 
 the City for his oppofition againft Queen Mary , ran to him in 
 the ftreets , and (liaking out her bloody Handkerchief before him, 
 Beh»ld (faid flie) the Blood of thut worthy mAn, that goodUncle of that 
 excellent King , vehich fhed by thy treacherous machination , now at 
 this infant begins to revenge tt felf upon thee. And Sir Ralph Fane, 
 who on the twenty fixth of February was with Sit Miles Partridge 
 hanged at the fame place wiiere the Duke had fuffered , at what 
 time alfo Sir Michael Stanhop and Sir Thomas Arundell were there 
 beheaded , going to his Execution faid , that His Blood wotdd make 
 Northumberland'^ Pillow uneafie to him. Thefe four Knights being 
 to be Executed , did each of them take God to witnefs , that they 
 never pradifed any thing againft the King nor any of his Council. 
 To return to the Duke, fuch was his End, As for his Life, 
 he was a pious juft man , very zealous in point of Reformation, 
 
 very
 
 D w A R D the 'Sixth. 
 
 '47 
 
 very folicicous of the King's Tafety, every way good^, iud careful 
 of the Weal publick, only a little tainted with the Ep(demick;idf 
 thofe times, who thought it Religion to reform the ClaHrqh , 'j^j 
 well in its exuberancy- of ^/t\«/^j , as of fuperftitious; <:<?r<'^4oA¥>li^ 
 whereof not a few of our Cathedrals to this day fcomplai.q. ... /r 
 
 Many Prodigies enfued his death , \Vhereby many di(^ prefagd 
 the Calamities of fucceeding times. In ^^ti^isi iix Dolphin$ 
 (a Filh feldom feen in our Seas) were taken inthejV^'ZWi^fjj.thrg)^ 
 near QMHtbcrtugh , and three a little above C?rfr«iK/V^ ,; \vhere t-h? 
 Water is fcarce tainted with the Seas braekiflinefs.. On the leventh 
 day of October were three Whales caft up at Crj.ve^eni, hndi on 
 the third oi'Augufi at MiMLeton in OAr/ir^y^/Jc was.born a Monffefj 
 fuch i as few either Niaturalilh or Hiftorians write- of the Ijkp, 
 It had two Heads arid two Bodies as-far as thd Navil diltioi^j 
 where they were fo copjoined tliat they both had ■but oneway 
 of egcftion , ' and their Heads looking alwiays contrary \:^'i?ys. Tb^ 
 Legs and Thighs of the one did aluays ly at the trunk of the 
 other. This ( Female) Monfter lived eighteen days ,. and might 
 have longer peradventure, if it had not been ip, often ,Q.pene4li5 
 fetisfie curiofity, that it took cold and died. •■ tvrl ?/(:? i • jvh 
 
 This year the Monaftery of the Frmeifcan Friers; ml^ottdon was 
 converted into a brave Hofpital , wherein four hundred.poor Boys 
 are maintained, and have education befitting. free-borfl; men. iq 
 is at this day called Chrtjl-Chitrch. ' bobiibiiila ed 'J-nr dj]'.M 
 
 In SouthrvArk alfo was another like place provided for the relief 
 of Poor fick perfons, and is dedicated to the memory pf St. T/'o/?w. 
 
 i- 5 -5^21 
 
 A MoHJier. 
 
 - 1 
 
 •J -lii ,L.: 
 
 u; "-.-jj' 
 
 kA iJ n'6 
 
 '1 ?^:isir 
 T> O M. 
 
 :^ 
 
 i'")riii 
 
 vi 
 
 4,„i 
 
 I ■ . -'-^- - ■ • :^ 
 
 THis year lets a period to young EJtvard's Reign , who by th^ 
 defluxion of a (harp Rheum upon the Lungs lliortly after be- 
 came hedical , and died of a Confumption. Some attribute the 
 caufe of his ficknefs tp^Grief for the death of his Uncles ^ fome to 
 Poifbn, and that by a Nofegay of fweet Flowers prefented him as a 
 great dainty on New-y^ars-day. But whac hopeful Prince was there 
 ever ( almoft ) irtimaturely taken away, but Poifon or fomc other 
 treachery was imputed f Our deluded hopes being converted into 
 grief, out of paflion webelyFate. Had there been the leaft fufpition 
 of any fuch inhumane" pra^ice. Queen Marj> w?ould never have 
 fuffered it to have palfed as an aft of indifferency without an in- 
 queft. It was doubtlefs a pofthumous rumour purpolely raifed 
 to make the Great ones of tiiat Reign diftaftful to the fucceeding 
 times. Howfoever it were , the Nobility underftanding by the 
 Phyficians, that the King's eif ate was dcfperate,began every one to 
 projeft his own ends. The Duke of Northnmherlund as lie was mPrc 
 potent than teft , fo did his ambition fly higher. It was fomewhat 
 
 Q^q ftrange, 
 
 15 53- 
 
 the Kjng 
 fick>ieih.
 
 148 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 
 1 5 5 3- 
 
 ftrangc , that being not any way able to pretend but ajQbadow of 
 Right to the Crown , he ftiould dream of confirming theSucceC- 
 fion of it in bis Family. But he ihall ibac fo high , that he ihaH 
 finge his Wings, and fall no lets dangeroufly than he whom the 
 Poets feign to have afpired to a like unlawful Government. Aj 
 for the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth , two obftacles to be removed , 
 he doubted not by rcafons drawn from their queftionable Births 
 to exclude them. The next regard muft be of theDaughteis of 
 Henry the Seventh. But of the Queen of Scots { who was Niece 
 to ^-Margafet the eldeft' Daughter of Henry the Seventh ) he was 
 Kttle folicitous : For by reafon of our continual Eoraity with 
 the Scots , and thence inveterate Hatred, he imagined that any (hew 
 (rf Reafon wdufd^t her by, efpecially flie being contrai^ed to 
 the French , whofe infolent Government he was confident th« 
 Englijh would never broofc. ■ In the next place confidcration is to 
 be had of Lady Frames Daughter to ChariesBraxdpv Duke of Sff- 
 fdlk by Mary Dowager of France the feeond Daughter of Heftry 
 the Seventh, who, her two Brothers then alive , had been mar- 
 tied to Henry Gray Marquis of hornet. The two Brothers fas before) 
 dying of the late mortality , the Marquis is in the right of his 
 Wife created Duke of Suffolk ; and this was another ftop to his 
 Ambition. For the removal whereof he intends this courfe : He 
 imparts his defigns to the Duke of Sttffotk , and defires that a 
 Match may be concluded between the Lord Guilford Dudley his 
 fourth Son j and Lady Jane Grey the Duke of Suffolk's eldeft 
 Daughter. And becaufe , if only right of Inheritance ihould be 
 pretended , the Duchefs of Suffolk were in reafon to be preferred 
 before her Daughter ^ he undertakes to perfwade the King not 
 only to difinherit his Sifters by Will and Teftament , but alfo by 
 the fame to declare the Lady Jane his next and immediate Suc- 
 ceffour. Suffolk biting at this bait , they gomplot by drasviog the 
 chiefeft of the Nobility , to contrad Affinity either with the one 
 or the other to procure the general affent of them all. So on the 
 fame day that Lady Jane under an unhappy Planet was married 
 to Lord Guilford , the Duke of Suffolk's two youngeft Daughters 
 are married , Catharine to Lord Henry eldeft Son to the Earl of 
 Fejnlirdke , and crouch-backed O^ary to CMartin Keyes Groom 
 Porter. Northumberland's eldeft Daughter alfo named Catharine 
 was married to the Lord Hijiings eldeft Son to the Earl of Hun- 
 tington. Thefe Marriages were in June Solemnized at London , 
 the King at that time extremely languifhing. 
 
 Having thus brought thefe things to a defircd pafs, nothing 
 now remained but to aft his part with the weak King. To 
 Him he inculcates, in what danger the eji^te of the church would 
 be , if He dying , provifon were not frfl made of a fiot*s Succeffour , 
 and pfch a one m jhould maintain the norv eflablijljed Religion. How 
 the Lady Mary jlood affeBed vens well knovon. Of the Lady Elizabeth 
 
 there
 
 Edward the Sixth. 
 
 149 
 
 there might be pmiventttrc better hopes. But their c.utfes rvere fo 
 Urongly connexed , that either both musi be excluded , or the Lady 
 Mary be admitted. Th.it is \\\ts the fart of a Religious and Good 
 Prime to fet apart all rejpects of Blood , vfhere God's Glory and the 
 Subje^'s weal might be endangered. They that jbould do otherwife , 
 rvere after this Life ( which is fjort ) to expect Revenge at God's 
 dreadful Tribunal, where t bey are to undergo the tryal either of eter- 
 nal Life or eternal Death. That the Duke of Suffolk , had three 
 Daughters nearefi to him in degrees of Blood ; they were fuch as their 
 Virtues and Etrth did commend, and from whom the 'violation of Reli- 
 gion , or the danger of a Foreinyoak by any Match was not to be feared, 
 forajmuch as their Education had been Religious , they had as it were 
 with their Milk fuckt in the Spiritual food of true Chriflian Dolirine , 
 and were alfo matched to Husbands as zealous of the Truth as them- 
 felves ; He conld wi/Jj and would advife , that thefe might be fuccef- 
 fvely called to the Crown , but with this caution , That they iTiOuld 
 maintain the now eftablifhed Religion, f^ind although Lady Jane 
 the eldejl of the three were married to his Son ; he would be content 
 that they jhould be bound by Oath to perform whatjbever his CMajefly 
 jbould decree : For he had not fo much regard to his own els the general 
 good^ 
 
 Thefe Reafons fo prevailed with the young King, that he 
 made his Will , and therein as much as in him lay , excluded 
 both his Sifters from the Succeffion to the Crown, and all 
 thers whatfoever, befide the Dukeof 5«^//&'s Daughters. This 
 Will was read in prefence of the Council and chief Judges of 
 the Realm, and by each of them confirmed , wth a ftrid: com- 
 mand that no man fliould publifli the contents of it , left it might 
 prove an occaficn of Sedition and Civil Tumults. The Arch- 
 bilhop Cranmer did for a while refufe to fubfcribe to it , not 
 deeming it any way.agreeable to equity , that the right of lawful 
 Succellion fhould upon any pretences be violated : But the King 
 urging him , and making Religion a motive , which was other- 
 wife likely to fuffer, after a long difceptation he was at length 
 drawn to alTent. But thefe delays of his were fo little regarded 
 by Queen i.^'tary , that under her fcarce any man was Tboner 
 marked out for dcftrudion. Some few days after thefe pafTages, 
 on the iixth of July in the fixteenth year of his age King Edward 
 at Greenwich furrendred his Soul to God, having under his Tutors 
 reigned fix years , five months , and nineteen days , and even 
 in that tender age given great proof of his Virtue 5 a Prince of 
 great Devotion , Conftancy of Mind , Love of the Truth , and 
 incredibly Studious ; Virtues which with Royal Greatnefs feldom 
 concur. Some three hours before his Death , not thinking any 
 one had been prefent to over-hear him , he thus commended 
 himfclf to God: 
 
 Q^ 2 O Lord 
 
 15 53- 
 
 Hit Win , 
 wherein he 
 dijinhetiteih 
 hu Sifitrs. 
 
 Hi dinh.
 
 150 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 Cardanus 
 Lii. de Gcni- 
 tmit. 
 
 O Lord God , free me 1 hefeech thee out of this mtferahle and. 
 caUmittus life , and receive me among the number of thine Elect , // 
 fo be it be thy fleafure : although not mine but thy fVill be done. To 
 thee O Lord do I commend my Spirit. Thou knewejl Q Lord hovp 
 h*ppy I jhaU be , may I live with thee in Heaven : yet would I might 
 live and be vpell for thine Elects fake , that I might faithfully ferve 
 thee. O Lord God , blef thy People , and fave thine Inheritance. 
 O Lord God , fuve thy People of England , defend this Kingdom from 
 Popery , and preferve thy true Religion in it , that J and my People 
 may blef thy moji Holy Name for thy Son Jefus Chrift. 
 
 Then opening his Eyes , which he had hitherto clofed, and fee- 
 ing "Do^kotOwen the Phyfieian ( from whofe report we have this 
 Prayer) fitting by , K^re you there? (quoth he) 1 had not thought 
 you had been fo near : who anfwered , / heard you Jpeak , but could 
 not coUeH your rvords : Indeed ( replied the King ) / was making my 
 Prayer to God. A little after, he fuddenly cryed out, I faint. Lord have 
 mercy upon me , and receive my Soul : which words he had fcarce 
 fpoken ere he departed. Much might be fpoken in praife of this 
 Prince , but regardful of my intended brevity , I will only give 
 you a taft of him out of Cardan, who about a j'ear before travel- 
 ling through England toward Scotland , was admitted to his pre- 
 fence. The conference between them he thus defcribeth. ^^d- 
 erant illi (fpeaking of the King) Gratis ; Linguas enim mult as callebat 
 Puer J &c. He veasflored with Graces ; for being yet a Child hejpake 
 many Languages , his native Englifh , Latin, French , and as I bear, 
 was alfo skilled in the Greek , Italian, Spanilh, and per adventure 
 fome others. He wanted neither the rudiments of Logick , the prin- 
 ciples of Philofophy, nor Mufick : He was full of Humanity the relijh 
 of Morality , of Gravity befitting Royalty , of hopes great as himfelf: 
 A child of fo great Wit and fuch Expe6iation could not be born , without 
 a kind of Miracle in Nature. I write not thii Rhetorically with the 
 excef of an Hyperbole 5 for to fpeak all the truth were to Jpeak far 
 more. Being yet but in his fifteenth year , he fpake Latin is readily 
 and politely as I could, what (faith he ) ^ the fubje^t of your Books 
 De Rerum Varietate c" f / had dedicated them to his CMajefty ) 
 Card. In the firjl Chapter I jhew the long hidden and vainly fought 
 after cattfes of Comets. King. Andwhat is the caufe? Card. The 
 concourfe and meeting of the lights of the erratick Stars. King. But 
 being the Planets are moved with fever al motions , how comes it to pajf, 
 that the Comet doth not either prefe/itly dijfolve and fcatter , or move 
 with their motion? Card. It moves indeed, but with a far fwifter 
 motion than the Planets , by reafon of the diver fty of the ajpecl , as 
 we fee in Cryfial and the Sun when a Rainbow rebound upon a wall , for 
 a little change makes a great difference of the place. King. But how 
 can that be done without a Jubjecl ? for the wall is the fubjeil to the 
 Rainbow. Card. AsintheGzhxhorUyfilky-way, and m the refle- 
 Clioff of lights when many Candles lighted are fet near one atiother, they 
 
 do
 
 Edward tbe Sixth. 
 
 »5i 
 
 do produce a certain lucid and bright mean. Toh mxy know the Lion 
 by his p.iTV , ,ts they fay. Fjr his ingenuous nature and frveet conditions 
 he was great in the expectation of all either good or learned men. He 
 began to favour Learning before he could know it , and knew it before 
 he knerv what ufe to make of it, O how true is that faying , 
 
 Immodicis brevis eft aetas , & rara fenedus : 
 Immoderate growths jhort liv*d are , agedfeld. 
 
 He could give you only a tasi of his Virtue , not an example, when 
 occafton required a Majefick gravity , you Jhould fee him aU an old man ; 
 in his aff.fbility and mildnefs he fhewed his age. He plaid on the Lute, 
 accuflomed himfelf to publick affairs , was liberally di^ofed , &c. So 
 much Cardan. His Corps was on the ninth of AuguH with no 
 very great pomp interred at iVeflminsler near to his Grandfather 
 Henry the Seventh. 
 
 And here had I with this King's death concluded this Second 
 Part , had not the confideration of a memorable Enterprize of 
 this King's occurred. To Sehaflian Cabot azPortugHeze, {Qx\\\'izAxi\\- 
 rable skill in Cofmography and the Art of Navigation , he allowed 
 an Annuity of an hundred fixty fix Pounds. Edw.ird by this Ca- 
 bota's. perfwafion on the twelfth of May fet forth three Ships under 
 Sir Hugh fvillottghby for the difcovery of unknown Regions in the 
 North parts of the World. The main hope of this Voyage was , 
 that way to open a fliorter paflage to thofe vaft Countries of the 
 Eaft 3 Cathay and China. Near upon the Coaft of Norway thefe 
 Ships were fo fevered by Tempeft , that they never met again. 
 One of thefe great Ships terrified with the greatnefs of irrefiftable 
 dangers , quickly returned home. Sir Hugh mlloughby arrived at 
 laft at a Countrey under the Latitude of feventy four degrees , not 
 inhabited , hitherto to us unknown , and was forced to winter 
 there, where he and all his Company were frozen to death. The 
 Ship was afterward found by fome the like Enghflj Adventurers , 
 and in his Desk a writing relating the Adventures of each day, 
 his Will alio , by w^hich it appeared that he lived until January. 
 Rtch.irdchanceller with the third Ship making a more profperous 
 Voyage , after many dangers and incertainties arrived at laft 
 among the Ruffes and Mufcovites. To thefe parts fome few years 
 after he made a fecond Voyage 5 but in his return fuffered wreck 
 on the Scottifh Coaft , where feeking to fave the Mufcovite Am- 
 balTador, he himfelf was drowned. Howfoever he were unfor- 
 tunate , he opened a rich Vein of Traffick to fucceeding times , 
 whereby we have an exaft difcovery of that Countrey , and of 
 the Manners of thofe Heathen Chriftians. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
 1553. 
 
 fJr Hugh Wil. 
 loughby fro~ 
 ten tt dtaib. 
 
 Cemmerit 
 •with thi Muf- 
 coTi'te.
 
 ANNALS 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 QUEEN 
 
 MARY. 
 
 The Third Bool^ 
 
 LONDON, 
 
 Printed iot Ihomas Baffet ^ John Wright ^ and Richard Cbifipel. 
 
 M. DC. LXXV.
 
 1 
 
 2*1 .-^^ 
 
 V : 
 
 A 
 
 ^.9^ 
 
 
 1... A ^ 
 
 H tJ 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 M 
 
 1 h^\<^^: ^iV 
 
 
 .ot tyj: Mi'i
 
 »cw3e3 
 
 ANNALS 
 
 OF . 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 Book III. 
 
 Q u E E N M A R Y. 
 
 r^NNO DOM. 1555. R £ G. I. 
 
 Hen the Lady Mary, long fince acquainted with 
 NorthumbcrUnd's fecret praftices , was alfo 
 certified of her Brother's deceafe ^ not thinking 
 it fafe to abide near London , where her Ene- 
 mies were in their full ftrength ; pretending 
 a fear of the Plague by reafon of the fufpitious 
 death of one of her Houfliold , flie fuddenly 
 departed from St. Edmundibury , and came in 
 one day to FrAmingham Caille in Suffolk , diftant from London 
 fourfcore miles , and feated near the Sea, from whence if Fortune 
 frowned on her, fhe might make an eafie efcape into France, 
 Here fhe took upon her the Title of Queen , and by Letters to 
 her Friends , and the Nobles , wifhcd their fpecdy repair unto 
 Her. 
 
 In the mean time NorthumberUnd having for two days together 
 
 confulted with his Friends concerning the managing of this great 
 
 j bufinefs , the King's death being not yet publifhed , fent com- 
 
 : mand to the Lord Mayor of Ltndon , to repair forthwith to Green- 
 
 i -ivUh with fix Aldermen , and twelve other Citizens of chiefeft 
 
 account. To them he declares the King's departure, and the 
 
 I feating of Lady ')ane in the Throne of Sovereignty , (hewing 
 
 ! withal the King's Teftament under Seal , w hich did import 
 
 I no lefs than the fetling the Succeflion on her and that Family : 
 
 . Rr He 
 
 155 
 
 15 53- 
 
 taij Mary 
 fitti mt» Suf- 
 folk.
 
 1^6 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 53- 
 
 tajy jane 
 proclaimtd 
 
 i •?.?>! 
 
 He caufeth them either by terrour or promifes to fwear Allegiance 
 to Lady J^^e , with command , and that under a great penalty, 
 that they Ihould not as yet' diViilge Jhefe fecret paflages. Whlit 
 a fTjrthe'ranqe it might be to his Affairs if he could auure himfelf 
 of this City , he was too wife to be igrlorant rtf : And as for 
 fupprelling the report of the King's death •, he thought it might 
 prove a .means to facilitat,e the furpriialof thel^ady Adary„ as yet 
 probably fecure fdr lack of notice of her Brotfier's decCTfe. But 
 underftanding that fhe had made an efcape into Suffelk , Lady 
 Ja^e was by almoft all the Peers of the Realm pompoufly con- 
 du(5ted to the Torver, and with great Solemnity publickly pro- 
 chimed Qiieen.' She was of age about fixteen , (5f, feature not 
 admirable but handfom',* incredibly learndd ,' very qiiick-witted , 
 and wife both beyond her Sex and above her Age , wonderfully 
 devoted to purity of Dodlrine, and fo far from defire of this 
 Advancement, that flie jbegan not to aft her part of Royalty 
 without Tears , manilFeftibg it to tlie World , that flie was forced 
 by her Parents and Friends ambition to this high but dangerous 
 Afcent. At her going through the City toward the Tower , the 
 Concourfe of the People was' great, .their Acclamations few, 
 as if the ftrangeucfs of fdme new Spe^acle had drawn them to- 
 gether, rather than any intent of Gratulation. Which Queen 
 \JVLaries ( for fo we muft henceforth Call her ) Friends hitherto 
 diftruftful more of Succefs than the Caufe , accepted of as an 
 happy omen., and were encouraged to aflift her as occafion fhould 
 invite them. But the prefence of NorthumherUnd a man quick , 
 watchful , and very politick , was yet a: remorx to their Pro- 
 ceedings : Him they muft fend farther off, or be content to fit 
 ftill. 
 
 The fame day that Lady "jane entred the Tmer Letters fent 
 from Queen Mary are read openly at the Council Table , wherein 
 /he commands the Lords to repair to her, as being the next in 
 Succcflion to the Crown , and that they at laft fliculd take ex- 
 ample from the general Votes of the Kingdom , Ihe being now 
 every where acknowledged the lawful Sovereign. And indeed the 
 Norfolk and Sfjfotk men were become hers • and the wiler fort did 
 eafily difcern , that the affedions of the People were hers. Where- 
 fore it was thought at firft expedient fpcedily to levy an Army, 
 and that , while yet the Hearts of the People were free from anj' 
 Impreflion, and their Minds yet equally poifcd in theBallance of 
 Inrefolution , were either way to be fwayod : By this courfe they 
 might be peradVentnre too ftrongfor theQiieen , and preventing 
 her Plea by Arms, force her to plead more necefTarily for her Life. 
 And an Army Was railed , whereof the Duke of Suffolk was ap- 
 pointed General. 
 
 But the fautors of Manes Caufe, whofc main Projefl was to 
 remove that grand obftaele the Duke of NorthumberkKd , flily 
 
 ' -' infinuating
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 '57 
 
 infinujting themftplvcs with Lady Jane, perlwadcd her not to 
 part \\ ith her Father , but t(5 difpatch NortlmmherUnA for this 
 Employment , the very rerrour of whofe Nunc ( his late Vidory 
 over the A^c?/c/i& Rebels bemg yet frclh in memory) would effedt 
 more , than the other could either by Policy or Arms : And indeed 
 to whole truft could a Daughter be better committed than to her 
 Father's •: As for the City, the Taith and wonted Wiidom of 
 the Council now with her, would contain it in Obedience, and 
 work it to her bell Advantages. She poor Lady fvvaycd with 
 thefc Reafons , carneftly befeechcd NorthumherUnd himfclf to un- 
 dergo this Burthen , who at length though unwillingly con- 
 Icnted. His chief fear was, lell: the advantage of his Abfence 
 might encourage oppofite Pradlifers to raiie fome Tumults : But 
 finding either excules or abfolute denials no way available, he 
 prepares himielf for this Expedition , and on the the thirteenth 
 of July fets forth from London, w ith an Army of fix thguland. At 
 his departure it is reported he lliould (ay to the Lord Gray of 
 iVilton who then accompanied him , Do yon fee {my Lord) ivhut a 
 conflux of People here is dr.inm together to fee ta march f And yet of all 
 this multitude , you hear not fo much as one that rvijheth m Succeji. The 
 Londoners ftood very well affedled in point of Religion , fo did alfo 
 for the moft part the Sujfolk and the Norfdk men , and they knew 
 Mary to be abfolute for Popery. But the Englt^j are in their due 
 refpefts to their Prince fo loyally conftant, that no regards, no 
 not pretext of Religion ,. can alienate their Atfcdtions from their 
 lawful Sovereign , whereof the miferable cafe of Lady Jane will 
 anon give a memorable Example. For although her Faction had 
 laid a llrong Foundation , and as may appear by the premilfes , 
 had moft artih'cially raifed their Supcrftrudure ; yet as loon as 
 the true and undoubted Heir did but manifeft htr Relolution to 
 vindicate her Right, this accurate Pile prefently fell, and dif- 
 folved as it were in the twinkling of an Eye, and that chiefly by 
 their endeavour, of whom for their Religions fake Lady jane 
 might have prefumed her fclf alTured. Neither were the People 
 made any thing the more inclinable by publickly impugning 
 Queen Maries Right in the Pulpit, a courfe wherein Northum- 
 berland engaged many a Preacher. Nay , even in the City of 
 London , that learned and godly Prelate NtchoLts Ridley upon the 
 deprivation of Eoner confecrated Bilhop of London ( who I willi 
 had not erred in this matter) was fcarce heard out with patience. 
 As for Qiieen CMary, if that Rule of the Civilians be not true, 
 that * ^iatrimony contracted without any conceived Impediment , al- 
 though it after chance to he diffolved 'tis tin lawful, is of jnch force , that 
 the children begotten in fuch kVedlock are to be accounted lawful : Yet 
 why they flioiild feek to exclude the Lady Elizabeth, I cannot but 
 wonder , neitiier can I think that anv probable reafon therefore 
 could be yielded by them , who deemed Queen Mary Illegitimate. 
 
 Rr 2 To 
 
 1553. 
 
 Northumber- 
 ijnd f'tnei to 
 it Getteml, 
 
 ' L. qui in 
 freviuciS. fiB, 
 Divu* , ff. dt 
 K't Kupt.L.4. 
 C. Je Uiccft. 
 Xuft.^ Gltff. 
 ibid.C. cnm in- ' 
 tir. Cff. tx tt- 
 ttote. Extr. 
 qui fil.Jtut It
 
 158 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1553. I To let pafs alio in the mean time M^ry Queen ot" Scots , to whoni \ 
 without doubt, thelfTue of //.?/?>;)' the Eighth being extin(fi: , the 
 Crown properly belonged. Whatfoever the Realbns urged by 
 thefe Preachers were , they were fo far from making any imprei- 
 fion in the minds of the People , that they every where flocked 
 abundantly to Queen Af^r^ ; and this not out of a vulgar levity, 
 many of the Nobility and other prime men hiving followed her 
 Party even from the beginning • fuch were the Earls of B.tth and 
 Saffex , the Heirs of the Lords jrh.irton and Mordmt , Sir mlliam 
 Drury , Sir John Shelton , Sir Hc/jry Bedir^gfeiU , Sir Hefjry Jerne- 
 gam. Sutler d, freflon-, and others. But above all Sir EdtvardHa- 
 Hings Brother to the Earl of Huntingdon was moil famous , who 
 having CommifHon from the Duke of Northumberland to raife 
 four thoufand Foot , after he had levied them , revolted to Queen 
 MAry: For which adl (he afterward created him Baron oi Limbo- 
 roHglj, honouring alfo Sir John ivt Hums with another Barony , as a 
 reward of his faithful Service. And Serjeant Morgm not coming 
 (hort of thcfe in his devoir , became afterward one of the chief 
 Judges of the Realm. 
 
 But an unexpeded Accident did moft advantage Queen Maries 
 Affairs. Six Ships had NorthumberUnd fet forth on that part of 
 the Kingdom , where it is confined with the German Ocean , that 
 he might intercept the Queen , if flie fought to niake an eicape, 
 and to have them ready for all occafions. Thefe Ships were then 
 by Terapefl driven in at Tarmouth , when in the Town there was 
 a Prefs of Souldiers for the Queen. The Mariners and Souldiers 
 induced partly by threats , partly by intreaty , yield the Ships to 
 Sir Henry Jernegam for Queen (JMaries ufe , and afTociate them- 
 felves with the new raifed Companies. This was to her a matter 
 of great confequence , and that fuch fhe deemed it , her joy well 
 I teftified. And now encouraged with thefe acceffions of Men , 
 j Ordnance , and Munition , flic feared not Northttmberl.ind , and 
 reiblved not fo much her own defence , as the fpeedy fuppreffion 
 of her Competitrix. 
 
 The Lords who had hitherto adhered to Lsifiy Jane were fome- 
 what terrified with this adverle accident. And the Queens 
 Friends living at Court who had referved themielves for oppor- 
 tunity , and were as yet concealed , were now fo emboldened as 
 to reveal themfelves to each other, defiring nothing more than 
 that being fet at liberty (for yet the T"wfr was the Court ) they 
 might but gain entrance into the City, that they might more 
 freely difcover themielves. But they mufl: either make the w ay, 
 or be content to pray only for her, whom they could not other- 
 wife advantage. It happened that Merthionberland had written 
 for more Aids. At his fetting forth he was , belides his four Sons , 
 accompanied with the Marquis of Northampton , the Earl of Hitn- 
 tingdon, the Lord Gray, and many other perfons of note j and had 
 
 when
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 >59 
 
 when he came to CAmhriage an Army cuufiiting of eight thou- 
 sand Foot and two thoulknd Horle. Removing thence toward 
 St. Edmonds bitry , he found that many of his Souldiers had forfaken 
 their Colours, and was wonderfully jealous left of the remainder 
 many would do the like. Wherefore returning to Camhndgt, he 
 plied the Lords of the Council with continual demands of fupplies 
 to £11 his Companies grown thin by the departure of lb many 
 fugitives. The Lords that favoured CAiAnes Caufe laying hold 
 on this occafion, obfequioufly tendring their Services for the 
 furtherance of the Duke's defigns , decree fpeedy Aids for him ; 
 but pretend , that it were dangerous to employ any other m thefe 
 Levies, than fuch of whofe Loyalty they might reft allured , left 
 the like Treachery might be committed as had been already by 
 Sir Edward Hiftmgs ; and proflrer themfelves for the execution of 
 this Affair. So by the Duke of Suffolk his permifTion they all let 
 loofe as it were out of Prifon , difperfe themfelves over the City. 
 The chiefeft of them that were relblved for the Queen , were the 
 Marquis of /^/wi'f/?fr Lord Treafurer , the Earl oi Pembroke ^ the 
 Earl of Arundell ( whom after a years Imprilbnment with the Lord 
 Paget, the Duke of Northumberland had lately let at liberty) and 
 Sir Thomas cheyney Lord Warden of the Ctfique Ports. By the in- 
 duftry of thele, as many of the Lords of the Council as wxre 
 within call (excepting t]ie Duke of Suffolk) and as many other 
 of the Nobility as were known to be at leaft not Enemies to 
 Queen CMaries Caufe , had a meeting at Baynards-CafiU , under 
 pretence of conference with the fr^wc/' Ambaffador Lavall, about 
 I know not what important bulinefs : But indeed to confult of 
 a mean how to reduce Lady ^i«/?£' to her firft original of a Private 
 fortune. Ihexe Henry'E\x\ oi Arnndcll bitterly inveighing againft 
 the Duke of NerthumberUnd, after he had ripped up the Ads of 
 former times , and burthened him with all that had been done 
 unjuftly, cruelly, or amifs in the Reign of King£^iv.W; he at 
 laft comes to that treacherous ad of the Dillierifon of the Children 
 o( Henry the Eighth , profeding that fie rvo»dred how he had fo 
 enthralled fuch Perfonages ( intimating thole Nobles prefent ) ^s to 
 make them Instruments of his ivickedne/? : For by their con feat And 
 fuffrages it came to ptj^ ■, that the Duke of Suffolk's Daughter , the 
 fame Northumberland'^ Daughter-in-Law, did now perfonate a Queen, 
 the groji and power of Sovereignty remaining indeed with Northum- 
 berland , that he might freely wreak his Tyranny on their Lives and 
 Fortunes. Religion is indeed the thing pretended : But fuppofe ive have 
 no regard to thefe Apoffolical Rules , Evil muft not be done that good 
 may come thereof, and We muft obey even evil Princes not for 
 fear , but for conscience lake ^ yet ho^v doth it appear that Mary 
 intends any alteration in Religion ? Certainly having been lately Pe- 
 titioned unto m this point by the Suffolk men , jhe gave them ( and 
 that was true ) a very hopeful anfwer. And what a mad blindneff 
 
 tt 
 
 i'i'ii- 
 
 Noithuinber- 
 land ferfal(tu 
 bj hi} Sotil~ 
 ditrs.
 
 i6o 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1553- 
 
 The. Lords re- 
 fohi for 
 ^een Mary, 
 
 Nortlium- 
 berland fto- 
 cUims Maiy 
 £>uiiu at 
 Cambridge. 
 
 jftid te fuffrefi 
 Lady Jane. 
 
 it is , for the avoidance of an uncertain Dagger , to precipitate our 
 [elves into mofi certain Dejlruciion ? I would tve had not erred in this 
 kind. But Erroitrs paf cannot be recalled , feme may peradventure be 
 amended , wherein Jpeedy execution oftimes happily jupplieth former 
 defects. Recollect your felves then , and fo make ufe of your Authority, 
 that Mary the undoubtedly lawful Heir may he publickly Proclaimed. 
 After he had fpoken to this purpofe , the Earl of Pembroke readily 
 and generoufly profefled that he fubfcribed to the Earl of Arun- 
 dell's motion , and grafping his Sword , fignified his Refolution 
 to maintain the Right of C/Mary againft all Oppofers. The reft 
 take after them , and decree the fame. So commanding the repair 
 j of the Lord Mayor and the reft of the Aldermen , they in cheapfide 
 proclaim Lady Mary Queen , with addition alfo of the Title of 
 Supreme Head of the Church. And to add more majefty to their 
 ad by fome devout Solemnity , they go in Proceftion to Pauls 
 finging that admirable Hymn of thole holy Fathers St. L^mbrofe 
 and St. Augujline , commonly known by its firft words , Te Deum. 
 Then they difpatcht away (bme Companies to feize on the Tower, 
 and command the Duke of Sujfolk to render himfelf. The Duke 
 as eafily dejeded at the news , as he had formerly been elevated 
 by vain hope, entring his Daughters Chamber, forbad the far- 
 ther life of Royal Ceremonies, wiHiing her to be content with 
 her return to a Private fortune. Whereto (he anfwered with 
 a fetled countenance.: Sir , l better brook this meffage , than my 
 forced adv.tncement to Royalty • cut of obedience to you and my Mother 
 I have grievoufly fnned , and offered violence to my felf: Now I do 
 willingly , and as obeying the motions of my Soul , relinquijb the Crown , 
 and endeavour to falve thofe faults committed by others , if at leajl fo 
 great an errour may be falved by a willing relincjuifjment and inge- 
 nuous acknowledgement. Having fpoken thus much, Ihe retired 
 into a withdrawmg-room , more troubled at the Danger flie had 
 incurred , than the defeafance of lb great hopes. The Duke 
 himfelf prefently repaired to the reft of the Council , and fubfcri- 
 bed to their Decree. This Proclamation was on the nineteenth 
 of July publiihed , and entertained with fuch Acclamations , that 
 no part of it could be heard , after the firft mention of Queen 
 Maries Name. The Earl o{ Arundell and the Lord Paget having 
 thus ordered this weighty Affair , accompanied with thirty Horfe, 
 rid poll: that night unto the Queen, to certifie her of thegladfom 
 tidings of her Subjefts loyal intentions. 
 
 In the mean time the Lords of the Council certifie Northumber- 
 land of thefe PalLiges , commanding him withal to fublcribe to 
 the Decree , and difmifs his Army. But he out of the Prefage 
 of his own Fortune had before the receipt of their Letters pro- 
 claimed her Queen at Cambridge , where in a counterfeit joy he 
 threw up his Cap with the fincerer multitude. Then he ca- 
 fhiered the reft of his wavering Companies , and almoft all the 
 
 Lords,
 
 Q} 
 
 ueen 
 
 M 
 
 A R Y. 
 
 Lords , who had hitherto followed him , with a Legal Revolt 
 paHSng over to the Queen , and making NorthumherUni the Ible 
 author and caule of thel'e difloyal Diftradions , were upon their 
 Submiffion pardoned. ::,fnx., loi^jiV" . / , ; r:! 
 
 Lady ^ane , having as on a Stage for ten days only peribnated 
 s Queen, was committed to iafe cuftody, and the Ladies who 
 had hitherto attended her , were commanded each to their homesi 
 The Duke of NorthumherU?id was by the Queens command ap- 
 prehended by the Earlof ^r*«flV//, and committed to th&Toxver. 
 The manner of his taking is reported to have been thus : After 
 to many checks uncertain what courle to take, relblved toflie, 
 but not know ing whether , the Penfioners ( who with their 
 Captain Sir John Gates had followed him m this Expedition) 
 while he was pulling on his Boots leifed ou him, laying , that 
 It Wits fit they fhould excnfe themfehes from the imputation of Trea- 
 son hy hii tesiimony. The Duke withftanding them, and the 
 matter being likely to grow to blows , at the very inftaut came 
 thofe Letters from the Council , which commanded them all to 
 lay afide their Arms, and peaceably to repair to their homes. 
 The(e Letters took up the matter , and fet the Duke at liberty, 
 which notwithftanding lafted not long. For the next morning, 
 as he was ready to take Hori'e , the Earl of Arundel! intercepted 
 him , and with him apprehended the Earl of Huntingdon , the Earl 
 of ff-'arwick Northumherland's eldeii Son , and two others younger 
 Lord i^mbrofe and Lord Henry Dudley , Sir <^ndrew Dudley the 
 Duke's Brother, Sir Thomas Palmer , Sir John Gates, his Brother 
 Henry Gates and Doctor Edwin Sands , who on the five and twen- 
 tieth of ']f{ly were brought to London, and prefently committed to 
 the Tovoer. The Earl oi Huntingdon was, not long after, fet at 
 liberty, but his Son was prefently. Sir '^ohn Gates, w horn Northurm- 
 bcrland accufed to have been the contriver of all this mifchief , 
 and Sir Thomas Palmer were after Executed. The Earl of yvarrvick 
 died in Prilbn. The Lords Ambrofe and Henry Dudley were Par- 
 doned. Henry was afterward ilain with a fliot at the Siege of 
 St. Quintin ; but Ambro[e finding Fortune more propitious , out- 
 lived Mary, and by Queen Elizabeth created Earl otH-'anvick , long' 
 flouridied in the happinefs of her Favour. Sir (Andrew Dudley 
 after his Condemnation was allb Pardoned. Do(ilor Sands being 
 then VicechanccUour of the Univerfity of Cambridge had hy Nor- 
 thumberland's command in the Pulpit publickly impugned Queen 
 Maries Gaufe , and defended that of Lady "^ane ; but with that 
 Wifdom and Moderation , although upon the (liort warning of 
 fomefew hours, that he abundantly fatisficd the Duke, and yet 
 did not fo deeply incur the difpleafure of the advcrfe part , but 
 that his Friends prevailed with the Queen for his Pardon. So 
 that after a years Imprifonmcnt he was fet at liberty , and pre- 
 fently fled over into Germany: After the death of Queen CMary 
 
 returning 
 
 i6i 
 
 15 53- 
 
 Notthumber- 
 iand, and JQmt 
 other lords
 
 6 
 
 102 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 53« 
 
 ^ie» Mjry 
 comes to Lon- 
 don. 
 
 Gardiner made 
 Lord Chauitl- 
 UuT. 
 
 Vtfrlvid Bi- 
 Jh$ps refitted. 
 
 King Ed- 
 ward'/ Zuue- 
 ral. 
 
 returning from his voluntary Exile , he was Confecrated Bifliop 
 oi' fvarcejler , from which See he was tranllated to Lo»do» , and 
 thence again to the Archbiflioprick of York : A man for his 
 Learning , Virtue , Wifdom , and Extrad very famous , but moft 
 efpecially happy in his IlTue, whereof many were admirable for 
 their Endovvmt^nts both internal and external , and of whom we 
 have in our Age (een three honoured with Knighthood. 
 
 On the fix and twentieth of Jufy , the Marquis oi North amfto/r 
 (afterward Condemned , and Pardoned ) Doftor Ridley Bifhop of 
 London , ( who two years after was Burned at Oxford ) and befide 
 many others, Lord Robert Dudley that great Earl of Z,«c<f/?fr under 
 Queen Elizabeth , were brought to the Tower. On the feven and 
 twentieth , the Duke of Suffolk ( to whom the Queen with admi- 
 rable Clemency within four days reftored his liberty ) Sir John 
 cheeke King Edward's Schoolmafter, Sir Roger cholmley Chief 
 Juftice of the King's Bench , and Sir Edmond CMountague Chief 
 Juftice of the Common Pleas, were committed to the fame place, 
 who were all on the third of September fet at liberty. 
 
 On the thirtieth of J«/v the Lady Elizabeth accompanied by 
 a great train of Nobles, Knights, Gentlemen and Ladies ( to the 
 number of five hundred , fome fay a thoufand ) fet forward from 
 the Strand through London , and fo to fVanJled, towards the Queen 
 to congratulate her happy Succefs in vindicating her Right to the 
 Crown. Who on the th\tdo?Jttgi*Ji having difmiffed her Army 
 ( which had not yet exceeded the number of thirteen thoufand ) 
 attended by all the Nobility made a triumphant entrance through 
 London to the Tower , where the Duke of Norfolk , Edward Courtney 
 Son to the Marquis o^Exceter Beheaded in the year 1538, Gardiner 
 late Bifliop of Hinchefier , and Anne Duchefs of Sonerfet prefen- 
 ted themlelves on their Knees , and Gardiner in the name of them 
 all fpakc a congratulatory Oration , which ended , the Queen 
 courteoufly raifed them , and kifling •each of them faid , Thefe are 
 all my own Prisoners , and gave order for their prefent difcharge. 
 EdwArd Courtney flie reftored to his Father's honours , making him 
 Marquis of Exceter. As for Gardiner , (lie not only refeated him 
 in the Biflioprick of mnchefler , but alfo on the three and twentieth 
 0^ Augufi made him Lord Chanccllour of £«g/.?»<i^, notwithftand- 
 ingthat he had notonly Subfcribed to the Divorce from C/r//'4r/«^ 
 the Queens Mother , but had Publi(hed Books , wherein he had 
 defended King Henry's proceedings. 
 
 On the fifth oi Anguji, Boner and Tonjlall who had been formerly 
 deprived of their Bifiiopricks, the one of London, the other of 
 Durefm , and flwrtly after Day of Chichejler , and Heath of Worcefier 
 were enlarged and reftored to their Bifhopricks , the prefent In- 
 cumbents being without due procefs of Law ejeded. 
 
 On tlve tenth of Aitgujl, were celebrated the Exequies of King 
 Edward, Day Bilhop of chicheJler Preacliing , executing in EKgli0, 
 
 and
 
 Queerj Mary. 
 
 i6^ 
 
 and adminiftring the Sacrament according to the manner and 
 form received in the Reign of Edward. Fur as yet nothing had 
 been determined concerning any change in point of Rehgion. So 
 that when Bourn a C mon ot P-ttds (afterward Bi(hop of Bath and 
 >yells ) Preaching at the Cro/, did inveigh againll the Reformation 
 in King Edward's time, and did in upbraiding manner argue the 
 Injuftice of thofe times , whi.h condemned Boner to perpetual 
 Imprifonment for matter delivered by him in that place that time 
 four year , who was now by a more juft Clemency reftored to 
 his Liberty and Dignity: The People inured to the Proteftant 
 Religion , could hardly abftain from ftoning him , and one of 
 them aiming a Poinyard at him , miffed him very narrowly : The 
 aifeftions ot the AITembly may by this be conceived , that during 
 the Reign of Queen Mar^ , the Author of this bold attempt , not* 
 withftanding the diligence of earneft Inquifirors , could never be 
 difcovered. The uproar increafing , and divers prefling toward 
 the Pulpit J Bourn protedted by two Proteftant Preachers ( Brad- 
 ford and Rogers , who were greatly Reverenced by the People , and 
 afterward Burned for their Religion ) was with great difficulty 
 conveyed to the School at Pauls. 
 
 And now at length on the eighteenth oi Aitgujl , the Duke of 
 Norfolk fitting as High Steward of England , were the Duke of 
 Northumberland, his Son the Earl of Hfarrvick , and the Marquis 
 of NMrthampton Arraigned at fVeJlminJier : where the Duke of 
 Northumberland pleading , that he had done nothing but by au- 
 thority of the Council , his Plea being not admitted for fuffi- 
 cient , he was condemned of High Treafon. The Sentence being 
 pronounced , he craved the favour of fuch a Death as was ufually 
 executed on Noblemen , and not the other : He befeeched alfo , 
 that a favourable regard might be had of his Children, in refped 
 of their age : Thirdly , that he might be permitted to confer 
 with fbme learned Divine for the fetling of his Confcience : And 
 laftly , that her Majefty would be pleafed to lend unto him four 
 of her Council for the dilbovery of fome things, which might 
 concern the Eftate. The Marquis of Northampton pleaded to his 
 Indidment , that after the beginning of thele Tumults he had 
 forborn the Execution of any Publick Office, and that all that 
 while, intent to Hunting and other fports, he did not partake 
 in the Confpiracy : But it being manifeft , that he was party 
 with the Duke of Northumberland , Sentence pafled on him like- 
 wife. The Earl of fvarrvick finding that the Judges in fo great 
 a Caufe admitted not cxcufe of Age , with great refolution heard 
 his Condemnation pronounced, craving only this favour, that, 
 whereas the Goods of thofe who were condemned for Treafon , 
 are totally Confifcated , yet her Majefty would be pleafed , that 
 out of them his Debts might be difcharged. After this , they were 
 all again returned to the Tevper. The next day Sir Andrew Dudley, 
 
 S f Sir 
 
 15 53* 
 
 The Du\t of 
 Nsithumber- 
 land , the Earl 
 of Warwick, 
 and tbt Mar- 
 quH ef Nor- 
 thampton (OIU 
 dtmnid.
 
 164 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 155 3- 
 
 iht Dnkf of 
 Northumber- 
 land Stbtadfd. 
 
 Bijhops imfri- 
 fentd. 
 
 Sir Jchft Gates ( who was thought in NorthnmherUnd's favour to 
 have projeded the Adoption of Lady Jme ) Sir Henry. Gates , and 
 Sir Thomxs Palmer were likewile condemned. On the two and 
 twentieth of the fame month , the Duke with the re/f (having 
 two days before received the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper ) 
 were conduced to the place of Execution : Where JsJorthmuher- 
 Und ( faith that excellent Hiftoriographer, Thuanus) bytheper- 
 fwafion oi NichoLts Heath ( afterward Billiop oilttirk) making his 
 own Funeral Oration to the People, acknowledged himfelf 
 guilty , and craving pardon for his unfeafonable Ambition , ad- 
 monifhed the Aflembly , Th^it they Jhould embrace the Religion of 
 their forefathers re'yliing that of later date , rvhich bad occafioned all 
 the MiferUs of the fore-faffed thirty years i {^/id for preventio/t for 
 the future , if they de fired to prefeitt their Sotds unfpotted to God , and 
 were truly affected to their Countrey , they Jhould expel thofe Trumpets 
 of Sedition, the Preachers of the Reformed Religion. As for himfelf, 
 whatfoever he might pretend » hit Confcience rv.ts frai^ht xvitk the 
 Religion (fhis fathers , and for teflimony hereof he appealed te his great 
 friend the Bishop of Winchefter ; hut being blinded rvith Ambition , 
 he had been contented to make vcrack of his Confcience by temporizing, 
 for rvhich he profeffed himfelf fincerely repentant , and acknotvleAged 
 the defert of his death. Having fpoken thus much , he craved the 
 charitable Devotions of the Aflembly, and commending his Soul 
 to God , prepared his Body for the ftroke of Ax. This Recan- 
 tation did varioufly affed: the minds of the multitude, who won- 
 dred that he (hould at laftApoftatize from that Religion which 
 he had for fixteen years profeffed , and in favour whereof chiefly, 
 he perfwaded King Edveard to endeavour the exclufion of his Sifters 
 from their lawful Succeflion. Some write , that being defirous of 
 life , he did it craftily out of hope of impunity : but that hope 
 being fruftrated , to have repented it afterwards. He was lu- 
 fpedted (neither were the prefumptions fmall ) to have adminiftred 
 a Poifonous potion to King Edrvard : but in his Indiftment there i 
 ■^vas no mention of it, and that the rather , for that the Judges 
 had authority only to inflidl Punilhment on him for his Conlpi- 
 racy againft the Queen. At the iame time and place were alfo 
 Executed Sir Joh/t Gates and Sir ThomM Palmer. 
 
 Many Bifhops alio, who were' thought to have been too too 
 opinionate in point of Religion , were fent for to London , and 
 there Imprifoned, viz. Hooper of Ghcejier, Farrar of' St. Davies 
 (who were both crowned with. Martyrdom) and Cover dale of 
 Exceter , who at the requcll of Chrijitern the Third King of Den- 
 mark was Pardoned. But the Clergy of what rank foever, who 
 would not forfake their Wives , or were inverted in Livings , 
 whereof any one had been for defence of Popfery deprived , or 
 that would not by Oath promife the defence of the Romtflj Reli- 
 gion , were generally forced to relinquifh their Benefices. 
 
 Peter
 
 Q 
 
 men 
 
 M 
 
 A R Y.' 
 
 165 
 
 ?eter ALtrtyr was then ProfelTor at Oxford , who prelently upon 
 the Death of King Edn\ird , was confined to his Houle. But after 
 fome time his Friends fo far prevailed , that he might come to 
 Londen , where he betook liimlelf to his Patron the Archbifhop of 
 Canterbury. But he could not prove a Sanduary to fiim. The 
 Archbifhop himfelf began now to totter. The Queen, bcfide 
 that (he was wholly f\v'a\'ed by Gardiner , who extremely hated 
 him , had refolvcd to Wreak her felf on him for the Divorce of 
 her Mother. 
 
 Manet alta mente repojlum 
 
 Judicium latum , J^rctsque injuria Matris. 
 
 It is reported , that King Henry having determined to puniih his 
 Daughter the L^dy Mary with Imprifonment for her Contumacy, 
 was by the fole interceflion of Cranrner diverted from his Refo- 
 hitions : And when (he was by her Brother King Edvpard to be 
 difinherited , the Archbifliop made a long fuafory Oration to the 
 ' contrar)'; neither could he be induced to fubfcribe to the Decree^ 
 until the Judges of the Realm generally affirming , that it might 
 lawfiilly be done , the dying King with much importunity pre- 
 vailed with him. In ingrareful perfons the conceit ( I wili not 
 fay the feeling) of one Injury makes deeper impreilion, than can 
 the remembrance of a thoufand real Benefits. It was now bruited, 
 that with his Fortune Crdntner had alio changed his Religion , 
 infomuch that to gratifie the Queen, he had promifed.ro Cele- 
 brate the Exequies of the deceafedKing after \.\\QRomt[lj manner. 
 To clear himfelf of this imputation , he by writing declares \i\m-, 
 felf ready to maintain the Articles of Religion let forth by his. 
 means under King Edvcard his Reign , to be confonant to the Word 
 of God and the Dodrine of the Apoftles : in which Refolution he 
 being confirmed by Feter Martyr, required him for his Second ixr 
 this Religious Duel. But Words are not regarded, where Vio'-, 
 leiice is intended. His Death was abfolutely determined-, butj 
 how it might be fairly contrived , was not yet refolved. Firft 
 therefore they deal with him as a Traytor. And having for fome 
 while continued prifoner in the Tovcer , to alienate the mind^ of 
 the People who heW him in highefleem , he is on the thirteenth 
 of November together with the Lords Ambrofe and Guilford Dudley ^ 
 and Lady Jane , condemned for Treafon. But the machinators 
 of this mifchicf againft Cranmer were fo afliamed of their fhadow- 
 lefs endeavour , that they themfelves became Interceffors for his 
 Pardon, and yet afterwards moft irreligioufly procured him to 
 be Burned for pretended Herefie. Before he was committed to 
 Guftody, his Friends perfwaded him, after the example of fome 
 other ot his religious Brethren , who had long fmce efcaped into 
 Germany , by flight to withdraw himfelf from allured deft rucftion : 
 To whom he anfvvercd ; mre i accufed of Theft , Parncide , it 
 
 Sf 2 fome 
 
 IVwr Ma:tv:. 
 
 Thi JrcUiJhop 
 Cranmer , 
 Lady line , 
 Lord Guiiford 
 atid Lord Am- 
 brofe Dudley 
 condtwnid.
 
 ee 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1553. 
 
 thi Corottatiou, 
 
 A Difpntaiiitt 
 in the Convo- 
 catian-Hsuj^. 
 
 Ptperj rtjlarei. 
 
 15 54- 
 
 7l>t Quectt in- 
 (lines to marry. 
 
 fsme other crime , although I veere innocent , I might fer^dventttre be \ 
 induced to jhift for my felf: But being quejiioned for my Allegiance not j 
 to men, but to God, the truth of rvhofe holy word is to be ajferted 
 againji the errours of Pofery ; / have at this time , with a conUancy 
 befitting a chrijlian Prelate , refohed rather to leave my life , than 
 the Kingdom. But we will now leave Cranmer in Prilon , whofe 
 farther Troubles and Martyrdom we will in their due places re- 
 late. Concerning Peter Martyr , it was long controverted at the 
 Council Table whether , having fo much prejudiced the Catho- 
 lick Religion , it were fit he Ihould be proceeded againft as an 
 Heretick. Bnt it was at length determined , that becaufe he 
 came into England upon Publick Aflurance , he fhould have liberty 
 to depart with his Family. So having Letters of Pafs figned by 
 the Queen 5 he was tranfported with his Friend Bernardme Ochi- 
 nm , and came to Antwerp , from thence to Colen , at laft to Straf 
 burg , from whence he firft fet forth for England. , , 
 
 In the mean time on the firft of October , the Queen was with 
 great pomp Crowned at jvejlminfler by Stephen Gardiner Biihop of 
 winchefier , and that after the manner of her Anceftors. 
 
 On the fifth of the fame month a Parliament is called at fvef- 
 minller , wherein all the Laws Enabled againft the Pope and his 
 adherents by Henry zn^ Edrvard, were repealed. And in the Con- 
 vocation-Houfe at the fame time was a long and eager Difpu* 
 ration concerning the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , the Pro- 
 locutor Dr. ive^on with many others maintaining chriB's Corporal 
 real prefence in the Sacrament : Among thole tew who Tided 
 with the Truth , were John Ailmer and Richard Cheyney ( both by 
 Queen Eliz.abeth made Bifliops , the one of London , the other of 
 Glocefier ) John Philfot Archdeacon of winchefier , who confirmed 
 this Doftrine with the Teftimony of his Blood , '^ames Haddon 
 Dean of Exceter , and waiter Philips Dean of Rochefler. At length 
 the Truth was opprefTed by Multitude not Reafon. Whereupon 
 the Reftitution of Romijh Rites is again concluded , and on the 
 one and twentieth of December , Mafs began to be celebrated 
 throughout England. 
 
 The fame day alfo the Marquis of Northampton and Sir Henry 
 Gates not long (ince Condemned, were fet at liberty and Pardoned : 
 And the Lords Ambroje and Guilford Dudley with Lady Jane had 
 their Imprifonment more at large, with hope of Pardon alfo. 
 
 i^NNO DOM. 1554. REG. i ^ & z. 
 
 THe Queen , who was now Thirty feven years old , and 
 hitherto thought averfe from Marjriagc , either in regard of 
 her own Natural inclination , or conicious to her fclf of the want 
 of fuch Beauty as might endear a Husband to her^ her Affairs 
 
 fo
 
 Qiteen Mary. 
 
 167 
 
 fo requiring, began at length to bethink her of an Husband. She 
 feared , lelt the confideration of her Sexes imbecility might 
 I bring her into contempt with her People , (lie being yet fcarcc 
 j feded in her Throne, and the Kingdom ftill difrradted in their 
 Affe«ftions to (everal Competitors. Fame had deftined three for 
 her Bed , Phtlip Infant of Sjfatn the Emperour's Son , Cardinal 
 Pool, and the Marquis of Exceter. The two laft werepropofed for 
 their Royal Defcent , and the opinion of the Love of their Coun- 
 trcy , there being hope , that under them the Freedom , and the 
 Priviledges of the Kingdom might be preferved inviolate. But 
 befides proximity of Blood in each of the three , Cardinal Pool 
 was much affedted by the Queen , for his gravity , fantfbimony , 
 meeknels , and wifdom , Courtney for his flouriflnng youth , his 
 courteous and pleafant difpofition. But he I know not how, 
 was fomewhat i'ufpeded , not to think fincerely of the late efta- 
 blifhed Religion , but to have favoured the Reformed. And the 
 Cardinal being now in his fiftieth and third year j was deemed 
 a little too old to be 1 Father of Children. But their opinion 
 prevailed , as more neceffary , who thought this unfetled King- 
 dom would require a puilTant King , who fliould be able to curb 
 the fadious Subje<5l , and by Sea and Land oppofe the French by 
 the accrue of Scotland become too near Neighbours and Enemies 
 to us. Upon thefe motives the ambitious Lady was eafily in- 
 duced to conlent to a match with Philip. For the Treaty whereof 
 the Emperour had about the end of the laft year , feat on a 
 grand Embaffage LumoraUe Count Egrmnd. , with whom Charles 
 Count LaUine , and John CMontmorency were joyned in Commif- 
 fiort. In January the Ambafladors arrived at London , and in a 
 few days conclude the Marriage , the Conditions whereof were 
 thefe: 
 
 That (JMatrintonjf being contracted betrveen Philip and Mary , it 
 jboald be laveful for Philip to ufurf the Titles of all the Kingdoms a»d 
 Provinces belonging to his fVife , and fjould be joynt'Govcrnour vpitb 
 her over thofe Kingdoms , the Priviledges and Ciifiems thereof always 
 Preferved inviolate, and the full and free diflr tint ion of Bipjo^ricks , 
 Benefices , Favours , Offices alrvays remaining entire to the Queen, 
 That the Queen likcrvtfe fhould be ajfumed into the fociety of all the 
 Realms , vthcrein Philip either then rvas , or (hould be afterrvard in- 
 vefted. That if she furvived Philip , fixty thoufand Pounds per an- 
 num , fhould be affigned for her Joynture , ks had been formerly af- 
 ftgned to Lady Margaret Sifter to Edward the Fourth and tvidow to 
 Charles Dw^f" ^Burgoigne, vfhereof forty thoufand fhould be raifed 
 out c/" Spain and Arragon, twenty thoufand cut of the Netherlands 
 and the Provinces thereto belonging. <^nd to prevent all future Jars 
 and Contentions about the Bivifion of the Inheritance of the Kingdoms 
 and Provinces vrhich either then were or afterward fhould be belonging 
 to either , ;/ ts agreed , Thar the jffue begotten by this CMarriage 
 
 Jhould 
 
 '5 54' 
 
 tlie Aniciti ef 
 the ^tetts 
 Marriage 
 vjith Philip 
 of Spain.
 
 :68 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 54- 
 
 » which , tU 
 I cencehi , 
 weuU have 
 fsUta in the 
 year I 588. 
 
 Sir Thomis 
 Wvat'j S^heU 
 lion. 
 
 jhould fucceed in nil the Queens Kingdoms and Dominions , and in aU 
 the Prtncifdities of the Netherlands and Burgoignc , rvhereof the 
 Emperour dtdjiandpeffeffed: That Charles the eideji Sen to Philip 
 by a farmer LMarrtage jhould Itkervife fucceed in all the Kingdoms as 
 well of his Father , as of his^ Grandmother , and his Grandfather the 
 Etnperottr , both inltoXy and S'pzin^ and by reafon thereof pouldjiand 
 obliged for the Payment of the- fore-mentioned forty thoujand Pounds, 
 if by this Matrimony no other Ijjue jhall be begotten than Female , the 
 Eldejl fhaR fucceed in all the Provinces of the Netherlands, butvpith 
 this Caution , that by the counfel and confent of her Brother Charles, 
 /be fhall make choice of an Hiuband either out of England or the Ne- 
 therlands ; if {he marry from elfervhere rvithout his confent ■, jhe fljaU 
 be deprived of her right of Succeffion-, 4»(^ Charles be invefled therein. 
 But te her and her Stjiers a convenient Dowry fjall be ajjigned according 
 to the Larvs andCufloms of the places, if it happen that Charles , er 
 his Succej[ours fhall die veithout iffue ; in that cafe the FirH-born by 
 this Marriage , although it be a Female , fhall fucceed in -all the King- 
 doms belonging to both thefe Princes , as well of the Netherlands , aa 
 of Spain , and in all the Principdities of Italy 5 and fhall be bound to 
 preferve inviolate all the Laws , Priviledges , Immunities and Cufloms 
 of each Kingdom. Between the Emperour, Philip , and his HeirS, 
 between the Queen , and her children and Heirs , and between both 
 their Realms and Dominions , conflant K^mity , Concord , a perpetual 
 and inviolable League fhall he continued. This League , u4gr^cment, 
 and Articles fhall be renewed and confirmed at Weftminfter the tw$ 
 and fortieth year cf //;*f * Seculum , and four years after oH the fix- 
 teenth of January at Utrecht, 
 
 As foon as the Decreeconcerning thefe Nuptial Compads was 
 divulged, many out of a reftlefs difpofition milliking the prefent 
 times , but efpecially traducing the intent of this Accord , as if 
 by it the Spaniard were to become abfolute Lord of all , who 
 ftiould have the free managing of all Affairs , and abolifhing our 
 ancient Laws and Cuftoms, would impofe an intolerable yoak, 
 as on a conquered Nation. This was the general conceit of this 
 A(fiion. But in private , every one according to their divers 
 humours did mutter diverfly : Some cenfuring the Queens 
 ad:ions , others complaining of the change of Religion contrary 
 to her promife made to the Suffolk men : Some lamented the calc 
 of Lady fane , who had been forcibly depofed , and cruelly con- 
 demned to an ill-deferved Death. Some were fwayed by pity , 
 Ibme by the regard of Religion , but moff by the fear of a Spanifh 
 Servitude: Andothers were by their own hopes and the defire of 
 change animated to a Rebellion. A Chieftain only was wanting,, 
 which dcfed was quickly fupplied by Sir Thomas wyat a Knight 
 oi Kent. Who having communicated the matter with the Duke 
 of Suffolk , Sir Peter Carow of Devonfljire , and fome others , con- 
 cluded that it would not be expedient to attempt any thing until 
 
 the
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 169 
 
 the arrival of Phil/p , tlut lb they might not Icein to have taken 
 Arms to any other end , than to lecure their Countrey from the 
 Ufurpation of a Forein Prince. So relerving themfelves for op- 
 portunity, they difperrethemrelves into feveral places: nyat into 
 Kent a Countrey adjoyning to London , and disjoyned from CaUts 
 by a little fret of Sea-, Sir Peter Carorv into Devonjhire, a part of 
 England in the Weft oppofite to the main of France ; and the Duke 
 oi Suffolk vvuhdriw himfelf to his Place in H'Arvcnkjhire ^ fituated 
 in the very heart of the Realm. In theie feveral places , they 
 fecretly furnifh themfelves with Arms , Money , and all forts of 
 Munition , and fcek to draw others to partake in the Confpiracy. 
 Sir Peter Ctrow , whether thruft on by his Fate , or thinking delay 
 would prove dangerous , began fecretly to levy fome Forces in 
 CormvAtl, but the matter being fooner deteded than was hoped, 
 and he quickly oppreffed , he prelently took Ship , and fled into 
 France , where he lurked fome time, until at length being feem- 
 ingly reconciled to the King , he was taken at Bruffels, and brought 
 Captive into England. By w hat means he after ward made an 
 efcape I know not. But he flouriHied many years under Queen 
 £ltz,abeth , and died at Rcf^e in Leimter a Province of Ireland in 
 the year i^^'j'j -, as appeareth by his Monument in the Cathedral 
 Church at Exceter ertfted at the cofts of his Nephew Peter , who 
 was Brother 10 George , w hom King James for his many Virtues 
 not long fince created a Baron. > 
 
 With Sir Peter at the fame time Sir John cheeke , who had beeh 
 King Edward\ Tutour , was alfo taken , who came from Stratbnrg 
 tOM'ards Brujfels , and that not without Publick Licence, upon no 
 other bufinels, but to vifit (as faith Fox ) the Queens Agents there, 
 or rather according to Thuanus, to marry a Wife. Whatioever were 
 the caufe of his Journey , certain it is that he was intercepted , on 
 the way from Antwerp to Brujfels unhorl'ed by fome of the Queens 
 Servants , and tied with Cords to a Cart , at laft muffled , carried 
 on Ihipboard , and conveyed to the Tower at London , not ■knowing 
 all the way for what part of the World he was bound. There , 
 having always in Confcience abhorred the Errours of Popery , 
 he was forced to Abjure his Religion , for which he afterward 
 became fo repentant , that out of extremity of Grief he languilhed, 
 and lliortly died. Thefe paffages I do the more exadly defcribe , 
 becaufe there want not fome, who relate, that both Sir Peter 
 Carow and Sir ']ohn cheeke for their Religion luffered at a Stake on 
 on the thirteenth of June this prefent year. * ' ' 
 
 But to return to m-tt ; he perceiving that his intents werfc 
 divulged , and that he had nothing to truft to , no refuge but 
 Valour J incited the People in Kent to a Rebellion , and (as Rebels 
 never want common pretexts to colour their aftions) that, • 
 
 Becanfe the Queen relying too muck upon the Advice of had CeunfeL- 
 lors , had lately done , and jdtd daily endeaveur many thuigs prejudicial 
 
 u 
 
 I 554- 
 
 sir John 
 Cheeke « t/i- 
 k^H-, and ditih.
 
 1 70 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 17 54' 
 
 Bret vithjivt 
 himirtd Lon- 
 doners rtvtitt 
 10 Wise. 
 
 to the Efate cf the Realm : That therefore to prevent farther imon- 
 sentences, thofe Codftfellors muji be removed, and others fubflitatedt 
 vpho jbould fi maniige the Ejlate , as fljoidd anfvper the Truji repofed 
 in ftith men , whofe Loyalty Jhould render them more careful of the 
 Publick , than thetr Private Profit. But above all they muJl endedvottr, 
 that feme meMS mufl be ufed to impeach this determined \JMatch , by 
 which he plainly forefatv this free Realm reould be opprejfed with the 
 miferies ef * mojl lamentable Servitude ; and a fiotid-gate would be 
 opened to let in a perpetual current of Superfiition : That the effefts of 
 their Arms would prove very profitable to the i>ueea (for whofe hap- 
 pine^he fhould ever pray ) And to the general good of the Kingdom. 
 
 But howfoever he fed the giddy multitude with fpecious words, 
 the Duke of Su£olk at that time running the fame courfe in Warwick- 
 fbire y it was palpable, that their drift was to Depofeykfrfr^, and 
 once more to Enthrone Captive fane. 
 
 By the five and twentieth of January , Fame had filled London 
 with the news of this Kentifh Rebellion. For the repreffion 
 whereof , the Duke of Norfolk was the fame day diipatched with 
 fome fmall Forces , confifting for the moft part of the Queens 
 Guard , which were a little increafed by the acceffion of five 
 hundred Londoners , who were the next day fent down by Water 
 to Gravefend , where the Duke expected them. With thefe he 
 refolvcs to encounter fviat , whom his madnefs had not yet car- 
 ried beyond Rochejler, which ( notwithflanding its weaknefs, 
 being no way fortified ) he intended to make good againft the 
 Duke , and had encamped within the ruines of the Caftle. 
 
 Rxhejler is a City feated upon ih^Kvitt Medway , where falling 
 into the Thames it is moft violent , ebbing and flowing like a 
 Streight > and is made paflable by an arched ftone Bridge of ex- 
 cellent artifice. This Bridge had the Rebels feized , and planted 
 on it fome brai's double Cannons, that they might debar the Duke 
 (when:! they underftood by their Scouts to be upon march) of 
 paflagc. But he nothing daunted with their proceedings fent a He- 
 rald to proclaim Pardon to fuch as forfaking mat , jhould return 
 to their Obedience , refolving withal to force the Bridge and gain 
 entrance into the City. The Herald executed his office, but with 
 fo fubmifs a voice , that he was heard by few ( for indeed a Piftol 
 held at his Breaft lo terrified him, that he was content for his 
 own lafcty to yield to the Rebels fo commanding ) and was re- 
 turned with this anfwer , that they knew not themfelves to be fo 
 far Delinquent, as that they fliould need any fuch Pardon. Only 
 Si\t George Harper faining a Revolt, made over toward the Duke 
 oi Norfolk , but indeed with intent to perfwade <^lexander Bret 
 Captain of thofe five hundred Londoners , to partake in this 
 Aftion of common Difloyalty. Which he performed lb effe- 
 dually , that Bret , whofe Company made the Vauntguard , 
 before he came fo near the Bridge as to give an alfaiilt, fuddenly 
 • drawing
 
 Qiteen Mar y.'-. 
 
 drawing his Sword turned aboiic to his Souldiers , and thus be 
 fpakc them : 
 
 Vdtant Countrcy-men , xve novo engage our pelves in a Caufc , tvhich 
 before we farther proceed , would rcqnire mature Deliberation, ive 
 march , but against whom ? o/>r they not- our Friends , our fellow- 
 nattvts , with whom we feek to make a deeper ?nixtiire-of our Bloodsl 
 Ha7je they not taken Arms for the prefervatton of the ancient glory, of 
 the Englilh n-ime , and to vindicate our common Liberties againfl the 
 Infolencies of the cruel Spaniard i Yottwhofe degenerate Spirits can 
 brook the indignities of Servitude , continue tn God'i fiame with ypm 
 brave General , who without doubt will dcferve thd fervice of fuch 
 Pt'orthies : As for me { who had rather undergo many the m»fl tortu- 
 ring Deaths , than betray my liberty to the Spaniard ) / here ( happy 
 and pro/pcrous may It prove ) enrol my felf under V/yxt's Colours, and] 
 am confident that fome of yon out of^^ffeBion to your Countrey wjM* 
 follow my example. • • ■ . 
 
 He had fcarce fpoken thus much , w hen they all crying out 
 %Wyat, a Wyat , turned the Cannon againll their fellows, who 
 followed in the Rere. Which unexpected Revolt ib teiritied the 
 Duke of Norfolk, the Earl o{ Arundell , and Sir Henry jernegam 
 Captain of the Guard , who followed the Duke in this Expe* 
 dition , that they inftantly betook themielvcs to flight. The 
 remainder of that fmall Army prepared themfelves according tQ 
 the example of their Commanders , when wyat with fomeHorle 
 intercepted their flight , and iciled on eight Brafs Peeces with 
 all the Duke's Munition : Then ufed he fome perrwa(iona , to*, 
 pervert their Loyalty , jTrofeffing withal , that, if any one wottl^ be 
 an Inflrument of his own Mifery by ajfiflipg the Que^n , he jhould have 
 free licence to depart, de firing all juch , that they would certtfie- all- 
 men, but efpecially her miajejly , that ^yzt calling God and men to 
 witnej? did protcfl , that he took not y^rtns any way to prejudice Her , 
 but to maintain the Liberties of his Count rey inviolate againsi-jEfrein. 
 Machinations. The five hundred Londoners , many of the Guard i» 
 and the greateft part of the headlefs Army forthwith joyn witk 
 yyyat , who now upon confidence of his Forces refolves to make 
 fpeedily for I-pWo;/, . .' 
 
 Whiles Wyat thus ads his part in Kent , the Duke of Suffolk , 
 who with his Brothers Lord 7o//» and Lor^i Lfc'^^r^oV/i^ departed 
 from London on the five and twentieth of January , did every wherQ 
 incite the People to take Arms againft the Spaniard. But figding , 
 that this Alarm took not, and knowing he had waded too far 
 to hope for a lecond Pardon, he determined to endeavour an: 
 Elcape by flight. But the Earl oi Huntingdon fent by the Qiicen 
 with three hundred Horfe to take him, made him alter his refo- 
 lution. The Duke's Company confided not of above fifty, with 
 which fmall number in a Countrey that no way favoured his 
 proceedings, to oppofe the Earl were defperatcmadneis. Therefore 
 ;■ T t diftri- 
 
 15 54* 
 
 Till Duke of 
 Suffolk pir. 
 fiundis the Pco. 
 fit to Arms i» 
 ■vain.
 
 172 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 5 54- 
 
 Oratiou to 
 
 Londoners 
 
 thi 
 
 dirtributing his Money amongft them, feigns a flight, advifeth 
 his Brothers and the reft to difperle themfelves , and having thus 
 freed himfelf from the danger of obfequious Eyes , committed 
 himfelf to the truft of one tlKderrvood, whom he had formerly 
 made his Ranger at Jjiley. But Benefits obhge not Ignoble minds, 
 which either mercenary or timid, treacheroufly fail in their repoled 
 Truft. Such did this man prove, who having promifed for a 
 while to ihelter his Lord , until he fhould bethink himfelf of fome 
 other expedient courfe , either out of fear or hope of reward , 
 betrayed him to the Earl of Huntingdon, by whom guarded with 
 three hundred Horfe he was brought to London, and on the ele- 
 venth of February committed to the Tower. 
 
 In the mean time the Queen jealous of the Londoners , efpecially 
 fince Bret's Revolt , on the firft of February attended by moft of 
 the Nobility , came to Guildhull , where' the Commons of the 
 City were aifembled in their Liveries, to whom fhe fpake after 
 this manner : 
 
 i^^lt hough we doubt not of your Loyalty , and, fo need net give an 
 account of Our Actions ; yet having intelligence that many feduced by 
 this i^rch-trayttr's gay Pretexts , do fecretly favour his Dtfigns ; iVe 
 have , to give Satisfaction to all , condefcended to this days meeting 
 reith the Infant ^ Spain is that for foot h , thatmufl colour all hii Vtl- 
 lanies.But his Actions dtfcover his deeper Pr all tees. For having now f«me- 
 tvhat increased his members, his madnefi hath fo tranjported him beyond 
 the dislaf of Our Match , that he novp refolves on the cufiody of Our 
 Per [on , and abfolute power of removing , retaining , fumjhing of Our 
 Council whom he Itjl. In this great a^air of Our Marriage , we have 
 done nothing but by the advice of Our Peers, We have lived the 
 greatejl part of Our age , Jingle. Neither do We now fo long for a 
 ffusband, but that , if the EJlates of Our Realm judge it convenient. 
 We will continue Our Virgin efate. For , that I Jhould feek to endan- 
 ger England , and to confound all things by an unfortunate Match , the 
 love of Our Native foil , the long knowledge of Our Peaceable dtjpofttien. 
 Our endeavours for your Good, will perfwade you to the contrary. PerfiH 
 therefore m your Loyal Refolutions , and ajfist Us in executing Our due 
 Revenge on thefe Monjlers of men , who conjpire to take away the Head 
 which was ordained to guide them , and tofuffer with them : Neither 
 are Our demands other than we may in reafen expect from jcu, who 
 fo maturely , fo unanimoufly admitted of Our Government , as deeming 
 Us the Undoubted Succeffour to Our Royal Father and Brother. 
 
 Having thus confirmed the minds of the Citizens , Ihe arms 
 five hundred men ( the greater part Strangers ) to the choifeft 
 wiiereof flie commits the defence oi London-Bridge ,' ^ind difpofes 
 of the reft throughout the City. Two days after to London comes 
 Wytt with an Army of three (or four) thoufand, full of hope, 
 that having prelent admittance into the City , Succefs fhould 
 crown his A(hions , and that without either peril or pains. But 
 
 i-'li- things
 
 Q> 
 
 men 
 
 M 
 
 A R V, 
 
 175 
 
 things anfvvercd^ot his expe<5lation. For coming to tlie Bridge, 
 he found it cut down , the Gates fliut and made good againft him 
 by armed Troops , who difdainfuUy bid the Traytur avaunt. 
 Neverthelels he continued two days in SoHthvcark , hoping , 
 that time and induftry of fecret Pradifers might work fume al- 
 teration. 
 
 . But his hopes being here alfo fruftrated , he turns his March 
 for Kingfion , there to gain paffage over the Thames. But the 
 woodden Bridge there was alfo broken , and the oppofiie Bank 
 defended by two hundred men , whom the fight of two Peeccsi of 
 Ordnance ready to be planted againft them fo terrified , that they 
 left their ftation , and gave JvyAt liberty to find out means to 
 waft his Army. Having furmounted this difficulty, he once 
 more refolves for that Queen of Cities, and repofing all the fuc- 
 cefs of this Adventure in celerity , without fuiftring his Souldiers 
 to repofe themfelves , makes with a round march for London, where 
 he hoped to arrive tiefore day, and to furprife the fecure Queen. 
 But God is the Prote<51:or of Princes , who more efpecially are his 
 Images and Lieutenants 5 (o that phe pradices of Rebels and Tray- 
 tors againft their lawful Sovereigns feldom prove fuccefsful. 
 ftyat had (not improbably) been Mafter of his defires, had ^61 
 God by an unexpeded accident retarded him , or rather fo blinded 
 him, that by unneceflary delays he ovcrflipped his opportunity. Hq 
 was now within fix miles of London, when the Carriages of oiic of 
 his Brafe Peeces being broken , the Peece became for the prefcnt 
 unferviceable, becaufe immovable. In remounting this Peece fome 
 hours were loft, notwithftanding their perfwafions who advifecj 
 lum not to negleA more real Advantages, as indeed he did ; for by 
 this means became (hort of the time prefixed hy thole Citizens 
 who were fautors of his Caufe. The confideration whereof made 
 many defpair of Succefs and relinquilh him , fo that his Army 
 was quickly contra(5led to a fmaller grofs. Among the reft Sir 
 Ceerge Harper pa-nzket of all ffyai's Stratagems, that he might 
 wipe away the ftains of Rebellion and his diflerabled Revolt by 
 3 loyal Treachery , pofted away to the Queen , and revealed the 
 whole feries of fvyat's Proje(5te. The Queen amazed" at the, ap- 
 prehenhon of this imminent danger, gives Commiflion to the 
 Earl of Pembroke for the Ipcedy raifing of fome Forces , and makes 
 him General of the Field. ^Vy/it hearing that the £arl of Pem- 
 broke was in Arras , betook himfelf to a flower niarch , left he 
 ^uld be forced againft thefe frclh Souldiers to oppofe his pant- 
 ing weary ones. So by Noon he approached the Suburbs , and 
 planting his Ordnance upon a Hill beyond St. '^Ames , left there 
 the greateft part of his fmall Army to guard them. He hiqafelf 
 with five Enfigns made towards Ludgate , and Cutbert Vaughm 
 with two other Enfigns toward we^mmsier y leaving St* ']Ames 
 on the left hand : wherein I believe his chief end was, that by; 
 ' "" ' Tt 2 tcrriF'^ing 
 
 M 5 4- 
 
 ; •.: 3c
 
 174 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 54- 
 
 Wjfat is t»kt». 
 
 the Lady Jane 
 Beheadtd. 
 
 terrifying that part of the City , and codlequen^y diftrafting the 
 Queens Forces , wyat might gain paflage with lefs difficulty. At 
 charing'Croji Sir "john Gage Lord Chamberlain , with part of the 
 Guard and fome other Souldicrs made head againft Wyat. But ai 
 length, either the Queen for fear of Vaughm fo commanding, or not 
 able to withftand the ftiock, with more than an orderly march he 
 made toward the Court , and filled it with terrour and amaze- 
 ment. The Earl of Pembroke followed iVyat , ftill cutting him 
 off behind; by which kind of fight i^^f , not turning head, loft 
 many of his Soldiers.The reft of the Rebels couragioufly marching 
 up F/eetfireet , with joyful Acclamations cryed out, ^("f/zMary, 
 Queen Mary , God fave Qaeen Mary , rvho hath granted tts mr fe- 
 titioHs , And Pardon. At length they came to Ludgate , and dcfired 
 enttance 5 biit by their feigried Acclamations they gained no- 
 thirig btit reproachfbl language. Whereupon they intend to 
 return the fame way , but are circumvented by the Earl of Pem^ 
 brakes Horfe.- Then cUrencienx perfwadcd him to yield, and 
 not beyond all his former madnefe , to furcharge himfelf with 
 the Blood of fo many valiant men. wyit's Souldiers fecmed de-' 
 ft>fef ately bent to make their way , but his Courage was quailed. 
 So he yielded to Sir Maurice Barkley , who mounting him behind 
 him , carried him prefently to the Court. Their Captain taken , 
 the Souldiers make no refiflrance -, fome few of them efcape by 
 fHght, but the greater part fill the Prifons of the City. Thele 
 were the acdclents of tire fixth of February, -. \ 
 
 Having thus ftippreft th^ Fadion , the pimifhment of the 
 Confpirators is next in execution. The firft that was refledted 
 oil ( as for whole fake this Rebellion had been fet on foot ) was 
 Lady 'j^ne'y who having been Condemned on the thirteenth of 
 November , had her Execution hitherto deferred , not without 
 hope of Pardon. But to take iway all farther caufe of Sedition s 
 het Death is flow abfolutely determined. Whereupon Feckntm 
 Deah of Piattr, afterward Abbot of tvefminfter , was lent unto litt] 
 to admomilt-hei^ to prepare for Deatn, land withal to perfwad^i 
 hei- to etitertain the Romijh Religion. This fad mefFage fo little: 
 rtiOved her, that she phfejf^d her felfbdmd t» this td acknovphdge 
 Xj\>i'i iffftnlh gdddnef : k^s for dif cuffing Tnatttrs <f CMtrcverjie ift 
 RdigioH , her fifhe vcoi fo fhort, that fl>e, mid not dijpenft vcith the 
 leafi lojfof it ; that little that tpM aSotted her , Jhe kntw fl)^ t^ighf 
 yittif^end in her trevotiotjs to Heaven-, ftcHxt^ conceiving tniSi 
 anfwer to proceed from a defire of longef date of Life- prevails 
 with the Queen for three days more », and returning to Lady Jane, 
 ■ certifies hfer what he had done 5 befeeching her to heatk^n unto 
 Tiitil , and to reform her Opinion in poittt of Religion. ' ■ To whom^ 
 fhe anfwered with a fmiling countenance 5 k^Im Sir-, it was not 
 my desire that her CMaje^y jbould be trcnbled rpith the r^prt tf my 
 words : For think not that I am touched with any defire <if prolonging 
 
 my
 
 Queen M a r y. 
 
 75 
 
 my days : No , I am fo far from it , that ever fiitee yonr detufinre 
 Life huth afficted me veith tts tediouf»ef; and as for Death , hein^ 
 wholly intent to the attaimng of Life Eternal , / utterly dcjftp* it ,• and 
 her CMajefites plcafnre being [uch , I willingly undergo it. Feck'nitHi 
 again reiterated his perfwafions , that flie would embrace the 
 Rehgion of the Church of Rome : To whom lier rephes were 
 fuch, that whofoever fiiall read the Conference between them, 
 ( for it was after pubHfhed) cannot without amazement wonder, 
 how fo lender an age, cfpecially the Sex confidered, fhould fee 
 capable of fuch Conftancy, Learning , Wifdom, Wit. Her Huf- 
 band Lord Guilford being firft to fuffcr , defired leave to (ee her , 
 convcrfe with her , and take his laft farewel : Whereto flie would 
 by no means confent , defiring him To omit this foment of Grief, 
 rather than Co?nftrt , in Death ; fdr they fhould /botfly behold eath 
 other more really united in d better place and more happy eft ate. Vet, 
 fhe iinappalled faw him condudled to TePoer-hill , and with the fame 
 fetled fpirit beheld his headlefs Trunk when it was returned to 
 be interred in theChappelof theTuwf^. The Death of this in- 
 nocent Lady , it was conceived , would not be without almoft 
 a general diftafte. But to decline it as much as might be , it was 
 thought good that fhe (liould not be publickly Beheaded - where- 
 fore there was a Scaffold eredled within the Torpor, whereon 
 about an hour or two after her Husband, on the twelfth of f'*?- 
 bruary (he fubmitted her heck to the Ax. When flie was eoii- 
 duded from the place of her imprilbnmenc to tho place ^f-het 
 fuffering, the Lieutenant of the Tower defired hei? to vouchitiffe 
 him Ibmething or other which might ferve as a MotiumeUt to him, 
 whereby to remember her 5 whereupon flie demanded Writihg- 
 Tables, and therein wrote three fliort Sentences in Greek, Latin, 
 ■('in which Languages flie was admirably skilled) and Eagiijb, 
 wherein flie fignificd her Innocence -, and although flie confeflfed 
 die had committed an Erfour, which delerved Death , yet Igno- 
 rance might among rriert without prejudice to the Laws fe^ 
 ciently excufe it. At laft fainting the People a$ flj^Avent, vvitt 
 a countenance fetled and void of fcar, and commending hef felf, 
 to their Prayers, fhe came to the -place of Execution , leading 
 f^ekftam by the Hand , whom flie kindly embraced, faying, Gdd 
 ■I hefeech hini abundantly rervard you for your Kittdnej^ thvMrd me , at- 
 though I mttfi needs fay it rcas more -nnrifelcome to me , than my inJltUtt . 
 'Dtath ii terrible. Then having to the Aflembly irt 'very modeft 
 language difcourfed of her Aftion, fhe faid, -1 
 
 I am Condhiined, not fof havingajpired to the Crmn , but bccakfe 
 I refufed it net beingoffered; and jJjall feriK for a memorable ExatH- 
 ple to Pofterity , that innocence' excufeth'mt great CM ifdeeds , if they 
 my veay tend to the deflrtiUion of theWeal pnbliek ; for he hath Ai?$m- 
 dantly plunged himfelf in III , whofoevtr even pofortc hath hecome 
 the Jnfirument of another's Ambition, 
 
 Having 
 
 t 5 54-
 
 ij6 
 
 Annab of England. 
 
 15 54- 
 
 Suffolk Be- 
 btadei. 
 
 Wyit ExtCU- 
 ted. 
 
 Having fpokcn thus much , and implored God's mercy, by the 
 help of her Gentlewoman fhe firil: difrobed her felf of her Gown , 
 then her Attire , and vailing her Eyes with Iier Handkerchief ^ 
 laid her Head on the Block , and exhorted the lingring Executio- 
 ner to the performance of his office , which he at length did , his 
 action drawing tears from the Eyes of the Spedators , yea event 
 of thofe , who from the very beginning were affeded to Queen 
 Manes Caufe. This was the end of Jane , a Lady renowned for 
 the greatnefs of her Birth , but far more for her Virtues and ex- 
 cellency of Wit , who fwayed by the Ambition of her Father-in- 
 Law and imperious Mother , took on her that Fatal Titfe of a 
 Queen ; and being prefently hurried from a Kingdom to a Scaf- 
 fold , fuffered for the faults of others , having overcome all the 
 frowns of adverfe Fortune by Conftancy and Innocence, 
 
 Much more juft was that Execution which within three days 
 after enfued. Twenty Gibbets as well for tcrrour of others as 
 forprefent punifliment, being ereded in divers parts of the City, 
 on the fourteenth and fifteenth of Febrttnry fifty of the Kenttjb 
 Rebels were hanged on them. On the eighteenth of. the fame 
 month , i^lexander Bret who drew thofe five hundred Londoners 
 into a Revolt from the Duke of Norfolk , was with a multitude 
 of others ( whereof many were of the Gentry ) fent into Kent , 
 there to undergo exemplary punifliment. On the twentieth of 
 February , four hundred of the fame Crew with Halters about 
 their Necks , were prefented before the Queen , all humble fiip- 
 pliants on their Knees , whom the Queen pardoned , and com- 
 manded their prefent liberty. 
 
 On the three and twentieth of February , Henry Gray Duke of 
 Suffolk Father to Lady Jane , having been Condemned on the 
 feventcenth of the fame month , was publickly Beheaded : A 
 man whofe facility to by-pradices had occafioned all the Troubles 
 wherewith this Reign had hitherto been diftradled -, whofe rafh 
 Ingratitude ( the Qyeen having once Pardoned him beyond ex- 
 pedation) diverted the current of the Queens clemency toward 
 his Daughter , and brought him to a deferved end. 
 
 The next turn was ivyat'$ , and that on the eleventh of jifril. 
 Who upon a kind of promife of Pardon , if he would deted the 
 reft of the Confpirators , fuborned ( as is conceived ) by fome 
 malevolent pcrfons , among the reft traduced young Courtney , as 
 that having been refufcd by Queen Mary, he afpired to marry the 
 Lady Elizabeth , to depofe the Queen , and fo to reign as it were 
 in the right of his Wife. This Accufation had procured their 
 Commitment, the hzdy Elizabeth's on the eighteenth oi March ^ 
 Courtney's on the twelfth of FebruAry. But tvyat finding himfelf 
 deluded , and being toucht with the horridnefs of fo treacherous 
 an Accufation , going to the place of his Execution , defircd tlie 
 favour of a few words with the Marquefs of Exceter^ which 
 
 was
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 which was granted him. Of the Marquefs he on his knees 
 craved pardon for that irreparable Injury which he had done him, 
 not out of Malice, but defircof Life. The Sheriffs of the City, 
 with many others were then prefent, and after teftified the cer- 
 tainty of this acknowledgement. But the Bilhop of mmhefter 
 Lord Chancellour ( who out of fear of change of Religion if 
 Queen Mary dying , Eltzaheth fhould come to the Crown, was 
 content to lay hold on any occafion to cut her off) affirmed in 
 the Stur-chamher , and thereto cited the teftimony of the Lord 
 chandois , that f^yat a little before his Death exhorted the Marquefs 
 to acknowledge his Crime , and to fubmit himfelf to the Queens 
 mercy. But what apparance of truth can there be in this, it 
 being certain , that f^af having afcended the fatal Scaffold , fee- 
 ing the Inftruments of Death before his Eyes , and having com- 
 poled himfelf for another World , did with fincere proteftations 
 and religious afTeverations acquit the Lady Elizabeth and the 
 Lord Courtney from being any the leaft Way conlcious to his pra- 
 dices i 
 
 On the fevea and twentieth of i^prtl. Lord Thomas Gray was 
 Beheaded for having by perfwafioos as it werethruft on his irre- 
 folute Brother the Duke of Sttffoik to partake with ffyat in his 
 Seditious attempts. 
 
 On the fixteenth oH May the Lady Elizabeth was removed fifom 
 the Toveer to Woodftock , and the Marquefs of Exceter to Fodermgaj, 
 the place only being altered , and nothing remitted of the ftrid- 
 nefs of their Imprifbnmenr, 
 
 About the fame time that Reverend Cranmer yet Archbifhop 
 of Canterbury , NichoUi Ridley lately deprived of the Bifhoprick of 
 London y znAHt*gh Latimer who fo long ago refigned his Bilhoprick 
 of worcejler , were removed from the Tower to ivindfer , and thence 
 to Oxford , there folemnly to Difpute with the Divines of both 
 Univerfities concerning the Eucharijf. Their ufage was extreme 
 almofl beyond belief. Two days only were allotted them for 
 their preparation • and thofe two days were they in flraight cu- 
 flody in (everal either Dungeons or j>laces little differing , debar 
 red both the conference of any but their Gaoler , and the u(e of 
 their own Papers and Books. In the Schools the behaviour to- 
 ward them was as barbarous as their ufage had been tyrannical : 
 Shouts and outcries were the chiefeft Arguments , many oppofing 
 one, without Order , without Manners, without Modeffy. On 
 the fourteenth of ^yfpril from the Prifon they were brought to 
 St. Maries , and commanded to Abjure -, upon their refufal , a day 
 is prefixed for publick'Difputc : Cranmer'% day was the fixteenth , 
 Ridley's the fevcnteenth , Lxtimer\ the eighteenth of ></r// , each 
 in their courle to anfwer all Opponents ^ which each of them 
 performed , and that (b , that notwithftanding they were amazed 
 with rude clamours , and diftrafted with variety of Opponents, 
 
 all 
 
 '77 
 
 I 5 J4- 
 
 Ani t$rd 
 Thomas Gray. 
 
 A Difputauen 
 at 0^fot(L
 
 78 
 
 Annals of hngland. 
 
 15 54' 
 
 Cranmer,Rid- 
 ley, and Lati- 
 mer Con- 
 dtmurd. 
 
 Aiinms to 
 the former 
 Nuptial Co/M- 
 fa&s. 
 
 Philip airti- 
 vetli I 
 land. 
 
 'jeth in fcng- 
 
 all ui'ging and craving anPv^^er at the fame time, although they 
 wereico&d at, reviled, and over-born with multitude, yet did 
 they force their AdverHiries to admire them. Cranmer did learnedly, 
 and according to the dignity wherein he fo many years flouriflied , 
 gravely 5 Ktdley acutely and readily- Latimer with a pleafant 
 tartneis , and more folidly than could bfe expeded of a man lb 
 near the age of fourfcore. The Difputation ended , they are again 
 on the tw entieth of Aprtl brought to St, Maries , and demanded 
 whether they would perfift in their Opinions ^ upon their reply, 
 that they would , they were declared Hereticks, and condemned 
 to the Fire. Their Conftancy was the more manifeft by their 
 contempt of Death. L.tfimer was Icarce capable of the joy he 
 conceived, that God was pleafed he fhould end his long life 
 (whereto Nature would fliortly fet a period) with fo Jiappy a; 
 claufe. As for their Martyrdom , it falls in with the next Year, 
 and thither we remit it. 
 
 Prefently after thofe forepafled Tumults , the Queen fends forth 
 Summons for a Parliament to begin the fecond of Jpril. In this 
 Parliament (he propofeth two things, her Marriage and Subjedion 
 to Rome in matters Ecclellaftical ^ this iaft ilie could not for a 
 while obtain , the othef was affented unto upon conditions , 
 That .tflMiirjjji; 
 
 Philip Jhould not advanced Any to any fubtick Office or Dignity in 
 England , but fmh as n>ere Natives of VEnghnd^ and the Queens 
 Subjects : He jhould admit of a ftt number lof EngUfli in Im HoHJIjold, 
 whom he jhould ufe rej^eciively , and not fujfer them to be injured by 
 Foreiners : He jhould not trnnf^ort the Qjieen out o/ England but At 
 her intreaty , nor any of the ijftte begotten by her , who fljould have their 
 Mducation in the Realm , and jhould not be ptffered but upon ncceffity 
 or feme good reafons , to go cut of the Realm , nor then neither but vpjth 
 the confent of the Englilh : The Queen deceaftng without children , 
 Philip Jhould not make any claim to the Kingdom , but jhould Icdve it 
 freely to htm , to whom of right it JJjould belong : lie fijould not change 
 Any thing in the Laws either fubliek or private , the I/nmumties and 
 Cufloms of the Realm , but jho;tld be bound to confirm and keep them : 
 He jhould not tranfport any Jewels , or any part of the tt'ardrobe , nor 
 alienate any of the Revenues of the Crown : He fljould prejerve.our 
 shipping , Ordnance , and Munition , and keep the dijlles , Forts , and 
 Block-houjes in good repair , and well manned: Lajlly , that this Match 
 jhould not any way derogate from the League lately concluded between 
 the Queen and the King of France , but that the Peace between the 
 Englilh and the ^xtnch jjjonld remai-n firm and inviolate : Only it^ 
 Jhould be lawful for Philip out of other Kingdoms and Dominions be- 
 longing to his Father tlte Emperour , to fend Aids unto hirn , either for 
 propelling Injuries , tr taking revenge for any Alreadr received.- 
 ■ All-things being thus tranfafted, and no ifiirt her impediment 
 interpofing between thefe Princes 5 Philip letting fail from the 
 
 Groin
 
 Q> 
 
 men 
 
 M 
 
 A R Y. 
 
 GrotK on the fixteenth of july, with a good Southern gale within 
 three days arrived at Southampton witli a Fleet of one hundred 
 and fixty Sail , whereof twenty were Englijh , and other twenty 
 Flemings. Having refted himfelf there the fpace of three days 
 attended by a great company of the £»g///Z» and J/'4«///?» Nobility, i 
 on the four and twentieth of July being a very wet day he came to 
 the Queen at mmhejier. The Feaft-day of St. ']ames ( the Tute- 
 lary Saint of Spain) was deftined for the Nuptials ^ which werfe 
 Celebrated at ivinchefter with great pomp. There Don Juan Fi-. 
 gueroa for the Emperour reilgned the Kingdoms of Naples and 
 and Sicily, and conferred all his right thereto on /'/'////' ; and the 
 Heralds proclaimed their Titles in Latm , French , and Englijb^ 
 About the beginning of Augufi thefe two Princes came to Dafmg^ 
 and thence to mndfcr , where the King was inftalied Knight of 
 the Garter. On the eleventh of f^uguH they came to London, 
 where the Citizens received them with moft: magnificent Sor 
 lemnity. .;• ■ /^ ' • : 
 
 On the eleventh of November another Parliament began at 
 jvefiminjier ; about the beginning whereof Cardinal Pool (who 
 by King Henry had been proclaimed Enemy to the : Eftate , was 
 created Cardmal by Paul the Third , had himfelf been Pope if 
 he had but confented in time, a:nd in the opinion of many was 
 thought a fit Husband for the Queen ) arrived in England. Having 
 been put befide the Papacy by others default more than his own, 
 craving leave of the new Pope Jttliui , he withdrew himielf tQ 
 a Monaffery in the Territory of Verona, called ^JM agftzano , the 
 Religious whereof were Benediciine Monks , of which Order he' 
 himielf .while he continued at Rome had been Patron. Having 
 decreed there to hide himfelf and fpend the remainder of bis daysj 
 the fame of King Edvcard's Death "and Queen U^Aries advancer 
 snent to the Crowa, drew him again out of tfepjGloifter; to 
 Rome. He was not ignorant how Mary Hood aflfeftcd ta the See 
 of Rome , and therefore hoped ( not without goodrcaule ) thab 
 J/tlttts , who much favoured hi^m, having by his delays attained 
 the Papacy, would fend him into his Countrey with the..hof 
 notable Title and Authority of a Legate. And now he feigned 
 to himfelf a double hope of a Kingdom , if not Secular , at leafli 
 Ecclefiaftical , by virtue of his authority Legatine and the dignity! 
 of Archbifhop of Cueter'hry. Queen OiUry had her Educaidon 
 for fome years under Margaret Countefs of Saiisl^Hry the Mother 
 of Pool ( who ^^'as then a: Chi Id ) and that by Qn^n Cathar/ne'i 
 nneans , who intended ( as, it was thought) to rtiarry her Daught 
 ter the Lady ^tary to one of the CountclTcs- Sons., thereby.SQ 
 ftrengthen her Daughters claim to the Crown , if it fliould hapfj 
 pen that Hemy lliould deceale without other lawful Ilfue.,: the 
 Countefs being Daughter to George Duke of clarence , who 'was 
 Brother to Edw/trd the Fourtli. The -Cardinal , ' whether for this 
 
 Vu 
 
 or 
 
 '79 
 
 *5 54- 
 
 Jnd ir mar- 
 ried to I he 
 ^een. 
 
 Cardinal Tool 
 comet into 
 Ent;Und.
 
 [8o 
 
 Amah of England. 
 
 15 54- 
 
 or fotnc other reafons , knowing himfelf to be in dear eftcem 
 with the Queen , was confident if not of the Crown by Marriage, 
 yet at Ic^ft of all advantages of her Favour. Neither was he 
 therein deceived 5 for Mary having obtained the Crown , carneftiy 
 iued unto him to reftorc himfelf to his Countrey • and the 
 Pope , not ignorant how much he would advantage the Apofto- 
 lick See , at the Queens requeft difpatched him with moft ample 
 Authority. But the Emperour having a Projeft on foot for his 
 Son, was fomewhat jealous of the Cardinal; and therefore be- 
 gan ferioufly to treat with Cardinal Dundino the Pope's Legate 
 with him, for the conclufioo of a Peace between him and the 
 Trench , that fo he might give a ftop to Pool, whofe coming into 
 England, the Emperour's affairs being not yetfetled, might per- 
 adventure make all fly afunder. Dandino to gratifie Charles, by 
 Franeifee Cemmendono fends Letters to Pool, advifing him not to 
 fet forth as yet , forafmuch as this Legacy undertaken without 
 the Emperour's confent , was difpleafing • and the Englifh Nation 
 for the moft part , cfpecially the Londoners , did fo hate the name 
 of the Pope of Rome , that his Legacy would be held in contempt 
 among them : A Legate therefore was not to be employed unto 
 them , until perfwafions had brought them to a better temper. 
 Peel having received thefe Letters in his Cloifter, thought it fit- 
 ting to expc(5k his Holincfs pleafure. The Pope not brooking 
 the increafe of the Emperour's greatnefs by the addition of fuch 
 Eftates, and fretting that Dandine had prefumed to ftay the Car- 
 dinal , recalled Dandwo , and conferred on Pool alone the Legacy 
 both into England for the one affair , and to the Emperour and 
 the French for the Treaty of a Peace. He willingly undertaking 
 it, prefently fct forward from Trent, certifying the Emperour 
 and the French of his large Commiflion. The Emperour per- 
 ceiving that ^jhcfc devices would be no longer availeable , fent 
 l>tn Juan de Mendeza unto him with Letters , wherein he plainly 
 difcovercd his fear, that the Cardinal's premature arrival in 
 England might prove an obftacle to his proceedings there , which 
 were great and hopeful : Wherefore it was his defire, that he 
 fliould either there attend his pleafure , or if he would needs go 
 further he might come to Uege , and there, expeft the event of 
 his defigns. The Cardinal upon receipt of thefe Letters returns 
 to DtHing , (not far from Trent ) certifies his Holinefs of the whole 
 carriage of the Bufincfs , and fends expoftulatory Letters to the 
 Emperour , fliewing therein what an indignity it was to Apo- 
 ftdick Sec , that his Holinefs Legat fent upon a Treaty of Peace, 
 and to reduce a Kingdom to the obedience of the Church , (hould 
 fo difgracefuUy , with contempt to his Holinefs , and that by 
 the Emperour's command , be detained in the midft of Germany 
 in the fight of the Enemies of the Church. That great Divine 
 l>omin^» Soto Ordinary Preacher to the Emperour was then at 
 
 DtHing.
 
 0} 
 
 ueen 
 
 M 
 
 --4^ 
 
 A R 
 
 Y.: 
 
 Dillt/tg, By him he perfwades tlie Emperour iiot to hinder this 
 
 Lcgatioa- 
 
 being 
 
 it would ib much hazard the cftate of the 
 
 Church, but cipecially of the Kingdom of Englaad. At length 
 with much ado , and that not until the Emperour had intelli- 
 gencerj that the Articles concerning his Son's Marriage were 
 agreed on, he obtained leave to come to Brttffels , but on this 
 condition, that he ihould there rcfide until the. Emperour were 
 aflured , that the Marriage between Phtlip and Mary were So- 
 lemnized. So to Bruffels he came, \Vhere having faluted the 
 Emperour, who received him very courteoufly,, and that time 
 might not pals un profitably, with him he begins to put in exe- 
 cution one part of his Legation, which Was , to draw tne Emperor 
 and tht King of France to fome indifferent terms of Peace. The 
 Emperour profefling , that he would not reject Peace upon any 
 reafonable conditions , the Cardinal goes into Ftince , to treat 
 with Henry concerning the fame thing : Who made as fair fhews 
 as did the Emperour -, but their minds exulcerated with inveterate 
 hate , made all his pains fruitlefs. Henry at his departure em- 
 bracing him , fignificd the forrow he had conceived , that he had 
 not fooner occafion to be acquainted with his worth : For had he 
 truly know him , his endeavours fhould have been totally for his 
 advancement to the Papacy. 
 
 A little after his return to Brnjfels , came the Lords Paget and 
 Hajlings Ambafladors to the Emperour from their Majefties of 
 Englandy who iignified their joint-longing to fee the Cardinal, 
 and-therefore dcfircd-he might be forthwith difoiiired , that by 
 virtue" of his Authority he might redifie the Church oiEnglattd, 
 wonderfully out of tune by realbn of the Schifm wherewith it 
 had. been aiilided. So in i^ef ember he had leavcto go for Eng- 
 Idn^, but was. by contrary winds detained at C^.i^ until Novem^ 
 ber\ in which month he at length arrived at BsV"?^,, .Hisenterr 
 tairiment was mofi: honourable , the Kings and Nobles alike 
 ftriving to manifeft their joy. And becaule being in tha ygar 
 1539 by Parliament declared Enemy to the Eftate ,""and by the 
 fame Law condemned to die •, the Eft ates tlien alTcmbled in Par* 
 hament repealecl'that A<51, and reftored him to his Blood., the 
 Kings themfelves^oming to th& Houfe extraordinarily for, the 
 confirmation of the Ad before his arrival zt Union. A little 
 c^fter his coming , both Houfcs were fent for to the Court , 
 where the Biihop o{ ivinchcfier Lord Chancellour having in the 
 prefence of the Kings and the affembly fpoken .fometliiog con- 
 cerning the Cardinal's grateful arrival, the, Cardinal himfelf 
 began a long Oration in E»glifb , wherein ke acknmUdged how 
 \ much he w,ts bound to the Kings and the Ejlates of the Realna^J^jtyvhpje 
 •favour thofe Larvs for his Exile and Profcription were rcfealed;, 4mi he 
 I once more mddc a N.ttiz'e of the Land : He vtM bound by thl ^JfU 0^ 
 Gratitude to endeavour the requital of thU Benefit , vihereto an fccafhn 
 
 yui hapfuly 
 
 181 
 
 5 5 4> 
 
 Cardinal 
 Pool'j Orittion 
 to iht ParUd' 
 mint.
 
 [82 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 I 554- 
 
 7}e Rfatm 
 freti fromlU' 
 urdiSioH. 
 
 hitmly offered zt felf :. The late Scbifm had fefarated them f rem the 
 U/tion of the Church , And, made them exiles from HgA'ven ; by the 
 Authority conferred on him by the Pope St. PeterV Sufceffor, Chrift'j 
 yicar , he rrould brtng them h*ck tnto the Fold of the Church , the fole 
 meafis of attainiKg their celejVid Heritage, wherefore he exhorted 
 them ingenuoujly to acknovcledge the Errours of thefe Uter years , and 
 to detefi them , with fimere dacrtty of mind to accept of, and. retain 
 thif Benefit , which God by his Ficar's Legate did proffer them. For 
 now nothing elfe remained ,^ but that he being prefent with thefe Keys 
 which fbould open the Gates ofithe Church , they fljould alfo abrogate 
 thofe Laves , vohich. lately Enacted to ^he prejudice of the Church ,, bad 
 rended them' from. the rcfi of its Body. 
 
 ..Having fpoken a great deal to this purpofe, and ranfackcd 
 Antiquity for examples of our Forefathers devotion to theSee of 
 Rome; his grave delivery, excellent language, and methodical 
 contexture of his fpeech wrought lb effedually in the minds of 
 thofe who wereaddifted to Popery , that they thought not them- 
 felves until this day capable of Salvation, But many of the 
 lower Houfe , who deemed it a rare felicity to have fliaken oiF 
 the yoak of Kome , eagerly withftood the readmittance of it. But; 
 by the endeavours of the King: and Queen all things were at laft 
 compofed to the Cardinal's liking. The Authority which the 
 Popes heretofore ufurped. in this Realm is reftored , the Title of 
 Supreme Head of the church is abrogated , and a Petition drawn 
 by the whole Court of Parliament , for the Abfolution of the 
 People and Clergy of England from Schifm and HereGe is by 
 the Bifliop of jvincheffer prefented to the Legate, who ( they all 
 kneeling ) by the Authority committed unto him abfblved them. 
 This being done , they went to the Chappel in Proceffion finging 
 Te Deum , and the next Sunday the Bifliop of mnchester in his 
 Sermon at Pauls Crofs made a large relation of what had 
 paiFed. 
 
 Thefe things being thus fetled , the Queen intends an honorable 
 Embaffy to Rome , whereof (he had at her firft coming to the 
 Crown made promife. For having refolved to replant the Re- 
 ligion oi Rome , Ihe had privily written to Pool , requiring his 
 advice therein. The Pope was therefore pleafed to fend into 
 England Giovanni Francifco Commendono his Chamberlain ( after- 
 ward Cardinal ) for the more perfefl notice of the eftate of the 
 Realm, To him the Queen after much private conference did 
 under her Hand promife Obedience to the See of Rom^ , defiring 
 withal, that the Kingdom might be abfolved from the loterdid , 
 for the obtaining whereof flie would by a Iblcmn Embaffy petition 
 his Holinefs as Toon as the Eftate was fetled. So now about the 
 end of this year the Biftiop of Ely , Sir K^nthony Brown , and Ed- 
 ward Came Dodor of Law , are by the Kings fent to proffer their 
 Obedience to the See of Rome. But thefe cofts and pains were 
 j ■. . fruitlefs.
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 183 
 
 fruitlefs. For before they came to Rome the Pope was dead. In 
 the mean time the Qiieen coulidering all her adions hitherto 
 to have paffed with full applauie , began to treat with the Nobi- 
 lity , to condelcend , that if not the Royal , at leaft the Matrimo- 
 nial Crown of our Queens might be impofed on Philip. But it 
 being a matter without precedent , and that might perchance 
 to an ambitious Prince give fome colour for claim to the King- 
 dom , they proved averie, and flie content to furceafe. . ,.,, 
 
 The next care was of reftitution of Church-Lands. V>\ix. Henry 
 had fo divided them , and that among the Nobility , that no- 
 thing could be done tirerein. Only it was decreed , that the 
 Firfl-Fruits and Tenths granted to the King by the Clergy 
 o/««ff 15343 Hiould be remitted- which Decree upon confide- 
 ration of the Treafuries poverty, and of the many .Penfion^ 
 granted by Hefiry to the ejedted Religious Perlbns , was quickly 
 revoked. • 
 
 About the fame time an ablbrd ( I might fay ridiculous ) ac- 
 cident happened by the Queens own credulity and the flattery 
 of fawning Courtiers. By reafon of a Difeafe , which Phyfi- 
 cians term a <J^iole , her Belly began to fwell ^ and fome other 
 reafons giving her caufe to conjecture that flie was with Child , 
 flie not entertaining the advice of any Phyficians , but of Mid* 
 wives and old Womert , believing what fhe defired iliould be, 
 affirmed that iTie felt the ftirring of the £»?^yp in her womb. To 
 thole that are affeded with this malady , that fleihy and inform 
 fubftance which is termed Mala , doth feem fometimes to move, 
 but that flowly , and with the general motion of the whole Belly. 
 By this and other iymptoms Phyficians would quickly have dif- 
 covered her Dileafe , which unlefs very maturely prevented , is 
 commonly incurable : So that in procefs of time her Liver being 
 over-cooled , Ihe fell into a Dropfie , which as Fuchfitts and other 
 Phyficians write , doth ufually happen. But thefe flattering 
 hopes betrayed her to the laughter of the World , and to her 
 Grave. For on the feven and t\\'entieth of November the Lords 
 of the Council fent fome Mandates to the Bilhop of LondcR , to 
 difperfe certain forms of Prayers, wherein after Thanks given 
 to God for his Mercies to this Kingdom , by giving hopes of an 
 Heir to the Crown , and infufing life into the Emhyo , they fhould 
 pray for the prefervation of the Queen and the Infant , and her 
 happy delivery, and caufe TV Deum to be fung every where. 
 Then by Parliament many things were Enaded concerning the' 
 Education of the Babe ; and much clutter was otherwile kept 
 about preparations for the Child's Swadling-clouts , Cradle, and 
 t'other things requifite at the Delivery- until in Jtwe in the cn- 
 fuing year it was manifeflred , that all was little better than a 
 Dream. 
 
 This year were many Baron* created. On the eleventh of 
 
 Aisrch , 
 
 15 54- 
 
 the ^eeu 
 thought to bt 
 with Child.
 
 184 
 
 1 5 54. 
 
 ttrds criMtei- 
 
 1555. 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 Lady Elizai 
 beth aad tie 
 Marqutjs of 
 Excetcrjit at 
 lileriy. 
 
 March y William Ho-cvxrA was created Lord Hovc&riii£ Effingham:, he 
 was Father to chirks Lord Admiral and late Earl of Nottingham ; 
 on the fifth of c^r;7, John wiHiams Lord wilHums of Tame ; on 
 the feventh of o4^«/, Edward North Briton o( Chart/ege ; on the 
 eighth oi Jpril, John Bruges Lord chandoii i on the fourteenth of 
 May , Gerard FitZ'Gerdrd{o{ whom before) Earl' of Kildare ; and 
 on the fecond of Septemher, Anthony Brcvpn 'Viicounx.OlicKntague ' 
 And in September degeafed ThomtsDukQ oi_Nor{ " 
 
 MARI^ 
 
 2. 
 
 & 3 
 
 L^NNO DOM. 1555. i?£ (7. 
 
 ON the eighteenth of January the Lord Chancellour coming 
 to the Tovper with fix other Lords of the Council fet 
 many brave Prifoners at liberty, vtz.. the Archbifhop ofTork^ 
 Sir John Rogers , Sir James Croft , Sir Nicholas Throckmorton , Sir 
 Nicholas K^rnold , Sir George Harper , . Sir ff'ifliam Sentloxv , Sir 
 Garvin Carevc , Sir K^ndrtxv Dudley the Duke of Northitmher- 
 /4»<i's Brother , WiUiam Gihs , C»tlert Vaughan , Harington , Tre~ 
 mxine , and others. The Archbifliop having married a Wife, 
 was deprived , and Nicholas Heath fometimes Bilhop oiworcejler, 
 but deprived by King Edvoard, and (Hooper being ejeded and 
 condemned to the Fire ) lately reftored by Queen CMary , was 
 fubftituted in his place. Rogers, and Croft were afterward Pirivy 
 Counfellors to Queen Eliz'abeth ,- under whom they many years 
 flouriihed in great Authority. 7hrockmorto>t ( a fubtil man ) was 
 thought to have been the plotter of i^yat's Rebellion - his Head 
 was therefore efpecially aimed at. But being indifted , and ten 
 whole hours fpent in fifting him , he by fuch witty anfwers 
 voided the accufation of his Adverfary, that the Jurors found hjm 
 ^et gutlty ; for which they were afterward foundly fined, \. ' " 
 About the beginning di April , the Marquefs oi Exceter, and. 
 a little a:fter , the Lady Elizabeth were fet at liberty. Concerning 
 Lady Elizabeth, it was long. confulted what cqurle to take with 
 her, wherein the rcfolutions of the Papiils w^re bloodily bent 
 to make her away when any colourable occafion fhould prefcnt 
 it fclf. The Bifliop of winchefler upon any fpeech concerning the 
 punifhment of Hereticks, is reported to have faid , ire fir tp of the 
 leaves , or lop off the branches ; but unlef^ vee flrike at the Root that 
 'hope ofHerettcks, (meaning Lady Elizabeth) wrdo nothifig. But after 
 long fearch into her Adions, no fufficient matter of Accufation 
 being found , although there wanted not thofe who fought to 
 perfwade theQueen-, tliat her liberty would endanger the Queen •, 
 yet PhUip afpirijTgto the opinion of Clemency , by his interceffion 
 toward the end of \^ril flie had her liberty , but fo , that flie, 
 was bound to admit of into her Family Sir Thomas Pope a Privy 
 
 Counfellor,
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 ,85 
 
 Counfcllor , Cage , and fome others , who fliould always keep 
 watch over her Adions. 
 
 This fmall fparkic of CJemency was obfcured by a greater flame 
 of Cruelty, a multitude of godly men fuffering this year for their 
 Confciencc only. On the fourth of Febru/iry , 'John Rogers the 
 Protomartyr of thofe times was Burned at London. He was Ttn- 
 lUli's Companion , after whofe death fearing perfecution , he 
 would not return into hisCountrey , but went with hib Wife to 
 wirtenberg , where having attained to the German Tongue , he 
 undertook the Cure of a certain Church there, which he faith- 
 fully difcharged , until under King EirvarJ. he was recalled from 
 Exile, by Ridley Yi>\ihoi^ of London made a Prebend of Pauls , and 
 Ledurer there. Queen Mary having attained the Crown , the 
 Papifts endeavoured to affright him , and fo to have once more 
 forced him to a voluntary Exile , commanding him not fo much 
 as to peep into the ftrcets : and in this manner lived he a year, 
 until at laft refuHng to Hie , he was imprifoned , and condemned 
 to the Fire ♦, which cruel Death (notwithftanding that he was 
 to leave a Wife and ten Children ) he did moft conftantly un- 
 dergo. 
 
 The like end on the ninth o^ February mzde John Hooper Bishop 
 firft of Glocejler , and then of Worcefier too , holding both Sees in 
 Commendam , who took much pains about Boner's deprivation , 
 which thing now haftened him to a Stake. For as foon as Queen 
 Mary was enthroned , he was fent for to London , committed to 
 the Tovper, and condemned for an Herctick. Henry reigning , he 
 he fpent part of his life in Germany , where he took to Wife a 
 BttrguigaoH , and among other devout Learned men , had intimate 
 familiarity with Henry BitHinger, by whom for his Learning, godly 
 and fweet converfation he was held in dear efteem. After his 
 condemnation he was fent to Glocejier , there to fufFer , where he 
 was thought moft to have finned in ibwing feeds of Errour ; He 
 himfelf not a little rcjoycing that he (hould by the teftimony of 
 his Blood confirm that Dodrine before their Eyes , into whofe 
 Ears he had fo often inculcated it. 
 
 The fame courfe was taken with Ferrar Bilhop of St. Davids, 
 who was brought down from Londtn to his own Diocefs , there 
 to be judged by the new Bifhop Morgan , by whom he was con- 
 demned , and Burned at C4tfr»T4r^f» the third of ^rfrc^. He was 
 a man rigid and of a rough behaviour, which procured him 
 much trouble under King Edward , and now I believe proved his 
 bane. For having been by the Duke of Somerset advanced 06 
 that Dignity , after his death this good and learned man by his 
 fowr behaviour drawing near to arrogance ( which with that 
 Nation is a great indignity ) raifcd againft himfelf many accU' 
 fers , two whereof under C^ieen £//;;fl^^became Bifliops , who 
 after the death of the Duke of Somerfet Jnily prevailed with the 
 
 advcrfe 
 
 155 
 
 John Rogers 
 Burned , 
 
 and Bijhtp 
 Hooper I 
 
 Siji 
 
 Ferrar
 
 i86 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 55' 
 
 mauj others -, 
 
 ani Bijhop 
 Ridley , and 
 Latimer. 
 
 the death cf 
 Pope ]uhns the 
 Third. 
 
 Paul the 
 fourth fuc- 
 ceedith. 
 
 Gardiner fuelh 
 to be CArdiual, 
 
 adverfe Fadion for his Imprifonmenc. Being found in Prilbn 
 when Mary came to the Crown, and broughc before the Bifliop 
 oi jvinchefter , he might (I believe) by pleafing anfwers and a 
 Httle yielding to the ieafon , have honeftly efcaped their bloody 
 Hands, as did many others, who having not waded too far in Lady 
 pane's caufe , nor otherwile given any grand affront to any of the 
 Popifli Prelates , by this means without impediment going into 
 voluntary exile , or being taken , had their liberty eafily procured 
 at the interceffion of Friends. But Ferrar according to his innate 
 tartnefs , anfwering freely ( I will not fay waiw ardly ) to his 
 interrogatories , did fo enrage the Bilhop of mmhefier , that I do 
 not much wonder at the hard proceedings againft him. 
 - Befide thefe , RoU/td Taylor Dodor of Divinity fulfered at H.tdley 
 the ninth of February , Laureme Sanders an Excellent Preacher, 
 on the eighth at Coventry , "^ohn Cardmaker Chancellour of the 
 Church of wcUs on the laft oi May zt London , where alfo on the 
 firft of July that godly and learned man John Br adfprd.uadexw eat 
 the tortures of his Martyrdom. , ■ / ' i • , 
 
 But not to go to. a particular enumdration of aU'that fulfered 
 for their Faith, the number of them was almoft incredible, the 
 greater part whereof were Executed out of Boner's butchery. 
 But among others we cannot omit thofe Worthies Rid/ey and 
 Latimer, who having been condemned the year before , were 
 now on the fixteenth of October conduced to Execution , and at 
 Oxford in the afpedi of the Academicks were in the Town-ditch 
 near Baliol CoUedge tied to a ftake and Burned. Cranmer is re- 
 ported from the higher part of his Prifon to have beheld this 
 doleful fpedacle , and with: bended Knees and elevated Hands to 
 have prayed for their conftancy of Hope and Faith , as alfo for 
 hinxfelf who was fliortly he knew to tread their path. But his 
 Execution was for a time deferred by the Biihop of ivincheHer'^ 
 means ^ and that not out of pity , but ambition , and regard of 
 his own profit. V ■ • 
 
 ♦ On the four and twentieth of CMarch died Julim the Third \ 
 after whofe death the Conclave eledted Marcello Cervino , ■a. mail 
 of excellent learning , wifdom , and fandtity of life , and under 
 whom there was great hope of the Reformation of that Church i 
 Whofe that memorable faying v\ as ,. That he did not fee hrv tt was 
 fojfible for a Pope to be fdved ; who having fate two and twenty* 
 days only , died , and left the Chair to Cardinal Caraf^a ,■_ of whole 
 contention with Pool we have fpoken already , who fucce'eded 
 him by the name oi Paul the Fourth. Gardiner being not igno-' 
 rant of this contention , and the differences between them , deals; 
 underhand with this new Pope to Iionour him with a Cardioal's 
 Hat , and to transfer on him the authority Legatine by Julius coh^ 
 ferred on Pool. The Iltte in regard of his hatred to Pool , cifily 
 condefcended thereto , ^termining alio to cite liim to Rome, there 
 
 to
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 187 
 
 to force him to acquit himlelF of Herefic , and to fuffer as did 
 Gardinal Moro»o Pool's great Friend , whom this Pope detained 
 in Prilbn as long as himfelf lived. "Hereby,6'4r^;»^r well hoped 
 to attain to be Archbifliop of Canterbury, the Revenues of which 
 Bilhoprick Pool received as a Sequeftrator , and would no other- 
 wile as long as cranmer lived. This was the reafoa that Cran- 
 mer's Execution was deferred , to work means that Paol might 
 not be invefted in the Archbilhoprick , which he himfelf for 
 the fornricr reafons hoped to attain. But while Gardiner was 
 wholly intent to this projeft, Death had a projedon him, and 
 cut him off by the extremity of a Dropfie , which fwelling from 
 his Feet and Legs up to his Belly difpatched him on the twelfth 
 of Noi'er/iber , who was with great Solemnity interred in his 
 Cathedral at winchejier. 
 
 The Emperour Charles the Fifth having determined to refign 
 the Empire and his Kingdom , on the five and twentieth of Octo- 
 ber at Bruffcb, where all theEftatesef his Realms were affembled, 
 transferred all his Kingdoms and Dominions on his Son PhtUp, 
 whom he had formerly made King of Nx^les and Sialy , and be- 
 took himfelf to the reft of a private life. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1556. REG. MAKIM 5 d" 4, 
 PHILIPPI 2 ^ 3. 
 
 TO begin the year with its firft day, on the firft ofjamdry, 
 NichoLu Hedtb Archbilhop of Tork was made Lord Chan- 
 cellour. 
 
 In March , a Comet in the twentieth degree of Libra was feen 
 from the fifth to the feventeenth of the fame month. 
 
 On the thirteenth of March , a coumerkit Edrvard , whofetrue 
 name was fvt/liam Fetherjlom was Executed for a Traytor : He 
 being a Miller's Son , in ftature and lineaments of Body not 
 much unlike the deceafed King Edward , and his Age allb agree- 
 able, had been the laft year publickly whipped through London , 
 for affirming himfelf to be the King. But not fufficiently terri- 
 fied by the frnart of this punilliment , he again .betake? - him 
 to the -fame Impofture, privately affirms himlelf to be King Ed- 
 ward, and caufes Letters to be caft abroad , that King Edward 
 was alive , for which he was at length defervedly Hanged. 
 
 And now we are at length come to the narration of the me- 
 morable Martyrdbm of the Archbifliop Cranmer. Stephen Gardiner 
 Bilhop of irinchejier being dead , Cardinal Pool as yet the Pope's 
 Legate, appointed James Brooke Bifliop oi Glocejier for Cranmer's 
 Tryal , furafmuch as they judged it unlawful to punifh an Arch- 
 bifliop but by leave from his Holinefs. John story and Thomas Martin, 
 
 X X Dodiors 
 
 1555. 
 
 Gardiner 
 ditth. 
 
 Charles iht 
 Eniptr our 
 tejigns hu 
 CrowHf, ■ 
 
 15 $6. 
 
 The Archbijhof 
 of York l^rd 
 ChanctUour, 
 A Comit. 
 
 A (onnttrftit 
 Edward, 
 
 ArMiJhef 
 Cranmer 
 Zurnti.
 
 i88 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1556. 
 
 i Doctors of Law Comtniffioners tor the Queen , accompanied 
 the Bifhop to Oxford, that the Authority Royal might counte- 
 nance the Delegates f)roceeding. In St. Maries Church they had 
 high Seats purpoiely ereded for them, Brooke fitting under the 
 place , where the conlecrated Hoft did ufualiy hang in a Pix, 
 befide him fate CMdrttn and story , but a little lower , and Cran- 
 mer habited like a Dodor of Divinity, not like a Bifhop, was 
 brought before them. Being told that there were thole who 
 reprelented not only her Majefties perfon , but alfo of the moft 
 holy Father the Pope , he with due reverence faluted Story and 
 \JMarttn , but would not io ttiuch as vouchfafe to call; his Eyes 
 toward Brooke, and that not (as he afterward. confelTed ) out 
 of contempt of the- man , whom he formerly loved, but that 
 he might not feem to acknowledge the Pope's Authority , he 
 having by Oath to King He/try obliged himlelf to the contrary , 
 efpecially in Ertglani, where he could make no pretence of right. 
 Then each of them exhorted him to change his Opinion , and 
 return to the Union of the Church : But he not regarding their 
 admonition , they cite him to appear within fourfcore days be- 
 fore his Holinefs , which with her Majefties confent , he promi- 
 fed he would. But the Pope not expeding his coming , within 
 twenty days after by Letters to the King and Queen commanded 
 him to be Condemned , and committed to the Secular power. 
 After the intercourfe of a few days, new Authority is by the 
 
 • Pope granted to Boner Bilhop of London , and Thirlhy Bilhop of 
 
 \ Ely for Cr.tnmer's degradation from Orders both Presbyterial and 
 Archiepifcopal , and he then to be delivered over to the fecular 
 Magiftrate to fuffer for Herefie , which was accordingly perfor- 
 med on the fourteenth of February. Thole Saint-like men, Cranmer, 
 
 I Ridley , and Latimer, as long as they lived did by Letters exhort 
 each other to a generous Conftancy for the maintenance of the 
 truth of the Chriilian Faith. But the other two Champions 
 having made their way to Heaven , and left him alone not plied 
 with lijch firm Exhortations , out of dcfire of longer Life his 
 Conftancy began at length to be fliaken , and that by the fubtilty 
 and daily perfwafions of a spanifh Frier. So being feduced with 
 hope of pardon , he retrads what-ever he bad before written in 
 defence of his Religion , which Retradation was after printed 
 and publillied. But that little availed him. For whether that 
 Ftol would not be longer excluded from the pofTcflion of the Arch- 
 bifhoprick , or that ( which feems more probable ) the Queens 
 inveterate hate and defire of revenge for her Mothers Divorce, 
 which could not beothervvife fatiated than witht he Blood of this 
 grave gian , were the caufe : He being now confident of Life is 
 prelently rapt to the place of Execution , and there cruelly Burned, 
 where Ridley and Latimer had five months before been crowned 
 with Martyrdom. On the day appointed for his Execution, 
 
 a
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 189 
 
 a Sermon' by the appointment of the Cardinal was Preached by 
 Dr. Co/e. Thither was Cnnmer brought, and placed conveniently 
 near the Pulpit, where Cole exhorted him to a conltancy in that 
 Faith , which he was now content to acknowledge , and that even 
 unto Death, which was now by the appointment of the Magiftrate 
 to be inflicted on him this very day." God's wrathlbr the Death 
 of Fifjer a.id Colore could not otherwife be appeafed but by his 
 Blood. But before his Death , would he by a piibliek Confeifion 
 teftific his fincere Converfion to the Union of the Ghur^h , he 
 fliould do an aft moft acceptable to God and men. If with this 
 unexpefted news Cranmer were amazed , I do not at all wonder. 
 But he recollefting himfelf ftood up , and without any fign of 
 fear , made a quick Oration to the Aflembly, wherein having 
 premifed many things concerning moralitv and amendment of 
 life , he repeats the principal points of iais Dofflrine ,' L-icfly ex- 
 plains his Faith , affirmeth , That under the authority Papal the 
 KifJgdom of Antichrtjl rvas contained and ejlablrfhed , a:'?d UJlly demon- 
 Urates hove much he had offended God by the abnegation of the Truth : 
 He frofejfeth therefore , that he had rcfolved , that his right Hand , 
 rvherervith he had fo horribly jinned by Subfcribing to the Doctrine pro- 
 pofed by the enemies of Truth , fhould first feel the fmart of puntfh- 
 ment; when he would have proceeded to fpeak more, the mul- 
 titude of RpmamBs whofe expeftation he had fo finely deluded , 
 with clamours and feoffs interrupted him, and hurried him 
 away prefently to the place of Execution. There was then to 
 be feen a fad Speftacle , and fuch as would , I will not lay , have 
 extorted pity from his very Enemies , but have exprefled tears 
 from a Flint : The chief Prelate of the Realm lately flourifhing 
 by reafon of his power and favour of Princes , a man of moft 
 holy converfation , for his age, afpeifl, feature, learning, gravity 
 and rare gifts of mind defervcdly moft Reverend , clad out of 
 intent to expole him to mockery in an obfolete garment ( For fo 
 had the Papifts purpofely arraied him ) and bitterly taunted at to 
 be dragged to death , and that death by the horrid tortures of 
 Fire. Being now faftned to the Stake, as foon as ever the flame 
 began to afcend , lifting up his left H and to Heaven , he thruft 
 forth his right hand into the flame, and there with admirable 
 conftancy continued it until it was confumed , only once drawing 
 it in, and with it ftroaking his Beard. At length the raging 
 flame fpreading it felf , lifting up his Eyes toward Heaven , he 
 cried out, Lord receive my Spirit , and his Body abiding as im- 
 moveable as the Stake whereto he was faftened , he patiently endu- 
 red the Fires violence , until he at laft expired. His Body being 
 confumed to afhes , his Heart was found entire and untoucht. 
 Had any of the Romanics found the like in any one of their Fa- 
 Aion , it lliould have been recorded for a Miracle , and that 
 Miracle fufficed to have Sainted him. Give me leave, though 
 
 Xx 2 
 
 It 
 
 I 5 J <f.
 
 IL^O 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1556. it be contrary to the method of Hiftory , to infert a few Verfes 
 written by R't^pk sktnaer concerning this great man's Martyrdom : 
 
 Succuimit [mBtu Prafxl Cranmerus , trnqita 
 
 PoKtijicum ruble , frande dobque fertt. 
 Quod Verbi invito dcjscerat Enfe Papatum , 
 
 Qjtod docutt fur a qitxrere mente Deum ; 
 Quodque Antichrifti fubvertemt impia regn* , 
 
 Regno, pits AnglLs hett tolerata dm ; 
 Hinc pita (^ clemens crudeli uddicttHr igftf , * 
 
 Dintnr ^ innocui membra, cremendu virt. 
 Hue ubi j*m 'ventum ejl , Dextram project t in ignem , 
 
 Prfje^famque tenens talia d0a dedit: 
 Trimitm peccajii , prtmum dr [entire doUrem 
 
 Vebes, ah Chrijio dextra, tnimicA meo. 
 Immotamque tenet dttm deflagra'verat omnii j 
 
 In cineres totam dttm cecidiffe videt. 
 Cd-tera. cum perexnt flamma ( mirabile diBu ) 
 
 Cor mxnet ilUjum poji ubi flamma pent. 
 Ecce , invi£fa fdes cor invietabtle fervat , 
 
 Nee medtis flxmmis cor da per ire jinit. 
 
 Which Verfes may be thus rendred in EftgHjh: 
 
 Through Papifts rage and fraud good Cranmer dy d , 
 Becaufc he put their Dodlrinc to the Sword , 
 
 The two-edgd Sword of Scripture , and difcri'd 
 
 Chrift's Foe , inftru<fling England with the Word : 
 
 For this , meek man , he had a Martyr's hire , 
 
 His Soui was burnt with Zeal , his Corps with Fire. 
 
 But when he came unto the flake, he thruft 
 
 His right Hand in the flames: Thou firfl: (he faid ) 
 
 Bccaufe thou firft did'ft fin , here fuffer muft , 
 Thou firfl: thy Lord and Mafter haft betrai'd : 
 
 There held he it 5 his Eyes did fee it fall , 
 
 Soon afterward he fent thofe Eyes withal. 
 
 But lo , a wonder ! Heaven's facred Oracle 
 
 Had fure decreed , that fo admir'd a creature 
 Should not be put to death fans CM trade: 
 
 His Body burnt, his Heart in perfed feature 
 Was found unfing'd : See , fee, the Faith he cherilht 
 Once in that Heart , preferv'd it ftill unperifhr. 
 
 :i .'lit .. t-iih: Oj.l. 
 tfm yiar Bcfidc Cranmer , the cruelty of thofe times did the fame year 
 
 tighty four devour many ProfefTors of the fame Relision. Of both Sexes no 
 fewer than eighty four were this year martyred by Fire. Neither 
 
 did
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 -T^l 
 
 did their cruelty exercife it i'elf on the living only : The Bones 
 of L^tartin Bucef and Pxid phx^iin long fince dead , were digged 
 up, formally acculed of Herefie, and no man undertaking their 
 Caufe ( as who durft^) condemned, and publickly Burned in 
 the Market-place at Cambridge. And Peter Martyr's Wife, \\Jio 
 died at Oxford , was difinterred , and with barbarous and inhu- 
 mane cruelty buried in a Dunghil. To Bucer and Phagri^s Queen 
 ElizAbeth did afterward with great folemnity reftore their memory 
 and honour : And as for Peter c^f^r/'/r's Wife , ftie caufed her 
 Bones to be tranflated from that unclean place, to be reintcrred 
 in the Church, and commixed' with the ^dicks oi Fnde [void 
 (by Papifts reputed a Saint) that the like occafion of mockage 
 might not again be oflfered. 
 
 On the fame day , whereon emnmer thus ended his life , Car^ 
 dinal Pool was ordered Prieft at Greenwich , and the next day , 
 NAboth being dead , took poflTeffion of his Vineyard , being con- 
 fecrated Archbifhop of C4»/fr^«'')'. Three days after , being the 
 Feaft of the Annunciation , accompanied by many Nobles , Poo^ 
 with great folemnity received the Pall at Bow-chttrch. 
 
 About the fame time a notable Confpiracy was deteded , feme 
 having projeded to rob the Exchequer, at that time full of 
 S^a»ijh coin to the value of fifty thoufand Pounds, The names 
 of the Confpirators were W^^/, Throckmorton, Pecham , Daniel, 
 Stmtott , and ( befides others that fled for it ) white , who difco- 
 vered his fellows. The reft were all taken and fuffered as Traitors. 
 Sir Anthony KingBon as partaker in their intentions was alfo ap 
 prehended , but died before he could reach London. 
 
 In 'July , new Tumults begun to be (et on foot in Norfolk weife 
 maturely fupprefled, Clebcr and three Brothers called Lmcolne the 
 authors of it fuffering for their feditious attempt. 
 
 On the one and twentieth of A^ijz-'fw^^r, John Fecknam Dean of 
 Pauls was inftalled Abbot at vvefiminfier , w hich Henry the Eighth 
 had ere(5ted to an Archiepifcopal See. There being at that time 
 no Monks in England, fourteen were found who were content 
 with Fecknam to take the Religious habit of Benedictines. 
 
 x^NNO DOM. 155;. REG. 
 PHILIPPI ? 
 
 MARINE 4(^ 
 
 4- 
 
 
 
 NOw after four or five years we found the effetft of our 
 Northern Navigation fet on foot h^ Cabot a. About the begin- 
 ning of this year arrived \w England 0/<r^JV4/'(f4 Ambaffadorfrom 
 Baftlivpttz, Emperour of R»^a, for the ^Treaty of a perpetual League 
 between our Kings and his Prince. On the Scottrjh Coall he had 
 fuffered wrack , and befide Merchandize of infinite value, he loft 
 thofePrefents , which were from the Emperour deftinated to their 
 
 Majelfies. 
 
 tU6. 
 
 tht txhuma- 
 tion of 13uccr 
 and Pbsgms. 
 
 Cardinal Pool 
 coftfecrattd 
 Jrchtijhop of 
 Canterbury. 
 
 15 57- 
 
 .in KmiiJJjge 
 to Mufcovia.
 
 192 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 J7- 
 
 the Lord 
 Stourtorj 
 bunged. 
 
 Thomas Staf- 
 ford eniea- 
 vturitig an 
 JnfurreSiott , 
 if taken atid 
 Beheaded, 
 
 Majefties.: But the lols of Rtchard chmcelUr was beyond all thefc 
 ineftimabie, who being a moft expert Pilot, firft dilcovered the 
 paflTage into thofe Northern Regions , and now more Iblicitous 
 of the Ambaffador's fateguard than of his own , this man moft 
 wprthy of immortal Memory, was fwallowed up in the Seas in- 
 fatiate gulf. I think the Entertainment of any AmbafTador with 
 us was never more Royal. On the five and twentieth of CM ay , 
 Philip having about feven days before returned out of Flanders , he 
 was admitted into the prefence of the Kmgs , declared the pur- 
 port of his EmbafTy , and continued in London , until the third of 
 May ; and having then got a convenient feafon , laden with Gifts 
 he let fail for his Countrey. 
 
 On the fixthof i^^^rf^, Charles Lord S four ton for having in his 
 houfe cruelly murthered one Hargill and his Son , with whom- he 
 had long been at variance , was by a wholefom example to pofte- 
 rity Hanged at Sarulxtrj with four other of his Servants , who 
 were not only confcious , but a(5lors in the cruelty. After he had 
 beaten them down with Clubs , and cut their Throats , he buried 
 their Carcafes fifteen foot deep in the ground , hoping by fuch 
 fure work to ftop the voice of Blood crying for revenge ^ or if 
 peradventure it were difcovered , the regard of his zealous per- 
 iiftance in the Religion of Rome would ( he hoped ) procure the 
 Queens pardon. But Murther is a fin that God hath by many 
 memorable Examples, manifefted, that it fhall not remain unde- 
 leted : And the Queen although blindly mifled in matter of 
 Religion , was (b exaft a fautrix of Juftice , that fhe was utterly 
 averle from all mention of pardon. So this Nobleman had the 
 punifhment due to his offence , only in this preferred before other 
 Murtherers and Parricides , that he was not ftrangled with an 
 Halter of Hemp , but of Silk. 
 
 The feven and twentieth oi April , Thomas Stafford landing in 
 the Northern parts of the Realm , having raked together a i'mall 
 company of Exiles and fome Foreiners , furprized Searborough 
 Caftle then , as in time of Peace , utterly deftitute of provifion for 
 refiftance : Having thus feized on a place of defence , he makes 
 Proclamation , that Qu,een Mary having her felf no right to the 
 Crown had betraied it zo the Spaniard, exhorting the people with 
 him to take Arms for tlie recovery of their loft Liberty. But by 
 the diligence of Nicholts lyotton Dean of Canterbury then Ambafla- 
 dor for their Majefties with the French , all his dcfigns were re- 
 vealed to the Council before his arrival in England. So by the 
 induftry of the Earl of wejlmerland he was within fix days taken , 
 brought to London , and on the eight and twentieth of May Be- 
 headed , Strechley, Prosier, and Bradford the next day following him, 
 but in a more due puaifhment (being drawn, hanged and quartered) 
 whom they had followed in their treacherous attempts. 
 
 The Emperour Charles having bequeathed tlie inheritance of 
 
 his
 
 Queen M a r y. 
 
 195 
 
 his hate to Frame with his Crown, Msry could not long diftin- 
 guiHi her.Caufe from her Husbands. Wherefore on the leventh 
 of J/tfie , the Queen fet forth a Proclamation to this effccfl , that 
 liihtreas the King of France h.xA many ways injured, her by [tifipcrtwg 
 the Dxke of Northumberland and Wyat iff their Rebellions agatnfi 
 her • and, that hit Realm had been a. receptacle for Dudley and Afhton , 
 n4jo with the privity of his (^yfmbajfador had f» his houfe contrived 
 their treacherous dcfigns , and after their ejcape into France had been 
 relieved by Penflons from the King ; as alfo for having lately aided 
 Stafford vcith shipping, Men, Money , and Munition , thereby if it 
 were poffible to dij}>cjfeji her of the Crown : She gave her Sttbje^h to 
 underfland , that they fljould net entertain Trajfick with th it Nation , 
 whofe Prince flje accounted her Enemy , and againji whom upon farther 
 grievances Jhe determined to denounce JVar. 
 
 Although thefe things were true , yet had flie abftained from 
 denunciation of War, had not the five years Truce between Philip 
 and Henry by the Pope's inftigation been lately broken by the 
 French, and ib War arifmg between them, ihe would not make her 
 felf and lier Husband two. For the Pope having long fince ma- 
 ligned the Emperour ( knowing that he after the refignation of 
 his Eftates to his Son Philip had withdrawn himfelf into Spain ) 
 by the Cardinal of Lorain ftill folicited the French King to arms 
 againfl the Spaniard , promihng to inveft him in the Kingdom 
 of Naples. Henry upon thefe fair hopes undertakes it , and Mary 
 refolves to afTiff her Husband. 
 
 That Mary took arms in the behalf of her Husband , Pope Paul 
 was much difpleafed. And being he eould not be revenged on her 
 ( who indeed was the fole caule of our breach with France ) he 
 determined to pour out his wrath on Pool, whom he ever hated 5 
 but now he thought he had more caufe to manifeft it , becaufe 
 Pool knowing that this War was fet on foot by the Pope , had by 
 Letters and AmbafTadors fought to appeafe him , and that ( though 
 with moll humble reverence ) yet roundly and according to his 
 Confcience. Having abrogated Pool's Legation , he repeals him 
 to Rome, and for lupply of his place he creates one Francis Petorv 
 ( a Francifcan Frier ) Cardinal and Legate , and a little after de- 
 (igned him Bifhop of Sarisbury. The Queen having intelligence 
 of thefe proceedings , took efpecial care , that Pool might have no 
 notice of them , prohibiting not only this new Cardinal to enter 
 the Realm, but all others whom flie fufpcdled to bring any Man- 
 dates to that purpofc , and with exa<5l diligence caufing his Letters 
 to be intercepted , by her Orators at Rome certified his Holinefs 
 what a hazard the Catholick Religion not yet fully eftabliflicd 
 would incur , if he fliould endeavour the difgracc of fb great a 
 man_, whofe authority had been much availeable for the conver- 
 fion of the Nation. But while tj.ierc is this intercourfe between 
 the Pope and the Queen concerning this matter , Pool having ibmc 
 
 way 
 
 I J 57- 
 
 War againfi 
 France fr»- 
 claimii. 
 
 PooJV authi- 
 xity Ltgantiuc 
 (fbregMed , 
 
 \
 
 194 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 15 57- 
 
 ani rtfiortL 
 
 The French 
 cverthrowu at 
 St. QLiintin. 
 
 St Quimin 
 talifn. 
 
 A ncHurttal 
 RAinbtv). 
 
 -way or other had an inkling of it, abftained from having the 
 filver Crofs the Enfign of his Legation born before hifti, neither 
 would he afterward exercile his authority Legantine , until by the 
 intercelTion of Ormaneto the Pope's Datary in Engt-Xfid , he was 
 reftored to his dignity. i 
 
 By this time' the War was very hot on both fides, Philip be- 
 fieging St. Quinttn in Picardte with thirty five thouland Foot , and 
 twelve thoufand Horie, which number was after increafed by a 
 thoufand Horie, four thoufand Foot, and two thoufand Pioners 
 out of EngUnd; under the Command of the Earl of Pembroke. For 
 the managing of this War Philip fet fail out of England on the 
 feventh of July. On the tenth oiAugufl , the Frehch endeavouring 
 to put Succours into the Town are overthrown. The Spaniard 
 chargeth the Conftable U^lontmorency in his retreat , routs the 
 French , and kills two thouland five hundred : A Vicflory not fo 
 great in the execution , as in the death and captivity of many 
 brave men. The Conftable was wounded and taken Prifoner 
 with his Son, as alfo the Dukes of Montpenfier and LongneviOe , 
 LudovicoGonzaga Brother to the Duke of Manteta, the Marfhal of 
 St. Andrew , the Rhinegrave , Roche-du-Maine , the Count Rochfon- 
 cAult ; the Baron of Oirton , with many other men of mark. The 
 chief of them that were flain were John oi Bourbon Duke diAnguien, 
 the Vifcount of Turen , N. Tiercellia Son to Roche-du-Maine , the 
 Lords of chandenier, Pontdormy and many others , and in a manner 
 all the Foot-Captains. Philip loft only fifty men. 
 
 The eighth day after this Vic^tory an affault is given, and the 
 Town carried by force , wherein were taken the Admiral Colig?iy 
 with his Brother d'Andelot , (who fhortly after made an cfcape) 
 Jarnac , St. Remy, Humes , and many other perfons of quality- the 
 Son of tlie Lord of Fayette , Salevert , Ogier , Vieques , La Barre, 
 Ejhng and Gourdes were flain. Of the Englijh in this aflault few 
 of note were loft , befide Lord Henry Dudley youngeft Son to 
 the Duke oi NorthumberLind, and S'\t Edward tvindfore , who were 
 the firft that advanced Enfign on the Walls. 
 
 This year is alike memorable for the extreme dearth and con- 
 temptible cheapnefs of Corn. A little before Harveft Wheat was 
 fold at four Marks the Quarter • within the current of a month 
 it fell to the low rate of five Shillings. Wherein L rather ad- 
 mire the enfuing cheapnefs than the dsarth , having my felf in 
 the year 1597 paid double the former dear price. 
 
 But that which I Ihall now relate , I fiiould deem far more me- 
 morable, had I not in later times my lelf iecn the like. On the night 
 which cnfued the leventh day of September , almoft two hours after 
 Sun-let, the Moon having rifen an hour before, a Rainbow was 
 Iecn in the Weft. That I may relate the like accident though of 
 differing timq, the like apparition was fecn by me on th? four 
 and twentieth of November 1^04, when ( the Sun having two 
 
 hours
 
 Qi 
 
 men 
 
 M 
 
 A R Y. 
 
 hours before declined to its lovveft ) travelling towards Colehcok, 
 the form of a white Cloud Ihaped into a fragment of a Circle, and 
 juft oppofite to the Moon then newly rifen appeared , which did 
 every way rcfemble a true Rainbow, but that it was not diverllfied 
 with colours , and inftead of the Sun liad the Moon its oppofite. 
 
 <^ N N O DOM. 1558. REG. ultimo. 
 
 HE»ry fome way to repair his loffes at St. Otdntin, refolves an 
 Enterprize upon Calau , which Senarpmt Governour oi Bou- 
 loigne perfwaded him was not fo fortified according to report , 
 but that it might eafily be taken. The Marfhal stro^y having under 
 the favour of a difguife viewed the place , confirmed SenaKfont's 
 aflurance of taking it. Philip whether having intelligence of 
 Henrys defigns , or elfe prefaging fo much , had often admoniftied 
 the Queen to have an efpecial regard to that Town , voluntarily 
 offering his affiflance for the fecurity of it. But we over-wifely 
 jealous , left Philip had a praftice on it , it lying commodioufly for 
 his adjoyning Netherlands , negle(5ted both his advice and proffer. 
 But the reality of his advice was manifefted by the event. The 
 Duke of G/iife having by the King been declared Lidutenant Ge- 
 neral in all his Dominions , levying a great Army flies fuddenly 
 to the Siege of Calaif , before which he fate down on Nerv-years-day, 
 and intrenched at Sandgate. Then dividing his Army into two 
 parts , he at the fame time affaults Nervnambridge and the Riibaoh , 
 two Forts wherein the chief ftrength of that Town confifted , the 
 taking whereof would have cut off all pofHbility of relieving the 
 beficged either by Land or Sea. The Garrifons of each place 
 terrified with fo unexpedled a danger , he at his firfl arrival gaines 
 Neyfuambridge , and the next day the Riibmk. The French then 
 batter the Wall between the Water-gate and the Prilbn , not fo 
 much out of hope to gain entrance that way , as to divert us from 
 guarding that part of the Town , where they really intended to 
 give an AfTault. Having for a while battered that part , and we 
 little fufpefting an enterprize upon the CafHe , they fuddenly with 
 fifteen Peeces make a battery upon the Caftle , and continue i^ 
 with fuch fury , that the thunder of the Cannon was all that day 
 heard at Antwerp , which is diftant from thence more than one 
 hundred Englijh miles. Having by that time night drew on made 
 a fufficient breach , and yet in regard of the deep Dikes filled 
 with Water (wherein confifted the main hopes of the Defendants) 
 not able to come to an Affault , the Enemy with great toil and 
 labour by a cut from thence to the Sea draw the Dikes fo low, 
 that by that time the Tide was gone out , they march not above 
 Navil-high through the Dikes to the Wall ( which we little 
 feared could be done ) without refiftance: Finding the place void 
 
 Yy of 
 
 1557- 
 
 1558. 
 
 Calais le- 
 fiigtd by the 
 French.
 
 ig6 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1558. 
 
 Calais jitUid. 
 
 of Defendants , they eafily make themlelves mafl:ers of the Caflle, 
 and had as eafily taken the Town , if S'w Anthony Ager Marfhal of 
 the Town had not uith fome few others made head againft them, 
 and forced them to retreat to the Caftle , in which conflidt that 
 valiant Knight was flain. The Lord wentworth Governour of the 
 Town feeing little hopes of keeping the Town , craved parley, 
 which was granted • and at length yielded the Town upon thefe 
 Conditions : Th.it the cemmen Souldters and Inhabitants jhould depart 
 without traKjporting or carrying away any thing with them , and that 
 Lord Wcntworth with jifty others juch a< the Duke of Cu'ikjhould 
 appoint, jhould remain Captives to be put to ranfom. So was Caiais 
 loft, which had continued Engltfh above two hundred years: nei- 
 ther was the Siege long, the Enemy fitting down before it on 
 New-years-day , and having it yielded up on Twelf-day. 
 
 Seven days after , the Duke marcheth toward Cuifnes , which 
 Town he took without any difficulty , but the Caftle , which 
 the Lord Gray commanded , not fo eafily. But that and Hames 
 Caftle were at length taken alfo and difmantled 5 fo that of all 
 the Kingdom of France , the grea'teft part whereof was for a long 
 time held by our Kings, and whereof ^^r^r^ the Sixth had been 
 Crowned King 2X Paris , Anno 1451, nor in the Duchies of Nor- 
 mandy and Aqattain , the ancient Inheritance of the Kings of £»^- 
 /and, our Kings poffefs nothing, but the Ifles ofjerfey and Guernfey, 
 which have proved Loyal to us ever fince the Conqueft. While 
 the French proceeded thus in Picardy , the Queen certified thereof 
 with great diligence prepares her Fleet to tranfport Succours 
 for Calais ; but contrary winds kept them back fo long , until 
 Calais was irrecoverably loft. 
 
 You fhall not eafily read of any A<5kion , wherein God hath by 
 more manifcft figns declared , how difpleafing thofe Wars are to 
 him, which undertaken for Ambition or Profit do dilTolve the 
 publick Peace : Philip (to begin with him) againft whom Henry 
 and the Pope did raoft unjuftly confpire , enlarged himfelf with 
 a double Vi(flory , each whereof were great and memorable. 
 The Cardinal Caraffa and the Duke of Paliaae , who for their 
 own ends had periwaded the doating Pope to throw the Ball of 
 Difcord between thefe Princes , were after for this very thing Be- 
 headed by Pius the Fourth , who immediately fuccecded Paul. Paul 
 himfelf in the mean time, the French being overthrown at St. ^in- 
 tin was expofed to the mercy of the Spaniard, whom he had 
 irritated , the French being forced to withdraw his Army out of 
 Italy. The ralh violation of the League by c^iary, was pu- 
 nished with the lofs of Calais , and through grief thereof ( accord- 
 ing to common belief) of Life alfo. What happened to the 
 French , who by the Pope's inftigation firft brake the five years 
 Truce, we have already declared. And left it might be con- 
 ceived , that his lofles at and of St. Quintin were repaired by the 
 
 taking
 
 Qpteen Mary. 
 
 197 
 
 caking of CaUu , another Overthrow given him within few 
 months after , will take away much from the content of that 
 Vidory. 
 
 In June the Marftial De Termes ( who fucceeded Stro^y lately 
 flain) Governour of C.t/-«*^ , breaketh into Art hots and FU>;dersy 
 with an Army confifting of near about eleven thoufand men , 
 leaving Graveling and BurbHrg at his back , attempts Berghes , takes 
 it , facks it , and fo opens a way to Dunkirk , which he alio takes 
 and fpoils • and the Countrey all about ( for they feared not the 
 French there f and the Towns which the S/>4»/4r^ held throughout 
 thatTra(fl, were ill furnilhed) lying open to their mercy, they 
 ranhck it moft miferably , and march as far as Newport. 
 
 Philip was affrighted with this Tempeft , fearing efpecially , 
 left the Duke of Gmje then in Arms , (Tiould joyn with Termes : 
 But having intelligence that the Duke fpent his time about -r4r/(j» 
 and Firetcn , he reiolves to intercept the French in their return. 
 In this Entcrprize he employs Count £^«»<j»<i , ( his Lieutenant- 
 general m ihe NethcrUnds) u ho having fpeedilyout of the neigh- 
 bour Garrilon-) of BetHfte , St.Omer , Aires, Bf(r(;urg, and otbers, 
 aflembled an Army of fifteen thoufand , puts Kimfelf between 
 Dunkirk and Calais. Termes had hitherto expefted the Duke of 
 Giiife, but upun notice that the Countrey was up in Arms, he 
 fomewhat too late bethought himfelf of a retreat. He was now 
 every way enclofed , and palTage not to be gained but by dint 
 of Sword. The French therefore valiantly charge their Enemies , 
 and overthrow fome Squadrons of Horfe^ indeed defpair anima- 
 ted them to' do wonders, and the Flemings were (et on fire by the 
 defire of revenging late Injuries. The Spamjh Troops renew the 
 fight , which was with equal order long maintained on both 
 fides : In the heat whereof ten Eaglijb Men of War fortunately 
 failing by ( for De Termes had for his fecurity betaken him to the 
 ihoar , hoping that way with much lefs hazard to have gained 
 pafTage ) upon difcovery of the French Colours , let fly their Ord- 
 nance furiqufly among the French , making fuch a flaughter , that 
 they began to give ground , were at laft routed and over- 
 thrown. 
 
 The French in this Battel loft five thoufand. Their chief 
 Commanders wfere almoft all taken 5 the Marfhal himfelf was 
 hurt and taken, with £ Annebdt the Son of CUui the late Admiral, 
 the Earl of Chaune , Senxrpont , Villebon Governour of Ftcurdy , 
 CMorviuiers , and many others. Two hundred efcaped to our 
 Ships , whom they might have drowned*, but giving them 
 Quarter , they were brought Captives into England. This Bat- 
 tel was fought on the thirteenth of 7«/y. 
 
 The Queen defirous by forae aftion or other to wipe out the 
 ftain of the ignominious lofs of C^Uis ; about the fame time fet 
 forth a Fleet of one hundred and forty Sail ( whereof thirty were 
 
 Tj' 2 Flemings) 
 
 I5J8. 
 
 The Battel of 
 
 Gravehno. 
 
 The French 
 ovtrtbrtwn.
 
 198 
 
 Annah of England. 
 
 1558. 
 
 Conquet t»- 
 l^tn and burnei 
 
 tythi EngliQi. 
 
 Iht Daulphin 
 marriid to the 
 l^ten of 
 Scot-. 
 
 Flemings ) the main of the Expedition being from Brefi in Bre- 
 tatgne. ' But the Lord CltKtoti Lord High Admiral of EngUnd 1 
 finding no good to be done there , fctlail ^ovConquet , where he ' 
 landed , took the Town , facked it and let it on fire , together 
 with the Abbey and the adjacent Villages , and returned to his 
 Ships. But the Flemings fomcwhat more greedy after prey , dif- 
 orderly piercing farther into the Countroy, and regardlefs of 
 Martial difcipline , which commands obedience to their General , 
 being cncountned by the Lord of Kerfuncn , came fewer home by 
 five hundred. 
 
 Philip about the fame time lodging near Amiens with a great 
 Army , Henry with a far great>:r attended each motion of his, 
 They encamp at laft, Henry on the North of the River Somrae , 
 Philip on the South of the River Anthy , ib near to one another, 
 that it might be thought impofSble for two iuch fpirited Princes 
 commanding fo great Armies , to depart without a Battel. But 
 divers confiderations had tempered their heat. Philip being the 
 weaker of the two , faw no reafon why to engage himfelf. Henry 
 had an Army which had twice felt the other vi^ilorious , and 
 was therefore loath on them to adventure his already ihaken 
 eftate. Wherefore they fo entrenched themfelves , and fortified 
 their Camps with Artillery, as if they expeded a Siege from 
 each other. Some months thus pafTed without any other exploits 
 than Inroads and light Skirmilhes. At length they mutually 
 entertain a motion of Peace , both of them confidering , that 
 their Armies confifting of Stringers, the fruits of the Vidory 
 would be to the Aliens only, but the calamity and -burthen of 
 the Defeat would light oa the fhoulders of the Vanquiflied , or 
 ( which comes all to one pais ) of the Subje(fl:s. Thele motives 
 drew together for a Treaty on Henrys fide , the Conliable , the 
 Marflial of St. <^ndrew , the Cardinal of \Loram ,, Kj^-LorvUlters 
 Bilhop oi Orleans , and Aube{fine Secretary of Eltate: For Philip, 
 the Duke of <^Jfh.i , the Prince of Orange , Pjtyz Gomes de Siha, 
 GrmveU. Bifhop of ArrM and others. Much altercation was had 
 about the reftoring of Ci/4/j,_ which ih& French w ere Vefolved to 
 hold , ^.nd Philip would have no Peace unlefs it w^ere refl:ore4 to 
 A/^r7,whominpointof Honour he could, not foforfake. . But this 
 difference was ended by the death of Mury , a little before whom 
 on the one and twentietli of Septetnher died alio the Empcrour 
 chxrUs the Fifth., which occafioned both the change of place 
 and time for another Treaty. 
 
 And if the continual connexion of other memorable Affairs 
 had not tranfpotted me, I ilK«-ild ere this have mentioned the 
 Marriage celebrated at P^rts with great pomp on the eight and 
 twentieth of (-^/>jr//, between the Daulphin ErAnus and <JMa,ry 
 Queen of Sc9P,s. But the fruits thereof were not lading ; For two 
 years after died Fmncis^xhs. Crown by the death of his Father H^nry 
 
 having
 
 Queen Mary. 
 
 199 
 
 having been firll devolved to him ) and leh: his Bed to a more 
 aufpicious Husband , Hcnrj' tlie eldcft Son to the Earl of Le»cx. 
 Of thele Parents was born our late Sovereign of ever facred me- 
 mory, who was Nephew by his Mother to James tlie Fifth, by 
 Margdret the eldeft Daughter Nephew to that wile King Henry 
 the Seventh, who, the Ilfue oi Henry the Eigluh being extincft, 
 as the next undoubted Heir , moft happily united the Crowns 
 of England , Scotland , and JreUnd. 
 
 But- now at length to draw nearer home , this Autumn was 
 very full of Difeafes , Fevers (efpecially quartan) reigning ex- 
 traordinarily in ErtgUnd, whereby many, chiefly aged perfons, 
 and among them a great number of the Clergy periihed. Of the 
 fole Epifcopal rank thirteen died either a little before the Queen , 
 or fome few months after her. Among the reft Cardinal Foil 
 fcarce furvived her a day , who having been for fome weeks af- 
 flivfled by this kind of Dileafe , and brought to extreme weaknels 
 of Body , as if he had at the news of the Quens death received 
 his deaths wound , expired at three a Clock the next morning. 
 His Corps inclofed in Lead, was buried in his Cathedral at Canter- 
 htry , with this brief Elogy on his Tomb, inftead of an Epitaph: 
 
 Vepojitum C-trdiualii POLL 
 
 He was a man admirably learned , modeft , mild , of a moft fweet 
 difpofition , wife, and of excellent dexterity in the managing of 
 any affairs , fo that he had been incomparable , if corrupted with 
 the Religion of the Church of Rome he had not forced his nature 
 to admit of thofe cruelties exercifed upon the Proteftants. 
 
 'The Queen died at St. James on the feventeenth of Noz'ember, 
 fome few hours before day. She was a Lady very godly, merciful, 
 chaft , and every way praife-worthy , if you regard not the 
 errours of her Religion. But her Religion being the caufe of the 
 effuhon of fo much innocent Blood-, that of the Prophet was 
 neceffarily to be fulfilled in her, Blood-thirjly men, &c. ^Jall not 
 fni/h. half'thejr daj/s. For ihe was cut off in the two and fortieth 
 year of her age , having reigned only five Years , four Months , 
 and eleven' Days-, whereas her Sifter , who fucceeded her, moft 
 happily in a more mild Government ruled nine times a? long , 
 and almoft doubled her age. Concerning the caufc of Queen 
 Maries DQXihxhccQ. are divers conjcdfures. To relate what I find 
 in approved Authors , it is reported , that in the beginnrng of 
 herSicknefs her friends Ilippofing that tlie grieved at the abfence 
 of her Husband , whom fhc law fo engaged in Wars abroad , that 
 fhe could not hope for his fpecdy return , ufed confolatory means , 
 and endeavoured to remove from her that fixed fadnels where- 
 with llie teemed to be opprefTed. But fhe utterly averfc from all 
 comfort , and giving her fdf over to melancholy , told them , 
 
 That 
 
 I jy8. 
 
 tht death of 
 Cardinal Pool. 
 
 tht ^tiH 
 dieth,
 
 206 
 
 Annals of England. 
 
 1558. 
 
 That /be died , but that of the true caufe of her Death they were 
 ignorant , which if they reere defiretfs to know , they fbouid after her 
 death dtffeB her Heart , and there they Jbould find Calais ; Intimating 
 thereby , that the lofs of Calais had occafioned this fatal grief, 
 which was thought to have been increafed by the Death of the 
 Emperour her Fathcr-in-Law. But the truth is , her Liver being 
 over-cooled by a Mo/e , thefe things peradventure might haften 
 her end , which could not otherwife be far from her , and caft 
 her by degrees into that kind of Dropfie , which Phyficians terra 
 Afcites. This Dropfie being not difcovered in time, deceived 
 her Phyficians , who believed that (he had conceived by King 
 Philip , whereas (he alas did breed nothing but her own Death. 
 So mature remedies being not applied , and ftie not obferving a 
 fit Diet , fhe fell into a Fever , which increafing by little and 
 little , at lall ended in her Death. She lieth interred at ^veB- 
 minfter in the midft of that Chappel which is on the North fide 
 of her Grandfather Henry the Seventh his Monument , where 
 her Sifter Queen Elizabeth was after Buried with her, and over 
 both by the pious Liberality of that moft Munificent Prince King 
 James hath fince been eretfied a moft ftately Monument , well 
 befitting the Majefty of fuch great Monarchs. 
 
 Q^ V E E N 
 
 ELIZABETH. 
 
 K^NNO DOM. 1558. 
 
 HAving thus briefly run over the Reigns of thefe three 
 Princes , Queen Elizabeth's times in the next place 
 offer themfelves ^ which defcrvedly requiring a more 
 accurate Style , I will here fet a period to this Work , 
 not fo much with intent to pretermit them , as referving them 
 for a more exaft labour. In the mean time , to give fome fatif- 
 faftion to the Reader , I will make this ftiort Addition. 
 
 Some few hours after the dcceafe of Queen Mary , the Eflates 
 then aflembled in Parliament , on the feventeenth of November 
 declared her Sifter the Lady Elizabeth Queeo , who was Daughter 
 to Henry the, Eighth and AnnBolen. Having moft glorioufly reigned 
 forty four years, four months and Icven days, Ihe ended her Life 
 and Reign on the four and twentieth of ^^iarch , K^nno 1603 , 
 
 the
 
 Q! 
 
 men 
 
 M 
 
 A R Y. 
 
 the Crown being by her death devolved to the renowned King 
 of Scots James the Sixth , to w horn it was lb far from feehng it 
 a burthen to have fucceedcd fo good a Princefs , that never was 
 any Prince received with greater Applatile and Gratulation of 
 his People. Many think their condiiion happy , if they exchange 
 a CdtguU for a cUudtus, or a Nero for a Viteilius or an Otho. But 
 that any Mortal fhould pleale after Elizabeth , may Teem a Miracle • 
 and is a great argument both of rare Virtue in the fucceeding King, 
 and of a right Judgment in the Subje(5t. For this great Lady 
 was fo &r beyond Example , that even the beft Prmccs come ftjort 
 of her • and they who moft inveigh againft that Sex , contend , 
 that Woman is incapable of thole Virtues ( in her moll eminent ) 
 Wildom , Clemency, variety of Languages, and Magnanimity 
 equal to that of Men , to which I add fervent Zeal of Piety and 
 true Religion. But in thele things peradventure fome one or 
 other may equal her. What I fhall beyond all this fpeak of her 
 ( and let me fpeak it without offence to my moft Excellent So- 
 vereign James , the Pattern of Princes , the Mirrour of our Age, 
 the Delight of Britain) no Age hath hitherto parallei'd, nor (if 
 my Augury fail not) none ever lliall : That a Woman (and if 
 that be not enough ) a Virgin , deftitute of the help of Parents, 
 Brothers , Hasband , being lurrounded with Enemies , the Pope 
 thundring , the S^tinUrd threatnmg , the French fcarce dilTem- 
 blinjg^his fecret hate, as many of the neighbouring Princes as 
 were devoted to Rome , ch[\{\ng about her, fhould contain this 
 Warlike Nation not only in Obedience, but in Peace alfo, and 
 (beyond all this) Popery being profligated , in the true Divine 
 Worfhip. Hence it comes to pafi , that England ( which ib among 
 the refl of it felf a Miracle ) hath not thefe many years heard 
 the noife of War ^ and that our Church ( which fhe found much 
 dift;ra(5kd ) tranfcends all others of the Chriftian World. For 
 you fhall at this day fcarce find any Church , which either defiled 
 with Popifh Superftitions , or defpoiled of thole Revenues which 
 ftiould maintain Profeffors of the Truth , hath not laid open a 
 way to all kind of Erreurs, grofs Ignorance in Learning (efpe- 
 cially Divine j and at length to Ethnick Barbaroufnefs. But to 
 what end do I infift on thefe or the like, they being fufficiently 
 known even to the Barbarians themfelves , and Fame having trum- 
 petted them throughout the World. Which things, when and how 
 they were done, now bountifully fhe' aided and relieved her Al- 
 lies, how bravely flie refilled , brake, vanquiflicd her Enemies, 
 I have a defire in a continued Hiftory to declare , and will (God 
 willing j declare, if I can attain to the true intelligence of the 
 pajGTages of thofe times , have leifure for the compiling it , and 
 that no other more able than my felf ( which I wiih may happen ) 
 ia the mean time engage themfelves therein. 
 
 ^06 
 
 L A U S' D E O. 
 
 201 
 
 1558.
 
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