h: ;f* ^^^.^JUf' "d-e^^uy ^ c:^^. ^U/^^^^ ^^Z^/iAe^ri^ c/Tii, his toils, ami his claji_trer«. Uiulcr the prospect of durable comfort and repose, we saw him wel- comed by his family and friends, whether these wore situated around the banks of the Osnube, or the Tsloskwa, or the Oder; on the shores of Britain, or thv moutitains of the North. We every where beheld the bfave defenders of their country, stand- in<;, as it were, upon the threshold of their beloved homes; while the tear ol" welcome, and the smile of satisfaction animated the countenances of tho-^e dearest to their )»eaits; and whose eager arms prepared to unbuckle their armour, and to lay aside their arms. But soon those soft scenes were rufled. Soon thcvse transports fled. The cloud of the storm rolled sullen on the brow of the mountain. Tiie wind began to howl fiercely along the agitated stream. The blast of the trumpet again sounded the alarm of battle, and connnanded the Avarrior to retrace his footsteps with the utmost speed — commanded hiui again to leave his native land, his friends and his family — so often desired — thus barely found, and to leave them, perhaps, hr ever. Who can describe the feelings, which such a moment called forth in the agitated groupe? Who can paint the an- guish and alarm which, at such a moment, overspread Europe? Bitter, however, as these were; equally so, was the indignatioii aroused^ against those whose conduct Isad occasioned all this. The Treaty of Paris, it was fondly anticipated, had secured for a long- time the repose of Europe. That of Clhent, con- cluded at the close of the year, was believed to have consoli- }iout punishment. Slie came out of the contest equally sti-ong, in point of territory, as when she entered it; for the addition of countries, containing a population of 700,000 souls to her European dominions, may be fairly estimated as equal to the Colonial possessions and advantages which stie i)ad lost by the arms ot" Europe; and which previously, indeed, her mad military system had, by nc- "•lecting, almost totally destroyed. France,, besides, in the eyes of the present generation, had suffered nothing.from war. The horrors oftlie Revolutionary internal wars were, in a great mea- sure, forgotten by a people whose memories^ with regard to such events, are not of the most retentive kind. The desolation which these hatl occasioned were in a great measure removed; because the wealth of bleeding Euro]i)e had enabled them to re- place the loss sustained by France, during these* tremendous periods of desolation and blood. For laearly 20 yeai's^ her im- mense military establishment, generally speaking, cost Franco nothing. Her armies, according to the fundamental law of the slate, subsisted upon those countries for whose population they were forging chains. During the campaign of 18 14-,. thoufdi their c;q)!tal was occupied by an liostile force, and half their territories by the armies of their ibes, still they felt little or none of the miseries of war; at least, none that, by their conse- quences, were equal to form any lasting impression upon their Volatile minds. The strict discipline observed by the invading armies of the allies, enabled France to escape all those terrific 'iceacs of " lamentation, mourning, and woe," inflicted on Ear- it -ope 'by her army. The prjn<;ipal loss v/hich France fit this time suffered iVom tlie progress of the war, was occasioned by the lawless disposition. of those who called themselves their defend- ers; for any loss that they otherwise sustained was more than made up, by the immense sums of money brougi)t into France by the allied armies, where it was all expended; thereb}', en- riching those who hud covered every country in Europe with poverty and mourning, llie vast influx of foreigners, particu- larly Briti>>h, all eager to see a }K*ople who Lad so long been the terror of the world, as nl^o to view the vast assemblage of the monuments of art, which their unprincipled rapacity had taken away froiii every country in -continental Europe, brought vast wealth t» Paris, that grand centre of iniqtiity, where they trafficked not only in gold and silver, precious -stones, pearls, fine linen, silk, and scarlet, with every other luxury and riciies, but *' in the bodies and the souls of men"* All these tlrinjis tended to keep alive that national vanity which had «o long aonoyed Euro-pe, and n:iade them wholly foiget that they were a -conquered people, and that the armies which beat them to the ground were still ready, equally able and as willing, to per- form that service aafain, France, though conquered, was still a j>owerful and even a wealthy couaitry; but tlu-n, her wealth was so situated, that whatever part of it was expended in wars, could no longer be replaced. The mad i^mbition of her former government had wholly destroyed all internal industry, or foreign commerce; from which sources alone, a nation can. derive the wealth ne- cessary to replace the waste of external v.ar.; unless they are in- clined, and are able to adopt the same plan v/liich France had long done; namely, to take it by ft)rce from their industrious neighbours. For this, France still held the same will; but, fortunately, she no longer possessed the same power. Strong as she wa,s, the strength of Europe was stillv.proportionally stronger; and left them no room to hope for a repetition of their robbery v.n the conthient, and of pinioning the na- tions thereof in their chains. In an evil hour, however, • Revelations. !2 for herself, France thought otherwise. She believed llint Ircason had occasioned her fall; and tiiat '-^ destiiiy" which she once had under the controul of her Emperor, had on- ly been let loose from her chains by the former means. She conceivetl, that by the return of her myriads of prisoners from the different corners of Europe, she would be able, ef- fectually, to put down what she was pleased to call treason; and to bind destiny, or fate, to her chariot wheels again. She calculated, as did all her friends, among whom were the dis- contented in every country, upon the disunion of that formid- able confederacy which had overthrown her military despot- ism. Her arts were busily employed to sow distrust among them. But though each had, no doubt, his individual interests to attend to in the Congress at Vienna, and which might no-t altogether square with his neighbour's ideas, still but one senti- ment animated the whole, when French audacity and ambition endeavoured, in any shape, to thrust forward their ferocious countenances. Nevertheless, the whole efforts of the French press, that polluted fountain of perjury, irreligion, and treason, Avas directed with unceasing and insidious aim to accomplish their nefarious designs. By dint of desperate assertions, deep in- sinuations, and odious falsehoods, which had long been their avo- cations, and at which the conductors of the Parisian press aro certainly great ade}>ts, they endeavoured to re-establish them- selves in the good opinion of mankind, which, as a nation, they had so justly? lost. By appearing to defend the caifse of the weak ao-ainst the strong, they endeavoured to regain that em- pire over the public minil in Europe, which their arms could no longer control. But these interests, for which they affect- ed so readily and disinter^'stedly to stand fonvard the champions and defenders, it was obvious to the -careful observer, were de- fended no further than it suited the dark designs and ambitious views of French politics. Yet, strange to say, they succeeded i« their object to a great degree. By many it was believed, that na- tional morality and justice was to be learned in Paris, and no ■where else in continental Europe — nay, that honour an<] truth ^vas more attended to, in all her public conduct, by France, than by Groat Britain. So echoed the supporters of French princL- 13 pies on both sides of the channel; but, fortunately, the body of the European commonwealth rL-mained uncontaminated by such deceitful principles, and refused to be im})oscak6 man, but more especially the mob of mankirfdv the juchj-e in such cases — they may overthrow, in their frenzy, and for their interests, one i^'il, and establish in its place a worse, as was the case in France. Such partial evils as those mentioned must be borne, as less than those which their re- moval, in general, occasions to the community at large. But let us examine this subject of these national domains a little closer. If Louis XVII L had seized then>, would he have acted unjustly? I am unacquainted with any kw that could say he would, it might have been, pefhaps it was, considering circumstances, unnecessary and imjwiitic to take the whole; but, still, was it unjust? Let us remember ho\y these were obtained, and can we say it would have been so? I do not mean to say that every one who has pur- chased of these national domains should be deprived of them: by no means. Many paid a valuable consideration for them, thouo-h the title of those who sold them was bad. But there are many possessed of these, whom every principle of honour, equity, justice, and truth, imperiously demand should be deprived of them; and not only so, but punished for the way they obtained them. I sharl grant, the mad regicide govern- ment of France were entitled to guillotine the persons, and confiscate the properties of all those who opposed, or even whom they smpccled opposed their diabolical career; but it never can be allowed that any of their private tools, or any other unprincipled villain, should go and murder his neighbour, merely because that neighbour had property, and seize that for his own use: and that others, pursuing another course to gain the same end, should, by dint of falsehoods, direct the fury of a delirious government to the abodes of innocence and worth, to drive these from their homes, that their persecut- ors mikdit obtain the ijoods of these individuals as their re- wards. I say it never can be allowed, that such men should be j?i*rmitted to enjoy their ill gotten gain in peace, or escape with impunity. From every one of these, their wealth should be taken away, and their lives forfeited to those laws which the author of human nature, in every country, has established ps its guard. Whoever, from malice or design, " sheddeth c 1 ■ JS ;nan's blood, b}' rrtaii sliall his blood bo ?b;>(]," is a severe but just law, which man may, but which he oui^ht not to aUer. How man}' such characters as I l!«ve here pointed out, are to be found in France, the pf^sent- possessors of national domains, the •profits of wliich they have applied, and viill always appl}', to dis- turb and to enslave Europe? These deserve no mercy. The hon- our, the safety of mankind, demand justice on their heads. There is another cla^s, and perhaps of » higher rank, whom Europe has an unquestionable fight to see broi-ight to jifstice. These are those men who not only enriched themselves by the plun- der of defenceless nations, but who shot, in coM bloou, inno- cent individuals, in Hamburgh, Bremen, Russia, Spain, 8:c. merely because they would not betray their country, and fall down and worship Napoleon the great, hi« satellites, or his image. These men also possess national domains in France. From them, and on their heads, the voice of justice demanded, and yet demands, an exact account, a severe retribution. The less, therefore, many of tlie possessors of these domains say a- bout their claims or their property the better. It must call the attention of Europe to scenes and times where they and their comkict cannot appear to advantage: and^ even with re- gard to many of those who have paid a consideration to the ra- pacious government, for the properties they now possess, it, perhaps, would not mend things in their favour, to trace out the sources from whence this valuable consideration- was deriv- ed. It is a bad cause which will not bear examination; vthich is evidently the ease with this. If any one attempted, through the medium of the press, to examine the justice of sach claims, *' Down with him and the government under which he writes," v?as the universal cry: but those who debated whether or not they shouldturn that government off', and confiscate the properties of its friends, were to have firll liberty,* and it was sacrilege and dcs- poti^^m to snatch the pen from them. Their reasoning and the freedom on this subject were all one way. What they had got by violence, they were determined to keep by force. Their titles, according to their own disciples, are not worth a farthing. They all now tell us that they must have a King or an Emper- ©r, nobles, and properties; and as it was by the laws which de- creed the destruction of all these that they now hold the pro- 19 pcities which they possess, so, thereby, they subject themselves, by their own rules, to be deprived of these by a stronger power, whether that power be more just or iKjt. But whatever were tlie intentions of Louis on ihishead^ that was a question for him and these people to settle among them- selves. As P^urope was not bound to support Louis on the French throne, so neither was she bound to guarantee to these men their properties, against the will and the power of the French government. JShe was only interested so far in this matter; that if these men, and that formidable Jacobinical par- ty in France, should either atten^ipt to destroy^ or succeed in overthrowin.'r the ;e factious demagogues to suit their own mischievous designs, for what they most feared was not the return of Roman superstition, tythes, and ignor- ance; but the fear of being subjected to the duties of morahty and the princi|:)les of religion at all. Perhaps in no nation that ever existed were these grand features of the human cliar- acter, and links of rational life, so completely broken and de- stroyed as these had been, and now were, in modern France. In 20 €Very -shape tiicsc were laughed at, and turned iiito ridicule by all ranks and degrees ot" men; but more particularly so by evei'y one connected with the government of France. Under such circumstances, and such a system, it cannot be wondered at that no measures were taken to instruct the youthful mind in f50und principles, and the social duties of life. Such proceed- ings did not suit the views of their tyrannic governors, and would have unfitted the people of Franjce for becoming the tools to execute their lawless projects. In this most essential point, the youth of France were most lamentably deficient. Instead of being tauglit to reverence and obey their parents, they were torn from them; and from their earliest years taught only the most abject devotion and submission to their governors. Instead of being taught Love to their neighbours, and Fear of -their God; they were taught to forget, perhaps deny the latter; and to hate, tyrannize oyer, and trample upon the former. The 'little education which their youth received, consisted in being taught to march to the sound of the drum — to obey without re^ Section the severe command of military discipline — to under- stand the word of command, which led them to plunder, bat- tles, and blood — to plant cannon — to weild the sabre — to erect fortifications to oppress nations — to extract indigo from woad, and sugar from beet root. Such has been the nature and ex- tent of the knowledge tauglrt during the proudest days of Imperial France. The mind of her youth was thus led astray from every thing that was just, peaceable, ' or good. "Noise, confusion, and violence were the spheres in which they delighted to move, and out of which they were nothing — out of which th^ were lost and unknown. At Paris, on the re- turn of Bonaparte, the scholars of these schools solicited the Emperor to be allowed to march to their studies at the sound of the drum, and not of the bell. Miserably deficient, how- ever, as they were, in instruction regarding useful knowledge, and the moral duties of man, they were still more so in all that concerned religion. This was first proscribed, and afterwards completely neglected in France. " There are, (said Carnot) two millions of children in France, who require primary eda- cation; and yet of these two millions, some are educated very 21 imperfectly, and others have no education at all."* The total Kumbcr of children born annually in France is about 900,000; half of these die under five years of age, at which period we shall suppose that the remainder beconie fit to receive educa^ tion. Consequently, every child born in France, and surviv- ing from five to ten years of age, receive either a very imper- fect education, or no education at all. If this is the case now, how much worse must it have been when education was either altogether proscribed, or only what was most wicked and ruin- eus bestowed upon the youth of France. What must the pre- sent race of men, now moving in the most active scenes of life, in France, be, who were born between 1791 and 1796, when there was no education at all. Severe as is this censure; gloomy as is this picture, still, it is evident, it is not overcharg- ed. Dreadful as is the prospect which the contemplation of this affords unto Europe, still it is but too correct. It is the teachers and the taught of these abominable principles, or those who have received no instruction at all, which Europe has now to encounter; and whose dark designs and dangerous princi- ples she will long be compelled to watch with the eagle's eye, and to guard against with the lion's strength. In a country thus situate, every tie that had hitherto bound man to man in society, and every political contract, that knit him in bonds of amity with his neighbours, was broken through; not only without shame and remorse, but with open exultation -and haughty contempt. In vain will the admirers of French prowess, the advocates of Fretich honour, any more attempt to rob mankind of their senses, by advocating her cause, and nroclaimino- to the world, that all the wars and miseries which have afHicted Europe, during the last twenty-five years, were not the evil production of French principles, the diabolical works of French ambition. These are wrote in indelible cha- racters throughout Europe; and while the name of France and Napoleon endures — while they are remembered with sorrow, and pronounced with execration, the true sources of the cala- ?iiities of Europe cannot remain hid — the direful consequences * Carnot's report to the Emperor, Moniteur, April 29th, 1815. 22 oF French folly find ambition cannot be perverted — cannot be difsguis^'d oi- remain unknown. I shall not attempt to insult the understandinojsof my readers, or waste tlieir time in waciini^ through the voluminous records of the last twenty- five vears, for documents to prove this. Without the fear of contradic- tion, on any principle of justice or truth, I here venture to slate, that every contest which has lately taken place in Europe, has originated solely from French principles and French ambition. In order to justify a declaration of war, her mad rulers beijan that svstem of diplomatic imposition, which has continuetl for twenty-five years. They forged a treaty of Pavia, and distorted that of Pilnitz. Man, at this moment, could not conceive, that any government would so far disgrace itself, as have recoux'sc to such a desperate expedient. Succeeding years, however, saw voi-umes of such impositions issued by Gallic audacity: and because no one, on the Continent, dared or was allowed to contradict it, therefore such documents were accounted true; as the interested testimony of Britain, by a denial, was ac- counted as only more fully establishing the fact. The treaty of Pilnitz, it is well known, pi'ovided for the establishment of the French monarchy, and not as the French demagogues echoed, the dismemberment of France. When France was set in flames from one end to the other, by a set of madmen; be- cause all her neiijhbours took immediate measures to ijuard their frontiers, least the flames should enter their states, it was proclaimed, that their object was to attack France, crush liberty, and prevent the dispersion of light. But France did not wait to put their intentions to the proof. She first declared war; and what all her supporters, from that period downward, asserted as an incontestible sign, of the real and unjustifiable views of her adversaries, in first declaring war against France, was in this instance, because done by her, accounted an act of justice and necessity. But war she wanted against any one. " War," said Irnard, " war which is necessary to complete the Revolution." In that war she attacked and overrun the Neth- erlands, and then decreed the opening of the Scheldt; thougb she well knew that Gi'eat Britain, as well as Austria, was bound by a treaty to prevent that from taking place; and also that the immediate interests'of Great Britain, imperiously demanded that this sliould not be the deed of France. This France knew, but she said she did no wrong. On the 19tli November 1792, she openly decreed war against all nations, by calling upon all to follow her example, and offering her assistance to do so. — She continued, from her undermining principles and the fury of her arms, to conquer and to add state to state, and to carve out new wars, in order to benefit her great family, and extend her empire. Tiiese conquests were carried on in a manner marked with atrocity and injustice, altogether unprecedented and unknown. Wherever their arms overrun or were victo- rious, those countries were without ceremony incorporated with the French territory, without even admitting the question of compensation from their lawful owners, to come into dis- cussion at all. It was the very Constitution of France to act thus. " Charged hy the Constitution^'' said Barthelemy, " with the execution of the Laws, it (the Directory) cannot make or listen to any proposal, that may be contrary to them. The Constitutional Act does not permit it to consent to any aliena- tion ol xXvAt, which according to the existing laws, constitutes the territory of the Republic — but the countries occupied by the French armies, and not united^ may form the subject of nee water. Their most alarming reports, were etched out on this side the channel, and cheerfully extended by French ingenuity, who laughed at the ignorance of those to whose opinions they subnn'ssively seemed to bow, and whose princi- ples tltey appeared eager to imbibe. In the midst of all thi* torrent of falsehood and abuse, tiie Congress continued their deliberations. Their labours were fast approaching to a close^ and that in a manner, which was well understood, by those who' wished to understand the subject, would give general satisfaction to Europe. To rebuild the edifice of European poHcy, wliich French tvranny and ambition luid overthrown, was no such ezsj task. To reconcik-, and at the same time secure, the in- terests of all, was a most arduous undertaking. To have restored Europe, to the same sta^e, as when France began her system of oppression and aggression, would liave been the height of folly, and would have thrown away the hd)our and experi- ence of twenty-years, in order to pave the way for the recur- rence of the same evils from the same engines, viz. French power and ambition. The great powers of Europe, were too wise not to perceive this, ijome interests must suffer; and therefore, the most guilty were singled out. Denmark, Saxony, and Italy, which clung to the fv)rtunes of Bonaparti-, and the interests of France, as long as they could; were pitched upon to encrease the territories of the nciixhbourino- States. To Prussia, who gave up a considerable portion of her territory to add to the Duchy of Warsaw, a considerable portion of the territory of Saxony, was bestowed; and, to increase her power in proportion to that of her neighbours, she acquire Rhine, which brought her into immediate contact with France. To Austria, who had so often contended, without success, against French ambition, all the Venetian States, were given, as also her old possessions in Italy; and in return she ceded some parts of her territories to Bavaria, and gave up all her claims upon Belgium, which was annexed to Holland, and now forms with the former the kinfjdom of the Netherlands. To strenou •which swallowed up individual and national liberty, not one sigh escaped their lips, for the fate of 700,000 inhabitants, once the subjects of other states, but which the treaty of Paris annexed unto France. No, these were added to the creat nation, where freedom and happiness only could dwell, there- fore, their fate was happy, their annexation an act of political sagacity, of the most beneficial kind. So argued French po- licy, and the men who had opposed those princi})Ies which had rescued Europe from French tyranny, against the pro- ceedings of these men, whose judgment was now directed to establish that equilibrium, in the political balance of Europe, which might for a long time to come, preserve her from the same dreadful scourge. Other changes took place in several parts of Europe, particularly wiih regard to the kingdom of 3Japles, but which will with more pro])riety be noticed in an- other place. No sooner were the immense hosts of Europe withdrawn i)C}'ond the French frontieis, and the troops of each nation, 29 marchino- rapidly on their return to their respective countries, to be disbanded, when tlie French nation, freed from the fear wliich their presence inspired, and satisfied with the novekv of the scene, which is no small object in the calculation of most of the inhabitants of France, than they began to speak out, and the same overbearing spirit of domineering tyranny began to shew itself in unequivocal terms. So long as the allied Sovereigns remained in France, and as long as the shows and rejoicings for the return of the King lasted, so long the Parisians remained perfectly satisfied, and thought of nothinn- else. But no sooner had they withdrawn, and the dancini:, singing, and swearing, attendant upon the formation of a new Constitution, was gone, than they became dissatisfied for want of some bustle and confusion to occupy their minds. Durino- the reign of tyranny, anarchy, repubUcanism, and that of Bonaparte, the people of France were never without some niaonificent and important spectacle, with which to gratify tlieir curiosity, their thoughtlessness, and their vanity. Some of these were, indeed, not of the most pleasant kind; but while such continued to be the rage, and " the order of the day" they serveil to engross their attention as much as any other. But, with the return of the King, all these were gone. For some time no open niachinations, plots, nor conspiracies agitated the capital, and threatened it with pillage and blood — no bustle of drawing conscriptions, the march of vast armies, with all their weapons of destruction, to attack defenceless nations; and no ^iccounts of brilUant victories and vast contributions gladdened their souls, and occupied their time. All were fled; and even Sunday was, in some degree, become, under the government of the King, a day of repose. Under a system and state so totally different from what they had been accustomed to. France became discontented at they knew not what. A few months of peace tlisgusted them vith their situation. They could not betake themselves to any peaceful and industrious mode of life. They wanted war, and cared very little who was their Sovereign., providing he v.ould indulge them in that propensity. The King, and his government, however, leaned to peace. There- fore wa.s lie despised; not because he was Louis XVIII. and 50 violatinj^f the constitulion; but because he was not like Bona- parte, who never troubled his htad about the constitution of Prance, but who occupied tiieir attention in making and un- making constitutions tor their neighbours, while lie gave thcni iione at all for themselves. Yet this kind of employment com- pletely absorbed their thoughts, and occupied their time, and pleased them better than if they had been attending to their own. The government of Louis XVII I. under these circumstances, soon began to be lookeil upon with indifference, and he to be accused of neglecting the honour and the glory of the nation. ^ parcel of idle douaniers, intendants, and inspectors, and o- ther reptiles of that class, who had been driven from their plea- sant employment of plundering foreign countries, joined the disbanded military in their cry again.st the government, and their desire of revenge upon the nations of Europe. The cap- ture of their capital — the violation of their sacred territory, wounded their pride. To lessen the stain, however, the army openly imputed all this to the treachery of some of the leading officers, and members of government, to their late Emperor. They cherished this idea till they believed that this alone was the cause of their discomfiture; and, under this impression, they were anxious again to rush into combat against the nations of Europe. The friends of Bonaparte fanned this dangerous flame of vanity and discontent; and, under the mask of sup- porting the national glory and invincibility of France, two things which completely run away with the inulersfandings of Frenchmen, thej^ succeeded in blinding the eyes of the govern- ment to their real views. The old Jacobinical party^, who were accustomed to have a constitution annually, and who conceiv- ed the present had lasted long enough, now raised the cry that it was in danger; that the King had violated his word to the nation, and that he intended to erect a despotic government. Never since the cruel epoch of 1793, did the provinces of France present a more revolutionary aspect than they did at this nio- ment. Never did the multitude, the eternal sport of factions, the sanguinary instruments of all the chiefs of revolt and an- archy, display a more eager disposition to insurrection and vio- f^ncc. Never was the poison of calumny infused with greater SI care, or the fire of discord fed with more zeal and perseverance. It would be impossible to tell to what extent the detestable a- gents of Imperial tyranny had succeeded, in corruptintr and perverting, and poisoning the public mind. All the artifices of tumult and discord, were set in motion by liiose who, for the last twenty-five years, united in alliance, engaged in conspiracies and revolt, had never surrendered the hope of re-inflict- ing upon that unhappy country the scourges of revolution. ICvery city, every town, had its committee charged with the of- fice of calumniating the government, and of spreading amonn- the people alarms, fitted to excite insurrection. They never ceased to terrifv tliL* nation with the re-establi.>hment of seien- orial rights, and all the evils of feudal servitude. They jioint- cd out in every priest, in every noble, in every citizen of higjj- er rank, an irreconcileable enemy. In vain the edicts of the King, his paternal bounty, and all the acts of his government, gave the lie to these impostures. Advantage was taken of im- prudent writings, in the public prints, against those who had acquired national property, and the indiscreet conversations of some bigotted votarits of the old regime, to kindle a flame in tlie public mind. But these things were not tiie work of the King's followers. In France they have a system, difierent from all the rest of mankind, either in good or evil. When affect- ing to be your friend, they are your greatest enemy; and un- der that mask they do the greatest injury. Most of these writ- ings we iiavc alluded to, were the works of the Jacobins, who apparently became royaHsts, or had connexion with those that appeared so, that they might thus publish these writinjis and conversations, as if done by the King's immediate friends, in order that these things might spread mere rapidly, and more deeply inflame the public mind. These were more danger- ous enemies than even the stern opponents of the King, who despised him; but yet, confident of their own strength, disdain- ed to assume another character, under which they might the more effectually annoy hiin. Foremost in the ranks of those dangerous and open declaimers v/as Carnot, one of those tur- bulent and inflexible characters produced by the revolution, ■* horn no experience could convince of error, nor misfortunes, 32 tjor failures, drive him iVoni his visionary schemes. To thr^ man, France and Europe owes ahiiost all, if not all, the miser- ies and horrors of the last twenty-five years. Intent upon trying Ills theories in France, and of establishing what he tailed li- berty, before the nation was fit to enjoy it, or could perceive what it meant, he succeeded in overthrowing the Royal Go- vernment and the ameliorated constitution of France; and un- der the pretence ot" preserving that established in its place Ironi the attacks of foreigners, he jn-ocurcd a general rising amongst the French people, whose energies he quickly turned to the more desirable object of foreign conquest. Secure, as he thou'dit, in his Golden system of Liberty and Equality, ho never reflected that liberty cannot exist in a nation purely mi- litary; and he soon perceived, whatever were his intentions, that what he had done, was the road, in the first place, to the most hideous anarchy, and next, to the most dreadful despotisni. To him, therefore, more than any one else, is France and Eur- ope indebted for the miseries which they have endured. He has been characterised and eulogised as the u})right and un- corrupted friend of liberty. It may be that he is so — what his real intentions are, mankind cannot judge; but the consequen- ces of his actions and his conduct they can appreciate and un- derstand. It can never be forgotten that it was him that estab- lished the Conscrijition laws in France, whose consequences liave been fatal to France and to Europe. He planned the early wars of French aggression; he organised the regular sys- tem of French plunder, by their armies, in the conquered coun- tries; and he was minister at war when all these horrible scenes of shooting, drowning, and massacring the loyalists was carri- ed on in France, by the French army, whose chiefs he appoint- ed, and whose orders they all were bound to obey. Of his so much talked of consistency we shall by and by have occasion to speak at greater length. Here, it may be sufficient to observe, that he fought for liberty, supported Bonaparte, abetted trea- son — but all for the honour of France. This man, with his desperate adherents, still too numerous in that country, and who had risen to rank, wealth, and notice, from their implacable animosity to the legitimate Sovereign of ^3 France, could not be easy to see a brother of that Sovereigtf which he was one of the principal instruments in bringing tai the scaffold, most justly called by the French nation, and the unanimous voice of Europe, to the throne of France. It filled him and them with rage and anguish. They wanted a change, whatever the consequences might be. Under a legitimate King and a peaceable government, these men sunk into contempt and insignificance. This they could not bear. With all their pro- fessions about liberty, they were the most merciless despots that ever lived. They could brook no rival in their sway. A change^ therefore, they were resolved on. But how to accomplish it was another question. Tliey dreaded the army, because they were the blind instruments of Bonaparte's despotism. Yet, without its assistance, they were aware they could do nothing. The army hated them, at least its leaders did; but both were discontented with the present state of affairs; and each, to ac- complish his own ends, resolved to coalesce with the other. The military leaders were aware that the Bourbons had many friends in France. They perceived, that without the assistance of a powerful party, possessing property, they could never attempt to overawe them, and re-oiganize a military system, which should again trample upon Europe. The old republican party, however, they were well aware, were both numerous and wealthy. Two-tliirds of the land in France was, perhaps^ in their possession. All the lands which formerly belonged to the church, the ancient domains of the Crown, and the vast and extensive estates of the old French nobility, and other wealthy individuals in France, had been seized, sold, or divided, and were now occupied by an infinite number of small settlers, for- merly servants and vassals upon these domains, whose interest it was to preserve these properties, and for which purpose they were likely to exert themselves to the utmost to keep down civil com- motions, in which they might have lost these properties, or their lives; thereby, as the military calculated, leaving the ener- gies of France under their control, to be turned once more a« gainst the liberties of Europe. Many of these proprietors, however, though they could have no affection for the Bourbons, yet had just as little for the other dynasty, and only wanted ta 3* etijoy their property in quietness and })eace; and on tlrlg' ac- count would, perhaps, have paid no attention to tlie instiga- tions to rebellion against the Bourbons, had not the wicked in- sinuations been spread amongst them, that the new government were secretly taking measures to strip the whole of the new proprietors of their projiertics. This report had a powerful clFect, and proved a terrible engine in the hands of those wha were busy plotting the overthrow of the Bourbon goveni- ment. Their plans, liowever, could not have succeeded, if the whole offices under the government, at least, ncai-ly the whole, civil and military, had not been placed by the King in the hands of his most determined enen)ies, Louis XVIIL. was a mild and a merciful sovereign. Misfortunes had shaken his; mind. Re- ligion liad softened his temper to forgiveness of injuries, and disarmed his soul fVom harbouring resentment against any. In his lenity as a man, he forgot the duties of a sovereign. He wanted the firmness and determined resolution necessary to control the turbulent and unprincipled nation he was now ap- pointed to govern. Therefore they treated him with disrespect, and planned his ruin. His ministers, with the exception of Talleyrand, were still more unfit for their situation. They were unacquainted with the nation, and the nation with them. Talleyrand, who is perhaps better acquainted with the situa- tion of France ther diistracted measures, put it out of the power of industry to replace what was lost. In a few word? she left them nothing but despair and vengeance — nothing, but fi'om direful necessity to become wholly a military people. The consequences of the iniquitous proceedings of France had thus, in a great measure, returned on her own head; and while her mi- litary strength wa^ broken, and energy shattered, that of Eur- ope united too in a vast body against their former oppressors, was only beginning to raise its head and collect its strength. Formidable as these masses were, from their numbers, they v/ere still more so from the spirit which animated them. It was called forth by general approbation, in a cause the most just. It proceeded from the fatal experience oF individual oppression and national dishonour, which each had suffered, and all had endured. The feelings thus -occasioned were deeply rooted in every bosom: for, from the Rhine to the Don — from the Ad- riatic to the Thames — and from the Pyrenees to the straits of Gibraltar, a general sentiment of indignation was felt ao-ainst Franc-e. It was part of the French sy-«tc^n, to raise to wealth and honours, at the expense of honour and worth, the wretches who betrayed tlieir country, and who joined the hordes who op- pressed it. These men, while they deeply regretted the fall of their former friends, called loudly out fr)r a return of those times when only crime could become conspicuous, and baseness meet with reward. These were most numerous in Belgium, the Gernjan States, Ital}', and other comUries around the fron- tiers of France, where her influence had been greatest, bu^t gradually diminished in numbers in the countries more dkiaiH 36 iVom her boundaries. The general voice of Europe, however, was against them; and those seditious and pernicious doctrines, writings, and principles, which had formerly proved so destruc- tive to the moral and political ftibric of Europe, were now ge- nerally understood, justly appreciated, and treated with indig- nation or scorn. These had lost their poison, and could de- prive the people of Europe of their senses no more, Such was the situation of France and of Europe, when the attention of the world, was called forth by the appearance upon the political theatre, of her former scourge and oppressor. Napoleon Bonaparte left his abode, in the island where mis- taken lenity had placed him, and landed in France, with arms in his hand. With the rapidity of lightning, the intelligence flew throughout Europe. Her most distant borders felt the shock; and the world heard of his appearance with astonish- ment and dismay. Mankind stood appalled at the alarming intelligence, not indeed, proceeding so much from the name and fear of Bonaparte, as at the certain idea, of the fresh woes and miseries, which his arrival would bring upon the human race. They saw, in imagination, the restless spirit and ambi- tion of France, which they had so lately put down, again called forth, furious for battle, and eager for blood. His arrival was beheld, as the approach of the demon of war, confusion and destruction. In truth, he brought them all in his train. This extraordinary man, left Elba with about 900 men of his guards, who had accompanied him in his exile. On the 20th February, under pretence of detecting some smugglers, he laid an embargo on all the vessels then in the island; and on the afternoon of the 26th, at five o'clock, he embarked with 400 men of his guards, on board of a brig of 24 guns. Three other vessels were at the same time seized, and received the remain- der of his band amounting to 500 men. With these he set sail from his narrow kingdom; and after various delays from calms and contrary winds, and having passed some French and British ships of war, without being suspected or molested by any of them; he, at three o'clock on the morning of the 1st March, with this squadron entered the bay of Juan, and landed m the Gulph of Napaul, not far from Aatibes, in the depart' 37 ment of the Var, and near the Italian frontier. Early in tlie morning, Bonaparte caused an officer, with 25, men lo land before the rest, as he said to secure the shore battery, if there was any at that point, but more probably to surprise Antibes, which the officer according to Bonaparte's account, attempted of his own accord, but in which he failed, and was with all his party taken prisoners, by the officer who commanded for the king. * This was all, however, that this officer did. He took no measures to prevent Bonaparte's landing, who effected that business at five o'clock, on the afternoon. No sooner had Napoleon reached the shore, than raising himself, and standing erect, he stamped with his foot on the ground, exclaiming, *' I am now above the power of the Congress." How far this arrogance and self-confidence was correct, a short period will shew us. Having thus secured his landing, Bonaparte gave himself no further trouble about the vessels which conveyed him. — He bad more important objects to attend to. The men bivouacked on the beach till the moon arose, when about eleven o'clock at night, they commenced their movement in advance. Bertrand and Drouet were the principal persons of note with them besides Bonaparte, who " put himself, at the head of this handful of brave men, (his own words,) to the fate of whom, guch mighty destinies were attached." f With these he marched forward. He took the road to Cannes, from thence to Grasse, and on the evening of the 2d he reached the village of Cerenou, having performed a march of 20 leagues, in that short period. At Cannes he was received with that satisfac- tion, which in his words " were the first presage of the success of the enterprise." % On the 4?th he reached Digne. On the 5th general Cambrone obtained possession of the bridge and fortress of Sisteron, and Bonaparte slept at Gap; every where welcomed by the people of the surrounding country: at least. such were his acci)unts of their disposition. On the 6th Bon- aparte left Gap, after having circulated a vast number of pro- • Official account of Bonaparte's operations, Moaiteur, Paris, March 22d, 181 J, I Do. do( ^ Do. do. 38 clamations to the inhabitants of Dauphiny, and the Frend) nation, which we shall presently have occasion to notice more at length. From Gap he proceeded to Grenoble, where a considerable force was assembled, and a large depot of military Stores established, under the command of general Marchand. Arrived near the place, the troops under Bonaparte met the advance of a force, which had been sent from that fortress to oppose his march. At the appearance of the Emperor, these men, no doubt prepared before hand, hoisted tlie tri-coloiired cockade, and joined his ranks. It was boasted, that in this instance, Bonaparte laid bare his bosom, and marching directly upon these battalions, exclaimed, in allusion to the proclama- tion of Augereau, " Soldiers, it has been said I am a coward — but here is my heart open to your arms, feel if it fears." This, however, is no doubt in the usual French style of imposition and bombast, and at all events, it was a very safe experiment, in order to prove his courage, to march with his breast un- covered, against men he was before-hand assured would do him no injury; and who, while they had a white cockade on the outside of their caps, had either a tri-coloured one in the inside of it, or at the bottom of their knapsacks. According to his own narrative, it was towards a battalion of the 5th regiment, that he thus marched; and having caused himself to be recognised, he told them " that the first soldier, who chose to kill the Emperor might do so," to which they replied with shouts of " Vive le Empereur.^^ * His guaixl and these traitors, immediately embraced, and the Emperor haranguing them, informed them, that he came to deliver them from the tyranny and illegitimate throne of the Bourbons, whose interests and pursuits, were contrary to the interests of the nation, and who wished to restore tythes and feudal rights, and other grievances, from which the blessed revolution had delivered their " Fathers." " Is not this- true," said he, " Peasants? Yes, Sire," said they unanimously, " They wished to tie us to the soil — you are come like the angel of the Lord to deliver us ! ! " f Continuing his advance, with this augmented force Bona- * Official accounts of Bonaparte's operations, Moniteur, Paris, March 2 2d. I8I1I. f Do. do. parte approached Grenoble. That place, however, had in the meatitime become a scene of treachery and perfidy.— *' Colonel Labedoyere," said the tyrant, " profoundly afflicted by the dishonour which overspread France, and determined by the most noble sc?itiments, had separated himself from the garrison of Grenoble, and was coming with his reo-iment, at quick march to meet th6 Emperor." * As there is another tribunal, and other principles than those of the Emperor, by which Colonel Labedoyere's conduct must be tried; it is here only necessary to state this matter in its proper light. That infa- mous traitor, with his own hand, wounded General Marchand; and, in defiance of the threats and entreaties of the Commander Danvillieres, carried off his regiment to join his ibrmer master, with whom he knew, such " noble sentiments," were the only road to favour and preferment. With this additional force, Bonaparte, at eleven o'clock at night entered Grenoble; where the rest of the garrison, amounting in all to 6000 men, ton^e- ther with all the national guards, and the people, received them with unbounded acclamations, and cries from the soldiery of *' down with the Bourbons, down with the enemies of the peo~ pie; live the Emperor, and a government of our own choice. In the twinkling of an eye, these 6,000 men were soon decor- ated ':i:ith the national cockade, and each of them, with an old and worn out one; for upon laying aside the cockade tri-co- lour, they had concealed it at the bottom of their knapsacks. Not one -iXas purchased at Grenoble. It is the same, said the\', as they passed the Emperor — it is the same that we bore at Lodi. This, said others, is the very same one which we wore at Marengo!" f In this relation of treason and vanity, we have a convincing proof, cf the preconcerted plan of the Em- peror's march, and also with whom it was concerted. In the " twinkling of an eye," these national cockades, could not be procured; and the reader will observe, that they had others besides the " eld worn out ones." Whether these were pur- chased in Grenoble or not, was not of material importance, * Official account of Bonaparte's operations, Moniteur, Paris, March 22d, 181.5. t Do. do. 40 and was perhaps as correct, as that many of* these had seen the bridge of Lodi, and the plains of Marengo. No; these lay bleached on the fields of Borodino, and were forever cov- ered by the waters of the Berezina, the Tormes, the 2^dora, and the Elster. Meanwhile, the landing of Bonaparte, soon became known at Paris. By means of telegraphic conveyances, intelligence between the chief cities and ports of that kingdom, is conveyed with great rapidity. These were instantly put in motion, and the news spread with the speed of lightning. The directors of these machines, and the prefects and commandants of the different places, while they appeared to be alert in the service of the King, had an opportunity of serving the cause of Bona- parte, in the most effectual manner, by circulating the intelli- gence. On the evening of the 5th the accounts reached Paris, but it was not generally known till next day, when it produced the greatest sensation. The king instantly issued an order convoking the Legislature, and addressed a proclamation to the French nation, denouncing Bonaparte as a rebel and a traitor, and calling upon all to aid in seizing and delivering him up to the legal tribunals. This proclamation, however, had little effect. From Paris the intelligence was quickly transmitted to all the departments, the principal sea-ports, fortifications, and armies. Messengers and couriers were dis- patched, in all directions, to Britain, to Vienna, to Madrid, to Copenhagen, and Stockholm, with the alarming' news. — Troops were directed to march from every place towards the line of his advance. Monsieur and Macdonald, set out for Lyons; and Ney to Besancon, to collect a force, with which he was to march on the former place. Soult, who at that time held the important office of minister at war, appeared to act ■with spirit and energy. " Soldiers," said he, in an order of the day to the army, " that man, who but a short time since, before the eyes of all Europe, abdicated his usurped authority, of which he has made so fatal a use, Bonaparte, has landed upon the French soil, which he ought never to have revisited. What does he want? Civil war. What does he seek? Traitors! Where will he find them? Will it be ani©n2 the Soldiers he 41 iias deceived and sacrificed, so often disappointing their valdtir? Bonaparte must estimate us loxo indeed, to think that we can abandon a legitimate Sovereign, to share tlie fate of u man, who is only an adventurer. Tiie French army is the noblest in Europe, it will also be the mo»t faithful. Let us rally round the banners of the lily, at the voice of the father of the peo})le, the true heir of the virtues of the Great Henry." * All the persons in authority, pursued a similar line of conduct. Tiie national guards of Paris, were called into active duty% and Colonel Desolles their commanding officer, thus addressed them, '•' The man appears," said he, " who destroyed his own institutions, and under pretence of a regular Government, exercised the most absolute power. He sacrificed the riches, the industry, and the commerce of France, to the desire of extendino; his dominions bevond all limits, and of destrovincf the dynasties of Europe, to establish his own family: that man who, to sum up all in a word, comes now to give the world, a new and a terrible example of the abuse of power and fortune, whose ambition is unbounded, passions unbridled, and talents unaccompanied by virtue — he returns when France was beginning to breathe — at such a time he returns, and the confiscation, the Continental blockade, interminable war, ar- bitrary power, and public shame, are in his rear, while his van is led on by civil war and revenge." f Nothing could be more just and correct, than these appeals, which were echoed by the Legislature and all the public bodies in the capital. Nor were the provinces behind in their professions of loyalty. They even appeared to exceed them. " Leaving Elba," said Count Maison, " Napoleon Bonaparte has dared to set his foot on the soil of France, in the hope of dividing us, and lighting up a civil war, to accomplish the object of his ven- geance; there is not one of us, but is animated with the dee}')-' est indignation. It is not enough, that the delirium of his ambition, has dragged us to all parts of Europe, has roused every nation against us, has lost us provinces^ that French va- ♦ SouU's order of the day, March 9tU, 1815. •f Deiolles's address to tiie national gimrds of Park, March 9th . 1? 2 4 3 lour had ii:ained before he icas /cno-iim in our rajsLs, ami at lingth opened the kiuirdoin, and even the capital itsell' to strangers. Now he wishes to arm Frenchmen against Frenchmen, to dii^tiirl) our internal tranquility, to destroy all our hopes; and to snatch at once from us, the liberty and the constitulion, which Louis k Desire has given us. No, Soldiers, no; we will not suffer it; our oaths, and our honours, are sacred pledges^ and we will all die, if it be necessary for our King and our country. Vive le Eoi." * " If the enemies of the country," said Oudinot, " have dared to foand their hoj)es, on the dis- sensions which they endeavour to create; there is not one of us but is ready to sl)ed our biood, in order to counteract their criminal intentions, and to sujiport the honour of a throne, on which, henceforward, ali our liopes rests." f " The appear- ance," said Dimiounceau, " of Napoleon Bonaparte, on on-e of the points of the French territory, cannot lliil to excite in- dignation, in whoever loves his country and his Sovereign. The army, in particular, shall not have made in vain an oath of fidelity to Louis le Desire. I believe I may answer for the ^ troo})s in the 2d military division." J Addressing the King, Jourdan proceeded: " France, happy mider the paternal gov- ennnent of your M.<\]eit\y free by a constitution, she possesses throuoli your wisdom, repells from her bosom the man under whose despotism she has so long groaned. If in all circum- stances the French Soldiers have been models of honour, how pleasino- it will now be to them, to {"ultll the duties which hon- our imposes on them. Yes, Sire, we are prepared to shed our blood, for the defence of the throne and the country." § From every other quarter, the same sentiments flew to Pans; from all the towns on the coast, from Bourdeaux, Thoulouse, and other places, Massena, who comnianded at Marseilles and Toulon, directed General Miollis to proceed from the latter place with a considerable bmly of troops towards Aix, and from thence to advance up the Rhone, to meet Bonaparte's * Count Maison's order of the day to tlic 1 llli mi-iitary division, Marcli 9tli, 1815. f Oudinot's address to the King, for the 3d and lOtli military divisions, March 10th. i Duuiounccau's address to the King, for the 2d military division, March 9th. § Jourdan's addreys to the King from Hoult-i. 4-3 route. Aftci" taking great merit to himseif, tor his nctivity, he thus adth'esscd the Marsellois. " Inhabitants of Marseilles, voii may reckon upon my zeal and my devotedness. 1 have sworn fidelity to my legitimate King, and I will never deviate irom the path of honour. I aril ready to shed all my blood in the support of his throne."* Subsequent to this, he continued the same strain. " You will constantly," said he to them, *' reject the perfidious manoeuvres of some agitators, whose in- sinuations tend to disturb the harmony which exists between the brave national guards and the troops pf the line. Their wishes will be deceived; nothing can disunite us; the citizen iind the soldier will have but one sentiment, but oKe cry; to de- fend, at the peril of our lives, the throne of our good King, Louis XVIIL— 77r^ le Roir\ I conceive it quite unnecessary to quote more of these docu- ments, in order to shew the well grounded hope which Louis XVIIL and Europe had, that the career of Bonaparte would have been short. I have also dwelt longer upon, and have been more particular, with regard to these productions, than perhaps they deserve, in order tliat I might place in the strong- est point of view, the conduct of the French Marshals and the army. From the different garrisons, the King daily received iiccounts that the troops had taken a fresh oath of fidelity, and particularly from the strong and inip,ortant Ibvlress of Lisle, wjiere Mortier held the chief command. Some ofiicers, in- deed, in this place, openly avowed their intentions of es- pousing the cause of Bonapai'te, the moment they heard of liis landing; amongst which numbers was the Count d'Erlon, Generals Excellmans, and the two Laliemands. The former of these was put under airest; but the others escaped with a body of cavalry, and other troops, with which they pushed on to sui'prisc the n)iiitary depot of J^a Fere, and there assembling more troops, and receiving a supply of arms, they intended to push on to Paris. At La Fere, h.owever, they failed in their object, through the resolution of tlie coranjanding officer of the place. Two regiments of troops also, which were with them, • Massena's address to tlie Marsellois, March Plli, f Do. do. March 15lU. '^ 44 there leariiing what their real intentions were, refused any longer to oV \ 'h( 111, Ihene, hcwever, suil:-red tlicii' leaders to escape. ExccUmaiis, lonnerly tried for treason and acquitted, was soon after taken again; but the two Lalieniands succeeded in efiect- ing tlieir escape, with a small body of cavalry, and joined Bona- parte. In the meantime, however, it could not be concealed that the arri\-al of their former leader gave general satisfaction among the nnprincipled soldiery; who, in almost every place, shewed this satisfaction in the most unequivocal manner: and amongst the old revolutionists, a savage joy was boldly expres- sed at the appearance of this old demon of discord and confu- gion amongst them. Many also of Bonaparte's former particu- lar friends were now making their appearance in various parts of France, but particularly in Paris. The Duke and Duchess of Angouleme, who had shortly be- fore gone upon a tour to the South of France, were at this time at Bourdeaux, where, as well as in every other part of their route, they had been received with universal joy and acclama- tion. Upon hearing of the landing of Napoleon, the Duke re- ceived orders from the King to repair to Nismes, to assemble troops, and to assume the command in that quarter. Leaving the Duchess at Bourdeaux, he proceeded with tue utmost dis- patch to his destination, in which situation we must leave him for a moment. In the meantime. Monsieur and Marshal Mac- donald arrived at Lyons on the 8th, where they were welcom- ed by the inhabitants with great satisfaction, and whp shewed the greatest willingness to defend the place. The troops also, had as yet shewn no other disposition; but there was a great want of all military stores of every description. This, no doubt, was the work of the conspirators, to prevent any oppos- ition which might otherwise have been organised amongst such a population, nuiny of whom were, unquestionably, adherents of the legitimate family. From Grenoble, Bonaparte continued his advance, and on the 9th he reached Burgoign, a town about five posts from Lyons, where he halted for the night. The crowds and enthu- siasm which collected around him, according to his accounts, yapidly increased. They were prepared before-hand for hir^ 45 arrival, and, consequently, were eager to sijcu- their sentiments on the occasion. '• For a long time we have expected voii," said these brave peoj:)le to the Emperor. " Behold you are at length arrived to deliver France from the insolence of the Nobicsse, from the pretensions of priests, and from the disgrace of a foreign yoke."* From Burgoign, Bonaparte next day ad- vanced on Lyons, " surrounded by a crowd of peasants, sing- ing songs expressive of all the nobleness of feeling of the brave J)aupiiinois."f To these marks of satisfaction and *'^ feeling" the Emperor could do nothing less than make a suitable re- turn. It brought to his recollection the tales of other times, when all v.ere equal, and v.hen they and him had sworn to an- nihilate Empci'ors and Kings. " Ah!" said he, " 1 recognize liere the sentiments xi'Iiich, tvoentij years ago^ made me salute France as the Great Nation. Yes, you are still the Great Na- tion, and you will always be %o:'X Thus situated, and with these feelings, he arrived before Lyons. The roads to the su- burbs, on the left bank of the Rhone, had been barricaded with beams and trees, and two regiments of infantry and one of ca« vairy were in the place. To these were joined a considerable number of the national guards, all under the command of Monsieur and Macdonald. These latter endeavoured to ani- mate and encourage the troops, but in vain. The " Prince," said Bonaparte, " went through all the ranks, but ho found ihew. Jrozen-"^ a terrible state; in which men become incapable, cf any resistance, and which the Russian campaign had taught Frenchmen the meaning of Flere, indeed, they were morally frozen, and remained deaf to every sentiment of honour and worth. Least he should", however, meet with resistance in tlie city, Bonaparte had directed Bertrand to collect boats at Mir- bel, and during the night, to pass the river, and nmrching up- on Moulins and Macon, to cut off the retreat of the Prince, when he .should be iorced to abandon the city, as Bonaparte was certain he would. As he advanced, however, he soon learned that his friends had completely opened the way for him, and that no resistance would take place; wherefore, this • OfficialJournal, Moiiiteur, March 22d, ]815. f Do. do, do. ^ Do. do. do. § Bonaparti-'.s Journal, dii Rhcne, Lyons, JVIarcli nth. is movement was countermanded. Macdonald appeared on the bridge la Guillotierre, with two battaHons of troops, where they met the advance of Bonaparte's arnu', preceded by some of the inhabitants of the Fauxbourle to reach Fon- tainbleau by^Hie o'clock in the morning."^ In oriler to discour- age the friends of Louis-, and encourage those of Bonaparte, tlie agents of the latter scattered over the country, in all direc- tions, took special care to spread the most alarming reports con- cerning the enthusiasm of the people in his favour, and of the prodigious augmentation of his army. This was jiurt of his sys- * Official Jotirnal, Monifeur. f Do. do. \ Do. Ati. £1 teni, wliich was as necessaiy to his power as its existence, and w hich had so long alarmed and confoundt'd Europe. The tacts in this case, however, though very much exaggcrited, were too se- rious not to create the greatest uneasiness and anxiety to the party attached to the legitimjilc government But they were taken completely by ^urpriee, and were alt-ogether unprepared; and what was worse, without either authority, or even ^roper- iv, to the extent that could at all make theij- voice, influence, or their exertions be hear moment it was the first employment of the Emperor. ' Scarcely • ]\Ioniteur, P;uis, Mardi f:5d, 1815. 60 iia.tain; they had marched to the combat, and in defiance of all opposition from the talents, and utmost efforts of the Great nation, planted their victorious ban- ners on the turrets of Paris. But their oppressors had, neverthe- less, suffered nothing; certainly little in comparison of v.liat they ^4 had (lonp. The cunniiig submission of the satellites of French tyranny, disarmed the resentment of the Sovereigns of Europe, and enabled their foes to escape the fate which their odious conduct so richly merited. The people of Europe acquiesced, bot they were not satisfied — They left France with anger and disdain — They left her, but with a wish that she had given them a better opportunity to have returned the chalice of se- •vercr retribution to her unhallowed lips. \or, indeed, was it possible that the nations of Europe could feel otiierwise. With «uch feelings did the armies of the allies turn their faces to re- visit their respective homes — to behold those lands which I'rench tj-ranny had covered with desolation — those once hap- py families which her ifijustice had reduced to want and mis- eiy, and those friends which her boundless ambition had filled ■with lamentation and covered with mourning. No wonder, therefore, when v.-e consider this subject, that the indignant sons of the Danube, of the Oder, and of the Moskwa, when re- crossing the iron barrier of the Rhine, and leaving untouched and uninjured that land which had occasioned all these losses and sorrows, should, at that moment, turn biick with a frowm of indignation, and while their hands, in the spirit of sorrow and of anger, grasped their swords, " While, half unsheath'd, appoar'd each glitt'rlng blade;" no wonder that they should exclaim, " we now know the road to Paris!"* If France had forgot this, the nations of Europe had not. There was perhaps nothing that they wished more — nothing that they desired so much as any reason given on her part, which should recal them to her territories again. The return of Bonaparte, which they could scarcely have expected, and at any rate sooner than they could possibly have anticipat- ed, gave them the opportunity so much desired. His arrival filled them with different feelings than those of terror and a- larm. France and her admirers wanted to make a mighty and terrific subject of it. The nations of Europe knew the afiair * So exclaimed Platoff when he re-crossod that streaoi. 65 vas serious, but not beyond their strength. <' The thliif i< only a trifle," said Alexander, " if we do not make a trifle of it." Europe did not make a trifle of it. With her there was no hesitation — no snbject. The great organ of the party which speaks their sentiments, after bestowing every opprobrious epi- thet upon this declaration whicli it could hunt out, concludes its virulent attacks and endeavours to set its mind at ease, fron^ what, after all, its principles dreaded, by saying, that it was a mere act of royal folly, a perfect " brutemfnimen" which would pass away without an}' of its resolutions being followed out.|| This was what they wished, but the sequel shewed how much they were mistaken. • House of Commons, April 3(?, 181 J. -f Hou?o of Lords, April fijh. ^ House of Commons, April 9th. § Do. do. June llfJ* II 3Iorning Chronicle, %9 This important and tcnible anathema of United Eirope, reached Paris about the third or the fourtii day after the King left if, and the second after Bonaparte entered it. It had a prodiirious effect on the public mind. All endeavours to con- ceal it, made it the more eagerly sought after, and though, it was impossible to keep it a secret in Paris, yet by means of the censorship over the public Press, it was not generally known over France. Without publishing the document itself, Bon- aparte caused the Moniteur to insert some remarks upon an article, said to have been published by the allies; but it was not till two weeks afterwards, nor till the perverted intellects of the English opposition Press, and members, had given the French Government their cue, that they published the decla- ration with their usual sophistical notes and remarks accom- panying it. But even these did not go the length their friends on tiiis side the channel had done. They seem to have been able, to find out no encouragement to assassination in it, nay, they even admit the propriety of the declaration, so long, as the allies conceived that Bonaparte was only an adventurer; but main- tained that his arrival at Paris, and resumption of the imperial dignity, altered his situation so as to make a total diifereut mode of behaviour, and line of conduct towards hira, requisite on the part of the powers of Europe. They did not attempt to deny, that the powers of Europe, had a right to prevent the return of Bonaparte, providing, according to their ideas, that there was a party in France agjiinst him; but, as they main- taineil there was none, so they insisted that they had a right to make choice of him, if they wished it, without violating any treaty with the allies; who had expressly declared, that they did not wish to interfere with the internal concerns of France, or to force any form of Government upon her, contrary to the wishes of the inhabitants. This was the mode in which ths conspirators reasoned; forgetting that the allies having an un- questioned and imperious right to proscribe the Government of Bonaparte, had done so, to which the French people had assented, and upon the faith of the observance of which, they had concluded with Franco in 181 t, the favourable treaty which they had done. That which I have already mentioned, 70 wTis the feelings of the conspiratX)rs themselves, vvitli regard to tliis famous document: — the following remarks from the Moni- teur, Avrote for the express purpose of answering what they as yet dared not pubhsh, will be sufficient to shew this. " It is the wish of the powers, it is said, that the general peace should not be disturbed, and the nations of Europe, should not be again plunged into the disorders and misjorlnnes of Revolutiom. That principle might induce them to declare against the Em- peror Napoleon, on the first news of his landing, and when tliey could only regard him as a competitor for a throne, oc- cupied by another, where success was uncertain — when they thouo-ht that a contest with balanced forces, might disturb the tranquiliit}', and bring back all the Revolutionary evils to France, and to Europe. The succours which these powers offer to the French nation, are, ther^ore, as inapplicable, as those offered to the King. There is no longer a King of France to accept the one; and the French nation will not have the other. The pretended assistance, would therefore, be an attack: those offers would be a declaration of war against the whole nation — a declaration, which would remind the nations of Europe, of the Crwsarfe o/" 1792, and 'ipJikh 'would have thp same result." * Proceeding in this train of reasoning, they endeavoured to raise a clamour in Europe, by insinuating or rather stating, as usual, that the object of the allies, was merely to maintain Louis XVIII. on the throne of France, against the wishes of the nation, which was unanimous against him. " No where are there anv symptoms of ti'oubles or demonstrations of civil war. The subjects of those powers, fatigued by twenty year^ of war, will not be deceived on this subject. They will see that Europe i^ to be put in flames, for a single family — who, having already been once replaced, by deluges of blood, in its inheritance, could not maintain itself one year ! It will be asked, whether all the people of Europe are to sacrifice their repose, their industry, . their welfare, and their lives, constantly seeking to place a fugitive family in an asylum, whence it allows itself always to • Moniteur, 5d April, 1815. 71 Be reptjilcd, and to replace it in a situation which it alway* abandons." * Here the French writer with that characteristic audacity antl disregard, for truth, which the denationalizing jargon of the revolution had taught them, boldly asserts, that all the wars to the conquest of Paris in 1814, was waged by the nations of Europe, purely for the purpose of restoring^ Louis XVIII. and that their object was again the same. Eu- rope well knew, the contest had been, and was yet to be, for a very different purpose; and that the whole had been forced upon her by French Revolutionary principles, ambition, and power. Not content with promulgating this barefaced false- hood, they affected to claim great merit, for their wish to ob- serve the treaty of Paris, which they characterised as disgrace- ful to France. " The treaty of Paris," said they, " might excite, in the mind of the Emperor, as in the mind of every Frenchman, a sorrov/ which might have been the deeper, as a firm and courageous Government would doubtless have obtain- etl less disadrantageous conditions. But tliat treaty exists. It is not the Emperors work. It is not his glory that suffers by it. France wishes for peace; her limits are traced, the Empe- ror will not overpass them, unless he be thereto compelled, in consequence of their being penetrated. There is nothing to be changed in the relation of the Empire with other nations. The chief is different, but the relations are the same." f If the Emperor could have made a more advantageous peace, why then, did he not stay and do it? All Europe, and every one, but an impudent Frenchman, could understand that it was not with Napoleon the treaty of Paris was made; and that the cause of its being so favourable, was the express con- ditions, that Bonaparte should leave France, and that the French nation should withdraw their allegiance from him. Unless that had been done, a treaty very different from that of Paris would have been exacted from France; and Europe would have taught her, that with Bonaparte at her head, the relations between them had always been, and must re- main, upon a different footing. After adverting to the im- * Moniteur, April 3d, 1815, f Do.. do. 72 possibility, in his view of the subject, of the allies ever forming another coalition, e(iual to that of 1813 and 1814, which they accompHshed " by making the people believe, that they were interested in opposing the pretensions of France," the writer proceeds to shew, that France and the Emperor might safely be trusted. " France has no longer any pretensions, that may alarm them. The Emperor comes forth from his retreat to act on a new system abroad and at home. With respect to abroad, he renounces the idea of a great Empire, and at home he wishes a free Constitution. His promises are believed, and foreigners have nothing more to say on the subject. We res- pect their independence, let them respect ours. They have no light to violate it, and experience has well demonstrated, that when we are united they have not the power." * I Such was the idle reasoning, which the French nation 1 brought forward to support their last flagrant violation of the treaties, concluded between them and the people of Europe; and such the daring assertions and assumptions, which they attempted to make and maintain, to aid their unrighteous cause. It was impossible that Europe could for one moment be so besotted as to listen to such arguments; and nothing but that consummate impudence, which modern Frenchmen possess beyond all other men, could have made them suppose that she would. No ! Europe had been too often deceived by France and her Emperor, again to put any trust in the promises or the pro- I fessions of either. In all these observations, however, upon the declarations of the allies, there is not the smallest hint of attri- buting assassination to them, or disputing their right to inter- fere against Bonaparte; but only attempting to say, he would, for the future, behave better than he had done. The hints and materials given and afforded to Bonaparte's supporters, in Paris, by his admirers in Britain, had not yet reached that city, or opened their understanding; but, as we go along, we will perceive that these were not lost upon them. If the Sovereigns of Europe were so firmly resolved, and un- animous, upon the first whisper of the danger which approach- * aioniteur, April 2d, 1815. ed them, it was not likely that they wonltl be less so, Sls that danger became more imminent. Accordingly, the rapid ad- .Vance of Bonaparte, the defection of the troops, the apathy om the satisfaction of the people, and tiiejoy with which he was re- ceived at Paris, but increased their spirit and donhled their ex- ertions. Courier after courier was dispatched to hasten the march of tiie troops from every point. The Austrian troops continued to press forward to Italy, and towards the Rhine, The Bavarians, in great force^ took the same direction. The Germans, along both banks of the Mayne, followed tlieir route. The Prussians continued to increase in the country round Na- mer and Luxembourg* Blucher was directed to assume the command of this increasing force. Lower down the French fi'ontiers, the troops of Holland, LLnnover, Belgium, and Great Britain, daily augmenting by re-enforcements, were placed un- der the command of the Conqaeror of Vittoria, who was recalled from Vienna to assume a more conspicuous and more important station. On the Italian and Spanish frontiers, things were e- qually active; and at the same time the British flag began to shew itself from her wooden walls, along the sea coasts of the French Empire. The boasted unanimity of the French people, in the reception of Bonaparte, which they gave out, and perhaps made themselves believe, would appal Europe, had a totally differ- ent effect. It, indeed, augmented the danger, but it also called! 'forth commensurate means to meet and to crush it. But to return to France, where we left the usurped again seated in the Thuilleries, amidst the plaudits of his good city of Paris. Napoleon le Grand animated the deepest dens of guilti in the Palais Royaie, and the darkest haunts of ferocity in the Fauxbourg of St. Antoine. But before we begin to notice his conduct, after his resumption of the Imperial dignit}', it may not be amiss to examine a little more minutely into the object which he had in view, in returning to France, the plan of the conspirators to accelerate that return, and the conduct of the Marshals and leading men in France at this period. Let us examine these separately. I have already taken a summary view of the internal situa- tion of France, and the secret anger and deep discontent which K ^ 3 14 6tc\i\ned llie minds of tlic itirbuleut part of that nation, iiiiior- tunately the greater number^ ;tt vvliat their pride taught ther.i to feel niost keenly, the severb humbling \viiich their national vanity had received. At the same time, as we have ah-eady noticed, the whole of Bonaparte's former associates, and crea- tures. Marshals and Generals-, were, in the most impolitic man- ner, retained ift power by the King»^- The whole business ot the kingdoniy civil, nuiita^y, and-^^ diplbmatic, vs^ere conducted by them, and came through their hands. These were enemies to the legitimate family, as they, at the same time, were to every thingtl>at was peaeeablie and good. These men readily joined themselves to the other discontented friends of the deposed Emperor, and ingratiated themselves with the military, whose fierce passions looked forward only to plunder and blood; and- who, on this account, regretttd the absence of their former leader. The road to wealth and hiynours, acquired by the strength of theswordf at the expense of bleeding nations, and innocent individuals^ was no longer open to their arbitrary minds and ferocious dispositions. These men,, beyond all o- thers, could not bear the idea of a government, under whose auspices they were to be obliged to give up their odious, but, as they called them, glorious pursuits, and siiiking into private life, be brought to &upport themselv-es by labour and industry. The mass of these men were fit for any thing that was evil, or that would overturn the system which was op})(9scd to>it. BuJ: they could not organize the plans requisite to accomplish their objects. Their leaders, however, of whom they were complete tools, were equal to this task. These men industriously spread evil reports throughout France against the King. These, though falsehoods, had a prodigious effect hi a country where " four fifths"* of the inhabitants of the same had gained theii'' properties by destroying his predecessors. These votaries of the revolution — these children and' champions of Jacobinism, most cordially hated the name of a Bourbon; and their guilty consciences still bade them dread that much injured' and persecuted family. These two formidable parties, while: * So the friends of Bonaparte said. -75 u^echliad his own plan in view for establishing another system,yet ean-erly united their efforts to overthrow the legitimate govern- ment; and as they, in a great measure, held in their hands the whole active machinery of the state, they .were accordingly en- abled to carry on their plans with surety andsuccess. The re- volution was thus concerted and matured in every department, without the royal government being at all aware of it, or at least that it was in any ways dangerous, a^^ it was the immediate in- terest and concern of those to suppress all information concern- ing it, vvlMjsetbifsiness it was to have communicated every move- ment of the kind to the executive government. These parties communicated their discontents and intentions to their former chief, and found him ready to listen to any proposals by which he supposed he could regain his lost sceptre, and his former un- limited sway over Europe. This Inst object was, no doubt, the great point he had in view; to accomplish it was the dar- ling pursuit of every Frenchman, of whatever class or degree. .It was, in. fact, the secret spring which prompted all their ac- tions, all their movements, all their treason, all their crimes. That, after his own elevation, this was the principal object which Bonaparte and his associates had in view, was very evi- dent from every thing that issuee in -my^ capital, surrounded by my brethren in arms — after having d-elivered our provinces in the South, and my good city of Lyons, from the reign o^fanata- crsm which is that of the Bourbons. France sliall still be the happiest country in the vv'orld. The Freurh shall still be the Great Nation. Paris shall again become the queen of cities, as 'tvell as the seat of the sciences and of the ciyts"\ " Europe," said the Confederation of Britanny, " is enlightened, and hef' * Bonaparte's proclamation to the people and army, March 1st, 1815. f Answer to the deputations at Gap, March Ctli, 1815. % Proclamation, Boiirgeigne, March 8tli, 1815. 83 "Sovereigns at this great period, will shew themselves worthy of their aj inarch, and while all those who would have been inimical to him, were withdrawn to a distance from it, was contrived to astonish and sU'ike terror into the minds of his opponents. The people taken unawares, beheld his march like the fiery meteor, or like the lightnings speed, which carries with it irresistible destruc- tion. He passed before they could recover their senses from their state of surprise into which the phenomenon jiad thrown them. They trusted also to the army. It deceived them, and not onlv made no opposition to his progress, but adopted his cause, and joined his ranks. These, with the violent ^Jacobin- ical party, all of whom had arms in their hands, while the well disposed inhabitants had none, were sufficient to overawe any one who might attempt to oppose his ])rogress. That he fear- ed, however, and that his advisers well knew all France was not friendlv to him, is obvious, from the spot where he landed. If this had not been the case, why not land at Marseilles or Toulon? It is cleni', if he had done so, that in those loyal and populous districts, his force would have been crushed be- fore any considerable number could have joined him; and any failure or defeat at the outset could scarcely fail to prove fatal to his cause. The army and the Jacobins, therefore, were the grand machines which recalled Bonaparte; and the fpr- 89 mer was placed by the latter in a manner throughout France*, where its service would be most beneficial to his interests. The wnnt of opposition, therefore, on the part of the people, in the early part ot" Bonaparte's progress, was owing to a differ- ent reason than perfect unanimity, and of real regard for his cause. But the number against him were beat down by fear of a superior, and, as it concerned them, a most merciless force. The plan of the conspirators, in the route chosen for him, had also other objects in view. They hoped to take Eur- ope unawares; and under pretence of marching a large force to Paris, in order to defend the capital and the King, they thereby drew a force round Paris, sufficient to overawe it if re- fractory; and then in causing the King to retire upon the north- ern fortresses where numerous columns were marched, as if to defend his cause, they succeeded under this shew of loyalty to what they had more at heart, namely, of collecting a very large force on the frontiers of the Netherlands before Europe was a- ware of their real designs. These provinces, they no doubt calculated, that they should be able to overrun, and add to the French empire before Europe could oppose it. But they found themselves grossly mistaken. The fame of Napoleon being in France, awakened all the vigilance of Europe; and while it would have justified her in immediately entering France, it in- duced her to take such steps that, before Louis XVIII. passed the frontiers in his exile, a force was drawn along the bound- aries of the Netherlands, 'sufficient to prevent any sudden irruption on the part of France, by those troops, which, under the pretence of defending and supporting her King, France had, in reality, pushed forward to commence, as it suited her views, a fresh war of aggression against Europe. The conduct of the French marshals, upon the return of Bonaparte, was altogether unprecedented in the annals of base- ness. They did not at once openly espouse his cause, and march, to join him. No; they had already taken one oath of fidelity, which, to have broken, woukl have stamped-thera with infamy sufficient. But not content with this, they unanimously came forward upon the first account of his landing, and not only tooks M 3 fresh oath olTitleUtylo the King, themselves, but caused the troops- to do so also. This they not only did, resolved at the moment when they took the oath, to break it, but also to lead the troops to break theirs. Excellmans, theLallemands, Desnouettes, with all their turpitude and crimes, were not so bad as Ney, Soult, Si'.chet, Massena, and others, who voluntarily t-ook and violated two oaths, and the most solemn and public protestations;, whereas, the former traitors made i*ro promises but one, broke no oaths but one; and when Bonaparte appeared,, instead of swearing allegiance to the King anew, they went lioldly ofF to swear fi- delity to Napoleon. Tlieir conduct was re^solute, and least dan- gerous to the cause which they de.«erted. Yet, in the foce of such a dark scene of perfidy as France at t\\k moment exhibit- ed in all her leading characters, it- was not a little singular to hear a British Representative in the FIoDse of Commons^ and in the discharge of his duty, come forward and extol the hon- our of the Fi'ench marshals, and hold it up as an object for the .consideration and the regard of Europe. " The honour of the French Marshals," said Mr. Abercrombie, " demanded the fulfilment of the stipulations of the treaty of Fontainblcaw. Their honour was pledged to this; and the honour of a soldier renowned in arms is not to be trifled with. The French army Was, in fact, the guarantee of the treaty."* The honour of a French Marshal^ — and those Marshals, Ney, Soult, Caulin- court!! &c. — Oh, shame, where is thy blash? Immediately after laBdiiig m France,, every cn'gine of the Imperial system was set to work, to keep alive in tiW minds o-. the French nation that haughtiness and vanity which sprung from the idea of their invincibility. Though they had been driv- en, in the short space of eighteen months, S'om Mo.scow to Mont- martre — though they had, in that period, lost thrice 600,000 men; and had seen their capital, with half their comitry, in the power of foreigners; and to propitiate and disarm whose re- sentment, they had been compelled to banish their Emperor to "a i*ock in the middle of the sea," after all this, it was undertaken to make them believe that they had not been vanquished. Nor * House of Gommons, April £Cth, ] 81 5» was this a difficult business to accomplish, as it was an idea in- herent in the bosom ot'eveiy Freiichman. To ward off ihi? infa- my, the}' had recourse to every expedient: to the frost of Russia; the Saxon desertion; andihe ignorant Corporal at Leipsic; but these availing no longer^ a difl'crent expedient l)ecamc neces- -sary. It was not so pleasant nor convenient; but tiie times left them no alternative. It was no less than treason in .France — Treason in France, and against their beloved Emperor! Most horrible 4ind diabolicrd — mostincomprehensiWe and unaccount- able, in a counti-y where, for 14 years, Europe had been inces- santly tcdd by the same lips, that every one idolised and adored him. Yet so it was. •" Soldiers," said Bonaparte, " we were not conquered-: two inen, risen it oni the ranks, betrayed our laurels, their country, their Prince, their benefactor."* " Frenchmen! the defection ol the Duke of Casti<)lione deliv- ered up L^'ons, without defence, to our eneuiies^ die army, of which I confided to him theconmiand, was, by the number of its battalions, the hravery and patriotism ot the tioo[)s which composed it, fully able to beat the Austrian corps opposed to it, and to get into the rear of tlic left wing of die enemy's ar- my, whicii threatened Paris. The victories of Champ Aubert, of Montmjrail, of Chateau Thierry, of Vauchanip, of Mer- man's, of Montereau, of Craoiie, of Rheims, of Arcis-Sur- Aube, and ofisL Dizier;f the rising of the brave peasants of Loraine, of Chamjiaigne, of Alsace, of Franehedotupte, and of Bourgoin; and the position I had taken in the I'ear of the ene- my's armj, by separating it from its .magazines, from its parks of reserve, from its convoys, from ail its equipages, Jiad placed it in a despesrate situation. Ihe French aiJiiy were never on the point of being more powerlul, and the flower of the ene- my's army vvas lost without resource; it would have found its grave in those vast ■countries which it had mercilessly ravaged, when the treason of the Duke of Ragusa gave up the capital, and disorganixed the army. The unexpected conduct of these two Generals, changed the destiny of the war. The disastrous • ProL-laination to the army, March 1st, 1815, f Compare the account of the battlos of Arcis-Sur-Aubc, and St. Dizier, in the .previous volumes. 92- situation of the enemy was such, that, at the conclusion of the al^'air which took place before Paris, it was without ammunition, on account of its separation from its parks of reserve."* Again said he, " Treason, and unfortunate circumstances, had covered the national colours with funeral crape. "f The memory of tlie Emperor, which was never very good at remembering lacts when falsehoods were necessary to be brought forward, here forgot many important circumstances, and perverted others. He liad omitted the consideration that the allies had defeated him again and again; had separated him from all his ammunition and re- sources—had overthrown all that opposed their entrance into Paris, and from thence were on their march to attack him again. He declined it, although at that time, as St. .lean tie Angley informs us, he had 450,000 men in arms, besides the risings in mass, more than the half of Italy, and 50 of the chief fortresses; in Europe in his possession. It was necessary, however, to coh- tinue this .■deception of their invincibility to his followers; and this seemed the only rational way left, namely, to blame Augcreau., who had called him a coward, when in a proclamation to the army under his command, after the abdication ot his former master, he informed them " that Napoleon was a man who had Jiot the courage to die like a soldier." Marmont was also chosen as the next person on whom suspicion was likely to attach, be- cause he was the first pesrson who, with troops under his com- mand, sent in his adhesion to the new order of things. The allies, however, were in a situation to do the business them- selves, without any French aid — they wanted none — and got as little. It may seem unneccssarj' to quote the letter of Mar- mont in answer to this accusation, denying its accuracy, and declaring that Napoleon intended to attack, and if he could, to take, sack, and pillage his good city of Paris.ij: Joseph also, •who was the Marshal's superior, sent him orders in writing to capitulate, which was a sufficient vindication of the conduct of the former. Setting aside this, therefore, I shall bring the us- urper's own words to falsify his present accusations. In his last • Adtlre^js to the French nation, March 1st, 1815. if Dcv to the soldiers at Paris, March 21st. J Marraont's letter. 93 tlispatch, wrote after the capture of the capital,- he says, « On the 31 St March, his Majesty was at Fontainbleau; there he learnt that the enemy, having arrived 24- hours before him, -ht be more complete, by wringing from their own lips a confession of their former folly, and their guilt; and ofholding up to the world, as a mark of scorn and contempt, the vacillating policy and in- terested motives of those men, characterised as the steady friends of mankind, unshaken in their principles, and disinter- ested in their pursuits. Long had the ears of sober sense and ,sound reason been stunned with declamation to that effect; and although day after day discovered more and more the arbi.- irary conduct, mischievous views, and interested motives of these friends of Liberty and Equality, still their votaries would not be convinced of their error, nor see the inconsistency of tiie conduct of those whom ihey followed and revered. Some yet /^cmained who had assumed every possible dressofdeception which » Bonaparte's decree, Monitemr, I\Ja^- 1st, IS15. 102 human ingenuity could devise. To these the leaders of that remaining desperate hand, the deluded votaries of Liberty and Equality, yet clung; and in whom they could see nothing in- consistent, nor in their conduct any thing that was interested, arbitrary, or unjust The resumption of his authority by Napoleon, dissipated this idle dream. Under the " 7ie-iZi cir- cumstances" in which he was placed, he openly avowed, what all his friends and advocates at home and abroad had, for the space of fifteen years, denied, namely, that his object was universal Empire; and that his power was unconstitutional, arbitrary, and unjust. " Princes are the first citizens of the State. The sovereignty is only hereditary, because the interest of the people requires it. Departing from these principles, I know no legi- timacy." *' I have renounced," said he, " the idea of the Grand Empire, of which, during fifteen years, I have but founded the basis. Henceforward, the happiness and the consolidation of the French Empire shall be all my thoughts."* When we remem- ber that this speech was made to please the Jacobinical party in France, and dictated by them, we cannot forget the inconsisten'- cy and folly of those men, the keenest and most atrocious ad- vocates of the revolution, the principal object of which was to destroy the principle of hereditary right in the Sovereign, because it was totally contrary to the interests of the people; and whose conduct, after having occasioned all the horrid scenes of cruelty and confusion, now came forward to exult over the fall of their darling schemes of Liberty and Equality, which they liad so often sworn to support. These men, who had sworn the most marked hatred against all royalty, but particularly hereditary royalty, now find that hereditary Sovereignty, is the only true security for the interests of the people. " The country," said Carnot, Fouche, Cambaceres, Maret, &c. " raises again her majestic head. She salutes, for the second time, the Prince who dethroned anar-' chij^ and whose existence can alone consolidate our libei'al in- stitutions."f Carnot, the immaculate, pure, honest, sturdy re- publican ! Carnot, who had worn the red cap of Liberty so long; who had sworn never to desert her ranks, nor obey or * Answer to llie address of the Council of State, March 25th, 1815. \ Address of Ministers, March 25th. 103 accept honours from Kings, was in the present number. He was raised to the rank of a Count; took his seat in the upper house, and worshipped Napoleon's as the hereditary dynasty. Yes, but this was the dynasty of an Emperor, not of a King. This was French consistency. In a word, Carnot, hke the rest of his associates, shewed at last, that his principles were power, if he could obtain it. But then, it was all done for the honour and the interests of France. So was the murders at Madrid, and the flames of Moscow. In short, Carnot too forsook his former principles, and thus openly condemned them. The whole herd of these demons, which the Goddess of Reason let loose upon mankind, and who had escaped her fatalracor, to the last man, thus belied their professions — despised their principles — yet contmued to deny their error. It was the glory and the inter- ests of France directed all their conduct. The first act of the government of Bonaparte, after the min- isters were appointed, for Legislature he had none, was for these perfidious actors to assemble, and send forth congratula- tory addresses at their good fortune and easy success. They concluded all was secure, and that thus elevated, they were placed beyond the reach of fortune. Fate covered them with her in- vincible shield; and Providence watched over their destinies. *' Providence," said they, " which watches over our destinies, has opened to your Majesty the path to the throne, to which you were elevated by the free choice of the people, and the na- tional o-ratitude. The most just of revolutions, that which re- stored to man Ids dignity * and political rights, has hurled from the throne the race of the Bourbons. After twenty-five years 6f the calamities of war, all the efforts of the foreigner have not been able to re-awaken affections which were either extinguish- ed or utterly unknown. The Bourbons have not forgotten any thinfT. Their promises have been broken — those of your Ma- jesty will be kept inviolate. Your Majesty will also forget that we have been the masters of nations that surrounded us. This noble sentiment adds to the weight of glory already acquired. You have announced to the nation the means by which you de- * This was the French logic for denying their God, and abolishing his worship^ 104. Mte it should be governed for the future. Wc are to have na Ibreio-n war, unless it be to repel unjust aggression; no inteinai re-action; no arbitrary acts. Personal safety, protection of property, the free utterance of thought, such are the principle r* which your Majesty has pledged to us. 'Happy, Sire, are tiiosc who are called upon to co-operate in such sublime acts."* With these fine speeches, theories, and expectations, they con- trived to lull to sleep their guilty consciences, while their be-' loved Emperor assured them the " sentiments they expressed were his own — all for the nation, all for France, that is my inotto."f Which expressions, in French, meant any thing the speaker meditated or might be inclined to follow. The Em- peror was thus invited by the officers which he had created to exercise that authority " of which he could not be deprived, and which he could not abdicate without the consent of the na- tion; and which the will and the ge7ie}-al interest of the French' people now made it his duty to resume.":}: Having resumed this authority, Bonaparte immediately set about exercising it. Though professing peace, he took care, by every means that was in his povver, to prepare for war. Unfortunately for Europe, these nieans were most abundant. In the treasury there was a considerable sum of money: and some hundreds of thousands of fierce soldiers, trained on field? of blood, were eager to join those standards, whose re-appear- ance promised plunder and blood. Some time, however, was necessary to call these together, and make them what he wish- ed; but above all, he wanted time, by means of his agents and emissaries, to kindle up discontent in other nations, and to sow the seeds of jealousy amongst the powers of Europe. He, therefore, adopted moderate language, at the same time hold- ing a menacing attitude, by informing them of the awful and irresistible unanimity which, with regard to him, prevailed in France, and which had restored him to his former dignity. Addressing the different Sovereigns in the high tone of equali- ty, he, through the medium of Oaulincourt, informed them of * Address of jNIinisters, March 25tb, 1815. f Bonaparte's answer, do. Am, \ Address of the Council of State, do. da, I his return to the court of France, his entrance into Parts, afid the departure of the Bourbons. These event.^, said he, '• are the work of an ivresidiblc pvxoer, the work of the unanimous will of a o-reat nation, who knows her duties and her rights. Her %oice called for a deliverer. The expectation which had deter- mined nie to make the greatest of sacrifices, had l)een deceiv- td."* After this broad insinuation that they had violated their words, he proceeds to inform them, that the restoration of the Imperial throne was necessary to the happiness of France, and *' that his sweetest thought" was to consolidate the repose of Europe. While doing this, however, he took care to place himself in the foremost rank, and to call upon them to follow his example. " Glory enough," said he, " has rendered, by turns, the standards of the different nations illustrious. The vicissitudes Oi j'ule have made great successes bo followed by great reverses. A finer arena is now opened to Kings, and I am ihejirst to descoid into 2t,"f Scarcely any tiling can afford a stronger specimen of French vanity and arrogance, than this. He boldly tells those, whose utmost anger lie had provoked by his odious tyranny, liiat they were pursuing a system of ambition and aggrandizement at the expense of justice and honour; but that he now offered them his noble example in pursuing a differ- ent course. At the same time, the Jacobinical jargon exposed the cloven foot. The vicissitudes of fafee; not the decrees oFthe Al- mighty had been the means of curbing French power. Continu- ing his lesion, he imperiously informed them, that though France, •' is jealous of her independence, the invincible pi'inciple of her policy shall be the most absolute respect for the independence of other nations." And, continued he, " if such are the gene- ral sentiments of your Majesty, the general quiet is secured for a long season; and Justice, seated on the confines of the differ- ent Stales, will be alone sufficient to guard their frontiers.":|: Such was the brazen piece of affectation, effrontery, andmenacCj transmitted to the different Sovereigns of Europe. To these men to whom Bonaparte had repeatedly broken every promise that * Letter to the SoTereigns of Europe, April 4th, 1815. f Do. do. \ Do. do. © 4r lOS' He had made; and now, while in the very act of brcakinjr tlif last treaty between them, while tearin")- betbre tlieir eyes the paper that contained it to })ieces, ht comes le-irlcss^ly forward and demands, in the high tone of Equality, that they sliou'd for the future trust him, without any other guarantees than those which Napoleon's word, and' Frencii mterest and liononi' affoi'ded; things whicli assumed all possible ahapcs, and iliat so often, that no memory eould record them, nor ingenuity detect the deception. To have sup])osed that the nations of Europe could have, for one moment, listened to such professions, would have been to suppose them bereft of their' senses. According- ly, no attention whatever was ])aid unto them; and, except from Britain, no communication whatever was Iiad v>'ith the writ- er. The answer also retarned by lier, was declining all cor- respondence on such a subject; and merely announcing that she had transmitted the letter to the powers assembled at Vi- cna. There he met witk worse success; No answer was re- turned to his proposition. The Empeit)F of Austriii, in order that he might prevent tlie circulation of those bad reporter which it was known French cunning wonld, and did set a- broiul, that he was carrying on a secret correspondence with France, contrary to his faith Avith other powers, madeMctternich carry the letter addressed to him, unopened, into the Congress, and there unseahng it, laid it before that assembly. Such pro- ceedings totally disconcerted Bonaparte, and embarassed him exceedingly. His promises of peace and security toHhe peo- ple of France began to appear uncertain. The clouds of the gathering tempest began to approach their frontiers, in deeper and more appalling masses. It became necessary to take up the unpleasant subject; but, at the same time, it was requisite to expound it in such a manner, as that all the odium might fall on th€ heads oi' his enemies. " Alarming j-ymptoms," said Caulincourt, " manifest themselves on all sides. The mon- archs of Europe, as if by common consent, interdicted all com- munication with a great State, and shut up the access to ami- cable assurances. The couriers sent from Paris on the SOtli March, could not reach their destinations. One could not go beyond Sti'asburgh. Another^ sent to Italy, was obliged to re- 107 turn from Turin. A ihirtl, deslincd for Berlin and the Nortbj was arrested at Mentz, and ill treated by the Prussian com- mandant, and his dispatches seized by the Austrian General. *' I hear, that of the couriers sent off' on the 5th, those ibr Ger- many and Italy, have not been able to go beyond tl>€ frontiers^ I have no intelligence of those sent oiT to the North, and to England. In Britain, the Prince Regent declares that he has given orders to increase the British ibrces by sea and land. In Austria, Russia, Pr^issia, all parts of Germany, and in Italy; every where, in short, there is a general arming. In Spain, an army is to proceed to the line of" the Pyrenees. The as- ■sembling of troops of different nations in tiie new kingdom of the Netherlands, and the numerous debarkations of English troops, are known to your Miijesty. A convoy of French pris- oners, from Russia, has been stopped on the sideof I'irlemont. Upon all parts of Europe, at once, theij are armings or marchings or readjj to march."* It was no v.onder that Franfie beheld this appalling-prospect, and felt this dreadful situation with anxiety and alarm. She saw herself cut off from tiie rest of mankind, without hope of reconciliation. Pier profligate conduct Iiad aroused the utmost energy and precaution in Europe; and no professions made, nor communications sent, while Napoleon reigned over France, would any more be attended to by Europe. Yet France af- fected^a tone of surprise, and called forth a spirit of accusation asainst the nations she had so m-levouslv deceived. " Aarte landed in France, and the French nation acknowledged his sway, from that moment, any thing but ignorance the most obstinate, and prejudice the most blind, must have seen and known that they were in a state of hostility with the nations of Europe, Strange, however, as it may appear, there was not wanting, men, in Great Britain, who advocated the cause of Bonaparte and his desperate band, in this instance; and who boldly maintained that the allies were bound to maintain the peace of Paris v^itii iiim; that any attack against him would be a violation of tluit treaty, and an act of aggression against the independence of the French nation. These men joined the cry raised in France by the partizans of the usurper, that " it is not then against the monarch, it is against the I'rench nation, against the indcj)end- ence of the people, against all that is dear to us, all that we have acquired after twenty-five years of snffering and of glan/; agjiin^t our liberties, our institutions, that hostile passions wish to make ■war. It is the hope of returning, a second time, by iorce of arms, the Bourbon ftimily, upon a soil which dii^clainis them, and which wishes no longer to receive tliem."* Al)surd a.s these railings of disappointed ambition v/erc, still they were car- ried on witli a most astonishing degree of persevei'ance; but, with the exception of a few, whose influence had no weight in the deliberations of the councils of Europe, they were altoge- ther without success. Europe was well aware that it was not lor the restoration of the Bourbons, but for her own immediate i^afety, that she was now about to renew the combat. It was a matter of minor importance to her, who was Sovereign of JFrance, providing that Sovereign was not Bonaparte. With him, fiital experience had taught her she never could enjoy reCal, yeace or repose; and with him, as Sovereign of France, sIk- Wfis determined she never would enter into any league. • Caulincourt^s report, April 7 th, ]81.^. 109 i'erceiving that every effort to bend any one of the powers of Europe to his views would be ineffectual, Bonaparte began se- riously to think of an immediate rupture. Hostilities, how- t^vcr, he did not dread. On the contrary, he courted them; they were in reality what he expected, and what he wished, })roviding he could only chooee his own time. At present, Eur- ope, in some measure, was before hand with him; and neither in his internal nor his external relations was he so well prepar- ed to meet her as he could have wished. " You have recalled nic a month too soon," said he to his friends in Paris after he returned to that capital. It is probable that many of the old revolutionary party, content with what they had got, and wish- in'r to preserve it, really wished to live at peace with their neiixhbours; and that they were ignorant enough to suppose that thev might continue to do so, though the dynasty of Bonaparte was restored, and that of the Bourbons, whom they feared, dis- placed. These, though they hated the latter, yet deprecated hostilities with Europe, as they were aware that the destruction of their power in battle would infallibly secure the return of the Bourbons, and under such circumstances as would certainly oc- casion the loss of their property. But tiie army was obliged to be consulted, and these called out for immediate war. This spirit could not be allowed to decay, as it might either be difficult to revive it, or if not immediately attended to and gra- tified, it might have fixed its regards upon some other object to conduct it. Hence, in the midst of his professed modera- tion, he was obliged to go along with thcii^ impatience; and it is in his addresses to them that we are to look for what ap- proached nearer to his real views and intentions. *' The coun- try," said Carnot, " expects new efforts from those brave mca \vho have already combated for her glory, and who cannot rc- jnain deaf to the voice of honour." " Soldiers!" said Davoust, " come forward then, in order that you may be ready to defend the country against enemies who wish to interfere, for the pur- pose of regulating what colours we shall wear, of imposing So- vereigns on us, and of dictating Constitutions to us. Let us * Carnot 's circular, Paris, Anril 12th, 1815. II© present to our enemies a frontier of iron, and teach them that we are still the same. Honour, the Country, the .'mperor call you. How much would you have to reproach yourselves, were this fine country again to be ravaged by soldiers whom you have so often vanquished, and were the foreigner to come to efface France from the map of Europe?"* " Tliey shall find," said Bonaparte, " on our frontiers, the heroes of Marengo, of Austerlitz, and of Jena; they will find there a whoJe people; and if they have 600,000 men, (alluding to the treaty of the 25th March,) we v/ill oppose to them two millions."f To this speech, the soldiers answered him with general acclamation. Recovered from the stupor which the rapid march of Bon- aparte, and general defection of the army had occasioned, the loyal inhabitants of several places in the South, made an effort to resist his authority. This was particularly Tconspicuous at Marseilles, Bourdeaux, and other places in the South of France. In various other places much disaffection was ex- pressed against the Usurper, but it was easily suppressed or kept under. In Bourdeaux, however, this was not so easily done. There the mass of the population were decidedly for the Bourbons, and the troops insufficient, for the moment, to overawe them. Animated by the presence of the Duchess of Angouleme, the unfortunate daughter of Louis XVI. and cheered by the exertions of the worthy Mayor ^f the j^lace, M. Lynch, who was the first to unfurl the Royal standard on the preceding year, Bourdeaux resolved to remain faithful to the King; and every measure was taken that the scanty means within their power offered to them. Some time previous to this as we have already shortly noticed, the Duke and Duchess de Angouleme had left Paris to visit the Southern provinces, and particularly Bourdeaux, where the Bourbon family had most adherents. Every where throughout their journej^ to this place, they were received with general acclania#>n and respect. Their march through the country, and their voyage down the Garonne, was a triumphal procession, in which tluy • Davoust's address to the troops, April 12th, 1815. f Bonaparte's do. do. Paris, April 9tb, 1815. Ill were followed bj-- multitudes, and accompanied by" the prayera and blessings of thousands. Arrived at Bourdeaux, they were weicomed with affection and respect; and every day tended to- shew them the interest which tire people took in their prosper- ity, and gratified them with some fresh token of aiiection and loyalty. The inhabitants of the neighbouring country flocked to the city, where the reign of the Bourbons having restored peace and commerce, had changed the appearance of Bour- deaux. It was calculated, that the city had received an increase of 2a,000 inhabitants within the year, collected from all parts to follow the peaceful occupations of industry and trade, un- known under the grinding tyranny of Napoleon. His arrival, however, changed the scene,, and scattered all these pleasing prospects. No sooner was that event known than the Duke de Angowleme set out with powers from the King, to assemble ibrces in the Eastern departments, to oppose the Usurper's march; and also, in case of necessity^ to erect into a separate Government all the provinces in the South of France. The Duchess, his wife, was left to watch over the Kinor's interest at Bourdeaux, and which she did to the utmost of her power. iShe issued orders to the troops and national guards — gave directions for the march of columns, and preparations for defence at eveiy point, with a judgment and ability which, while it excited the fcavs, drew also upon her the coarse anger of her eoemies. The inhabitants seconded her views — the troops and national guards appeai'ed united and well affected. But the danger daily increased, and the accounts of the suc- cessful progress of the Usurper, and at length of the departure of tlie King, gave the disaffected soldiery an opportunity t(r shew their real sentiments, and at the same time discovered to the Princess how little dependanee she could place upon them. Aware of the vast importance of crushing any resistance to his authority, in this populous and important place, BonapartCy almost as soon as he had entered Paris, sent General Clause!, one of his firmest supporters, to assume the command in that quarter, and reduce Bourdeaux to subjection. This General made all haste in his journey, and assembling all the troops he could find in the neighbouring departments, who willingly and 112 f.tgcrly joined lum; he marched directly upon BourdcauA* Oil the ;50th he reached Cario;nac. PI is agents, however, pre- ceded him, and were every where successful. The troops in the garrison of" BInye, refused to admit the officer sent l)y the Duchess de Angouleme, to assume the command; and n(X sooner Iseard of the advance of Ciausel than they hoisted the tri- coloured flag and acknowledged Napoleon. In the meantime, the Royalists had sent out detachments of troops oti the road of Clauzel's march to oppose him. Those were prin- cipally composed of volunteers, and a few troops of the line among them. The most advanced party of these had reached fcjt. Andre de Cubsac, when, hearing ot the defection of tha troops at Blaye, they abandoned the left bank of the Dordogne, crossed that river, and fell back upon Bourdeaux. Ciausel continued to advance, and having reached St. Andre de Cub- sac, was there met by a detachment of the garrison of Blaye, *' Durin"- the ni^ht of the 30th March, some iniellisrait officers Ijad already been dispatched to Bourdeaux."* These intelli- gent traitors, for such they were, found it an easy matter to spread the flame of rebellion among their ferocious brethren. In vain the Princess issued orders. These were most shame- iiilly evaded or disobeyed by the Governor, and an ofiicer nam- ed Martignac, who commanded the Bourdeaux troops, and who, said the Imperial official account, " appeared to General Clause! to be a man of sense and merit, the friend of his country;"! that is, in plain English, a deep designing traitor; M'ho swore to defend what he Ijad previously resolved to betray. This man sent an insufficient number of young volunteers, to defend the passage of the river, who were obliged to retire, after firing a few shots at the Imperial forces. He next took care, witli an " afflicted air,'" to inform the Princess of the de- fection of the garrison of Blaye, which had been ^occasioned principally by his own treasonable and half measures; and last- ly, as the enemy began to approach nearer the city, he, with the other officers were eager to inform her, that they were afraidj that they could not depend upon the troops in the city. They,, • Official account, Moniteur. f Dor dcs f 113 at the same time, with that hypocritical cunning so notorious iff the Ilevohitionary school, urged her to consult her own safety and leave the place. This the Princess refused to do. The national guards and volunteers called loudly for arms, and these forces she urged might be led against the enemy, as sufficient to de- fend the place. Those worthless men, however, instead of jicconding this resolution, informed the Duchess, that if these troops passed the river the garrison would certainly follow, and place them between two fires. This, however, did not deter this unfortunate Princess, and the few friends on whom t^lie could rely, from taking measures to defend the place; and when these cowardly traitors stood by, not only lending her no assistance, but thwarting by secret orders all her measures, she encouraged the people to resistance. For this noble and heroic conduct, she was, as might have been expected, loaded with the coarsest reproach of the barbarous pens of the mean- spirited revolutionists of Paris. Some of these are so much in character of their authors, that I cannot refrain from transcrib- ing them. Speaking of the efforts of this Princess, to encour- age the people in their loyalty, the Journal de Paris proceeds; *' The Duchess de Angouleme, went again to excite the zeal of her partisans, their joy resembled a Jurioiis delirium. These madmen would have torn in pieces several peaceable citizens who were there, if they had not been snatched from their hands."* On another occasion, says this Jacobinical writer^ " upon her coming out, a horde of banditti surrounded her, conjured her to remain, and demanded arms; they were supplied from the Mayor's office; and these wretches threatening all excesses, traversed the streets, uttered terrible vociferations, and entered the castle. The Princess encouraged them, and all honest mem marked out for destruction, trembled for their own lives and the lives of their children."* Such were the terms which this disciple of Robespierre applied to that heroic conduct which terrified their souls to think on, and which claims the admira- tion of Europe. It is true tbat the loyal population of Bour- deaux were exasperated at the military traitors, and several # Journal de Faris^ under date, Bourdeaux, April 2d, 1815. J? 4 ,Voc'ttoi''s of Kitpoicon's cause, who' now appeared among ibern. To their lioDour be it spoken, they were so. " The Count de Puysegur," said the .fournal de Paris, "• ventured to say tliat there was not sufficient iovee to resist tho troops of Napoleon. Immediately the royalists and the banchtti (volunteers) cried out treason 1 a thousand bayonets were hurried against M* Puysegur. To escape the fury of this sanguinary crew, he had only time to throw himself on the protection of the two companies of Grenadiers, wIk) were called by the names of the Isle of Elba, and Porto Ferrajo. Ti>e baiKlitti took aim at those companies;, several Grenadiers were wounded, and Cap- tain Trop Long, commanding thf first compa;r>y received a ball, and some nioments afterwards died. This honest man, an old soldier, decorated with the cross of the brave, is regretted by the whole city of Bourdeaux."* The refuge which M. Puysegur took was sufficient to shew tiie nature of his conduct, and the honour of those who protected hiui^ in which is in- cluded that hcmcsi man Trop Long, whose fate few regretted. Not satisfied with the reports of the Generals and Ofiicers com- manding the troops, of the disposition of the latter, the Princess ■was resolved in her own person to ascertain this. " Is it then impossible)" said ihe, in a tone that must have cut them to the poul, " now to employ tliat garrison, for which you could otill .'nsw-'er to me yesterday? Impossible! I wish to satisfy myselfr assemble your troops in their respective bar racks. "f Thougli they were sensible, that treason had already been too actively at work with these tnwps, still the traitors could not but fear what might be the consequences of this courageous resolution. The Princess ins'isted that these orders should be given. They were obeyed, and she instantly departed to ascertain the dis- position of the troops. Arriveil at the barracks^ she placed lierselfin the centre of the troops, called the Officers, remirided them of their oaths, " she prayed, she urged," i^aid the traitors, " she made brilliant promises, she wept, she threatened, it would \>e impossible to describe the vehemence which she displayed lo ♦ Journal de Paris, under date, Bourdeaux, April 2d, 1815. I Authentic Karralive published by a person in her suite. 115 cause Fferichmen -to fight against each other,"*' ia other worcl^ to recall them to a sense of tl)eiv duty. It was in vain — rthey reniaiiietl unmoved at this interesting appeal. Tlicy rcniiuued frozen — some of thera assured her that they would offer her no personal violence; some that they would not light against the soldiers of Napoleoiij and others, more ferocious, who had not been thawed since their return from Russia, that they would fire upon the uational guards, who rcniainetl faithtul to her. On a lew countenances among the soldiers were depicted sor- row; but these were few in number^ The great body re- mained insensible at the tears of pity and indignation, which their odious conduct drew from the e^^es of the daughter of their murdered Sovereign. • JIaving visited all the bariacks and found them allyro:;^?;, the Princess perceived there was no louger any dependance upon either Officers or troops, nor p,ny itirther hopes of defending Bourdeaux, except at ihe expense of the lives of the inhabitants, and perhaps of the destruction of the city. This she wished to avoid, and though the people did it with reluctance, she obtained a promise from them that, they woulil make no iarthcr resistance, and preserve order iii the city. This acconiplished, she began to think of her rejtreat from the place. She, Jiowevej:* refused to leave it till she found most of her friends .were safe. The Pi'efect and the Mayor had already .conveyed her baggage and military chest to Pouillac lower down the lli,ver, where preparations were niade for her to embark. The troops in the garrison ha^ already hoisted the tri-coloured fhig. At eight o'clock, on thp evening of the 1st April, this unfortunate Princess tpoji l}ey departure from Bourdeaux; and through a mournfpl silence and general lamentation., not '" loutl but deep," she })iisseii througli the city aud em.l)iuked at Pouillac, in the niidst of a dark and rainy night, in a boat which conveyed her down the river to an English sloop of war which had been prepared in haste for her })rotection; and under that f^^ig, which never waved over treason or disgrace, she was soon wafted beyond the reach of Napoleon's hate ap'd Jacobinical ferocity. Gen- eral Decaen was in the city, but he made no exertions — he fled * Journal de Paris, under date, Bourdeaux, April 2d, 1SI5. or appeared to fly upon the approach of the Imperial troops; charged by an indignant population with treason, and no doubt most justly. Next morning General Clausel entered Bourdeaux Avithout opposition; where, at length, said the audacious editor of ■the Journal de Paris, " the inhabitants breathed the air of liberty^ after groaning under oppression for a whole year. The op- pression was unexempled since the arrival of theyw;70W5W0w«7/, whose sweetness of temper the foolish Journalists had applaud- ed so highly."* The coarse nature of these unmerited reflec- tions and aspersions, was sufficient of themselves to shew the ^■'■furioui^ school from whence they sprung; and could at this moment, or indeed at any moment, only have been bestowed upon this illustrious Princess, by One of those men whose bar- barous and unfeeling hands had immured her tender years iu the horrible Parisian dungeons of liberty and equality, within whose precincts mercy never dwelt, and humanity was unknown; by those lips whose hands had murdered the father and mother, and corrupted the youthful mind of the innocent brother, bringing him up in every species of ignorance and debauchery. *' Young Capet," said a member to the Convention, " im- proves fast in the principles of Liberty and Equality — he swears," said he, " as well as the best Sans Culotte amongst them." Such were the unfeeling lips, perhaps the very same which now cast forth their venom against the untarnished re- putation of the Duchess de Angouleme. From the Garonne this Princess went to Spain, from whence she soon after re- iTioved to England, the secure refuge of oppressed innocence and worth. While these things were going on at Bourdeaux, the Duke de Angouleme had arrived at Nismes, where he learned the rapid advance of Bonaparte, and defection of the troops to him. Assen^bling the national guards, and some regiments who yet remained faithful, he penetrated into Provence, and marched upon Lyons, where a strong party favoured the Bourbon cause. In this operation he was cordially seconded by the joyalpopulation^f Marseilles, many of whom volunteered their * Jouraal dc Paris) und^r date, Bourdeaux, April 2d, 181^. services, and followed his standard. They alsa at the same time offered a large reward for the head of Bonaparte. But all their efforts, as well as the efforts of all the people of the surrounding provinces, were rendered of no avail, by the treacherous and designing conduct of jVJassena, who held the chief command in that quarter. This man, though like the others, professing the greatest friendship for the Bourbons, para- iized all the efforts of their friends and took only such measures as could injure their cause. He neither made any exertions himself, nor would he allow any other to do so; under the pretence of preventing the internal tranquillity of the country, from being disturbed. He was as yet too wise to declare himself openly for Bonaparte; because he was surrounded by a loyal popula- tion, who, if aroused to despair by his openly abandoning their cause, would have crushed him and his troops before any re- enforcements could have come to his assistance. Accordingly he remained quiet; and under the mask of befriending the Bour- bons, he was secretly uwlermining their cause. Nor did the inhabitants suspect his treachery, till it was too late. The Duke de Angouleme continued to advance up the Rhone, and at Montelimart came in contact with some of the Revolutit)nary forces, which after some skirmishing he forced to abandon the place, from whence he continued his march upon Va- lence, a city about 50 miles from Lyons. At Lyons, great alarm prevailed amongst the partizans of the Usurper; and th6 friends oi^ the Bourbons began to raise their heads. Alarmed, however, at this spreading of disaffection, and the advance of the Duke de Angouleme towards the important city of Lyons, Bonai)arte dispatched General Grouchy, him who massacred the innocent inhabitants of IMadrid, to assume the command in that place. The troops which formed part of Key's army, also marched to that point; and all the national guards, and gens- de-armes of the districts, known to be of the old revolutionary princi[)les, and decided enemies of the Bourbons, were called out to arrest the progress of the Prince. Grouchy, having ar- rived at Lyons, issued, on ll;o 4th of April, a proclamation, calling upon them to resist the intrigues and arms of a few- thousand disaflectcd men in the South; and at the same time informed them, that a formidable force, both of regulars and na- lis honal guards, was advancinrj to protect them. From Lyons, lie marclicd with a considerable force in front of the Duke's ar- my, while, at the same time, the national guards of Dauphiny, and other places came upon his rear. Thus situated, the Duke no sooner came in contact with the Impei'ial troops, than the troops of the Jine abandoned bim, and joined the standards of the P^mperor. The national guards anti Marseillois volunteers with him, perceiving themselves betrayed and abandoned, and being witiiout hopes , of opposing the force rolling against thcni, though they did «o with regret and reluctance, dispersed, and endeavoured to save themselves; while the Duke de Aupou- leme, surrounded, and without any prospect of relief, was ob- h'ged to capitulate to Grouchy, whicii he did upon conditions that he should be allowed to retire from the country without molestation. Bona})ar.te hearing of these conditions, ordered him to be arrested, and conducted, like a criminal, to Cette, where he was embarked on board of a Swedish vessel, whicli soon landed him at Barcelona, from whence he proceeded to Madrid. Before his embarkation, Bonaparte caused Grouchy .extort from him a promise, that all the crown jewels, carried off by the King, should be restored; which the Duke engaged to perform, as far as he was able, but which, he hinted, he had little chance to succeed in; as he would not, and was not authoris- ed, on account of his own personal safety, lo make any such ar- rangement; nor if he did, was the King bound to agree thereto. In fact, the King paid no attention to this unjust demand, inad- missible in itself, and more so from being ej:torted at the point of the baj'onet, under a direct violation of a solemn eonvention. But when was Bonaparte or his adherents known to pay any atten- tion to their promises or their oaths? The embarkation of the Duke de Angouleme crushed, for the moment, the spirit of re- sistance in the South. One place after another hoisted the tri- coloured flag. Thoulouse, Montpellier, Avignon, Toulon, did so; and, lastly, Marseilles, after much confusion and some re- sistance. But though reduced by an armed force, under, the do- mination of Bonaparte, the greatest discontent reigned amongst the mass of the population in the South. It is true, that the national guards, in general, endeavoured to prevent the success ^f the Bourbon cause; but this, perhaps, proceeded not so mucli 11& fponi any particular hatred against them, and aitoction fof Bonaparte, as from the wish to prevent a civil war, in which they (h-eaded the re-action of the populace, who were withoug property, as most of themselves at the commencement of the rcvokition were, and in which commotions, had these taken place, they were afraid that they might lose the property which they possessed. Hence their wish not so much to oppose the Bourbon interest, as to secure the internal tranquillity of the country, and to prevent the inhabitants from taking up arms at'-ainsteach other; knowing, as they well did, how fearful would " be the consequences of civil broils. Massena now threw off the mask, when he saw that such assistance was nigh as would enable him to overawe the Marseilloisj and accordingly, he published a fl.miing proclamation, acknowledging the authority of the Emperor, whom he always worshipped in his heart; and, at the same time, took great merit to himself for having preserved, the Viiluable port of Toulon, and the important city of Mar- seilles, to the Emperor. The submission of this latter place was celebi'ated with a discharge of 100 pieces of cannon, and great rejoicings amongst the Bonapartists all over France; as they fondly conceived that this event was the end of civil com- motion&, and the perfect establishment of their government; and, accordingly, they were not slow to dun it into the ears of the people of Europe. Hitherto I have forborne making any mention of the affairs of Italy. But it is now time to turn our attention to the affairs of that interesting country. Previous to the return of Napole- on from Elba, the French press teemed with accounts of dis- content, insurrections, and massacres of the Austrian troops in that country. Subsequent to that event, they doubled their di- liixence in that avocation, so congenial to their minds. In this they had two objects in view: namely, to impress upon the minds of the nations of Europe, that tiiey had so many friends in Italy, that in case of a war it would be easy ibr them to over- run tliat country; and next to shew that with Italy overrun or disaffected, Austria could render no effectual assistance to the grand coalition. That France had many friends in It- aly, cannot admit of a doubt; and that these might be anxious to make a movement in her favour, and commence it* 120 by a massacre of the Austrian troops, and their opponents, is ] extremely probable. The adherents of France, in all coun- Iricp, were men of that stamp who gloried in such measures, and followed these from the instinctive ferocity of their disposition. The vigilance, however, of the Austrian Generals, disconcerted all such attempts, and prevented the execution of any such plans; which it was generally observable that the press of Paris, as the true centre of the evil, and the fountain-head of such information, frequently only anticipated. It was evident, however, that commotions in that quarter were approach- ing. Murat, for some time, had been very busy in aug- menting and organizing his army. The Austrian troops were increasing in Italy; and after the escape of Napoleon from Klba, received still more numerous re-enforcements. It was insinuated by the friends of Murat, and the enemies of the Bourbons, that, at their suggestion, Congress was about to de- prive the former of the kingdom of Naples, and restore it to its ancient Sovereign. Every endeavour was made to impress upon the minds of the nations of Europe the injustice of this pro- ceeding, and to create an interest in favour of Murat. This was particularly engaged in by the opposition party in Brit- ain, who adopt the cause of any one, when by it they can em- barass the measures of ministry, throw odium upon their name, and tarnish the reputation of their country. In defence of Murat they embarked with alacrity; and never doubting his honour, or the honour of his agents, they were so proud of having obtained a tangible accusation against the British Cab- inet, and a deed to expose the imbecility and injustice of the despots at Vienna, as tliey loved to describe them, that they overlooked the source from whence they obtained their infor- mation, and accordingly their zeal in their new avocation led them into an aukward scrape. But to such things they had, of late, been pretty much accustomed. Official documents, all on one side of the question, now made their appearance with a most astonishing rapidity, in the columns of the Journal, ac- knowledged as the organ of the party; all complaining bitterly of the injustice of the proceedings of Britain and her allies, a- gainst the brave and the honourable Murat. With such per- severance was this suhject continued, that the public began to 121 blame, xvlih severity, the conduct of the Congress, as it related to this personage. Having thus made a considerable impres- sion on the public mind, they collected all their strength, and determined to come to close quarters with their ministerial op- ponents, in which contest their vanity and security anticipated a signal triumph an their part. They accordingly brought the business, in a very serious manner, before both Houses ot Parliament. The attack was in the tactics of Napoleon him- self. They broke with their collected strength upon the cen- tre of the array of their opponents, whom they hoped to cut in two, and make their victory complete and decisive. But their ground was badly chosen, and the position of their antagonists jiupregnable. The attack consequently failed. They were foiled with disgrace and shame; and, like Napoleon, retired, for a while, to a rock in the middle of the sea, in order to re- cruit their scattered forces, and recover their spirits.* In the House of Lords, the matter was brought forward by Lord Grey, who contended that Murat had discharged, in the cam- paign of 1814, the duty imposed on him by the treaty with Austria, which guaranteed to him his kingdom, and which was acceded to by this country. " His co-operation and assist- ance," said Lord Grey, " had greatly relieved Austria from the pressure she experienced at that time in Italy. He had cleared the dominions of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and the Eccles- iastical States, of the French armies."t But in what manner did he do it, and for what purpose? This was important to know. Lord Liverpool informed us, that Murat, at that mo- ment, was actually in communication with the enemy. That upon the arrival of Lord Castlereagh, at Vienna, a memorial on the part of Murat was given in by his minister the Duke of Campo Chiaro, stating his service, but which memorial was re- ferred to the Austrian General Nugent, who had made out a lono- report on its merits, and " on the whole circumstances of the campaign, in which that able officer stated, that Murat had not only not cordially co-operated with the Austrian army, but • After this debate, they continued to nibble about Elba, and its illustrious So?* ereign. f Lord Grey's speech, May 2d, 18-15* 2 * fiad broken the en fjageni cuts which he had entered into/'* Not relying on this evidence, liowever, Loid Ca.stlcieagh sent the whole documents to Low! William Bentinck, ** who made a report entirelij confirming that of General Nugent; and stating, that he had no doubt of Murat's having been in communica- tion vvith the enemy during the whole oi the operations." And further, that as to the co-operation of Murat, Lord William Eentinck even doubted whet4ier the common cause would not have been better promoted without it."-j- These officers, who Were upon the spot, were certainly the best judges of all the?e circumstances. In, the House of Commons, however, the ar- guments and facts took a much stronger turn. The business was there broiigh-t forward by Mr. Horner, who, after all the broad and daring cllarges, which, in the absence of Lord Cas- tlereagh, he had from time to time brought aoainst the exe- cs ' (^ o cutive government^ now that this noble personage was present, endeavoured to evade the debate, by submitting to the House whetheii it would not be " more consonant to the wise and es- tablished practice of the Legislature, on the emergency of a new war, to communicate those papers (which he wanted) by a message from tiie throne^ acejuainting Parliament with that e- rent, and referring it to the documents^ as explanatory of the causes which led to it. He would also suggest, that if the pa- pers were to be granted without opposition, the feelings of the House would be better consulted by foregoing in the present state of the question, all statement or discussion on the*subject/'|; This, no doubt, was the proper course; but the Honourable Gentleman had, with his eyes open, chosen another; and after enforcing and hisisting upon it, as the proper course, be could not be allowed to retract. Accordingly Lord Castleroagh said, that " he could not avoid feeling surprise at what had fallen from the Honourable Gentleman. He had conceived that those who sat on the oj)posite side of the House had, long since, consi- dered themselves to be in possession of information suificient to '^'arrant them in charging his Majesty's government with an • liord Liverpool's speech, May 2d,. 1815. | Do. doj J Mr. Horner's speech^ do, do. I 1^8 tmqiialifie-l breach of faith, {hear, hear!) An Honourable Geiitleman opposite (Mr. W'hitbread) had very recently declar- ed, in terms tlie most decided, that he had at length conclusive grounds for ascribing to ministers a breach otiaith, and a gross violation of their duty." The noble Lord proceeded to express his surprise that those who h^-.d so long ago '• criminated the proceedings of Gm^ernnient, and of our Allies, in the general ar- rangements ado{>tcd for the settlement of Kurope, should not now be prepared to support their accus^Jtions;"' and, that as " he had come down to the House in discharge of his duty, to meet the discussion of charges preferred in his absence, so he expected that the Honourable Gentieman would not shrink from a contest which he himself had provoked/'* This keen, but just, observation jM'ovoked the patriotic an- ger of Mr. Horner; and aftei" a panegyric upon his own Parlia- mentary boldness and consistency, he endeavoured to triumph over his opponents, by infoj*ming the noble Lord that " he had it in his power to embarass ministers in that House, by relerr- ing to papers wliich had been ah-eady laid belbi'e the other House of Parliament."! The public had already been suffi- ciently informed by them that such was the case; and what they now wanted to see was these documents so much talked ■of. Compelled, therefore, to come to the poiiit, Mr. Horner^ in a long speech, contended that M-urat had been most unjust- l}' dealt with, and that he was entitled to retain his kingc.om, in reward for the services rendered tlu? allies, and by virtue of the treaties concluded with him, which he, on his part, had not violated. Murat, said he, '• h;id hitherto fulfiled all his en- gagements." He contended, that the policy of this country was to secure the alliance of ^Jurat, who was most anxious to form such a connexion, and ready to enter into the most fa- vourable stipulations. Excej)t tliis, there was nothing very remarkable in his .■fpcecJi, which only abounded in daring accusations against the ministers of his country, founded upon disjointed statements and references, and a conviction * Lord Castlereagh's speech, May 2fl, 1815. •}• 3Ir. Horner's, do. do. ^on his mmd that Murat was right, and Britain and htr allies completely wrong. Lord Castlereagh, however, put a very different face upon affairs. He shewed the House that the treaty with Murat was acceded to on the part of Great Britain, upon the express conditions that Murat should procure indem^ nities for the King of Sicily, and act cordially and vigorously against Bonaparte. Murat, however, refused to acknowledge the first stipulation mentioned; and it was upon the earnest solicitations of Austria, not to sacrifice the general policy for the sake of individual interests, that Great Britain agreed to ihe negotiation, stipulating that Ferdinand should receive in- demnities in some other quarter. He stated that no improper suspicions of Murat's conduct had been taken up by him; but that, on the contrary, he had endeavoured to do away the well grounded fears of Lord William Bentinck against kim. " All Jiis arguments were thrown into the scale in favour of Murat," even when Lord William Bentinck informed him that the whole talk of Murat's ofiScers was, that Italy should be united, and Murat placed at its head.* JMurat had not honourably fulfiled his engagements to the allies, but was waiting the chances of the war, in order to throw his strength into the scale of the strongest power; but that if Murat had fulfiled these con- ditions, then his claim would have been acknowledged, and, in a particular manner, supported by Britain; but that having failed in his engagements, the fate of Naples was very properly left to the decision of Conc-ress. After detailing to fhe House documents similar to tliose which Lord Liverpool had brought forward in the upper House, and stating that General Nugent had not.only made out a complete case " of military inactivity, on the part of Murat, but of a most t^kilful management of his troops to defeat the objects v.hich had been agreed upon by the allies;" his Lordship proceeded to produce still more damning evidence a- gainst him, consisting of corret-pondence between Bonaparte and himself and hiy on the 16th," and continued, " Your husband is a brave man," &c. This letter was said to have been one which the Emperor wrote to the Queen of Naples, from Fontainbleau the 24th January, 1813, after the disastrous Russian Campaign. The next letter was without a date, but, from its contents, evidently wrote after the battle of Montmirail, &c. instead of running as Lord Castlereagh stated, " shall say nothing of my dissatisfaction at your conduct," &c. was asserted to be the delapidated copy of a letter from the Emperor to the King of Naples, dated Fontainbleau the 26th January, 1813, and running by a minute in their possession thus: " I shall say I2S nothing of my dissatisfaction at the course of conduct you Iiave pursued, since I left the army," and which passage the Moniteu? ;isserted, clearly marked the departure of the Emperor from the army after the Russian Campaign. With regard to these dar- ing assertions and impudent falsehoods, a few things escaped the memory of the Editor of the Moniteur and his master. In the first place, we had only his assertions that the letters he j^rodu- ced "were genuine^ and his character for veracity was not very remarkable. Irt the next place he would have done well to have considered what conduct Murat could have pursued^ which could have given 'offence in the command of an army entrusted to his charge at Smorgonie, which consisted of frozen wretches incapable of either resistance or flight. If he saved himself it was the utmost that could be expected by any ordinary calculations. Next, on the 16th January, he resigned the com- mand of the army to the Viceroy, by the express command of the Emperor, because " the latter was more accustomed to the measures of a grand administration."* The news from the French armies, did not at that time travel with unusual rapi- dity, for very obvious reasons. Posen is 900 miles from Paris; and if the account of what passed there on the 16th, reached the latter place on the 26th, it was as quick as the usual expe- , dition of travelling. Upon referring to the columns of the same Moniteur, we find that it was exactly on the afternoon of the 26th that this intelligence did reach Paris, and was in- serted in the Moniteur of the 27th. Thus the Empel-or could not know on the 24th of this event, and besides if we can be- lieve the Moniteur, he was not on any of the above days at Fontainbleau, but at Paris, consequently the Moniteur was the sole fabricator. The next letter is that dated the 7th March, ISl^, at least the date assigned to it, which was quoted thus, *' You are surrounded by people who hate France, and whc^ seek to ruin you; I have given you many warnings. All that you write to me is at variance with your deeds," &c. Thi& letter it was asserted was a falsification of one wrote by the Emperor to Murat, dated Compeigne, 30th August, 1811, and * Moniteur, January 27th, 1S15, 129 -which could not contain those passages, " continue to correS-^^ pond with the Viceroy. I shall see by your conduct at Anconn. whether your heart be really French," &c.; hut with all due deference, how could a letter wrote to Murat in August, 1811, inform him that he was surrounded by enemies. Who or where were they — at a moment, when the whole Continent of Europe was the humble and peaceable slave of Bonaparte, and Italy more than any other country. Such was the barefaced attempt of the French Emperor, to invalidate these important documents^ on which he seemed to conceive the whole proof rested. The other four, equally important and conclusive, were passed over in silence. Count Blacas, at any rate, could not falsify them; and they were alone tufficient to establish the points in dispute. ' But to render the matter stronger, the French Ministers con- trived to insert a letter purporting to be from Lord Wellington to Count de Blacas, dated Paris, January 4th, 1815, in which the former states that he returned the jyapers which the latter had left with him, and which in his opinion " contained no j)roofs against Murat. They only shew that he espoused a side against his will," &c. What papers these wcie thus shewn to Lord Wellington, we cannot tell — the Moniteur, of ' course, insinuates that these were the same as those afterwards produced by Lord Castlereagh; yet bold as he was, the editor does not venture to state pointedly that they were so. These? absurd accusations, however, strange as they were, afforded Mr. Horner, and that side of the House, an opportunity ta renew their charges against the Minister; but these were as unsuccessful as the other; and they were compelled to reHn- quish the defence of Murat, and the Moniteur, with shame and disgrace. Murat aware that his perfidy was become the object of con- sideration by the Congress, and' also of what was going on ia Elba, took measures to meet both. He augmented his mili- tary means with great energy, and procured a force of one description or another, which exceeded 100,000 men, 80,000 of which was disposable. But as the maintainance of this force was beyond the means of the Kingdom of Naples, Murat was compelled to precipitate his measures. In this, however, h« » 5 E30 ^vas guided by lii-J usual liypocrisy and cunninrr. UxiJc'r pre- tence of a quarrel vviih France, he, about die jniddle of Februarv, had the audacity to demand a passage through Middle Italv, and throuy,h the Austrian States in Upper Italy, for an army of 80,000 men. "Such a strange projxjsal was rejected witiv a suitable admonition."* At the same time France assured Austria, that she had no hostile views against cither the one or the othev. Austria perceived, however, that precaution on her part was absolutely necessary, and accordingly sent very large re- enforcements of troops to her Italian dominions. Mu- rat thus defeated- ii> hi» strange views, perceived that the fa- vourable moment was not yet arrived, and accordingly " with- held the declaration,"f he intcn-ded to publish. Thet period,- however, approached. On tlie 5ih March the news of Napo- leon's escape became publicly known ;.t Naples; where it lur doubt had been secretly anticipated and expected for some time. " The King immediately sent for his Imperial Majesty's. ambassador, and declared to him that he was and should re- main inviolably faithful to the system of the alliance. He renewed the same declaration- to the Cabinets ©f Austria and- England. At the same time be sent his Aid-de-camp, Count de Beaufremont to FrancCy with the commission to look for Bonaparte, and to assj/re him of his support. Scarcely was the news of Napoleon's entry into Lyons, received at Naples, when- he formally declared to the Court of Rome, that ke eojimkr- ed the cause of Na.poleo7i as his own, (md ivoiild now prove it to him, that it had never been foreign to him"X At the same time he demanded from the Pope, a Iree passage thronofh his terri- tories for two divisions of his army, which- was refused and pro- tested against. But this was all the Pope could do. On the 8th April, the Neapolitan Ministers at Vienna gave in a note tx) the Congretis, assuring that assembly of the friendly dispo- sition of their master, and of his unalterable wish, never to separate himself from Austria; but stating that altered circum- stances, and his own safety, required him to increase his forces. • Austrian declaration, Vienna, April 1 2th, 1815 •»■ Do. do. do, I Do. do. do. ISl In thfis manner he continued making professions to the Allies, and at the same time can-yin:^ on negotiations with Eon;)partc, till his .irmy was completely ready to take the lield. His conduct, ihtre- lore, in wiuitevcr point of view we t^ke it, was most infamous. It shewed the justness oi' Bonaparte's answer, that he was *' destitute of moral rCQuriioxs" or unfit firmly either to do good or to follow evil, bii4;,as his own interest or 'Safety directe,d him. It justifie^I that severe but accurate accusation made against him and his friends by the Austrian Cabinet, namely, that " Moderation and j^ood faith are words without meauino- in the eyes of the Princes of the new French dynasty."* Of this most important truth, the })owers of Europe were -now too well convinced, to be any longer deceived by their x^onduct. Austria amtinueti to augment her troops in Italy, and to be pre})ared for any alternative. Her tbrce was fast aug- inenting to I.jOjOOO men, and the utmost vigilance was display- ed by the active and able officers entrusted with the coRunund, in that country. At length the moment arrived when tlie true intentions of ^lurat were to be discovered. The arrival of Bonaparte in Paris was the signal for him to advance. He })ut his army in motion, and violating the territories of fx neutral power, against whom he had not, and never pre- tended to have, any complaint; his trooj)s passed through the States of the Church in two divisions, the one keeping a- Jong tbe west coast by Home, and tlie other the east coast by Ancona. With tins torce, altogether about 80,000 strong, he took the road for .Upper Itiily. Ail doubt of his real -inten- tioivs were now at an end. " The King of Naples," said Bellegarde, •" at last throwing oil' the mjisik, wliieh saved him at a most dangerous period, without declaration of war, for which he was unable to assign any just motive, against the faitli of his treaties wiiii Austria, to which alone he owes his politi- cal existence, threatens again with his armies the tranquillity of this fine Italy; and not satibfied with introducing all the plagues of" war, he endeavours every where to lighten up, under the pretence of Italian independence, the devastating fire of the • A ustmn declaration, Vienna, Apiil 12th, IS,!^. 132 flevolution, wbicli formerly smoothed for him the road to pass jfrom the obscurity of private Hfe, to the splendour of a throne. He wishes under the specious ideas of natural limits, to pre- sent to all the Italians the phantom of a Kingdom, of which he cannot even fix the capital; because nature has fixed with separate limits, separate Governments to the different portions of Italy."* In the declaration published by Murat he does not attempt to deny any one of the accusations against him. He boldly takes his ground on the intentions attributed to him, and the actions said in the Austrian declaration to be committed by him, "Italians," said hc^ "the moment is come when^reat dcs- tmies must be accomphshed. Providence calls you at last, to be im independent people. One cry echoes from the Alps to the strait of Scylla — the independence of Italy. What right have strangers to rob you of your independence, the first right and blessing of all people? What right have they to carry off your 'Sons, to make them serve, languish, and die, far from the tombs of your fathers? Let every Foreign domination dis- appear from the soil of Italy. Formerly masters of the world, you have expiated that fatal glory^ by a servitude of twenty ,centuries. Let it now be your glory to have masters no longer. Every people must keep within the limits fixed to it by nature. The sea and inaccessible mountains, these ai'e your frontiers. Eighty thousand ItaHans of Naples, hasten to you under the command of their King, they swear never to rest until Italy be free; and they have proved more than once^ that they Jcnoiso how to keep their oaths. Italians of all countriesl Second their magnanimous wish. The enlightened men of all countries, the nations which are worthy, of a liberal Government, the Princes who are distinguished by the greatness of their character, will rejoice in your enterprise, will applaud your triumphs. Eng- land! can she refuse you her suffrage ?"f I considci it unnecessary to quote farther from this document. In order to shew the views of Murat. They were chiefly those which looked forward to his own interests: but at the same lime • Bellegarde's proclamation, Milan, April 5th, 1815. I Murat's proclamation, Rimini, March 51st, 1815. 133 while by "kindling a flame in Itah', he promoted this, he divided the energies of Austria, and covered a most vulnerable, and as it concerned Napoleon, a dangerous part of the French frontier in the South; thereby seconding, to the utmost of his power, the views and intentions of his relation. It is probable that the latter personage laughed at present the attempt of Murat, in endeavour- ing to make himself Sovereign of all Italy, which he had formerly treated with such contempt; but at present he encouraged liim to proceed, as it was of the utmost importance to him, in his present situation; and knowing, as he well did, that if he was successful over the European coalition, that he would quickly undo all that Murat had done, and teach him again that he had only made him a King, in furtherance of part of his sys- tem. It was' part of the principles taught by the French Re- volution, to pervert the human understanding, and call wrong fight, and to glory in that profession. If this had not been the case, could Murat, without a blush of shame, have spoken of strangers and foreigners robbing Italy of her independence; who was himself a foreigner, sprung from a nation notorious in Italy for their oppression and for their crimes. Could any thing but those feelings which remained steeled at the horrois of the Berezina, call upon them to remember those foreigners, who carried off their sons to serve, languish, and die, far from the tombs of their fathers. How bitter the reproof — how just the censure here passed against Napoleon's ambition, and Murat's servility? though levelled by the perverted judgment ^nd ambition of the latter against a different object. Is it pos- sible to hear with patience him talk of Italian independence, who, but a short time before, first offered to Austria and then to Napoleon to assist in dismembering and dividing her. After the glorious victory of Leipsic decided the fate of Europe, Murat again came forward to renew his offers to join the European alliance, whicli be had upon the formidable appear- ance of Bonaparte in the spring retracted' from. " He caused his army to advance, and proposed to Austria the partition of Italy."* When this was refused on the part of Austria, he * Austrian declaratioH, Vienna, April 12th, 1815. 134. ^ . then -made the offer to Bonaparte, who treated it wltli *' ro«- Jempt." Surely Uiwi " Moderation and good faith were woriks without a meaning, in the eyes of the Princes of the new- French dynasty." Yet this was the man whom the Opposition in Britain dehghted to honour — with whom they asserted, that it was prudent and safe to treat; and who they averred had been most unjustly treated and hardly dealt with. In recalling to the minds of the Italians, the days of their former renown, Murat inadvertently held up a picture appalling to every reflect- ing mind, which in either Italy or in France, would stop to contemplate it. Might not the fate of Italy be that of France, as the pursuits of both had been similar, only the conduct of the former was less destructive and atrocious, compared to the dura- tion of her power, than what that of the latter had been. " Provi- dence," said he, " calls you at last to be an independent nation." How different were the decrees of the Almighty? The fate of the Italian Empire was drawn in terrible colours by His Spirit to His servant in ancient times, and which 2000 years have but served to verify and to confirm. By the decrees of him whose arms swept the seat of the first Beast or tyrannic Empire, " with the besom of destruction," was the power of the fourth Beasf, or still more terrible Tyranny, divided into Ten States, and the next great political oppression which succeeded these, " slain, and his body destroyed iuid given to the burning flame,"* Thus it was to be totally destroyed and consumed, and the parts that formerly composed its political frame, no human powei'is able to unite any more. When we look at Italy how strictly is this fulfiled? When we remember her crimes and her oppression, how justly is the decree applied? Overrun and divided by «ne nation after another, she remains after a lapse of fifteen centuries, a terrible bjeacon to every nation and people, who pursue the line of conduct that she did, that their fate must be similar to hers. The counsels and the strength of man, will in vain attempt to restore what unerring Justice has, as an independent State, thus delivered over to decay and to ruin, " The moment is come," said Murat, " when great dc&tinic^ must be accomplished." It was so. The sword vvas once more • Daniel vii. 8, II, 21, 26. trnsheathed- — the fairest part cf Europe was again to be dclug"- ed with blood; and punishment most severe and exemplary wa* ready to fail on the heads of the guilty. Immediately after is" suing the proclamation already mentioned, Murat advanced from Rimini with the main body of-his army, consisting ot up- wards of 40,000 men, and took the road by Ravenna and Bol- ogna, towards Mantua and Milan. The remainder of his ar- my marched from Rome, Irom whence the Pope had already ficd and taken refuge in Genoa, and advanced into the territor- ies of the Grane at Ochio Bello, the Austrians advanced; and on the 1 1th, Gene- ral Bianchi attacked the Neapolitan lorce under General Tixe, stationed near Carpi, and after a severe engagement, he drove the Neapolitans into the town in great confusion, which it seems they at first resolved to defend. Ikit preparations being made ior assaulting the ])laec, and a column of Austrian troo{)s ad- vancing at the same moment towards Quartirolo, in oriler to cut off' their retreat, the Neaj^iolitans abandoned the place and Hed across the Secchia, jnirsued by the Austrian troops. In these operations the Neapolitans lost 500 prisoners, and an e- qual number killed and wounded; and in conseuuenee of their defeat, General Caraseosa, stationed at Modena with SOOO men, evacuated that place and retired behind the Tanaro. The ad- vanced guard of General Bianchi immediately afteruards en- tered that city. The Neapolitan army in front of Ferrara had been equally unsuccessful. It had begun its operations against the place, when, on the 12th, the Austrian Generals TJohr and Nieppcrg attacked it, drove it from all its pcsitions, de- titroyed all the works which had been erected, and pursued it as far as Bologna, in the neighbourhood of which Murat endea- voured to collect Ins army, and whether he was immediately followed by the Austrian army under Trimont.* In conse- <{uence of these unfortunate, and considering the circumstances in which Murat stood, to him most disastrous operations, the French press, winch had conceived such strong reliance upon his plans, and held out such high expectations of his success, began to lower their tone, and acknowk'cige, that from the arrival ot immerous re-enforcements to the Austrians, " the Neapolitan army had made a letrograde and concentrating movement. "f Nevertheless, it did not suit the interests of France to ac- knowledge the critical ^tateof Murat's rash enterprise. " These details," said the Journal de Paris, " are at least doubtful; and V>'e have more certain intelligence that the King of Naples has y\ustri3,n .official reports. f Gazttfe de Fiar.cc, Aj)ril £7th, 1815. Ul coni])lL'te]y beaten the Austrian arm}-, and driven it beyond the Po. Parma and Placentia are in his possession. Insurrec- tion makes great progress in Italy, and tiie Neapolitans are every where received with joy."* iSuch was thesystem of de- lusion jiractised by what was arrogantly called the iree press ot* Pai-is, at this moment; and who charged the z\ustrians with pub- iLshiiig only part, and upon one side of the question, on which account it very sagaciously observed, that " they wanted the means of forming a proper judgment of the accuracy of facts."f These means France indeed had long wanted, and did not wish to receive. The Austrian army under Friinont {uid Bianchi from the neighbourhood of Mantua, and those from Ferrara under ?»lolir and Niejjperg, having formed a junction, continued to follow the Neapolitan army. JNIurat had begun to fortity his })Osiiion behind the Tanaro; but upon the first movement (General Bianchi made to cross the river on the 14-th, he abandoned his positions, and on the IGlh evacuated Bologna, and the same day retreated to Imola. Several skirmishes took ])lace with the rear of his army, from the rapid advance of the .Austrian troops, in which the enemy lost many prisoners, and also a considerable number killed and wounded. At every position he took, the Austrians threatened to turn both wings of his army, while a powerful force pressed upon the centre. On tlie IGth and ITlh 40,000 Austrian troops passed through jiologna in pursuit of the enemy, whose retreat from this mo- ment l)tcame a rapid and disastrous flight. Demoralization increased with rapid strides amongst the Neapolitan army. The soldiers coaiplained bitterly that they had been deceivetl, and taught to believe, that they were to meet friends wherever thev adviuiced; and had been persuaded tiiat they were to act in concert with Austria aijainst Bonaparte. In vain the Gen- erals attempted to encourage them. They could no where be brought to make any resistance of importance. The army be- came dissatisiied and iail of confusion. The rear guard also were composed of the most worthless ot the troops, and who without • Gazette de Fran«ft April '^7th, ISi5. f Journal dc 1' Empire. lie ^.Uscipline did their master more harm than good. Their boundless rapacity and savage conduct incensed the inhabitants of the country against them. Only the corps of General Carascosa, which was principally composed of deserters, fought desperately. Murat himself declared that he had been deceived •with regard to the general sentiments of the people. The prisoners when taken, and nxjiiired at where their King was» replied, " Our King is in Sicily» but Joachim and his brother- in-law, Jerome Boiiapaite, are with the army, where, we do not know." Such were the sentiments of the troops whicli were to deliver Italy from Foreigners, with regard to their leader. On the 13th the Duke of Modena re-entered his cap- ital, after it had been a week in the possession of the enemy; and in which the}' had not levied any contributions, from the precipitate manner in which they were compelled to leave it. At Bologna, however, it was different. There the inhabitants suffered severely; and in the short space of a fortnight their fields were ravaged and laid waste. The Austrians followed with unremitting vigilance the steps of the flying enemy. "His breaking up from the Tanaro,'* said the Austrian Reporter, " no longer allows him any point of halt; and with greater rapidity than in his ill concerted ad- vance against the Legations, the Tuscan, and Modenese ter- ritories, must he, anxiously avoiding a battle, relinquish these specious advantages with considerable loss."* On the 19th the advanced divisions of the Austrian army had reached Forli. On the right bank of the river Ronco, here a very rapid stream, Murat had left the division of General Lecchi to dispute the passage of the river, with the Austrian troops, and to retard their advance. Count Niepperg, without hesitation^ attacked the enemy in this position. He in open day forced the passage of the rapid Ronco, in presence of the Neapolitan army, while a brigade under Count Haugwitz marched by Roversano to turn their left flank. The troops having effected the passage of the river at eight in the evening, attacked the enemy at the charge stepi who in twenty miimtes was beaten and driven • Austrian report, Mantua, April 21th, 1815. us back upon Forlipopoli. Miirat himself, with his Lander regi- ment;^, of the divisions of Carascosa, cndcavourt'd to break ihrouirh the masses of the Austrian infantry; but the Prince Regent's and Lichenstien's regiments of hussars, commanded by Captain Hartig and Captain Gemery, charged them in such a determined and brdiiant manner, that the greater part were cut down and the rest dispersed. Alarm and distrust from this moment spread through the enemy's ranks, wiiose flight was only prevented from becoming a total route, by the coming on of a dark and rainy night. The Austrian loss was consider- able; that of the enemy severe; and from the prisoners it was learned, that at that moment discontent and disobedience threatened to disorganize the whole NeapoHtan army. Where- ever they came, the Austrians were received by the inhabitants with great joy; and many of the mountaineers took up arms, and joined the Austrian advanced guard. All ranks received them as deliverers, and by voluntary services endeavoured to lighten the difficulties of the army. On the right of General Neipperg a small corps advanced along the sea coast, and drove before it from Ravenna a column of the enemy. Driven from this position with such celerity, Murat, without any at- tempt to defend it, abandoned his entrenched camp at Cesena, on the night of the 22d, and continued his retreat with the greatest precipitation. In the meantime General Nugent had recovered Florence, and with 19,000 men advanced to Perugio; and continuing his march to Foligno, he got before Murat, and completely intercepted the road for his retreat to Naples, by way of Rome, the nearest and best to his kingdom. Thus situated, Murat was reduced to the most dreadful dilemma. But one rnad remained, that along the coast by Ancona,and from thence by Fermo and Sulmona across the Appenines; but this was scarcely passable for any army; while the Austrians had it still in tiieir power to intercept even this route beyond Acquilla; and should he escape by that, they could, by marching another co- lumn by way of Rome, still get to Naples before him. This the Austrian Generals had in view. While Nugent kept westward upon Perugia, General Bianchi in the centre, marched upoii Arezzo, and there got the start of Murat, whoj with about IH- '20,000 men, had retirccl to Riniini, and on tlie 21tli liad lii- rcar-giinvd at Saergnano.* Murat liad now no opportunity to escav)e, but by cither tbrcing his way through the Austrian army, or, by endeavouring to gain time, try to elude their vigihmce, \v}iich he could only do by attempting to open negotiations. This was an old trick, whicii his master and himselt'had practised in similar dangerous situations, and but too often with success. Here, however, the bait would not take. But he determined to trv it. Accordingly C'cneral Millet de Villeneuve, chief of the staff of the Neapolitan army, addressed a letter to the Aus- trian General, soliciting an armistice, and requesting to open negociations. As this famous piece is in the true French style, I shall notice it in a more particular manner than such a document deserves. In it, Murat begins, by telling the Aus- trian General, that the conduct of the Congress had raised in his mind a jnst nneasiness, with regard to the safety of his States; and that " he had a right to occupy the line which he held durinsc the last war." This line he conceived ought to have been given up to him without difficulty; " and perhaps," continued he, " no hostilities would have taken place, if your Excellency had received the commimicaiions, iichicJi have been prevented hy unforeseen accidents, and isohich his Majesty has been too late informed qfr\ lie then proceeded to charge the Austrian General with having first commenced hostilities, by firing on the Neapolitan troops at Cesena; and, continued he, " As his Majesty saw himself engaged in a war against u great Power, without having intended it; he thought it necessary to make use of ail the resources which had long since been offei'cd him in Italy, and the extension of which he did not even further attempt to realize." Perceiving also that he wa& about to be drawn into a war with England, with whom he wished to live at peace, he became doubly anxious to accom- plish a reconciliation with Austria; and added, that he would have sooner {)roposed an armistice, if said he, " I had not * Austrian reports, April S-lth and 2Gth, 1815. f These were, no doubt, the ofTers of accommodation from Austria already alludv ed to, and which Murat stated came too late. fl'ai'cd' that such a proposal might have beGtl consulefed as a means to check the activitij of the military dispositions* against the Nea])olitau army, at the moment when it began its retreat." Assuming, however, that tone of dissimulation and defiance, for which Frenchmen, in any situation, are so remark- al)ie, \'ilk'f)euve proceeded: But " now that the King finds himself, with his Avhole army, in the line \diich he thought fit to choose i Now, that he has sufficiently proved that his movemcjits icere not compelled^ and that he is fidlij master of them " he ac- cordingly proposes to your Excellency an armistice to stop the unnecessary effusion of blood.* The history of French diplo- macy scarcely affordi^ a more extraordinary instance of arro- gance and imbecility, than is here shewn; and Murat must certainly have conceived a mean opinion of the Austrian com- mander, before he could have ventured to send him such an epistle, in which there was not one wora of truth* The Aus- trian General, however, was not to be imposed upon. In his answer he shortly informed Murat that the question of war was decided, by the advance of the whole Neapolitan army into the Legations, and by the proclamation at Rimini, the 30th JNIarch; adding, that he must refuse an armistice, and continue his operations. In observations upon the preceding extraordinary docu'tnentj the Austrian Government, through the medium of the Austrian Observer, very justly remarked, " It is long since any docu- ment has appeared so extraordinary. It deserves to figure in a distinguished manner, even in an age so rich as ours in empty phrases; and may be quoted as a model of Revolutionary policy. Never before was the march of a whole army into a foreign territory, assaults upon fortresses, and tetes du iwnts, and, lastly, a proclamation like that from Rimini, of the 30th March, which invites to insurrection the people of all the neighbouring States, and even of others more remote, represented as actions which have })ut the Prince, who has undertaken them of his own accord, icithouf ant/ provocation, out of pure ambition, and who has directed them in person, in a way of making the disagree- • Vilkneuve's leUcT, April 21st, 1.S15. T 5 able tliscovety, that Tie was, by a midalcc^ at war witli the grectt Power, wliich he had so grievously oflcndec!. It is doubtless a sad thing to Joachim that lie has failed in tlie attempt, to make use of the resources whicb he savs have been loner since offered him in Italy. Tiie conviction which King Joachim has acquired by tUc communication which he had with Lord W. Bentinck, that the hostilities commenced against him were not the result of a plan, proves to a demonstration on which aid ' was the offensive. The King's error on this point may certamly be attended with conseauencei> of great importanse to him. The Cabinet of Naples may besides easily tranquillize itself, when it lean:s that one of its agents named Benda, who was attempting to repair secretly from Florence to Genoa, l>as fallen into the hands of the Austrian army with all the instruc- tions he had about him, and that none of the plans of Murat have remained unkno\\'n to the Court of Austria."* Foiled in his attempt to deceive the Austrian Government or Generals, by insidious negotiations, Murat resolved by a desperate effort, to force his way through the Austrian army, which obstructed his retreat towards Rome. In this he had no time to lose. General Bianchi had entered Foligno on the 27th, while the army of Murat on the same day was only at Pe- saro, rapidly diminishing by desertion and continual skirmishing. He, accordingly, alter throwing a garrison of 7000 men into Ancona, continued his march, determined to force his way;- and as the Austrian Generals were equally determined to prevent it, their conflicting intentions b^'ought on a series of sanguinary engagements, in which Murat was completely beaten, and com- pelled to fly by another road than the one by which be intend- ed to retreat, and that onl}' with the wreck of his ayvny. In vain M^n'at by making forced- marches, had attempted to repair his former error, and get the start of General Bian- chi. The road from Ancona was completely blocked up by that Officer; who, from Foligno, turned to the eastward, and marched to Tolentino. From thence he continued bis march upon Macerata; when Murat., who had gained two marches * Austrian Observer, Vienna, Mayjth, 1815. H.7 upon the ookimn which >»iirsued iiim iw the roar from Sen igaglia, brought his whole force to bear upon General Bianchi, inferior in numbers. 7^he two armies met, on the 2d of May, in front of Tolentino; and n conibat there took place between theni, both obstinate and bloody- The Neapolitan force consisted of the divisions ofAmbrosio, Pignatelli, Lerron, Lecchi, and a brigade of the division of Carascosa. Their attacks against the Austrian forces was multiplied and violent throughout the whole of the 2d, andjiight alone put an end to the engage- ment, without either party having obtained any advantage that could enable him to claim a victory over his antagonist. The advantage, however, remained with the Austrians so far; be- cause they completely succeeded in preventing the object which the enemy had in view. Considerable re-ciiforcemcnts having in'rivcd, General Bianchi was ne^t morning preparing to at- tack the Neapolitan axmy in his turn, when he was anticipated by the advance of Murat, whoa second rune attempted to force his way through the armies wliich opposed him, -This brought on an action .still more obstinate and bloody than the former. Karly in the morning of the 3d, Murat renewed theattack with all his remaining forcej and the battle lasted, .during the da}', with great loss on both sides. The first efforts of Murat were tfirected against the centre and right of the Austrian army, commanded by Generals Mohr and Starhcrcberg, stalioned on the main road; where, said General Bianchi, ■" he penetrated with nuich courage." General Mohr, to whom tlie right wing was entrusted, not on!}' repulsed every attack made against Inm, but re enforced the van-ouard under Count Starhcmbern-, turning at the same time all the numerous artillery belonging to his position against theenemy; and, at the same time, under- took several charges with the Prince Regent's hussars and the Tuscan dragoons, which occasic;ned a considerable loss to the ■enemy. At thai moment, tlie division of Ambrosio, with a part of the division of Pii-natelli, descended I'rom the heiiihts of Monte Miione, to attack the Austrian left, which was commanded by G-eueral Bianclii in person. That brave officer, however, anticipated the attack. He caused the regiment of Chasteler £0 advance in close order, whilst a squadron of dragoons, fav-^ }4inient named the Prince Recent of Eno;- land's hussars. Both sides seem to have fought bravely. The bravery of the Austrian troops was highly spoken of; and JSIurat certainly exerted himself greatly. But he failed, and was most signally defeated. The battles of Tolentino decided the fate of Murat. From thost' bloody fields, his army fled in dismay; and entering the Xeapolitan States, it endeavoured to gain the capital by the road already mentioned. This, however, was impossible. General Xieppcrg, who had advanced from the Northward in the rear of the Neapolitan army, and of whom they had gain- ed the start, by forced marches, came up after the battle, and continued his pursuit of the broken enemy. Ti)is enabled General Bianchi to detach part of the army under his command through the mountains, by a nearer road, in order to gain Pes- cara before the fugitives, while a division of Nugent's army had alreatly, on the 2d, entered Aquila, and continued its route for Popolii The main body, however, of his army, took the road to Home, which it entered on the 27th, and from thence con- tinued its march towards Naples, It was now obvious that tlio escape of Murat, with any part of his army worth noticing, was totally impracticable. Should he force Ids way through the line forming against him about Popoli, it niu:^t be done at a Con^iderable loss; while almost the whole army under Nugent was still between him and his capital. At this moment he might have reached it himself, with a lew tollowers; but an e- vent took place which rendered that dangerous, and also of no coi)se(juence. Alter the c(Miccntrntiiig movement, according to the Frciicli papeis, made by Murat, and after his having taken the line which he had chosen, and where he commanded all his movc- 0ients,it was naturally to be expected that through the same medi- um Europe should bear of his victorious progress. According! v. 150 tlie Moniteur^by the Government agent, furnished the work! vvitb some choice specimens of his great success. " The Aus.trians," said the conductor of this paper, " have been completely beaten by the Neapolitans near Forli. Foiu- Austrian Colonels rejoined the King of Naples; two of them, Nive and Armande, behaved so well that they were made Generals of brigade on the field of battle. It does not appear to he the plan of the NcapoliUnis to advance at this moment"* *' The Neapolitan troops surprised the Austrians at Nocera, attacked the enemy, and drove him from all his positions; he was obliged to abandon his artillery;"! But these were trifling victories to what followed. " The news of the great success of the King of NapJes, agahist the Aus- trians has raused a lively sensation. It appears the King drew after him the Austrians, who had the imprudence to divide into two columns. The King having collected his forces, attacked them, made 8000 prisoners, and has taken 28 pieces of cannon. One Field Marshal lias been wounded, as well as four other Generals, of whom it appeal's many have been taken.":]: A few days afterwards it published the followiiag intelligence, which might be relied on. " According to an official bulletin, pub- lished at Ancona, the Austrians lost on the 1st, 2d, and 3d, 15,000 men and 4-0 pieces of cannon, or liarnessed caissons. Three Generals were wounded, particularly Generals Starhem- berg and Niepperg; the latter is mortally wounded."|| Such were the means resorted to by the French government, to en- courage and support a sinking cause; and such a part of the system which had governed France for twenty-five years, and now again misled her. But even these organs of deception were compelled to yield to the impulse of truth. Deception would do no longer: the truth, disagreeable as it was, must be fold. Accordingly, after some aukward delays, and dark hints, the Courier Extraordinary was obliged to publish that " tlie Neapolitan army, which was defeated on the 3d and 4tii. was in complete route; and the first advantage which resulted from the • 3Ioniteur, May 15th, from Milan April 29th, 1815. f Do. May 1 5th, from Fermo, May 1 st. \ Do. May 16th, from Metz, May, loth Jj Do. May 20tb, telegn»phic dispatch, Lyons, May 1 7t1i. . 151 viulory, was the junction of Generals Bianchi and Niepperg. All liie troo[)s are now uniting, in order to preclude Murat from the probability of regaining his kingdom. One column closely pursues the enemy, while another is crossing the mountains, and a third is already arrived at Popoli."* Uncomfortable as this intelligence was to the adherents of Bonaparte, they had soon after the mortification to be compelled to announce, that the Queen of Naples was a prisoner, and that Murat had made a " concentrating movement'^ to Toulon. The British fleet in the Mediterranean having received a large addition of strength under Lord Exmouth, appointed to the chief command, now began to act against Murat. While the main body remained in the Gulph of Genoa, a squadron of three ships, under the command of Captain Campbell of the Tremendous, was detached against Naples. This armament arrived before that city on the 11th of May, which it immedi- ately threatened to bombard, if all the Neapolitan fleet and the naval stores in the place were not delivered up to them. This was agreed to on the part of the Queen; and these, consisting of two sail of the line afloat, and one on the stocks, with all the stores in the naval arsenal, were taken possession of by the British government, for his Majesty Ferdinand, King of the two Sicilies. From this moment we may date the overthrow of Mu rat's power. Discontent was risen to a great height a- mongst the inhabitants. The friends of Ferdinand openly shewed themselves, and demanded his return. An expedition, it was well known, had for some time previous been assembling in Sicily, and it was now understood to be ready to sail, ac- companied by the King, whose arrival was daily and anxiously expected. Naples had been completely stripped of troops in order to efi'ect the deliverance of Italy. The few that remain- ed, under the name of the army of the Interior, were at this mo- ment marched to the frontiers, to arrest the progress of the Aus- trian armies. The place was therefore without the means of defence, and consequently fell an easy prey. In the meantime, the armies of General Bianchi and Niep- * Moniteur, May SOtb, frgm Milan, May 16tb, 152 iiefi?, united, contlnncd to pursue tlie army inuier Murat, with' out relnxation. IJy roads almost impassible, througli place's ■where thev were compelled at times to blow up rocks to form a path for the troops, nnd over mountaius nearly inaccessibie- where rio army had before ever passed, the march of the Aus- trian cohimus was contiuued with amazing- ardour. Murat at- tacked on the re^ir and menaced on his flanks, obtained no re- pose; and in order to save himself from total destruction, was compelled, by making forced marches, to forego every advan- ta'>-e which the nature of the country afforded. General Mohr, ■who pui'sued him by the sea coast, passed the Trento on the 8lh, and arrived at Popoli on the 12th, on which latter s])ace of o-round he took above 1500 prisoners. General Ekhart, wlio advanced by a " very dillicult mountain road, wiiich had never been passed with trt;ops," arrived at Aquila on the 9th, and on the 11th at Popoli. Ii» this march the enemy lost 500 prisoners, and many were killed and wounded. On the night of the 11th, Murat, with 12,000 infantry 15000 cavalry, the remains of his army, passed Sulmona in great haste, and ad- vancin*'- towards Naples bv St. Ciermano and Capua. His ar- mv was bv this time reduced to a most dejilorable condition; reduced in numbers, and daily diminishing by the sword, sick- ness, and famine. It was no longer in a condition to meet the cnemv. " It is certain," said the Austrian bulletin, " that up to the 13th his retreat cost him 7hort' than half his army."* While ^Slurat was thus tlying in consternation before his victori- ous enemies, General Nugent, with the corps under his command, had advanced from Rome, entered the Neapolitan territories on that side, and commenced operations against the army of the in- terior, at this time commanded by General Manheis, who was at one time the scourge ol Calabria, and who at tliis time treated with great cruelty the inhabitants of some provinces in the Ro- man States, who declared for the Austrians. The advanced divi^ioJls of this army, consisting, altogether of about 8000 men, were attacked near Lepranca, where it lost several pris- oners; and where, in order to retard the advance of the Aus- • Eleventh bulletin, IMilan, May 19th, 1815, 153 fnans, tliey burnt the bridge, and retired to St. Germano. Were they were, on the 14th, joined by Murat with the remainder of his army. Thus re-enforced, the united forces again advanced from St. Germano, and attacked the advanced goard of the Austrian army with a vast superiority of numbers, at the same time surrounding it on all points. Notwithstanding this, the bravery of the Austrian troops was such, that the detached ♦jiiard not only cut its way through the ranks of the enemy, but brought in from three to four hundred prisoners.* This attack was not followed upon the part of the enemy, because the rapid advance of Bianchi on his flank compelled him to consult- his safety by seeking another position. Indeed, the movement was undertaken for the sole purpose of covering the escape of Murat to Capua, " who arrived at St. Germano with only three or four oflicers, and a i'ew dragoons, and left it again in a few hours."f Accordingly',^ on the 15th, the enemy retired, and General Nugent again resumed tlie offensive. Replacing the bridge over the Garigliano, which General Manheis had de- stroyed, and who also had sacked and burnt the unfortunate town of Ceprano, the Austrian General pursued his march orif St. Germano, and on the 15th bivouacked under the little towa of Arce. General Manheis was joined by the Neapolitan min- ister of War, Macdonald, and their combined forces occupied a position on the Melfa, a few miles from the Austrian camp. As the Austrians advanced into the Neapolitan territories, the inhabitants received them every where with satisfaction, and theerfullv resumed tlie colours of their legitimate Sovereign. The Austrian array under Nugent continued to advance a- gainst the Neapolitan army stationed on the Milfa, which, on the night of the 15th, broke down the bridge over that river, and retreated to St. Germano. The bridge was quickly re- placed, and at IQ in the morning of the J 6th, the Austrian in- fantry passed to the left bank, the cavalry at the same time crossing the stream where it was fordable. The united forces of Manheis, Macdonald and Pignatelli, litid taken post at St. Germano. Against this })osition the Austrians advanced; and while the main body of the army was ready to assail the ene- my in front, detachments were turning both his right and left • Ghiorah's dispatch, GazeUe Extraordinary^ June 5tb, 1815. f Do. d.g only their cavalry and t!)eir artillery. In this singular attack 1000 prisoners were taken; a quantity of arms and military equip- ments fell into the hands of the victors, and the infantry of the enemy was completely dispersed. Deserters also, in hundreds, hourly came into the Austrian camp. In ten days the Neapo- litan army of the interior was annihilated, by the activity of General Nugent, not 700 of it surviving the affair of Mignano; and during the above time, the Austrian General, with the ar- my under liis immediate command, had (<-casioned a loss to the army of the enemy of nearly 7000 men.* On the 18th, the Austrian army under Bianchi and the other Generals, who had continued the pursuit of Murat, by the roads along the East coast, and through the interior, joined General Nugent; and the whole army, united in one body, immediately com- menced its march towards Naples. The army left to cover that place against their formidable adversaries, assisted too by the English fleet, which sealed up all access or escape by sea, amounted only to 8000 men, the wretched remains not only of the 80,000, which, six weeks before, spread alarm on the banks of the Po, but also of the army of the interior, left to guard tTte kingdom. A considerable part of this remaining force was, be- sides, compost d of detachments of invalids, Gendarmerie and Civic guards,drawn from Naples and the neighbouring provinces. With this force, broken in spirit, and dibcontented against their feader, it would have been madness to attempt resistance. The * Chai-ch's dispatcb, May 17th. Gazette Extraordinary, June 5th, IS 15. 165 power of Murat was irrecoverably broken. Accordingly, on the 18th, the Marquis tie Gallo arrived at the head-quarters of General Bianchi, with propositions from Naples. These pro- positions were considered, on the morning of the 19th, by Gen- eral Bianchi, and Lord Burghersh on the part of Great Britain, when they were declared wholly inadmissible; and the Mar- quis de Gallo sent back to Naples with the unalterable deter- mination of the allies, not to treat or negotiate with Murat in anv capacity. At the same time assurances were sing liberty it con- tained the seeds of the most ahjeet and absurd slavery. Ac- cording to this document, the French people delegated their rights to the dynasty of Napoleon, as long as it should be known, ])roviding he governed them according to the laws made, I was going to ^ay by the unanimous vojcc of the national * Paris, May Jltb, 1815. 16i Kcprcsentativcs; but No: by the laws made by himself. " Govenime}if," said the 3d article of the Constitution, " /las- the proposal of la-xs ; the Chambers can propose amendments. If these amendments are not adopted by Government, the Cham- bers are bound to vote on the law such as it xvas proposed." At this rate the Government could make any laws it choosed, and the nation must obey whatever it proposed ; because, the very next article expressly state?, that the Chambers had only the right of inviting Government to propose a law on a determinate object, and to draw up what appears to them to be proper to insert in the Law. But still the Government might reject it al- together, in which case, the " invitatio7i" had no effect. The 65th article was equally arbitrary and absurd. *' The right of petitioning is secured to all the citizens. Every petition is in- dividual. Petitions may be addressed either to the Government or to the two Chambers; nevertheless, even the latter must also he entitled to the Emperor. They shall be presented to the Chambers, under the guarantee of a member who recom- mends the petition. They are publicly read; and if the Cham- bers take them into consideration, they are laid before the Emperor by the President." But still the Emperor might ^o with them what he pleased — he was not bound either to read or redress them; nor had the Chambers the power of enforcing their consideration however just. It is needless to say that against any creature of the Emperors no petition would be available. The last article, Iiowcver, was still more ridiculous; as it completely took away from the French people the free exer- cise of their own judgment now and forever. " The French peo- ple moreover declare, that in the delegation ^yhich it has made and makes of its powers; it has not meant and does not mean, ■to give a right to propose the re-instatement of the Bourbons, or any Prince of that family upon the throne, even in case of the extinction of the Imperial dynasty." None but a votary of ,the Goddess of Reason, could form a Constitution with a claim like this ; none but the most distracted adorers of that wild Divinity could accept such a charter. From the moment he did so, he was Napoleon's slave; and when him and his family were no more, the French nation, then in existence, were to he prevented from electing such a Sovereign as they 165 might ajiprove. The framer of this Corrstitution, however does not seem to have calculated, that the dynasty of Napo- leon would be long lived; for he only directs his anathema against the present Bourbon family, and does not seem to in- clude the issue of any of them. The Constitution thus graciously bestowed on France by Napoleon, was to be submitted to ihe people for their accept- ance. A general assembly of the deputies, from all the depart- ments, was to take place at Paris, on the Champ de Mai, to ac- cept this Constitution, and take the oath of allegiance to the Emperor, and swear to obey him and maintain it. The num- ber of deputies to the Chamber of Representatives was to be 629, and to be wholly renewed every five years. That of Peers, to form the Upper House, appointed solely by the Em- peror, was unlimited in numbers. In many other respects the Constitution resembled the British. A noble tribute to what Jacobin fury has attempted to destroy. The resemblance of the new Parisian production to our own government, dehghted those who are constantly abusing it as rotten and decayed. But this French one was young and vigorous; and above all, it had the upright wisdom and mighty energy of Bonaparte at its liead. It could never go wrong. It was so perfect and s« strong, that it could never be broken. " It contains," said they, " all that is necessary to check the royal authority, at the same time to prevent the excesses of popular privilege. There is little that the most strenuous advocate for freedom would ^vish to add, and little that the jealousy of the crown -would take awiiy. It is a form of government with which the powers of Europe may treat without alarm, if ihey have no innate dread of national Liberty."* So we had been told of every French Constitution since 1792. It was always the dread of the na- tional liberty, which was lield up as the chief cause of the refusal of the despots of Europe to conclude a peace; even though France insisted that she should dictate the terms at the point of the sword, and with the arm of defiance. But the eulogists and admirers of this French fabric forirot alto- gether the nature of the materials of which it was composed. These were different indeed from those which knit together the * Xorning C!iro;ikle> April STtIi, 1515. 16^ f?9cial edifice of Great Britain; and till the two millions o^ chiklrcn in France, which, according to Carnot, receive no primary education ai all, do receive it, and till the pursuit of military glory ceases to be the distinguishing attribute of the national character, there must remain an incalculable differ- ence. The foundation ot the French Constitution was built upon sand. It was founded upon the deepest hatred and re- sentment. It was built by men who had risen into notice by every crime which can disgrace humanity. Interest and ambi- tion had set them to raise the fabric; and interest and ambition would again set them to work to pull it down without reluct- ance. In this instance, as in every one else, the French nation began at the wrong end of their subject. They, whether un- der a Convention, a Consul, or an Emperor, contended against the age; and the age has come out of the contest victorious, exposing to the world their ignorance, their violence, and their folly. Before bestowing on France a free constitution, they should first teach her people to know its value, and fit them to enjoy it. Before exposing the eye to the meridian blaze, it should be ascertained if it is capable of resisting its strength; else a blindness may be the consequence, more fatal and more dano-erous than if the subject had never possesst'd the power of vision. France must be taught morality and religion. She must be taught that the violation of just laws is a Ojune; and her affections must be weaned from a military life, to which, in its worst shape and most ferocious forms, she has bee'n long ac- customed. Till this is done, no other constitution established in France will be durable, but such as is supported by the arm of arbritrary power, and enlorced by a military energy. It may be tried otherwise. A goodly building may be raised by the unremitting efforts, of knowledge and justice, but it has no foundation on which it can stand. The materials that com- pose its most interesting parts, though they appear most beau- tiful to the eye, are rotten at heart; and the first swell in the political current will sweep the sand from the foundations of the fabric, and lay its glory in ruins. Under Bonaparte, how- ever, or his sway, it was idle to talk of liberty. It was con- trary to his nature, and at variance with his pursuits. He might promise, and he might swear to cherish and support it. 167 l^itteen baneful years had shewn, that his promises had beca only made to be broken; and therefore, wo would have fallen on the heads of those who were at this moment weak enouo-li to believe him. But the new constitution of France was not the point which was the most interesting to Europe. Twenty-five bloody years had taught her that French liberty meant only European slav- ery. It signified little to Europe under what internal reo-ula- tions France chose to live, it these were to be productive of no danger to her neighbours. The question which was at this moment to be decided, and which demanded the attention of Europe, was not whether France should have a free or an ar- bitrary government, but whether that military system was to be revived in France, supported by the same principles, and guided by the same counsels, which " Europe in arms" had beat to the ground; the existence of which had been proven by ex- perience, and the effects of which future ages will feel to be in- compatible with the liberty of France, and the freedom or in- dependence of Europe. This was the true bearing of this im-* }iortant question, and which neither the trick of a free consti- tution, nor the farce of a Champ de Mai could erase from the mind of Europe. On the contrary, these things but served to strengthen her suspicions, and awaken her vigilance, well know- ing, as she did, what bitter consequences to her tranquillity and security had so often followed such changes and such meetings in Paris. The French nation might amuse themselves with the flattering idea of peace and freedom under the sceptre of Napoleon. P^urope indulged no such chimerical expectations; she knew, with him at the head of that restless people, that her safety and freedom lay in the sword. She laid her hands upon it with a decision and resolution which no French menace could intimidate, no French chicanery could divert fiom its purpose. It wanted but little penetration to see that this constitution was only meant as a blind, and that Napoleon would execute it or not as he pleased. He could easily devise reasons for either deterring or not ful filing his promises. He had often done more difficult things. Accordingly, he very soon had recourse to both expedients} and the reason l*rought forward for this de- 168 lay, and tlie infraction of his promises in this instance, was the pressure of foreign war, which occupied all his time and atten- tion. This France and him might have been certain would have been the case, when they openly violated the treaty which they had so shortly before concluded with Europe. While his supporters ^ere endeavouring to d-eafen the understanding of Europe, with fhe lissertions that he had returned to France, by the unanimous call and wishes of the people, who, it was said, had willingly bestowed upon him all the power and dignity, he himself stepped forward and gave the lie to such statements* *' Under these new circumstances," said he, " we had only the alternative of prolonging the Dictatorship^ with which we were invested by circumstances and the confidence of the people, or to abridge the forms which we had intended to follow for the arrangement of the Constitutional Act."* Of course he chose the latter, constrained by circumstances, as every odious act of the French nation, for the last twenty-five years, had proceeded from. Who it was that bestowed upon him this Dictatorship, which was not certainly reckoned a free mode of government, he did not choose to state; but the world knew he had assumed it as part of those rights which he could not abdicate. " W^e should have wished, therefore," continued he, " to have waited for the acceptance of the people before we ordered the assemb- ling of the colleges, and directed them to proceed to the no- mination of deputies; hut equally controled by ciraunstatices: the highest interests of the State makes it imperious thaji we should surround ourselves as quickly as possible with the Nationai Bodies."! Here was reversing the constitution at the outset. The people had not accepted the Constitution, and then chosen theirdeputies; but they werefirsttochoose their deputies,and then these deputies were to accept the Constitution for their constitu- ents. These deputies also, be it remembered, were to be chosen while Napoleon was Dictator, while manyof the departments were under martial law, and cities in a state of siege; when, in fact, there was no law but the will of the Emperor, or what was the same thing, that of the party who supported him; and when extraordinary commissioners had been sent into all the depart- ments, in order to overawe and displace every authority which • Official, Moniteur May 1st, 1815. ' \ Do. da. MvRS supposed to be inimical to the present state of thing?. Under these circumstances, it was not diflicult to foresee of what stamp the deputies would be who were to be returned to assist at the Champ de Mai, and sit in the new French Par- liament. They could be nothing else but either Jacobins or Bonapartists. All else were now to be excluded. Yet this was called liberty. It was certainly a round-about and dan- trerous road to obtain it, Bonaparte, with that hypocritical cant of which he was so capable, now paid the utmost deference to the people, from whom and for whom he acknowledged that he held every thing. *' The glory of what we have just done," said he to the army, " is wholly the peoples and yours."* '* Princes are the first cit- izens of the State. Their authority is more or less extended, according to the interests of the nations whom they govern. Departing from these principles, I know no other legitimacy."! *' It is not true to say in any nation, even in the East, that the people exist for Kings; it is every where consecrated that Kings exist only for the people.":{: " Frenchmen, my wish is that of the people; my rights are theirs. Emperor, Consul, Soldier, 1 derive all from the people."§ There was a time when the Emperor thought otherwise, and when he put the throne be- fore the people. There was a time when he considered it as a degradation to his dignity to hear of appeals to them, and when he upbraided the allied Sovereigns for daring to call upon them to exercise their judgments. Speaking of the Frankfort de- claration, his odious tool Count Fontanes said, " It is unusual in the diplomacy of Kings. It is no longer to Kings like them- selves that they explain their grievances, and send their mani- festoes. It is to the people tha/ address them; and from what motive do they adopt such a new method of proceeding — May not this example he fatal? Against whom is this indirect attack aimed? Against a great man who merited the gratitude of all Kings; because by re-establishing the throne of France, he has closed up the crater of the volcano which threatened them all."]} But times were changed; and it was become necessary for the • Address to the army, March 21st, 1815. f Answer to the Council of State, March -JSth, 1815. I Answer to Bonaparte. § Speech, Champ de Mai. Ij Fgntane's report, December 22d, 1S13. y 6 170 interests of Franco that this volcano sliould be again k'lndlcdi that tiic majesty of the pcoj)lc, wliich, I'or the weKare of France, Bonaparte had shut up in it, srhoukl again be let loose to recover their glory, and to support hiiii and his cause against the anger of assembled Europe. This done, he would, if he couLd, have shut up tlie volcano aa belbre, and raised his throne on the dangerous materials, letting out as convenient it:* lury against neighbouring countries, to prevent it from desolating his own. What he, how- ever, wanted at this moment, by his deference to the will of the people; and what his Jacobinical friends wanted was, them a leader fit to loud them in their ambitious schemes, and him a power from the people to enable him to govern them. This right he had given away, and they had con- sented to his doing so, at least by their i^ilence at the time, they gave justice reason to think so. But then, their creed was, that the people could do no wrong. That what a whole nation did, and said, was right. They considered that the part of any iiation which was strong enough to overawe the o~ thcr, must be accounted the whole; and that as this was their case, so therefore whatever they did was right, and not to be dis- pnted, however contrary to the feelings and the wish of the rest of the nation, or even to justice, good I'aith, or truth. This was the great revolutionary lever, which they employed to o- \crturn all social order in Europe. It was this which all their deluded followers had imbibed as their unalterable creed, that what tiiey called a whole, or unanimous nation, could never do wrong; that their will conferred right upon whom they chose; and it was this lever which was again called forth by the army and the Jacobins in France, to raise Bonaparte to the throne which he alulicateil, and to justil'y their having done so in the face of a solemn treaty concluded witli all Euroj)e, bind- ing ihcin to the contrary. Fler I'ight to do this was incontes- tible. The conditions imposed, considering every circum- stance, was most just — most merciful. If the voice of a nation can do right, the voice of a nation, it must be allowed, can do wj'ong. Yes, however contrary it may appear to modern wis- dom, a whole nation may do wrong. We need not go bade to ancient times to prove this; modern times aiford numerous instances of this great truth. When the English nation be- ticaded Charles I. they did wrong. Wheu they bent their 171 neck under Cromwell's tyranny, they did wrong. "When the French nation, granting that they unanimously did so, recalled Bonaparte to their head, they did wrong. When, in midst of peace, they attacked Spain, they did wrong. When in peace, they annexed Hamburgh, and tiie countries wliich border on the shores of the ocean, from the Rhine to the Elbe, they did wi'ong. When, under the mask of friendship, they partitioned Italy, and overturned the Constitution of Switzer- land, they did wrong. When they violated every treaty that they had made, they did wrong. When tliey abolished religi- on, and incukated principles subversive of human reason and human happiness, they did wrong; and when they took the life of their King and Queen, they did wrong. But we shall be told all these, except perhaps the first and the two last, were done by tlic French government, not by the French people. Either the French government was the organ of the French people, or it was not. If it was, then they followed, without shame, the principles of error and injustice. If it wa« not, was it riffht in them to recal that "-overnment, whose essence was crime, and tell the world that it was the dear ol ject of their choice, and that they would have no other? But with regard to this it was quite obvious tliat unanimity did not prevail in France; and is there one who, at this time of the day, can now stand forward and say that France was right — that France was imanimous in committing the last? If Louis XVI. was unjust- ly condemned, it follows that his descendants alone have a right to the throne of France. That he suffered unjustly, every candid mind must allow. That his punisluncnt was un- merited, even those wiio took his life are now compelled to ad- mit. " The French Revolution," said Fouche, had nut itsorigia in the excess of tijrannxj. It was the slow and prepared fruit of knowledge. It was undertaken with views of justice and of or- der, until the fury of a mad opposition obliged its fouziders to consign their work to tiie guardianship of the multitude. Then the object failed, and the revolution deviated from its principles. No human power was capable of arresting the tor- rent."* Then at least it was that the French nation did VTong. Then it was their King was cut off. That this was • Foudic's re^Kirt to Bonaparte, June, \^\6'. 172 done illegally, all must confess. His accusers were his jiidj»es; and even amongst these did unanimity prevail with regard to his fate? Overawed and terrified as they were — tlireatencd with death by an ignorant and brutal mob if they did not con- demn their Sovereign, yet nearly half the Convention refused to vote for his condemnation. It was not till Jacobinical laws, force, and violence, were put in requisition, that this could be accomplished. When Duhesm demanded justice by nominal jippeal, each one, simply answering this question, " Shall Louis Capet suffer death, or shall he be acquitted." Lanjunais opposed the motion, and " moved that the fate of the King, should be referred to the primary assemblies." Bat this was overruled by a motion for the adjournment of the question, which was in its turn put by a perfect riot; for as the members crouded about the hurreaux, and in the middle of the hall, they soon proceeded from invectives to blows, and appeared more like Gladiators than Senators*, some even menaced the President, as intrifjiiinn; with the King's counsel, and others attempted to snatch the bell fi-om him." lu this confusion, Thuriot, who, on the previous day, threatened in the Jacobin club, to poignard the King, moved •that the ass*,'mbly should declare itself permanent till this ai^iir was determined, which being done, Couthon moved to proceed, but which Pethion opposing, brought upon himself every in- vective and abuse. " But the President interfered in his fa- vour, the disorder was renewed again, and was, a second time, determined by a real engagement, man to man; and blows with the fist were as liberally distributed as if the greatest part of the orators had been t!ie genuinedisciples of pugilism. At the head .of these combatants, M. M. Barbaroux, the Marseillois deputy, Montaut de Illes, and Bellaud Varennes, were particularly no- ticed."* Notwithstanding this confusion, Couthon 's motion was carried j and it was under such horrid scenes that theiinfbrtunate Louis was broiight to the scaffold, and the long and bloody guillotinings, massacres, and drownings, civil wars, and banish- xnent of thousands., took place, which shewed that all France was not unanimous for this punishment, nor indiiferent to their Sovereign's fate. Nevertheless, these things concerned France only. The • National Convention, December 26tb, 1792. 173 <;viTne and the guilt were her's alone. It was the consequences, not the cHme, which most interested Europe. It was the prin- ciples which organized it, and the system which sprang from it, demanded her attention. This the most severe experience had taught her could never do any thing that was good. Continual wrongs provoked her anger — she arose as one man, and put down the system. If the French people, therefore, were unan- imous in again calling back that government, whose sole em- ployment was to convulse and desolate Europe, their unanimi- ty only demanded that she should act with the greater decision and vigour. If they were not, still she was equally interested in destroying now what she had destroyed before, in whatever titrenath it appeai-ed, and in whatever shape it assumed. This was the true bearing of this important question. It was not whether Louis or Bonaparte was to be Sovereign of France, but whether France should replace a system, whose establish- ment could only be upheld by the tears and the groans of Eur- ope. If in preventing this, and securing her own safety, Eur- ope restored to his throne the legitimate monarch of France, so much the better. If she did not, she met with no loss, as this was not her object. It was her present peace and future re- pose for which she contended; and not all the cavillings of party, nor the jargon about the as/ul uuanimify of France, and the crying injustice of interfering in her domestic concerns, could blind the understanding or unnerve the arms of Eur- ope. But this degression has led me farther than I intended trom the main object of my undertaking, towliich we shall now return. It was curious to observe the system of folsehood to which the Jacobinical adherents ofBonaparte h^d recourse, in order to sup- port their cause, and encourage their friends. We have alreadv generally alluded to them. Some of these were of a nature to ex- <;ite laughter, others indignation mingled with contempt. Thouoh ^iven in their Journals, yet these were well known to be inserted by the express commands of the agents of government, in order To further any particular object which the Government had in view. I select a iev>' of these insidious and designing passages. *' The English people appear satisfied with the change of our government, and almost manifest enthusiasm for Napoleon.-" 174. Tjirning to Spain in the same breath they state. " Serious troubles have broke out in that country. Several agents of the Spanish Government have been massacred at Barcelona. — Madrid is in great agitation. It is even reported that there has been an insurrection in that city,"* Continuing their system of delusion, " the news of the return of Napoleon to Paris," said they, " has produced the greatest sensation in Dublin and its vicinity. The people there manifest the joy which that extraordinary event causes, in so noisy and tumult- uous a manner, that the Magistrates, to prevent the disorder which is the usual consequence of the assembling of great num- bers of the people, have thought it proper to order the closing of the bridges and the canals in the neighbourhood of the city, and to direct that a report should be made to them every twenty-four hours, of the state of the town." Jumping from EnMand to Italy, " The greatest joy prevails at Milan. The presence of Napoleon re-animates every hope. Piedmont is not less agitated."! It is asserted that the Emperor has re- ceived favourable news from England. The intention of Eng- land, it is said, is to become a mediator, in case differences should arise between France and any Continental Power.":}: In Austria and at Vienna, things were equally in favour of Napoleon. " The Emperor Alexander appears very warm. He declares on all occasions that he wished nothing of the French, that he despised the Bourbons, that they were a de- generate race, but that he would never consent to the Emperor Napoleon's reigning over France, that his honour was engaged in it. It is said, that while thus talking in company, Madame Bacrathiou who was known for her enmity to Napoleon during Jiis o-reatness, but who has since changed and become one of his panefryrists, availing herself of the right which she arrogate^s to herself of saying every thing in company, replied to Alex- ander, ' But Sire, if you consider this as an affair of honour with Napoleon, why don't you send him a challenge? Judging from his character, I doubt not but he would accept of it, and then you would have no occasion again to send against France • Courier extraordinary, April 5d, 1815. t Do. do. April 5tb, 1SI5^. I Paris, April 17th, 1815. 175 armies of 100,000 men, 10,000 Cossacks, and trains of artiU Icrv.' The Princess Esteriiazy, and many other ladies present, applauded this. Sensible people at Vienna treat it as ridiculous to march so many armed men, when it is declared that one man only was the object. It is also told of Lord Stewart, that hearing it disputed whether Napoleon had a right to violate the treaty of the 11th April, he said, ' Since they talked of rights, Napoleon had them all on his side; that no engagement had been kept towards him or his family, that he had repeat- edly made this remark but to no purpose, and that in point of justice the matter was balanced. Men of generous souls throughout Germany are disgusted with the declaration of the 13th March. The Austrian court is very gloomy. The Poles were in the most lively indignation. The Archduke Charles refused to take a command, and it is confirmed that he said, ' the danger is not on the side of Paris but of Petersburgh. By marching against Napoleon we should march against all France. I will not meddle with this war, I see nothing in it but disasters."* But England claimed their particular atten- tion. " The House of Commons, and the majority of the English people, wish to preserve peace with France. The people have ransacked, pillaged, and pulled down, three houses belonging to persons notoriously known to wish for war. They afterwards proceeded to the tiouse of Lord Castlereao-h, who is at the head of the party opposed to the Constitution and, to Peace. They sought for him every where, and would doubtless have subjected him to very disagreeable treatment, had they got possession of his person. The -effervessence has been carried to the greatest pitch in London, and the greatest evils are expected.*'f At another time they asserted that the King was deail, and that the Duke of York, was become a competitor tor the throne. " The general opinion in England was for the continuance of Peace with France. None of the Ministers had been bold enough to demand subsidies from Parliament, and if they did, it would be rejected by the House of Commons with indignation, and the people with fury."t In Spain the discontent against the Government is general* ' Moniteur, April 19th, 1815. — Munich, April 12th, 1815. t 3Iouitcur, Paris, April 24th, 1815, | Do. do. April 25th, 181S. 176 Placards with the words, " 7io more Bourbons! Vive Napoleon'! rouse yoursehh's lAherales^ are posted up."* In this manner did the French press continue to inundate Europe with insidious reports, in order to sustain their cause. They were perfectly sensible that those things were odious fa- brications, but they were equally certain that they would meet with attention from numbers, and bewilder the understanding of others. They were all calculated for the meridian of French intellect; and the lies of a day — a week, or a month, had great influence upon the public mind at this critical moment. But those fabrications were insignificant and not dangerous. As these, however, began to get stale and were found would no longer answer the purpose, more extensive, daring, and re- prehensible fiilsehoods were had recourse to. Every method was tried to depreciate the strength, and impose doubts as to the union of the allies, and every attempt was made to blacken their views, and misrepresent their intentions in order to rouse the indignation of the French soldiers and people to the high- est pitch of fury. In these things they succeeded in a surpris- ing degree, bringing thereby deeper evils upon their own heads. It was of no consequence that these impositions were daily detected. They were still continued with a perseverance alto- gether incredible, till they almost made it appear that truth was falsehood and falsehood was truth. As early as the middle of April, in enumerating the allied troops which were>marching against France, they fixed it as follows, viz. " Austria 200,000, Russia 120,000; Prussia 100,000; Bavaria, Wirtemberg, Ba- den, &c. 40,000; England, Hanover, and Holland, 60,000. Thus the force of the coalition cannot amount to more than 500,000 men. Of those no reliance can be placed on the people of Wirtemberg, Bavaria, and Baden. The Saxons, Belgians, and Dutch, are also not to be trusted; and the dis- affection of the Poles, who are in the Russian and Austrian armies, can no longer be dissembled."-}- To oppose this force France had 360,000infontry of the line, 60,000 cavalry, 30,000 artillery and engineers. It is not an exaggeration to calcu- late the for-jes which Napoleon might have on the Alps, on the * Moniteur, Paris, ^pril 26th. — Barcelona, April 12th, 1815. *• Do. Ao. April ICth.— Vienna, April 1st, 1815. 177 Khone, and on the frontiers of Belguim, at 450,000, to these may be added 200,000 national guards, to be employed in the defence of the fortresses and lining the frontiers;" and, " we may also include in the means of France the forces of the King of Naples, for from what we have learned from his ministers, and leports from Italy, it seems certain that his 80,000 men, will make a common cause with France." Thus " the approach- ing contest will be sanguinary, and will present chances of every kind. We have not spoken of Spain: in its present state, that country cannot be reckoned as any thing in the account."* No ! French atrocity and perfidy had effectually prevented that. Of the plans and dispositions of the allies, they gave the follow- ing account. " Hitherto the Cabinets have formed no other plan than that of holding themselves on the defensive, and the idea generally prevails, that to attack France would be to re- peat the faults of 1793, to give to the war that national charac- ter the force of which is terrible. This opinion is so fixed, that the enemies of France rely much on the enterprising cha- racter of Napoleon, and hope that he will be the frst to attach. This they wish for; because then the national feeling would be weakened, and would be transposed to the Germans, who would overwhelm the French with their mass. No man of sense can venture to advise the Invasion of France. Tlie peo- ple do not wish for war. It is certain that Lord Wellingtoa has been requested to draw up a plan of Campaign, and that his Grace has replied he had none to give, that he did not suffici- ently know the spirit which reigned in France. But that as a general principle, and still more from late events, the Soldiers commanded h) the Emperor, could only he attacked hy forces dou- ble their number. Such are in the m»ost exact truth the position of affairs, and the disposition of mind of both parties."f The preceding article was one of the many wrote to deceive the people of France, and to induce them to believe that their forces were more numerous than that of their enemies, who were repre- sented as afraid of their strength and their unanimity. In a few • Moniteur, April 16th. — Vienna, Apnl 1st, 1815. The writer well kneif Murat's intentions. This is dated Vienna, April 1st, Murat's declaration and force stated in it, was dated Rimini, March ?Oth, a town 420 miles from VieniHk t Do. do. do. 7. 6 178 tfeys a similar article appeared, fixing down the force of tlie allies at the preceding number, and making them suppose that the means of France to oppose them were triflinf. " It was decided," continued this article, " in a Comicil, on the 4th and 5th of April at Vienna, to prosecute the war upon a systematic plan — not to assume the offensive till all the troops be in line — to maku' siege;i in order that a double and triple line of for- tresses may not be left in their rear. Not to give battle to the Emperor except with double the number of troops of every wme. The Duke of Wellington has a plan of his otaujo?' ali the allies^ and for all the operations in general, even for Italy, but he mil not disclose it until all the allies are ready to com- mence hostilities.* The allies distrust the Swiss — They dread the French army; but fear still more that the nation will take a part in the war. There is great dissentions amongst the Prussians, Austrians, and Bavarians, at Mentz."f Continu- ing the same system, as the danger drew nearer and increased, they endeavoured to lessen its strength. " The allies will not be ready to take the field before the end of July. It is not thought that excluding Italy, they can have more than 350,000 effective men. The poveriy and disorder of the finan- ces become more n>anifest every day in Austria. Wherever the Austrians and Prussians meet they c^uarrel. The Poles evinced much discontent. The Officers of the troops belong- ing to the former Rhenish Confederation openly declare that the humiliation of France, would be the absolute ruih of the indepentlcnce of their countries. Opinions were much divided at Berlin. It was considered unjust and impolitic to attack France. It was considered absurd, that Austi'ia should com- plete the ruin of her finances, by a war contrary to her interests. The interest for the young French Prince was daily increas- ing at Vienna. That young Prince is remarkable for a pre- cocity of understanding. He is very impatient to return to France, and says, every day, ' shall isce ,^0 soon?' This august infant is endowed with indiscrihable intelligence.''^ Notwithstanding all this system of delusion practised upon • France will long remember what liis Lordsliip's plan was. f Monsieur, April 18th. — Mentz, April 15th. — Vienna, April 7th, I8I0- I JVIoniteur, April 29th, 1815. the public mind, tlie French Government by its comluct shew- ed that it felt very cliiFerentiy. Every town in France from Paris to the frontiers, of any consequence was fortified. The Capital itself and the country was covered with fortifications or covering- with them. *' All the fortresses on the Northern frontiers," said the A]oniteur, ** from Dunkirk to Charlcmont are armed and provisioned. The sluices are prepared and will be opened to inundate the coimtry, on the first hostile move- ment that takes place. Some works have been constructed in the forest of Mormok. Measures have been taking to make entrenchments in the different passes of the forest of Argone. All the fortresses m Loraine are ready. Some entrenchments have been constructed in the five passes of the Vosges. The fortresses in Alsace arc armed. Orders have been given to defend the passes of the Jura, and all the frontiers of the Alps. They are preparing the fortresses of the Sommc, which are in the third line. In the Interior, Guise, La Fere, Vitry, Sois- sons, Chateau Thierry, and Langres, are arming and fortify- ing. Orders have been given to construct works upon the heights of Montmartrc and Menii ]\Ioatant, and arm them with 300 pieces of cannon. His Majesty has also ordered that Lyqns shall be put in a state of defence; a tete du i)ont will be formed at Brotteaux, the draw-bridge of La Guillotierre is re- establishing. The ground between the Saone and the Rhone will be fortified ; some redoubts are preparing to be construct- ed in front of this ground. A redoubt will be constructed on the height of Pierre en Sise, to sup})ort a work which defends the town on the right bank. The heiglits commanding the cjuarter of St. Jean, on the bank of the Saone, will be defend- ed'with several redoubts; eighty pieces of cannon, with the ne- cessary ammunition, are proceeding towards Lyons. Sisteron, Pont St. Esprit, will be placed in a slate of defence.* The works around Paris have been laid out with skill. All that part of Paris from the heights of Moutniartre to those of Bel- leville and Charonne, and thence to Vincennes will be secured agaiTiSt attack. The canal which receives the waters of the Ourcq, and conveys them to St. Denys, will render the left unassailable: the fort constructed half-way between the barrier Moniteor, Paris, May 2cJ, 1815. 180 of the llironc and Vincennes, by taking advantage of the old walls, will place the right in equilibrium with the centre and the left. The artillery at Vincennes is ready."* Finding that the regularly organized system of deception and misrepresentation, had no other effect upon the general Councils of Europe, than that of rendering them more decided and unani- mous, the French government changed their mode of attack; and proclaiming war as inevitable, they endeavoured to stir up and bring into full play alt the fiercest passions, prejudices, hatred, and vanity, of the whole French population. They described the resolute intentions of the allies to be to inflict every possible enormity and cruelty upon the French nation, particularly the military part of it. According to them these were doomed to endless captivity or death; and the people, after their property being laid waste, to the most servile chains and bondage. — *' The Prussians," said they, " shew great resentment towards the French; and are disposed to do all possible mischief to France, should the war commence. The Austrian and Bava- rian Officers speak of nothing but burning, plundering, awd other severe treatment to France. Such language has already been held at Vienna. On the 3d and 4th of April, it was a- greed by the allies at Vienna, that all tiie French prisoners of •war should be sent to the extremity of Russia, and neither be restored nor exchanged. Those who choose to serve will be sent to the army of Caucasus, others may form Colonies, and those who refuse to do any thing are to be sold fdr slaves. The other allied powers are to treat the prisoners they make, with all the severity and contempt due to the conduct of a nation which arrogates to itself the right of choosing its Go- vernment."f The insidious and insulting nature of this charge could only issue from the desk of the Goddess of Reason, and as if it had been against peace and freedom, the allied powers were contending, and not against war, ambition, and tyranny. — Tl.dt many of the allied soldiers held similar language, and that they should be determined to treat France with severity, is not strange; and that tlie latter merited, at their hands, all that was here announced, their guilty consciences told them. Not content, • Moniteur, Paris, May 26th, 1815. } Moniteor, Paris, April! 8th.— Mentz, April 180). Vienna, May 7*. 181 however, with fabricating these things at Paris, as the work of for- eign correspondents on whose veracity they could rGly,thcv bold- ly took a higher flight; and, by endeavouring to stain the charac- ter of him whose arms they dreaded, whose sword they were yet to feci, they tried to stimulate the rage of their adherents to mad- ness, against the British army and their allies. Forging a pro- clamation in the name of Wellington, they caused it to be published, with notes thereon, and to be circulated through- out France. In it they made him address the French nation in a manner which they supposed would wound their pride, and awaken their passions to a desire of resistance and jcvenge. " I i-aise my voice," said this lying document, " in the name of your King and his allies, to recal you to the sentiments of submission (1.) and peace. Frenchmen ! what do you expect by attachinw- yourselves to the fate of the violater of treaties? of a man with- out right and without power? Frenchmen ! we cannot believe^ we cannot suppose that his furious ambition can have influence sufficient, so far to seduce you, as to produce a belief in the success of his insane projects. (2.) We know his forces, we are acquainted with his means. We do not deceive our- selves in declaring to you that all his efforts will only serve to make him fall with more certainty into our hands. No, Frenchmen, I must repeat it, it is not on the nation we mean to make war, but on Bonaparte and his soldiers. (3.) Wo to them who shall join him! Wo to the rebel provinces! D© not imagine that Bonaparte can brave with impunity the sover- eign authority of so many croismed heads-, (4.) or that offended Europe will consent to have in vain made enormous sacrificesybr replacing the Bourbons on the throne of France, (5.) when the repose and the interests of nations require that they should he maintained, thereon. But did not these circumstances exist, one (1.) " My Lord, you need not preach peace to us; on that point we are all con- verts. As to submission, we do not understand that language." {^2, ) '' Yes, my Lord, we are sufficiently deceived, sufficiently misled, to think that" we shall resist all Europe, if a'l Europe do not resist the most insane qf])roJccls." (.5.) " On his soldiers/ — Think, my Lord, on those words." (4.) " The Sovereign of Frenchmen does not recognise the authority of any crowned head." (.5.; " That is to say, that France should indemnify Europpfor the eijormous sacr xifices made to subjugate us." us rule more powerful would render it necessary to resume arms a second time — that o\' punishing the factious horde by which the present troubles have been Ibmented, and which has dared to pronounce against the unajiimous "wish of all the European moji- archies. Yes, Frenchmen, henceforth Europe, united and mov- ed by the same interest, must form but one single power, and ike Sovereigiis a supreme corporation^ upon which will be raised the solid pedestal of the peace and happiness of nations. The allied Sovereigns replaced Louis XVIII. on the throne of his an- cestorSi and proclaimed the reign of the Family of Bourbon^ until its extinction.^ over the French people. (6.) They now take up arms to restore and confirm that dynasty — to support the cause of Kings, and to give an imposing example of sovereign authority to all nations. This they have sworn in the face of the universe. Within a few days, 1,200,000 men will pass your frontiers, and occupy your provinces. (7.) I shall cause the provinces which submit to be respected, but I shall be under the necessity of punishing the rebel population."* The malignity of this odious fabrication was only equalled by its absurdity^ It must give a mean idea of the intellect and energies of the nation, where only falsehood could stimulate them to defence; and the lowest opinion of the head and the heart of that government which could degrade i:self in using such expedients to consolidate or defend its power. These things might serve to amuse Parisian levity, and form mirth to the sarcastic ferocity of Carnot. They might, as they no doubt did do, stimulate to a great degree the passions of the rebelli- ous in France against the allies. But what then. It but served to bring down on their heads severer punishment, fiercer retaliation, and keener contempt. The article tiirough- out bears the indelible marks of the levity, haughtiness, confi- dence, defiance, and falsehood, so characteristic of revolutionary France. It was one of the last diabolical and disgraceful ef- ibrts of an expiring system, whose conduct was drawing tlown, t^ith a frantic joy, utter ruin on its guilty head. (6.) *' That is to say, that the jillied Sovereigns have proclaimed themselves arbit- ers of the destinies of France. My Lord, what vcould you say were similar lan- guage to be addressed to fhe people of Great Britain? — Nay, what would you do?" (7.) " This is not quite certain, ITiis prediction savours a little of the Bbussells ©R-UiE." • Monitc\ir, April 15t^, 1815. 185 While the ruling party in France continued by such miser-, able expedients to call forth the energies of its defenders, the powers of Europe took a different road, and spoke in a differ- ent language. They publicly avowed their sentiments in lan- guage no French sophistry could refute. In reviewing the de- claration of 1 :^th March, they were so far from viewing the suc- cessful career of Bonaparte as a reason for altering their senti- ments, as French logic argued they should, that they only came forward with greater alacrity to consecrate the opinions there promulgated, in a more solemn manner. After receiving the answer which the Usurper's government had given to that do- eument, and which they most justly characterised as the utmost abuse of human reason, the Congress decided that there was no alteration in the relative positions of Bonaparte and them- selves, and that no further declaration from them was neces- sary; the first fully expressing their unalterable sentiments on that head. In this important document, the committee of Con- gress proved by irresistible arguments, the absurdity of that reasoning by which the agents of Bonaparte attempted to over- throw the sentiments expressed in the declaration of the 13tb March. They acknowledge that the entrance of Bonaparte into Paris " doubtless altered, in fact, the positions" in which he previously was; but they denied " that those events, brought on by criminal collusion, by military conspiracies, by revolting treasons, could confer any right." They asked if the " con- sent, real or fictitious, explicit or tacit, of the French nation to the re-establishment of Bonaparte's power could operate as a legal change in the position of the latter, in regard to foreign powers, and a title obligatory on these powers?" They clearly shewed tliat it could not. They pointed out that the power of a nation to choose its own government, like all other power, must have " its limits" — ihey admitted that no foreign power had any right " to ptrscribe" a form of government to another nation; but, at the same time, they pointed out the undeniable right which foreign powers had " io protest against its abuse at their expense" They stated that they respected and would " respect the liberty of France, in every way in 'eihich it shall not be iu' compatible with tlieir own securiii/y and the general tranquility of Europe" They shewed that Bonaparte, at tlie head of the French government, stood in the same situation, with respect to them, that he did on tlie 31st March, 1814, when his abdi- cation, greeted by France and by Europe, paved the way for the treaty of l*aris. In this treaty, Europe only took from France that " deceitful exterior of great national eclat" which had been " an inexhaustible source of sufferings, ruin, and mi- «ery." They shewed that " this treaty was even an immense benefit for a country, reduced by the madness of its chief to the most disastrous situation." They pointed out in the clearest and strongest manner, that they never would have made such a treaty vk'ith the French nation with Bonaparte as their chief; that the French nation, by breaking that treaty in the recal of Bonaparte, if it was really the French nation which had done so, had placed Europe in a similar situation to that in which she was before the abdication of Napoleon in the preceding year,- and b}' which means Europe had now, as then, an unquestion- able right to determine whether she would negotiate with him or not. That with regard to the treaty of Paris, it was cer- tainly broken; and " the question is no longer the maintainancc of that treaty, but the making of it afresh." They pointed outg in forcible language, the absurdity and impolicy of trusting^ as a guarantee for the repose of Europe, to the word of a man who, »' during fifteen years, had ravaged and laid waste the earth, to find means of satisfying his ambition; who sacrificed millions of victims, and the happiness of an entire generation., to a system of conquests; whose truces, little worthy of the- name of peace, have only rendered it more oppressive and more odious — who, at the moment the nations of Europe were giv- ing themselves up to the hope of a durable tranquillity, medi- tated new catastrophes. After the cruel expei'ience of fifteen years, who would have the courage to accept this guarantee? And if the French nation has really embraced his cause, isoho could any longer respect the security which it could offer? Peace, with a government placed in such hands, and composed of such, elements, would only be a perpetual state of uncertainty, anxi- ety, and danger;" and, therefore, the allied powers of Europe judge, " that a state of open war, with all its inconveniences, is preferable to such a state of things." The assembly, the place, us the time, all conspired to give these resolutions the most coin- inandin"- and impressive attention. It was impossible that ever the opinion of the nations of the Continent could be more ful^y ascertained. All were unanimous and most cordially united. *' The opinion of Europe on this great occasion is," said they, " pronounced in a manner vcrij positive and very solemn"* Before this important document, the malevolence of party was silent, and the loquacious audacity of Gallic logic remained mute. It was a subject on which the less they said the better. It could not be answered, and therefore was passed without comment. " The opinion of Europe," v. as indeed " pronounc- ed on this great occasion, in a manner very positive and very solemn." She was resolved to act up to her resolutions. Fore- most in the list of those who bravely faced this fresh storm was the King of Prussia. None had suffered deeper injuries, in- sults, and oppression from the hand of France, than him anel his people had done — none were more eager and ready to re- pay them." " The hopes of peace," said that brave Prince, *' is vanished. We must again march to the combat. A per- fidious conspiracy has brought back to France the man who, for ten years together, brought down upon the world unutter- able miseries. He is at the head of perjured soldiers, who de- sire to render iicar eternal. Europe is again threatened; it cannot suffer the man to remain on the throne of France, who loudly proclaimed universal Empire to be the object of his con- tinually renewed wars ; who confounded all moral principles, by his continued breach of faith; and who can therefore give the world no security for his peaceable intentions. Again, there- fore, arise to the combat. United with all Europe in arms, we again enter the lists against Napoleon Bonaparte and his ad- herents. Arise then, with God for your support, for the peace of the world, for order, for morality, for your King, and your country ."f This noble appeal was not made in vain. Prus- sia came forward with an alacrity which made Daru, his pirat- ical comrades, and many a guilty bosom in France tremble. In the meantime, the unfortunate King of France had left Brussels, and removed to Ghent, where he was joined by many • Report of the Committee of Congress, May 12th, 1815. f King cf Prussia's address, Vienna, April 7th. AA 6 18G of Iii3 faithful adherents. From thence, lie kept up a corres- pondence with his friends in diiferent parts of France; but \vht> were too narowly watched by the jealous eye of their revohi- tionary -adversaries, to arrange any general plan for liis assist- ance. It was obvious, however, tliat they had the best inclina-' tions to do so — From Ghent he at different times issued pro- clamations to the people of France, in which there is nothing very remarkable, but his pointing out to them their errors and their dangers, and promising pardon and forgiveness to all but incorrigible offenders. These, however, France laughed to scorn, as she did every thing else that was worth her attennon. — Marmont, Victor, and Clarke revnained with the King. Tal- leyrand was at Vienna, and Berthier at Bamberg with his family. Events were novt' rapidly approaching to a crisis. Fresh and important treaties were concluded betwixt the allied pow- ers at Vienna, the substance of which was, that all the powers sliould unite all their strength, if necessary, to overthrow the system established in France, by the violation of the treaty of Paris. Great Britain, by way of subsidy, was to pay five mil- lions sterling to the different powers, in order to assist them in increasing and accelerating the march of their armies. Nu- merous insidious reports had been spread, of jealousies and di- visions amongst the confederate powers, on the subject of the situation of France, and the propriety of going to war with her. These, however, were most fully and satisfactorily set to rest by the publication of the treaties, and the clear and decided letter of Lord Clancarty to the British government. " With regard to France, subsequent to the return of Bonaparte," said he, " but one opinion has appeared to direct the counsels of the different Sovereigns. They adhere, and from the commence- ment have never ceased to adhere, to their declaration of the 13th March, with respect to the actual ruler of France. They are in a state of hostility with him and his adherents, not from choice, but /rom ?iccessUij; because past experience has shewn, that no faith has been kept by him, and that no reliance can be placed on the professions of one who has hitherto no longer re- o-arded the most solemn compacts, than as it may have suited kis own convenience to observe them. They are at war then 187 ibr the purpose of obtaining some security foi' their own inde- pendence, and for the re-conquest of that peace and permanent tranquilUty for which the world has so long panted."* Europe was at war then once more, with Napoleon Bona- parte and his adherents. Late in the month of May, this im- portant question came to be discussed in both Houses of the British Parliament, whose deliberations Iiad so often upheld and decided the measures of the Continent of Europe. The boun-ds of this work prevents me from giving any thing but a very general outline of these important and interesting discussions: — On the 23d, Lord Liver})Ool, in the House oi' Peers, opened the debate, by stating that tiie *' subject vvas the most momentous that could possibly come before them." Llis Lordship went over nearly the same grouiKl that the last im[)ortant document issu- ed by Congress had done. He dwelt at great length upon the principles and facts therein contained. He shewed that the treaty of Paris had been religiously observed by all the allies; but had been most \vantonIy broken by France in the act which recalled Bonaparte to her head. He denied that there had been anj' violation of the treaty as against him; and point- ed out that even if there had been, " that it was only upon a conjplaint being made, and a I'efusal of justice, that could jus- tify a violation by the opposite party." '• Bonaparte had made no complaint to the allies, and they never, therefore, conld have refused him redress." He pointed out, thjit, even in his first proclamations, Bonaparte made no such charge, even against the King of France; and that the whole was an after thought, when he sought for some reasonable ground as an apology for his undertaking. He pointed out also, in strong terms, the justice and also the necessity of v/ar against him. He asked, ** if the ambition evinced by the present Government of France was that common ambition which had given rise to the ordin- ary contests between the European }x)wers:" On the contrary, it was, as every one knew, " an ambition which no success had ever satisfied, which no disappointments had ever forced to a- bandon its views." He detailed at length the aggressions of France, from the earliest dawn of the revolution, every step of which pointed out to what they at length openly avowed "vvas * Clancarty's letWr, Vienna, May 6tb, 1815. 168 theh' object — '• llie absolute subjugation of all tlie powers oi Europe," and " universal Empire." He denied that Bona- parte had been recalled by the unanimous consent of the French nation ; but said, that he was only so by the discontented and military part thereof. He shewed that the age and experience of Bonaparte, as some had imagined, would not make him wiser or more moderate ; and that his ambition was not of that sort which could be chastened by age, or corrected by experience. That with regard to the boast that France was now under a li- mited monarchy, he shewed " that there was no individual un- der whose sway it was so totally impossible that any thing like a limited government could exist, as that individual, whose title depended upon the sword; whose fame, whose power, and all that rendered him distinguished, aros-j from, and was con- nected with war and conquest." He pointed out the com- manding situation in which the powers of Europe stood; that they never had a juster cause, more formidable means, and greater hopes of success. He shewed that the powers of Eur- ope were unanimous in the contest, arising from a conviction of their own insecurity under a different system, and that they were not goaded into it by Great Britain, as was the malicious insinuation of our enemy. He acknowledged that all the al- lies would be glad to see Louis XVII I. restored to the throne of France, as they were satisfied that with him they could re- main at peace, in the spirit thereof; but denied ,that they had any intention to force either him or any other government upon the pejople of France, as had been wickedly charged a- gainst them.. They fought for their own security and peace. They had made up their minds on the subject, and the arts of Bonaparte could no longer shake them. Lord Grey, however, took a different and very remarkable view of the subject; Jle stated that " he was by no means sat- isfied as to the point of right in this instance." In order to render war necessary, it ought to be shewn that redress of any ♦grievance had been amicably demanded and totally refused. " Had," continued he, " any aggression then been made upon the country? Had any demand of reparation been made, and j\ot listened to? Upon what, then, does the right of going to »rar rest?" He allowed that the general right of nations to 189 •.lioose their own government, might be qualified by some mo- he couUl offer no security for the observance of any treaty. His Lordship contended that this was a more favourable mo- ment than ever could again occur, for uniting the common efforts of Europe against the ambition of France. " No words of which he was master, nothing that the page of history re- corded, appeared adequate to impress on their Lordships minds the situation in which we were now placed." He would not enumerate how many violations of treaties Bonaparte had been guilty of, " but he would ask any one to shew him one country which, for the last ten or twelve years, had sought peace or safety with him, that had not found itself visited with the * Caiilincoiut's letter to the Sovereigns. 193 a<»-oravation of the very evils it so attempted to ward off." Boriaparto was replaced by the active exertions of the military; and so far from age and experience lessening his activity or ambition, the last act was the strongest example of his restless- ness and ambition. 'Louis X.Y 111. ^^ rvas the victim of peace. He was the sacriiice of his good faith- ." Therefore was he hated bv a soldiery, " accustomed to rapine;" and who had been raised by their former chief" to principalities and powers," at the expense of the just rights of other people. By them he was recalled, by them he was to be mamtained in his regained power; and to keep them in humoui;with him, said his Lord- ship, Bonaparte, whatever his wishes might be, must " lead them on to some fresh aggression against some foreign nation." There was no peace between us and Bonaparte, and he could not tell upon what grounds we could now negociate with him ; for " in that overture, as it was called, that Bonaparte made to this country, he mentioned nothing about the peace of Paris, nor even condescended to say any thing about the terms on which he was disposed to treat with us." In the proposal, however, forwarded to Vienna, he had expressed himself ready to abide by the treaty of Paris — which treaty gave France a right to enterfere in the settlement of the affairs of the Continent, and particularly of Germany, and which in the hands of Bonaparte would be made use of to undo all that the Congress had done — to oppose their measures, and to plnnge Europe into fresh troubles. His Lordship concluded an admirable speech by approving of the measures of Government, and the necessity of war, which was carried by l-tS against 4i ^vho voted for Lord Grey's amendment. On the '25th of May, the same important subject came be- fore the House of Commons for their decision. The results were similar to what had been in the House of Lords. The ground taken up by the different speakers, was generally the same as what had been in the other House, and many of their arguments perfectly similar. Lord Castlereagh began by stat- ing the perfect unanimity which reigned among all the allies, npon this important business. He shewed that the decisions of Congress, had gone upon the principles and opinions of Mr. Pitt, whose general knowledge of European policy and B B 7 fiuropcan safety had never been surpassed. He contentteti that it" the restoration of Bonaparte was the act of the whole French nation, that so much was the greater danorer to Europe^ and greater the offence against the allies. The question now was not whether they should go to war with Bonaparte, but whether or not they should open negotiations with him. He stated that the principles and conduct of the allies would, no doubt, as usual, be misrepresented and distorted. But peace could not be expected with Bonaparte. The greater his talents the greater the danger. " In war or in peace, also in prosperity or in adversity, still the same perseverance and unrelenting system of policy was distinguishable." He exposed the base, insitlious and dangerous conduct of Bonaparte, in the negotia- tions at Chatillon.* He shewed that Great Britain had not excited the Continent to war. That she had earnestly recom- mended to them caution and an attention to their own interests- and safety, not to hers; they " had deliberately decided on war, as necessary to their existence." The result of all their deli- berations was, that " no safety for the world was to be hoped from negotiations with Bonaparte." The means of the allies to commence war were of the most formidable description. While the issue of the contest was in the hands of an overruling Providence, he contended that L'rancc stood in a very different aituaticm to what she did in 1792. The Revolutionary spirit had perished, '* through the horrors to which it had given birth." France in her former wars had beesi accustomed to calculate not so much upon her own means, as upon '• her cxternal resourscs^^ namely, the plunder of foreign nations. — These she could calculate upon no longer. While the energies' of France wxre thus paralized, "a great n.ioral feeling, was spread throughout Europe." The population and the Govern- ments felt that French ambition arid wickedness had been the cause of all their misery. " At no period hatl they ever been disposed to put fort!) their hostilities against France with more ardour." The armies of the allies were not only augment- ed to a number beyond what they had been, but mobt im- portant measures had been resorted to in the event of failure,, to ""uard against the recoil of the blow which was meditated • See former Narrative — Appendix* 195 «fTamst the power of Bonaparte. Such was the unanimity and formidable preparations against him; and since he had resolved upon his daring enterprise, no period more lavourable for the safety of Europe could ever have occurred, " Had Bonaparte," however, " delayed his return for a single month, he believed it wonld have made a vast difference in the attitude of the allies; and instead of their applying now the arms in their hands, they would have to re create their armies a-t a vast expense. Wliile his Lordship lamented the disappoirita:!ent of all our hopes of a lasting }>eace after twenty-five years of labour, thro' toil, through danger and blood; yet he could not help troni congratulati'iig the country upon the commencement of a i.truo-h moved an amendment, and stated that h« conceived, that the allies h;id now altered their lan- irua"-e. " It was n-ow clear that their sole object was to over- throw Bonaparte, and to restore the Bourbons. He could not, therefore, give his consent to sue!) an interference and to such a wnr." Mr. J. Smrch seconckcl the amendment, and stated, that although he considered the French army as " little better than a bnnclitti," s'dll they could only be reclaimed by a period of peace and not of war. He gave Bonaparte no cre- dit for his intentions beyond what suited his interests. He contended, however, that his power was so formidable as to render success impossible. He had been re -enforced by an immense number of veteran sokliers., formerly cooped up in 19tK garrisons, and by 200,000 prisoners from Russia and this country, 100,000 of wliorn returned from tiic latter, were ani- mated witli tiie most enthusiastic attachment to him, and who *' betrayed a resentment against this country that was truly extraordinary." He conceived that the war might continue for several years, when our finances would be ruined. Sir Francis Burdett followed on the same side, but with open de- clar.itions in favour of Napoleon. He was not, he said, con- vinced of the justice or expediency of this war. " The ques- tion was respecting the re-imposing upon France a family pro- scribed and twice expelled." " Bonaparte appeared to be, as far as possible, more than any known King elected by a very large majority of the French people. The declaration of Vi- enna was as plain as possible. It designated the French as rebels, and the French Emperor as a fit object for the dagger of the assassin. It was impossible to get rid of this declaration. It was absurd to make the breach of a treaty by Bonaparte, the cause of a war with him. Besides the breach of treaties was synonimous with the very name of the Bourbons." The allied powers were now pursuing the same ambitious course which they liad opposed in France. " They attacked France for the cause of the Bourbons, pretending it to be for the sake of liberty." *' Bonaparte," said he, " did a just and magnaniinoHs l/iing in throwing himself into France. The war now entered upon seemed perfectly unnecessary. The conquest of France was ab- surd, and war for the Bourbons ridiculous. We had sfiven Belgium to an upstart King, who could not maintain himseli", but would throw the burden upon us." For these and other reasons, as usual, equally extraordinary and irrelevant, the Bar- onet deprecated any attempt to trouble Bonaparte, or France, with him at her head. Mr. Ponsonby supported the same side of the question, and stated, that '' it could not be doubted but that the real object of the present war was to restore the Bour- bons;" and he conceived that the invasion of France would unite the whole population in the favour of Bonaparte, when France, who was not any longer very formidable as an attack- ing power, might become the reverse by being attacked. Mr. Grattan and Mr. Plunket, however, took a nobler and 1S7 a more manly course. Escaped from imprisonment in those tlisoraceful fetters, in which party spirit had chained the moral fceliiifs and enermes of the proudest pursuits of the human mind, throughout the most arduous struggle which ever right had against wrong, these personages appeared in a situation which gave the finest scope to their abilities and eloquence; and which, while it cheered Europe, confounded the powers of their form- er associates. Mr. Grattan began, by stating, that he was per- fectly satisfied that the present war was not for the object of re- storino- the Bourbons to the throne of France. *' The onlv alternative," said he, " which is now left us seemed to him to be, whether we should have a peace without security, or a war without allies. The Constitution of France was war, and Bonaparte was the man best able to cherish and support it." If time was given him to restore his finances, recruit his forces, and consolidate his power, at present " tottering to the very base," he had no doubt but that if the space that inter- vened between the two countries was land, that he would en- deavour again, as he had done before, to confer the same bene- fits upon England that he had done upon Holland, Portugal, Spain, and other places. England had constantly been the particular object of his rancour and hostility; and after having reduced the Continent of Europe to his sway, " he contrived to place her between two fires; that is, between one Continent in Europe, in which was the army of France; and another Con- tinent in America, which was her great rival for the palm of commercial greatness; and by these means to effect our utter de- struction." The same reason urged him to endeavour to drive the Emperor of Russia and his people into the Frozen Ocean — to put the King of Prussia, after the most shameless and aggravated insults, out of the list of crowned heads. Yet, after all these acts of " ferocious enmity, malignity, and hostility," the allies had generously given France liberty, and Bonaparte life and the island of Elba. France, during his absence, had enjoyed a bet- ter constitution than any of those cobwebs of Jacobinical man- ufacture, whose votaries exercised their talents this way, till " the Goddess of Liberty was turned into hny, and the God- dess of Reason into frenzy." In the midst of the peace bestowed upon France, Bonaparte breaks the treaty of Fontajnbleau, an^ IDS ** now modestly comes to know whether you v/ill trust him a- gain, and shamelessly avows in the face of Europe and the world, that his abdication was merely an act of convenience on his part: that it could not be binding, because it was not with the consent of the people. Mr. Grattan ridiculed the idea that France was a match for all Europe. He denied that Aus- tria had her hands tied up by the affairs of Italy. Her forces amounted to 500,000 men. Those of Russia were immense. The affairs of Poland would neither embarrass her, nor would those of Saxony curb the exertions of Prussia. Bonaparte was not now what he had once been. He could no lontjer overawe nations by " the imposing march of his armies." The people ef France never regretted his absence. It Was impossible they could break their oaths " to a mild and merciful Sovereign, for the purpose of saddling themselves with the eternal damnation of a military despotism." His return from Elba, and unmo- lested march through France, was by no means a foundation on which to judge tiiat the people was in his favour. It argu- ed their silence, but not their con^sent. Bonaparte, who was called the Champion of Liberty, kept it all to himself. Italy, Spain, and Holland, never knew what liberty was, under his sway; nor would France now enjoy more than suited his views. The liberty which he seemed to value was, that of uniting him- self to any set of men whom he considered as most likely to promote his own selfish and arbitrary views. At present " he held forth the curious anomaly of a man who could bear no li- bert}', uniting himself with a Jacobinical party, who could bear no government." His decree in favour of the liberty of the blacks was a blind; and at any I'ate did not warrant assistance in enabling him to take away the liberty and independence of Europe, We were now going to war with him, " as a person whose character is such, that no regard to treaties could bind him. As to the partitioning schemes of the allies, they were not like the efforts of Bonaparte, who threatened to take all Europe; and who " presented himself ready for that object, covered with the blood of millions, and covered with the means of jrifrantic efforts. There was about his character a sort of a theatrical grandeur. The fire of his genius, inflamed the '^'tJrld, He was a military hero to France, and a public cala- 199 mity to Europe." As to the government of Louis XVIII. he looked upon it rather as " interrupted than subverted." There was, said Mr. Grattan, " a sort of monstrous unreahty in the revived system of government, that stated nothing as it is, and every thing as it was not. The whole state was corrupted.'"' He wished to know if, by a treaty, that House would agree to Goufirm in tlie heart of France a military dominion, whose ob- ject was to triumph over civil rights, which had governed a mifhty nation, without any rehgion, and whose object was to . « 236,000 States of Germany, - 150,000 Great Britain, - - 50,000 Holland and Belgium, - 50,t)00 1,011,000 f Lord Castlereag^, House of Commons, May 25th, ISli. 00 7 all'tlic former contest, France eagerly inculcated the doctrine^ that it was England that led all the powers of the Continent in-^ to war; not for their interest and safety, but for her own, and out of hatred and animosity against France. False as this asser- tion was, there was a great majority in France, and millions in- Europe, whicli believed i-t. In this instance, however, no such accasatisn could possibly be brought against her. She entered into the war, U'Ot by calh'ng" upon the allied powers to join her, but from their demanding and solicitisg her powerful aid and assistance. It was for the interest of all, but for theirs in a more particular manner, as they openly acknowledged, that the contest was now to be commenced. The animosity of ene- mies, and the madiinations of party could no longer, however, falsely load thecharacter of Britain with being the instigator to resistance and war. I have thus detailed the previous- speeches at considerable length, in order that I might shew to the read- er the sentiments of the leading political characters in Great Britain at this important moment, and upon this momentous sub- ject, the greatest and most extraordinary ever interested the- world. 1 have shewn, without favour or affection, the senti- ments of both parties, in order that th« reader may judge to whose counsels and advice the safety of Eorope is now owing. Had the counsels of a Grey> a Burdett, a Ponsonby, a Tiernevj or a Whitbread, been followed — had their tlonbts, their fears? their judgment prevailed, Napoleon might have sat secure in the Thuilleries till the angel of Death Iiad summoned him to-' the bar of the Almighty. To them Europe owes nothing. Their counsels were her bane — their advice, if followed, would have been- her destruction. They loaded her cause with re- proach; ana^ endeavoured, by the most erroneous calculations and descriptions, to infuse the cold poison of fear into the bos- oms of her brave defenders. This tremendous decision of the British Legislature, dissipated, in a moment, all those doubts and fears, of the lukewarmness of any power in the Coalition; and destroyed all those idle dreams of peace and concord, which the creatures of the French government daily fabricated, in order to frighten its enemies, and encourage its friends. The clouds blackened — the tempest iipproaohed. Deception could conceal tke danger no longer. 203 Ten thousand workmen, employed in surrounding Paris with ^lefences, 300 pieces of cannon planted on the heights of Mont- martre, more arriving from all quarters, and the water of the surrounding streams preparing to lay their environs under wa- ter, convinced the Parisians that there was danger approaching from some quarter. Reserve was then thrown off" — the profes- sions of peace and moderation were thrown away — France ap- peared in the garb and constitution of war, her native charac- ter. The Champ de Mai, so often promised, so often delayed, was summoned — was convoked. The new Constitution was sworn to; and the ceremonies of dancing, singing, swearing, and plays, with eat-ingand drinking, once more, for the moment, serv- ed to turid the attention of the thoMghtless itihabitants of Paris, from the deeper murmurs and more hoarse alarms of the ap- })roaching battle, and which now surrounded them, on all sides. On the evening of the Sist of JVlay, the preparations for this national festival — this solemn and touching ceremony, as the Parisians called it, took place. The theatres were thrown op- en to the ])ublic; which act forms an absolutely necessary ap- pendage to all Fretich ceremonies, however sok»mn, touching, or intcrestin(>:. At eifjht o'clock in the evenini>-, a salute was fired from the cannon placed on the ten-ace of the Thuilleries, which Was returned from Montmiwtre and tiie other batteries. This served to inform the inhabitants that cannon surrounded them on all sides; and as they knew Bonaparte was an excel- lent hand at using them, therefoj'c it was mniecessary to inform them further how they were to behave Jiext morning. The morning came. At six o'clock, the canncm of the Thuilleries gave the i-ignal for a new salute from all the batteries which surrounded Paris. At the «ame time, llie Imperial guard and the Gens de amies occupied the avenues to the Champ de Mars and the military school. At eight, the deputations from the army repaired to the Ciiamp de Mars. At nine, the Electoral colleges, the Court of Cassation, and various public Bodies re- paired to die same j.'ace. At eleven, the Emperor, in his car- riage drawn by eigiit horses, and accompanied by the Com- mandant of Paris, Heralds, Ministers of State, Grand officer?, &c. &[c. in carriages drawn by six horses, left the Thuillcrioi. arid rpp:iirGd to the military school. Salutes of artillery were 204 fired at the Emperor's departure from the Thuiileries, and his arrival at the place of the ceremony. At the Champ de Mars, the troops, consisting of 50,000 men, were draiv?i up in the or- der- of battle. The Emperor's throne was erected in front of the military school, and in the centre of a vast semicircular iu- closure, two-thirds of which formed, on the right and left, grand amphitheatres, in which 15,000 persons were seated. The other third was open. An altar was erected in the middle. Further on, and about 100 toises distant, another throne was erected. The Emperor having ai'rived in the midst of general acclama= lions, took his seat upon the throne; to the foot of which the members of the deputation of the Electoral colleges, 500 in number, advanced, and ascended some of the steps, in order that they might have a nearer view of the Emperor, and be 'better seen by him. The ceremony then commenced. Mass was celebrated by the Archbishop of Tours, assisted by Car- dinal Bayanne and four other Bishops. Tlie deputation of the electoral colleges were then presented to his Majesty by the i\.rch Chancellor. After this, one of the members (M. Dou- BOYS d'Angers, Elector and Representative for the depart- ment of the Maine and the Loire) pronounced, with aloud and animated voice, an address in the name of the French people. It was, as usual, in the true French style. It exculpated France from wrong, and charged all others with it. It threw down the gauntlet of defiance, in the name of the French people, to assembled Eiu'ope. " The French people," said d'xVngers, *' had denied you the crown v.hich you abdicated without its con- sent; its suffrages now impose upon you the duty of resuming it. Our words shall be grave as tlie circumstances which inspire -them. " What/' said he, " is the object of the league of the allied Kings, with that warlike preparation, by which they alarm Europe and affiict humanity? By what act, what violation have we provoked their vengeance, or given cause for their ag- gression? Have we, since peace was concluded, endeavoured to give them laws? We mereli/ y/'x^h. to make and to J'ollow those which are adapted to our manners. We will not have the Chief whom oar enemies would give us, and we will have him whom they wish us not to have. They dare to proscribe you 205 personally: you, Sire, who so often master of their Capital?, generously consolidated their tottering thrones. This hatred of our enemies adds to our love for you. They menace us with invasion! and i/et contracted '■jcdthijifr otitic is which nature has not imposed upon us, and which, long before your reign, victory and even peace had extended, we have not, from res- pect to treaties which you had not sigyied, but whicii you had offered to observe, sought to pass that nar?-ow boundarij. Do they ask for guarantees? they have them all in our institutions, and in the will of the French people, henceforth united to yours. Do they not dread to remind us of times — of a state of things lately so different, but xi'/iick viaxj still he re-prodiiced? It would not be the first time that we have conquered alt Europe armed against us. Because France is determined to be France, must she be degraded, torn, dismembered? and is the fate of Poland reserved for us? In vain would they cloak fatal designs under the mask of the sole intention of separating you from us. One million of functionaries, .500,000 warriors, our strength and our glory, and 6,000,000 landed proprietors in- vested hy the revolution^ are not the Frenchmen of the Bourboni^. Is not the triumph which has not cost a drop of blood, suffi- cient to undeceive our enemies? Tio they xoishfor viore hloodij ones? Well Sire, expect from us every thing that an heroic founder has a right to expect, from a nation faithful, energetic, generous, not to be shaken in its principles, invariable in the object of its efforts, independence abroad^ and liberty at home. And, meanwhile, if we be forced to combat, let one sole ery be lieard from every heart. * Let us march against the enemy, who seeks to treat us as the last of nations! let us muster round the throne, where sits the father and chief of the people, and of the army.' We say it to nations — may their Chiefs hear us! JLvery thing "dnll be attempted — every thing vcill be done to re}-)ei ^n ignominious yoke. If they accept your offers of peace, the French people will expect from your administration, strong, liberal, and paternal motives, to console it for the sacrifices which peace has cost us; but if tiiey will leave us only a chance -between war and shame, the whole nation rises for war, it is ready to extricate you Jrom the offers, perhaps too moderate, whicii you have made, to spare Europe a new convulsion. Every 206 FrcncTiman is a Soldier. Victory will attend your eagles; audi your enornit.'.s, who reckon upon our divisions, will soon regret having provoked us." After this liaranguc, in which the ^^ sensibiliti/' of the Speaker communicated itself to his hearers, the arch-Chancellor declar- ed the acceptance of the new Constitution by the French people ; and at the same time he gave to Prince Joseph a pen, which the latter presented to the Emperor, who invested with his signature the act of the promulgation of the Constitution. This done, the Emperor seated, and spoke as follows: — " I hold every thing from the people^ In prosperity, in adversity, in the field of battle, in the Council, on the throne, in exile, France has been the sole and constant object of my thoughts and intentions. Like the King of Athens, I sacrificed myself for my people, in the witnessing the realization of the promise given to guarantee to France her natural integrity, her honour, and her rights. Indignation on beholding those sacred rights, acquired by twenty-^five years of victory, slighted and lost forever, the cry of insulted French honour, the wishes of the nation, have brought me back to that throne which is dear to me; because it is the palladium of the inde}>endence, of the honour, and of the rights of the people. In my progress to my capital I had reason to reckon upon a long peace ; nations are bound by treat- ies concluded by their Governments, "johatever they may be. I was soon apprised, that Princes who have violated all princi- ples, design to make war upon us. They mean to 'increase their kinf>dom of the Netherlands, by the addition of all our Northern frontier fortresses; and to make up the quarrels which still divide them, by sharing among them Alsace and Lorraine. It was necessary to prepare for war. Tell the citizens, when you return into your departments, that circum- .stanccs are arduous ! I Tell them that foreign Kings, whom. I raised to the throne, or who are indebted to me for the pre- servation of their crowns, who all in the time of my pros})erity courted my alliance, and the protection of the French people, are now aiming all their blows at my person. If I did not see that it is against the country that they are really directed, I would place at their disposal this life against which they man- 1^ such animosity. But tell the citizens also, that while the 207 French they celebrated their new dawn of liberty. In the grand square^ D D 7 n9 diere were stationed two the; tres of dancers and ro})e dancers . two theatres ot" amusing physical experiments; six bands for dancing; a theatre of singers; a circus, where Franconi's troops were to exhibit; fire-works; and, above all, tisat most delecta- ble, and truly French sport, two " Motls de Cocag?ie." The Matt de Cocagne consists of two long pole&, near the tops of which are suspended various articles of cookery, such as roast fowls, ducks, &c. The poks are soaped, and rendered slippery at the bottom, and the pastime consists in the ludicrous failures of those who climb to reach the eatables. Also, in the square, Marjuy: two Matts de Coeognc ; four bands for dancing; a theatre of rope dancers; a theatre of amusing experiments; a theatre of singers, &c.; and fire- works. These amusements were to commence at two o'clock, and last till night. Along the avenue of the Champ de Elysces, there w-ere erected thirty-six fountains of wine; twelve tables for the distribution of eatables, such as pies, fowls, sausages, &c. The distribution of the wine and eatables took place at three o'clock. At nine o'clock there was a graiiid fire-work at the Place de Coneord<\ Immediately afterwards a detonating balloon ascended from the centre of the Champ dc Elysees; the detonation took place when the balloon \vas at the height of 50O toises. In the evenino: all the theatres were opened gratis, and all the pnbiic etlifiees were illuminated."* Such was the official list of tlie public amusements for the fu'st Siibbath after France had received the jireatcst blessinr^ ever had descended upon the nation. Such the way she, open- ly and rxultingly, spent that sacred day. Such were the ways in wliich France was accustomed to spend the Sabbath, In most parts of Europe, such procecdhigs would be looked upon as the wreck of religious order, and would strike the minds of the beholders with terror and alai'm. Not so are these things or- dered, in France — not s'o does she view them. The cause in- terests but herself alone — the conse(juence» are felt by herself and by all her neighbours. Although the present was about the 20th Constitution whicli France had received within about the same number of yearsy still there were persons who were weak enough to believe, that i6 would be attended wiih better consequences, and be longer • Programme o? the fete, Bloniteur, M;iy 50thv 211 Jived than ij:spredece5Sors; as it was headed by Bonaparte, and planned by that old staunch fviend of liberty, Carnot. It was described as a model of its kind; and the manner of its accep- tance, was held up as a scene worthy of the utmost attention and admiration. *' Tlie mercurial character of tlje French people," said the Morning Chronicle, " mix the influence and exhilaration of ^^fc'c/ac/^, with the most important duties of life; and even this devotion is animated bij the imposing sublimity, with which the rites of religion are solemnized. We are too apt to imagine, tliat these repeated shovvs oi' Constitution- making, make no lasting impression on the public mind of France."* The world, indeed, in general, were very apt to suppose, that such sceues made no impression; nor had any thing happened in this that could make thera alter their opin- ion. It too was to have its little day — another monument of French follj". Europe, however, was not to be deceived on the part of this new Constitution, and usual pretences which concerned her. She had been taught by experience, most dear- ly bought, that every act additionel to a French Constitution, and Matt de Cocagnc^ that was jumped at on Sunday in Paris, was only the prelutie to the dislocation of her Constitution, and the precursm- of a flood ol uuquity, misery, and wo, which is- suing from that polluted source, inundated all her borders. The ease with which this faire was played olf at Paris — the satisfaction which wiis displayed, amidst a multitude guarded by 23,000 regular troops, and 27,000 national guards, the latter as well as tlie former consisting of the firmest notaries of the Jaco- binical school, all drawn up in battle arrajj, was hailed as an in- contestible sign of that awful unanimity, which was to secure France, and overthrow Europe. Vfe were told now as we had been told before, that the wanton and unjustifiable con- duct of the Confederate powers, had called forth the invincible energies of the French nation, and such a spirit of revenge, as would again bind Europe in chains, and drag her captive at the chariot wheels of Napoleon; who was alone the man of whom France made choice, the hero whom alone she would permit to lead her. The coalition against France, with Bonaparte- at her headj was described as undertaken not bo much against hini as * Morning Chronicle, July 7tb, 1815. 21i2 iigainst the spirit of liberty. " This," sai<] the Morning Cliron- icle, " the great body of the EngHsh j^^'triots believe'; and it is felt by all the considerate part of the British Empire, that it is not so muck against Bonaparte, as against the spirit of Liberty, that the Potentates of the Continent unite; and every truly British bosom must feel that if they should succeed in extinguishing the last spark of Liberty in France, our own h.appy system would present the next object to their jealousy and fears."* "When such were the ideas of an inhabitant of Britain, upon this subject, we cannot wonder at the daring attempts of the French press, to mislead the minds of the people of France and of Europe. " Let well informed men say," said the same authority, " whether from all that has been demonstrated, it is not manifest that the whole people believe, that it is not so much against the person of Bonaparte, as against the sjiirit of Liberty, that the potentates of the Continent are armed; and that in fact it is more for the re-establishment of feudality, of tythes, of the privileged orders, and of the Bourbon family, that they threaten to invade the territory of France- "f It baffles human reason, to discover from whence could proceed such a desire, and anxiety to pervert the most obvious facts as we here witness. What the people of France might choose to believe, was a matter of no importance to the point at issue; but that there could exist one man, in any other quarter of Europe, who could deliberately and elaborately require and advise them to believe such things, may be said, but will scarce- ly be credited, but by those who have seen the columns which •contained these statements. How far even the French people believed those things here asserted, a short period will also de- termine. The finances of this country were the next object of atten- lion and lamentation, on the part of those who viewed the deliverance of Europe with a jaundiced eye. Much, no doubt, depended upon their stability, but not all. The spirit which animated Europe, would have found means and resources, had ours been deficient and unequal; which however, they were not. On the 3 4th June, the very day dn which Bonaparte said, * Morning Chronicle, May 29tb, 181^. ^ Do. do. July 7th. 215 *< Let us march to them," and which meeting was, as'usual, prog- nosticated to be fatal to Europe; the Chancellor of the Exche- quer contracted with the Merchants in London, for a loan of no less than ^36,000,000 sterhng, viz. ^27,000,000 for Eng- land, and ^9,000,000 for Ireland. This mighty sum, shewing in such a conspicuous light the wealth and resources of Britain, occasioned no alarm, no uncertainty in the public mind. It was souo-ht after with avidity, and contracted for tDn the follow- ing terms, viz. 150 reduced 5 per cents, C 10 4 ) for every ^100, Sterling. 44 5 consols. C and which was worth as follows, viz. 130 reduced 3 per cents. ,^ £71: ..5 10 4 6 .. 19 .. 9 44 5 consols 25 ..15 .. 2f ^101 ..15.. 2\ Discount upon prompt payment in full, 2 .. 13 .. VJ ^104.. 8.. 10 J The day on which this bargain was made for the public, this }oan was at 4- per cent premium. In the House of Commons, on the same day, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved their sanction to this loan; and which was granted with the addition of a vote of Credit for ^€6,000,000 more, making altogether ^i2,000,000 sterling, placed at the disposal of Government tor this eventful year. The supplies requested for the year, without including the interest of the National Debt, amounted to ^85,728,900, which was met by the War Taxes, Loan, Sec. These stood as under, -, , ,„ -1 ^*x ^ ^^^14,897,255 >,avy and Iransports. ^ __^ 3,746.945 18,644,200 Army, *»»**»»»»*-«.-»»^«.«.-v-,.'«/«.'k-^'«^'»A.-».-v*^»»**«^.**.»»<^.v». 59, 1 50,756 Oidnance. •.^■.^>.-,.^-.^-,.^»-,.^.c^-^-.^«^*>.-..-...»^-w.^«-».-.^-^ 4,451,645 Foreign payments, includii's bills of Credit, ^^■.^•,.>. 9,000,000 Vote of Credit, -^»- ^^^^^^..v^..^ v*^ G,000.000 Army prize money, •^•.•v«.»».'s.-«..w».^»-v»->.-v-«.-.^>^»-v»-«.'»..«.-v«.-.^^-v 942,547 Miscellaneous, -1--^ — — »--^* — -.. — »^^^^^^^ 5,000.000 ^81,568,926 Sfparate charges — Sundries, ^^v**^-^*'*-*.*-..-..*^.*...-,...-.^ 8,36C,00O LS9,:28,926 Deduct Irish proportion of joint charges, .-^ 500 Sedan, ^ vx^^ 1,000 Mezierres, Cliarleville'iOOO Givet Charlemont, 8,0i'0 Philipville. 1,500 Itocroy,-^'v-^^-.^^ 1,000 Auxerre, -wx-v-wv-^^-v..* 1,200 Besancon, -ww^v^-^ 6',000 Fort de Joux, ■v*-«.->->^ 350 Saint l-lippolete-«^-«^ 350 ]\laucompte, •»*■«.■«.*■>. 350 Blaye, -.-^x^^^^.w^.w,. I.OCO Grenoble, -wv^^^x^-^ 1,^00 Cherhcurget depes, 5,5^0 Vcrpignan, ••x-»»-.x»»3,6G0 lies St. Marcouf, ^^ 450 Fort Lnhougue,'>^'«^ 150 lies Talevon, -vx..»^»^ 150 Phali.bourg,-^-..-.-»^-..>. 2,000 Marial,-v*--^^-.^-^-w^ 1,000 ■Ioul,x^-^>.^-.xv^-^-^ COO Vurdun-x-..^vx^..^»x J, 000 Montmody, -xxxx — 1,000 Steney, *xvx.k^»x^^ GOO Metz, xx.x..^x,.x^..^ 10,000 Thionville, x^x,.-.^.»x 3,500 Sarre Louis, x-wx-wx 2,000 15itcbe.-.-x^^x..^...xvx 900 Longwi, ^x»xx^.^xvx 2,000 Lille, .i^-.^^^...,.^ 12,000 Valenciennes, -vx-*^**. 8,000 Bouchuiu, xxxxxxxx 1,000 Lc(]ucsnoy, xx^xxxxx ],800 Duuay.-^-i^x^-^x^-vx, 6,000 Canibray, xxxxxxx^xx 1,500 Landrecics, ■»*v»vxxv 1,300 Conde, ^^-.^^»xv* 2,500 Gravelines, -vx^^x^-x^ 1,800 Dunkerque, x^-xxx^ 8,00O Bergues, x^x^xxx^xx 1,500 Maubeuge, *xx^xxxx 3,600 Avesnes, xxxx*xx^.xx. 1,000 Aire, xx,^^x,.x^xx*x ),000 Calais, xx^xvx^xxxx 2,500 Boulogne, x^x-,.x^^ 1,000 Bcthune, xxxxxxx^xx. 1,000 Ardnes,^-«^-**»^-«^-^ 1,000 Arras, x^xxxx*xx^.»x. 1,500 Navarriens,»x»x..»xx^ 600 St. Jean Pied du Port, 800 Fort Socoa, -^-'xxx*,. 200 Eayonne,xxxxxxvx*x. 8,5CO Chat de Lourde, xx 30O Bellegarde, xxvxx^xx 1,000 Mont Louis, x^x^xx. 2,500 Calliourc, *xxx*x,x-,. 2,000 I'ratz de IMoIlon, »•• l,00i> 216 numbers united, taking only the smallest number of tlie regu- lars, or 415,000, amount to 615,000 men. But this is not all. Tile number ot national guards liable to serve was, by the same decree, stated at 2,255,000, out of which, it was well ascertain- ed, that above 500,000 were actually on duty. To these must be added the marine, at least 60,000; so that the grand total of men in arms in France was thus nearly 1,000,000. Besides these, which may be considered as an efficient force, as ready either to assist the regular armies or preserve the peace of the interior, we must add the levies en jnasse in several provinces — the Federes, or confederated inhabitants of different places, the number of whom was considerable, and whose efforts were of great service in crushing the rising spirit of the opposite party. Although all the population of France were not well affected to Bonaparte's cause, still a y^ry great number were; and all the efficient part of the popidation, that is, those who were most capable of, or inclined to resistance, were so, or at least inimical to foreign invasion; these, though they cared little for Bonaparte, would not, however, oppose him; but on the con- trary, very readily united under his banners, to recover the con- quests which they had lost, and to revenge upon Europe the dism-ace which thev had sustained. The vast force already mentioned, were not only ardently and enthusiastically his friends, but absolutely furious in his cause. They were ready, by their own account, to face every difficulty, and to court every danger on his account. It is necessary to he, particular on this head, because, to support the idea of French invin- cibility, it has been said, and will be said, that France was callous to tlie cause she was at present engaged in. Part, no doubt, were so — but the most efficient, active, and powerful part was far otherwise. What was achieved by European bravery must not be set down to tlie account of Fort Vanban,*-^^-^^ 1,000 Lichtcnberg, -^^^•^ 100 Toulon, ^-^-w-.^.^^^ C.OOO Antibes, v,^^^.^ 2,40O St. Baton neau et Fort-Ies-Bain':, •>^->^-^ SOD Uaguenau, ^^-^^ 1,£00 Von- Saint-Elnie, ■-- 1 50 Lauterberg, ■.^-^^ 1,'JOO New Brisach, ^^*^-..- 4.000 Weissenbourg, -»->-^ GOO Beforf, 2,500 Sclielestadt,^^*^'^*^ 5,000 Huiiinjjueti, -..-vw*....-^ 5,000 Landau, -»-»-«^-w«.-v>.-..->. 5,000 Landscron, -.^•v^**-.-^ 350 Strasbourg, -^•^^-.^ 15,000 Peningues, -v^-^* 3 Total, garrisons 185,220 Besides many other places on the coast and in the interior — the whole national g;iards amounted to 5,150 battalions of 720 men each, or 2,255,000 that we»e ii.ible to serve, and of which about 600,000 were in actual service. 217 French apathy. But let them speak for tlieniselves. As earl^ as die middle of April, the Moniteur* informed us that the' French army consisted of 120 regiments of the line, of infant- 2v; each regiment having five battalions, the latter of which re- mained in depot, and the rest were ready for the field. Their numbers were 500 battalions of 720 men each, or 360,000. The cavalry amounted to 14 regiments of carabineers, or cur- assiers, 20 regiments of dragoons, and 30 light regiments, each of 1000 men, in all 64,000. The artillery, engineers, and sappers, consisted of 18 regiments, or 30,000 men. The na- tional guards, destined to man the fortifications, amounted to 200,000. The whole of this force, by the 2d May, was cal- culated to be on the Alps, on the Rhine, and on the frontiers of Belgium. At the })criod calculated upon, the same paperf expressly told us, that, exchisive of the battalion depots, the in- fantry of the army consisted of 120 regiments. The cavalry amounted to 70 regiments, besides regiments of volunteer cavalry in many places. Alsace had furnished two regiments of lancers of 1000 men each. The levy, en masse, had taken place ia Alsace, Lorraine, Messcn, Franche Compte, Burgundy, Dauph- cny, and Picardy. Six hundred thousand national guards were armed, equipped, and employed. The marine force, oi 60,000 men, were appointed to man the ships ot war, the for- tifications of the different ports, and the remainder to join the army of reserve. One hundred and fifty batteries of artillery had joined, or were on the roads to the difierent armies. Three hundred pieces of cannon were on the heights round Paris. In France it was said that they had 30,000 pieces of cannon, 10,000 pieces of which were mounted on carriages. Free corps were organizing in several departments. These were to be commtinded by officers of the line; and had for their pay and encouragement what they could take by force of armsi? These, it v.'as afterwards found, were not only very numerous, but very troublesome. The regular force, already enumerated, was divided into eight armies, viz. the army of the North; the army of the Moselle; the army of the Khine; a corps of obser-^ vation collecting at Befort; the army of the Alps, formed at Chambery; the corps of observation of the Var, formed at An« • Moniteur, April 17th, 1815. f Monitenrj I^Iay Sd,— Paris, May 2cl, 1815. 218r tibss; the corps oF observation of the Pyrenees, wlilch was ixjrm*- cd at Perpignan and Bourdeaiix; and the army of Reserve formed at Paris and Laon. Independent of these, were the Im- perial guards, 40,000 strong, and always stated as a distinct bodv. The force included in each of these armies was as followsy viz. Army of the North ■^•w-.a.*.^^-^^.^v^.^»^^^»^^x-v*.^,^», 190,00(J Army of the Rhine, under Rapp, 5th corps -^-wk-..-..*^-.^ 50,000 J-ecourbe's, at Refort, 7th corps-.^-»^-w...^x-,.^v^,^v^»v (n) 50,000 At Besancon, -.■..-v^*^..^'^^^-^-.-^-v^-.-w..^v^^^x^^,.^»x*-,, 50,0OO At CIiaml)ery .^^^*^^,.^^^^^^^^^^^^^^.^ (i) 50,00a At Antilies, &c. under'Brune ■"•-^•^■•^-^-■^■•■■^■i.-k-w^-.^-v*. (c) 50,000 Between Lyons and Geneva «.'>.'»-«.-w>.-v«.^^-..-vv^-w>.-w^^.k (rf) 20,000 South of France, army, Pyrenees, under Clause! ■>•■<- (. 25,000 Total regulars, 445,000 Marine, 60,000 National guards in fortified towns ■^v-,.*-^**-,.^-^^^-^.^,. 200,000 Dv. do. over the countr)-, organized ■.^■.~(/} 400,000 Grand total, 1,105,000 Besides partizans and free ccM-ps, and the levy, en ma/'sr, in several places. From the previous enumeration, therefore, (and we shall see. as we go along, that they were in realitj' not exaggerated,) it is clear that the force under the control of Bonaparte was very pow- erful; and not only sufficient to keep down- the discontented in France, but also to form a formidable barrier against his ad- versaries. This force was also daily increasing. " All is in motion," said the Moniteur, " in every part in France. If the coalition persist in the project which they have announced, of making war upon t!s, and if they violate our frontiers, it is easy to foresee what will be tlie fruit which they will- gather from their attack upon the rights of the French people."* Such was the force of France. That of the all res was still more considerable, and consisted of, and was disposed of near- }y as follows:- — The army under the command of Wellington and Blucher, consisted of British, Prussians, Dutch, Belgians, troops of Nassau, and Brunswiekers-. These occupied the Nether- ((?) Moniteur, May esth, 18! 5. (fi) Do. do. (c) Journal de Paris, April 20th. (d) VToniteur, May 28th, " (c) Gazette de Paris, June 5d — to be on the month of June. It is difficult to say how far this is correct. 'J'he force under Clausel, was not the army at Rour- fit'aux above, but included all the forces from La Vendee to the Pyrenees, and from the sources of the Loire to the ocean These were, no doubt, very numerous, but suppose tliem only one-half what is here stated. (/') Thirty thousand were to defend Paris. — Paris Journals, May 5th.— 27 OCt' «?Jended the Gbamp de Alars • Moniteur^ Paris, May 2d, 18 1 5.' 219 lands, tlie forts in it, and lined the French frontiers from Ostend to Luxemburg. The total force for this point was not much short of 320,000 men. The Grand army, under Prince Schvvai>t- ^enberg, with whom were the Sovereigns of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, consisted of Russians, Austrians, Bavarians, and the roops of the other German States, not under the command of Lord Wellington, and of the Prussian Guards. These lined the French frontiers from Luxemburg to the Rhine, occupied different forts, and extended along the Rhine to Basle. Their numbers could not be less than 4'65,000 men. Switzerland, though yet neutral, had an army of from 35 to 4'0,000 men up- on her vulnerable side, and in front of Besancon. On the frontiers of Savoy and Piedmont, was, that it could not from its means and its object be of lon^ duration. One party, with France herself, contended that it was impossible to conquer a warlike nation, with a condensed population of 29,000,000 ot people. Forming their judgment upon what she had before done, they contended that she could do as much again and with greater ease, inasinuch as she was wiser from experience, better instructed in the- art of war, and more united than she was at the Revolution. They calculated that the daring arm oi" Napoleon would carry the horrors of war out of the French ♦ laaialixlvii. 6— 11. t Htvelations xvlii. 5, 6, 2!. .227 territories, where he wouki as usual h'vc at the expense of Hk adversaries; and when the glare of conquest vvoidd again, as it had done before, crush the voice of disaffection in France, and raise the nation to follow without feeling or reflection their darling pursuit. Thus employed, they were aware that the French people would trcnlijie their heads very little about who governed them. On the other hand, if this couid not be car- ried into effect, they relied upon the strength of her armies and her frontiers-; but above all upon that spirit generally pre- valent in France, of de^'otion to the integrity of the country, to unite a-^l hands arid all hearts in its defence, which they concei\€d sufficient to repel the invaders, when by discom- fiture in their views, and the effects of intrigue and jea- lousy sovi-n in their councils, France, they prophesied, wouM at length break up the formidable confederacy. Then she would be able to resume her foimer dictatorial situation and arbitrary dominion. So the rulers of France, and those vfho advocated her cause, considered the matter; so, cal- culating upon human energies as all on the side of France, they prognosticated the isnie of the approaching contest. Anothei' }>arty, hov/ever, argued that J'>ance was not so powerfrd as -she rvas in 1792. That thmigh her territory remained .unimpaired, t-liat her spirit and her resources were broken, and could not be reproduced. They beheld Eu- rope from necessity become a military people— her leaders, from long experience, wise — ^itr armies from principle brave ; they saw the armed population of Europe, driven by every sen- timent or feeling that ca-n touch or animate the human soul to exertion, to attack the regular armies of France; and not tire -armed population of France, roused into frenzy, attacking the regular farces and disunited Councils cf Europe, They con- sidered the immense means which the alHes possessed — the spring which gave life, vigour, and unanimity to their Coun- sels, and they Iwd, no doubt, but that these were superior to any thing that France, however condensed, unanimous, and powerful could bring against them. They considered that bitter experience had taught the allies the fatal effects of care- lessness and disunion ; and that as one interest animated the Sovereign and ttie subject, that, therefore, the insidious ma- chinations of France could make no impression upon their resolution, and find no entrance into their CouncUa. They therefore, augured well of the contest. It might be bloody — it might be long, but it could hardly be unsuccessful ; while its duration and violence would only draw down on the head of France, wider destruction and deeper humiliation. A third party, while they so far coincided in opinion with the second class, carried the matter further, and took a still more particu- lar view of the subject. They admitted the strength of France ; but they v/ere at the same time aware that nations equally strong had been beaten, overthrown, and dismembered. They considered the justice of the cause on the one side, and tlie in- justice which supported the other. While they looked upon the proceedings of France without fear — while they beheld the preparations of the allies with satisfaction, they looked with confidence for the assistance of a mightier power than either, who can save by many or by few; and who, while man remains worthy of himself, never deserts him. They examined the conduct of France by these unerring rules which he has given mankind for their guide, and they beheld it most openly and ila"-rantly at variance with and in opposition to them. They reflected that the Almighty in his moral Government of the world, acts with the strictest and most impartial justice. That from him no action can be hid — no motive can be concealed. They reviewed the condition of those nations which by their conduct had rendered themselves obnoxious to his justice, and which brought down his indignation on their lands. They compared the conduct of France with what theirs had been, and found in all its parts a too striking resemblance. They were awar^ that whatever pompous drapery mankind might ,draw over their works to deceive the eye of their fellows, that they could not deceive him, to whom the Universe is open. That robbery, murder, fraud, violence, and violation of so- lemn treaties, though cloaked under the name of glory, are ab- horrent to his nature, and/ remain the marks of his displea- sure. They considered this attentively ; and while they la- mented the daring .perversity and folly of mankind, while they trembled at the evils France was preparing for herself, while they wept at the miseries slie was about to endure, they looked forward with the firm hope that the cause of justice would be vindicated in a conspicuous manner by punish- 229 ^cnt falling on the head of the guilty. At this niomcnt was seen the fearful consequences of French folly, ambition, ,and wickedness, returning on their own heads, with a strength that was irresistible. They had outraged Europe, past forgiveness — they had violated their promises so often, that the strongest professions of moderation and good iaith, however sincere these might have been, were treated with contempt, and received with distrust and disdain. What they conceived their security; was, by the counsels of unerring wisdom, made the most certain and severe weapon for their own punishment. Their joy was soon to be turned into mourning; and the punishment of those who call evil good, and good evil, now- stood arrayed against them; and filled their minds with con- fusion, anxiety, and alarm. Yet tliey saw not their error in its true light — yet they reflected not on their danger, nor perceiv- ed whence their dimculties came. Most important events now crowd upon our attention, and demand our consideration. The hour, big with the fortune of Empires and the fate of millions, advanced with accelerated speed. Immediately upon the conclusion of the ceremony of the Champ de Mai, Soult, who was advanced to the rank of Major General of the French armies, the situation formerly held by Berthier, addressed a proclamation to the French army, in which he informed them, that a " new oath" united France and the Emperor; and that all the efforts of an " impious league" would not be able to separate the interests of the people from *' the Hero who was the admiration of the Univei*se.'* " What," said he, in that haughty tone which Frenchmen had long assumed, " is the hope of this new coalition?" He told them that their object was to *' erase France from the list of nations," to impose slavery upon twenty-eight millions of men, which he hinted might again, as it had done before, add to their " aggrandizement and their glory." He told them that their enemies were " numerous," but that the contest was nei- ther beyond the genius ol" Napoleon, nor their strength; and that the number of their foes would only render " victory more glorious," and " their defeat more conspicuous." " To arms," tliereforc, said he. The signal for battle will soon be given; and vvjjile Napoleon guides '• our steps," and we fight for " our 280 beautiful country," we will be " invincible."* " We Tvi 11 rally round the Emperor, the protector of liberal ideas; around a Prince who, educated in the revolution, advances with the arre in which he lives, and wishes to extend the dominion of the mind, ijistead of circumscribing it. Instructed by misfortunes, he will see the conquerors of Au«terlitz, of Marengo, and of Jena, march anemia unda* the colours which so often led them to vic- tory, and the event 'will not he doubtJ'ul.'"-\ So, no doubt, ibndly anticipated the votaries of vanity and ambition. The decision of the question was rapidly approaching. In the meantime, the new Legislature, under Bonaparte's Constitution, assembled at Paris. In the House of Represen- tatives, which should have consisted of 629 members, only 42.7 wei'e present, being thus almost one third deficient. Tiiis arose from the disturbed state of France, and from several departments either neglecting or refusing to acknowledge the Constitution. Scarcely were they assembled, when their turbulent conduct shewed, in strong colours, to which part of the friends of the people they belonged. The first day of the meeting, M. Si- buet began by desiring the assembly to consider " that they were all equals," and that they ought not to " recognise two orders in the state." On the one side, he said, he " saw seated Princes, Dukes, Counts, and Chevaliers; and on the other those formerly called the tiers ctat" *' The most odious pri- vilege," continued he, " is that which tends to humiliate the greater number to the advantage of a few.":}: This proposition was, however, got rid of, by the President, jiro tejnjwre, observ- ing that the member was reading his speech, which was not allowable by the Constitution; and it being determined tha the assembly was not constituted, and therefore coukl not pro- ceed to business. Immediately after this, a letter from Carnot announced, that the list of the Chamber of Peers, by the Em- peror's orders, would not be published till after the Session was opened; to which M. Dupin, amidst murmurs, proposed to re- ply. That they would not commence their sitting till that list was furnished to them. " If," said he, " we are to defend the • Soiilt's Address to his army, June 1st. 1815. •}■ St. Jean de Angley's, Expose, June 13th. \ Chamber of Reijresentatives, June 4th. 132 iiberiy of our constituents, let us begin by beingyr^^ ourselves."* This question was got rid of, by stating, that their present busi- ness was the election of a President ; which, after some discus- sion, ended in the dioice of Lanjuinais to that situation. When tiiis nomination was notified to Bonaparte, by the president, ad interim^ (de Branges) for his approval, he kept him waiting for a length of time before he could gain admittance ,• and then informed him, that "if he, (the president,) would write next morning to the page upon duty, he would make known his de- cision."! This cavalier treatment gave great offence to the assembly, which conceived that *' ^chamberlain on service^'* was not a person of sufficient dignity to communicate between them and the Emperor. This, however, was endeavoured to be ex- plained away on the following day, by the Emperor stating that J^e regretted that de Branges had been kept so long waiting in the saloon ; and that to have prevented this, " you ought," said he to de Branges, " to have sent me notice by a chamberlain" that you were there. The Emperor would scarcely at this moment have attempted to treat the assembly in this manner from design ; but in reality, these things were so new to him — Constitutional ceremonies, where freedom existed so unknown, that there was no v/onder he forgot himself, and committed this oviersight and dangerous mistake. Lanjuinais was, however, approved of in the way prescribed, which settled this dispute. Another dispute immediately arose, upon M. Gen. Carnot, pro- posing that the chambers should " decree that the army had deserved well of their country." This was met with murmurs, and general disapprobation ; and got rid of by stating that the assembly was not yet constituted.:}: From these proceedings it was not difficult to see, that the old Jacobinical leaven was deeply mixed with the present assembly, whose principles went upon their governing the state; and their conduct at this mo- ment could by no means have been satisfactory or pleasant to Bonaparte. In fact, neither them nor him had any great regard for each other, though the circumstances in which both were at present placed, obligcil them to coalesce with the best gi'ace possible. • Chamber of Representatives, June 4th. f Do. do. June 5th. t Do. do. June 6tb. / 2S2 The Two Chambers being at length constituted, Bonaparte^ on the 7th, went m great state to open the Session, which lie did by a speech from the throne; very diiferent, indeed, to any he had been accustomed to dehver from that station. In tliis speech he informed them, that i'ov the last three months, " ex- isting circumstances," had " invested him with unlimited au- thority;" but that, on this day, the " dearest wish of his heart" was fulfilled; for, " I now commence a Constitutional Mon- archy." He told them, that to guarantee the liberty and pros- perity of France, " Monarchy was necessary." He also im- pressed upon their minds, that he was not the all powerful, all connecting, and invincible being which they had formerly thought him. " Mortals are too weak to ensure success," said he; and " it is solely the legal institutions which determine the destinies of nations." He told them, that their constitution and laws were " scattered;" expressed his wish, that France should enjoy " all possible liberty. I say all possible," con- tinued he, " because anarchy always resolves itself into absolute government." He next informed them, of the " formidable coalition of kings" against them ; that " blood had been shed in time of peace, " by the capture by the English of the I'rench frigate Melpomene; and civil war was fomented by assemblages at Ghent." He recommended the liberty of the press to their consideration — told them that the present circumstances would^ render an increase of expense necessary; but that they could still " face every thing, if the I'eceipts contained in the 'budget were all realizcable within the year."* He informed them, that the " first duty of a Prince," would probably soon call ])im to " head his armies;" that him and them would "do their duty;" and calling upon them all to swear to die, rather than to survive the dishonour of France, he endeavoured to comfort them, by assuring them, " that the sacred cause of tlie country shall triumph."f In perusing this document, we cannot help being struck with the altered and humbled tone of this disturber of mankind. Yet, while fear for the future compelled him to acknowledge, that mortals are too weak to ensure success; still the old spirit * In plain language — If he could make the two ends of the year meet. f Speech, June 7th; 1815. 233 breaks through the glooriiy when he proudly asserts^ that his present cause " shall triumph." The first part of his speech, in which he plainly stated, that he had for three months been invested with unlimited authority ^ was a death blow to all the rhapsodies which had been published, of France, from his return, having any more than formerly enjoyed constitutional liberty; and his declaration, that from that moment only he began a constitutional Monarchy, was the severest satire upon bis past life, and the bitterest rebuke for his past conduct ever was penned; and silences forever, all the arguments and assertions brought forward by his friends and admirers, that he had always governed France without violating her laws or her privileges. He, however, had long been accustomed to say any thing which suited his purpose, and his friends to believe him. Even nov/ they did, or affected still to do so, when he told them that he was to commence a constitutional monarchy. A constitutional monarchy! and Bonaparte the head — how doubtful — how changed — Is this Napoleon — him the great, the proud^ The ConquLTor of Europe ! Those men who were so eager for the return of Bonaparte, and who considered themselves perfectly secure for the future, under his invincible sway; were eager to let the world know their satisfaction. They were quite gay and confident; and ii\ all their actions and their words, told the surrounding specta- tors — who shall dare to trouble us — how secure we are! M. Garnier de Saintes, in the House of llepresentatives, proposed, that it should be entered in the proces verbal, that the oath to the Emperor had been unanimously taken. " In this glorious object," said he, " we make but one with the Emperor, as the Emperor makes but one with us — the Mail of JAbertyy the Mci7i of the Nation, 710 more to be separated from her."* But their satisfaction did not rest here. Felix Lepelletier, in the same sitting, demanded, that they should declare him, *' The Saviour of the Country." This motion was, however, met by murmurs, and cries for the order of the day; but Lepelletier in- sisting warmly upon it, Dupin darted to the Tribune, and told him, that it was too soon to suffer " the poisoned breath of flattery * Chamber of Representath-es, June 8lh, 1S15. GO 8 SS"^ V.0 enter witliln-tlicse walls;" and that, iftlicy '■\fore:4 ailed event :<,'" what means of gratitude would remain, when the Kmpcvor had raved the Gountry. The motion, after a great tumult, was got rid of, by tlie order of the day being supported. Of the proceed- ings of the other House, we have i>o accounts. They were less noisy, but, perhaps, more obedient and tractable; for it was evident, that in the Chamber of Representatives, they were not so; nor could it be expected, composed as it was of the supporters of the Ilevolution, many of whom had sustained the sliest prominent characters in ks most bloody scenes, Such was Gamier de Saintes, Barrer, L^^)ielletier, and many others. Indeed, there was a great similarity in the present proceedings, and those which characterised tire period, before the com- mencement of those bloody trage(ik\s which disgraeed France, and deo-raded human nature. They now, as at that period, talked of liberty; but did they enjoy it? Even at the moment when Garnier was celebrating the praises of the " Man of Liberty;'' domiciliary visits, the worst engines of Republican madness,- were making in Paris. «' The furnished lodgings in Paris were searehed last nigiit," said the Courier Extraor- dinary.* On the IQth, a petition was presented from a person of the name of J. P. Gaspard Gouve, stating, that he had been <* denounced" to the Extraordinary Commissioner; sent Ixy Bonaparte into the Gth Military Division, stript and arrested. But all tlie answer he coitld obtain, was, that this was done by the order of the administrative authorities. This petition was attempted to be got rkl of by the order of the day; conceiving, no doubt, that it was beyond their cognizance, as it had been done during the period, wh*:n Bonaparte was entrn-sted with <-■' unlimited anthoritrj'' It was, however, voted to be taken into consideration, though the President reminded them, that, by the 65th article of their excellent Constitution, it must ul- timately be referred to the Emperor; which was as much as to say, that their present labour would be lost. Gasj^ard's case also was not the only one of this sort. Such was French liberty. It was several days before the Chambers could muster up words, to return an address to his Majesty's gracious speech on this occasion. Indeed it was no wonder. The situation in • Paris, June atl), 1815, 235' which they were all placed, was quite new^ and so different from what the sentiments of Bonaparte's government had alwnvs been; that, <|iiick: as French ingenuity is in su]:)plyino- mjichin- cry for any scene, it required some time to fit the old ma- terials, to suit exactly the scenery in the new trau;edy, studied in Elba, an^ acting in IVance; ami which all Europe was on foot to see. At kngtfi these adth'esses made their appearance; tind on Sunda?/, tiie 11th June, the Emperor, being seated on his throne, and surrounded jby the Princes his brothers, the Princes, grand dignitaries, &c. he first received, be/ore mass, the deputation from the Chamber of Peers; and, a/ie?- it, the deputation from the Chamber of Representatives. In the name of the Chamber of Peers, Cambaceres informed him, " that the peers of France came to offer him their homage;" after his anxiety to submit to Constitutional farms, and his eagerness to lead himself into " the dangers the army was about to brave." They;assured him, that while he was on the " liontiers," that they wouki " zealously concur in every legislative measure which circumstances required, to compel foreigners to acknow- ledge the national independence, and to cause the principles consecrated by the wiliofdie jieople, to triumph m the interior." To comfort h^s Iveart, and to cheer his spirits in the danrrerous situation in which he was placed, and in the arduous ta^k that lie had to perform; they assured him, that '-' the interests of France wM'e inseparable from his: should fortune fail your cftbrt-s" sakl they, " reverse*:. Sire, shaU not -weaken our perse- verance, and shall re-double mir attachment to ijou" -Consjderin"- their cause as just, and anticipating corresponding success; they informed him, that "their institutions guarantee to Europe, that the French nation cannot be drawn on by the seductions of victonj."* Europe, however, was not so weak as to pay any attention to such professions; she was well aware what the se- ductions of victory had already infused into the minds of French- men. In reply, Bonaparte thanked them for their tender sen- timents expressed for him; but reminded them that the contest in wuich they were eng-iged was serious, and that it was not the seductions of' victory which threatened them at that moment. He tokl tlieni that t!ie justice of their cause, the spirit of the nation, * June lOth, 1815. 236 and the courage of the army, held out a powerful hope of suc- cess; but that if it were otherwise, he should calculate upon, and *' delight" to see all the " energies of thai great natioiC brought into action. In their address, the House of Repre- sentatives told him, that they were " astonished and afflicted at seeing some sovereigns in arms, to call France to account for an internal change, which is the result of the national will; and which attacks neither the relations existing with other governments, nor their security." " To attack the monarch of their choice," said they, " is to attack the independence of the nation. It is armed as one man to defend that indepen- dence." Conscious that their word had been so often violated, that few could be bold enough to trust it, they reiterated the assertion, that " no ambitious project enters the thoughts of the French people; the to'//, even of a victorious Prince^ would be insufficient to draw on the nation beyond the limits of its own defence." Clinging to the hope of success to the last moment, they still calculated upon divisions among the allies, which miglit benefit their cause, and eioable them to resume their prepon- derance. They still hoped that *' these warlike preparations, formed, perhaps, by the irritation of pride, and by illusion? which every day must weaken, may still dispene^ before the want of a peace, so necessary to all the nations of Europe; and Kvhich shall restore to your Majesty a spouse, to the French the heir of a throne:" but should not this be the case, continued they, " May the calamities qfis^arfall iqwn those "jchd shall hare j)rovoked it" In answer to this, Bonaparte informed them that their sentiments were in unison with his — that the war was " imminent" — and that he intended to depart and put himself *' at the head of his armies." He directed them to consider the Constitution as their rallying point — as their " pole-star in these stormy moments;" and called upon them to recollect, that the " crisis in which they were placed was great." He presumed to hope, that their conduct would not be like that of the lower Empire, which made itself the laughing stock of pos- terity, by employing itself with abstract discNssiuns, while the Barbarians with their battering rams "jcere shaking the gates of thefiitiy." He recalletl to their minds, that while he was em- ployed in battle, their best and safest employment would be, to 237 .collect and organize such laws as were most desirable to put the Constitution in motion; and informing them, that " in all atFairs, his march should be still straight for'u:ard and firm." He implored them, " to assist him in saving the country." With promises of future gooih braver}' had often or than once compelled to yield, though in reality sometimes six to one, and endeavoured to heighten that animosity their cor- rupted hearts entertained against that country, before which in valour, in honour, and in morality, they felt themselves humbled and subdued. " Let those among you," said he, " who have been prisoners of tiie English, detail to you the hulks, and the frightful miseries which they suffered!" Hav- ing thus, as he conceived, awakened their appetites, keen at all times for vengeance, he proceeded to inform them that friends every where awaited their advance, to render them assistance and bid them welcome. " The Saxons, the Belgians, t])e Hanoverians, the Soldiers of the Confederation of the RhinCy lament that they are compelled to lend their arms to the cause of Princes, the enemies of justice and of all nations." De- scribing their ambition as so insatiable, that after having de- voured 12 millions of Poles, 12 millions of Italians, 1 million of Saxons, 6 millions of Belgians and the German States oi the 2d rank, their next object was France. " The madmen! a moment of prosperity blinds them. The oppression and humiliation of the French people are beyond their power. »If they enter France, they will find there their tonib. Soldiers," continued he, " we have forced marches to make, battles to fight, dangers to encounter; bat with steadiness, victory will be ours; the rights, the honour, the happiness of the country will be re-conquered."* In this document we discover the same characteristic disregard for truth, which had distinguish- ed the former productions of 'its author— the same arrogance and self-consequence were visible, though shorn of their power. The power, not the will, was wanting. " We have battles to fight, dangers to encounter," was not exactly the style which predicted, in a few days we will be in Vienna — the next dtiv • Proclamation, dated Avesnes, June 14tli, 1815. 24-5 in Berlin — and at the return of Spring, ^\^e will finish the con- test upon the Confines of Asia. " Lei us march to meet them; are not they and ice still the same men?" said Bonaparte. A short time decided this important question. With this menace, and his collected strength con- sisting of five corps of his army, and the several corps of his Guards, with nearly all his Cavalry,* he burst upon the Neth- erlands; with the fury of the mountain torrent, when increased by the Equinoctial deluge; it rolls its billows to the ocean, sweeping before it all feebler obstacles. From Beaumont he dashed forward to the Sambre. On the 15th his force ad- vanced at all points by Thuin and Lobez, along both banks of the river; upon Charleroy, Marchiencs au Pont and Gos- selies; where the first corps of the Prussian arm}-, under the command of the brave General Zeithen were stationed. Various engagements here took place, attended with consider- able losj on both sides; but the Prussian General succeeded in repulsing the enemy, so far as to effect his retreat unmolested, to the point of concentration allotted to him on the plains of Fleurus. The enemy in his usual style of dispatch writing, carried on these partial skirmishes, by informing the world that his battalions sabred here 400 Prussians, and cut to pieces there 500 more, and so on, till the result of the day was a loss to them of 1000 killed and wounded and 1000 prisoners. His own loss *' was 10 killed and 20 wounded." Yet this small loss was " sensibly felt by the Emperor, on account of the danger- ous wound received by General Letort his Aide-de-Camjj."f At Charleroy he asserted that considerable magazines fell into his hands. The Prussian advance retirinor before this superior force, fell back upon their main body as the enemy came on. After these partial affairs, in order to animate his hardened band, Bonaparte caused the Prussians w!)o hnd been taken prisoners to be formed in small parties, and paraded in front .of the different divisions of his army, and whose approach the troops saluted with the cries of " Five le Empereur." These unfortunate men were thus held up to the mockery of a whole jarmy of unfeeling Frenchmen, in whose bosoms the misfor- tunes of the vanquished never met w ilh jiity or consolation. * Prussian o^.cuil account .| IHspaich, Charlvroy, June 15th, 1315. 24t5 Degraded and barbarous race! whose fall and whose mis- fortunes no principle of humanity or justice can lament. — ■ This was one French exhibition on the banks of the Sambre. These were soon destined to see another, wherein the actors had changed places, to the general satisfaction of mankind. Immediately upon entering the Belgian territory, the enemy would have us believe, that he was received with the greatest joy, and welcomed as a deliverer. « The joy of the Belgians," said he, " it would be impossible to describe. There were some villages which, on the sight of their deliverers, formed dances; and evejy tv/iere there is a movement which proceeds from the heart."* That this was in some degree, and in some instances the case, is extremely probable; though coloured, no doubt, by the enemy, with his usual address. The reason of this conduct, on tlie part of these degenerate Belgians, was not diih- cult to comprehend. They had not only been demoralized in the French school, but many of them had gained their property dur- ing the Revolutionary times, by the most infamous and criminal means; who, of course, trembled at the return of the reign of justice; and rejoiced when, by the approach of their former deliverers, the}' were set free from that fear. It was characters such as these, who formed dances to welcome the French lo- custs — dances and joy, which were soon to be turned into mourning. At this time. General Bourmont, Colonel Clouet, and the chief of the squadron Villontreys, and also the lieuten- ant of the 10th chasseurs, deserted the Imperial standards, and went over to the Prussians. The army, liowever, accordin<>" to the enemy, viewed the defection of this small number ol' traitors, as " a fortunate event," The actions of the 15th, were but the prelude to a more ex- tensive and sanguinary action on the following day. Bonaparte advanced with all his force, and on the 16th, occupied the position of Fleurus. In front of it, the Prussian army was posted on the heights between Brie and Sonibref, and beyond the latter place; occupying at the same time in great force, the villages of St. Amond and Ligny on their front. The whole, under the immediate command of Blucher, consisted of three corps, amounting to 80,000 men. On their right, was stationecf • .Dispatch, Charleroy, June 15tb. 247 a considerable force of Dutch and Belgian troops, 12 or 13,000 i^trono-, under the command of the Prince of Orange; who, on the 15th, had repulsed an attack made by the enemy on the pos- ition of Frasne. Against this force, the left v/ingof the French armv, under Ney; consisting of the 1st and 2dcorps of infantiy, under the command of Erioii and Reille; and the 2d of cavalry, consisting of four divisions under Lefebre Desnouettes, Colbert, and count Valmy, (Kellerman,) the whole commanded by this last named officer, advanced. These could not be less than 60,000 men, as Ney expressly says, the 1st corps was from 25 to 30,000 strono-.* All the rest of the army, under the immediate command of Bonaparte, advanced against Blucher. The right wino-, under the command of Marshal Grouchy, consisting of the 3d and 4th corps of infantry, and 3d of cavalry, occupied the height in the rear of Fleurus, and were destined to march upon Sombref. The 6th corps, with the remainder of the cavalry, and all the imperial guards, advanced from Charleroy. Bonaparte determined to attack; but upon advancing near the Prussian army, he found some change of his dispositions ne- cessan'. He " changed front, the right in advance, and pivot- ed upon Fleurus."f The 3d corps, under Vandamme, march- ed upon St. Amand. Girard, with the 4th corps, marched a'l-ainst Li'^nv; Grouchy upon Sombref; while the I'eserve, or 6th corps, with the rest of the cavalry, the guards and the cur- assiers of Gen. Milhaud, were drawn up on the heights of Fleu- rus. The whole were under the immediate command of Bon- aparte; and amounted " to above 130,000 men."| Such were the positions, and such the strength of the contending armies on the 16th. Bonaparte, with the much superior force of nearlv two to one, and full of confidence, advanced to the combat. His intention was to turn the principal part of his force aijainst the Prussian General, before he could be sup- ported by all the force under Wellington. To this army he calculated upon giving a decisive defeat, separating it from the British General, and forcing it back upon Maestricht. Blu- cher, though so much inferior in numbers, resolved to accept ,^>lf • Ney's Letter: but see general enumeration of this army, f French Official Dispatches of tlw battle of the 16th. I Prussian Official Account of the battle of Lign)?. 248 tlic battle. He was informed, that Wellington had put ail his army in motion to his support; and he was not without hopes, but that the 4th corps of his army, under Bulovv, might reach the field in the evening. It was about three o'clock in the afternoon of the I6tb, that both armies were ready for action; when an engagement began, •which proved long, sanguinary and undecisive. It might '• be considered," said Blucher, " as one of the most obstinate re- corded in history."* At least 210,000 men, and, perhaps, .500 pieces of artillery on both sides, were here employed in the work of mutual destruction. The French army began the at- tack. The first effort was intended to turn the right of the Prussian army. Lefol's division of Vandamme's corps, attack- ed the village of St. Amand, " and carried at it the point of the bayonet, after a vigorous resistance."! The combat here was close and severe. The Prussians at this point, "fought in considerable force," said the enemy. Bonaparte maintains, that his troops kept possession of the burial ground and steeple of St. Amand, throughout the day. But this was not the case, they were driven out after having occupied part of it. Again they returned, and got possession of the place. Again, and ao-ain, they were driven from it. Above 30,000 men, on the side of the enemy, attacked this village. It is obvious, that tlie combat, at this point, was long maintained in this manner; for the enemy merely says, that " General Girard, as reserve to Vandammc, turned the village by its right, and thei;e fought with Ins accustomed bravery.":}: Each side, at this point, was supported by 50 pieces of artillery. The combat here, was, in reality, peculiarly obstinate and bloody. " After a resistance, which cost the enemy very dear, the village was taken. It was ao-ain recovered by the Prussian troops, and again taken by the enemy. It was stormed a third time by the Prussian troops, and, at last, efich party reraained in possession of one half of it; so that the part called little St. Amand, and La Haye, remain- ed in the possession of the Prussian troops."§ From time to time, the action also extended along the whole line; as Bon- aparte directed a vast number of troops against the third corps * Trussian Official Account of the battle of Ligny. f Frencli Official do. do. J French Official do. do. § Austrian OSciai do. do. 24^9 of the Prussian army, stationed at Sombref. ft was at Ligny, however, that the combat was most severe and de- structive. Having been repulsed in endeavouring to tura the right, here tlie enemy attempted to force the centre of the Pru:^«Ian army. Tiiis memorable village stands up- on a small river of the same name, a tributary stream to the Sambre. It was large and solidly built, and in the centre of the Prussian line. The utmost efforts of the French were di- rected against this important point; the utmost bravery, on the part of the Prussians, was exercised to defend it. Two hundred pieces of cannon, from both sides, were directed against this devoted spot. The battle round this was terrible and bloody. It was maintained hand to hand, and man to man, for seven hours. Both sides continued to bring up fresh troops, and while the contest, from time to time, continued to rage in other parts of the line, it never ceased for one moment at Ligny» Alternate attempts were made to wrest this place from each other, for upwards of four hours. *' Prince Elucher, in person, sword in hand, continually led his troops to the combat."* The ar- tillery of the enemy was planted on the right bank of the riv- ulet, and that of the Prussians on the left bank. Each side had behind that part of the village which they occupied, great masses of infantry, which maintained the combat, and whose ranks were continually renewed by re-enforcements, which they received from the rear and also from the heights, both on the right and on the left. The movements on the bloody field ■were confined to a very narrow space. The enemy asserted, that the village of Ligny " was taken and retaken several times."f This was not the fact. " Villages," said Elucher, *' have often been taken and retaken, but here the combat con- tinued for five hours in the villages themselves, and the move- ments were confined to a very narrow space.":{: " Neither gain, nor yield. One foot, one inch, of the contended field; Thus obstinate to death, they fight, they fall; Nor these can keep, nor those can win the walL Their manly breasts are pierced with many a wound, Loud strokes are heard, and rattling arms resound; * Austrian official account. f French Do. ^, I Prussian official account. il s Tlic coiilous slaughter co-vcis all the shoro, And the high ramparts drop with huniftn gore "'' The charges of the cavah-y were numerous, severe, and dc« structive. In one of these charges on the part of the Prussians, which was h^cl on by Blucher in person, but which proved un- successful, that brave General had a very narrow escape, from cither death or captivity. The eneaiy, in their turn, advanced^ A shot struck the Marshal's horse, Ftvrious from the pain, the animal darted forward, till exhausted it dropped down dead. It fell, however, upon its gallant rider, who, stunned by the fall, ky entangled und-er it. The French cuirassiers- advanced — the last Prussian horseman had passed their chief, without knowing his situation. One adjutant alone remained. He alighted beside him, resolvc-cl to share his fate. The enemy pursuing the charge, passed rapidly by without seeing the vet- eran chief. The Prussian cavalry returned to the charge. The enemy were driven back, and again passed him without per- ceiving his helpless situation; and then, and not- till then, the gallant Blucher was extricated from- his perilous state. '- Heav- en," said the Prussian account, " ia this instance watched over us," Blucher tl>us extricated, maunted a dj'agoon horse, and the first words he uttered were " well my brave fellows let us charge them again." Brave chief! Had he fallen, or been taken, the loss might have been most disastrous to Europe. An invisible power preserved his invaluable life. In the mean- time, ;he combat continued at all points, with unabated furv. •* Part of the village of St. Amand was retaken, by a bat- talion comaKuuled by the Field Marsiud in person. "f — The recapture of part of this village; and, in consequence thereof, of a height adjoiin'ng thereto, seemed to throw a gleam of hope on the Prussian arms. From the map, it ap)")cars, that Blucher was here very near separating the ene- my's line, and turnhig the left of liis main botiy, which was attacking him. lliis. bright prospect was, however, but of short duration. At this moment, accounts were received, that the English division, destined to support them, was violently attacked by a French corps, and that it could barely maintain itself at Quatrc Bras. Th( -tth corps, undei- Bulow, had not * Pope's Horner's Iliad, Book XII. Verses 513 — 520, f Prussian official account, 251 ma^e its appearance, as had been calculated iipon^ and nc prospect -remained of deriving any benefit iVom its assistance during the day. Tlic Prussians " invoked, but invoked in vain, the arrival of those succours which were so necessary."* Lig- iiy was still lield — there the combat raged with the same fury, and with an equality of success. The Westphalian and Berg regiments fought at this point, A whole company of the for- mer fell in the court yard of the church, and on the terrace before it lay fifty deittl. Each side made a fortress of the houses occupied by them. The enemy held one end of the village, and the Prussians the other. The French were driven outfjur times, and as oftc!i resur.ied the ground which they had lost: at length the village was set on iire by the enemy, and the combatants fought amidst the burning houses. All the Prus- sian divisions eitiier were, or had by this time been engaged.' No fresh corps remained iit hand-to support them. The enemy, on the other hand, continued to pou-r forward fresh troops. to the combat. But «ven his strength, numerous as it was, had been nearly exhausted. -" By seven o'clock," said he, we re- mained masters of all the villages situated on the banks of the ravine, vauch covered the Prussian position. "f Part of these he had obtainoti, but not yet all. On the heights of Bussy.and Ligny, the Prussian masses still remained unshaken. A des- perate effort became necessary, to decide the bloody day. " Almost aU the troops," said the enemy, «* had already been engaged in the villages.":}: How hard he was pressed, and }iow uncertain the combat long was, appears from Ncy's letter, wherein we are iulbrmed tluit, without informing him, the Emperor look avay the Jst cor{>s of the 'army to his assistance, as also a division of Girard's corps, which Ney depended upon for support. These were " warmly engaged with the Prussjians;" and it was '• about nine o'clock l)efore the first corps was re- turned by the Emperor."_ii The Emperor must, therefore, have beeii very doubtful of the issue of the combat where he wa\>, beibre he would venture to withdraw half of his force from ^cy, without consulting him. In fact, the bravery of the Prussians, proved long equal to his fiercest attacks. At • Prussian official account of the battle of the Itfth. fJrc-nch official account of the battle of Ligny. ^ Do. do. J Nev's Letter to Fouche, July 25th, 1«15. 2&2 Kt. Amand, the destruction had been so great amongst the ene-. mies troops; that Bonaparte was, in reahty, forced to call for- ward, in the greatest haste, the 1st corps to his assistance at this point. But by the time this Ibrce arrived, the Prussians had been compelled to abandon the place. At Sombref, on the Prussian left, General Thielman, with the 3d corps, re- mained immoveable against all the efforts of the enemy. No- thing but the capture of Ligny could compel them to retreat; and if they had not, Bonaparte must. In consequence of this, the Emptror with his guards advanced against Ligny. Pe- cheaux was ordered to debouch " •with what remained of' the re- serve."* Eight regiments of guards, with fixed bayonets, De~ lort's and Milhaud's cuirassiers, attacked Bussy, " and instant- ly," said the enemy, " covered the field of battle with dead."f The combat at this moment was truly dreadful. The Prussian fire was tremendous; but the impetuosity of the French grena- diers surmounted every obstacle, and cut their way through the opposing ranks with a horrible carnage. The Prussians, continued he, were *' rejmlscd" in all directions. The division of Pecheaux, supported by the cuirassiers, having made a cir- cuit round Ligny, came from both sides at once, unobserved, jUpon the main body of the Prussian force at this point, which was posted behind the houses. At the same moment also the Prussian cavalry, which were posted on a height behind the village, were repulsed in repeated attacks upon the French cav- alry. The village of Ligny was thus completely turned, and the Prussians forced to relinquish it. It was now dark. "The movement made by the enemy," said Blucher, " was decisive.''^ jSIevertheless, though thus surrounded, and in the shades of night, which heightens the idea of danger in the human mind, the Prussian columns behind Ligny did not sufi'er themselves to be discouraged, " Formed in masses, they coolly repulsej all the attacks made upon them; and this corps retreated in good order upon the heiglits, whence it continued its retro- grade movement u{)on Tilly."§ In consequence, however, of this sudden eruption of the enemy's cavalry, several pieces of (3,rtillery belonging to the Prussian army, in their precipitate * French official account of the battle of the 1 6th. f Do. do. I Prussian do, 5 ^^- ^^' 253 retreat got into defiles, in which they fell into disorder, and *' fifteen pieces"* were thus captured by the Luemy. I'he loss of the Prussians at this time must have been very severe. Half a league from the field of battle the army formed again. *' The enemy," said Blucher, " did not venture to pursue it."f The village of Brie remained in the possession of the Prussians dur- ing the night, as well as Sombref, where General Thielman bad fought with the thii'd corps; and from whence, at day- break on the following morning, he began slowly to retire up- on Genbloux, where the ith corps, under Bulow, had arrived during the night. Next morning, the first and second corps proceeded behind the defile of Mount St. Guibert. The com- bat had been so severe and bloody, and the Prussian soldiers i-etreated in such an orderly manner, that the enemy did not attempt to pursue tiiem. As might have been expected, how- ever, he claimed a great and decisive victory over them, and which he related in his usual boasting style. Yet it was evi- dent, with all the colouring he could give it, that there was a deficiency from what he anticipated. " At half past nine o'clock," said he, " 40 pieces of cannon, several carriages, colours, and prisoners, were in our power; and at ten o'clock the combat was finished, when we found ourselves masters of all the field of battle. General Lutzow, a partisan^ xvas taken prisoner. Blucher is reported to be wounded."^: Soult, how- ever, in a dispatch to the minister at war, took higher ground; and soaring above the Pyrenees, he claimed 8000 prisoners, and stated that the enemy had sustained " a terrible overthrow." In this engagement, he continued to state that the proportion of their army to the Prussian was as " o?}c to threcT The tact was, the latter were more than one-third inferior in numbers. Soult either believed, or made himself believe, that this temporary success had completely accomplished their object. " The last charge," said he, " separated the enemy's line. Wellington and Blucher saved themselves with difficulty. The effect was theatri- cal."!] It was one act indeed of a bloody tragedy, the comple- tion ot which was truly theatrical. As yet it was not finished-; • Prussian official account of the battle of the 16(h. f Do. do. \ French oCicial account of the battle of the 16th. li Soult's letter, Fleurus, June ITili, half past four, a. ji. 254. and how far the enemy succeeded in separating WellkigtcJa from Blucher, a short period will shew us. Early in the dav and while this sanguinary contest was car- ried on by the Prussians^ opposed to the French right win cr and centre, the left wing, under Ney, made tl:»e most desper- ate efforts against the allied troops, consisting of Belgic, Han- overian, Brunswick, and afterwards of a few British troops, stationed at Quatre Bra% and before the arrival of the British commanded by the Prince of Orange. On the preceding day, there was only a brigade of the army of ihe Netherlands, un- der the Prince Wiemar, to oppose Ney in that quarter. These he attacked on the evening of the 15th, at Frasne, and compel- led them to fall back to the farm house called *' Ics Quatre Bras," situated on the same road. The whole force, when united^ according to the statement of the enemy himself, djd not exceed 25,000 men, and it was certainly considerably undei" this number. Against this force, Ney had the 1st and 2d corps of infantry of the French army, above 50,000, and the 2d corps of cavalry, at least 10,000 more.* The lii'st corps, he asserts, were never engaged; but even admitting that point, he was still far superior in numbers. Ney and his master gave very op- posite accounts of this serious affair. " We marched," said Ney, " against the enemy, with an enthusiasm which it would be difficult to describe. Nothing could resist our impetuosity: and victory wan not doubtful."! Unfortunately for the Mar- shal, there are three to one against his veracity in this instance. Bonaparte, the Prince of Orange, and Wellington. The French official bulletin states, that Ney was attacked by 25,000 men, partly ICngb'sh and partly Hanoverians, under the Prince of Orange; and that he was compelled to retire upon his position at Frasne, which he maintained, aft^r a multiplicity of combats. These accounts, so completely at variance with each other, are also at variance with truth-. The fact was, that as early as five o'clock in the morning of the 16th, the troops under the command of Prince of Weimar, which the preceding evening had been forced back from Frasne to Quatre Bras, were attacked by part of the force under the command of Ney. * French official account of the battle of the 16th. — Key's letter says, eight divi- ■sjons infantry, and four divisions cavalry. f Key's IcUcr, Paris, June i?Gth, 1815. 255 The Prince of Orange immediately re-enforced him, with an- other brigade of the same division, under General Preponcher. With this force, early in the morning, he regained so much of the ground that had been lost, as to command the communica- tions, leading from Nivelles and Brussels, with Marshal Blucher.* From that time the combat continued, without any result, till noon; when the French were greatly re-enforced, and quicklv returned to the combat with overwhelming numbers. The Prince of Orange, in his turn, was forced to give way; and by two o'clock had fallen back to Quatre Bras. Here the torrent was arrested. The Duke of Wellington having assembled his army at Brussels, during the night of the 15th, and having ascer- tained the real object which the enemy had in view, he com- manded them to march with the utmost expedition towards the above pohit. He himself, with his suite, set out soon after; and arrived at the point menaced before the troops did. Be- fore the rest was the 5th division, consisting of two brio-ades; the right, composed of the 28th, 32d, 79th, and 95th, regiments, under Major- General Sir James Kempt; and the left, formed by the 92d, 44'th, ^Sd, and 3d battahon of the Royals, under Sir Denis Pack. Sir Thomas Picton commanded the whole, having arrived on the field during the action. Never did a finer body of men, than this division, take the field. — About sun-rise they left Brussels in high spirits, amidst the prayers and benedictions of the inhabitants, who showered flowers on them as they passed. Before the day was closed, how many of them were laid low ! But they fought like heroes; and like heroes they fell an honour to their country. This heroic band were immediately followed by the corps of troops under the command of the Duke of Brunswick; and after them marched the Hanovei'ian infantry, and the Contingent of Nassau. The whole did not exceed It or 15,000 men, and that without either cavalry or artillery. The gallant British division, al- ready mentioned, arrived at Quatre Bras at the critical moment, when the attack by the enemy was about to commence, which would have put them in possession of the great road to Brus- sels, and separated the British from the Prussian army. The * Priace of Orange's official dispatch, Nivelles, June i7th, two o'clock, a. x. 256 .troops composing; this division had previously marched above 20 miles, in a warm summer day; and as scarcely any water was to be found on the road, were both thirsty and weary. They had no cavalry with them. Their defence and support con- fiisted only in their spirits and in their bayonets. Little time was given to refresh themselves, before immense columns of the ene- my, consisting of both infantry and cavalry, amongst the latter of whom were a great body of cuirassiers, were seen approaching their position. The numbers were truly formidable; but as they advanced, the British line eyed them with an undaunted look, and firm resolution to conquer or perish. They had no entrenchments, no cavalry, scarcely any artillery, and no as- sistance to expect for some time. " Their native lands, Far, far from hence their fate was in their hands." The enemy came on with resolution and fury; confident of success, and thinking only on victory. They came forward with the audacity of the conqueror, and with loud shouts of " Five /' JEmpereiir ;" which, however, so far from intimidating the British soldiers, only roused their ^ejxer indignation, and stimulated them to greater resistance. The enemy came on till the British bayonets resisted their progress, and drove them back with a terrible carnage. However, being superior in numbers, in proportion to the British almost five to one, they again came forward with fresh troops and increasing fury. Again they were repulsed. Again and again they attempted to force their way, but in vain; and the combat continued in this manner from two o'clock in the afternoon till nine in the evening. The British regiments threw themselves into squares, and remained firm as rocks of adamant. " Each man contends as his was all the war,"* while their foes retired from each rude shock in c&nfusion. The French troops fought with the most desperate fury; en- rayed to find themselves thus successfully resisted by an hand- ful of troops. The attacks of the cuirassiers, in particular, were most impetuous and dreadful. They surrounded the Britisb squares with such temerity, that it frequently happened that in their defence the squares had to charge their desperate enemies • Pope's Homer Iliad, Book 1 5th b'ne 855d.- f?57 oh three sides at once. But every effort of the foe was iruiT- icss. Though they suffered severely, the British troops stood firm; and the only difficulty that their officers had was to re- strain their impetuosity, which against such numbers mio^ht have proved fatal. The general wish of the soldiers was to charge the enemy with the bayonet, without waiting for his at- tack; but the superior judgment of their great leader command- ed it otherwise. The fire of the French was incessant and severe: that returned still more destructive. Nothino- was seen in the French columns but men and horses tumblinnr over each other. It is impossible to convey an idea of the obsti- nacy with which the contest was maintained. Every regiment, every man did his duty. " The troops of the fifth division," said the Duke, *' and those of the Brunswick corps, werelono* and severely engaged; and conducted themselves with the ut- most gallantry."* " The British guards, several regiments of infantry, and the Scotch brigade," said General Alava, " covered themselves with glory on this day; and Lord Wel- lington told me on the following day, that he never saw his troops behave better, during the number of years he had com- mandetl them."f The brigade under the command of Sir James Kempt was the first which was warmly engaged. For some time they suc- ceeded in arresting the progress of the enemy in the centre. The foe, hov/evcr, redoubled his efforts, brought forward fresh troops, and made a furious attack against this brigade, both with cavalry and infantry. The Royals and ^Sd, who were sent to their support, came in for their full share of the busi* ness and suffered severely. The -i^th was next ordered to that point. For three hours the troops in the centre were warmly engaged, and durinn^ that time with alternate success. From half-past three till six in the evening, the enemy kept up a very heavy fire, and twice attempted to carry the right of the British position. The Brunswick troops in advance had been compelled to abandon the post committed to their care, and were falling back before overwhelming numbers. Fresh co- lumns advanced to their support. At this time their brave * Wellington's dispatch, June 19th, 1815. f Ahva's do. June 20tb, 1815. K K 239 leader wns killeil. He was leading' on his meii anird&t a iior- rible fire of grape shot, wlit'ii his ardour carried him into the thickest of tlie fire. A hall pas^scd through his bridle hand and entcrt'd iiis belJy. The Hver was penetrated: he feli^ and in ten minutes breathed his Jast. Tlie fall of this brave Frince, in the prime of iiis hfe, was generally regretted. The treatment which his father had received from the hand of Bon- aparte, and his own misfortunes,; had created a general feeling in his favour. Both himself and his troops- had made a vow to •wear mourning till they had avenged his fivther's death. The fields where he fell did so, though he did not liA'e to see it^ He terminated his life, however, on a memorable occasion, and before the eyes of one who could appreciate his bravery and his worth; and whose regret, so lorcibly cxprciised, is suf- ficieet to hand down his name to the latest posterity with bon» out and applause. Their leader thus lost, his troops were com- pelled to give way. The enemy advanced aftef them, con- ceiving that he had gained his object. He was mistaken. The brave 92d regiment, which was posted behind a ditch, on the riffht of the road from Brussels to Fleuru?;, and in the centre of which band of heroes the Commander in chief was stationed, stood ready to receive them. They allowed nearly all the Brunswick troops to pass, wlien they opened such a fire upon the enemy's cavalry as stretched them on the ground in numbei's, and compelled the remainder to retire in,disorder; and not only so, but the repulse of the cuirassiers, and the great number of wounded which were carried to the French rear, created alarm, confusion, and flight, among the numer- ous attendants of their army. The enemy asserts, that in this charge, though unfortunate in its issue, a private of the 11th French regiment, took one of the colours of the English ()9lh. About four o'clock, however, the enemy re-enforced returned to the charge, and by another furious attack endea- voured to gain the right of the British position^ Again he was driven back with great loss. The conduct of every regi- ment at this moment was most truly British. The 79th regi- ment charo-ed throu;]:h and through the French line, and afterwards returning to its i'ormer position repulsed the re- peated desperate attacks of the enemy. It suffered severely 259 Its brave <:omniantling ofliccr. Colonel Doun^las, who Imd been previously hit by three balls, was severely wounded on the knee, towards the close of the day; but still he main- tained his post. Of the estimation in which the Commander in chief held the coiuluct of that gallant body of men, it is sufficient to say, that on their Colonel was bestowed two high military decorations, from those sent by tiie Emperors of Austria and of Russia, to the Commander in ciiief, to be be- stowed upon such Officers as he conceive*:! were best deserving of the same. Three field officers of this regiment were also created, by their ov.n Sovereign, Companions, of the Most Honoural)lo Military- Order of the Bath. The Iloyal Scots were led to the charge by that gallant Officer Sir Thomas l^iclon. They ad- vanced through a corn field, the grain upon which was so high, tiiat it reached the shoulders of the tallest man. Durinn- this time the enemy continued to poi'.r the most destructive voUies of shot upon them. They, notwithstanding, surmount- ed all difficulties; charged and routed the columns c^f the enemy. Tiiey then Ibrmed in a square to resist the cavalry, who were advancing against them; and, though charged by them six or se^'en times, they remaineil immoveable. The .ut- most efforts of the enemy were never able-lo jnivl^e ihe^rpailest impressioa upon them. At ^n^e tinje the .gallant 4-2d regiment was almost overwhelmed b.y the fury of the torrent which rolled against it. They e-pened to the right and left, the cuiras- siers went through, but they iiever returned. They were cut to pieces. The 4:2:1, however, at this moment suffered severely. The cuirassiers car.ie so close that they cut ilown some oflhe Officers wLth^:heir swords. The gallant Colonel Macara, and many other valuable officers were, at this time, killed at)d woi^iid- ed, and also a great number of men. At ojie pci-jod a \ysxrt of the enemy's cavalry very nearly reached some guns close to Quatre Bras, and near the spot where the J)nke of Wellington stood. This force, however, was immediately attacked by a battalion of voung Hanoverians, and entirely cut off. The 92d regiment distingui.-^hed itself in a particular manner. Tiiis heroic regi- ment, led on by Colonel Cameron, performed prodigies of valour. It repeatedly repulsed the enemy's cuUunns in their most furious attacks, and with great slaughter. The 41th, 3?t!j 260 and 32(1, also greatly signalized themselves. The 28th charged at one time on three sides at once. Two sides were opposed to the cuirassiers and one to the lancers. Both they repelled. Afterwards they advanced against a column oi" infantry, drove them back, and after deploying, charged in line, and cleared the whole front of skirmishers. In this manner the combat continued for many hours with- out any prospect of its termination. The enemy continued to bring forward fresh troops; the British to resist their fury. *' Unmov'd and silent the whole war they wait; Serenely dreadful, and as fix'd as fete."* The third division, and part of the first division, had by this time come up. The third division moved to the left, in order to threaten the enemy's right, and operate in favour of the Prirssians, while a brigade of guards and part of the first divi- sion remained at Quatre Bras. The enemy appeared still to di- rect his principal efforts against the right of the British position. About seven o'clock the combat raged with the utmost fury. The fire of the French artillery was tremendous, and which was the forerunner of another most formidable attack. Througli the volumes of smoke, the enemy was soon seen advancing with all his force for another struggle. As they came near, the fire of the artillery slackened, and the bloody struggle began. The moment was pressing. The Duke, who stood with the 92d re- giment, turned to them, and said with energy^ " 92d, you must charge these fellows." The order was cheerfully obeyed. They rushed against the black battalions with an ardour nothing could resist. At this moment, Colonel Cameron, and three other officers of rank were mortally wounded. In the former^ his country sustained a severe loss. He was indeed a brave man. With the courajre of his ancestors he fought — with the spirit of his fathers he fell. " laid low, With his back to the field, and his face tO the foe."f The death of this brave chieftain roused the spirit of the High- landers to fury — they pressed the enemy with such infuriated jiage, that their vast columns fled before this daring band, leaving * Pope's He>me»'s Iliad, Boole V. line 638, &r. f Campbell's Lochlel 261 ihe field covered with dead, dying, and wounded. The 92d fol- lowed them for a mile, till they came near the main body of the rncmy, and till the re-advance of the cavalry rendered it pru- dent for them to retire, which they did to a wood, where theV remained during the remainder of the engagement. In the meantime the battle racjed on the centre and on the ri5zV/o;" and of ihis number there was '±1 officers and 6424 rank and lile belonging to the first corps, which was that which was most closely engaged onthel6tli. This return will be more particularly attended to afterwards. But we shall take the number of killed and wounded only at 16,000, on the 15lh anil 16th, particularly as the enemy's account only mentions that number. It is true, he mentions this in an unusual manner. He says " that the flower of the Prussian army was destroyed in this battle, and that its loss could not be less tli^in 15,000 men:" whether he includes prisoners in that number is difficult to determine. I conceive not. These, according to Soult's account, amounted to 800(-) jncn; but many, if not all of these, were, no doubt, wounded. The French loss was, as usual, underrated; and by the same authority is set down at only " 3000 killed and wounded."* Soult, in an official letter to the minister at war, also states this as the number. " Our loss," said he, " does not appear en- ormous; since, Kinthoiit screeiiing it, I do not reckon it more than 3000 men."f It is almost unnecessary to add, that this account cannot be correct; and when we come to sum up the strength and losses of the army, we will find that it was not. Fortunately we have other data to enable us to ascertain this loss. According to Lacroix, in the Chamber of Peea-s, July 1st, the loss of Girard's division, which was detached to assist Vandamme, was more than one half of this number, and it was only one twentieth of the force engaged. Besides, the two corps under Grouchy were, no doubt, the same strength as the rest; and this with the cavalry makes their strength on the 16th above 55,000 men. Allowing that he had 40,000 with him at Wavre, he must have lost more than 15,000, indepen- dent of the loss in Girard's division. It was this great loss which was the true cause of Bonaparte's inactivity after these bloody battles. Further, if they lost upwards of 6000 men at Quatre Bras, where so few, comparatively speaking, were en- gaged; their loss, upon a moderate calculation, must have * French official account of the battle of the 16th. f Soult's official letter, Fleurus, June 17th, 1815. 265 been more than double the number at Ligny; and there e'en be little doubt that it was at least equal in killed and wound- ed to that of the Prussian army. These numbers united, and joined to those at Quatre Bras, wrll give a loss to both armies of 41 or 42,000 men killed and wounded. The French even attempt, in a subsequent dispatch, to make this affair as bloody as Borodino. '* The cannonade," said th^y, " was like that at the battle of Moskwa. The loss is said to be 50,000 men."* Though this account is absurd, yet it is evident that the loss was dreadful; and certainly, on both sides, a= mounted to 41,000 men. Fearful as this destruction was, it is trifling to what followed. These were as yet but skirmishes, as it were, at the outposts of the armies. The repulse of the enemy at Quatre Bras was of the most essential service; and while it added the greater praise to the British troops, which effected the whole without the assistance of cavalry or artillery, against an enemy superbly provided with both; it prevented Ney, with the force under his command, from turning the right wing of the allied army, as his mas- ter had calculated upon. Had this taken place, at the same moment when the village of Ligny was finally wrested from Blucher, it might have been attended with the most disastrous- consequences. " But fate," to use the words of Ney, " had ordered it otherwise. "f This Officer JBnds great fault with Boraparte, for not attacking the British army first, in place of the Prussian. He forgets that he was in reality sent with a force which he believed, and which was calculated would have, even according to his own accounts, succeeded in defeat- ing it completely; for " victory was not doubtful," when he found the first corps of the army withdrawn from his assistance* But wherefore was it so? Because the Prussians were too firm for Bonaparte. It was so late before he could spare this corps from the point where he was, that Ney could make na use of it, as the remainder of the British army had come up, Ney accuses the Emperor of causing the 1st corps to march backwards and forwards during the day without being of any service to either party. In this he only shews how severe and * Letter to the minister at war, Fleurus, June 1 7th. — Moniteur, ^une 20th, f Ney's letter to Fooche, June 26th, 1815. L & 9 36G how doubtful tlie combat was at every point, and how ni:tTcb the Emperor had it at lieart to gain all his object. It is easy to find out faults after errors have been committed; but the truth is that both Ney and his master, before the battle, had the most perfect confidence that their force was (juite sufficient to carry all their objects into execution, but which were frus- trated by the bravery of their adversaries. 1 he great object of Bonaparte, at this point, was to gain possession of the road to Brussels. In this he was disappointed. He was compelled to acknowledge iKut all that Ney could eflfect was to maintain his position at Frasne.* In short, Ney was driven v-ith great lass from this important part of the allied position; and liis failure at this point was, unqmstionably, the prin:iary cause of all those terrible disasters, which afterwards so ra[)id]y over- took the cause of treason and ambition. Therefore was he angry. Of his anxious wish — of tiie anxious wish of his mas- ter and all France to " destroy" the British, there is no doubt. It had been their object during twenty-five dreadful years of crimes and misery. The constant aim of that Bevolutiouary Junta, was expressed in the fiend-like expectations of Fouche, who hoped the republic would, like a volcano, consume " those treacherous and ferocious Britons;" and tl>e land which " pro- duced these monsters be swallowed up by the surrounding seas:"f — it was their constant aim from that period till thi&y when " the general opinion in France, and particularltj in the army, was, that the Emperor would, in the first place, turn his attention solehj to the destruction of the English army, and for ■which circumstances were very^ favourable-^but fate has or- dercd if otherwise."':^ The people of Britain are certainly lit- tle obliged to Ney and his master, for always directing their first attentkm solely to their destraclion. But tluit is not sc* easily accomplished. Such were the rcstdts of the sangmnary combats of Ligny and Quatre Bras; where, according to 8oult, the overthrow was terrible, and the el?cct theatrical. The Emperor had in- deed at one point beaten, but not broken the line, so far as to compel the allies to choose other ground to reform it; bu?; * French officiitl account of the battle of the 1 6th. f Fouche's lefttr to CoUot de Herbois, Ti.ulon, Dec. 1793. I Ney's letter to Fouche, June 2Gih, 1815. 267 from that lie was not able to derive any material advantage; and certainly none sucii as he anticij)ated. Although the army under WelUngion had maintained their posiiion at Quatre Bras, and were joined, or about to be joined, by the cavalry and the main body of the army; still, the retreat of Blucher with the Prussian army, rendered a correspond- iog movement, on the part of the British General, absolute- ly necessary. Accordingly, he retired from Quatre Bras early next morning, and took up his quarters at Genappe. Instead of following up this " signal victory," as the ibllowers of Bonaparte chose to term it, and which the Emperor would no doubt have done if he could; he, according to JSoult, " re- turned" to Fleurus at eleven o'clock at night: " as it was ne- cessary to pass the night in attending to the viounded."* Ihis at least ar^iued their numbers. It was not till next day " that the Eraperor mounted his horse to follow the success ot the battle of Ligny."f There were other reasons for the Emper- or's conduct at this time, than those of attending to the wound- ed — other pressing reasons; or these wonkl have got leave to remain on the field of battle, tvixho.ut sustenance and vithout dressings, as thousands upon dwusa^ids oi' thtir fellows iiad fared in other places. The reasons, which at this time iorced humanity upon him, we know from good authority. lie " daixd not pursiie us, said Blucher. " We maintained our posi- tion albo," said Wellington, " He made no effort to pursue Marshal Blucher. On the contrary, a patrole which I sent to Sombref, in the morning, found all quiet; and the enemy's vi- dettes fell back as ihe patrole advanced. Neither did he at- tempt to molest our march io the .rear, though maxie -ui ilie middle of the day."t No; the serions business of the {jreced- in"- dav !)ad taupht him, that asrainst such foes lie must move with caution- Their firmness had reiulcrcd it necessary for him to remould his i)lan>, to recruit and re-organize his strength — to be certain, that, in the next engagement, no corp^, tJ lus ar- my should march backwards and forwards, during a whole day, doing nothing; and perhaps, as at Leipsic, to stop till he got up from the rear a iresh siip})ly of cynnou balls and aaauuni- tion to replace that which liacl been expended. '1 he Dravery • Soult's dispaU'h, June ] 7th, 1513. j Do. ^o. \ Wellington's disjpatch, June 1 ?th. 568 «f the British troops had, in a particular manner, baffled his views; and till they were disposed of, he could neither turn a force against the Prussian army, sufficient to " crush'' it, nor could he march to Brussels in safety. In the battle of the 16th, both sides fought with the utmost resolution; but the French soldiers with the bitterest animosi- ty. The first and second corps, which were those that fought «t Quatre Bras, had hoisted the black flag, and resolved to give no quarter to their enemies. According to Soult, the French troops fought with the utmost fury and enthusiasm. The columns which marched to battle, the \vounded who re- turned from being dressed, never ceased to exclaim, " Long live the Emperor.''* This was well — it was brave — had their enthusiasm stopped where it ought. But it did not. The con- duct of the French troops in these battles, but particularly a- . gainst the Prussians, was ferocious and barbarous to the highest degree. Bravery and enthusiasm they may call it, if they please; but such acts belong not to that honourable class, when they put to death, without mercy, the enemy who could no long- er injure or resist them. This was their conduct in the pre- -sent instance. For what reason they were animated with such a deadly hatred against the Prussians, they best could explain. That people had, more than others, been injured, insulted, and oppressed by Frenchmen; and the guilty minds of the latter bade them, perhaps, dr^ad the arm of those whom they had so cruelly wronged. Their government, to assist its own vievVs, had en- deavoured to instil into their minds that the Prussians were animated with passions more ungovernable, vindictive, and un- just, than theii- own; and which they intended to wreck on France without mej'cy. Their passions were thus kindled to fury against the Prussians, whom, as soldiers, their pride and self- confidence had taught them to look upon with contempt. They, therefore, refused to give quarter. The battle thus became a massacre. This statement is not taken from the accounts pub- lished by the enemies of France, but we learn it from their own documents. We have already noticed the odious fabrications which prepared us to expect this conduct on the part of the French troops. Unfortunately, it was too well adapted to the ,fcelings of the French soldier. Their bloody threats were pi^ 269 in ex«;ution. On the 15th, before Cliarleroy, said an official account to Davoust, several squares of Prussian infantry were broken by some squadrons. Of 5 or 6000 men, who compos- ed those squares, " only 1700 prisoners could be saved."* The Moniteur, however, comes closer and more boldly to the point; brinoinof forward, as usual, a direct falsehood as a justification of the deed. On the 16th, said that organ of tyranny and evil, *' the firing of our troops against the Prussians, uhosc govern- me'iit has been the principal instigator of this imjust xi'ar- was f uch, that the Emperor was obliged to order the recal to be beaten three times, for the purpose of' enjoining the making of pri- so?iers, and the stopping the carnage." f The policy that could dictate or tolerate such a system as this, must have been short eiorhted indeed. It was an evil which was certain to work its own cure: and through means which the heart recoils to thmk on. The consequence of this conduct, on the part of the ene- my, was, that the anger of the Prussians was kindled to fury and retribution, stern and unrelenting; and their country's wrongs and their comrades blood, nerved their arms and steeled their hearts to future combats. In vain will France attempt to wipe away this horrible stain from her national character. The horrors of 1794 were surpassed in 1815. In the former the o-ovcrnment ordered, but the armies disobeyed their bloody mandate. In the latter, thirsting for blood, the troops diso- beyed what the Emperor commanded. This was the improve- ment of the revolution. In vain will the French nation pro- claim that such deeds were only done by a few. The nation supported the system which produced it. They received with acclamations those troops and their leader, whose ambition led the myrmidons of his power to such tragic scenes. The na^ tion took no measures to punish — none to rescue themselves from such an odious power. The people, therefore, identified themselves with it; and though amongst them, there, no doubtj was a distinction: still under such circumstances and such pro- vocations as the Prussians had received, it was scarcely possi- ble to expect that it was in man to make the distinction. The retreat of the allied armies gave the French an oppor- * Official account transmitted to Davoust, Fleurus, June 17th, 1815. f Moniteur, Paris, June I9xb, 270 tunity, at which they are adepts, and which at this time was pecuharly necessary; namely, to claim great and brilliant vic- tories; and also to anticipate the most happy and decisive results in their favour. Bulletin after bulletin was transmitted by te- legraph to the interior, and to the shores of the ocean, to an- nounce that the Emperor " had completelij beaten the united ar- mies of Wellington and Blucher."* Three of these dispatches were received at Boulomic, on the moi*nins of the 18th. Paris was illuminated- The most extravagant joy was manifested by the friends of the Emperor. The artillery was fired by hundreds. The waves of the Channel heard with amazement the terrible echo; and the chalky cliffs of Albion, remained in suspense and fear. The whole vanity and arrogance of the ambitious and thoughtless French people, were again brought forward to public notice. " His Majesty," said the Moniteur, " was to enter Brussels, the day after this glorious action; in which, it is said, the safety of the General in chief, Wellington, is com- promised."! The official accounts pubhshed by the Minister at W^ar, adopted even a loftier tone. " The Noble Lord (Wel- lington) must have been conjounded. There were upon the field of battle eight enemies to one Frenchman!'^ Continuing this strain of exultation and irony, the account proceeds: — '* Whole bands of prisoners are taken. We do not kno-jo xchat is become of their Commanders. The route is complete on this side, and I hope we shall not soon hear again of these Prus- sians, if they should ever be able to rallij at all. 'As for the English, we shall see what will become of them. The Emperor is there.":}: Yes, the Emperor was there: and we will soon hear from his own mouth what he did with the English, and where the Prussians lied to. That intelligence reached Paris with sufficient speed. These bravadoes, however, interesting as they no doubt are, inasmuch as they shew the true character and wishes of tiie French people, were nevertheless not the doctrines which at this moment demanded most the attention and the consider- ation of Europe. There were others of a deeper and far more serious nature. Amongst the topics which now begin to be • This was one of the telegraphic dispatches. f Moniteur, Paris, June 19th, 1815. j Official account dated Fleurus, June 17th, 1815, transmittetl to Davoust. 271 openly proclaimed in France, and brought forward for the consideration and sanction of the French Legislature, there were principles which more nearly interested the repose and safety of Europe. There is a passage in a speech made by St. Jean d' Angley in the Chamber of Representatives, imme- diately after the account of the preceding victories had reached Paris, and when a brilliant succession of triumphs were anti- cijMited, which is very pointed; and which passage demands the serious attention of Europe. It is short, but it speaks vo- lumes, h should be wrote on tables of brass. It should be placed in the Chamber of every Legislative body: and deeply and carefully imprinted on the memory of every individual in Europe. " Laws," said he, " are necessary, to organize our Constitution; and, to establish the transmigration' of our. SYSTEM, i?ito those countries xchich are stretching out their HANDS to 7is."* He must he dull indeed who cannot compre- hend the meaning of this. Their system, Europe already knew, was to establish " the great Empire;" the nations who were stretching out their hands to them, were those, if any such there were, wlia, as they said, like the Belgians, met them with songs and with dances, and with a movement which proceeded from the heart; as if every movement that proceeded from that source must be honourable and good. Thus was the promise of the French nation kept; namely, that even the will of their chief, and the seductions of victory could no longer draw them on to foreign conquest. It was like all their other promises: made and kept as it suited their interests. Here is a bold and open avowal, in the passage before us, that French principles and French ambition, were not only not changed; but that these, by laws enacted in France, were to be again organized and let loose upon Europe, wherever the discontented and traitors of any country, should again, as they did before, call for it. The famous decree, by the mad Convention, was no worse than this proposition of d' Angley's. Both had the same ob- jects in view: and as in the former instance so in the latter, the safety, the honour, and the glory of France, would have been put in requisition, and duly organized, to justify and to accomplish this profligate purjiose. In publishing the speech * Sitting of Representatives, June 19th, 1815. 272 of d' Angley, the Morning Chronicle,* and its followei*s, struck out this important sentence, which overturned in a breath all their idle assertions, for the three monlhs preceding, namely, that the views of the Revolutionary Junta were changed. Such is the liberty of the Press, of which these men are such stren- uous defenders. Such the liberty of deceiving, with their eyes open, and intentionally, the British public, in order to support their own erroneous arguments and opinions. St. Jean d* Angley, however, told the truth. The world has to thank him for his candour in this instance, wherein, elated by a mo- mentary success, the true sentiments of his heart burst from his lips. It was, it is, and will continue to be, part of their plan to " transmigrate" their odious system into every country; and that in forms and by ways more difficult to detect, than all the transmigration the Pagan school ever dreamed of. Their sys- tem is, indeed, of all perishable things, the least changeable; because it is the very essence of evil, derived from the father of falsehood and mischief; and which it is as impossible for a French- man of the school of the Goddess of Reason to renounce or relinquish, as it is for the Ethiopian to change bis skin or the Leopard his spots. That it was their intention to transmigrate their system into Europe — that is, Revolutionize and con- quer it, if they could, there is no doubt; and, the transmigra- tion beo-an, when the inhabitants of the villages on the Belgian frontiers, met their deliverers with songs and dances. It does not follow that these people really did so; but it was necessary to say so, in order to justify Frenchmen in introdu- cing the blessings of their system among them. But Europe was too well aware what the transmigration of the French system was — and too sensible that it would be attempted by her foes to spread the same, for her to be thrown oflPher guard, and not to check with the point of the sword if necessary, the sono-s and dances, if really such there should be or were, which met the approach of these locusts, which bore in their batta- lions ruin and misery, " lamentation, mourning, and woe,"" to honour, truth, industry, and justice, in every part of Eu- rope. St. Jean d' Angley, who as deputy from his master to the French Legislature, held at present the key of this boU • .See Morning Chronicle, June 27tb, 1815. 273 fohiless pit, Conceived that the hour which succeeded the ba(ti<2 of Ligny, was a favourable moment in which to set open this dreadtul abyss. With exaltation he opened this pit of ini- 4iiity. *' He opened, but to shut excell'd his power.'' For a moment the cheerful light of day seemed darkened with the dark clouds of smoke which its flames sent abroad. Man- kind trembled at the gloomy tempests which it began to vomit forth. But a deliverer was at hand. The arm of Wellington seized both d' Anglev and his master, who fed the fatal flame, and, with that " ascendancy •which a great man possesses^" he threw them into the gloomy abyss of their own crimes; while, with the point of his sword, he wrote at length, and in Roman charac- ters, the word " Waterloo," over those firm bolts which lock the door of this dreadful cavern, and thus shut it securely, and forever. Before leaving Paris Bonaparte transmitted by telegraph an order to Suchet, to commence offensive operations on the 14th on the side of Savoy. This that General immediately did, by the capture of the town of Montmelian, situated upon the Isere. According to his account, the allies lost 300 killed and wounded, and GOO prisoners. Suchet immediately pene- trated into Savoy, and overran nearly all that country, where as yet there was but an inadequate force to oppose him. He advanced with part of his army to Geneva, upon the lake of and that name, gained possession of the whole valley of the Arve, and endeavoured also to get possession of the town of St. Maurice, upon the Rhine, which commands the road that passes over Mount St. Bernard from Italy, and by that a formidable Austrian army was advancing. Another army composed of the troops of the same nation, was at the same moment, be- ginning to cross Mount Cenis, in the road from Turin to Grenoble. Therefore, Suchet had no time to Jose, in order to attempt to gain a footing in that mountainous country. That Bonaparte had designs upon Italy, is scarcely to be doubted; and Suchet was, no doubt, directed to cross the Alps with the utmost speed, to " transmigrate their system" to the banks of the Po, as his master himself intended to do in the Netherlands. He, no doubt, conceived that Suchet would be met >I 31 9 27* as he was, by dances, and " a movement wlilcli proceodcj from the heart;" and if he was not so, it was easy to assert that he was; which in the French school of morahty and justice con- ferred the same privileges and the same rights. The Austrian Generals, however, as we shall by and by see, were too alert for him. They had already got possession of the passes of the Alps, and were ready to burst into the plains of Dauphiny, and along by the course of the Rhone to Geneva. The French armies stationed along the Jura mountains to Befort, ami those on the Upper Rhine, from Basle to idanheim, and from thence along the frontiers to Tbionvilie, seemed intended only to act on the defen:jive. In the Western departments, near the mouth, and around the borders of the Loire, the flames of civil war continued to spread; and notwitlistanding the presence of a very considerable number of troojis, under Lamarque and other Generals, the cause of the Royalists seemed to gairt eround. The actions which took place were numerous; and, considering the numbers engaged in this irregular warfare, attended with considerable loss to both parties. The Royalists were, however, assuming a formidable appearance, and begin- ning to assemble in considerable armies at various points, not- withstanding the utmost efforts of their enemies. Of the true state of this internal contest, however, we are so much in the dark, as to render any detailed account of the movements and operations impracticable. But these and the operations on all the other points, we must leave for a while and return to a more important and interesting quarter. From the defile of Mount St. Giubert, Bluchcr, with the 1st and 2d corps of his army, fell back on the forenoon of the 17th towards Wiivre; whither he was followed during the day by Thielman with the Sd corps, and Rulow with the 4th corps, from Genbloux. At t!ie former place the Prussian General took up a position, resolved once more to face the eneuiy. Lord Wellington, and the army under his command, remained on the field of battle at Quatre Bras. The General was here exposed to the same privations as the meanest soldier. The open field was his pillow. Fatigued and cold towards the morn- ing, he became anxious for a fire, which, after some dilTiculty, the soldiers of the 92d regiment kindled. Every one was I eager to render liim assistance or comfort, aixl he seemed in thesfe trifling instances to feel greatly the attention of the troops to- wards him. " By the morning of the 17th," said General Al- ava, " he had collected the whole of his army in the position of Quatre Bras, and was combining his measures to attack the enemy, when he received a dispatch from Blucher," informino- him of the unfortunate result of affairs on his side. This re- trograde movement on the part of the Prussians, rendered a similar one necessary on the part of the British General. He accordingly quitted Genappe, and, in the middle of the day, fell back with the army under his command to the heights of Mount St. Jean in advance of Waterloo, a village in front of the forest of Soignies, and on the great road to Brussels, within 9 miles of that city. Thus far success appeared on the side of Bonaparte. This ground he had gained at an enormous loss; while the great object which he lisd in view was, if possible, more distant from his grasp than ever. Yet he does not seem to have thought so. No action of importance took place during that day between the contending armies, except that in the af- ternoon, a considerable body of French cavalry having followed the British cavalry, under the command of the Earlof Uxbridgc, gave his Lordship au opportunity of turning back, and charging them; an operation which the 1st regiment of foot Guards per- formed with the greatest gallantry aiid success. The main body of the French army was now directed against the force under the immediate command of the British Genei-al, which Bonaparte asserted, that he " drove' to the forest of Ligny, while his right wing went in '■^ pursuW of Blucher, v/lio was ,o-one to Wavre. The British army thus assembled in front of Waterloo, and the Prussian force in the neighbourhood of Wavre, communicated with each other through Chain, During the whole of the afternoon of the 17th, tiie rain fell in torrents, accompanied by dreadful thunder and lightning, as if the elements also had collected to this point all their destructive enoiues to engage in the mighty conflict. Amidst this terrible tempest, the enemy continued to iidvance, and the allied armies to fall back: the hosts retire, The God in terrors and the skies in fire." "While these elemental convulsions, seemed to assembled nation.- 276 as at'carful prelude to the shock which was shortly to take place on eartli. Bonaparte found upon bringing up his troops that it whs too late, for that day, to make any attempt against the position chosen by his skilful adversary. It would have re- quired three hours more of day light,* said he, to have at- tacked them; in consequence of which he deferred the attack till next day. In the evening a sharp cannonade took })lace towards Hougemont, but without any result. On the left, the Belgian troops advanced in parties in front, brandishing their arms, shouting and firing some cannons, in token of defiance to the enemy. To this he paid no attention. Wet, weary, and hungry, the allied soldiers took up their bivou- ack amidst the dripping corn, mud and water, and in the open fields, with scarcely any covering. It mny fairly be presumed, that the French army was similarly situated. — X)uring the greater part of the night, the thunder and light- ning continued most tremendous, accoinjianicd by a high wind, and incessant and heavy rain; but toward the morn- ing, the rain having somewhat abated, the soldiers employ- ed themselves in cleaning their arms preparatory to the ap- proaching conflict, which all were convinced must take place on the ensuing day. This was, in fact, determined on by the allied commanders. All the arn)y of Wellington was now collected. He, accordingly, wrote to Blucher, that he was resolved to accept the battle in that place, j^roviding that the Field Marshal could spare two corps of his army to assist him. This the gallant veteran not only agreed to do, but promised, if necessary, to come with all his army to the assistance of the British General. At the same time he proposed, that if Na- poleon did not attack the allies on the ISth, that they should, on the subsequent day? attack him with all their forces." — " This," to use his own words, '' was sufficient to shew how little the battle of the 16th had disorganized the Prussian armv, or weakened its moral strengtii."f The French army and. their chief were also eager for battle. The head-quarters of the latter \yere established at Caillou,:j; a farm near the village of Planchenoit, and ou the road from La Belle Alliance to lOenappe. * Frftnch official account of the battles of the 1 6th and 1 7th. f Prussian do. do, J French do. do. 277 Thus ended the day of the 17th. Tlie moment wa^ truly important; and upon a general view of the subject, not a little alarming. After twenty-five years of misery and carnage, peace had, during the previous ycai-, spread her wings over Europe. The nations thereof were beginning to taste a blessing so long unknown to them, when the sweet enjoy- ment vanished. Blood and destruction bejjan again to cover- those countries, from whose frontiers the fearful torrent had commenced its course; and whose divided stream, while it beat a^»>.»^-w^-..*-vv 30,000 Artillery and engineers, suppose -v^-»>.-^^ -.»■►* 10,000 Total, ^05,000 wliicli exceeds what I have rated it at; and which, after all, it is extremely probable that it amounted to. The guards were nearer the number, as stated by D'Angley, than the number here stated. A\'hen we ^.'ome to the battle we will find that the reserve alone amounted to 15,000 men, with which I3onaparte made his last attack upon the British position. These to that time liad never been engaged. At the same time several regiments of the old guard were at Planchenoit, and some at Lallaye and Papelotte, while from 12 to 1 4,000 had previously been led against the British line. However, I shall keep to my former numbers, and which were divided thus: Attacked Bluther en the 16th -.^ Do, Quatre Bras ■.^«.»-v Lost on the 7 fith. about -.x-wv..-^-..*-..*^-* Remain on I8lh*x»,.»*..^^^^,^v,^*^»v 170,000 Attacked Wellington above 130 (6) say i 35,000 Detached under Grouchy (c) ■v%v«.»»-..v%^ 55,000 1 70,00O Such is the most accurate, and most moderate account which 1 can obtain of this French army; and it is evident this state- ment is not far from the truth. I have been the more particu- lar on this subject, because numerous incorrect and insidious accounts of its strength are put in circulation, to mislead the public mind. These accounts are the wotk of 'Ivi-enchmen, and their friends, who want to lessen the glory of Waterloo, of men >\ho believed Napoleon could never be beaten; and who even (a) From good authority, this number passed through Charleroy in advance, 1 2,000 of whom were cuirassiers: from 25 to 27,000 cavalry fought at Waterloo. (b) Lord Castlereagh, House of Commons, June 25d. — " Tlie troops, said he which fought under Bonaparte were at least 130,000, and perhaps not overruled at 140,000." Elucher says abjvc 150.000. (c) Bonaparte's captured port-folio states this force at 33,000, viz. 27 000 infant- ry and 6000 cavalry. But Count riaubaiit is better aulhoriiy. 284f yet, though he was in Elba, and is in St. Helena, cannot be brought to believe that he was so. These men swell the number of the allies to 205,000, and reduce that of the French army to 95,000; whilst others generously extend it to 110,000.* These Fi'ench accounts are eagerly copied and circulated by the staunch supporters of Napoleon's fame, the keen admirers of Napoleon's glory.f On the other hand, the force of the allies at this point was as follows, viz. Prussian anny on the I 6th. 3 corps *^»^»*.w^-^»^»^*»»^ 80,000 Lost till that date, say only •.^^^■ww^^.v^v^^^-v^*....^^^ 1 6,. 68,500 Total allied force on the 18th 157,50 The force under Wellington was made up as follows, viz. Infantry, British **»-..-v^vv»^*v*^-.^ 27,000 , German Legion ■^•..•..•»»-..-..-v..»»-v*-»^-,^ 5,000 Hanoverian infantry, new levies *■•. 24,000 Brunswick and Nassau, about -^^-.^ 14,000 Belgians 5000, Dutch 5000 ■..-^■w* 10,000 80,000 Artillery, British, 30 brigades of 6 guns each, German Legion, Hanoverians, &c. 5,000 Cavalry, Brifishv*— .^-.^-^■w^--..^^ 7.(KX) German Legion ■»-.^»-..>-v»^'»**i^»»»^ — 3,500 Dutch, &c.^~.-i.-..-.^v^v^x-..-..-.^...^-..*-..^ 5,000 13,500 Total, 98,500 in round numbers: the British. German Legion, Hanoverians, &c, cavalry, con» sisted of eight brigades, under the chief command of the Earl of Uxbridge. • Courier Extraordinary, Paris, July 28th, and other Journals about that time, f Morning Chronicle, various dates, July. (a) This is tlie number, as his Lordship's speech is reported in the public papers. All the private accounts state the number detached at from I'i to 15,000, and which would make his Grace's army from 76 to 80,000 men, which latter is precisely the number which bcth the French and Pioissian offici«l account state it to have been. i 283 J St, Lord F. Somerset. Slh, Vivian. '2d, Ponsonby. 6th, ArantschikL 3d, Dornberg. 7th, Grant, 4tb, Vandeleur. 8th, Erndorf. The preceding account is believed to be nearly correct. The superiority of numbers, therefore, was clearly on the side of the enemy, with this farther difference, that Bonaparte could brin^- from 130 to 135,000 men, to bear upon 68,500, or say 78,500, under the command of the British General, for fully five hours before he could receive any assistance from Blucher. While we give Bonaparte full credit for the talents he displayed, in the masterly manner in which he placed his army, in order to accomplish the object which he had in view, we must not for- get the above important particulars, as these shew him to have been not only superior in numbers, but with regard to the British General almost double, and, therefore, it enhances the glory of his overthrow. But General Alava goes further, and states postively that Bonaparte's force was nearly '< triple* to that under t)ie British General. In this enumeration of both armies, I have closely adhered to official authority and what pri- vate information agrees with it, as the only sure guide. The numerous unauthenticated statements tend only to confuse the subject. If I, therefore, have erred, it is from attending to that authority which should be the only proper guide, and which I have met with none worth attending to, that invalidates it. Considering that the allied Commanders hail this great force under their command, it was hinted that they had been inat- tentive and not sufficiently upon their guard, in allowing Bon- aparte thus to attack them unprepared, and as it were in de- tail with the force under his direction. There is, however, little ground for this supposition. Blucher, as we have already seen, was not off his guard. It was absolutely necessarv, iu order to procure sustenance to the troops, to have them in ex- tensive cantonments. " The combined armies," said Lord Castlereagh, '' it has been found expedient to distribute where sustenance could most easily be procured. The Duke of Wel- lington and Prince Blucher could not concentrate this force, without leaving a large portion of the frontier of the King of the Netherlands open to the incursion of the French."* For • Lord Castlereagh's speech, House of Coaimon*, Jun« 25d, 1 8 1 5. £86 this purpose Brussels and the surrounding country was cer- tainly the best chosen. From thence they could be removed, with the greatest celerity, to any point on the frontiers of the Netherlands. If Bonaparte had attacked that country bom betwixt Valenciennes and Lisle, as he miglit have done and as Ids march upon Beaumont indicated that he might attempt, then the allied troops could reach the frontiers to oppose him, as soon as he ct)uld move his army from Avesnes to that point. It was by no means imj)robable that the enemy would make an attempt, first in that quarter,; because, by doing so, he not only ]iad the important fortresses, already mentioned, to cover both flanks of his army; but he would have reached Ghent, threat- ened Antwerp, and cut off the line of the advance of the Bri- tish supplies from England by way of Ostend. Tliat the Duke of WelHngton, himself, thought this would most pro- bably be the first object of the enemy, is \cry obvious, vvheii he s.iys he directed the troops immediately to assemble, upon hearing of the advance of the enemy, " and qfterwarils to viai-ch to their left, as soon as I had hitelligence from other quarters, to prove that the enemy's movement upon Charleroy, lioas the real attack.'' The position of Brussels, therefore, was equally good, if not better, than any other that could be chosen to guard against any attack from the enemy in this direction; because from Brussels the}! could reach the frontiers, towards Tournay and Valenciennes, as soon as they could have done the same point, if assembled between Namur and Charleroy, siwd vice versa to the latter place, had they been assembled at the for- mer. On the other haiul, if it was necessary to assemble their ibrces on the defensive before a superior Ibrce, Brussels was the only place it could be done. The oihcial account, publi.^h- cd by Prince Schwarlzenberg, is very pointed upon this sub- ject, and says, from the manner in which it was absolutely ne- cessary to station the armies, " their union was not practicable in any pouit except in the neighbourhood of Brussels."* It, at the same time, secured the safety of the U})per Netherlands, hhoujd he have made a dash forvvai'd in that quarter. When the plans of the allies were matured, then their armies would have been collectetl on the point chosen by them to assume • -^u5ll•ian ofncial account, Heidelberg, June 21st, 1815. 287 offensive attitudes, but this as yet they were not ready foP, noir -vras it the policy of Bonaparte to allow them to be. His bu- siness was to attack before they were prepared, unless he meant to stand upon the defensive. In attacking on the ot- fensive, the party first ready to commence oi&nsive operations, has the advantage of being able to choose the point he intends to attack, and consequently to come against that part of the lino of his adversaries which may be least guarded. Vv'hile the great plans of all the allies remained incomplete, it was well known no single army of theirs would advance into the enemy's country; and, tbereforcy the advance of the French army at some point was only Avhat might have been anticipated; but where, depended upon the will of Bonaparte. It was easy to. suppose troops should have been ready at all points — these, in- deed, it was not difficult to assemble in any numbers, but it was very dilFerent with regard to supplies and provisions for them. Ik'lbre the force of the enemy, whose business it was to be the first to commence operations, it was probable that the allied Commanders would — nay, it might have become the height of prudence, that they should recede, had it even been to a point much beyond Brussels. But probable as this part of the sub- ject was, equally probable was it, that the career of the enemy would soon be checked. The recoil of the allies was certain to be steady and formidable — their re-advance strong and ir- resistible. The mighty hosts if thus forced back, quickly aug- mented with fresh numbers, and increased whh the ten-ible sweU of the flood tide of European vengeance, would, it was obvimrs, from the point where they re-commenced offensive operation?>, advance with a force so vast and strong, that while it overwhelmed every thing that opposed it at its outset, would at the same sweep, lay bare the banks of the Seine, and over- whelm the buKvarks of Paris. Thus the mountain torrent, swelled by the equinoctial deluge, sweeps before it to the deep all feebler obstacles. Thus the wave recedes before its strength, and rolls back its swell but in anger. Thus the mighty billow, augmented by succeeding wavcir, and impelled by the furious blast, re-advances with a swell so deep and so strong that while it tears the hill from its base and the rock from its foundations, it, as a lesser object, also rolls- back the feebler torrent to its 288 t?ource, and overwhelms its strength forever. So steady waft tiie recoil — so terrible the re-advance of the armies which at Waterloo caused the shipwreck of Napoleon. This catastrophe drew near — the hour was come— the spot chosen. Wellington stood resolved — Blucher again ready — Napoleon advanced with resolution and fury. " Fate dragged kim on." " from Air, Tims issues to the sun some blazing star." But my pen fears to enter upon this mighty subject. It wantsL that energy and that strength which is necessary to describe the combat and the carnage of Waterloo. A scene of glory, but also a scene of horror, which the pen of a Tacitus or a Robertson, would find it difficult to trace; and which the spi- rit of a Milton, or a Homer, is only able to describe. The fire of the Grecian muse could only record in numbers worthy of the subject, the events of a day which tore up from its deep- est foundations the throne of ambition — which crushed the fabric like the spider's web, and scattered the parts that com- posed it to the four winds of heaven. Such is the event we are about to relate — the cause — the combat — the consequences were all unparalleled and unprecedented in ancient or in mo- dern times. An Iliad rising from one dreadful day. But before we enter upon this terrible subject, let us for a moment attend more minutely to the positions chosen by the contending armies. Nothing that concerns Waterloo should be lost. Every spot should be dear to Britain, because every clod of earth is wet with the blood of her bravest sons. Every footstep attests her prowess, every object recals to the memory of the beholder her glory— her security, and their fame. The army, under the command of his Grace the Duke of Wel- lino-ton, was, as we have already noticed, posted about a mile in front of Waterloo, at the point where the position crossed the high roads leading from Brussels to Charleroy and Nivelles. Its' right was thrown back to a Ravine near Merke Braine, which villiige was occupied. Its left extended to a height above the Hamlet Tcr la Haye, which was likewise occupied. In 289 front of the right centre and near the Nivelle road, his Grace" occupied the house and garden of Hougomont, or Chateau Goumont, which covered the return of that flank, and in front of the left centre, he occupied the farm of la Haye Sainte, (the Holy Hedge.) On the whole position, c:;tending nearly a mile and a half, there was abont 112 guns, British and German, The left wing communicated through Ohain with Marshal Blu-- cher at Wavre. The British troops were posted in three lines; some few li^ht troops in front; a line of guns on the brow of the hill; the first line of infantry behind them, under the lee of Vthe hill, in sqimres, each regiment forming its own: behind, more infantry, cavalry, guns, &c. with a reserve of Dutch troops on the right. The Prussian army which began to move at break of day, was placed as follows, viz. the 4th and 2d corps marched from Wavre, by St. Lambert, where they were to take a position covered by the forest, near Fris- chermont, in order to take the enemy in the rear when the rac" ment should appear favourable. The 1st corps was to operate by Ohain, on the right flank of the enemy. Their line, in the evening, extended about a mile and a quarter. The 3d corps •was at Wavre, and was directed to follow the others in case of need. The French army was posted on a range of heights, in the front of the army under the command of the British General. The 1st corps was placed with its kft on the road to Brussels, in front of the village of Mount St. Jean, and opposite the centre of the allied army. This corps had not been engaged on the 16th, and was consequently entire and 25,000 strong. The 2d corps had its right on the road to Brussels, and its left upon a small wood, within cannon shot of the English army. This was the corps which was so hotly engaged at Quatre Bras, where it lost 4200 men, of course about 21 ,.000 remained. These two corps were still, therefore, 46,000 strong. The formidable cuirassiers, amounting to 12,000 men,* were in reserve behind; and the Guards, from 30 to 40,000 strong, or say only 30,000, in reserve on the heights. The 6th corps, or reserve, which Soult said was not engaged on the 16th, and consequently entire, or 25,000 strong; with the cavalry of General d' Aumont, under the chief command of Count Lobau, was destined to proceed in the rear of their • This number I learned from private authority, GO 10 ''i<^hi, In order to oppose a Prussian corps in tluic (fiKn-tt-f:' The rest of the cavalry were with the Guards and the other two corps of the army, and altogether amounted to at lea^fi 14,000 nien, besides the cuirassiers. To these we must add perhaps 8 or 10,000 artillerymen and cnti,ineers. The united numbers, taking the G«ard»at 30,0cK), will then make 137,000- men, but from which V:»e have to deduct the loss of tlie Guards" on the 16th, whkh suppose 2000, still leaves 135,060 men. The 3il and 4-ti) corps, counnanded by Yandammcand Girard,. were dispatclied under Grouchy, on the preceding evening, ta get ill the rear of the Prussian arm}', Tiiey had with them ^ "' a large corps of cavalri/,'"'* which must- have been above 7000, when we find that 5000 survived the saagniuary affair at Wavre, asid- the disastrous i*etreatfron> that place. These two corps wepe those whicli suflered most in the battle of Ligny, and, therefore, were not now near so strong as any of the rest;, as they must ccFtainly have lost 10,000 men on that day. Thus the reader will perceive that Bonaparte kept all his corps that were rrtost entire, or that had not previously suffered much, in order to iittack the British army, lor the corps of cavahy, dispatched under Grouchy, was also one of these which suffered most on the 16th. Over l)is whole position there was GO batteries of cannon, [Austrian OJJlcial RcjJGrt.), His front when extended to meet the Prussians, was above two miles and a hall^. With ren;ard to- the natural stKeno;th of the rospeciive positions, the reader, upoa turning to thd map, will perceive from the course of the rivers or rather rivulets, that the countvy occupied by the armies was the most elevated ground in tliose parts, and which rises from every quarter as you approacli it. The whole forms numerous ridges without any very pro- mineiit eminences. The vallics betwixt these are intersected with llavincs. For l)alf a league in advance of Waterloo the ground invariably, rises to Mount St, Jean. It is intersj^ersed as it rises with litlges-lilcc the waves of the sea, wave behind wave. At the right extremity of the front of this greatest ele- vation, is situated the farm house and cliateau called Hougo- rnont, or Chateau Goumont. Around the premises is a wall». and a wood of several acres consisting of young trees about 12 QT 11 feet in height. This wood is intersected with natural- « ■f Droucfs speech, Chamber of Peers, June 23d... 18 '.5- SD'l •fieil<^es and dltclies. In the centre of die eminence, occupied by the British army, is the village cf Mount St. Jean. " The Duke," said General de Boi'go, " placed his batteries on the elevated ridge, occupied the farm and the garden, and ranged his arn)y along the eminence, protected by it£ height froa^ tlic iire of the enemv.'"'* The whole position v.as beautiful without: beinf vcrv stronjv. " It wa.s vta'v ijood," said General Alava, *• but towards the centre it Iiad varioivs weak points, which fcquirod gooil troops lo guard them, and much iicience and skill on the part of the General in chief. Tliese qualifications were, however, to be found in abundance in the British troops and their illustrious Commander." The position occupied by the Prussians, at the close of the day, joined the British at Ter hi Hayc. From that plaoe the vidge wliich forms Mount St. Jean, turns first in a South and then in a South-west direc- tion by Frjschermont towards Plaiichenoit. Its front, opposite the French position, rose like an air.phitheatre in several swells or ridges each higher than the other, but all inferior in height to the chid' ridge. At their foot was a Viilley from whence die ground aoain rose in an elevated chain towards the posi- lion of the enemy. On the front oj^jposite, and nearly on simi- lar ground, with a vidley between the allies and them, and also between their centre and their right wing, the French army v/as posted. All these eminences were bristled \\ith artillery. The country around is generally open, groupesof trees only ap- pea.';ing behind Frisckermoiit, Planchenoit, INlon Plaisir, and near -the so much talked of Qbserv^r.tory. Several villages and tarm hoases rose amidst those fields, which were cultivated in thehigiiGst mianier, and covervJ chiefly with rye, atthis season of the yeai- in the utmost luxuriance of vegetiition. From the incessant raui ail the ground w^is very soft; and, in some new jjJowed iields, the, troops coukl not move without sinking to the calf of the leg. All the inhabitants had iled from the villages and hamlets for several miles round, except thegardner at Hougomont, and at the farm of Mount St. Jean, where, it is said, the farmer's wile remained throughout the day, locked iip in a garret, while the condiat raged with the utmost fury in the lower parts of the dweUing. In the rear of those mc- * Gen. dc-Bj-rso"; letter to Pnnre Wolkousky, (Uiissianofnci.i!.) 292 'Trnorable fields lies the vast forest of Soigny, consisting cliiofiy of beeches, extremely tall and beautiful. Through this forest for several miles, runs the great road from Brussels to the frontiers. In passing the position' which we have just de- scribed, the British General, on the preceding year, remarked that it was the spot which he should choose were he ever called upon to defend Brussels. Little did he at that moment ima- gine, that he should so soon be called upon to defend Brussels; and still less could he think that it would be aiiai.'tst such an enemy. Such was the ground and such were the positions of the mighty hosts, which at Waterloo contended for the fate of Europe. The shades of a short, but gloomy, rainy, and un-» comfortable night were past. The morning of the 18th (5//;^- day) dawned. Like the night it was cheerless and rainy. Dark and sullen clouds obscured the face of heaven, and black- ened the approach of this eventful and bloody day. No Sun of Austerlitz here shed his morning beams on those ranks, which looked upon such omens, as an infallible sign of victory. With the morning arose thousands who were destined never to see the dawn of another. Stiff, and almost motionless, from having slept in the open fields and under such deluges of rain, the officers and soldiers awoke, and began to prepare for battle. Yet in this deplor:ible situation, the only feeling which was uppermost in their minds, was, least they should i,iot be able to do their duty in the combat which was approaching. The rain continued. The day advanced. But " at nine o'clock," said the enemy, " the rain was somewhat abated."* Breaking through the masses of dark clouds which rolled along the at- mosphere, aibout ten o'clock the Sun made his appearance, and for a moment cast his enlivening rays over those fields, as j'et cheerful and bloodless. What a prospect he beheld, from Braine la Leude to the Dyle! With a dazzling lustre his beams were reflected, from the unsullied bayonets and glitter- ing helmets of 300,000 warriors, ready and eager for battle. " All dreadful glar'd the iron face of war, Bristled with upright spears, that flash'd afar; Dire was the gleam of breastplates, helms, and shields, Vlnd polished arms emblaz'd the flaming fields: * French official account of the battle of the 18th. 293 Tremendous scene! that general horror gave, But touched with joy the bosom of the brave."* At this moment the trumpet sounded the dreadful note of pre- paration. The troops under Wellington were in the act of preparing their breakfast when aid-de- caiyips passing throuo-h their ranks proclaimed that the enemy was moving. The allied troops stood to their arms. The British artillery moved to the front. The enemy advanced. Every thing was arrang- ed for attack — every thing prepared to repelll The armies brave. The leaders experienced, and famous throughout the world. The security of Europe and the general peace of man- kind depended upon the issue of their exertions. Before entering upon the terrible details of this day, it may not be unnecessary to state, for the better undei'standing the subject, that this battle may properly be divided into six great periods. The first was the impetuous attack upon the right, at Hougomont, which lasted from half-past 1 1 a. m. till 1 p. M. The second was the dreadful attack from the centre to the left, which lasted from 1 p. M. till 3. The third was the tremendous attack along the whole line, but severest towards the centre, which lasted from 3 p. m. till past 6. The fourth was the terri- ble attack made by Napoleon at the head of his Guards, which lasted from half-past 6 p. 3i. till 8. Included in these periods also is the murderous combat maintained by the Prussians a- gainst the French right wing. The fifth was the general at- tack upon the offensive, on the part of the allies, and the at- tempt of Bonaparte to resist it, which lasted from 8 p. M. till near 10. The sixth was the general route and pursuit, which last- ed from JO p. M. till near midnight, on the part of the British, and on the side of the Prussians all niglit. In each attack arose a multiplicity of sanguinary combnts. Each of these grand attacks were equal in their consequences, to combats which in other wars had decided the fate of empires; and taking the loss upon an average, each cost botii sides 20,000 men. Bonaparte, it is said, hurried on the contest, contrary to the advice of his best Offi- cers. This, however, is perhaps merely a French story put forth to throw the blame on him. But the troops like their Ic ider would brook no delay. The French masses formed ra- pidly. A terrible cloud of cavalry and cuirassiers hung oppo- * Pope's Hcmen Iliad, Book s-aii. lines d^a, &c. 29* Site ihc British right. From a deep column of infantry which vviis afterwards known to be composed of the Imperial Guard, and also ascertained to be the head-quarter.^, where Bonaparte himself .was stationed, numerous oflicers were seen, from time to time, passing to and fro m all directions. These w'ere carrying the necessary and the xlcfinitive orders. Imme- diately after this, Bona|iarte^:passed before the line, and addres- sed the troops in order to encourage them to^^reater exertions. He rem-inded them oftheir former victories. -He pointed out to them the consequences of defeat in the present instance. .He held out to them hqnouj's and.rewards. Ilepx-essed upon their minds the glory which they would gain by van(|uisliing the English, their ancient and most inveterate enemies, and the great cause of all the qpposition against them. He a«ked them if they would suffer the newly organized troops of Holland, Belgium, and the petty States of Germany, once their servants, to vanquish .them. He told them that the flower of the Brit- ish.army was all lost in America, and that it was only raw troops which Wellington had with him to oppose them.* Finallyjirj told, them that a rich reward for all their toils lay before them, and was within their grasp. Pie promised them tlieir plea- sure in, and the plunder of the capital <5f the .Netherlands. For, " to-night, said he, we shall be in Brussels." With such harangues, and such premises, did he stimulate his troops to lury. It was near eleven o'clock before the arrangeipents were .complete. What a moment! The armies, .for a second, survey- ed each other with deep attention. Behind their artillery, the allied army, formed in numerous squares, ranged similar to the men in a chess-board, presented a determined front to the enemy. The Frendi army was astonished, but not intim- idated, at the firm countenances of their adversaries. They had been led to believe that it would have been otherwise. They conceived, from the commencement of the retreat, that the British would no more attempt to make a stand before them; and, in their niinds, beheld them flying to their ships in shame and confusion. These ideas animated them in their advance, and encouraged them to proceed with indiscribable ardour. How much they were deceived, thepre- * See Lord Grey'b spct'clj, House of Lords, May "3d. — The idea wa:; not lost upon Bunuiianic. se5i-S appearances convinced them. Their leader was traiia- ported, when he beheld the British line determined to oppose him. " I have them then," said he, " these English." He calculated upon a complete triumph, and their annihilation. The French advanced in terrible masses. The allies stood in- close squares to receive them. The battle began; '"' Squadrons on squadrons cloud the dusky plain; 3Ien, steeds, and chariots, shake the trembling ground j The tumult thickens and the skies resound. And now with shouts the shocking armies clos'd, 'l"o lances lances, shields to shields oppos'd, Host against host with shadowy legions drew; 'Hie sounding darts in iron tempests flewj Victors and vanquisii'd join promiscuous cries; Triumphant shouts and dying groans arise; \\'ith streaming blood the slijip'ry fields are dy'd. And slaugliter'd heroes swell the dreadful tide."* Witii his usual showts, and one of his corps, the enemy attack- ed the post of Hougomont with the utmost fury. This place was occupied by a detachment of General Byng's brigade of guard.s, which was in position in its rear. For some time, the tlie wood and garden; when the combat, which had at the same time extended to the main body of the army which supported this post, " ceased for a moment at this point."f From this time, we liear no more of Prince Jerome's operations; who seems very soon to have got behind " a curtam" Worsted at this point, the enemy then made an attempt upon the left of the allied army, in order to gain the road to Brussels. He opened nn horrible fire, from upwards of 200 pieces of artillery, upon the line; under cover of which, Bonaparte, with his troops form- ed in two columns, made an attack upon the allied army from his centre to his right, and with such numbers, that it required the utmost skill of the British General to post his troops, and valour of the ti'oops to resist it. The attempt against HougO' mont was most severe; but " on this point," said Blucher, " he attacked viiibfurij" intending to throw the left wing of the al- lied army upon the centre, and thus effect its separation from the Prussian army. This attack, and the combat which ensu- ed in consequence thereof, was of the severest description. The Prench soldiers were ordered to carry the positions of their adversaries at the point of the bayonet. La Haye Sainte was^ the enemy's first object. It was assailed with the utmost vigour^ and as vigorously defended. Fresh battalions advanced to its support, fresh battalions to attack it. The place, though de- fended with the utmost obstinacy, was at last carried, after a sano-ninary contest, in which all its braVe defenders were cut to pieces. In one of these attacks, said the Duke of Wellington, the enemy penetrated to, and carried the farm house of La Haye Sainte, as " the detachment of the light battalion of the (German) legion, which occupied it, had expended all its ammuni- tion, and the enemy occupied the only communication there was w ith them.":}: While the combat raged with the utmost violence at La Haye Sainte, the columns of the enemy pressed forward * French official account of the battle of the 18th. | A lava's do. I Wellington's dispatch, June 19th, 1815. 297 against the whole body of the British left wing, directino' their efforts along all this part of the line, towards the villao-e of Mount .St. Jean. It was about one o'clock that the attack on the left became serious. Three columns of between three and -iOOO men each, and 40 pieces of cannon, advanced against the line on the left, where the Belgians were posted. The fifth di- vision, a brigade of heavy dragoons, and two brigades of artil- lery assisted them. The combat was severe. At the end of aw hour, the Belgian infantry, assisted by the terrible fire of the British artillery, for a moment arrested their progress. Short- ly after, the Belgians were obliged to give way. The 3d Roy- als and the 44th regiments were then sent to occupy the ground which the Belgians had abandoned. These troops, after the most gallant conduct and the greatest exertions, were in about half an hour forced to yield. The enemy had succeeded in getting to the hedge that ran in front of the position. At this moment, General Pack commanded the 92d to advance. *' You must charge," said he to them; " all these troops in your front; and do it your otive xvaij, " The troops answered by a loud eheer — they advanced with a firm countenance — the foe be- came panic slrucJc. They stood for a moment, looking stead- ily and with amazement, till the British were within a few yai'ds, when they turned to the right, and fled as fast as possible, throwing away their arms and knapsacks to enable them to escape. The Scots Greys followed, and did terrible execution. Nothing could resist them. But their own loss was severe. This great movement of the enemy, against the left, comprehended one of the severest attacks made by him durimj this tremendous day. Multitudes arose out of it alonjj this part of the line. "Count d'Erlon," said he, "attacked the village of Mount St. Jean, and supported his attack by 80 pieces of cannon, which must have occasioned the enemy much loss."* Much loss these occasioned, but the attack occasioned to himself much more. General Picton, who was with his di- vision on the road from Brussels to Charleroy, was amongst the first to advance and receive them. He resisted the attack of the enemy. He led this gallant body of infantry against them. At the point of the bayonet, they charged first the io- • French official dispatch, battle of the 1 Sth, -f F 10 293' fantry ntui then ihc cuviilry of their advcj'sarics. The comlVat here became close iind murderous; l)iit the intrepid bravery of tliis band of heroes, finally succeeded in jepellin*'- the ut- most strength of tlieir furious enemies-. The French troops ad- vanced in deep and solid columns, with loud cheers, and with the most perfect confidence in victory. They came on,, till the mus(juets of the opposing combatanta stood muzzle to muzzle — bayonet to bayonet. " A long refnlgoiit ro\r-. Whence hissing balls, incessant, rain below."* In the midst of a tremendous cannonade from botli armies,. General Kempt's brigade was ordered, by Picton, to charge. They advanced. The French soldiers turned from the fierce onset, but fell back steadily in close columns, sufferiun- at the same time a terrible loss. They were in some measure put to the sword, for a moment, without much resistance. In this furious onset by the enemy at this point, his country sustained an irrepairabb loss in the deatii of General Picton. He was mortally wounded while encouraging and leading his men to the cliarge. With his hat off, he was rallying mid animating some Belgian troops, when a musquet bail, passing through his right temjjle, penetrated to the skin on the opposite side, from whence it was cut out with a razor. He dropped, to the earth witliout uttering a word. His mighty spirit fled. Upon strip- ping the body, it was found that he had been severely wounded on the IGth, but which he had concealed. The wound was got into such a })utrid state that he could not have survived its ef- fects. On the nth of June only he had embarked from Eng- land, and on the 18th he fell in the cause of Europe, at Water- loo. The memorable heights of Mount St. Jean saw him yield his breath on the bed of glory and honour. Without of- fence to any one, he was, next to Wellington, the best ofR- cer in the service. Through all the most bloody and glorious days in the Peninsula, Picton still was foremost. His division was known, amongst friends and foes, by the name of the ^'' fighting division,'" and the ^^ right hand qf JVellington\' and the enemy dreaded them beyond all others. A nifemorable day, and a decisive field now saw him terminate an ho&ourable lite,, * Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xii. line 511, tjc. In all my quotdtions from Ho- mer, tJis words in Italics, are altered from the oWgiua), as here, " balls" for " dai-ts." 299 spent in the cause of his countiy. When he left England, ' tiC had a presentiment that he should never returri; but "when vou hear of my death," said he to a friend, " you will hear of a blood V dav." The bloodiest it was in the annals of modern historv. " He fell in the combat," said his illustrious com- .mander, " :o:hich repelled the most serious attack made upon our position."* In the strong language of the brave General Ala- va, " he was, nnfortunateiy, killed at the moment when the enemy, .appalled hi) the attitude of his division, J'red, and then fed."f Can any language be stonger? can a greater tribute be paid to Picton's memor}', or a fairer wreath encircle his tomb? The attacks of the enemy, how-e\er, were reiterated with fresh troops and increased fury. The infantry having failed, the cavalry were brought forward " Sometimes these at- tacks were carried on by infantry and cavalry intermixed, and sometimes solely hij the latter.X' in those, however, made at this period of the day, both were employed. They were resist- ed in a similar manner. " All our efforts," said the enemy, ** were upon the Plateaux."^ His most desperate attempts, and these were numerous, to drive the British from their posi- tions at the village of Mount St. Jean, were 'ineffectual. The column which advanced toward it was most formidable, and the struggle most desperate- To oppose it, the Duke himself led on the infantr}', and the Earl of Uxbridge the cavalry. || Theseconsisted of die lifeguards, Istdragoon guards, I'oyal horse guards, ScotsGreys and the 6th, or Enniskillen, dragoons. Ma- jor General Sir ^^illiam Ponsonby led the charge at the head of the latter regiment, which cut down every thing before them. The ei>emy's troops were overthrown with great loss. The .4'9th and 105th regiments (French) were broken, and lost their eagles and a standtuxl, and from 2 to 3000 prisoners.'! It is impossible, said an eye witness, to give you any idea of the field of battle iiiter the charge. It was literally covered with the dead and mortally w'ounded. The colours of the 105th were a present from the Ex -Empress Maria Louisa. The eagle of the 4-5th was most superbly gilt, and inscribed * Wellington's dispatch, June 1 9th. * Alava's official dispatch, June 20tb. \ Wellington's dispatch, June 19th- . § French official account of the 16th. jj General de Borgo's official dispatch. % Alava's official account. 300 with the names of Austerlitz, Jena, Eylau, Fricdland, ancl Wagram. In the struggle to take it, it was much tarnished, and covered with blood and dirt. It was a Serjeant Ewart of the Scots Greys who captured this trophy; and in effecting which, lie first killed the bearer, then a lancer, and, lastly, a foot soldier, who, at the moment, successively attacked him. The enemy fairly admits the serious effects of this charge. Of that part of the force under de Erlon, " another brigade," said he, " was charged by a corps of English cavalry, which occa- sioned it much loss. At the same moment, a division of Eng- lish cavalry charged the battery of Count de Erlon, by its right, and disorganized several pieces."* It was at this point, and during these charges, that the brave Sir William Ponsonby fell. Sir William's body was found pierced by seven lances. In retiring from a charge, his horse stuck in a deep field. The ^nemy were again advancing. Finding it impossible to escape from a column of lancers, he alighted, and was in the act of giving to his aid-de-camp, his watch and a picture, in order that these memorials might be delivered to his wife and family, \vhen the lancers came up. Both were cut to pieces in an in- stant; but, the brigade which this brave man conmiandcd af- terwards amply revenged his death, by nearly annihilating these lancej's. In Sir William Ponsonby, his country sustain- ed a severe loss. He was a brave, an active, and an intel- lio-ent officer; and certainly one of the briyhtest ornaments-' of his profession. The cannonade at tliis moment, on both sides, was terrible. The French artillery, which was well serv- ed, vomited forth terrible showers of grape shot, which made frightful chasms in all the left of the British line, which, never- theless, remained firm and immoveable. The British artillery did even greater execution. It cut to pieces the masses of the enemy's infantry and cavalry as they advanced. The French, exasperated at the loss which they sustained, attempted to charge the guns with their cavalry, but they were never able to reach them. In this strife, the artillerymen stood at their guns as long as they couldj and then retired under the bayonets of the infantry. As soon as the French cayalry were driven back, they returned to their guns, and gave them a parting salute, * French official account of the baltle of tlip lSt}> 501 X)urlng all this first terrible struggle, on the left, the scene, said a triend 'vi'ho was present, was indescribably grand, and ttrrific. The atmosphere, for sometime, was heavy and tempestuous,whicU prevented the smoke, occasioned by the cannon and musquetrj', from rising; and while both armies fought under these gloomy clouds, they served to conceal the advance of the columns of the French infantry till they were close at hand. Hence tlie nrospect was more terrific. The cries of the wounded and dy- iiifr — the thunder of the artillery — the vollies of musquetry — . the bursting of shells — the noise occasioned by Congreve's rockets — the fury of the combatants — the cries of " Vive i" Einpcreiir" on the one side, and o? J'ivc le Hoi, and the Brit- ish huzza, intermixed with the loud cheers " of Scotland for ever," from the other side, formed a scene which beggars all description. " which general horror gavtv But touch'd with joy the hosom of the hrave." Tl •' shot from the French artillery passed over the line of the British guns, and fell into the squares of infantry behind them, and occasioned a great loss to several regiments, without their having been at all engaged. In this situation several of the regiments expressed the greatest impatience, when the com- mander-in-chief appeared near them, to be allowed to charge the enemy. But this his superior judgment prevented. " Not yet," replied their chief, to these earnt; t solicitations — " not yet, my brave men, but you shall have at them soon: firm a little longer; we must not be beat; what would thev sav in Eiii:- land?"!" The French army was also similarly situated with regard to the tremendous fire of their anta^-onists. Manv of the rockets, in particular, carried destraction to a great dis- tance, passed over the front lines, and fell amidst the equi- page which was placed behind on the road, which render- ed it indispensibly necessary to remove the train to a greater (distance. Though repulsed in every onset, and notwith- standing the loss winch the enemy had sustained, his immense superiority in point of numbers enabled him to persevere. Fresh troops were brought forward to re-enforce those which .were discomfited. Each new column advanced with enthusi- ,0 * Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xvi. line 138. f Prince of Orange's official dispatch, June 22d. I Most of tire par^culais in this peg? I-had frpm an officer who \vas on the spot. ^, SI 2 already on the advance; and, putting liimselfat the head of th«: 1st corps, he hastened to the field of battle.* The cross roads in tliat part of the country through which tliey had to pas.s, were, from the late incessant rains, almost imjiassable. It was iialf past eleven o'clock before the 1th corps arrived at St. Lambert, whither it was immediately followed by the 2d corps. It was half past four o'clock when the advanced divisions of the Prussian army recruited in numbers, and unbroken in spirit, began to appear, " spreading" themselves upon all the right flank of the French army, and tl. • .'ateninor the rear. The enemy, from this moment, liad no alternative. Victory alone could preserve his fame — perhaps save the remainder of his army. That too must be achieved in a manner that would se- parate the armies of Wellington and Biucher. He continued his exertions. He redoubled his efforts, but without effect. He now perceived that he had fruitlessly lost five hours, " and that in the critical situation in which he was placed, there rr- ■maincd no other resource but that of desperately attacking the weak part of the British position, and thus, if possible, beating the Duke before his right was turned and attacked by the Prus- sians."f This he attempted, but failed. Yet. even in this si- tuation, it is plain that he still had the strongest hopes of com- pletely succeeding in his daring design. " These English," said he, " are devils: yet, though they fight bravely, they must give way soon." Soult, however, who had some cause to know these devils better, told him that such an event as their eivinir way was not probable. " And why not?" said Napoleon, peev- ishly. " Because," said Soult, <' they will rather be cut to pieces." His master continued, however, to think otherwise. As late as six o'clock in the afternoon, he was still confident of a complete and a decisive victory. Notwithstanding the delay which he had already experienced, he observed, jesting, that ♦' he should yet be in Brussels time enough for supper." In •vain ho was told that the troops had all been engaged, and were becoming dispirited and exhausted. Forward ! forward ! was all the answer could be obtained — Attack and cut to pieces the English, at the point of the bayonet, was his constant com- mand. He relied much upon the diveraion which he suppos- * EsrI Bathurst, House of Lords, June 22d, | Alava's dispatch. 313 ed Groucliy and Vandamme were making in the Prussian reap. He clung eagerly to this dangerous expectation. In tlie mean- time, the Prussian army began to arrive in the position allotted to it on the enemy's right. The badness of the roads, but par- ticularly the difficulties experienced in passing the defile of St* Lambert, had retarded its march some hours. When near five o'clock, only two brigades of the 4th corps had arrived at the coveivd position which was assigned to them. " But the de- cisive moment," said Bluchcr, " was come; not a moment was to be lost."* The Generals were determined not to let it e- scape, and resolved to commence the attack with what forces were come up. Bulow, accordingly, advanced rapidly with this •force upon the enemy's right wing. About five o'clock, said the Austrian official report, the first cannon shot was fired from the heights of Aguiers, from whence the Prussians advanced to- wards Planchenoit, against the extreme right of the French re- serve, or 6th corps. " The enemy," said Blucher, " did not lose his presence of mind."f He had been aware of a move- ment of this description by part of the Prussian army, and had endeavoured to guard against it. From a letter intercepted on the preceding evening, the enemy had learned, that 15,000 Prussians, as he states, were to arrive on his right. This, from the number, seems to have been the remainder of the 1st corp?^ commanded by Blucher in person. The rest of the force he seems not to have thought of; and, no doubt, considered that Bulow and the remainder would be fully occupied with Grouchy, " This movement was foreseen," said Bonaparte, ** and Count Lobau, with the reserves, was ordered to meet it.":}: A sangui- nary contest immediately commenced at this place. " He in- stantly turned his reserve against us," said Blucher, *' and a mur- derous conflict began at this point."§ Severe and murderous it certainly was; and, considering the length of time from its com- mencement to its close, it was equally sanguinary as any On that bloody field. The loss of Bulow's corps, consisting of up- wards of 6000 men, sufficiently indicates the extent of the slaughter. The Prussians fought with uncommon courage, and the most dreadful animosity. The conduct of the French • Bluchcr's official dispatch of the battle of the 18th. + Do. do 4 French official account of do. § Prussian do. do. E R 10 S14 fo tlieir comrades, on ihc iGth, had rousctl their utmost angc/; and the tarnish which their arms liaci sustained on that (hiy, vhey were resolved, if possible, to wipe away. They ntshed in- to elose eombat with their formi amounted to 30,000 men, and were still further to l>e increased by the ren:>ainder of the 2d corps. Bonaparte, without relintjuishing bis object irr front, found it necessary to re-enforce the troops opposed to the Prussians-, Pie accordi»gly sent General Duhesnie with the young gOardj and several battalions of the reserve, to this part of the line; and, ay he woiwd have us Vjelieve, with succees. ^* The enemy," said he, " were by this means kept in check, re- pulsed, and fell back: lie had exhausted his force?, and we had nothing n)ore to fear."f . The Pru«isians may hav'e been, while yet few in numbers, obliged to recede till joined by their com- rades; but, vmfortnivntely for the enemy, their having exhaust- ed their forces was not the fact. Bat it was necessary for him to make some excuse for the extreme folly of his conduct, irr pursuing with such obstinacy his attempts in front, while utter destruction hovered in his rear. Accordinff to the French offi- cial account, it was this moment that was indicated for an at- * Pope's Homer. Iliad, Kook xv. line SCO, &c. f French official account ol' the battle of the 18th, 3Iii iLck upon thetreutye of Mount St. Jean, and which, as wc have ah'eady noticed, was made by the enemy, and proved like all the previous attacks, unsuccessful. Only the 4th corps, under- Bulow, had as yet come up. Blucher, with the 1st corps, as he was app/cuiching the scene ot' action, received, about six o'clock .in the aliei-nocn, intelligence from Thielman that lie had been attacked, and was hard pressed at Wavre by a form- idable force oi" the eneniy, and " who w^^re already disputing with him the possession of the town."* Notwithstanding, tiiat ins VQav was thus threatened, and with superior tbrces, Biucher, with that presence of mind which characterizLS a great Gene- ral, turned his attention to the more imj>or-taiit objects in front; sensible that if tiie danger at this point \\as removed, that which menaced Wavre v.ould give him no uneasiness. " The Field Marsliiil did not suiter himself to be -disturbed by this Jiews; it was on -the spot where he was, .a7id 7W where else, that ti:e affair was to be decided- "f He, therefore, directed General Thielman to i\o the best that he could, and not to lock t j him for any immediate assistaujce. And wliat does Europe— ^what t they have still had to sustain ironi those iierce spirits which Prussian bravery laid low? The mind trembies to reflect upon wliat might have been the conaeqjiences ]jad Bluchtr even -h/jsitated. Thanks to his undau.nted soul, which banisiied doubts or tears froiu jijs bosonu I leinarched for- ward. The coiuiuns whei'e tlie General-in-cliief vv;:s, eontniu- cd their uiovemen:;; iu advance, and pre&sed the riglit wing of the French armv cloter anti closer* and, while absailioii' its ilank, they ako ihreiitened its rear. Yet still it ilood firm — still the combiit rii^ed — stiii it reniuiiied undecided. \Mii!e things were going oi; in this manner at this point, Thiehhan, thus left to iiimtelf, maintained an obstinate and bloody struggle at \Vavre. We must not omit this part of the subject. It formed a jiart, and no mean part, of the battle of Wateiloo. It has been but too little attended to. Thielmao * Prassian official accouct cf the baUlc of the IStU. | Do do. 316 might be the words which once more, amidst blood and death, nerved their arm;^ to battle. They heard — they obeyed. — " He put himself at their head — made them return to the charge,"^, with greater fury than before. " Revives their ardour, turns their steps from flight; And wakes anew the dying ilames of fight. They turn, they stand. "4 He arrested the torrent — " he restored the combat, exposing himself to every personal danger."++ The nature of the ground was such that to obtain a full view of the enemy there was no- * Prussian official account of the 18th + A lava's official account. % Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xii. verses 522 and 527.- § Alava's official account. || Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xiii. lino 205. .5^ Alava's official account. \ Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book v. line 207, &c. -t* Alava's official account of the 1 Sth. 5!2I avoiding the iraminent risks which this great man ran at cUis moment, and indeed during the whole day. Nor did he ^ish lo avoid danger: No! wherever that was greatest — wherever the enemy pressed fiercest — wherever the troops stood most in need of encouragement or support, there he was found. No- thing escaped him. Who fell, who ibught, and who fled, came under his immediate observation. " His piei-cing eyes through all the battle stray." With his telescope in his hand, in the midst of every dano-er, he stood and surveyed the extent of that dreadful field, with as much calmness and self-possession, as an astronomer would view the satellites of Jupiter. His eye beheld every thing. — While the motions of the enemy were yet in embryo he fore- stalled them, and through the dark columns of smoke, that concealed their advance, he anticipated every movement of th^ foe. Like the genius of the storm, upborne on its wings, he was seen riding about, repelling the attack of conflicting elements, and directing his thunders to burst, where these could be most fatal. Yet most fortunately he escaped unhurt. Without armour, he traversed this dreadful field; where death, in a thousand grim shapes, met every footstep: — he, Withont '* a shield, Plies all the troops and orders all the field. As the red star now shewd his sanguine tires Thro' the dark clouds, and now in night retires; Thus thro' the ranks appear'd the Godlike man, Plung'd in tlie rear or blazing in the van; While streaming sparkles, restless as he flies, Flash from his arms as light'ning from the skies."* Although the fc^eign troops acted with the greatest resolution, and fought with the greatest ardour; yet it was not to be ex- pected that many of these, who, as yet, had never witnessed a contest of this kind, could stand against the flower of the French troops, led against them by consummate skill, antl in overwhelming numbers. Of this the Duke was well awai'e; and therefore, said General de Borgo, " he took the precau- tion to support each body of them by English infantry, all disposed in such a manner as to be able to succour the point threaU- ened" This rendered every thing as secure as possible, and saved this important day. Yet all these troops conducted * Pope's Homer, Iliad, Book xi, lines 81 — S8. 8 S 11 322 tiiemselves most admirably. They were forced to "yield at times to the pressure against them— they sufi'ered severely, but stiil returned to the combat with cheerfulness. A battalion of Hanoverians, under Colonel Von Omptcda, repelled a formi- dable column of the enemy, in one of his terrible attempts to break throuidi the centre. The Prince of Oran^jre and the Belgian troops conducted themselves with the greatest gallan- try, being in that part of the line which Bonaparte attacked in person."* It was in this attack that the Prince was wounded by a ball in the left shoulder. The Nassau, troops also fought bravely. The whole encouraged by the British, endeavoured to rival their fame. It was only at tlie point in the British posi- tion we have mentioned, that fortune for a moment seemed to beam favourably for Napoleon, but which was speedily clouded^ Every other part of the British line resi*ted the enemy's rage. In some places they approached within 4-0 paces, and in others 20 yards, ot the British artillery. But they could come no iar- ther. The fire of the artillery was so dreadful and destructivcy and thesquare&ofthe British so firm, that they turned and aban- doned their object in terror and dismay. The first volley from the British line made them halt — the second stretched hund- reds on the ground — and the load cheer and advance of the British coknnns made them take to their heels, while the route and extent of their columns could be traced from the dead and wounded, and from the footsteps of blood. The charge of the heavy cavalry was so impetuous and severe, that these troops absolutely rolled back the French ranks to a. considerable distance, throwing men. and horses, iopsy turvy^ Terror and contusion became general in their ranks. " The fugitives," said the enemy, " re crossed the ravine."f Till this moment the ranks that were laid open and swept away by the artillery had been instantly replaced and chased up with the greatest coolness. But the men could do so no lonajer. The bri- gade of British artillery, attached to the 2d division, fairly tuimed them when at the distance of twenty yards. The 1st brigade of Guards, and a Dutch brigade, under Lord Saltoun, I'eceived them with such a fir. that those who escaped took to * Hanoverian oflScial dispatcb, | French do. S2S tlicir lieek. In a few seconds 300 of them covered the ground at till? point. Before the 92d, 4'2d, and regiment of dcots Greys, the f^round was covered with dead. The 92d, at this time reduced to less than 200, dashed forward at tlie point of the bayonet into a column of the Imperial Guards, almost ten times their number; and followed and supported by the Greys, who cheered them to the charge, with huzzas of Scotland forever, tiearly cut the whole to pieces. At this point lay 1000 dead. In front ot the Brunswick ti'oops arose a dreadful breast-work of carnage. The Sons of Caledonia here once more did their duty. " The repeated charges of the old Guard," said Blucher, " were baffled by the intrepidity of the Scotch regiments."* In this attack the dead of the French Guards, witliout exag- geration, lay in sections, men and horses together. From this moment the spirit of the French soldier was fairly broken; and afterwards, in some instances, the Officers were seen fighting despa-at€ly unsupported by the men. Their Vive V Empereurs were silenced. Sorrow, shame, and terror, chained their ton^jues. After an amazing carnaije, and the loss of almost all their cavalry, the French army were again driven back at all points, retiring from the last rude siiock *'m co7ifr,sionJ' A shout of joy ran along the British lines at perceiving the last effort of their foes recoil before them. At the same mom.ent, said an eye witness, the sun, which through the day, had generally been clouded, bilrst forth with splendour, and shed his setting rays over those fields, as an auspicious omen to proceed. Thus tei-minated the last dreadful effort, which the ericmy had it in his power to make against the British line. While we admire the unprecedented bravery and firmness with which it was withstood, we at the same time cannot help feeling pain and anxiety for the situation ot alFairs at tins moment. These were indeed. criticaL Mctory hung in the balance in such a manner, that to all appearance a grain would have turned the scale. Although tire enemy had suffered out of all proportion, still his vast su})eri()rity of numbers, at ihe outset, left hi:n yet equal if not superior to the army under Wellingtoji, and the troops under Bulow. To this moment also, the ^-'russian Gen- * Prussian ofEcLiI accouat of the ISth. S24 eral had been able to make no impression on the French army opposed to him. Besides, this his force, at the moment when Bonaparte made his last attack, was completely separated from Wellington. The enemy, calculating that the force under Bulow was the whole with which the Prussians would be able to assail him, took immediate measures not only to meet hin), hut prevent his junction with the British General. Bulow knew well, that assistance was marching from another quarter to complete the line; and, therefore, continued to extend his force towards the chaussee of Genappc, in the rear of the enc- 2ny. Bonaparte immediately threw forward some masses of infantry upon Ter la Haye, Pappelotte, and Frischermont, and made himself master of these places,* by which he in fact separated the armies. This took place before the last attack, and was effected by the movement, wherein he says he sent " two battalions of the middle guard to keep them- selves en poience, upon the extreme left of the allied troops which manoeuvred upon his flank."f The advance of Blucher, however, with the 1st corps, by the route of Ohain, which he had not calculated upon, quickly re-opened the communication in that quarter. The head of this corps reached Ter La Haye soon after seven o'clock, and immediately attacked and drove the enemy from these points, and com- pletely opened the communication between the British army and the 4tli corps.:}: At this extremity of the allied line were stationed the troops of Nassau^ whose uniforms were so much like those of the French that the Prussians mistook the former for the latter, attacked them with the utmost fury, and drove them from their post, before discovering their error, § At this mo- ment, when Bonaparte made his last attack, according to the Austrian official report, the extraordinary loss of men had compelled the Duke of Wellington to bring his reserves into iine, and to v.'ithdraw his artillery into the second position.]] Things were tlius, no doubt, serious, and the pressure against the British lines most severe, at the time the enemy made the last effort and failed in it. But immediately afterwards, the ar- rival of Blucher in line enabled the Duke to follow a course * Austrian official account ©f the I8th. ^ Trench do. do do. t Austrian do. do. do. § Letter of Prince -Bernhard of Saxe Weimar to his father, June 19th, 1815. [| Austrian official account. I S25 more congenial to tlie feelings of liLi troops than acting on the defensive. Bonaparte with grief, beheld the field of battle covered with the bodies of his best troops, and on the exertions of whom was placed his firmest and his last reliance. Nc}-, who had witnes- sed many murderous battles, declared that he had never witnes- sed such a scene of carnage as the field at this moment exhibited. The humanity of the British soldier, wliich is such an honoura- ble and a conspicuous feature of his character, was completely exhausted, not by the resisrtance, but by the dishonourable and perfidious conduct of their foes. It is a fact, which has been related to me by one who saw it, that when the French soldi- ers were sent to the rear, in the hurry of those charges in which they were taken, that they turned and fired upon the backs of those whose faces they trembled to behold, and to whose hu- manity they owed their life. They also tried very dishonour- able means after surrendering, to effect tlieir escape; and when they saw danger approaching their captors, they stood sullen meditating their escape, and refused to move, in consequence of which many lost their lives. The British army, in place of giving way, as Bonaparte had fondly anticipated, were prepar- ing to act on the offensive. The fire of the French soldier was fast drooping into darkness. To re-animate it, Bonaparte had recourse either to a direct falsehood, or else he must have been grievously and culpably ignorant of his situation. He circulat- ed amongst the fainting troops, the news that Grouchy was, at the moment when he began to lead on his guard, overwhelming the Prussian rear. At seven in the evening," said Ney, " after the most dreadful carnage I ever witnessed. General Labodeyero came to me with a message from the Emperor, that Marshal Grouchy had arrived on our right, and was attacking the left of the united English and Prussian army."* This General (Labodeyere) continued he, circulated this intelligence to ani- mate the troops. This was a manoeuvre purely in the tactique of Napoleon, and was certainly circulated purely for the pur- pose of deception: for it i& hardly credible that Bonaparte could really be ignorant of what troops these were, which were ad- '■ancing against his " extreme right." * Ncy's ktter to Fouche, L'^'th June. S26 More than eiglit hours had now passed, filled up by incessant attacks and continual slaughter. " yet still proceeds The work of death; and still the battle bleeds."* Of those who were by the side of the Duke of Wclh'ngton, on- ly himself and General Alava escaped unhurt in their persons, or in their horses.f Around him, and before every footstep, the brave companions of his former glory strewed the ensan- guined field. The manly heart of Wellington could no longer support the melancholy scene. He burst into tears — tears moulded by ihe finest feelings of a gallant heart. " The Duke," said General Alava, " was unable to refrain from shed- ding tears, on witnessing the death of so many brave and hon- ourable men, and the loss of so many friends and faithful com- paniong."t It was at this important and decisive moment ihat the veteran Blucher joined with a corps of his army by Chain, and that the march of General Bulow by Frischermont upon Planchenoit and la Belle Alliance had begun to take cftect. The whole of the 4th, and part of the 2d Prussian corps, the latter under General Pvich, had successively come up, attack- ino- as they arrived with the greatest impetuosity. It was this force which Ney says attacked " the extreme right;" and, according to him, was from 40 to 50,000 strong. They were certainly the former. Bonaparte's account of these operations are very curious, very deficient, and very lame; and whil,e they con- tain some important truths, these are so clouded and blended with falsehoods, that it requires some patience and attention to separate them. As the cuirassiers suffered much from the grape shot, " we sent," said he, " four battalions of the middle guard, (Ney says four regiments) to protect the cuirassiers, keep the ])osition, and, if possible, to disengage and draw back part of our caval- ry." Two other battalions were sent to keep themselves, *' en pote}ice," (literally in form of a gallows) upon the extreme left of the allied troops, which manoeuvred upon his flanks, in order that he might not have " any uneasiness upon that side." The rest was disposed in reserve; a part to occupy the rear of Mount St. Jean, and part upon the 2)lateaux, in the rear of the field of ♦ Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book x\'ii. lines 853, &c. f A lava's official dispatch, June 20tl), \ Do. do. S27 battle, which formed the position for " retreat^ " In this si- tuation," continued he, '• the battle was ffa/;z^f/; we occupied all the positions which the enemy occupied at the outset of the battle; our cavahy having been too soon and too ill employed, we could no longer hope for decisive success;" but " Marshal Grouchy having learned the movement of the Prussian corps, marched upon the rear of that corps, which insin-ed tis a signal success Jbr next day. After eight hours fire and charges of in- fantry and cavalry, all the army saiv ixith joy the battle gained, and the Jield of battle in our poxjcer."* He then proceeds to state, that at half past eight o'clock these battalions endeavoured to take a battery at the point of the bayonet, but in which thev were unsuccessful, and compelled to return in disorder, before the charge of the English cavalry, at the end of the dav. Such is the lame and deceitful account of those tremendous opera- tions, which decided the battle of Waterloo, and fate of Napo- leon. Unparalleled effrontery! to claim a decisive victory, and the occupation of all the field of battle, when, except La Haye Sninte, he occupied none of it. Wretched subterfuge! to look forward to decisive success for next day, in order to palliate the fatal errors of a remorseless ambition in this. Decisive success was no longer within his grasp, neither for that day nor the day following. No! that was fled to a greater distance from liim than the narrow limits of Elba, or the more cUstant bor- ders of Asia. The hour of the deliverance of Europe was struck. The limits of French power, and the doom of French aggression was determined. It was a dreadful hour. Even the firm nerves of Napoleon began to shake — his resolution to waver. ' Some uncertainty," said Blucher, " was seen in his move- ments."! Hitherto the British army and their allies had act- ed on the defensive. From this moment, another course was resolved upon. Though only one to two, they had, for eight hours, resisted all the efforts of the enemy; but could his boast- ed battalions, for one hour, resist them? The sequel will shew us. He opened, indeed, a tremendous cannonade along the line; but this was only intended as a feint to cover his rt treat. * French official account of the battle of the ISth, f Prussian do. S28 Some cannon at a distance, it was observed, were beginninfr t» move off to the rear. These things could not escape the keen glance of Wellington. He soon perccivc^l this uncertainty in the movements of the enemy — he knew their cause; and was sen- sible of their object. He perceived that the enemy's troops retired from the last attack " in great conftmon."* That critical moment, big with the fate of nations, and which decided the fortune oi millions, was arrived. Wellington beheld with satisfaction the firm and determined advance of the Prussians against the riirht t)f the enemy, 'i'heir cannon formed one tremendous roar, from Ter la Have to Planchenoit. "There goes old Blucher at last, and like himself," exclaimed the delighted General. With the eye of the eagle when in search of his prey, he perceived that decisive victory was his. He saw Napoleon's laurels withering upon his brows. With his characteristic decision and energy, lie seized that fortunate moment. That decision which de- stroyed the wisest combinations at Salamanca — which scatter- ed French invincibility on the banks of the Zadora; and which was the first to plant the British banners on those " proud lieights" which overlooked the ^ fertile vallies" of their foes, was immediately called into action with a tremendous and a decis- ive success. The spirit of the British soldier, which strict o- bedience had hitherto restrained — those ranks which, as their great leader passed through them, in the hour of peril, greet- ed him with this noble language " on the spot wherp you have placed us we will stand till we die"f — that courage which the as- cendancy and superior prudence of their mighty commander could barely at some moments restrain — and whose blood was warmed with an ardour which nothing could resist, was from this moment let loose uncontroled, and given its full latitude. Obe- dience was as prompt, as the command was decided. The eager solicitation which greeted his Lordship's ears wherever he ap- peared, " Let us at them, my Lord, let us down upon them," now was completely gratified. Their leader put himself at the head of a division of the first regiment of foot guards. He addressed them with an ascendency and feeling which quickly communi- cated itself to them. He pointed out to them the road to im^- • Wellington's dispatch, June 19th. \ Sir Colin Kalket's reply to his Grace, ^9 mortal glory, and to decisive success. " Have at them then, my brave men I Dov^n upon tbem!" While, like Hector, he perhaps also told them, , " ♦' Death is, at Avorst, a fate which all must try ; And for our country 'tis a bless to die The gallant man, tliough slain in fight he be. Yet leaves his nation safe, his children free."* *' They replied," said Alava, " with a general hurrah! antl ■whrle his Grace himself led them on, guiding them "joifh his hat, they marched at the point of the bayonet, to come to close ac- tion with the Imperial guard."f But these fled from the fierce onset. At the same moment, the whole British line was com- manded to advance. Though after nine hours of the severest fighting ever known, the allied soldiers rushed like lions to the combat. The attack was simultaneous, tremendous, and irresist- ible. At every point their line swept the field of battle. " Heaps fall on heaps, the slaughter" VdVsley " leads. Swift as a whirlwind drives the scatter'd foes, And dyes the ground with purple as he goc*."^ The bravest of their foes fell before them in ranks. They march-* ed over hills of dead, and through rivers of blood. The artillery rapidly followed their career. In bringing the guns up to the front, notwithstanding every care and attention, many wounded were crushed by the wheels, while otiiers were seen holding out their hands, and supplicating that they might not be suffered to run over them. But so thickly was the field covered with wounded, that, in every instance, it was impossible to avoid it. Infinitely worse was the condition of many of the French wounded, who were crushed to death both in the general con- fusion and flight of their whole remaining army over them, and also by the advance of the allies. Fear and flight, pressed the French army. Their numerous artillery poured forth de- struction no longer — their boasted armour could screen the cuirassiers no more. The former became the prize of the conquerors, in the batteries where they stood; and the latter were precipitated headlong from their horses and trampled to death. " We crushed them like lobsters in their shells," was the rough, but just, simile of an eye witness to this dreadful * Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xv. line 582, &c. f Alava's official dispatch, f Pope's Homer. Ilkd, Book v. line 658, &c. t T li 330 scene. The French troops were literally thrmvn batkwavil^ heels o'er head ; rank upon rank, aiul eolun)n upon column, " Whole squadrons vanish, and proud heads lie low. The steeds fly, trembling, from his waving sword; And many a car, now lighted of its Lord, "Wide o'er the field with guidlcss fury rolls, Breaking their ranks, and crushing out their souls."* The French soldiers could bebrouirhtto face the British hcroei no more. They lied in the " ictmost co^ifusion,''-\- said the Brit- ish General. " Kntirc columns," said General Alava, " threw down their arms and cartouch boxes, in order to escape the better," and " abandoned on the spot where they had been formed, 150 pieces of cannon, and all their ammunition and equipages to the conquerors.":]: So impetuous and furious was this attack, that alt idea of quarter, on either side, was, for son)e time, out of the question. The contest thus became a perfect massacre. The French Guard refused to yield, though called upon to do so, and were, therefore, nearly exterminated. The few who escaped fled to the rear, carrying with them disorder and confusion. At the same moment, the Prussian corps under Zeithen, with which old Blucher was, charged the right flank of the enemy near the village of Smouhen. His right wing was broken in three places. The Prussian troops rushed forward at the pas dc char^^e^ and attacked them at all points with irre- sistible fury. The battle at tliis point also, was, for a considera- ble lime, most furious and most sanguinary. Olficers of all ranks exposed themselves like the meanest soldier. Gneisenau, the chief of Blucher's staff, had first one horse killed by a can- non ball, and then anodier twice wounded by musquet balls. His sabre was once beat out of the scabbard, and once shot io pieces. Previous to the engagement, Bonaparte had car- ried along with him a farmer of the name of Lacoste, as a guide, to point out to hhn the country. This man relates, that when Bona})arte saw the Prussian troops advancing, and sup- posing them to be the troops of Grouchy, he desired an officer to inform him whose colours these were that advanced towards ihe right? " Prussian," was the reply. It struck him like the * Pope's ilomcr. Iliad, book xi. line 206', &c. \ Wcliingtori's dispatch, June I9tli. \ Ahua's dispatcb. 531 iiestl of ]\Itx'iusa. A deathlike paleness, for a moment, over- spread his countenance, und angnisli rung iiis licart. This attack of the Prussians was never mentioned by Bonaparte. lie felt sore at having committed himself so tar as to place his army in such a situation. Let us, for a moment, attend to his account of these matters. We have already noticed fiis account of three battalions of the middle guard, at half past eight o'clock, attempting to carry an English battery at the point ot^'the bay- onet. The consequence of which attempt was, *' that, at the close of the day, a charge, directed against their flank, by some j-^iiglish squadrons, jnit them in disorder. The fugitives re- crossed the ravine."* But not a word of the Prussians. H(nr- e\"er, these had broken his right wing at Smouhen; and Bulow was fiercely contending for possession of Planchenoit, in his rear. The British poured destruction into his centre and his left. Con- fusion marched with giant strides, " Several regiments near at hand," said he, " seeing some troops belonging to the guard in confusion, believed that it was the old guard, and, in conse- quence, fled m disorder. The cry, all is lost, the guard is driven back, .was heard on ever}' side."f In vain Bonaparte made a strong effort, by bringing up sotne battalions of the old guard, which had not vet been eniracred, to arrest the fliorlit of the fum- tives- It was useless. Intimidated by the confusion around them, overpowered by^ the recoiling friend and advancing foe, they soon yielded to the alarming torrent. It was at this point where, for some time, it was supposed that the Emperor had been cither killed or tak-«i. But he was borne along with the rest. Without disguise — without hope. There Gallia's soldiers turn tlieir backs for flight; There Gallia's "Jeador shuns th' unequal fight. t On this side all order was lost. Ail commands disregarded. Emperor, Princes, Generals, Officers and soldiers fled in dismay, and in the utmost alarm and terror. The soldiers of the waggon train cut the traces of their horses — the artillery- men fled from their jruns — the oflirers of the hi<:hest rank were luirried away, and los^t in the cnnvd; and not a single battal- ion existed, behind which anr^her could rally. In less than half an hour, all the materiel of the arniv fell into the hands of the French official account of the baftk cf the IStfa. f Bo, do. 532 'allies. The enemy learned at this moment, by fatal cxperiencCf that the cavalry had been too soon and too ill employed. As these had previously been in a great measure destroyed, so the enemy had nothing to cover the retreat of his unfortunate ar- my. That if these troops had been less exposed, the retreat would hav€ been less fatal can scarcely admit of a doubt. It was this want which now rendered defeat ruin. Still the means of retreat, though certain to be disastrous, was not yet .entirely cut off. The enemy still hckl the village of Planchen- oit in his rear, with a part of the old guard in reserve. A- gainst them the Prussians advanced. The ground for the at- tack, on the part.of the latter, was extremely favourable. It rose like an amphitheatre, so that the artillery could open from the summit of a great many heights, which rose gradually above each other. In the intervals formed by these, " the troops de- scended into the plain, and formed into brigades in the great' ,est order, while fresh corps continually unfolded themselves, is- suinn- from -»he forest on tlie hcigrht behind them."* Under these circumstances, the Prussians advanced against the old guard stationed at Planchenoit This determined band, how- ever, stood firm to the last. After several bloody attacks, the place was at length carried by storm. The slaughter was dreadful. The Prussians were so exasperated, that they riei- ther gave nor sought quarter. Tiie enemy had kindled this ani- mosity, andhenov/ felt its bitter consequences. At Planchenoit none escaped. " The old guard" said the enemy, " which was in reserve, ,was attacked and completely cut up."f From that moment, the cry of, All is lost, spread from mouth to mouth throughout the whole French army. It was " a crij f)f dismaij," .more bitter than that which resounded round the fatal banks of the Elster — a shriek of despair more freezing than that which echoed along the bleak bosom of the Berezina. The nerves of the bravest tremble to contemplate the scene which occasion- ed it — the ears of the most thoughtless tiiink tliey hear the piercing echo. From that fatal moment, the route was general and complete. The road soon became choked with fugitives, equipages, and cannon. The commanders of all ranks were separated from their corpsj and Jiurried along with the muiti- ■* Prussian official account of tl;£ battle of the 1 8 th, ^ French do. 33S *ude. In vain Bonaparte at this dreadful hour still attempted to collect some battalions of the old and young guard, which had been least engaged, and with them endeavoured to arrest the tor- rent; terrified at the scene around them, and pulverised by the cannon, they were overthrown in a moment. They were borne along with the rest, and carried the Empeior with them. The French army fled in such haste, that it hurried away in its route every thing which attempted to arrest its progress. " It ioon assumed," said Blucher, " the appearance of an army of barbarians."* Cavalry, infantry, and artillery, rushed j)ele ■ meleuYion each other, and became blended in one mass of con- fusion. The dragoons rode over the foot soldiers, and tramp- led them to death. At the same moment the cavalry and in- fantry of the allies were close at their heels, and marked their footsteps with blood. " Now by tlie foot llie flying foot were slain; Korse trodc by horse lay foaming on the plain. "f *' A complete ^awic," said the enemy, " spread itself through- out the whole field of battle; and they threw thetnselvcs in tl)e greatest disorder, on the line of communication: soldiers, can- noniers, caissons, all hurried to this point.":]; It was in vain to attemjit to draw order from this confusion — no orders were listened to — no commands were obeyed. *' Soldiers of all arms," said the enemy, " were mixed jyele melc; and it was ut- terly impossible to form a single corps. "§ It was half past nine o'clock. The British army continued the pursuit ovef indisaibable scenes of blood and ruin. " Loud o'er the rout was heard the victors cry, Where the war bleeds, and vvhere the tliickest die; Vv'here horse and arms, and chariots, lie o'erthrown. And bleeding heroes under axles groan." |[ I'or five miles, which they followed the flying enemy, the route was covered by Frenchmen only. At the farm house of Ja Belle Alliance, the slaughter was prodigious. The French made a battery of the garden wall, by making holes through it. All the trees in the orchard were stripped by the bullets. Every house, and every hole, was found full of dead and dying Frcnch- • Prussian official account. f Pope's Ilomer. Ih"ad, Book xi. line 159, &c. \ French official account. § Do. do. j^ Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xvi line 454, &c. 531" men. How drcftdful the terror must have been at this point, may be collected IVom the tbllowing fact. In one veil were • found the bodies of eight French soldiers of the Imperial guard, 'with their armour. In another well were found 73 bodies. The Duke of Wellington, with the army under his command, pursued the enemy to Genappe, near which he met Blucher. On the royal road to Charleroy, they cordially embraced and congratulated each other upon their glorious and decisive suc- cess. The meeting was most aliecting. From this point the Prussian General undertook the future pursuit of the roiited enemy. *' He swore," said Alava, " that he would not leave them a moment of rest;"* and he kept his word most punc- tually. The British General readily accepted this offer. His troops were faint with hunger, and wearied above measure, after the fatigues of a combat of nearly twelve hours duration, and severer than any ever recorded in the annals of Europe. This army was, therefore, ordered to halt; and the Prussian army, comparatively speaking fresh, continued the pursuit during the night without the smallest relaxation. Before halting, the British columns gave the flying enemy three hearty cheers. If any thing had been wanting to raise the spirit of the Wellington ian band, or to exalt the glory of Britain at this important moment, it was found in the conduct of the Prussians. In the pui'suit when they came in contact with the columns of Wellington, they made way for them to take the lead — and when the British halted for the night, the Prussians, as they passed their bivouacks, stop- ped for a moment and played " God save the King." What a moment! Since Irafalgar; Britons never stood so high, and never did they so well deserve it. It was now near midnight. At this dread hour, " v.fhen silent ghosts complain ;" Bluclier assembled the superior Officers, and gave orders " to send the last horse and the last man in pursuit of the enemy."f These orders were punctually and cheerfully obeyed. They followed with the speed of lightning their routed and flying enemy. " While these fly trembling, others pant for breath, And o'er the slaughter stalks gigantic Death, • Alava's dispatch. f Prussian ofiicbl account of the 181h. 335 On rush'd bold" Blacker, " gloomy as the nighS, Forbids to plunder, .nimates the tight, Poiuts to the ^' foe:" for by ihe Gods, who flies; Who dares but linger, by this hand he dies; ' Who stops to plunder, in this signal hour. The birds shall tear hiaa, aud the dogs devour,"* <' The van of the Prussian army accelerated its march."f — Billow was foremost with a body of 12,000 cavalry. "The Vrcnch army/' said the Prussian General, " pursued without intermission, was absolutely disorganize d."\ The allies taking advantage of this dreadful confusion, attacked with their caval- ry and heightened the disorder. " Tlie coursers scour the fields, O'er heaps of carcases, and hills of shields, The horses hoofs are bath'd in heroes gore."'^ The shades of night doubled the confusion. " It was impossi- ble," sail! the enemy, '' to rally the troops and to point out to them their error." || Even the squadrons " of service," by the side of the Emperor, were completely cut up, " and destroyed by an overwhelming force; and there was nothing left but to follow the torrent."^ Tlie Emperor seeing all was lost fled from the scene of carnage and confusion, with a few attend- ants. About ten o'clock he extricated himself from the crowd where the danger was greatest, and after a narrow escape he continued his flight to Genappe. He thought no more on " si 'null success for the next dav," — not even on retreat — no more on his unfortunate army. His personal safety was all his care: and that, as we shall presently see, he barely effected. While the British army snatched some refreshment and a few hours repose, after then- unparalleled exertions and hard- ships, amidst those ghastly fieltls of blood, pain, and death; the Prussians continued to pursue their scattered foes, with the most unwearied perseverance. The weather had cleared up. The night was beautiful and serene. The moon shone bright through the clear mid-summer sky, and directed their footsteps through indescribable scenes of horror and death. Nature seem- ed to conspire for the destruction ol the enemy. The moon lei:i her beams, " The stars in their courses fought against" Napo- * Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xv. line 592, Ike. + Prussian official account \ Do. do. do -, Pope's Homer. Iliad. Book xi. line 657, &c.; {I French official account. ^ l>o. ^SlO. loon. The situation of the French army was indeed become de- plorable. No words can paint their distress. From this moment their situation disarms all resentment and awakens only pity. Their menacing aspect was gone. Their glory was set in blood. Their haughtiness was laid low — and their ferocity in their temporary success now filled their minds with sorrow and alarm. On all hands the roads, the fields, the woods, the streams, were covered with dead and dying Frenchmen. The Officers that escaped, stated that the horrors they experienced in their flight from Moscow, were far unequal to those which surrounded and accompanied them from Waterloo to the Sambre. In vain they attempted to snatch a moments repose. They were driven from " nine bivouacks"* at the point of the sword. In vain they attempted to defend themselves in the villages or isolated houses. They were immediately driven from their defences, cut down, or made prisonei-s;f and hundreds were consumed in the flames of the houses set on fire in these con- flicts. Not only on the high road, but tor 100 feet in breadth on each side of it, paths were made where every thing was beat down and covered with dead and wounded. Tiie road was in many places blocked up by artillery, and the military waggons endeavouring to escape, were in some places driven i6 a- breast, on the causeway. In Genappe, a small town upon the Dyle, 5 or 6 miles from the field of battle, there was nothing but a scene of the utmost confusion. The fugitives here hoped to snatch a few moments repose for their wounded spirits, and to obtain a little food to recruit their exhausted strength — idle hope. They here endeavoured to entrench themselves with overturned carriages and cannon. But the roar of the Prussian artillery roused them from their dream of security. The foe advanced with the rapidity of a tempest. From behind these barriers the French soldiers opened a brisk fire upon their pur- suers. The place was almost immediately taken by storm. The Prussians entered, and a dreadful slaughter ensued. The French soldiers ceased to make resistance — they suffered them- selves to be cut down like cattle. On this spot 800 lay dead. General Duhesme, who commanded their rear guard, was knock-» cd down and taken, at the gate of an inn by a Brunswick hus- * Prussian official account of the battle of the 18th, f Do. do, dc^ S3t tar- •' Tiic Duke ll'll yesterday, and thoa shalt bite the dust.'* So saying, the black hussar brought him down. But he escaped witii his life. The furv of the Bruuswickcrs no loncper knew any bounds. The enemy, who could etfect it, fled from the spot, leaving every thing they had. From this point the flight if possible became more disorderly than ever. Arms, knap- sacks, every thing was thrown away. Here Bonaparte escaped with great difficulty. The waggons and baggage were so close- ly wedged together that it took an hour and a half tor Bona- parte and about 150 of his staff to get through them. So close were his pursuers, that, in escaping from his carriage, he was obliged to defend himself witli his pistols; and scarcely had he quitted his seat, when the vehicle, with eight cream-coloured horses which drew it, fell into the hands of tiie victors. So great was his haste to escape, tliat in it he leit his hat, his sword, his magnificent embroidered State mantle, (intended, no doubt, ta crown the " transmigj-ation" of his '* system" into other coun-* tj-ies) and the perspective glass, with which he surveyed the battle, all of which fell into the hands of Blucher himself.* His seal ring, all his jewels and equipage fell into the hands of the Prussian soldiers. All the orders with which he had been invested, and those which he usually wore, were also taken ;^ amongst which was the Prussian order of the Black Eagle, with the motto, " everi/ man his o-jo7i" and which the issue of this day bid lair to confer on many. His baggage, many fine Ara- bian horses, his library, were also taken; and along with these whole bales of revolutionary proclamations, addressed to the Belgians, ready dated on the 19th, from the Palace of Laecken, ■where he expected to have been in triumph on that day. — Mounted on horseback he left Genappe, and with his followers proceeded in the utmost haste to the frontiers. Notwithstand- ing the darkness of the night, he was frequently recognized by the soldiers, who knew him from his ^i/t' Z>a/c? horse, his grey great-coat, and who whispered to each other as he passed them, *' Look ! There is the Emperor." Even these words seemed to a- alarm hira, and he accordingly quickened his pace to get forwards From Genappe the Prussians continued to pursue the wrecks of his wretched army. It was continued till the next day was fas » jBlu«her's letter, June SOthf^ lSl5i V, u H 338 acTvanced, the whole march *' being but one couiinueJ clmcc c-ithcr in the corn fields or the houses."* The whole period was employed by the Prussians only in firing and cutting them down, for no serious resistai^ce could be attempted. At every footstep, cannon, equipages, arras, and accoutrements, fell into their hands. Before day light 60 pieces of cannon fell into the hands of the Prussians^ " The causeway," s-aid Blucher, " presented the appearance of an immense s/iipwrec/,-; it wa^ covered with an innumerable quantity of cannon, caissons, carriages, baggage, arras, and wreck of every kind."f Fear- ful indeed was the havoc and ruin which overspread those fatal fields. It was the shipwreck of Napoleon. " Theroute,"^ srtid General Alava, " was the most comj>lete ever beheld by military men. The famous route of Vittoria v^as not even com- parable to it.":j: There indeed only one gun was saved, but most of tlie army escaped. Here not only the artillery, butnearly the whole army was lost. " The park of reserve, all the bao"ffaomer.t. The Emperor passed Rocroy in the night. At one p. m. on the 20th, he passed through Rheims, in a carriage, absoliifdi/ shut up, followed by another in which was {'our General Oilicers, one of whom was supposed to he Labodeyorc. At Beaumont all fied upon ihe advance of the Prussians. The soldiers thought they had been betrayed, and, therefore, dispersed; each seeking his own home.* So com- plete was the dispcrsitui and destitiction of liiis army, that, ac- cording to accounts produced to the Chamber of Representa- tives at Paris, by the time it reached Avesnes, oirdy 20,000 men •could be rallied. Ney, however, gr%'es a still more deplorable account; for he says, that at Avesnes " it was impossible to rally i\ single soldier."f 'His account of the flight places the disorgan- ization of the remnant left, in the stronge.>t and most disastrous point of view; and shews that ne\'ef v/a.s ^ny army so completely overthrown. Nty had all his horses killed, and was covered with contusions. He owed his life to a corporal of the Guard, who supported and never forsook him. " I airived," saidthj-! Officer, " at ?viar.cbiennes-au-Pont, at 4 a. m. on the 19th, xviihout Officers — ignorant of the fate of the Envjieror, whom some time before the termination of the battle, I supposed to be either killetl or taken."J Pie then went to Cliarleroy — next to Avesnes, but still no accounts of the Emperor. Lastly, he set out for Paris, in order to lay the situation of affairs before the Minister of \\'ar; and only when within three leagues of the capital, he learned that the Emperor passed in the same direc- tion and upon the same errand a few hours before him. Notli- • Zcitiien's ch'spp.Tcli, Eeriumont, Juno 20th. * iv^ey's letter, June 2oth. \ Do. est of the army. Grouchy continued at the same time to advance: and, as he liimself informs us, was " in front of Kosierne, ready to march upon Brussels, when he received liie sad accounts of the loss of ,the battle of Waterloo." He then found himself in a txuly perilous situation; but after much difficulty, and a considerable loss, he succeeded in efiecting his escape from Wavre to Namur. Here he was attacked by the Prussians; and, after a bloody conflict, compelled to abandon the .place, ar,d make the best of his way to Dipant. He stales that in this attack the Pruss-ians lost " seperal thoiisa?ids qfrneji, as the contest vyas very severe." His own loss could not have been less than theirs, and lias been stated at 5000 men, around jthis place. Besides these, the loss on the attacks on Wavre must have been very considerable; for he complains of the " em- harassmeni on his anarch arising from the numerous transports ^zvoundcd/'-f and which, to save them, compelled him to hold the town of Namur for a considerable time, the defence of X;vhich he entrusted to Vandamme. That Grouchy was hard * French official account. f Gro\i,cJiy's dispatch. 341 urcs^scd, and must have suffered severely, is ver}' evident; as, un- der these circumstances, he confesses that he had not the means nor the time necessary for blowing up the bridj^e at that place. The combat at and round Namur was in reality very bloody. The action began at 5 p. M. The French manned the walls and made an obstinate resistance, but they were finally obliged to abandon them. The Prussians then entered the city, and the combat was maintained in the streets; but at length the French were compelled to fly. Grouchy, Vandamnie, and Pajol, were with this force. The loss was severe, the country around was covered with killed and wounded. Previous to this a divisioti of 8000 men of Grouchy's army had been attacked and dis- persed, the German accounts staling its loss at 5000 men.— It is to be regretted that we have not a regular account of these attairs, v/hich were certainly very serious. All we at present know from official authority, except that of Grouchy, is that the fighting on this side continuetl very severe during the whole of the 18th, 19t!), and most of the 20th. The lo^ must consequently have been very great. — Grouchy certainly took with him in advance from 35 io 4-0,000 men, and brought back only 25,000. Such were the results of a day, characterised by the enemy as " so glorious to the French arms, and yet so fatal." *^ A day which, in the language of Ney, *' had no example in their mi- litary annals;" and wherein, while tracing the causes which led to it, " he dreaded almost as much to discover the truth as to re- main in ignorance of it."f Such is a feeble outline of the gigantic combat of Waterloo, and its more immediate consequences. Such was a battle wherein every movement and attack made in it, was equal in importance, and in severit}', to those which had formerly decided the fate of kingdoms. Considering every cir- cumstance, it was certainly the bloodiest in modern times. The most important and most decisive it unquestionably was. Tiio loss on both sides was not short of 130,000 men. P)lucher, who is a very short, but a very accuiate calculator, tells us, that on the 18th, the French army at Waterloo was ahoic 130,000, of which onlij 40,000 escaped, thus leaving a loss of above 90,000 men, at Waterloo alone. The killed and wounded, all ac- ^ French official ;;crounU f Nc^'s letter to Fuuchc, June 26th. L 342 dounts agree, exceeded 60,000; but how many beyond this number it is difficult to determine, as the prisoners are vari- ously estimated at from 15 to 30,000, many of whom besides were wounded. Baron de Capellan, the governor of Brussels, ill an official proclamation, stated the number of prisoners known on the 19th, to be from 12 to It, 000, but many more were perhaps taken and sent to other places. It is, however, the only official authority which I have seen that specifies any particular number. To the above we must add the loss sustain- ed by Grouchy, which, at the very lowest account, must have been 9000, if not nearly double; and, with the lesser number, we have a total loss of 101,000 men, on the part of France, in consequence of the battle of Waterloo. The loss of the allies was also great. It was " iinmense" said Wellington — it " was horrid" said Alava. It was " extraordinarij,'^ said the Aus- trian account. The British and Hanoverian (in British pay) loss was nearly I), 000. The Dutch, Belgians, and the troops of Brunswick and Nassau, was certainly not less tliau 10,000; but as their returns, which I have seen, include the total loss on both the 16th and 18th together, I cannot separate them exactly. The Dutch and Belgian loss, by their official dispatches, was 4136. The Nassau loss was 2800.* The Brunswick loss I have not been able to ascertain correctly. In an account of the life of the Duke, lately published in Germany, it is said that their loss, on tlie 16th alone, amounted to 3000 men. If so, their total loss could not be less than 4 or 5000. But take it at 3000. The loss of the Hanoverians was also severe, but uncertain. " These two days," said General Allen in his official dispatch, June 20th, to the Government of Hanover, " have in- deed cost us muc/i, the greatest part of our most distinguished Officers have fallen." Of the real loss, however, I can obtain no accounts, but if we are to judge of its proportion from their total strength; and from the sum bestowed by the W^aterloo fund for their relief, 4 or 5000 is perhaps within the mark. — The loss of the Prussians also on this day must have exceeded 12,000 men. The returns are given en masse for both days; but we cannot err far when we know that Bulow's corps, which had not been previously engaged, lost above 6400 men ; and * Prince Bernhard of Saxc Wiemar, official letter, June 19tt». 343 and Thielniau's, which suffered little on the 16th, lost abor? 4700. The total loss of all tl>e allies, on this bloodv day, was certainly not less than 30,000* killed and wounded. The total Prussian loss stands as under, viz. 1st corps, from 15th June to 2d July, 265 officers 1 4,1 6S rank and file. 2d do. do. 23d June 186 7,703 5d do. do. 3d July 125 4,722 4tli do. do. 25d June 176 6.458 Grand total, 55,025 And which loss, separated, stood as follows, viz. Killed. Wound. Return, missing l.-it corps (engaged at Ligny) 2,156 5,522 6,404 2d do. ( do. St Amand) 1,309 4,I60 2,254 3d do. (Thielman, at Wavre) 850 2,745 1,129 4tli do. (Bulow at Waterloo) 1,155 4,109 1,174 5,470 16,534 10,991 The reader has only to cast his eye over the preceding detail?, and from the places where engaged he may perceive what the earnaire was where the Prussians met their foes; for there can be little doubt, but that nearly all those returned missing were killed and wounded, on the 16th, though many of the latter were taken. Let us now put the total loss on both sides, dur- ing these dreadful days, into one general table. FRENCH LOSS. On 16th, ^^^ — ^»*^^*^^ — ^^J,^.^*^^ 21,000 On 18th, at Waterloo ■.^-.^» .►^i^,.^*^*^.^ 95,000 ' Do. do. Grouchy, say only ■..■v^^.kx>.-w.....*,w»-w 9,000 125,000-^ ALLIED LOSS. British -..^^,..,....^,^^-^^,..^,.^^^,^^,,^*,..v,..*^,«. ll,20O Hanoverians in British pay-,.-k>-->--.^^^*^-w^-.^-..-«.,»«. 2,800 Dutch and Belgian ■,.-,.-v...-«.-«..vv.^-«rt^>.-v^.«.».-w>.-v%.«/«. 4,200 Nassau -w*..^...^,,.*.^^.***^^.^.***^*,^.^.^,^.^.^*^.^ 2,800 Hanoverians, say ■wt-v**^,^.,^.^,.^..^,.^-*^-^..,..*.^^.*^. 4,000 Brunswick, say ■.^■v^,.^-»*,»-..-.^i^-v^-v%i^-..-v.^-v^,.^ 3,000 Prussian ,.^-w^-»***-~>.»^-v^-»^-»»,.rw,^..,^»^.v*,^-»,.,»* 53,000 61,000 Gr^ind total,^^^^^^^^-^^-^^^^^^^ 186,000!!! • Austrian ofKclal report Heidelberg, June 21st, says generally, that exclusive of the loss of the Prussians on the 18th, the total loss of all the allies " may amount to 50,000 killed and wounded." The reader will see, when the P.'-ussian loss, and those returned missing on the 1 6th, are added, that the number corresponds very nearly. t Leaving Grouchy 25,000, and main army 40,000, as Grouchy and Blucher both state. Tlie French account lately published at Paris, admits that their army at Waterloo, exclusive of Grouchy, was 120,000 strong. The author says they had 20,000 dead, but adds in a true French way of reckoning, that the loss of the allies 'aicaning under Wellington) was also 20,000. True,, but net al! dcaasant3 from the surrounding countries, even as far as Mons^, were employed in burning or burying the dead. The task was not only loathsome, but dangerous; and the Prussians were ab* solutely forced to compel them at the point of the bayonet> To avoid infection from their corrupting remains, the peasants first dug large pits, and then, by means of large hooks, dragged the bodies into them. The country, for several miles, presented the appearance of one continued groupe of hillocks, so thickly was its surface covered with large graves, in which hundreds of the bodies of men and horses were thrown together. In one acre of ground a beholder counted 40 graves, thus filled with dead. The weather having become dry after their burial, the wet mouldy which had not been thrown over them to a sufficient depth, crack- ed from the heat, and opening, shewed in some places, their ghastly remains. Notwithstanding the burning and the burying the dead, for several weeks after.the battle, the smell from their putrid carcases was insufferable; and a pestilential gale continu- ed to be wafted over the surrounding country, from this thea- tre of death. For many days, the number of carrion flies which fet] on the dead bodies was dreadful, and most annoying to those who visited the spot. It is said that some soldiers ab- solutely lost their reason from the remembrance of this dread- ful scene. The diameter of the principal part of this field of blood was about two miles, wherein every thing was to- tally destroyed. The dead were absolutely lying in ranks, and horses grouped in heaps with their riders. All the wells, and all the water in the neighbourhood, for many days after the battle, were red with blood, and became putrid from the number of dead bodies found in them. The churches in the surrounding villages were filled with dead and dyingj and the altars of the Almighty were polluted with human blood. To sum up the whole, the vallies, if I may be al- lowed the expression, were flooded: and in the inimitable language of Isaiah, " The mountains were melted with their blood."! Similar were the fields which had long pleased Par- * Letter from a person in authority at Charleroy, June 20th. •j- Isaiah xxxiv. 3. 3W ijian- levity. Such the . prospects which hud long been XaptT-* feon's dehght — Najjok'on's glory. Every village, every hamlet^ all the ravines, corn fields, and tbre&ts, were filled with wound'- ed soldiers, who had crawled to these places for shelter, and whom, even when they were st^en, it was, for several days after, found imjwssiblfe to remove.- It was as late as the Tiiursday following bffore all the woitnded then dijn the morning after the battle, numbers of the wounded were seen raising tiieiiiselves up anrongat the heaps of dead, and imploring from the visitors, some a mouthlul oF water, others', that the beholders might put an end to their miseries. Every road ra every part of the countiry., for 30 miles round, was full of wounded soldiers, vTanderiu"- about in the ex-- tremes of agony and want. The l>utch and Belgians exerted themselves to reach their homesj^antl the French their own coun- try. After a damp day^ on the IStliy the night became clear and chill, which had a fa£al effect on the wounded. Thousands perish.- cd for want of timely medical aid. Many were found in cottages and obscure retreats-, their' bodies- become half putrid from the severity of their wounds, yet still in. life. Thousands were cut off in the extremes of hunger and distress. Atthdend of ten, twelve, and fifteen^ da:ys^ there were found in bye corners, wounded mert who had preserved life by gnawing the flesh from the bodies of their dead comrades, or of horses, that chanced to be near them. Otheirs, slightly wounded, were found- several days after the battkv on the field, using the French truirasses as frying pans to dress their scanty nieals. Even in the rear of the allied position, such scenes of distress were nu- merous. From Waterloo to Brussels, the road, for ninemileSy was so choked u{) with scattered baggcige^ that the Avounded could with dilliculty be brought along. The w^y w^is lined with unhappy wretches who had crept from the field; and many, unable to proceed, lay down and died. Holes dug by the side of the road formed their graves, while their tattered gar- ^jpeuts and accouti*cmcuts covered the sunouiiding lauds. In S47 Brussels alonr, move t!inn 23,000 Avouiulcd were a.«senib1cd> ■where they were treated with the utmost kindness and atten- tion. The people, in crowds, went out to meet them with re- ^eshments, bandages,_&c. The principal families, and women otrank, supported thenr witii every necessary, and frec]uently Tidministerod to their wants with their own hands. The treat- ment, however, of the French prisoners by the peasantry were t. These were treated widi harghness; ^-nd these poor creatures now felt the severest want and neglect. By tlie British only were they treated with humanity. These were fcen, though wounded tlieiT>seh'es, iLxindiiag up , the wounds ol' their enemies. What a contrast ki their conduct! Every thing on these fie^^k^ ibr a great extent, «as laid waste. For five miles rotsrrd, tlie GOuiiJry appeared liken -sandy waste cov- ered with hills and heaps of slam. The -corn fields were so beaten that -they resembled stubble. The grotmd vtas complete- ly plowed up by the bullets, and the feet of horses, and cut into trenches by the v^^ieels of the artilK?ry. l^ai'ccJy a clod of earth but was wet witJi.the best blood of Brittimj and of Prussia, and '.vith tbfrfiercv3t4)lood of l\*ance. At Hou^omont, every tree in the wood seemed as if blightetl, and were-pierced with cannon bullets. Some were pierced with twenty^ ^I'heir branches were 'arc^en c^'and destroyed. Immense graves, and dreadful heaj^ of ashes, the reniaii>s of burnt bodies, .Jflarked this fatal s})ot. •Broken swords, shattered helmots, torn epaulets, and-«abre cashes, bathed in blood, sliewed how Kirious and htnv ■d-e*xJ>uc- tive the battle liad hci-e been. Mix€*d ^'ith these were «een the flaring red poppy, rearing its head amidst tire 'fresli dug mould, while the -sweet little wild-flower, " ^br^cf mc 7/0/," un- conscious .of the -ruin near it, in a few days began to spread its beauties round the warriors' grave. Soldiers ■ca]:>s, aiierced with many a ball, belts, iielmets, ^wirassc^ tattered clotlies, car- touche boxes, military decorations, ^-rosses of the Legion oi honour, French novels, •German tt-stament^, packs of card:-, letters -fwm lo^'ers to the olijects of riieir affection, from parents to their children, mangled bodies, legs, heads in the helmet^ iirtended to protect iheni, and arms, strewed in fearful confu- sion, lay along these bloody fields. But in vain would I at- f^nipt to describe a scene altogether indiscribable. Besides the 31-8 loss of men, and all the best horses which Bcnjiparte had foi' cavalry, the French army lost above 300 pieces of cannon, 500 caissons, all their baggage, and almost all their arms. Such Mere the consequences, in part, of Napoleon's escape from Elba; and such the third page of that terrible sheet, on which, ac- cording to the Monitcur, in March preceding, " the Emperor had just written the finest page of history, and to 'vchic/i the an- nals of the ijoorld afford no comparison."* The present page indeed, in blood, and in its results, stands unparalleled in the annals of the world. The sheet of Napoleon's political life to which it belonged was nearly full. The last page alone re- mained. The consequences of Waterloo filled it. Amongst the heroes who signalized themselves on this glo- rious day, on whom Wellington bestowed praise, and whose loss he mentioned with regret, are the following names, with which the public had long been familiar. Major General Coke, who was severely wounded. Major General Maitland, and Major General Byng. Lieutenant General Sir H. Clin- ton, Major General Adam, Lieutenant General Charles Baron Alten, who were severely wounded. Colonel Ompsteda, Colonel Mitchell, Major General Sir .Tames Kempt, and Sir Denis Pack; Major General Lambert, Major General Lord E. Somerset, Major General Sir William Ponsonby, I^Llj>or General Sir C. Grant, Major General Sir H. Vivian, Major General Sir O. Vandeleur, Major General Dornberg, and General Lord Hill. Colonel Sir G. Wood, Colonel Smxth, Adjutant Major General Barnes, who were wounded; a3id Quarter-m aster General Colonel Delancey,who was also severe- ly wounded ni the middle of the engageinent, and afterwards -died. Lieutenant Colonel Lord Pitzroy Somerset, who was severely wounded, Lieutenant Colonel the Honourable Sir Alexander Gordon, who -died of his wounds. General Kruse of the Nassau service, General Trip, and General Vanhope, the latter commandinjy a brigade of infantry belonirinor to the King of the Netherlands. ' The Russian General Pozzo de Borgo, the Austrian General Baron Vincent, the Prussian General Muffling, and the Spanish General Alava, also dis- tinguished themselves greatly. The latter General, so well • Moniteur, Paris, March 21st, 1815. 3*9 known in the Peninsular war, was tlic S[)anish ininiater to the court of the Netherlands; and being at Brussels at the time, be joined the heio he admired, and was close beside him throughout the day. The Prince of Orange also, who was wounded through the should ei*. The Earl of Uxbridge, who lost his leg by almost the last cannon ball that was iired, and Lieutenant Sir Thomas Picton, who fell early in the ac- tion. All these and many others — every one present Bignalized himself on this day. " There is no Officer nor description of troops," said their leader, " who did not behave well."* Those only who were in the battle can give any accurate idea of the conduct of individuals, and of the regiments to which they belonged; but there are a few which I have heard and found scattered in different accounts, which deserve to be collected together. The conduct of the Scots Greys was par* ticularly noticed and praised by Bonaparte himself, who fre- quently exclaimed, as he saw them resisting or hewing out a path for themselves, through his black battalions, " What su- perb troops!" The 42d, 92d, and 79th, though dreadfully reduced in numbers, both in Picton's and other severe attacks, here shewed the same courage and skill which they did at Quatre Bras.f The 30th and 73d regiments, placed in a part of the line exposed in a particular manner to the attacks of the cuirassiers, suffered severely. In an attack by tiie cuirassiers against Sir Colin Halket's brigade, with which the preceding regiments were; the enemy attempted a ruses de gticrrc^ by the Commanding Officer advancing and offering his sword to the British Officer, as if he meant to surrender the whole as prison- ers. Sir Colin was not to be so duped. " Be firm and fire," saiil he to his Officers, who were about to be caught in the snare . — the volley turned the Frenchman and his battalions; and while the baUs rung against their armour, a laugh of derision which iirose in the British line added to their mortification. The conduct of the guards exceeded all praise. The 52d and 71st regiments, in pursuit of the young Guard, suddenly separated, and running in an oval, met again at a considerable distance, and thus cut off' several thousand prisoners. Late in the day • Wellington's dispatch, June 19th, 1815. + For most of the succeeding anecdotes, I am indebted to Simpson's tour to %Vaterioo. 350 a very affecting circumstance occurred in General IIalket'.« brigade. Two Officers who were not in terms of good under- standing with the others of the regiment to which they belong- ed, for having opposed some expensive regulations in the mess, owing to tUeir having families and also two sisters to sup» port, had, from being thus in a manner placed by lUem^elves, formed the most intimate friendship. Towards the evening, the one jocosely said to the other, " I always told you that they would never hit me." Scarcely had he spoken these words, when he was shot dead, to the inexpressible grief of his friend, who stood for some moments motionless, and then rushing to the body he threw himself beside it, exclaiming, *' Oh, my friend — My onl)' friend !" Even at this moment the scene drew tears from the eyes of every beholder. The gallant Colonel Delancey, when he found that his wound was mortal, would not allow the surgeons to take up their lime with at- tending to him. He was carried to Brussels where he expired. He had been married only three weeks before to a beautiful and deserving woman. Colonel Millar of the Guards, when dying, requested that they would bring the colours of his regiment, the 1st Foot G«ards, and after beholding them he requested that they might be waved over him till he died. Captain ('ur- zen. Lord Scarsdale's son, met his fate with similar spirit. Falling from his horse, he said to his friend, Lord March, who was near him, " Good bye March;" and afterwards seeing him animating his corps, he exclaimed, though in the last stage of life, " Well done March 1" Colonel Halket, a brother of the General, made a dash at a French General who liad advanced in front of his men, giving them orders, and brought him off in the full view of his astonished followers as a j^risoner. A Hio-hland Serjeant, had the basket hilt of his sw^ord so bruised that he could not get his hand out till he got the aid of a blacksmith. But it is impossible to particularize the individual deeds of heroism performed at Waterloo — these were as numer- ous as the individuals which composed the allied army. That they did more than j>erform their duty, their country will ever remember, and France can never forget. They went through their work on that dreadful day, as Napoleon frequently ex- claimed, like no other troops he liad ever seen. 351 it is considered unnecessary to partlculariie any more. " The army," said the most competent of judges, "never upon any occasion conducted itself" better."* No! Never. On this memorable day it exceeded its former exploits — it surpassed its former fame. All the laurels which they had previously gained, were here wove into one immortal wreath to adorn their brows. All the terrors and the toik which they had for- merly braved, were here, as it were resuscitated and collected against them, and all their united strength was broken, crushed, and overcome. It was the genius of Britain and Prussia, which here contended against the evil spirit of France. Each individual fought as if he had had a personal quarrel to resent •—personal wrongs to punish. " Each fongbt as in his arm the contest lay, And all is lost it" he deserts the day." The pens of Wellington, Blucher, and Alava, have done their character ample justice. Their Prince has immortalized their naJues, by directing that each should henceforth wear a dis- tinguishing badge, with the name of this immortal field; and by causing to be inscribed, in the registers of the British army and the records of the British nation, a comi)lete list of all those engaged in this battle, and then placing opposite the name of each the word waterlog. At sight of this noble ap- pendage their present friends and future offspring will rejoice^ and their foes lament with sorrow. To the names of the for- mer no nobler badge can be attached. It speaks volumes. France will long remember it with mournincr and anofuish: and the name of Waterloo, for a century to come, will make her daughters weep and her sons tremble. Deep, indeed, and severe are the wounds of grief, in the bosom of surviving friends, for those who have fallen in the glorious strife ; and lasting will be the sorrow round the banks of the Thames, the Shannon, the Forth, the Werra, and of the Oder. — • Of this Caledonia has had her full share. On many a High- land hill and in many a Lowland valley, the tear of affection and regret will flow on the 18th of June. But while a British heart can feel a glow of pleasure at the thought of • Wellington's dispatch, June 19th, 1815. 852 its country's security and honour, so long will this grief be softened by the recollection of the day wherein those for whom they motirn were taken from them. None was ever ecjual to it. None can ever surpass it. The generosity of a British public, while it cannot remove, can at least lighten the grief, and relieve the wants of the relatives of those who fell, and of those brave men whose wounds have prevented them from engaging again in active life. Never did this generosity shew itself in a wWer or in a more conspicuous manner. Above <=f 400,000 has already been subscribed for this praise-worthy purpose, equally hon- ourable to the givers as it is to those for whom it is bestowed. To the memory of Picton and Ponsonby, the nation has decreed the erection of monuments, in the repository of her mighty dead, where Nelson lies, who at Trafalgar gave her the undisput- ed empire of the ocean; as the cause of their death, at Waterloo, gave her decidedly the preponderance in the scale of Europe. It is a curious fact, that as near as a land engagement can ap- proach to one at sea, that the battle of Waterloo was the battle of Trafalgar in every thing but victory reversed. The mode of attack by Napoleon, was as near as possi'ole similar to that followed by Nelson; and the manner in which the British troops were drawn up in lines and squares, was similar to that in which Villcneuve drew up the French fleet in a double line, but so placed that in breaking through between two ships in the front line, the vessel which did so, came full on the broad- side of a ship in the second, and in tliis situation remained exposed to the fire of both lines. But that prudent plan wa^ rendered of no avail, by Nelson conaing down in two diverging lines, each of which, as it came near, separated and broke through at every point. Similarly to the French ships were the British squares placed at Waterloo. Similarly Bonaparte attacked, with the numbers in iiis favour; but he was not ft Nelson to vanquish. Their country can never enough prize — never sufficiently praise the exertions of her children on this day. Ti>ose indeed can scarcely ever be fully known. Glory is a weak term to apply to the laurels Britain obtained at Wateriod bj^ their exertions. They gained something more useful antl substantial. They gained all that their country- had contended for during twenty-five years of sorrow and of S53 blood. They gained all that her greater Statesmen sought, and whose councils have weathered the storm — they gained iNDEMNiTvyrvr the past, and SECURiTvyo/- the future, not only for themselves, but tor Europe. All these mighty, important, and indispensible, objects were gained on this glorious field. The heroes of Waterloo must never feel distress. The word must be their passport through life. The name, for generations will make every British heart dance with joy, and call forth from the present age national liberality and gratitude to those who suffered in their persons or in their fortunes by it. To our Continental allies, the thanks of the British nation and oi' Europe is also due. They also did their duty. The conduct of all engaged in this battle was most conspicuous and exem- plary. The Hanoverian and Brunswick troops greatly dis- tinguished themselves, and in particular the latter. Before their line, said eye witnesses, arose a dreadful breast-work of carnage. Of the Prussians, Ligny and Planchenoit, alone will establish that they did their duty. To Blucher, the ve- teran Blucher, the undivided thanks of Europe is due. Though near fourscore — though crushed beneath his horse on the 16th, he was, on the 18th, again on the field, and in front of his troops. " To him and to the Prussian army," said the Duke of Welling- ton, " I attribute the success of this glorious day. The opera- tion of General Bulow, on the enemy's flank, was a decisive mie; and even, if I had not found myself in a situation to make the attack which produced the final result, it would have forced the enemy to retire, if his attacks had failed, and would have prevented him from taking advantage of them, if they should have unfortunately succeeded."* To Wellington himself there was wanting but this combat to crown the glory which he had already earned on the field of danger. He stood from this moment confessedly the first General of an age, where all are brave, and wherein thousands are conspicuous. His con- duct, on this memorable day, as a General, as a soldier, and as a man, will live the theme of the admiration and applause of every succeeding age. For " such a day, So fought, so followed, and so nobly won, .Stands not upon the annals of record." * Dispatch, June 19th, 3o4> A's a Ge had here to op- pose him. He swejit tlrosc from the laee of the political world in a riioment, without a vestage being left to shew that such things had ever been. As a soldier, he was often seen rallying broken battalion*, placing himself ait their hear], and leading them to the charge aimidst, the greatest danger. His place of vefnjre, ajxainst the iurious attacks of the enen^v, was in ths centre of those squares formed to oppose them. " There stops — so" jrcWslc^/. " Thofr whole force lie prov'd, Resistless when he rag'd, arid when he stopt unmov'd, On him the war is bent, the- darts are slied, And all their faulchions wave around his head."* In addition to the particulars already related, at a mtost crili- cal moment, he put himself at the head of tiie 95th regiment, charged and drove back the most ad-vanced of his enemies. At another time a select part)' of French cavalry cut theit? passage through the line where he was, and very nearly suc- ceeded in taking him prisoner. As a man, he wept for the loss ot the former companions of many a bloody field, and daya of former glory and danger. " 1 cannot express," said he, '' in adequate terms the grief which I feel in contemplating the loss which we have sustained, in the death of so many valued friends. The glory of such actions ajford no consolalioit to mr^ and I cannot suggest it as a consolation to you; but a result so decisive will, in all probability, be followed by an early attainment of the just object of our wishes and exertions, and this may afford some consolation for our loss."f Hi^^ military life had been one continued scene of triumph. Hi< sword was never drawn but in a just cause, and for the deliv- erance of nations. But his fame, who can celebrate. The boldest pen must shrink from the task. 1 throw down my own in despair. That the French army, and their cliief, fought with the greatest bravery, is a fact undeniable and just. The bravery and enthusiasm of the latter, were never more conspicuous than at Waterloo, and never were so severely defeated. The * Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xiii. lines 1 9r? &:. > Wellington's letter tcrthe Earl of Aberdeen on the death of his brother. I }i55 plans of tbeir leader, to accomplish the object wliich he had Iii view, were ski HuUy laid; but consideriny- . tjie abilities of his bpponents and his own peculiar situation, these were most hazardous and daiigerows. But tiiese were aJl m cfiaracter of •the nian, and also of the nation. But bis f.iults, as a General, does not take away from the personal bravery of himself and his troops. All exposed themselves in th-e most resolute roau- ner. The prisoners, said General Alava, say they never saw the Emperor expose himself so ranch, that lie seemed lo court death, in order not to outlive a defeiit fraught with .£u<:h fatal consequences to him.. They added, that in ilie situation in which this defeat placed him, no otber re^ojLirce was left liim, " but to cut his ov/n .throat."* Tiie i.die stories about his cowardice on tnis day., desea-ve tio attentioiu They are the tricks of some vain Fre^ichaian, who wants to make it appear that his countrymen were defeated solely because their leader was unworthy of his troops. All these unauihenticated state- ments are die labours of some of the numeious t)pponents of the measm-es which led to these glorious results; wJip, because we have gained every thing by the exertions of our lellov/ sub- jects, and oar allies, -contrary to tiieir predictioiaii, advice, and opinion, want us nou' to believe that we have gained little in having beat n coward only; and wliofor years previous those very individuals have held up as -the. wisest of the wise, and the bravest sened. Witliojji either being a friend or admirer oi' Bonaparte — wiliioiit jcvor having for one. moment believed that ho was invincible i'i op- posed by Iwuour and with energj« still it would be d(jing liim an act of injustice, which, in -this instance, he c:ocs not merit, to put forth such accomus. But in doing him this wrong, it would be doing a still gr^iiter act of injustice to those wh) con- quered him, to give any credence to such stories. At Waterloo lie was worthy of his : troops. There he certainly was not a cowaji'd. It is ,not meant to be asserted, that his exertions at tills time were the offspring of (rue bi uvery. Much of his coi> * A lava's official account. 55S duct was certainly produced by vanity at the comnicnceinenU and despair at the end; but which, nevertheless, made him expose himself more than he had previously done. 1 le forsook the troops, but not till they durst face their foes no longer. Then his courage forsook him — then, when all was lost, past redemp- tion, and not till then he feared to die the death of a soldier. But he was not the only one who did so. All who remained alive run as well as he. He endeavoured to stop them but in vain. The brave among the brave, (A>j/0 Laboyedere, Soult, de Erlon, Bertrand — The whole boutique of iniquity fled. Napoleon was not the first, neither was he the last, who ran on that bloody day! No: let the world attend to the voice of truth — above all, let the thoughtless minds of the population of France hear it. France fell — all France fled at Waterloo; and to do them justice they had reason. Never had the rem- nants of any army more. The troops fought with the most determined courage, and at last sealed with their blood their attachment to their chief. It is a fact that they marched to combat shouting " Vive V Empei-cur" and it is a fact, that when wounded and maimed they returned from the field shout- ing the same words. It is also certain, that even in the hospi- tals, sinking under wounds and disease, they continued to chaunt the same strain, and to give the strongesls marks of attachment to their leader. Nay, many days after, even on the field of battle, many were found as dead, but' who were no sooner roused from their state of insensibility, than they saluted their hearers with the same words. It was not so much the loss of men, of cannon, and of reputation, great ?is these were, which at Waterloo was the greatest loss to Bon- aparte. These might have been replaced; but the lose was of a more irrecoverable kip,d.. In the words of Count Lobau, this dreadful day deprived Napoleon of almost every one, who in France, were perbonally attached to him. At Waterloo they lie low! The shrill clamour of the bugle' is heard by them no longer! The voice of Napoleon can call them to his standards no more ! Such, as has been stated, was the blind attachment of these men to their military chief; and so strong was an attachment, noble in itself, but ill directed, and which jnost certainly deserved greater regard for its safety than that 357 lashness and vain glory which led it into irretrievable destruc- tion at the Berezina, at Leipsic, and last of all at Waterloo. But bravely as they fought, skillful as their chief was, so much the more praise and greater honour is due to those who beat them. " Never," said the British General, in a letter to a relative, " was I in a harder fought battle — never was I obliged to exert myself so much, and never was I so near being beaten. ' This frank acknowledgment, while it gives his ene- mies praise, confers on him additional glory. The great error of Bonaparte, and not his error only, but that of France, lay in conceiving that no troops, even when on equal terms, could withstand them. A greater error in this instance was the rash manner in which Bonaparte staked every thing at once. All or nothing. This was a game which he had long been accus- tomed to play at. He had at first, from the ignorance or dis- union of his adversaries, gained greatly by it; and of late, irom the same cause, he had suflered the most dreadful disasters. Yet nothing could teach him moderation — nor make him see that his former mode of proceeding was not applicable to his present situation. His army and his Oflicers were filled with the same vain glorious ideas and self-confidence that lie was. It was the disease of the nation which Waterloo was destined either wholly to cure, or at least to expose i'ully and signally its absurdity to the world. In perusing attentively the French accounts of the present battles, certainly, comparativciv speaking, the fairest ever wrote since the revolution,* because • Although Bonaparte is gone, still the spirit of misrepresentation is not laid 'o sleep in France. Though his }K)liticaI life is terminated, their military mania is not. The following account, which, while it, like all other French statements, contains some iacts, yet abounds so much with misrepresentations, and.bttrays such a lurk- jng spirit of resentment and regret, at the dibcomfilure which their arms sustained at Waterloo, and is so extraordinary, that I sh ill trespass upon the readers patience by insetting it. I have extracted it from an account of the battle of Waterloo, lately published at Paris, said to be by an eye witness. After relating the discom- fiture and destruction of their army, the author in anger and fury proceeds tlius: " This fine French army then, sacriticcd with its predecessors, had ceased to esist. It seemed as though Bonaparte become finious at having seen some thousands of i)rave men escape his rage, the monster had stalked from his den in Elba, solely to devour the remainder. (Did no one call him?) And if, in fact, he might have the credit of such intention, his every action during this short aad unhappy campai'^n, would be in consonance therewith. J}ut let us rather ascribe these enormous errors '^■0 his unskilful and prcsumptwus rashness, and to bis well known and incorri"ible 558 these fairly admit a dreadful defeat, which none cI»o ever did; still we see the old leaven of deception and exa<^gtu'ation fre- quently and most conspicuously appear. As we have seen, he claimed a decided victory, when as yet the battle was barely begun. He throws the blame ujwn his troops for a fatal move- ment, peremptorily ordered by himself; and, lastly, he imputes to them a cowardly and unnecessary jtanic^ at a moment, and tinder circumstances, when it was scarcely possible for human bosoms to have refrained from fear, or not have sought to con- suit their safety. All this was still done to keep up the idea of French superiority and invincibility. It was a miserable shiftJ but in this instance it seems to have been the only one that was left to him. He had, he said, gained the battle — he had occupied all the positions previously held by the enemy; and manner of advancing always in blind confidence, without plan or aiv/ calcidatiati of the chances of «'ar. It is evident that system so uniformly adopted and per- severed in by Bonaparte, being become known to the allied Generals, had opened the pitfall, in which his own pitiable self-security precipitated him; for wliatevcr their Joreign bulletins may advance, with the intciit-ion, no doubt, of euhanc/ii^ the glortf of their Generals, and the braver?/ of the men, it is clear that the position of Mount St. Jean, had been reconoitcred, designed and marked out with the fall pur- jmse to draw him thither tcith /lis arwjy, and there give him battle; (and why not?) for only a Bonaparte, infallible in his own opinion, could have f^ailt'd to see through it. The calculated retreat of the English on so strong a jiosition, the obstinacy ^vith which they maintained it, the facility they had for masking their troops and artillery in an immoise forest, and beyond all that the redoubts and open batteries they had raised, would have awakened mistrust in almost any othei* General. — What further strengthens the sujiposilion is, the eufxtion or a wooden ousehvatorv, which had been raised on a knoll in front of the forest, where, with a good tclescopL', c/ery movement as far as the Sambre might be distinguished. It 7iias crrtainli/ erected to watch us, and could not have been tlie work of twenty-four hours." — No! certainly it could not — nor was it erected either by the allies or for that pur- pose. In answer to this French rhapsody of disappointed ambition, related " by an eye ivilness," I must add — it is false that we had redoubts or batteries l)eyond what the j)lain fields afforded to our guns. It is false our troops and batteries were in the immense forest — they were a mile in front, and in an open country. It is false that the observatory was raised " on a knoll in front of the forest,^'' — it was a mile in the rear of the French arwy, and could be of no use to the allies, as it never was in- tended it should. What say the authors of the other French stories equally ridicu- lous to this? that it was Bonaparte who erected this observatory, and him who used it. — Neither are true; it was erected long before, and for a different purpose. That the position was good — though it was not very strong, is well known, and if Bonaparte committed errors, why should this French scribe suppose, that the allies were not to see and take advantage of these. Bonaparte, aye and France too, saw into this position, but not through il. Inde Ira. 359 decisive success was within his grasp, and certain for the next day- What then prevented tiie acconi})lishment of these ex- pectations, and what was it that overturned in a moment all this gay picture? Here was no Sarmatian storms — no defection of allies — no ignorant corporals to blow up bridges before their time — no treason, to call in as auxiliaries to the allies, and on which he could lay the blame of his defeat. No! It was a ])anic that struck his army ! But by whom sent — by what oc- casioned? Whether, " By an arm Divine, and mortal spoar. Wounded at once" Kapoleon " yields to fear,"* he does not condescend to inform us. But we shall correctly and justly attribute it to both; and, after giving the glory to Him to whom all glory is due, for this signal victory, wherein we perceive ambition and evil receiving most signal chastise- ment, we shall fairly bring to view the immediate instrnmcnts which produced this panic. It was the firm nerve of a British bayonet — the undaunted front of British valour, which manr times and oft, as Aboukir and Trafalgar; Alexandria, Sala- manca, Vittoria, and the Pyrenees could witness, had struck French hearts with a panic. It was the same, if I may be al- lowed to compare great things with small, with that which made Cafarelli's cavalry take themselves off to the right. " troi off and disappear "\ which here made even Napoleon, in person, take himself off, '''• trot off and disappear ^ but whether to the right or leit he has not informed us. Perhaps he did not know at the time, nor is it now material. SufHce it to say, that he trotted off; in -other words, fled as fast as beaten Emperors are wont to do — to Paris; but, as the reader has already learned, and may see by following his route on the map, neither " straight forward nor firm," as he solemnly engaged to do before he left that place, and from whence he was soon to be compelled to fiy, in a panic, to a stranger place. Such were the iumiediate, important, and decisive results of the tei'rible battle of Waterloo. The victories of Cressy and Agincourt, achieved by British prowess, twice before settled the fate of France. The triumph of Waterloo, won chiefly by the • Pope's Homer Iliad, Book xvi line 9fi3, &c. t Cafarelli's dispatch; October 30th. 1812. — See former Narrative, page 268* 360 5ame means, clecided not only the fate of France, but of Eur- ope. It plucked up by the roots, those principles and those men, which, far twenty-five years, had laid Europe waste, and bound her in chains of adamant. It struck the weapon from the arm of ambition; and, for the present age, at least, it has jfixed the political equilibrium of Europe upon a basis so sure, that the efforts of no single power can any more shake it. Again no tyrant can her sons enslave. Nor Is there any possibility of lessening or disguising the hu- miliation and defeat which France received on this day. In one battle, Britain dealt to her a blow that went to her heart. Nothing that was done by her to either Prussia or Austria, or Spain or Portugal, was so severely disgraceful to the vanquish- ed as that which befel herself. Waterloo sent her reeling antl tumbling backwards to a throne which she had sworn to de- fend — from which she held the boldest language; and yet be- fore which, we shall presently see, not an arm was raised up in its defence. The glory of accomplishing all this was justly re- served for the heroic children of that happy land, who have ?aved themselves by their firmness, as they have preserved Eur- ope by their example. To them and to Prussia this glory is due; to Prussia who, more trampled upon, insulted, and op- pressed by Napoleon and France than her neighbours, was, by a wise and unerring Providence, made the mighty 'instrument to contribute so largely to her deep humiliation, and to his fin- al degradation and overthrow. Eternal thanks and gratitude, therefore, be to those heroes, whose \yisdom and whose valour accomplished this. Immortal glory and honour follow the me- mories of those brave men, whose blood shed on the carnage covered fields of Waterloo, sealed the bond which has purchased safety and I'epose to each nation, and peace and security to a bleeding world. Its consequences never can be forgotten— its glory can never he effaced. During the dreadful day of the 18th, the utmost alarm prevail- ed at Brussels. The arrival of wounded and fugitives from both armies, spread the most gloomy reports, which it was impossible to counteract. The retreat of the allied armies during the 17th, though it satisfied them that their greatest fears were ground- mi V Ics?, still did not restore confidence. If such was their fears OG the 16th and 17th, the 18th doubled their alarm and increased their terror. The thunder of the cannon was distinctly and incessantly heard. Cowards fled from the field, and spread the report that the French had carried all belbre them, and were advancincr vvith rapid i-teps to Brussels, which they were resolv- ed to pillage and destroy. Dismay was at its height! All ranks, and both sexes, mixed together in the streets, and in the squares, waiting, in the extreme of expectation and anxiety, for intelligence from the arm}'. The wounded began to arrive in crowds — bad reports spread wider and faster, when at length the heavy baggage of the army under Wellington was seen pas- sing through the city, and taking the road to Antwerp. The feelings of the people were wound np to a pitch of the deepest sorrow. They had then no doubt that the French had gained a decisive victory. *' We are all lost," was the general cry which spread from mouth to mouth, and filled the city with mourning. They were not aware of the firmness or the pru- dence of the British General. Whatever might happen, he was prepared for it. The utmost confusion now prevailed in the city; and from thence to Waterloo the scene was still worse, the road presenting a spectacle as if in reality filled with the wreck of a flying army. Caissons were blown up, and bag- gage plundered. Hundreds fled from Brussels in the direction of Antwerp and Malines. The inhabitants indeed, at one time, seemed in general determined to leave the town. Every thing was put in requisition in consequence; and the flight and ter- ror became -general and distressing. Each thought only on himself: and passed, without regard, or almost regret, numbers of the unhappy sufferers, who, wounded in the previous battles, were marching the same road, or lying exhausted in every direc- tion. Arrived at Antwerp, many did not even conceive themselves safe there, but fled in crowds to Holland. But no words are equal to describe accurately this terrible scene of confusion, alarm, and sorrow. Similar also v/ere the scenes in the rear of the French army towards the close of the day of the 16th, near Quatre Bras; and still more soon the evening of the 18th, be- yond La Belle Alliance. At length the joyful tidings reached Brussels, late at night, and Antwerp next morning, that the French were totally defeated. A delirium of joy filled the z z 12 3(52' minds of those so shoilly before sunk in terror end dismi?v- Confidence was quickly restored: and the nnxious popuhitioii rushed out in crowds, to meet and welcome the wounded of their great deliverers. Amongst these, the wounded of the Scotch regiments were pecipliaiiy the objects of feheir regard. The people sought for them with avidity, and received them with trans- port. At Antwerp, nothing could exceed' the attention of ali- ]"anks to the woun-ded. Tlse hospitals were constantly crowded with gentlemen and kuHes'y who personally administered to their wants, distriiniting clean shirts, bread, wine, cofi'ee, tea, milk', and fruit of all sorts. In these hospitals were wounded men both oi' the French and British. Amongst the former, a scene, charac- teristic of their unfeeling brutality, was IVecjueutly witnessed. The wounded were seen mimickiug and tv)vn!ng into ridicule the varrous contortions of the last efforts of ci^piring nature in their dviniJ comrades! Vv'hat a race! indignation is a term too lio'ht to apply against them. At Antwerp also, were many of the British soldiers who had been wounded in the battle of the 16th, particularly of the 42d regiment. A scene truly char- acteri&tie took place amongst them when the news of the deci- sive victory arrived. These brave, veterans, though dreadful- ly wounded and maimed, forgot for a moment all their suffer- ings, and were seen limping along in the streets, " In the garb of old Gaul, whh thp fire of old Home," Waving their bonnets, ^and exclaiming in this movement 'which came from the heart, " l}oney's beat ! Boney'sbeat! Huzza* Huzzii! Huzza! Boney'sbeat!" That part of the French nation, attached to Napoleon, on this occasion took theouj-iortunity after all to attempt to delude and- to deceive the public mind in France, and other places, by ascrib- ing to tlieir arms deeided victories. This was only jxut of that system of falsehood and delusion so long practised in France. In this case, however, its course was reversed. The exairf the Duke of Wellington, in the previous number of this Journal, expressly informed the editor, that his Grace " would move the army forward on the morning of the 19Lh; and I shall not," added he, " discontinue my operations;" and that, in- stead of an orderly retreat^ the «ncmy fled in the " utmost coii- Jusion."-f It may seem strange that I should thus be so parti- cular in noticing the effusions of this Journal. But I hold it fair, in recording the sentiments of other men, to i*ecord those of its conductors, as their rank and character stands high with many. Their opinions, promulgated with the utmost conse- quence, are certainly meant should live beyond the present day; and, therefore, they cannot deem it unfair if these are chosen to contrast with others; and I must add, with truth, particularly upon such an important subject and solemn occasion as the pre- sent. Can we wonder at the daring impositions circulated in France, when we ccm template, from such high rank, such things circulated in Britain. Amongst the various other attempts yet made by the enemy, and those who advocate their cause and support their system, io lessen their disgrace, and the glory which Britain acquired at ^Vatcrjoo, the following is the most prominent and tiie most * Morning Chronicle, June 24th, 1815. f Wellington's dispatch, June 19th. 365 plausible. They assert that it was to the assistance of the Prus» sians alone that Vv'cllington owed the victory. This is not the fact. WeUington's plan was to act on tiie defensive till the Prussians arrived. Bonaparte's, to beat the former before the latter came up. Though the Prussians were several hours latter than was expected in joining, Bonaparte completely failed in effecting the object which he had in view. It was past seven o'clock in the evening before the Prussians, in any considei-able or dangerous force, were engaged; and, it must not be forgotten, that by that period the whole of the French army had been successively led against the Biitish, and suc- cessively beaten. The last reserve of guards had shared the fate of the others, and they had retired from the rude " shock in con- fusion." From that moment thev could he brousht to face the British no more; and from that moment tlie conduct of Wel- lington was altered. From the assailed he became the assailant. He states in pretty plain language, that he was in a situation to make the decisive attack, which produced the final result, when he says, " evc?i if I had not found myself' in a situation to male the attack xddeh produced the Jinal rcsidt.^'^-" Let it he remembered also that the defeat of the guard in the last attack took place while them and the rest of the army believed, and were informedj that it was not the Prussians but Grouchy's corps which was on their right.f Therefore it was not the dread of the Prussians, but of the British, which made them fly at that mo- ment, even under the eye of thtir Emperor. Bonaparte him- self admits, that the failure of his cavalry attacks were fatal to his cause; and that he could, dur-ijig that day^ make no further im- pression upon the British General; and plainly intimates, that he could not on any other day do so without the assistance of Grouchy's corps. Blucher acknov/ledges that the Frencii col- umns were " already shaken^^ when he engaged th^m. Bona- parte, who would, if he could, have torn from Britain the glory of his overthrow, never mentions the last Prussian attack at all; but, on the contrary, states that they had exhausted their ibrces, and he had nothing more to fear; and, although this was not the fact, still it establishes the point that his army was defeated in '.he great object which he had in vicv, before the Prussians '* Wellingtor.s dispatch, June IDtfl. | N?:'3 letter. 366 nrvived in force. Besides, Waterloo must not be disjointed from Li"-ny and Quutre Brtis. These formed part of this important nnd decisive field. These were the outworks of Waterloo. The enemy, after a gallant defence, carried the one, which oblio-ed the other to be abandoned. But had the British, been defeated at Quatre Bras, it is more than doubtful if there could, under these circumstances, have been any battle at Waterloo. Yet the Prussians lost no glory from being obliged to yield at Ligny. They were compelled to yield it to superior numbers, but not till they had handled their foes so roughly, that, in the words of General Alava, " they gained no advantage what- ever,"* from obtaining possession of that place. In a few words. With only the British before him, it was retreat; with the Prussians joined, it was total destruction; betwixt which there is indeed an immense distance- Far be it from me to wish to in- jure or take away the noble fame and prowess of the sons of the Oder. They did their duty — they did enough — all did to their utmost at Waterloo; and glory enough remains for every one who was engaged in that glorious field, after allowing the British General the well earned and certain glory of having defeated the enemy, though two to one, and ])laced him in a situation where, as he could not advance, he must consccjucnt- ly have fallen back. The British defeated— the Prussians annihilated, the " already shaktm columns" of the enemy, thouo-h furious '-'■from despair;' and which was quite enough for each to have accomplished. We may fairly conclude this im- portant subject, and decide this important point, by the im- partial testimony of the brave General Alava, who was present; and unquestionably a competent judge, and best in his own words. " To the British troo!>s," said he, " and their illustrious Com- mander, it may be asserted, 'without offence to any one, that to them both belongs the chief part, or all the ^-/orj/ of this memorable day."f But vain and futile were all the attempts which were made to lessen the glory and importanceof the victory of Waterloo, and the disasters there sustained by France. That combat raised its o-icrantic head, and spoke in a voice of thunder which Moscow rose from her ashes to greet with admiration, and which the con- • Akva's dispatcli, Juuc 20tlj. " f Do. da 'do. S67 fines of Asia heard with joy. It made the Seine fear and the Rhone tremble; while, in distant lands, the hoarse murmurs of the impetuous Potomac remained hushed, and amazement seized his current, like as when the cannon of Cockburn laid low the spires of tlie Capitol. In the language of the brave Highlander, " Bojici/s heat! Bonci/s hratl" resounded throughout the world. The sound of the glorious huzza reached Paris, on the light- liiu'^'s wings, and the shock made her deepest foundations trem- ble. There Wellington's " name in everj' breath they hear," And Blucher's " shadow every moment fear." At eleven, in the morning of the 21st, Bonaparte reached the Thuilleries, foiiorn and dispirited, bringing the news of his own defeat. He was visited, but by tew: but amongst these few were the subservient St. Jean de Angley, and the obsequious Maret. The bulletin was produced, which was that morning to convey to the public, through the columns of the Moniteur, the most disastrous intelligence ever communicated to France. Ilegnault })erused it. While he did so, Bonaparte, in agitation, con- tinued to bite his nails and take snuff copiously. At length lleo-nault finished the dismal scroll. It was too much for bis nerves to bear. A sigh heaved his bosom and called forth the ex- pression, wliicli came from the heart, " // is lost! Yes, answer- ed Napoleon in agony, " it is lost! and my glorij -jcith it.^^* — Not so, said Ilegnault, " you have fifty victories to oppose to one defeat." — Bonaparte said nothing — he knew these had brou'j-ht on this loss. But said Maret, " the defeat is decisive — the Emperor is in the right."f In vain they attempted to form plans to stop the torrent which rolled against them. — They dreaded the Royalists — they were jealous of the Repub- licans — they trembled at Wellington and Blucher. " They are not accustomed to conquer," said Bonaparte, '• they will abuse the victory." It is not them, said Maret, that you have iuost to fear; it is those " whose cowardice Wellington's bra- very has made triumphant. The courage of the Royalists is in the head of Wellington, and the arm of Elucher." YeX notwithstanding this should be the case, we " must stop them,*' said Regnault. That indeed was their first care. — But " How?" said Maret: " the army exists no more, and the frontier is un- • Converrsation at return to Paris, t I^o- ^^- '^o« 3(58 trovered." The army exists — the frontier is only uncovered — the army will rally — Grouchy is an honest man — Sou It ha?^ ght on an angry discussion, in which M. Durbach stated, that not- withstanding her disasters, France would not bend to a foreign yoke; " notwithstanding the ejjbrts of our eternal enemy^ -?-"&■" land" This produced violent murmurs. Wellington was too near for such language to pass unnoticed, which, at all other times, would have been vcceived with applause. Several mem- bers called out to close the discussion; when it was found out that they really were without a governm.ent. Till this po-int was settled, therefore, all further discussion was prohibited. M. Sibuet moved the immediate appointment of thd commis- sion to exercise t!ie government. " No more discussions, no or- atorical pretensionsf said he, "facts and a prompt decision." Here, however, the assembly was thrown into alarm, by Henri Lacoste producing a letter, informing him that 10,000 troops were posting to Paris, and that the national guards were com- manded by officers of the line. " A 13th Vendemaircy and an X8th Brumairc is called for." Davoust, however, who was present, explained the movement of the troops, which, though he did not exactly st^Ue so, were in reality flying before the al- lies; and shewed that the national guards were commanded, not by officers of the line, but by members of that Chamber, viz. Grenier, Sebastian!, and Valence; adding, that while he com- manded there was no danger of treachery. This satisfied them for the moment; but every thing sliewed the dreadful state of doubt a-nd perturbation in which J-raucc was placed. Her S79 leading men feared everything; dreaded every thing; and doubted every one. The choosing of the executive council was then resumed. The President inquired if they might be chos- en ♦' in the Chambers.'' iM. Flaugargues said that they needed not restrain voting either in the Chambers or out of tlie Cham- bers; " you have," said he, " occasion for National names, for European names;" ibr never vias there a more important mis- sion than that of the Provisional Government. It was then decreed that three members should be chosen from the House of llepresentatives, and that the appointment of commission- ers to proceed to tlio armies should be left to the executive government. M. Girad de I'Aix then moved that an ad- dress, with these proceedings, should be sent to the people and to the army. This M. Flaugergues opposed. " You is- sue addresses to day," said he, " to-morro-jo you 'jcill execute, and there iinll be no government." Davoust then proposed to re- cal all soldiers to their post, under tlic penalty of being ac- counted traitors for leaving these. This measure he stated to be necessary, as emissaries were busy in endeavouring to en- courage the naiional guards in the fortresses to desert. The war was, therefore, declared national; and Davoust continued to. give them some trifling details about the towns on the frontiers of the Netherlands, antl the situation of Grouchy, who had lost the Emperor, and did not know where to find him, though it was " higJili/ important for him to knoiv xi^Jiere he xvas." To him succeeded General Duvernet, who was newly arrived from Ly- ons, who detailed to them the defence and situation in which that city and other places in the South were. In the meantime, the President, with his bureaux, went to Napoleon to thank him for the facility with wiiich he resigned Lis crown. They were received as graciously as could be ex- pected, in the situation of both parties; Bonaparte thanking them, and they him; and eacij conceiving more eagerly than the other, how nicely iluy would eulia]) tiie allies again. Bona- parte thanked them for the sentiments of regard which- they expressed towards him — recommended them to re-enforce the armies, and place all in a good state of defence. " Do not," said he, " expose this great nation to the mercy of the foreign- er, least you be disappointed in your hopes." From this he 380 proceeded to state, that, wherever lie was, he should be happ^' if France was so. But, least they should misunderstand him, he reminded them that he only made the great sacrifice which lie had done for the " welfare of the nation, and the interests of his soHy xvhom I therefore proclaim Emperor.^* This he was en- titled to do, as the people of France had most judiciousjy bound themselves not to have the power, from thenceforward and for- ever to choose any person which they might wish. The Presi- . S89 \he Prussians, after an accident, occasioned by tlic blowing up of a magazine, by which 4.00 men were destroyed. The gar- rison, consisting of 439 men, were sent, the Officers to Wesel, and the soldiers to Cologne; and all, said Marshal Blucher, *• a7-e to be treated icith the iiecessarij setcrityS'* The allied armies, at least 14-0,000 strong, continued to advance.' On the i27th Quesnoy surrendered to the allies. The garrison, which a- jnounted to 2800 men, chiefly national guards, obtained liberty to retire to their homes. On the 26th Peronne was taken by the British troops. The 1st brigade of guards, under Major General Maitland, took by storm the horn work which covers the suburbs on the left of the Somme, and the place immedi- ately surrendered, upon the garrison obtaining leave to retire to their homes. On the 28th the Prussians, under Blucher, •were at Cressy, Senlis, and La Fere Millon; and on the 29th their advanced guards were at St. Denis and Gonasse. The re- sistance experienced by the British army at Cambray and Peronne, detained them one day behind the Prussian army; but which forced marches enabled them to overtake in the neighbourhood of Paris. In the meantime Sotilt wag displaced from the chief command of the army, which wajj conferred on Marshal Grouchy. The reason of this remark- able step, according to Soult, was because the Provisional Government suspected his fidelity. This was very likely the irue reason; or they could scarcely at this moment have dis- missed a man confessedly superior to his successor, in point of abilities. The rapid advance of the allied armies caused Grouchy to redouble his speed to reach Paris before them. This ho oflected, after considerable loss, particularly on the t'Sth, at Villers Cotterets, ivhere he fell in with the leit wing of the Prussian army^ and afterwards with the division under Bu- jow, which drove him across the Marne, with the loss of six pieces of cannon and 1500 prisoners. Grouchy fairly acknow- ledoed, that his troops would not fight, and that numbers de- serted. In fact, though the French army was daily receiving Te-enforcements from the towns and depots in its route, and also from the interior, the desertion from it was so great that ^Is number was little if any thing at all augmented. V/ilh the • Blusher'i iii=ipatcli, Noyalles-sur-Sambre, Jane 2 1st. remainder, however, Groucliy succeeded in tbroTviiig IiimselP into Paris, where he joined the wreck of the main armj-, the whole consisting of about 4-0 or 50,000 troops of the line, the wretched remains (including also all re-enforcements) of 1 90,000 men, which fought at Waterloo. To these, however, were to be added the National guards, a new levy called les Tiiaillcun de la Garde, and the Federes. According to Bonaparte's port- folio, found at Waterloo, these latter amounted to 14,000 men. Altogether, these forces were at least 40,000 more, if not a greater number. Paris was, therefore, siill formidable, and capable of much resistance. French accounts, daily issuing from the press, assert that they had 70,000 regulars in Paris. Davoust, on Key's trial, stated that he had 25,000 cavalry, and 500 pieces of -cannon. At this rate, their force was nearly equal to the allies, and yet they suffered Blucher and Welling- ton to remain undisturbed, when separated, and also surrendered Paris without a struggle. Lord Wellington is, however, bet- ter authority, who states their regular force to have been only from 40 to 50,000. The object of these exaggerated state* ments, on the part of France, are all put forth to lessen their loss at Waterloo; and further, that in consideration of their numerous force, the allies, by a secret understanding, granted conditions to induce them 'to surrender, which afterwards, to please the King, they violated. Alarm and consternation now reigned in Paris, so> lately the scene of boasting and security. The commissioners dispatched to the head-quarters of Blucher and Wellington could neither procure an armistice, nor merest the march of the armies. It was to no purpose that they informed them of the abdication of Napoleon. That did not satisfy them. He might be recalled if they gained time. Frenchmen could be trusted no longer. The armies continued to advance, and were already before the gates of Paris, when Davoust, then commander-ia-ehief, endea- voured to make another effm't to gain time, and procure a ces- sation of hostilities. He wrote a letter to the Duke of Welling- ton, stating, that as Napoleon had abdicated, therefore, agreeable to the declarations of their Sovereigns, the motives for their mili- tary movements no longer existed. He informed him that he had just received a telegraphic message from Lyons, announcing^ 391 tiitit on the 29tb, the Austrian General Frimont had concluded' mi urmislicc with Suchet; insinuating, no doubt, that he had acted according to superior orders, and thereby considered the war at an end. This dispatch Davoust pledged his honour vva& cor- rect; but he took care not to stiUe the cause, nor the whole truth. The fact was, that the abdication of Bonaparte was- immediately transmitted by telegraph to Suchet, with direc- tions by all means to procure an armistice with Frimont. This was communicated to him. The Austrian General was astonished — he had not even heard- of the battle of Waterloo, and had received no account from his court,, then at Manheim^ concerning any one of these events.. He paid no attention to the first application; but, next day,, being satisfied that what Suchet said was correct, but still doubting what might be tlic intention and results of all. this, he,, on. the 29th, agreed to an armistice ibr three days, by which lime he wj.s certain he would hear from the grand hcad-(|uarter.s something to guide his future conduct. The armis-tice, however, was concluded upon such terms as shewed the Austrian General did not mean to trust to mere words. Suchet agreed to give up all the> country, from Geneva to the gates of Lyons-. This Davoust took special care not to mention. The conduct, however, of the Austrian General, at so, distant a point, where he could either be but ill informed or intentionally misled, was no guide to the British General. Davoust continued to argue that the motives of tiieir advance was " destroyed;" and boldly stated, upon this conduct of the Austrian General, that " his Grace could have no other instructions trom his government than that whicli the Austrian Generals had hom tlieirs."* Fie, there- fore, demanded an armistice, in order to await the decision of a Congress. A similar letter was sent to Blucher, to which he replied, " that the French Marshal was wrong in supposing all cause of war removed, as the abdication of Napoleon was only in favour of his son^ and that he must know the declara- tion of the allies excluded from the throne "■ not only Napoleon, but all the members of his family." General Frimont's conduct he said was no rule to guide theirs: that they would certainly fol- low up their victory, which " God had given them the means •• Davoust's letter, La Vallette, June 2Sth. iind the n-iil to do." He desired Davoust to beware how hv^ brought ruin upon a great city; and a^ked him if he " wished to bring down on himself the curses of Paris, as he had those of Hamburgh." They were " resolved (he said) to enter Par- is; and no armistice could be concluded except in" that place. He called upon Davoust not to " mixccmccivc" the situation in which the allies stood with regard to his nation; and remarked, that, if Davoust was so anxious to enter into negotiations with them, " it was strange that he should detain, contrary to the law of nations, their oflicers who were sent with letters and packets;" and he concluded his answer by saying, that, " ac- cording to the usual forms of established civilitv, I have the honour to call myself M. Marshal, your servant- — Blucher."*" This was just and decided language. It was proper to tell op- pression, though it was arrayed with power and clothed in pur- ple, that as it never should merit the consideration due to virtue, so it no longer was the object of fear to mankind. Davoust was thus treated as he deserved. The character of the French military leaders were now so well known, that, no person would trust them, even if they told truth. It was only what they had to expect, after their repeated violations of their word, in every instance to Europe. "It would now be useless," said the Journal de 1' Empire, " to put in motion the springs of in- trigue, and of a xaicked policjj. These practices are laorn ont.^'f Worn out indeed these were, as was also the patience of Eu~ yope. Still, however, we here find Davoust endeavouring 1(» use them. Pie wanted to disarm Wellington, by assuring hiivi that Austria was disarmed; forgetting to^ state the hard condi- tions by which a small part of her force was so, or the short dur- ation of the cessation of hostilities; and that even this was brought round only by the directions sent to Suchet, that he would sooi^ receive more full and explicit intelligence from Paris. The same day Davoust, Pajol, d' Erlon, Fressinet, Vandamme, and about 12 other Generals, commanding the troops in the lines before Paris, addressed a letter to the House of Representatives, in v.hich they informed them, " that in presence of their enemios — they swore before the Representatives and the world to de^ * Blucher's answer, July 1st. f Journal da le Empire, Paris, June 2Gth., 3^3 fend, to their last sigh, the cause of their iilclepcndencc and the national honour. They stated that it was intended to im- pose the Bourbons upon them as Sovereigns, and that iT their return was subscribed by the Representatives it would be sign- ing the testament of the army, which, for twenty-five years, had supported the glory of France."* The whole of this fa- mous epistle, addressed by an armed body, to a deliberative as- fiembly, solely regarding the rights and the safety of the former, in a capital' which that military commanded by their cannon, contained the most bitter abuse against the Bourbons, and their determination rather to die than yield to their sway. This was another proof of who it was that had caused the revolu- tion in France — who it was that maintained it, and who new came forward, with arms in their hands, to direct, nay, to dic-^ tate to the Legislature. Such was French Liberty. This let- ter was, however, received by the assembly with great applause. It suited the principles of most of them. It was these Europe had to dread. But if the assembly suffered themselves to be directed by an armed body, they were no longer a Legisla- ture. If they extolled such measures, they v.ere either a gov- ernment directed by the military, or a purely military govern- ment, both of which Europe had equal reason to guard against. Some of the members, however, began to lower their tone-. Some of the most violent to recal their words. They were a- ware that the abdication of Napoleon was the return of the Bourbons; and, therefore, they prepared to make their peace with them. Of these, M. Durbach was the foremost. In the sitting of the ]st of July, he begged to correct a typographical ^rror which had crept into his speech of the preceding day, but now printed, and distributed among them. In that speech, said he, I am made to have said, " I need not retrace to yoii the picture of the a-hnes, faults, pretensions, perfidies of that ephemeral reign." (of Louis XVIII.) The word crimes, con- tinued he, should be rectified, and has been done by inTitijig in a certain numbed' of copies distributed. I observed, said he, *' the proceedings of the royal government: I have recognised its faults, its errors, and the abuses which it brought along with it;'' biit I never made use of the expression which appeared ia ?* La Valktte, June 50UJ» 3 a 1.3 394) print. For crimes, the word eirojs should be read. \Viiy, I& truth, this makes a mighty diflercnee! It exculpates the gov- ernment of Louis XVI 1 1, from crimes, and only charges it with liaving been guilty of what all mankind are, and will continue to be, namely, errors. Hutnaimm est crrare. So did M. Durbachj nay, him and his revolutionary colleagues went greater lengths j yet they ai'e to be ascounted innocent 1^ Dupin also endeavoar- ed to correct an error which had taken place in printing his^ speech. In the copy of the law proposed to secure the public &afcty, the paragraph had beea omitted " •a'/ilck ordahn that the ■motives of (OTest should be communicated to tfie accused." In truth, M. Dupin did not think this a very material point, or necessary at ■the time; Jout as he was not sure but his turn might come soon^ he wanted to be prepared to get all justice. The march of AVellington and Blncher did wonders. They corrected many errors both in print and manuscriptj^ and touched with feeling, heads and hearts which had never been touched before. Con- siderable uneasiness was expressed by the assembly at the situ- ation of the commissioners sent to the allied powers, as no com- munications had been received from them. JvL Bory de St. Vincent then made his appearance to report the condition of the army assembled to defend Paris, which he had been ap- pointed to visit. He praised the spirit which animated it> The resolution of Vandamme, and tiie modesty of the comman- der-in-chief, Bavoust, who did not appear to di^ad the result of the expected attack. The works, he said, were much strong- er than those which occasioned such an horrible loss to the- English army at Thoulouse. '' Abattis were formed on all the high ways; obstacles were multiplied; the ditshes which cover- ed the lines were inundated." The national guards, and Fed- erates yvere familiar izitig themselves with the perils which the^' were imjpatiefit to encounter. Some complained that they had neither arms nor cartridges — others, that their courai^e was re- pressed. Every where the cry of Vive la Liberte! Vive Na- poleon ! Vive les Representatives ! No Bcuibous I resounded m his ears. He contended, that the Journalists exaggerated intentionally the number of their foes. These, said he, are not so numerous as they are stated to be. The armies of Wellington O^d Bluchef; before th^ battles pf Fleurus and Wateriooj were- 5.95 oven exaggerated to 100,000 men. These battles, said he, did not make them more. It is only heads of columns which have yet debouched; and against such a force, " May we not," said he, " with such elements, commaaided by the Defender of Ham- hurgh^ await the event, and save the glory of tlie French name. Far be it from me, continued he, to wisli to see Paris exposed to the horrors of a defence; [a la Hamburgh^ he, no doubt, meant;) but we must not take a suppliant attitude;" and, be- sides, <' we must not take Paris for the whole of France:" and, concluding tliis harangue, he moved that five commissioners ^om their body should be sent to be constantly with the arnvy. An address to the French people was then }iiolition of tythes, and of the old and nevc^ hereditary nobility and feudality." These and a number of other things simUar, but frequently before mentioned, were 403 declared essentially necessary to form a French monarch. — This declaration was ordered to be sent to the Chamber of Peers on the 5tli, after which Garat moved that the proclama- tion of Louis XVIII. should be read, " Break up the sitting" was the cry oi many, " wait for the Government message," said others, — " and if it should not come?" said many voices. Great nois>e succeeded this, when it was stated that 'the President announced an adjournment. The tumult increased. Some members wished to go away — -cries of '* Ushers! shut the doors^" resounded on all sides. Two secretaries were ordered to pro- ceed to the Thuille-ries, to learn if any message was coming from the Government. At ck-vcn at night the secretaries re- =turned, and M. Bacioch informed them that Fouche had gone to the head-quarters of the^Duke of Weliingtcn, and was not returned, consequently no messnge could be received tid to- morrow. At the Thuilleries, said he, we saw Count -Pontc- coulant, v.rho said that the allied Sovei^eigns, ^nd in particular the EraptH'or Alexander, was animated with the best disposition. That thev did not *' desire to oppose us in ihejorm of a Govern- ment T and, that, with regard to the reports of mtended distur- bances, tliey had nothing to fear; as Marshal Blucher was.de- termined to maintain ordeun, when Dupm^.t interrupted it by what he stated, as a mo- tion of the highest importance, namely, that the decoration, already noticed, should *' be -sent to the allied monarchs." — *' The allies will enter Paris to->morrow," said a member, •' let vour deputation go first to Lord Wellington and Marshal Blucher." (Murmurs.) Dupont, La Fa\ette, Ilamond, La- iette, and General Sorbier, were appointed the deputation. The discussion tl;en continued. Pl^tii and disturbances were ap- prehended ; but, they were asisured, that the Government, and Massena, who was the commander of the national guards, were acquainted with and proposed to frustrate these. At eight in the evening the debate contmucd. A message was sent to the Government to take into consideration the means to pay the armv, without which it was supposed the troops wouid not kave Paris. Before nrocecding to consider the new Constitu- 404. tion, a member moved that the statue of Napoleon, placed a- bove tlie President's chair, should be removed ; and that th<^ tri-coloured flag should be substituted in its })laee. Cries o" supported was echoed through the hall. The order was inuuc- diately executed in part. The statue was removed, but instead *' of the tri-coloured flag, a scaij'xvas subsiiiided.'' M. de la Fayette, one of the commissioners who had been deputed to the allied Sovereigns, then appeared, and informed them of the result of their mission; and that, he could assure them, these Sovereigns had no intention to interfere with the form of their Government. He also informed them, that, throughout their journey? the public spirit in the departments was conformable to their last declaration ; and that he and the others who were absent, when it was adopted, fully acquiesced in it. The dis- cussion on the new Constitution then commenced. Manuel, the reporter, in the name of the committee, presented the ana- lysis of its labours, and the system which it had produced. " Men," said he, " are not a sufiicient guarantee for Slates ; a durable security can only be found in institutions." lie then proceeded to state, " that France, for twenty-five years, had been the victim of factions and despotism," and that in insti- ' tutions alone she could seek an asyhuii against the disorders and abuses to which she had been a prey. He informed them, that a Constitutional monarchy was alone applicable to France, because a " republic might seduce elevated suulsy,-" and that " such a form of Government, did not suit a great people iu the present state of their societies." The division of the Legis- lative power into two Chambers, was just and necessary; but the establishment of a hereditary Peerage offered many obstacles. Their opinion, that the suppression of ancient and new nobility, was necessary, is already given. Monarchy, however, required such an institution; and, the committees were therefore of opi- nion, that they ought to be hereditary, and unlimited in number, in order to be a just counterpoise against the influence of the Crown and the people. A strong guarantee for the liberty of the subject, was, that no Sovereign, nor presumptive heir to the crown, was to be allowed to command the armies ; and another was, that *• no Officer was to be deprived of his rank without a previous judgment." The aboliiion of the slave trade was 405 also an article in the Constitution. M. Manuel then read the Constiluiicn, article by article; and when he came to the 14'tli of chap. 2d, which related to the oath to be taken by the Sov- ereign, a member arose, and very properly observed, " that he should take the oath of fidelity to the Constitution of 1815, as it was impossible to know "what might happen in tent/cars." Tliis observation excited much tumult: it was a severe satire and bitter rebuke upon the conduct of the French nation, and could not be very agreeable to many in that assembly. The King's guard was henceforward to be composed of Frenchmen. No i^overeign was to be allowed to cede any part of the French territory, or incorporate any conquered trouj other nations, without the consent of the Chambers, which it, no doubt, woUid[ not have been difficult to obtain; and they considered the consent of no other nation necessarj'. The prerogative of par- doning, vested in the monarch, occasioned some discussion; but it was at last agreed that it would be improper to interfere with or limit it. The question, that it should not be lawful to erect any statue to the Sovereign, while living, was considered of such importance, that, upon the motion of M. Flaugergucs, it was remitted back to the committee. The article relating to granting subsidies to foreign powers b}' the Sovereign, appear- ed to the committee to be attended .with as much inconvenience as allowing him the power to declare war without their author- ity. No interference was to be made with the civil list, as that belonged to the Sovereign alone. Next day the Chamber a- gain assembled by eight o'clock in the morning. The new I'onstitution continued to be the object of their attention. The article relating to nobility occasioned a long discussion, in which M. Deshayes observed, that wlicnever the French ^vantctl to obtain liberty, in their eagerness, they were sure logo beyond tlieir object. M. Sii.wzey " proposed to try, first of aii, a peerage for life; ixinX^ if that did not answer, they might then 3aakc! it hereditary." This, after two consultations, was, however, accounted doubti'ul; and the further consideration was deferred till the following day; the Chamber theu received from the Provi- sional Government a message intbrniing them that they had been deceived with regard to the assurances of the allied monarchs, that they would not interfere with the internal government; be- *' cause their Ministers and Generals had declared vesterdav, in 406 til e conferences they have had ^vith llie President of the Cammis- sion (Fouche) that all the Sovereigns had engaged to replace Louis XVin. upon the throne," and that he was iminedialelv to enter that capital. " Foreign troops," continued they, " have occupied the Thuilleries; and as they considered their deliber- ations no longer free, they consequently conceived it their duty to separate." Falsehood, it would thus seem, continued t6 be the order of the day with this government of the revolutionary school, to the last moment of their existence. The allied Sov- ereigns had neither engaged to ivstore nor support Louis XVIII. on the throne of France. What the conduct of France might force them to, was another question. Foreign troops indeed occupied the capital, as by the convention and conquest they had a right toek) ; but these troubled not their heads about their governmenL It was not for that they had come to Paris. The restoration of their legitimate Sovei'eign, to his throne, was, no doubt, the wish of all ; as the best security for the repose of Europe. The retreat of the Provisional Government proceeded from another cause, as we shall presently notice. When the reading of the above message was finished, silence, for a while, ensued; and the members seemed to consult tog-ctlier. Man- uel then came forward, and said, that as they had foreseen that event, he called upon them to remain at l.heir post — " let us say," said he, " that we are Representatives of the people; and that we will not quit the place but at the point of the bayonet." Bravo.' Bravo! Yes, yes! arose from all parts of the assembly. It was moved to put the motion to the vote; but, notwithstand- ing their hravos, it was not supported. The assembly was then informed that the pay of the army was not only secured for July, but for August also ; but which had not been obtained without " great sacrifices.'' M. Durbach, then moved that a new Council of government should be formed with the minis- ters; but General Carnot answered, that the ministers were at that moment employed in placing the archives and important papers in safety'. The members then began to disperse, after passing to the order of the day upon the message ; the Presi- dent of the government announcing at the same time, that the silting was adjourned till the 8th, at eight in the morning. It was, however, rendered unnecessary. 407 « TIic gates of my kingdom at last open before mcj'' said Louis XVIII. Ycp, the arm of Wellington broke asunder the- bars, and levelled the ramparts which opposed him. Immedi- ately after the battle of Waterloo, he left Ghent, accompanied by other members of his family, and by Talleyrand, Marmont, Clarke, and other attendants, and advanced into France. On the 28th, he entered Cambray, where he was received with every m.ark of respect. From that place he addressed a proclamation to the French nation, in which he informed them, that he was returned a second time to bring back " his misled subjects" to their duty, " to mitigate the calamities of war; and to throw himself between the alhed and the French armies, in the hope that the feelings of consideration of which he was the object, might tend to their preservation." He acknowledged that his government might have committed crrorsy but none with an evil intention. " Experience, however," said he, ^ alone can teach ; it shall not be lost. All that can save France is rav ' wish." He reminded them of the suiFerings which they had endured, and of the designing and malicious calumnies raised against him by his enemies, with regard to the sales of national property, which he had confirmed, and never intended to vio- late. He promised to choose from " among all Frenchmen^' those who should approach himself and his family; and to exclude none therefrom, " but those whose celebrity is matter of grief to France, and of horror to Europe." He promised to par- don misled persons; but, in consequence of the blood of his people, which had been shed by the march of treason, without example, " he owed it to the dignity of his crown, to the in- terest of his people, to the repose of Europe, to except from pardon the instigators and authors of this horrible plot. These shall be desigaated to the vengeance of the laws by the two Chambers, vvhich I propose forthwith to assemble." Such, said he, are the sentiments which 1 bring among j-ou, whom time has not been able to change, nor calamities, fatigue, or in- justice, made to stoop."* From Cambray, the King proceeded towards the capital, every where greeted by the people. On the 7th, he arrived at St. Denis. There he issued an order, dissolving botli Chambers of the Legislature, assembled undei* • Proclamation, Cambraj", June 2Sth. Countersigned. Talleyrautl. 408 the o'overnnient of Bonaparte. Also another, restoring to ihe\i pUaccs and posts all those who occupied official situations on the 1st of March preceding. General Desolles was dechared com- mander of the national guards of Paris, and directed to take measures to close the meetings of the assemblies. This he ac- cordingly did. On the 8th, the King entered his capital. It was the approach of the King which made the Provisional Government think it high time to separate; and, not as they said, the alteration of the sentiments of the allied Sovereigns. Preparations had been made, from the preceding day, to re- ceive his Majesty; and great crowds went out to meet him. Pie was, said the accounts from Paris, welcomed with greater acclamation than on the preceding year. The white cockade was universally hoisted — the white standard displayed, and cries of Vive le II02, were now the occupation of the surround- in o- multitudes. It is needless to repeat more of this mode of reception. The world is sick of French cries of Vive le Iloit Vive le Empercur, la Nation, la Liberie, all equally ready; and time, by deeds, not professions, must henceforth shew the world which is the real»sentiments of Frenchmen ; at present many of them certainly cannot tell which they most approve ; and others v.ill cry any thing, merely i'or the pleasure of doing so. At the barrier of St. Denis the King was met by Count Chabrol, prefect of the department of the Seine, accompanied by the Municipal body, who addressed him in name of his compan- ions, in a speech of considerable length. He recalled to his memory that 100 days had then passed away since his Majesty left his capital, " amidst tears and consternation." He declar- ed that the good city of Paris raised its voice in vain, as faith- ful subjects, to avert this dreadful calamity. " There are mo- ments," said he, " when Heaven does not permit the voice of matristrates to be heard." Such were these, when no exertions on their part could " prevent an error which has proved so fatal. Heaven is overcharged with vengeance," said the speak- er, " and returns you only to pardon us." He then proceed- ed to state, that peace would be the consequence: that France, imitating the capital, would rally round her legitimate Sove- reign: that faction would be vanquished, passion tranquillized; and that from henceforth, all the ^' great family'' would approach 409 })im with " only one rallying cry — Vive le Boi, Vive Louis XVII J. Vive les Bourhoiis! This speech was accompanied by the areneral acclamation of the multitLuie; ami tlie Kinn; in- formed him, in answer, that he had left Paris with regret and sorrow — that its sentiments of fidelity had reached him — that " he returned with emotion,'^ that he had foreseen the misfortunes wiiich was to come upon them; and that it was his wi^h to pre- vent and repair them. The procession then proceeded through the Boulevards, to the Thuilleries, where the King alighted, and took up his abode in that palace, the scene of so much grief and affliciion to his family, and which many had expected he would never again see, and very few that it could take place so soon. In the evening the city was illuminated; and songs, dances, and rejoicings, continued to a late hour. But these things were nothing new in Paris. A cliange of government seemed indeed to have become necessary, in order to afford them amusement. I have been the more particular in these details, in order that we might see and appreciate the principles of the French nation; and to judge with what ease they can justify, and with what facility they can adopt any change. I have lengthened them beyond due bounds, in order that we might contemplate the last public exhibition of that revolutionary flame which had laid Europe waste, and torn up social order from its founda- tions. The spirit, we must observe, remained the same; but the nerve was shaken. As confused and as obstinate as ever, they would have abused the power which they coveted, and return- ed like the dog to his vomit, had not the principles that opposed them been different, and had not the indignant ann of assem- bled Europe stretched the sword of Justice over their heads. No doubt, we shall be told that Europe and France have deri- ved benefits from the actions of these men. Doubtless she has; but no thanks to them, nor their theories, nor their specula- tions. It is because the futility and folly of these are complete- ly exposed, that France and Europe have derived advantage therefrom; but this advantage has been dearly bought, and much more might have been gained by safe and gentle means. Fortunate it is for mankind, that a Being of infinite power and unerring wisdom controls and directs the affairs of this world. 3 F 13 410 He can draw good out of evil, and make even tlie wrath of man redound to his praise. From the galling and odious ty- ranny of Napoleon, arose the flame of freedom; but no thanks to his actions or intentions for it. His evil passions, and the unbridled ambition of the nation which he ruled, carried the measure of iniquity as far as it could go; till the rod, wielded by mortal strength, became exhau&ted, broke in the hand which applied it, and produced the re-action which overturn- ed him who used it. France may be a mightier nation, from the dissemination of property amongst a greater number of people; but no thanks nor justification is due to those who, to ffratifv their c^wn malice, avarice, and ambition, took the life of the lawful owner to obtain it. France is perhaps wiser — she may enjoy more freedom (though this is a point extremely questionable, and, at all events, never was the case from the murder of Louis XVI» to the recal of Louis XVIII.) — so she ought — she has paid most dearly for it, and it would be extraordinary if the experience of twenty years of carnage and crimes should be lost on 26,000,000 of people. It is not lost;r and the first proof of it is their returning again, as near as possible, to that state from whence they set out; with the exception, no doubt, of some of its abuses being wip- ed away by that flood which carried away every thing in iu course; but all of which abuses gentle means would have cor- rected, without the violence that has been used to' obtain the end. It is no justification of an action that because good re- sults from it, therefore it may be compassed by evil means. The principal actors in the revolution were men of this stamp; while the majority were men of such principles as they could not pursue a praise-worthy end by means that were good- They followed evil for the sake of evil; and the consequences were, that amongst thera'selves their own system returned upon their heads as their punishment, and they were caught in the snares that they laid for others. The survivors v/ere not men who regarded liberty or justice, though these were constantly on their lips. If they had been so, they would not have recal- led Napoleon to establish it. Their exertions proceeded from a principle of fear and hatred against that family, whom their guilty consciences daily taught them that they had most cruel- ly and unjustly oppressed and persecuted. These were the 411 men, and these were the principles which brought round the fresh and extraordinary revolution in France; and who, as thev <:ommenced their career in madness and fury, so they were de- termined to terminate it amidst measures of weaJcness and folly. In considering the termination of this drama, it would seem as if Heaven, in anger, had brought round the events we con- templated, not only to inflict severe chastisement upon France, who had proved herself ungrateful for the mercy foi'merly shewn to lier; but at the same time to hold up the last remnant of those who had survived the revolutionary storms, and who were generally supposed less guilty and more moderate, to the contempt and scorn of the universe. After having had twenty Constitutions formed, from the extreme of liberty to the extreme of despotism, they destroyed that which brought them peace and forgiveness, and which Europe could alone trust. On its ruin« they made a new one, with Napoleon at its head, which was to secure their happiness within, and peace a- broad; which was to be their pole star in all storms, and which the}' were never to desert; but, in adversity, to cling closer to both. The battle of Waterloo terminated the jx>- litical life of each. The son was declared his successor — he was proclaimed — he was abandoned. His interests could not be put in competition wid) the interests of 26 millions of men. Cr.rnot, and the other long distinguished and staunch friends of liberty, as they had been generally called, shewed, at this moment, what they really sought after — Power. Thev were in place, and wished to preserve it; and he and many o- thers of hi« party, after recalling Napoleon, for the glory and honour of France, got clear of him for the same reason. In- stead, however, of restoring a republican form of government, as their associates supposed, they continued the Impes-iai, under which, in the hands of a minor, they could govern the nation. Thus ended the boasted consistency of those friends of liber- ty, like their predecessors of the same school. Their conduct made the Jacobins suspicious and disU'ustful, when they saw those whom they had always considered as their best friends, de- sert tliem and their cause. The consequence was, their system was overthrown. The allies approached Paris — no time was to be lost. A new Constitution was brought forward; all declared 413 tliat it was excellent, because it was qualified with this condi- tion, that it was to be accepted by the Sovereign, '< vohoever he viigJit be." Louis XVIII. appeared, and this Constitution was no more. France accepts anoliier, and the revolutionists hide their heads; let us hope for ever. Yet, ere they did so, they were destined, from their own hps, to deny all their former doctrines, which first brought them into notice; and, after hav- ing sworn hatred to all Kings and monarchical forms of govern- ment, they were compelled to declare that such a government was only adapted to the situation of France, as the souls of the people were so elevated, that they were seduced by a republican form, to do what — why, surely to commit excesses, and to do evil. All these things were done with so much celerity, that the mind can scarcely follow or comprel^end theiji. They were all the neigh- bourhood of Nancy, when a deputation from the town came to assure the General of their good will to the allied troops^ and that they were ready to give him the most favourable recep- tion. They were accordingly received with cries of " Vivcnt Irs Bourbons! — Vivent Ics Allies" On the right of Prince "Wrede, General Chernicheff, with 4000 men, communicated between General Lambert, the Bavarians, and Marshal Blu- cher. On the left of the Moselle, between Metz and Lougrion, he fell in with a force of 3000 French troops with some artil- lery, which he attacked and drove back to Metz, and pushing on to Chalons he made himself master of that place after a brilliant affiiir. One division at first entered the town by cou- * Barcky de Tolli's proclamation, June £7d, Z815* 41'7 oentoflhe inhabitants, but these were no sooner got in than the enemy closed the gates, and attacked them, whereupon the party dashed forward to the Paris gate, and succeeded in ex- tricating themselves tVoni the unexpected danger. In the meantime, Chernicheff, irritated at this base conduct, advanced with the main body of his force, brought forward some cannon, and battering down the gate, entered at the head of his troops and dispersed the enemy's force assembled in the place, which was treated with great severity, as they had commenced the attack upon the allied troops, after having bpened the gates to them. Blockading Toul, and throwing bridges over the IMoseile, Mart;hal Wrede continued to advance towards Paris, in the neighbourhood of which he soon afterwards arrived w'thout much further opj)osition. On the side of the Prince Ptoyal of Wirtemberg, however, the opposition was more serious. On the 26th he forced the enemy to abandon a position he had taken up between Setz and Sari'bourg, and to retire througix the forest of Hagenau. Continuing to press the enemy under General Rapp, an obstinate engagement took place on the 29th, in which the former was defeated with considerable loss, and pui'sued under the guns of Strasbourg, into which place he entered, and the blockade of which was quickly begun. Here Fiapp was shut up, with a force of, at least, 35,000 men;"* and, according to the accounts in the German Journals, watched by a force of about 50,000. The French lost many prisoners, and five pieces of cannon. The Austrian, Baden, and Wir- temberg, troops rivalled each other in courage. Here as soon as his corps was relieved by the Austrians, the Prince Royal commenced his march upon LunevilJe and Nancy; and, continuing his advance, came in contact with the army under Prince Ferdinand; their united forces forming a mass of 200,000 men. It is almost impossible to detail, or to bring into any connec- ted form, the numerous skirmishes which took place between the advance of the allied armies and the retreating enemy, and the different engagements which took place between them and the garrisons of the fortified towns, in which the allies were ge- nerally successful, and in which a very considerable loss of men * Brooke Taylor's dispatch, July 6th. In page 218, his force is estimated af SO,COO, exclusive of the garrison of National Guards. 3 G 14 vfSLS sustained on both sides. Crossing tlie Rhine m vast force^ and blockatling- the fortress of Pfelzbourg, the main body of the allied army puslied on through the defile of the Vosges- mountams, on the great read from Strasbourg to Paris, but for some time advanced with great difficulty. To avoid the for- tress, a road was made in the course of a few hours; and the guns and carriages were dragged by parties of soldiers up rocky steeps that appcM-ed almost inaccessible; after which the army continued its- march to Paris, without meeting with any serious obstacle to oppose its movements* On the morning of the 2Gth> the Archduke Ferdinand, with the force under his command, a- mounting, according to accounts from Ba&le, to^ 160,000 men, passed the Pvhine at Basle; and pushing; on through the defiles of PorentPui, he succeeded in separating the force under Lecour- be from that under Rapp;. ami after Humerous engagements, in which the enemy lost a great number of men, Lceourbe was. finally obliged to shut himself up in Befort. Betwixt Ferdinand's army and Lecourbe's, the severest fighting took place. On the 28th Count CoUoredo attacked the French rear-gaard, and drove it before him with much los^ and took many prisoners. The Austrian los3 wa& 300 killed and wounded. On the 2d CoUeredo took the town and citadel of Montbeillard by assault; 7 guns and a great number of prisoners fell into his hands. On the 28th an enemy's force^ of 8000 infantry and 300 caval- ry, were driven through Chavanncs at the point of the bayonet. On the 1st Chevreitiont and Besencourt, were carried by as- sault; and 4000 men, with a detachment from the garrison of Befort, under Lecourbe,. were driven from the heights of Beaumont. All the fortified towns were immediately invested? and the Archduke, with the disposable part of the troops re- maining from those duties, continued his march upon Ljingres. All the armies continued their march towards Paris, and on the 14th Prinze Schwartzenberg had his head-quartess at Fon- tainbleau; the allied Sovereigns, viz. the Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Austria, having, some days previous to that period, left the army, as soon as they heard of the capture of Paris, and the entry of Louis XVIII. into- his capital, and proceeded to that place, where they arrived on tlae 9th. Some idea may. be formed of the vast force of the 419 allies, which entered France in this direction, when it is known that the Austrian force disposable on the Upper Loire, ex- clusive of the armies from Italy, ani^Gunted to 100,000 men.* The advance of the main armies gave the numei'ous free corps assembled in Alsace and the Vosges mountains, opportunities to attack the line of the alHed communication and carry oti'the' baggage. But the continued advance of fresh troops, gave the allies an opportunity of organizing a sufficient force in moveable columns, which soon cleared the country of these mauruuders, who equally annoyed friend and foe; and whom the allies treated with great severity, as they exercised the great- est cruelties upon the allied troops who fell into their hands. In this diSicult undertaking, the hardy and indefatigable Sons of tlie Don were employed; and whose perseveraace soon ferret- ed out, and destroyed these troublesome bands. The disposition of a great part of the people ofthk part of France was, and i^ad always been, most hostile and rancoroiis against the allies.; and this hatred now showed itself ia nameixjus instances, which brought down destruction on their heads. The villages of Ho- gontheim and Mulhansen gave the iirst example of the most shocking excesses. In the former, a German soldier, after hav- ing his eyes put out, was hang up alive. The most dreadful pu- nishment followed upon th« instant. The aged, the^^-omen, and the children, suffered v.'iih. the wicked pei-petrators. At Mul- hausen, two soldiers were shot by aclergyman. His house was surrounded, and he wa* destroyed with it. Half a league fromi this, six huhlans inquired at a boy in a farm-hoase, the name of the next village — instead of answering-, the man was shot froaa his horse. The boy was immediately cut down by the side of his mother.. Similar was the conduct of the people in this part of France, and similar was their punishment. "Whei'ever the allied troops met with resistance from4he country people, every thing was destro\'ed. " For six days," said accounts from that quarter, " the sky lias been red every day with tlie flames of burning villages. Where a single shot is. fired from them upon the allies, all is levelled to the ground. A dreadful judgment hangs over France — the crimes of preceding times are visited upon their descendants, who rival them in the commission of •enormities." Indeed, in numei'ous instances, the Frencli peo- * Stewart's dispatch, Trojes, July 12tb. 420 pic seem to liave lost all sense of honour, justice, and regard for truth; and seemed to niake these principles their sport. Such, at present, was the conchict of the garrison of Hunin- guen, and its infamous governor, Barbnegre. " Immediately after the abdication of Bonaparte became known," said General Bachman- in an official proclamation, "his generals immediate- ly sent for a suspension of arms — they promised no hostile opera- tions should be undertaken, while that demand was considered; and vet, while these communications were transmitted to the proper authorities, the French troop:, in Huninguen, without any reason, on the evening of the 2Sth, conmienced the bom» bard ment of Basle."* For this infamous conduct, he called upon the Swiss troops to arise and punish the authors of such injustice, and to put it out of the power of such an enemy to injure them. There was, indeed, no other way to deal with such lawless people; and if Huninguen had been razed to its foundations, and its garrison put to the sword, for such infam- ous conduct, it was no more than they deserved. If is only by the certainty of niceting with immediate and just retribution that such characters can be kept within ihe bounds prescribe/J by social order, or the law of civilized nations. Forgiveness •for offences has no influence upon their obdurate hearts. On the side of Italy, the career of Suchet was soon stopped. The arrival of the Austrian General, Frimont, with the Itali- an army, above 60,000 strong, quickly changed the'face of af- fairs in that quarter. Passing Mount St. Bernard, he descended the Rhone to St. Maurice, and pushing forward, soon cleared all the South bank of the lake of Geneva. Bubna followed with a further force over Mount Cenis, and took the direction of Orenoble; while an army of Austrians, Piedmontese, and some Enolish troops, were preparing to enter France by Nice, upon the shores of the Mediterranean. This completely tied up the hands of ;Marshal Brune, stationed in that quarter, and pre- vented him from sending any assistance to Suchet, It was at this moment that Sucliet communicated to the Austrian Gene- ral the unexpected news of the abdication of Bonaparte, and solicited an armistice, which was granted for twenty-four hours, upon conditions that he should evacuate the whole valley of th-e • .General Cackman's ofEcial address, Basle, June 2f>tli. 421 Arve.* On the same day, Geneva was occupied, and the enemy driven from the heights of Savonen with considerable loss. At the same time, General Bubnaadvan*ced from Mount Cenis, and, on the 29th, attacked the tete-du-jmnt of Arly, near Con- flans, which the enemy held with 3000 men. The Sardinian General, Dandesaire, occupied the enemy's attention on his right; while General Frank, with the Austrian regiment, Duvas, tarried the position of the Hetc-du-pont by assault. In this af- fair the Austrians lost 1000 men. The Piedmontese behaved with great bravery. Continuing his advance, the positions of Conflans and Le Hopital were forced, and the enemy driven out of them. At the latter place, the defence was very obsti- nate; the allies three times took it by assault, and were three tiuies driven back, but, finally, succeeded. The position of Aguibella was turned; and, without sustaining any loss, the al- lied army forced the enemy to abandon it. An armistice was solicited and granted for only forty eight hours, in consequence of which the Austrians occupied Montmelian, and the enemy Gregis, Tournouz, and Gily. At the same time, Suchet re- newed with greater earnestness, his desire for an armistice,* which General Friraont at last granted for three days, upon con- ditions that the enemy should give up the position of the Bogcs, the passage of the Rhone at SeisseL, and abandon every post on that side, and retire upon Lyons with his army. Severe and humiliating as these conditions were, Suchet Mas forced to ac- cept them. The armistice was not renewed, and the Austrian General immediately advanced upon Lyons. Fort 1' Eclusc was taken. The fortified positions in the Jura mountains were abandoned by the enemy. The Austrian regiment of Esterhazv carried by assault a redoubt which commanded the high road from Geneva to Lyons, in which they took four guns, and one standard ; considerable stores of all descriptions, also fell into their hands. General Frimont then continued his march upon Bourg en Bresse, where it was supposed Suchet would assemble his troops to op])ose him. This, however, he did not find practicable, but iell back upon Lyons. There he issued a pro- clamation, stating his intention to delend Lyons to the utmost extremity. The Austrians quickly advanced, and put it in hi? Stewart's dispatch, Nancy. July Gt4i. 422 power to do so. On the 8th, 1200 Austi'ians entered Bourg le Ain; and, on the 9lli, 25,000 more entered the same place, part of whom had come from Lons le Saulnier, and the rest by Nantua and Pont le Ain. All moved forward on Lyons, a- gainst which other columns were advancing from other direc- tions. Some resistance was made against the advance of the Aus - trian troops, but without effect. Macon was taken after a sharp engagement on the 11th, and Lyons was thus left open to an immediate attack. Thus situated, Suchet first levied a contribution of 600,000 livres, upon the place, and then enter- ed into a capitulation, by which Lyons was surrendered to the Austrians, On the 17th, their troops entered that place, from whence they pushed their advanced divisions up theSaone, and towards the Upper Loire. Suchet retired with his army upon Montresson and llaonne; but before doing so, he issued a pro- clamation to the army, calling upon them to pay no attention to « the evil disposed persons," whose aim was to " alarm and agi- tate" their minds. He reminded them that Ite would prove a friend and a father to them; and that, for seven years, he had " always led them to victory;" and called upon them in the true French style of non chalance, to recollect that, " in this short campaign, the little army of the Alps had beaten the enemy in every rencounter."* On the 6th, a severe attack was made up- on Grenoble by 3000 Austrian and Piedmontese troops; which were, however, repulsed, with the loss of 500 men. An armistice was then concluded for three days, when the Austrians resumed tlieir operations against the place. Theri>e, clcctirif^ and eonvoTi- ing the new Legislative Botlics; the number of the Rcpre&eji- tativcs for each house of which, were considerably auginentetl in numbers, bevond those which formerly composed the sebodies under him. But few acts of importance were directed by him for some time, ex<:ept now and; then p-roclamations concerning the affairs of the interior, which arc not interesting to tlie general reader, as these conserned internal regulations, only interest- ing to the subject's of France. In the measuime,. the Emper- ors of Russia and Austria, together with the King' of Prussia, arrived at Faris, to which Lord Castlereagh, on the part of Great Britain; also set out, and where negotiations for the fu- ture repose and security of Europe were immediately set on foot. Fresh armies continued to arrive at Paris, and in the neighbourhood of that city; and fresh corps were daily advanc- ing from Germany^ Italy, and England, and entering the I'rcnch territory «n the North and East. On the South also, a very considerable Spanish force, amounting to 80,000 men, were assembled on the Eastern and Western confines of the Pyrenees, ready and eager to enter the French territory. The allies continued to advance their armies in all directions. A- lon to its junction with the Ocean. Besides,thes^e forces, strong divi- sions of troops of all the allied nations .were a.'isembled in and a- round Paris; while numerous corps iiept up t\w. communica- tions with Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, and Swit-zedand; and formidable divisions blockaded, besieged, or garrisoned all the fortified places, either in the interior of those parts of France, or on the frontiers. The Cossacks promenaded, round the environs, and in the Erects of Paris; and the Prussians en- camped around the Thuilleries, and in their most pleasant pal- sccs; which thej' treated neither %vith reverence nor regard. .Blucher even had the famous bridge of Jena mined, and the •match kindled which, -was to blow it up; when the arrival of his Sovereign, and the Emperor Alexander, prevented it; as they were imluced, at the intercession of the.King of France, to re- quest him to spare it. This, however, was only^ranted, upon con- dition that the name should be changed; and, accofdiiigly, it -Avas named the bridge of the Invalids. For this, the brave .vete- -ran was much censured, by all those wjio .were tender of French -humiliation. They maintained that the destruction of the bridge of Jena v,ould not destroy the memory of that battle; of this there was no doubt; but the destruction of the monument raised to perpetuate that event, in the proud capital of the victors, might convince the inhabitants thereof that victories gained in wars of ambition may be, most strictly and justly avenged. In the meantime, one place after another, cooliiiucd to ac- icnowledge the King, and submit to his authority. Amongst these, Jklarseillcs and some of the cities in the^South were the most prompt and decided. Severe comuiot ions, however, ac- companied with bloodshed, took place at Marseilles, as the peo- ple arose upon the garrison, and drove iliem out of the place, even before they had heard of the capture of Paris. Brune, however, returned with a stronger force, and again recovered possession of the pUicc. The republican standard was displac- ed for the black flag, or covered with crape, as a mark of .their sorrow for the events which had taken place, and their re- et)lution never to submit to the Bourbons. The arrival, how- 428 ever, of a British force, under Lord Exmouth and Sir Hud- son Lowe, consisting of 3000 men.from tlie Garrison of Genoa, on the 10th July, freed Marseilles from all further uneasiness. They were received xind welcomed by all ranks with great en- thusiasm and loyalty. ]5rune, with all his adherents in that quarter, took refuge in Toulon; which advantageous post he «till held. This important place, however, he was forced to give up; after various negotiations with the British Officers and the Marquis de Riviere, commanding these provinces in the name of the King. In all these, Republican bad faith was, as usual, most conspicuous. Every procrastinating ellbrt was made, merely to deceive and gain time; but all proved ineffec- tual. The British troops moved forward from Marseilles, to prevent his retreat from Toulon; and, after trying every man- CEuvre, he was at last compelled to give himself up to the Marquis de Riviere, to be sent to Paris accompanied with one aid-de-camp. Toulon, the forts, and the fleets, under the direction of Admiral Gantheaume, then lioistcd the vihite flag; but the soldiers, consisting of six regiments of the line,* did it with great reluctance. Thus Toulon was delivered from the tyranny of Marshal Brune; who had committed great excesses in levying contributions in the neighbourhood. In his way to Paris, this man, generally detested by the people in the South, was attacked by the populace at Avignon; and after being neai'ly murdered by them, he shot himself. His body was dragged forth by the enraged multitude, and treated with every indignity, placed on a hurdle, and thrown into the Rhone. It is said that Marshal Brune was the individual who carried the bleeding head of the Princess Lamballe through the streets of Paris upon a pike on the night of the fatal 2d of September, 1 792. Murat, who was at Toulon, sent, on the 13th, an aid-de- camp to Lord Exmouth, to request that, as King of Naples, he might be allowed to go on board one of the ships, in order that he might be conveyed to England. This was, however, refused; though he was offered an asylum on board any one in order to secure his personal safety. This, however, he de- clined, or, at least, did not accept; and, accordingly, when * Hudson Lowe's dispatch, July 24th, 1815. 429 Toulon was given up to the King's aulliority, Murat, with iiome ol" his adherents, left the phice, intending to proceed to Trieste to join his wife and family, and with her to pro- ceed to America. But an evil destiny seemed to pursue him. The vessel in which he embarked was driven by stress of weather into Corsica, where he remained concealed for some time. At length he was heard of raising troops and engaging followers: and attracted the attention of the French Goveru- nicnl so much, that he found his stay longer in that place im- possible. He, according!}', left it; and whether misled by friends or enemies, he engaged in a rash and disastrous enter- prise. With a few small vessels, and a few hundreds of followers, he embarked for Italy; to reclaim, or rather to re-conquer, his ibrmer kingdom, instead, ho'A-ever, of landing at Gaeta, as he intended, and where, perhaps, he had friends waiting his ap- proach, he was forced by contrary winds to disembark at Pczzo, with about 150 or 200 followers, from the vessel iu which he himself was. Here he proclaimed himself as their lawful Sovereign, and called upon the inhabitants to obey him. He issued proclamations to the people stating, that he came back with the consent of Austria and other powers, and that his Queen and family were soon to join Iiim. These documents ivere in the true French style, and deserve no notice. The people, however, instead of obeying, took up arms against him. He tried to^escape, but in vain. He was arrested, with some of his followers, on the 8th October, the day on which he landed; instantly delivered over to a military tribunal, and condemned to death. On the afternoon of the 15th, himself and several of his companions, were led out and shot. Murat behaved with great fortitude, and refused to have his eyes band- aged. After his condemnation he wrote a very affecting letter to his wife, expressing the sorrow he felt at not having an itiiterviev/ with his family before being separated from them for- ever. Vv'ith all his faults, these things must, at this moment, have wrung his heart: while the recollection of his brutal conduct to the murdered Duke d' Enghein must have appalled his soul. 'i'hat foul deed was now visited on his head. Thus fell Murat: and thus terminated an enterprise, wherein we scarcely know which to wo.uler at most, the rashness or the lolly of him who attempted it. 430 Lyons had been freed ;by the advance of the Auslrian--j notwithstanding the angry efforts of Monsieur Pons, wlio, before the accounts of the caj)ture of Paris had reached that place, boasted and talked big. *' Should Paris fall," said he, " France would not be conquered. Is not Lyons, as well as Paris, ii bulwark of the Empirei"'* This bulwark, however, proved but a feeble one against the Austrian arms. At Bourdeaux the loyal inhabitants of that place were kept in subjection by General Clauzel, who had " a .keavi/ forct at his disposal.''^ \ This man was most obstinate in his op- position to the Bourbons. His conduct, when the Duchess de Angouleme was forced to leave that place, was such, that he could never expect any favour from that injured family; and of course he was determined to resist as long as he could, and till he could ensure some favourable terms for himself and his followers. He had enough to do, however, to keep his post. All the inhabit^mts of the country and in the town were decided- ly loyal, and only the troops remained with him. These, how- ever, were very numerous; and, according to the Moniteur, as has been alreadj noticed, from La Vendee, South to the Pyrenees, where his conimand extended, amounted, in June, to 60,000 men. What part of these he had in Bourdeaux, at this moment, is uncertain, but we have already seen it was considerable. About the 15th of July, a squadron Qi^British ships from the channel fleet, and under the command of Cap- tain Aylmer of the Pactolus, having on boar-d the J3arou Montelambert and the Marquis de la Tour, entered the Gi- ronde. This squadron had on board arms and ammunition for the loyal inhabitants. By the assistance of the people, these Officers succeeded in spiking all the cannon that obstructe however, pressed. He was without any regular means of sup- plying the wants of his troops, and the army must either ac- knowledge the King, and bow to his authority, unconditional- ly, or contend against the allied armies in battle. According- ly, with great reluctance, this submission was announced, and the white cockade hoisted. In doing this, said Davoust to the army, I know " I daiicmd from yoit a great mcrifice; we have all been connected with these colours for these twenty-five 3'ears; but the interests of our country demands this sacriJiceJ' He called x^pon them to defend their " unhappy country m tht- name of Louis XFIII." and to {allow the example of the Ven- deans, who had agreed to unite with them to "combat the enemies of France."! Several bodies of the troops, however, still refus- ed to obey; and, under Exceilmaiis, and Lefebre Desnouettes, continued a sort of maurauding life, living by contributions and requisitions^ where these could be got- At last, after muclr difficulty, they were compelled to submit; the Generals after- wards takuig thenaselves off into concealment, in order to avoitt the Kinfj's decree for their deoradation and arrest. The conv- mand was taken from Davoust, and given to Mncdonald, when the whole army was disbanded, and a new army organized from the wreck of the old. This royal army was to consist ot 86 legions of infantry of three battalions each; eight regiments of foot artillery; four regiments of horse artillery; a regiment of royal carrabineers; six regiments of cuirassiers; ten regi- ♦ Pavoust's proclamation, Oilcans, July loth, f Do. July IGtb. . ments of dragoons; twenty -four regiments of chasseuvs, and six regiments ot hussars:* the whole forming a mass of 200,000 men, larger than any fopce necessary for tiie defence of the country, had it been free from internal convulsions. The army under Snchet soon followed the example of the army of the Loire: and next, that under Clauzel, which were also disband- ed and sent to their homes. Jn tJie meantime, the white flag appeared on ail the sea ))orts and principal towns; the people acquiescing in the change. In several places, however, this did not take place without bloodshed with the troops; and for A long period afterwarlaces on the frontier of the Netherlands, suffered juuch. It was a strange and unacountable spectacle to see these placer attacked and defended, while peace and good will seemed to reign betwixt tlie armies in the fiekl, and the Goverjiment of France, and all the allies. While th.ese thing-s were going on in various parts of France, the^reat leader of all the mischief, and chief cause of all the confusion, was endeavouring to make his escape out of France, with the intention of going to America. He had lett Paris on tho 29th June, with a numerous retinue, and much property; and taking the road by Tours, he directed his route to Roch- fort. It was evident ho travelled quite at his ease; and not on- ly so, but that every iaciiity v.as alforded him. Every where, it was said, he was welcomed with acclamations, and treated with the same res^pect as .if he had been still Emperor. He i'jeached Ftochiort, on the 3d of July, in safety; and immediate- iy began to make preparations for his departure, in two ior • Decree of the King, July IGtb. 1815. 4S$ gales, La Suale and La Meduse. Every thing was embarked, and ready for a start; but, unlbrtiniately, every avenue for e- scape was closed against bini. Abeady, eleven British ships «5f war lined the coast in such a manner, that no vessel of any description could put to sea without being brought to by them. This vigilant force was under the command of Captain Mait- land of the Bellerophon of 74- guns. Bonaparte remained at the House of the Prefect, Becker, till the 8th, when he went on board the frigate, La Suale, at ten o'clock in the evening. He, however, durst not venture to put to sea. Next day he landed and inspected the fortifications of the Isle d'Aix, pro- bably with the intention ol' defending himself there against any immediate attack. On the lOlh, the winds were favourable; but the short night, and it also being moonlight at the time, left the frigates no hope to escape. He had sent on board the Bellerophon to solicit permission to pass, as he said he was on- ly waiting for his passports from England. This was, how- ever, refused; and he was informed, that the moment that the frigates attempted to come out, they would be attacked. Bon- parte next proposed to escape in a Danish ship; but this would have been equally impracticable; and an attempt in two Chasse Marees, of about twenty tons each, which had come from Kochelle, on the night of the 12th, and in which he was to em* bark, and to be carried to the Danish vessel waiting for him at a distance,* seemed to promise no hopes of beltei^ success. These plans also were abandoned. From the llth to the 12th, Bonaparte learned from his brother Joseph, the entrance of the King into Paris, and the dispositions of the Chambers. To the last moment, it is siiid, he cherished the idea that they would recfll him; but he was disappointed. Danger now pressed upon him from a side where he never expected to meet any. He could no longer remain in France in safely; and he saw no possibility of making his escape to America. He now felt in liis own person, and in the moment of ids se- verest distress, what a British blockade was. Every avenue being thus shut against him, but one refuge remained, Avhich was to surrender himself to the British. For this purpose, Becker and Savary, Counts las Casas and AUemand, were sent * Dcvigney's lettejr to the miouter of the Marine an^J Colonies. 437 on board the Bellcrophon on the Hth, where it was agreed thtit Bonaparte and his suite should be received on the following day. The whole went on board the French brig Epervier; and on the morning of the 15th she proceeded to the Bellerophon, which received the whole on board, and where Bonaparte was at last secure from escape or from personal danger. He at first wished to make terms with Captain Maitland; but he was told that the latter could affree to none — that all he could do was to receive and " convey him and his suite to England, there to be re- ceived in such a manner as his Royal Highness the Prince Reorent may deem expedient."* Previous to going on board, or before sailing from Basque roads, Bonaparte wrote a letter to the Prince Regent, in which he informed him, that " ex- posed to the factions which divided his country, and to the enmity of the gieat powers of Europe, he came like Themis- tocles to throw himself upon the hospitality of the British nation." Under the protection of the British laws, he said, he placed himself, which he claimed from him as the most " power- ful, the most constant, and most generous, of all his enemies."f This letter was dispatched by the Slaney sloop of war, and ar- rived in Enc-land before him. On the 16th Julv, about 1 p. ar. the Bellerophon, with this important company on board, set sail lor England; but, owing to light and baffling winds, it was the afternoon of the 24th before she reached Torbay; which, when she did, she found the tnost peremptory orders not to allow any communication with the shore. The moment, however, that it was known that the Bellerophon had this mighty pri- soner on board, thousands of boats, and many thousands of people, thronged about the vessel, to get a glimpse of the man, Asho had formerly awed the world, and humbled all but those in whose power he now- was. The concourse of spectators was immense, and continued to increase as long as the vessel remained with Bonaparte on board of her. Several accidents liappened, and lives were lost by the oversetting of boats in their anxiety to get near the ship. From the time he came on board the Belleroplion, this extraordinary man was treated with the greatest respect; but soon after his arrival it was in- • ZMaitland's dispatch, Basque roads, July 14th. f Bonaparte's letter to the Regent, 438 timated, that he could only be treated with the deference due to a captive General. On board he spent his time in readintr, M'riting, and conversing with those around him, inquiring con- cerning the use of every thing he saw about the ship, and seemed quite at his ease and contented. He was very anxious to get asliore; and had made himself certain that he would be allowed to remain in England. He was, however, mistaken. A different course had been determined on by the British Government and Continental powers, with regard to this dan- gerous beuig. Tiuso resolved that he should forthwith be sent to St. Hekna, an island in the midst of the Atlantic ocean, and in the middle of the Southern Torrid Zone, about 4000 miles from Europe. Of the suite of 60 persons, who had come from France with him, only the following persons were to be allowed to accompany him, viz. Bertrand and Madame Bertrand with their children. Count and Countess Monthelon and child, Count Las Cassas, General Gorgaud, nine men and three women servants. All tlie others were to be sent back to Fiance. When this intelligence was notified to Bonaparte he was very dissatisfied, and those in his suite were thrown into con- sternation. But the mandate was imperious, and must be obey- ed. Against it, however. Napoleon protested, in the strongest manner; and it appears from this document, that the disregard for truth which he had so often shewn, and which liad governed all his actions, had not forsaken him. The present', like many other of those documents which had been issued by Inm, wa« calculated to keep a door open for future events, even where present facts had prevented all possibility of gainsaying the pro- ceedings with him. In this memorable document, he said, he protested solenmly in the name of heaven and of men against the violation of his most sacred rights, by the forcible disposal of his person and his liberty. With that daring perversion of human reason, for which he had been so remarkable, he asserted, tliat he " came freely on board the Bellerophon," — that " he was not the prisoner," but " the guest of England." He stat- ed broadly, that the British Government had laid a snare for liim, by directing the captain of the Bellerophon to receive him; and that in doing so they had " sullied their honour and their f!aGf." I'i the act of sending him to iSt. Helena was consum- 43^ mated, he asserted tliat England need no longer talk of her laws, inte, Julv l-*''-^: <^.'»7^?^''^- 440 determined to send him to St. Helena; and in doing so it is quite plain that Britain violated no faith— and broke no promise to him. It was, however, an old trick of the followers of the Re- volutionary school, to assert, that because they asked conditions, that, therefore, their opponents granted them; and that, ac- cordingly, the latter broke their faith when they did not abide by what the former had asked, but what the opposite party had not granted and would not grant. Strange as it may seem, there were numbers who believed the above falsehoods to be true; nay, who went further, and asserted that Napoleon was entitled to all the rights of a British subject; and thaC neither England nor her allies had any right to confine him, either in St. Helena or any where else; and that no law of nations hitherto known authorized it. Although it was ridicu- lous to hear the Law of Nations thus brought forward to screen a man, the whole business of whose life had been to treat these with contempt, and openly to violate them all; and whose rancour against Great Britain was so great, that he had trampled upon every law, civil and sacred, in order to accom- plish not only her subjugation but her destruction; still it is not upon his want of principle, that the acts of his adversaries are to be defended or justified. For this there is no need. He was their prisoner, and of course they had an unquestioned right to confine him where they pleased, and where they conceived that the general safety of the community was the least likely to be disturbed. Bonaparte was no common prisoner — he could not be tried by the law of any one State as a subject thereof. In this case, therefore, he was the prisoner of na- tions, united in one grand cause; and if there had been no law, no precedent to guide them in the manner which their own safely required of them to do, still, as a grand commun- ity of nations, their general voice and consent could make a law applicable to the present extraordinary case; which they did, and by which Bonaparte was by all the Sovereigns of Europe, and through them as the organs of the united nations of Europe, condemned for their security, and for the general security and peace of the world, to be confined in a place where he should have as little chance as possible of disturbing man- kind any more. The right was unquestionable and imperious^ 441 This protest was, therefore, what indeed the protestor well knew, null and useless; but a good handle for factious (juibble. It produced, as every one must have seen, no alteration of the determination with regard to hini; and Bonaparte saw he must immediately prepare to remove to St. Helena. The Northum- berland of 74 guns, Captain Sir George Cockburn, was ai3- pointed for this purpose, and fitted out with the utmost dis- patch. In this voyage, she was accompanied by the Ceylon frigate, and Weymouth store-ship, on board of which vessels were a detachment of artillery, much military stores, and the .53d regiment, in order to strengthen and re-enforce the garri- son of the island, and to guard the might}' prisoner. These vessels, having been got ready with great dispatch, sailed from Portsmouth, while, at the same time, the Bellerophon sailed from Plymouth Sound to meet the Northumberland at sea, in order to transfer their prisoners from the one to the other, at a distance from the shore, to avoid the immense concourse of boat^> that would otherwise have assembled about them. The ships met off the Berry-head, in company with the Tonant, the flao- ship of Lord Keith, who, as admiral of the fleet, had the charge of seeing the prisoners safe on board the Northumberland. E- very necessary and accommodation for the voyage, which they de- manded or wanted, had been readily furnished to them; amongst the last articles of which were tv.'enty fresh packs of cards, a backgammon and domino table, ordered, as they were about to sail. About two o'clock, on the Sth August, Bonaparte was sepa- rated from all his followers, but those already mentioned, and •.vent on board the Northumberland. The parting, as may easily be conceived, was of the most painful kind; and notwith- standing all the miseries v/hich these men had occasioned to Europe, still as men, their situation, at this moment, demand- ed pity. Madame Bertrand appeared much distressed. The Countess Monthelon said little. A Polish Officer, Colonel Pistouzki, could scarcely be separated from Bonaparte; and he has since obtained liberty to go to St. Helena, to I'eside with him. Bonaparte himself, in his usual way, broke out at times into bitter invectives against the British government, for their conduct to him. He was angry at being stiled ^pnly General ; stating, that he had been acknowledged as a Sovereign and 442 ciiiet'oia hlate, by all the powers in Europe. lie was j>arti- cularly incjuisitive about t5t. Helena, where he was to reside, and if there was plenty of hunting and shooting there. But I forbear to enter into the minute details of his eonversation at this moment, as much of what is reportetl rests upon doubtful authority, and at any rate is not very interesting, The ex- Emperor, anol his siiitey being now safely on board the North- umberland, Lord Keith took leave of him^ a«d went on board the Tonant; and about two hours afterwards, Lord Lowther, and Mr. Lyttleton, the Commissioners appointed by Govern- ment to see their orders fulfilled, also took their leave, and went asliore. The Northumberland being afterwards joined by her consorts, spread her canvass to the breeze, and her en- sign to»the gale, then blowing fair from the East, and stood down channel for her destination ; bearing with her,, let us hope, for ever, from the scene of European politics, and from po- litical life, one of the most extraordinary cliaracters that ever appeared in the world. Thus fell Bonaparte a second time ; lower and more abject than before;, yet still to a less ignominious state than his con- duct merited. He now experienced the fate of all those, who in prosperity abuse their power, and enslave mankind. They now beheld his humiliation without concern, and treated him with contempt. He was another and a striking witness of the punishment that lights upon political depravity, tyranny, and injustice ; carried on for no oth^r object, than the gratifi- cation of vanity, pride, and ambition. He shared the fate of his predecessors of ancient times; who, by their eonduct, had provoked the just indignation of the Judge of all. The world which had been so long oppressed by this man, and alarmed at his appearance again on the theatre of Europe; now that he was overthrown took up the song of exidtation and triumph, which the people of Judea did of old, and with them exclaim- ed — " How hath the oppressor ceased! the golden city ceased! The Loud hath broke the&taff of the wicked, and the sceptre of the rulers. He who smote the people in wrath with a con- tinual stroke ; he that ruled the ?iaiions in anger, is persecuted^ AND NOKE HiNDEKETH."* So sure IS the justice oflnfinit?' • Isziah siv. 4, 5, a 44S wisdom : and so certain the decrees of Him who cannot err. No time can impair their strength; no human efforts or wisdom can turn aside their steady course; nor can anv occurrence in human affairs take place, to which they are not appHcable — are not apj)Hed. In this case they were conspicuously so. Bon- aparte was persecuted, and none hin J n*ed. Not a triendly hand was stretched forth to his relief, amongst those millions .who formerly adored iiim, and who promised never to forsake hAm. He fell unlaniented, and unpitied, by all the virtuous. part of mankind. His name and power were gojie ; and his crimes alone, not forgotten. Upon his re-appearance in France, it was prognosticated, that his power would be more stable than ever; we were told in the most confident tone, " that the re- presentatives of the French nation were perfectly agreed in their sentiments of self devotion to the independence of their country; and perfectly agreed in their support of Napoleon, as their chief magistrate, and as the person best qualified to fight the battle \diich they had to endure."* Adversity approaches them, an'J where is their unanimity; storms as- sail them, and where is their friendship for, and support of Napoleon. All vanish like the iDoriiing fog before the meridian ray I and leave not a vestige to shew such things had ever been. He darted forth like a meteor, in the eyes of the world; he traversed with the ligl>tning''s wing a wintry sky, and sunk in darkness for ever. Flis fall was more astonis^iing than his rise: and his end was more strange than his beginning. If no indi- .^^^yidual of ordinary birth, ever scaled such a precipice of haz- ards, and secured such an eminence of grandeur ; none, even of those who were born to sovereignty, ever sunk by such a total dissolution of the very ground on which they stood. They fell, but their thrones remained; their l>eirs, or .their rivals succeed- ed them: Bonaparte fell, but where is the empire he created? for he did create it, in the only sense that a mortal can create* He seized tlie territory, he usurped the powez', he enslaved the people, he dictated the laws, he exercised the authority, that constituted, and for a while consolidated, the monstrous cui- -pire which he ruled — ruled with a rod of iron, and dashed to -pieces with that rod. It is gone 1 it is gone for ever ! In hie * 3Iorning Chrouicle, June 12th, 183 5. 44i cjv-altation, botli in tlie former part, but more especially in the latter part of bis career, his rise was so rapid, that the mind could not follow. It becomes giddy at the prospect. It fears to follow him up the eminence which he trodc; and, from the tremendous steep, it dares not contemplate the gulph below it, into which he was prccipir^ted. Yet the extremes of danger •were his delijjht. In the storm he deliohtcd to soar — in the tempest he loved to dwell. There only was he at home, and . himself. Amidst the wreck of natiojis alone he was pleased — amidst the ci'ush of political worlds alone he was satisfied. Thus " Soars tlie eagle 'midst the dark profound, While roaring thunders replicat« around." And SO the bolt of Heaven strikes him at that terril)le height ; from whence he descends headlong,- and with a rapidity which the eye cannot trace, and the mind shudders to follow. Such lias been the fate of this extraordinary man. Extraordinary, whether wo regard liis elevation or his fall ; the talents he pos- sessed, and the talents he abused; the crimes he committed — countless, enormous, unnecessary — the difficulties \\e had to overcome, and the means b}' which he overtime them. "With a mind formed in no common mould, its strength and its exer- tions were employed throughout life, only in devising mischief, and spreading evil. He had it in his power to have done good, to have been permanently great ; but he scouned to en* ter the paths which would have guided him to these noble ob- jects. His way was to be his own, and he must ako make it. The paths prescribed by infinite wisdom for man to abide in, who wishes to do well, he despised, because he did not appoint them. He wished to be above all, and to have none else be- sides himself. Good he did do; but not for the sake of doing so. Evil he overturned, but not because it was evil; wrongs he redressed, not because he considered these as requiring re- dress, but because his views, and his interests demanded it. He destroyed partial errors, but sowed in their place general injustice. He swept away local evils, and in their stead estab- lished general wrongs. He tore up, in some places, supersti- tion by the roots ; but planted in its place the most daring athe- ism, and destructive immoraUty. He trampled upou the Pope, 445 and proclaimed Mahomet. He confessed there was a God, but defied his power; broke his commandments, and trampled up- on his aulhority. He muzzled anarchy, but let loose despot- ism; he spoke of knowledge, but fettered improvement; and he broke asunder power, but chained liberty. All this, and much more he did; till the patience of man and the mercy of Hea- ven was exhausted. When that arm which can crush the Cre- ation, in His anger, overturned in a moment, and to its found- ations, that stupendous fabric of iniquity and oppression, which this man's ambition had created and raised, from the materials of former errors; good was thus brought out of evil ; and the road to true knowledge left open, and made easy to mankind to walk therein. Such has been the conduct of Napoleon — such its consequences. But, bad as he was, it is mean in France to abuse him. He was her idol, which she fondly adored as long as his ambition kept pace with her avarice and cupidity. As 50on as he was gone, she reproached and despised him. - " All persons," said they, " are convinced that he is totally destitute of that firmaess of soul, that mental courage, which is far more rare and more estimable,- than the courage which is requisite for a mere soldier in the field of battle. He completely lost his head on the 18th Brumaire, and in the fields of Marengo, Essling, Leipsic, and Waterloo. Authentic details from Roch- fort, and his conduct on board the Bellerophon, fully demon- strate that this despot, so proud and tiTifeeling in prosperity , is in adversity, a vidgar and imsillajiimous being; like Perseus, King of Macedonia, he had proved that he bad vices still more mean and base, namely, the want of heart, and fear of dying-; m consequence of which he deprived himself of the considera- tion of others, the only thing of which fortune cannot deprive the wretched when they have courage."* This, in part, may be true; nay, it is perhaps all so. Yet this is not the quarter, nor this the hour, iVom which such observations should come. The failings and pusillanimity above detailed, is the vice of the nation ; and they ought to be silent. Whatever the conduct of Napoleon has been, his punishment at his exit from politi- cal life will not exculpate them. His possession of these vices did not render them clear of them. 'Hieir complaint shews * Gazette dc France, JvJj" C4tlj, 1815. UG more dissapjiolnted irritability, than a convicted conscience, and desire of amendment. France must be silent on this sub- ject, or take the share of the odium which she merits. Napo- leon did not occasion all the miseries ol^ France, nor all the woes of Eurojie. He had the nation, undivided, with him in his ca- reer ao-ainst the latter. He only followed what France wished: he only marched whither she i«ipelled him. It is her own restless spirit whicii, as much as Bonaparte, demands censure. Had she been less willing to second him, he had never con- quered at Jena, and at Friedland — he had never been beaten at Leipsic; nor France, with him, crushed at Waterloo: he had, in short, never been a Sovereign in Elba, nor an exile in St. Helena. Had France been more honest, and less ambiti- ous, Bonaparte would have been loaded with fewer crimes, and France with less misery. She encouraged him, and fol- lowed him in all his wild projects with alacrity ; and now mean- ly attempts to load him with all her crimes, and all her errors^ and, at the same time, retorts upon him icontempt and reproba- tioUc Dishonourable conduct; worthy the people that adopt it. Thk is the usual recourse of all criminals, who, when caught, throw all the blame upon their leaders. Every atten>pt that is made by France to load his memory with reproach, involves also her own conduct and character. They cannot^ and m.ust not be separated. France, as a nation, voluntarily adopted and followed Uie evil principles and tyranny of Napoleon: France, as a nation, must sliare the otlium of the crime, and the effects of the ]:)unishment. Certainly Europe holds France, as well as Napoleon, responsible for her afflictions. Their conduct cannot be separated. Let them, therefore, as a na- tion, forsake their evil ways, acknowledge their errors, claim pardon for the past, behave better for the future; instead of throwino- all the blame of their own misfortunes, and the mis- fortunes of others, upon the head of one man; because he is no longer their leader and their guide; and because Europe will not allow him any longer to be so. He has enough to answer for and to bear; but, unfortunately, his guilt, however deep, does not constitute their hmocence. No sooner was Bonaparte fled, and liis party overthrown, tJian the usual lamentations were made, about the destruction 4i7 of Liberty, by this " crusade" as it was called, of Continentai Despots. The hatred to the name of a Bourbon, and more, the pertinacity with which those who spoke thus adhered to their own opinions, falsified by all the events of twenty-five melan- choly years, led them to suppose no one could do good, but those men whose lives were spent in committini^, not ordinary, but gigantic evils. If Bonaparte promised freedom, who c-ould doubt his word? If he broke his promises, it was then his un- principled enemies who compelled him to do so, and to walk by the force of circumstances. If Louis XViil. promised the same thing, he is an old enthusiast, and timid; and yet design- ing tyrant, and cannot and ought not to be trusted. Similar were the accusations, similar were the lamentations at the overthrow of Napoleon. " Ail the prospect," said the Morn- ing Chronicle, »' opening to the world of a representative sys- tem being ekablished iir France, by the example of which light and liberty Xi:oidd have spread their iinngs gradualli/ over Europe^ is now unhappily obscured; and we have now to anti- cipate the return of our neiglibours to that system of mild pa- ternal government, as it is called, under whicii they so long en- joyed the happiness of inventing fashions, rearing dancers, and giving lessons of frivolity to all around tliem."* If the French nation had really continued to follow their old trade of rearing dancers, and inventnig tashions, and of givmg lessons oi'jrivol- ■ifij, instead of giving lessons ot" iinmoralitj/, it would have been a blessing to Europe, and no less to themselves. French li- berty had already spread itself over Europe, and she was sick of the poisonous medicine administered by ignorant quacks and designing knaves, under the specious name; and he who could coolly hope to see French light and liberty gradualli/ extend over Europe again, argues a degree of intellect in him so per- verted, or so mischievous, that it is diflicult to say which is most to be reprobated, lu weakness or its wickedness. He must be a bold man, who will, in the face of a mourning and indignant world, ruined by their effects, stand forward and tell them, that from France came, or that trora France can come, either pohtical light or political liberty. It is a polluted spring, which can iifever yield pure water. It is a corrupted school. • Jlorning Chronicle, July jd. 448 which can never teach just principles. When the Grand Seignor shall teach morality, and the Dey of Algiers humanity and justice; then may France be expected to teach the other nations of Europe light and liberty, worthy their attention to walk in, and to embrace. But this is not likely to take place during the present generation; when it is hoped that, with the knowledge which bitter experience has taught her, Europe will be able to do without the assistance of that dangerous school. That the nations of Europe were not likely to be perfectly atten- tive scholars to their French masters of the revolutionary school, there was the strongest reason to suppose. Therefore, their admirers were inconsolable. But they consoled themselves with the gentle reflection, that the assembled millions of Eu- ropeans, combating in the proud fields of France, for European independence, would, in all probability, imbibe so much of those French principles — of that French " light and liberty," which, it was asserted, were so strongly rooted in France, " that the living race of men must be exterminated, before they are suIj- dued;"* that it would, when they returned to their respective countries, induce them to follow their footsteps, and emancipate themselves from the chains of despotism under which it was said they groaned. " May we not then say," said the writer whom I have already quoted, ♦' that the 900,000 foreign soldi- ers, novf rioting in the rich plains and vineyards of France, may learji lessons that 'will not be lost, when they return to their re- spective homes? Will the stifling of the press, prevent the strangers from catching a spnvk q/^i/iejiamef •which still burns in France? The talents of the French people at seductiout are uni- versally admitted, and assuredly, as adepts in arts of intrigue, tiiey will not be idle in their attempts to make converts of the men who are now their masters. We learn that the danger is fore- seen by the potentates themselves — and that foreign force can- not be continued in the country, without mellipg into the national character; nor withdrawn, without giving vent to the ferment that is now suppressed."* And should this be the case, what a prospect is it for Europe? but what can we think of the feelings which would rejoice at, and wish to see ihc Jlame "iichich 7/ei bimis \n. France, scattered over Europe j that is, * Morning Chronicle, August lOUb 449 that a similar flame shall first consume aJl the establisliecl go- vernments in Europe; and then end, as it must inevitably end, in a similar manner to what it has done in France. Europe has had quite sufficient of this French flame ; it can scorch her borders no more; and must, in its dying embers, be confined to the dis- tracted country which first gave it birth. That there was dan- ger of some of the allies learning lessons which would not be forgot, there is no doubt. As long as man follows and seeks after what is evil, such could easily be believed would take place. Let those who have visited, or do visit France, state, how much useful knowledge they would learn from her people, either in morality, religion, or political justice. The events we have related, have not at all tended to make us forget that the foundation of what France termetl her political freedom, was the grossest irreligion and immorality; and that the flame which enlightened her, and is recommended yet to enlighten Europe, was kindled by Atheism, and fed by the goddess of Reason. The flame, no doubt, yet remains amongst them; but its strength is decaying; its heat is only felt in a corner; it can no more pass the Rhine; no, nor make that its boundary. Their knowledge of intrigue may not forsake them. Bnt its effect* will be useless. Their professions have deceived often, but are too well understood to do so any longer. Their efforts in this way, in place of gaining attention, will only meet contempt. The sword of Wellington, on the plains of Waterloo, cut asunder this Gordian knot; and no French ingenuity nor intrigue can unite it asjain. While Bonaparte was thus holding on his journey through the billows of the Atlantic, safe from all personal danger, pro- tected by that flag, whose firmness alone had curbed his ambi- t-ion and broken his power, France continued in the most un- s^ettled state, and exhibited a picture, scaixely ever before known, in any age or country. Nor could it be otherwise among a people where all the elements of evil, discord, and confusion, were set in motion, without any fixed object on which to lean for support, or bond that could control and direct them to any given pursuit. All the evil passions which infest the human breast, were let ^jcse to scourge that devoted country. Her time was now eome, when liouses, brought out, and their throats cut before, their doors. Many were massacred in the fields. As usual, in French massacres, these cruelties were accompanied with the most obscene and disgusting deeds. Even the women readily joined in them, and whi[)ped several Protestants of their own sex, througih the streets, in the most savage mannero What they had suflfered at the commencement of i\\e Revolu*- tion, they now made others endure All the horrors of that fatal period were renewed. The night of the 1st of August Avas most cruel. The former Prelect, Ciaviere, commanded those who had fled to return, under pain of having the laws concerning emigration, put in force against them. Many re- turned, and were massacred. Ciaviere either wanted the in- clination or the power to restrain the multitude, but most proba- bly it was the latter. French impetuosity and ferocity defies all authority. It was the same in 1815, as in 1791 or 1793. The number of murders were prodigious; but no accurate enu- meration has been obtained of them. The number has been estimated at from 300 to 500. To quell these horrors, the Austrian troops were commanded to advance. These, after some resistance, on the part of bands wearing the tri-coloured cockade, to which their first attention was directed, as beinfr their enemies, succeeded in restoring order, and restrainin"- the fury of both fectians. The Bonapartists had the audacity to demand a capitulation, but tlie Austrian general informed them, that he could enter into no terms " -jcitk rebels."* I'he Aus- trian troops were attacked by this band, and had 13 men kill- ed and wounded. The rebel force were, however, attacked, and after a smart action, defeated and dispersed. Order was thus restored by foreign force. The Prefect appointed by the King, returned and resumed his functions. Fresh horrors under this- deeeiliful calm were meditated. No sooner were the Austrian troo^^s withdrawn, than fresh massacres took place; chiefly of the Protestants, whose places of worship had been shut up. The 16th October was a scene of fresh massacre and blood, attended with the most dreadful cruelty. The King, after the first commotion, issued a proclamation threat- ening the severest punishments upon all those concerned in these enormities. " Oar subjects in the south," said he, " have recentliy proceeded t& the most criminal excesses, — Under the pretence of making themselves ministers of public vengeance, Frenchmen have, to satisfy private revenge, shed the blood of Frenchmen. Most atrocious persecutions" continued he, " had been exercised against his friends;" but he reminded them that the punishment of these crimes should be " ?iational, solemn, and regular" aiid as these should not escape cogniz- ance; so- neitltcr should those individual?, who usurped the place of govei'nmenty to satisfy their private hatred. They also would be punished with the utmost severity, f Upon the breaking out of these fresh scenes of bloodshed, the ^ing sent General La Gard, an officer of rank and rep«ta- tion, to punish and repress them. But he was severely wounded by a mob, while endeavouring to arrest the assassin Trestailon. The military, however, being reformed under the Royal authorit} ; were brought in, and quartered in the • Aasuian bullirtiiv t Proclamation, September 1st 456 place; and in some degree have restored order, when these sheets were put to press.* But the passions are not yet laid to sleep; and it is evident, that the authority of Louis XVIII. is not yet sufficiently strong to repress, or punish with firmness, this odious spirit of mischief and blood, in that disorganized country. These atrocious scenes created great interest over Europe, and more particularly in Great Britain. Her inhabitants, ever alive to the voice of distress, from whomsoever it proceeds, were eao-er to express their disapprobation of such wanton and unjustifiable proceedings, and also to relieve the distress of the sufferers. This conduct proceeded from noble and from hon- ourable motives. But these deadly feuds were by many repre- sented as entirely betwixt religious parties, and on account of relio-ious principles. This is not the fact. It is not on ac- count of religion, but for the want of it, that makes Frenchmen commit such atrocities. It is to political animosity, imbittered by all that igtiorance and demoralization, which had so long despised, and so completely overturned every rational pursuit or moral feeling in France, that we are to look for the origin of these destructive evils. This system the revolution began, and carried on, in order to exterminate the principles of real relio"ion; and the career of which folly has darkened, not en- lightened; thrown backward, not improved the human mind. Political immorality, moral depravity, and religious indifier- ence, had been too long followed and gloried in, by^every pro- fession of faith, and by those of no profession of faith, in France, for any tie that can bind man to man in society, to remain un- broken. A dreadful outcry was quickly raised,, and eagerly cir- culated, by the friends of Bonaparte, against the Bourbon gov- ernment ; as being the cause, and the secret promoter of these calamities. Through them, as usual, party wanted to direct its poisoned shafts at the whole alliance formed against France; and particularly to accuse the British ministers, for their con- duct in supporting this despotic and persecuting government^ which they had established in France, on the ruins of Napole- on's authority. But these accusations were without foundation, as it regards both. It was on the 5th July, that these mur- ders beorld. If we could have believed them, (and how 3 M 15 A5S near were we of being politically persecuted, ft)r not joinfnf^ in this beliet^) France was as happy and as innocent, as Adara and Eve were in. paradise. AIL tilings- had been made new; and the golden age was, therefore, restored to the world. — ■ But when the indignant arm of Europe tore asunder the veil thrown over France by the ambition of N^ipoleon, and by the vanity of the nation, we then beheld them cutting: each others throats for religion and politics; and roasting their fellows over slow fires, for the crime of witchcraft.* All these things afford incontestible evidence that every one of the different tyrannies which have in tiearful succession swayed France, during the last twenty -five years, have had totally djfitrent objects in view^ than either the enlightening the minds or ameliorating the spirit or institutions of her people.. These were neglected in order to find time to establish the individual tyranny of her factious demagogues, and to oppress their neighbours. This point brings us to considei* t4ie true source of those evils which in 1815y desolated the south of France. It recals, and forces ik to recal, to the memory, (already bey ondi measure sickened and tortured by French folly, cruelty, and injustice, in every quarter of the globe,) all 4hose tr-emendous scenes of butchery and bloodshed perpetrated throughout the south of France, but particularly at Nismes; against the followers of Louis XVI., his family^ and those who professed the Catholic reli- gion. It- is not here meant to defend the religious principles of the latter, much less to ex-tenuate their present crimes. It is to shew that the present horrors originate more in political feel- ings, than in religious animosity. To shew thi&, facts must be stated without parlialitj' for either the one religion or the othev. The revolution divided France into two political parties, o£ which nearly all the Roman Catholics or aristocrats were the adherents of the Bourboiis; and the Protestants in gene- ral, with all the Atheists, which latter at that period con- sisted of the greater half of France, formed the democratic or Jacobinical party,, which planned, occasioned and suj ported, the revolution, in all its career of internal and external violence. The justice or injustice of their conduct in doing so, it is not * Two ati'ocious instances of the latter, is detailed In their Journals and CoTirts af Justice within a few months. i'53 intended here to discuss. It is the fact thiit they did so, whiclx is at present the object in view. And it is a lamentable fact, and one that must not be concealed, that the Protestants in the south of France, under whatever professioH these were ■distinguished, were particularly active in the bloody scenes at the commencement of the devolution. Amongst them the abo- minable principles of ^^oltaire and his associates, had made grea- ter progress than amonget others; principles which wei'e sub- versive, -and then put in motion, to subvert every law, and every institution, human or divine. To murder a Itoman Catholic, or to persecute him on ag:ount of his political or religious opini- ons, is surely equally criminal, as 4;o murder a ProtegtiuH for iiis. Yet, in those days, to murder, and to ^persecute them without mercy; and by all the ways that jcrueity could invent, by assassinations, guillotining, anxi drowuing, by Inindrtds, was not only not accounted a crime, but was praisod as a patri- otic and meritorious .deed. Their temples were ^aolluted with the most horrid mockery, burnt, or shut uji. These were af- terwards seized by the consent of the ruling power, occupied, and appropriated by the Protestants to their use, ainl, who, previous to this convulsion, luid very indiscreetly and publicly marked them out .for that purpose. Their worshippers and guardians were stripped of {their all, and their families destitute and forlorn, were scattered over the country, wandering un- friended, ianguitjhing in dungeons, or .perishing on scaffolds^ without trial and without accusation. The atrocities commit- ted at that time .over the south ■'Of France, and particularly in the town of Niemea, were such as absolutely exceed credibihtyj and harrow up every feeling. of the soul with horror. My li- mits prevent me from entering at great length into thejse bloody details, iwhich would have disgraced the savages of New Zea- land; and in which the horrors of 1815 were not dnly equalled, but surpiWssed in 1.790, and other subsequent years. Then, as now, the people of this part of Prance, not only laughed at hu- man suffering and misery, but they feasted on hu.nan bloods Their present sovereign himself, charges them with tliis ouious fact. Portraying the horrors of the revolution, and what its consequences would be, he states with sorrow, that they had left nothing " but hordes of robbers, rcgicidia. and cannibals','"' • Address of French Prince^ to France and Europe, itS-. 460 Yes, cannibals ! In the strong language of Mr. Curke m tlie Bri- tish House of Commons, " PvebcUion, perfidy, murder, and caw- nibalism! {hear! hear! from the opposition bench.) Gentle- men, Mr. Burke said, might call out, henr, hear, as long as thev thought proper; he had asserted no more than what he cmdd prove; he would again assert caimibalism, for he had documents to prove that the French cannibals after having torn out the hearts of those they had murdered, squeezed the blood Old of them into theik wine, and drank it."* This was nei- tlier an exaggeration, nor a calumny. It was a melancholy and disgraceful fact, which in more instances than one, occurred in the south of France, at the commencement of the revolution. Yet the perpetrators of these horrid deetls, were not only not punished, but they were applauded and rewarded as the benefac- tors of the human race. Nay, " solemn and jwblic festivals were decreed in honour of the basest and the greatest criminals, particularly the assassins of Avignon, Aries, and >]is>iES."f Of the horrors committed at two of these cities, I shall en- deavour to give a short account. Of the political causes which produced them, I cannot enter into the details; but those who wish to be further satisfied that it was political mat- ters, which then occasioned the massacres which took place, may .consult the official proceedings of the Legislative Assembly of that period, and the Annual Register vol. xwiv. and other authorities of the same date, where they will find these things detailed at length, and from unquestionable authority. At Nismes the Catholics and Protestants had constantly lived in bonds of amity and friendship. When the horrors of Saint Bartholemew deluged the Capital, and almost all the rest of the provinces with blood ; Nismes, under the direction of the consul Villars, and the vicar Geneial Bertrand du Luc, enjoy- ed tranquilHty and peace! No demon disturbed their happi- ness, till the principles of Voltaire sapped the foundation of human society ; and scattered over France " fire-brands, arrows, and death." The revolution took place with honourable and praise- worthy objects in view. These gained. Atheists and revolutionary madmen overthrew them. Nearly all the Pro- * Speech, May .11th, 1792. .f Manifesto of the Emperor of permany and King of ^Aissia, ITP^. 4^1 t?stants, or at least those that went under, and who at that period disgi'aced the name, coalesced with the former ; joined their ranks, assumed their banners, aided their schemes, and followed their footsteps. Nismes once united and happy, was thus quickly deluged with blood. Foiled in their object to gain the chief power of the city into their own hands, though the Protestants had, without any jealousy from the opposite part}', got 12 members of their party into the magistracy, out of 25 of wliich it was composed; and although their number, in point of population, was only one fourth, they established a Jacobin chib similar to all others at that time established in France; which calumniated the magistrates, blamed tliem for the evils hatched by themselves; and planned the overthrow of the gov- ernment, intending to divide France into 83 federal Republics, The parties separated. The Catholics were known under the name of the red iufts, and the Protestants the -dchite tiifls^ from the colours of the feathers, which they wore as distinguishing badges. The breach became wider; the danger increased. Each viewed the motions of the other with hatred, jealousv, and alarm. Repeated attempts were made by the Catholics to accommodate their differences. Nothing less than the whole po- litical power, and their constitution, would satisfy the revolu- tionary party. Jacobinical lies, as usual, fanned the flame. At length on the 2d May 1 790, blood was shed in earnest ; a rumour had been spread that the Catholics meant to murder tlie Protestants. False as it was, it had the desired effect. The JProtestants had already seduced to their cause, many of the Protestant soldiers, both of the line and of the national guards. The Catholics were every where insulted and attacked; many were wounded. Some of the leaders excited the soldiers at the barracks to rebellion, by telling them that their comrades were murdered; and others stood in the town-house, cxclaiminual, took their part. They became 4^2 more bold. Inflammatory publications- were imliistriously cir- culated over the neighbounn;g departments, by tiie Protestants. Threatening letters were received by the Catholics at Nismes, from the Protestant bodies of the neighbouring country, stat- ing, tliat 12,000 Cevenols were ready to march to chastise all who opposed the constitutimi. After numerous quarrels, and much bloodshed, on the 12tli June, tilings assumed a more serious appearance; and next day, a dreadful massacre took place. Fifteen thousand men from the neighbouring Protest- ant departments, viz. the Vannage, tlie Cevennes, and the Gar- doR^nque, in direct contradiction to the decrees and laws of the Assembly, marched to Nismes, with an express com- mission to bring away the heads of the municipal oflicers. Bands of abandoned and ferocious women followed them, who collected the spoils, and stripped the mangled bodies of the slain. The revolutionary Junta in the city, had for some time previous been preparing; ball cartridges were secretly procured. Many of the Protestants withdrew their children on the 12th, trom the different seminaries in the city, preparatory to the con- vulsion. On tiie 13th, the magistrates seeing the storm advanc- ing, endeavoured to prevail on both parties to surrender their arms. This the Catholics, in general, obeyed. The Protestants refused; and, in consequence^ the former were imaaoJated whcre- ever they were met, without uauch resistance.* The Catholics, when too late, endeavoured to defend themselves:; but'their an- tagonists liad completely the advantage, and the command of all the magazines and posts. The Protestant party compelled Abbe Belmont, after the most cruel treatment, to proclaim martial law; which, while attempting to do, the blood gushed from his mouth, from the blows which he had received. He was rescued by the Catholics; but martial law was proclaimed: and the contest began between the people of the city, and soon afterwards, the Protestants were joined by t\\e force from tiie neighbouring departments, as already mentioned. Kismes then suffered all the horrors of a town taken by storm. The confu- sion and massacre became general, and lasted for three days*, • Les rues n' etoient pas surcs: on 2"oursuit les jmtifs — rouges, on Ics immole par- tout ou on les rencontre; is the account cooHj' given Ujr the commissioners of the administration of the Department. 46a and over the country for two months. Tlie houses of the Catholics were demoUshed, all theii propertj in the town and in the country was^ destroyed, while every thing be- lonufing to the ^i^otestants was invariably spared. The number of Catholics slaughtered, were estimated at from ^ to 600 in the town, 200 of whom were fathers of families. The total number butchered in the city, and in the surround- ing country was estimated at 1500. Of the Protestants, 21 perished; of whom, seven were slain without the walls^ by the hands of those who-considered themselves justified in avenging the death of their friends. Of these, two persons named Maigre, father aiKl son, perished innocent, and justly regretted by both parties. As usual, the assassins were not content wifh inflicting simple death upon the Catholics, but exercised the most horrid cruelties. Some had their hands, feet, noses, or ears, lopped away; others were ripped open, and their entrails thrown in their faces, while yet alivet one man of the name of Violet, was stuck by the throat upon a hook, at a butcher's door, and there suffered to hang for an hour, in excruciating pain, till his cries extort;ed death from those, whom nothing could move to compassion. Barbarities too shocking to re- late, were also perpetrated. The churches were profaned with the most horrible mockery; the priests were murdered where- ever they were found. One, an infirm old man of 82, was hacked to pieces, in his bed, with sabres; another solicited five minutes to prepare for death. His executioner, with his watch in one hand, and a pistol , in the other, stood by him, and counted the minutes, while his victim knelt at the ahar. The short time expired; the assassin coolly dispatched him. Order was at length restored, by the national guards of Montpellier; who, in their masch to this devoted spot, were, by every artifice and falsehood, endeavoured to be detained, or induced to return^ by the inhabitants of the Protestant communes, through which they passed. These asserted that order was restored, and that the advance of their opponents, was contrary to the laws ; though that of their own party was looked upon in a diiferent light. These national guards of Montpellier threatened to turn their seems against all who disturbed the public peace, of whatever pai*- ty they might be. Their fi.rraness overawed men conscious of 46-i- <^uilt. W'earicil with carnage, and satiated with blood, the £f?su5'- sin3 retired to their homes, laden with spoils: while, as if to mock the misery of the sutt'erers, troops by order of the government, were quartered upon them in particular; and they were besides compelled to pay the expenses incurred by the national guards of those departments, who had been the principal instruments of inflicting those evils upon them. The National Assembly passed over the guilt of the assassins; and afterwards praised^ rewarded, and promoted them for the deed. In fact, all these horrors were planned and encouraged by its most violent revo- lutionary members; and the perpetrators were invariably de- fended and screened by them. Every effort that the unfortun- ate Catholics and friends of the Bourbon government made, or precaution which they took, to guard themselves against the plots and designs of avowed cut-throats, was construed into an attempt against the constitution and majesty of the people, and made the handle for treating them with the greatest brutality; for disarming, and leaving them defenceless against the malice of their foes. In midst of these bloody scenes, the Jacobin Club at Nismes was corresponding with the Revolutionary Committee in London, about humanity, justice, benevolence, and freedom: which correspondence was thankfully received, and graciously answered, with praise and exultation. As usual, these horrors were denied, or charged upon the heads of their opponents. This was a Jacobinical trick, which can 'now de- ceive no one. Even Aifjuier, the famous and ferocious repub- )tcan reporter, who had been employed by the Assembly to draw up a report from the evidence of the assassins alone, was so convinced of the truth of the manly and energetic account given by jNI. Marguerites, Mayor of Nismes, to the National Assembly,* that he went up to him, at their bar, to which the latter had been drn^rijcd as a criminal, and in presence of the members, told him " thaUhe was touched to the quick with his statements. That he adhered to them with all his heart and soul; and if he were not obliged to consult the committee upon it, he would immediately mount the tribune, and avow his opi- • See Annual Register, vol. XXXIV. page 94. — These accounts were taken ty it chiefly fronj AlijuLt'i 's report; aud the " Covite rendu les '22d and 'J3d Fevri^ €T a V Atscmhlcc nalioiudc au nom de la Municipalite de Nismes, par M, de Mc-Tf guerJtes, Matre dc yhmcs, ct Dcfittc aw dcnartmcnt dc Garde, " ^^c, ^c. 465 jilon to ihe assembly." Investigation was, however, hushed^ as it always was, when it turned out uniavourable to the Re- vohitionary Juiita. But it was not at Nismes alone, that the Protestants and their friends visited their political opponents with vengeance. In the subsequent year, they were deej)ly concerned in the horrible butcheries at Avignon. This city, and territory attached to it, contained a population of 200,000 souls. It belonged to the Pope, from whom it was at this time wrested by violence, on the part of the French govcniment; and because the inliabicants wished to live under their ancient religion and laws, they were proscribed, banished, and butchered without mercy. In page 795, of the former Jsai'i'ative, the reader will find an accou.it, horrible as it is, of one part of these proceedings; taken not only from offi- eial, but, as it regarded the perpetrators, friendly authority. But, besides these, were many atrocious scenes. The infamous Jourdan (not the General of that name,) commanded these horrible massacres. The prisons were crowded with innocent victims. They were daily dragged out, one by one, and mur- dered. Jourdan always stood by with his drawn sabre, and threatened the executioner when he hesitated. The Marquis ilochegude, while ill of the gout, was drae:ged out, summarily condemned, and hanged in such a manner that he lingered an hour in torment;' while his executioners danced around him, with the most insulting language, and pricking hiin with their bayonets, till he died. Abbe Offray was murdered in a similar manner. Several towns resisted these banditti led against them. Cavaillon was taken by storm, and many of its inhabit- tants massacred. In this attack, the Protestants of the South bore an active part, and lost a iiumber of men. Among other instances of cruelty which here took place, is the following: A French deserter having cut off the head of M. Rostang, a cap- Sain of artillery, brought it in triumph to his comrades; and mingled the dripping blood, in the cups with the wine, with which they were celebrating their victory. At Carpentras, and around it, even greater cruelties took place. There, the Pro- testants from Nismes, were again particularly active. Girls were not only violated, but mutilated; and infants were butchered al their mother's breasts. A priefet was martyred at the high 3 N 15 469. altar, for eudeavourjiin to preserve the holy sacrament from pollution. Tiiey murdered their own General, (an Irish ad- venturer named Patrick, or Patris,) because he endeavoured to- save the life of a prisoner. Jourdan was then put in his place. During the siege of Carpentras, Guerin cle Mazip cut the throats- of some unarmed prisoners; and, wiih his comrades, feasted on theif livers.* The revolutionary soldiers- wore in their hats in- scriptions, with these words, " brav-e banditti of the army of the department of Vaucluse;" and Jourdan aad his followers made it their common boast, thatthey wanted human head3 to play at? bowlsi Preparatory to the greatest massacres at Avignon, most of the troops of the line, and the national guards of the neigh- bourhood, were dismissed; and their places supplied by armed revolutionists from Marseilles, Aries Montpellier, the Protestant towns of the Cevennes, and the Protestant companies of Nis- mes. Four huntlred of the latter marched into Avignon on the 15th June, who threatened to hang every one who pro- nounced the name of the Pope. I pass- over the lighter enor- mities, or bare murders. The troops of the line, scandalized at the disorders which they were not allowed to prevent, desir- ed permission to evacuate their posts, and were accordingly re- lieved by the national guards of Nismes. On the 21st, these murderous scenes became more serious. Jourdan seized the palace, the arsenal, the arms, and the cannon- The inhabi- tants endeavoured to escape in every direction. Eighty were imprisoned in the prisons of the palace; from whence they ivere drawn out, one by one; and, after a mock trial, shot. During the first three days, fifteen perished in this manner.^ M. Forrestier was wounded with a pistol, had his two arms hacked off, and was afterwards dispatched with a-miisquet, and his head carried in triumph on a pike. M. Aime, one of the earliest promoters of the revolution,, who had fled from their rage, was brought back stretched on a cart, bathed in his own blood; while his wife and children were, with insolence, pre- vented from taking a last farewel. These horrors continued to increase. Guilty and innocent were imprisoned together, ia the dungeons of the palace; and, by the middle of October, *" ha. situation politique dc Avignon, page 37 and 58, 467 rimountcd, by some accotints, to the number of (>00.* Their destruction was resoh'ed on. On the niijht between the 16th and 17th October, 1791, they were taken out, on« by one; and after l)eing levelled to the ground by two ruffians, m ho stood at the prison gate with bars of iron for the purpose, they were dispatched, and hewn in pieces with sabres. M. Nolhac, a re- markable clergyman, 80 years old, was the last that was dis- patched, after bcsto'.ving his benediction upon his fellow suf- ferers. To deprive their friends and families of the melancholy consolation of weeping over their mangled remains, the bodies 'were thrown into the ice-house, and covered with loads of sand. Compelled to notice, in some shape, these horrors, the Nation- al Assembly sent commissioners to investigate the affair. Up- on their arrival, in order to ascertain the extent of the mas- sacre, they attempted to dig out the bodies. Amidst the most heart-rending scene ever witnessed, many were brought forth; Imt in such a putrid and mangled state, that they were com- pelled to desist. Amongst those thus dug out, each of the survivoi's endeavoured to find a friend or relative: all sought with anxiety, for the remains of their venerable pastor. He was found, distinguished by his clerical dress, and his cru- cifix beside him. They flocked in crowds round his muti- lated body: his remains were exposed to view for several days, to satisfy his weeping flock; who beheld these with feel- ings bordering on idolatr}', so much was he esteemed and belov- ed. The National Assembly, in opposition to themselves, at first f^t iieard of these scenes v^ith horror. The paper dropped from the liand of him who read the report of their owm commission- ers; and exclamations of horror and grief resounded thro^rgh their halh Jourdan was imprisoned. He was strenuously de- fended by Eazire, Thuriot, and M. Vassall, but more particu- larly by M. La Source, a Calvinist minister, who, amidst the ap- plause of the galleries, contended that the people (that is the assassins) of Avignon might justly reproach the French, if an amnesty was not granted to them, as wcl) as to those of Nis- ines, Montauban, and other places. He then endeavoured to turn their attention to M. Bouille, who had assisted to deliver the King from their tyranny. His sophistry, and that of his colleagues, succeeded. Only four persons were selected ior ^ Abbe Barreul's historj' of the clergy; and Annual Register, vol. XXX.IV. punishment, for inferior ofiences. Jourdan returned to Avig- non in triumph. Tlie terrified inliabitants endeavoured to obtain his mercy. The Mayor went iorth to meet him, in order to supplicate protection fyr the lives and properties of his fellow citizens. Jourdan returned him the brutal and af- ihcting answer, that " this time the ice-house should be full" New murders ensued. The couiitry was laid waste: from 30,000, the population of Avignon, was reduced to the num- ber of 5000. Their destroyers were praised and rewarded; and the men of the ice-house of Avignon, became afterwards a title of revokitionary glory; and was boasted of as one of the signal achievements of that calamitous period.* It would be endless to relate the horrors of that period of bloodshed; and in which, the inhabitants of the South of France, bore the most conspicuous part. No jcondnct, on the part of their religious or political opponents, could possibly justify such cruel and unwarrantable proceedings against them- Nor can it be dissembled, that the inhabirants from the Pro- testant districts, were amongst the most active in these revolu- tionary broils. We again find many of the inhabitants of Nis- iiies acting a conspicuous part at the bjutal attack on the Thuilleries, on the tatal 10th of August, 1792. It is not to be supposed, nor is it here meant to state, that there wei'e none who protessed the Protestant faith, who did lament and ab- hor these horrible proceedings. No doubt there wer(^; as there is also little doubt that many of the intelligent Catholics do the horrors of 1815: but, unfortunately in these convulsions, the fierce passions attend to no distinction. Guilty and innocent frequently suffer alike; as was no doubt the case both in "1790 and in 1815. That the chief promoters of these diabol- ical scenes, at the commencement of the French revolution, were ferocious Atheists, is no doubt certain; but it cannot be denied that the sufferers were almost exclusively Roman Catholics, who remained stedfast to their religion and their King, according to the Constitution of 1789: and it must not be dissembled, that nearly all those who called themselves Proiestants, espoused the political principles of that infernal baiulilti; in general following their banners, and joining ^ • Annual Register, vol. XXXIV. page 224 to 2C4. 469 their diabolical deeds. Tliere is no doubt also, but the Cathol- ics, particularly the clergy, were in many instances concerned in plans to regain their lost rights and properties. The diiily, arbitrary, and unjust decrees of the Assembly, which at last stripped them of every thing, infallibly letl to this result. If the late persecution against the Protestants is put wholly up- on religious grounds, those of 1790, 8:c. against the Catholics, may be so also; and would this mend the matter in favout of the former? It would not. The sufferings of the Catholic clergy and their hearers, during the French revolution, were horrible beyond description; and whatever their errors and failings, nay, even in some instances, their guilt, may have been; it is in)possiblc for even the most ordinary feelings not to feel something more than common indignation against their persecutors. Their loyalty to their King; their devotion to their God, according to the dictates of their conscience; in the inidst of unprecedented horrors and distress, drew even praise from their enemies, and had a totally different effect to what their persecutors anticipated. In the proceedings against them, the iiiembers from the South were the most violent; and as these were, as they themselves said, freely elected by their constitu- ents, they must have spoke their sentiments. Those priests who would not violate their duty to their King and to their God; who refused 'to take the oath to a Constitution daily assuming new shapes, were proscribed, drowned, and butchered, in hundreds. Nay, to such a height did this hatred reach, that dead bodies of both sexes were dug up, to be buried in unconsecrated ground; -because the deceased had not heard mass from a priest who had taken the constitutional oath. These bodies were frequently left to rot above ground. In one instance, a young man and woman at Villeneuve near Cordes, having refused to be married by the new priest, a band of ruffians entered the house on ihewed- <.ling day by force. The bridegroom having fled, they seized ihe bride, subjected her by force to their brutal passion; and then mutilating her and tearing off her breasts with their nails, kit her to expire in torments.* I conceive it perfectly unne- • Abbe Barreul's In'btpiy of die clergy; and Annual Register ^ol. XXXIV.— (If any thing was wanting to establibh the exUxme ferocity of the French charac- t?r Ln 17'Jl, aaid subscjT'.cut years, the Uvo following fans would establish it s& 470 cessary to relate more of these horrible persecutions; all of wiiich arose from political principles, and political objects. It is w-ell known that the great contest during the French revolution was for political power, not for religious pre-eminence. The former was the cause of all the evils that afiflicted France, and whose consequences have desolated Europe. In these, the friends ol Louis, who wore almost all Catholics, were the greatest sufferers. The wrongs they suffered were of such a hideous and heinous na- ture, that it was certainly beyond the power of human nature to forget, or even to forgive them; in a country whose whole business, from the period of these deadly feuds, had been ex- ternal war and vio!en<;e. These things were therefore re- membered, resentment cherished, and revenge anticipated, and %vanted only a fresh provocation to shew itself. That opportun- bcyond a parallel. Near Lyons, Guilloii de Montet, an old man, formerly governor of Senegal, was butchered withont any cause. In vain Lis wife, with her two children in her arms, supplicated mercy from the assassins. The house was set on fire — de Montet escaped — he was taken — in sightof his wife and child- ren; he was literally hacked to pieces alive. With his last breath he blessed his wife and children. His head was cut off; his bleeding limbs were carried in triumph romid the neighbouring villages. Tlic rest of the assassins quarrelled about liis bleeduig trunk ; they smeared their hands and fac«s with his blood. Tliqi roasted and we)te'er of the nation- al vanity, exclusively to objects of external violence. It could not however, escape the most ordinary penetration, that the mo- ment in which Frenchmen were deterred and prevented from murdering and oppressing Europe, that these fierce resent- ments would break forth amongst themselves, in all their bitter- est consequences. It was said Bonaparte repi'essed the violence of this persecuting spirit on the part of the Catholics, and that therefore the Protestants loved him. It is very unfor- tunate, if their safety is alone to consist in the prosperity of a povver, which cannot exist with safety to Europe. But it can- not be that either his povver, or rather the revolutionary power, is alone capable of, and absolutely nece;Ssai'y to protect the Pro- testants in the Soifth of France from religious persecution. When he fell first, there was no persecution either heard of, or intended. During the short reign of Louis XVIII. in 1 81 4-, uni- versal toleration was allowed and proclaimed. It was never even surmised in all the factions and false accusations made against him, that such things were ever thought on. His faithful friends in every part of France expressed, as they well might, the most unfeigned joy for the return of a family for whom they had suffered so much. Yet this joy was construed by the fears of their opponents, as expressions indicative of violence and re-action against them. It was, therefore, political principles alone, which could induce the Protestants to espouse so gener- ally and so coi'diaily as they did, the cause of Napoleon, after his return from Elba, and to support the revolutionary system which re-called him. The adherents and friends of the King, in these places*, v.ere every where proscribed, banished, or massacred: and it was in llie department of the Garde, where the Duko tie Angoulcmc was treated with every possible mtll^ nity; and was arrested like a criminal, after a soiemn conven- tion to the contrary. Some hundreds ofhis followers were mas" sacred or banished, and no punishment whatever was inflicted upon the perpetrators. EVen when Napoleon was overthrown, they still endeavoured, by supporting his &on, to oppose tl>e Royal Government. This, as has been related, brought the parties into collision; old animosities were recollected; re- sentments were given scope to, and tiie l)orvors of the revo- lution were renewed. It was not because their opponents were reh'iious opponents, but because they had been political oppo- lients and revolutionary enemies, which made the Catholics now attack them; but which nevertheless forms no justifi- cation for the lawless and brutal proceednigs against the for- . mer. But these are facts which must be attended to, in order to ascertam the origin of the evil complained of. In examininc;- the detail?, while we condemn the one, we cannot acquit the other; while the political principles of those wiio thus disgraced the ProtestaJit faith and the Protestant profession in J 790, were alfeo, unfortunately for them at variance, with the political ivclfare of Europe. Whatever religious feelings were mixed in these disgraceful proceedings, (and, no doubt, these were con- siderable,) still it is obvious to every one who will take a particular view of the subject, that political motives w£re the true origin of the mischief. These too were rooted in their worst forms, from general ignorance, old and cruel injuries, a total change of property, and religious differences. These combined, even if Louis XVIII. had been seated on his throne at their commencement, as he was not, would have required a power much stronger, more despotic, and less en- cumbered with difficulties than his was, to hav€ prevented or punished with the severity such things deserved. How many professions of religion there are in the South of France, where so little of real religion seems to be understood, it is impossible to determine; but the world cannot posbibly forget that fron; these departments in the South of France, where difference in religious principles prevail most, came all the most furious and ferocious of that banditti which scourged France, and which disgraced humarj nature. The Girondists, of which 473 the Federates from the south, took t])e lead; the Brissotfncs, of which Brissot was the head, and whicli parties were composed chiefly of the members from the Southern departments, were those who brought their King to the scaffold; who plunged France into a war with the Continent, and in n more particular manner with England. The people of that part of France, and in a very particular mannei', those who were not Roman Catho* lies, have from first to last most assiduously scattered over the world those principles which sapped the foundations of society; and during all its career, most cordially supported that hideous system which, while it brutalized France, ravaged and endeavour- ed to make the people of Europe slaves and barbarians. The sad effects of all this profligate conduct with religion, and without religion, in civil and in political proceedings, the inhabitants of France are destined to feel. Her present situation is one of those fatal legacies which her national revolution, injustice, and crimes, have left her; and confirms in a strong manner indeed, the truth of the enormities which Europe has suffered tVom her hand, when they have exercised and do exercise such cruelties upon each other. Where, in another nation that ever was removed a degree from the savage state, did we hear of human beings tearing out the hearts of their victims, and squeezing the blood out of the same to mix with the wine which they drank? Where, in this globe, will we find a nation who dwell where knowledge may be found, any part of whose peo- ple would take out either their religious or political opponents before the doors of their dwellings, and in sight of their fami- lies cut their throats, the same as a butcher would a sheep? Degraded and worthless race! whose conduct as a nation. Atheist, Catholic, or Protestant, have justly made mankind their foes, and whose barbarous spirit if they had a leader^o guide it, a politician to disunite their enemies, who, if they yet saw an opportunity, or if they dared, would in a moment unite Ihesejarring and evil elements, to transfer the iron bars of Avig» non, and the daggers of Nismes, to London, Petersburgh, Vien- na, or Berlin. W^hile we feel satisiaction at our own happy state, we cannot help deploring the distracted situation of France, whose present government is compelled to adopt the following Tine of conduct in midst of such horrors. *' It ought not," say ^ o 15 they, '• to be regnnled as a political heresy tcf a»sert, thut while there exist two parties so decidedly opposed, it is not just to punish the re- action, before those are punished, who, by their bad treatment, have given occasion to tliat re-action. It is because this -eternal truth has been disregarded, that disor- der continues in that country."* In a country like this it is a chimera, for son^e t>nie, to talk of free constitutions. It is idle to tivlk of religion^ The latter is unknown, and the former cannot exist. Fron> such a sociefy v/c hav« seen what Repre- sentatives have been chosen, and we may form some idea of what will. They must be votaries of- ferocity, ignorance, su- perstition, or Atheism. The amount of the knowledge which ,j France seems- to have gained by all her atrocities, internal andexternal,. seems to be, that she has 'earned only political injustice, moral depravity, and religious bigotry. While these tragic scenes were passing in the South of France, numerous bands of armed robbers ini'ested the public roads, and carried terror and death over other parts of the country. The free corps, in particular, wherever these ap- peared spared neither friend nor foe, but carried desolation over whole prov^inces* " The crops' rot on the ground. The inhabitants," said Fouche, ** fly before bands of undisciplined soldiers. "f To them the Cossacks were mild, and the Prussians merciful. In Paris the rallyiuj^ cries and the ensiirn of rebel- lion were still seen and heard. The violet was thrown aside for the red pink which designated the friends of Napoleon. The presence, however, of the allied armies, prevented the occurrencQ of scenes like those at Nismes. The gaiety of the Parisians nc- vertheloss^ continued undiminished. The march and triumph- ant reviews of the allied armies which should have recalled to their minds -the humiliation and disgrace of their country, were in general, to all outward appe2Kan<:e, beheld with satisfaction and exultation. The King issued ordinances for the better observation of the Sabbath and the duties of religion. But the capital had not time to attend to such serious matters. The theatres, more crowded on Sabbath than on any other day of the week, afforded them greater pleasure. The receipts of • Narrative of the afluirs at Nismes published by the French Government, 181J^. f Eouche's report, afterwards mcntioner!, 475 theee places of amusement for a month, ending September lllli, was 462,912 francs, (about .^23,000.*) Their Joy for the return of tlie King, and the overthrow of oppression, was not shewn in the way that any other rational nation would have expressed it. It was.net by the silent thankfulness of. the heart, or the solemn voice of religious obedience. No! "we are assured, ' said their Journals, " that a great nuniber of our most elegant ladies m.ean to celebrate the return of the best of Kings, b-v dancing, tc-morrow (Sunday) evening, in the gar- den of the Thuilleries under the v.indows of the palace. This charming assemhlif would have taken place last Sunday, but for the bad v/eather."f This " charming" employment continued iittervvards to be their Sunilay employment, except when com- pelled to yield to the fury of the elemcRts, or to tiie seditious <-ries ar.d wicked tricks x)f the Jacobins and pink wearers, to ■whom all days were alike if employed in mischief. A few, but the smaller number, followed a more rational course. In the above manner, Bonaparte was wont to allow the Parisians to amuse themselves and him on the Sabbath. The Kiuir was for- «ed to tolerate the system. Such proceedings, however, shewed not that solid judgment and reflection, which constitutes the cha- racter of a man or a [Kjople; but merely displayed that giddy le- vity which fixes itself on. every object, and yet has affection or care for none. Such things xnay appear of little consequence. It is because that they were in this instance trifling, that they be- x:ome dangerous. -Followed -in suck perilous moments, in such solemn hours, big with fate and heavy with collected vengeance, these pursuits are beneath the dignity of the nobler feelings of the Imman mind. Such proceedings are of much more importance than the thoui^htless arc aware of, or the irreliijioLUS willinn- to allow. In the miEds of my countrymen, and in the breasts of the generality of the people of Europe, such proceedings do, and will continue to c:ccite contempt and al)horrence. What- ever Frenchmen may do, they will consider that six days are rjuite sufficient for every enjoyment of rational miith and pub- lic diversion, in all times; but more especially when the anger of Heaven, for national crimes, hangs over a guilty land ia -e • Gazette (le France, Scptcr,ii)er I Itb, 1 815. •J- Journal des Debate, July 1 5th. 1S15, 4-76 most conspicuotis manner* The Atheist may mock, tlie fu^ may laugh, at these truths; the immoral and irreligious may treat those conclusions as erroneous; but let them turn their attention to the walks of private life, and see, hear, and learn, from ihe numerous victims of violated laws, the origin of a life niispent, and these will tell them that thoughtless pleasures on Sunday first led them to days of wickedness — to weeks of dissi- pation — to ^"months of crimes — to trial — to condemnation, and an untimely and an ignominious death. Let them unfold the volume of the history of those nations which have enjoyed the pri- vilege of revealed religion, and particularly that volume dictat- ed by unerring wisdom, and from whose invulnerable pages the darts of Voltaire, and, the shafts of the^oddcss of Reason, wield- ed by her stoutest champions, reboimd, discomfited and broken.; and they will see this important truth exemplified in a stronjr •and in a striking manner. It forms the severest complaint of tht Lord of Hosts against his chosen people, and a continued profanation of this day by them brought with it his anger>, foreign armies, captivity and desolation. And was not France at this moment, experiencing a similar visitation for this, at well as for other offences. Let infidelity herself, examine into what the conduct of this people, in this respect, has been for the last thirty years, and she must acknowledge the conclu- sion to be just. Foreign armies now occupied the capital and overspread the provinces of France; called together to secure all that is valuable to mankind, and to beat down all that is dangerous to them. But not in this instance only was the punish-^ liient of France conspicuous. The following important fact ap- pears to me to be so remarkable, that I shall notice it in a par- ticular manner. In a general review of the allied forces under the command of the J3uke of Wellington at Paris., this chief^ accompanied by all the sovereigns of Europe, with their suites, consisting of the chief men from every state, took their triumphant stand upon that bloody spot, where Louis XVL was murdered, where the first permanent Guillotine was erected, and the numerous revolutionary murders or rather massacres, were openly and exultingly perpetrated. It was on the 24th July that this review took place. The Duke oof Wellington as commander in chief, having on his right th? 477 Emp«ror of Russlti, a»d on his left the Emperor of Austria, with the King of Prussia, and accompanied M-itlj all their re- tinues, took his stand upon this niemorable and fatal spot: and thus, a general of that nation, which had opposed with more firmness than others the principles and the power which had occasioned those catastrophes, and which liatl been pursued with more than common hatred, was made the instrument before the eyes of all Europe, to tread in triumph over that hideous spot, the bloodiest in the annals of mankind. It was not because Louis XVI. was a tyrant, but because he was a sovereign; not so much because he was a Sovereign, as because he was the head of regular government, order, and Jaws, that he was cut off, and that those who supported him suffered. It was not that here religion and morality were overthrown, derided^ denied. It was not that mere human laws and institutions which were here violated and trampled upon; but it was that here the safe guards of human nature were broken down, and the laws ■of theCreator, for its proleclion, trampled upon with exultation, iind violated with mockery and scorn. At that moment the good amongst mankind trembled; the opinions of many M'ere shaken. Tlu; consequences which followed these deeds, were ibr a whUe so successful and so dazzling, that amongst multi- tudes of mankind these were stripped of their criminality. Time passed: the events were taintly remembered; even where these took place. But these were registered where they could not be obiiterated. These were laid up where they- iCould not be forgotten," and the hour advanced with giant steps, ■jwhich, by tlie voice of an united and indignant world, was to xedress and triumph over those crimes committed against hu- ,inan nature, on that spot where all its feelings were outrag- ed; where all its safeguards were broken down — where all its jSaws were violated. In the crime these committed alljj Eu- ■j'ope was interested. Its consequences all Europe felt; and it would seem as if the retribution of Heaven had collect- ed the chiefs of Europe to that spot, on it to erect their pa- vilions, whose appearance and security covered the mur- iierers of that Prince and so many other innocent victims, with shame; and France, because she deserved it, with hu- ^rnjUatioo. The perpetrators may, and still do, think other- 4-78 wi«e. T\^cy may deny tliese truths; they may treat with con- tempt thk awful inference. It is not expected to convince them of their error, any more than in this instance of the just application of the punishment. But, on the fatal 21st of Jan- uary 1793, had any one told them, that on the spot where Santerre drowned the voice of his innocent Sovereign, and where a horde of demons afterwards, with cries of " Five la Marat I Five la Naiio?!.'" stifled the voice of nature and the feelinss of humanity; had he been told that all the sovereions of Europe, with their princes and servants, should, at no distant day, take their stand upon it to review those conquering hosts which, in defenee of truth and justice, had laid France at their feet, the individual would no more have been believed or at- tended to than W'hat the prophet Jeremiah was by the obstinate Jews, when, in the midst of Egyptian security, and in their sight, he hid the ^^ great stones^' in " the clay at the brickJ^iln," which was ^^ at the entry of Pliaroahh house in Tahpanncs^^ and there foretold to them that *' the Lord of Hosts, the God of Israel," would " send and take Nebuchadrezzar, the king of Babylon," his " servant," and " set his throne upon these stones," and " spread his royal pavilion over them.'"* Yet the event was literally fulfilled. And from the hand of unerring Justice, violence and murder will, in every age, and in every country, whether perpetrated by a nation or by an individual, receive commensurate punishment. > While France was thus bleeding at every pore, from the ef- fects of foreign invasion aiul internal commotion, the spirit of revolt and rebellion had spread to her colonies in the Carrib- bean Ocean. The promptitude and decision, however, of the Britisli officers commanding on that station, with the loyalty and firmness of Count Vangirard, governor of Martinique, saved that fine colony from any convulsion. That island had preserved its ancient affection for its legitimate Sovereign. Captured by the British in ITS*, it was saved from all the hor- rors of that spirit of evil which was begimiing to work in the western world. Except from the peace of Amiens till 1808, it was constantly under the British flag, and had imbibed no revolutionary or disorganizing principles. , Its inhabitant;?. # Jeremiah xliii. 9, 1 0. 4.79 ihercfore, were well affected to Louis XVIII. But the garri-' son, newly arrived from France, were not. To a man, they were for tlieir former master; on which account they were, no doubt, selected for that employment. No sooner was the ar- rival of Bonaparte in France known, than the governor, arm- int^ the militia, on whom he knew he could depend, placed them in the forts; and assembling the troops, he informed them of what had taken place in the mother country, and declared his intention to remain faithful to Louis XVIII. He called npon the garrison to do so also, which they refused; and, to a man, shouted out for their beloved Napoleon. Count Vangir- ard then informed them, that so situated, they had but one woiirse left to choose, which was to return to France in vessel which he had provided for that purpose; as be was determined, with the aid of the inhabitants, to preserve the colony to the King, till the assistance which he was certain he would re- ceive from the British, put it in his power to do so with safety. This expected as>istance soon appeared, under Sir James Leith ahd Admiral Durham. The refractory garrison were embark- ed for France; and Martinique was put in possession of the British, as a deposit for Louis XVI IL Having thus secured this important place; the British officers immediately proceed- ed to Guadaloupe, with the forces under th.eir command, and there offered Linois, who was governor of that valuable island,- ,and under hi-ra General Boyer, as the commandant of the troops, any assistance they might wish, to secure the colony to Louis XVIII. This Linois declined, stating that his force was sufficient to protect tiie place, which he assured the British commanders he intended to retain for Louis XVIII. The British Generals satisfied with this declaration, departed; and no sooner were they gone, than the faithless Linois and his odious coadjutor, Boyer, abandoned the cause of Louis, and espoused that of Napolesn. Their former professions of fidelity mado to the I>iitish commanders were only made to deceive, and to oet them out of the wav, with the force which they had at that moment, under their command which was sufficient, in the unprepared state in which they were to have reduced them to obedience, and to have captured the colony. This island was ina verv different state to that of Martinique. The horrors of 4SC* the revolution Ii.ul vi&itcd and taken up theh abode in it; an^ 17P4 saw in Guadaloupe horrors and crimes perpetrated, sucfe as yielded in no respect, or rather that surpassed the most bar- barous proceedings of the Revolutionary Tribunal in France. They too had such a judgment seat — they too had their guillo- tines; which, too slow in their operations to satiate their ven- geance, the unhappy victims were taken oat by hundreds, and be- ing placed in trencher dug for the purpose, were murdered by discharges of artilleiy, loaded with grape shot; and their mangled remains immediately covered over with quicklime and earth U> hide them from view, and prevent a pestilence from tJjeir put- rid remains. Under the inlamous Victor Hughes, it became Jk den of robbers, and the refuge for all that was evil in the western world. The greater number of the ioyal and peace- able inhabitants were dispoiled of their properties, which were confiscated and sold to the children of the revolution; who therefore preferred the government which succeeded it, to that of their legitimate Sovereign. In Guadalosipe he had but fev/ friends, and those insulted and despised. Linois and Boyer having assembled the garrison, and the leading men of the col- ony, proclaimed their intention to declare for Bonaparte; which resolution was heard with satisfaction, and eagerly put in execution. An early day was appointed for that purpose. It was a most inauspicious one; it was the 18th of June. On this day the tri-coloured Haij was hoisted on all the forts of Guadaloupe and its dependencies. On this occasion, Linois addressed them in a proclamation, which it is needless to quote, as it is similar to many we have already considered ;, informing them, in short, that Napoleon was the only man fit to govern the French dominions, and swearinh General^ was never used in communicating: falsehood; nor his, who drew a sword under Wellington, in publishing exaggeration. Le& us hoar his words in this instance: " Under the flag of the most unprovoked rebellion," said Sir James Leilh, '• the slave.- had been called to armSi and many were wrought up t-o a pitch oi sa7igumar7f-phrenzijy threatening the immediate destruction of the Colony. Every . saiigJiinar^ measure had been devised, and theicors^ srcncs of the revolution were to be re-commenced; and the 15th of August, the birth day of Bonaparte, 'was to havs been solemnized by the execution of the Royalists, ah-eady con~ demned to 'death"* These ppocecdinga were in the pure and unadultered style of the Goddess of Reason, and sufficiently e- stablished the source from whence they sprang^ Wheji, in the month of April preceding,- Bonaparte, or rather the party which governed him, made him abolish the slave trade, few were aware of their real views in this measure. It was not be- cause this trade was inhuman, or unjust: it was not because by abolishing it, that they and he might gain popular ap})lause for the moment: No, they had a deeper object in view. If we lose our Colonies, we shall at least make them useless to our ene- mies, was their calculation; and if we are to have no Colonial establishments) neither shall they.. With these feelings, their intentions, no doubt, were to emancipate again, as they had done before, all the slaves in their own islands; from whenee they would have scattered the firebrands of rebellion, insurrec- tion, destruction and death, over all the British Colonics, which they had onee before attempted, and with too much success. Such. unquestionably were their real views; and the conduct of their commanderjs at Guadaloupe in this- instance, in arming the slaves, and working them ^^ up to a pitch of sanguinary phrenzy" was only the beginning of that system, which was to have been scattered over the Caribbean Archipelago; and which would have left every island in it, one general scene of mourning, misery, rjid ruin. Such are the ultimate views and general pursuits of what are called French humanity, alwaj's- dictated by a Machiavclian j-ohcy, which it would require the • 8ip James Leitb'&disgatch,. August- li?th» #3 wlngS of a demon to follow in its progress, and the p€n of a Machiavel to trace. After considerable delay and apparent inaction, the King beffan to take more serious and decisive measures with re- .gard to the -numerous traitors, whose treason had driven him from his throne. A decree was issue-d, degrading some from the rank of Peers of France, for having sat in the Assembly of that name under Bonaparte's usurpation. Some were ordered 10 be arrested, and carried befm-e a council of war for punish- ment; and a still greatta* number were by this measure duect- ^d to place themselves under the surveilhmce of the police, and to take up their abodes in whatever part of France ii miL^ht direct or command them. Amongst the former were Counts Clement de Eio, Colchen, Cornudet, d'Abbeviile, de Croix, Dedelay d'Agiei', Dcjean, Fabre de V Aude, Gassendi, Lace- pede, Latour Maubourg, de Barral (Archbisliop of Tours,) Boissy de Anglas, de Conclaux, Cassabianca, de Montesquieu, Pontecoulant, Ilampon, de vSegur, Valnee, and Belliard; Mar- -shalis the Dukes of Dantzic, Elchingen, Albufera, Corncgli- ^no, Trevisoi and the Dukes of Praslen, Piaisance, and do -Cadore. From this number was to. be excepted ail those who within one month, siiould prove tliey had not sat, nor been will- ^ing to sit in the^oi-disant House of Peers. Amongst the number directed to be arrested, and Gan'icd before a council of war for •trial and punishment weate, Ne}', Labodeyt-re, the two Lallpf tnand's, Drouet d'Erlon, Lefeljre Desnouettes, Amulh, Bray- er, Giliy, Mouton Duvernet, Groachy, -Claazel, Laborde, De- bele, Bertrand, Drouet, Cambrtme, Lavalette, and Rovigo. Amongst those wlro were commandctl to -quit Paris in three days, and to retire into the interior, to «uch places as were pointed out to them Iry tbe police v/ere, Soult, Alex, Excel- .nians, Bassano, Marbot, Feli?; LepeUetier, Boulay de la Meur- ihe, Mehee.Fressinet, Thibadeau, Carnot, Vandamme, Lamar- quc, Lobau, Hare), Peru, Barrere, Arnard, Pommereuil, Kcgnault de St. Jean de Angley, Arrighi (Padua) Dejean (the iKon) Garnau, Ileal, Bouvitr, Dumolard, MerHn of Douay, Durbach, Dirat, DeiVemont, Bory St. Vincent, Felix Despor- tes, Gamier de Saintcs, Mellinet, Huliin, Cluys, Courten, For- i)in Janson (the eldest son) and Xorgue Dideville. These men ii4 were to remain in this situation, until iLc Chambers oV^cidcd whether they were to be sent out of the kingdom, or dehvered over for trial to the Tribunals. These were afterwards ban- ished from France, by a fresh decree; but where they are to take up their abodes is uncertain. St. Jean de Angley went to America, as did also the King of Spain. This list was declared to comprehend all whom it was found necessary to mark out for punishment; and was never " to be extended to others for any causes, and under any pretext whatever, other than in form and according to the Constitutional laws, which were express- ly departed from for this case alone."* Foremost on the ar- rested list were Labodeycre and Ney. The former was imme- diately brought to trial, because lie was the first who openly espoused Bonaparte's cause; and, from his youth and respect- able connexiouE, his fate excited considerable interest. He denied having had any intercourse with Bonaparte previous to his leaving Elba, and stated his belief that no such intercourse any where existed: he and many others were discontented, but he " knew nothing of any determined plot." He said he had no- thing personal to complain of; that he obtained nothing from th6 King, and had done nothing for him. From the procetd- inn-s in the court, it appeared, that as soon as he heard of Bonaparte's advance towards Grenoble, lie left that garrison in open defiance of the commanding officer. Marshal Devilliers. The Field Marshal succeeded in bringing back to their duty 100 men of the 7th regiment of the line. Labodeycre, how- ever, carried off the rest, exclaiming " Vive le Empcreiir!" and replying to Devilliers, " country and honour;" which words, unfortunately, said the Marshal, he did not " understand in the same manner that I did." In his defence, Labodeycre wished to impress upon the audience that it was his " honour," not his " life," that he was most anxious to defend. " I jnay have been deceived," said he; " misled by false illu- sions, by recollection?, by false ideas of honour; it is pos- sible that country ?poke a chimerical language to my heart." He wished, he said, to preserve in his regiment the " esprit de corps,'' and not to alloxv them to forget the >xarrior itho had so r>ften led them to victorTj. This spirit, he said, that he should * Decree by the King, 24th July, 1815. 485 have been ^lappi/ to have taught to his troops, on account of the Bourbons, whom so many great deeds had made illustrious. *' I do not conceal," said he, " that I set off with sad presen- timents, but Napoleon was far from my thoughts." He could not, he said, foresee that France under a 7iety regime would in three months resume a political attitude. '* I had not," said he, ^^ foreseen this coalition of all Europe; but I was the victim to a vague uneasiness, of which, nevertheless, I could explain, and perhaps justify the Cciuse." He then proceeded to state, that " in 1814, neither the nation nor the army could any longer suffer the yoke of Bonaparte — it was tired of a war without motive — exhausted by sacrifices without utility." Every one, according to him, wanted a " repairing Government^** This they found in Louis XVIII. but the " outrageous zeal of I'aithful servants did much harm." As he was proceeding to lay open their faults in justification of what he had done, the- President reminded him that it was not a " political," but x *' military" crime of which he was accused, and they were to judge. " It is," said the President, " for a violation of your du- ties as a soldier and a Colonel; try to destroy the proofs which are furnished against you." This, however, Labodeyere de- clared, that he neither had the means nor inclination to do; and concluded his speech to the court, by an eulogy upon the King; in whose return, he said, he saw " all promises fulfilled, all guarantees consecrated, the Constitution perfected; and foreigners will see again, I hope, a great nation in the French united round the King." The firm and dignified manner in which he addressed the Court, greatly interested all present. The sum of his defence, however, seemed to be, that he was right, because he thought so. But the proofs against him were too plain, and the offence too serious, to admit of pardon- He was accordingly sentenced to die. He appealed to a re- vision of his sentence, but without effect. Every intercession was made with the King; for mercv, but it was of no avail. — His young and amiable wife, habited in deep mourning, threw herself at the King's feet, and in agony bathed them with her tears, and entreated for mercy to her unfortunate husband. But in vain; the King declared had the offence peen against himself, he would have pardoned it; but being 4S6 against the peace and honour of the nation, he could not. — Labodeyere, therefore, prepared for his fate. He met it with firmness. At six o'clock, in the evening of the 13th, he was led out to the plain of Grenelle. He refused to allow his eyes to be bandaged. He entreated the soldiers, who were to fire, to take a sure aim; " above all," said he, " do not miss me." He gave the signal — in a moment lie was no more. Thus fell Labodeyere. His unfortunate widow died soon after, of a bro- ken heart, leaving an only son, whom the King took under his protection. A protligious outcry was raised against the King for not pardoning this man. He was styled the murder- ed and the martyred; while his crime as a soldier, throwing all other circumstances out of consideration, clearly subjected him to the fate he met. Better and braver fell at Waterloo; and had he remained firm at his post, the Career of Bonaparte might never have extended beyond Grenoble, nor all Europe been again thrown into alarm and confusion, and thousands upon thousands of lives might have been spared. If Europe felt indignation and surprise at the admission of Eouche into a principal share of the ministry, under the King; ■which she attributed to the weakness of the party she esteemed, and the strength of that which she dreaded; she soon after felt greater astonishment and surprise at, to all appearance, the bold and decisive step which the King took in making a complete change of his servants. Talleyrand and the whole ministry were displaced, and a new set brought into power. The Duke de Richelieu succeeded Talleyrand as Premier, but the latter continued to enjoy the King's favour. Clarke was chosen Minister of War. Fouche, however, to the general satisfaction of mankind, was disgraced and sent upon an em- bassy to the Court of Dresden. There Prussian vigilance will prevent his chicanery from doing much mischief. Tills unexpected change was, it is said, brought about by the firm- ness of the Royalist party, at the head of which was the Duch- ess of Angouleme. This Princess enjoyed the cordial hatrqd of all the Jacobins and their friends. Pier conduct was distort- ed and misrepresented, as usual, by them ; and she was described as the greatest, the most unrelenting and ignorant bigot in France. Her conduct, however, it was well kjiown was veiy 487 different. Her firmness was of the most essential service in confirming the King's power; therefore, she was hated and traduced in every manner, and loaded with every species of obloquy and reproach. She, indeed, did not disguise her hati'ed against those who had broirdit her father and her mother to the scaffold, with the most unrelenting barbarity; who des- troyed her unfortunate brother, and immured her tender years in a hideous dungeon. Nor did she disguise her indignation at seeinfT those men who had covered France with scaffolds, and Europe with mourning, intrusted with the Government which they had so lately joined to overthrow. This Princess did not, and could not feel otherwise; and it was only amongst tha friends and admirers of the Revolution that she had enemies, and from whom she received reproach. Fouche and his agents, were particularly active in this worthless proceeding, and in misrepresenting her conduct in the South. He endeavoured to sow dissensions between the King and the allies, to calum- niate the latter, and to arouse the passions of the French nation ao-ainst them. This he did by circulating insidioi>s and exag- gerated reports, which it was insinuated he had secretly laid before the King; and in which all the firm friends and faithful adherents of the latter were held up as public nuisances, and his most inveterate enemies praised as the guardians and savi- ours of France. These reports were forwarded to London, where they^rst appeared in the Morning Chronicle, as official documents which had been delivered to the King of France.. In these, however, there was nothing but a repetition of those, a thousand times repeated stories, and refuted jargon of the democratic school. Europe treated the indefatigable and de- signing authors and propagators of these calumnies, with the contempt they merited. But the accusations and assertions ao-ainst Europe are so daring and extraordinary, that I shall select the chief of these in this place. "SVc were ourselves, said these men, the first victims of all our tyrants, " and -^e have tvcice delivered Europe from ihem." '' It is not in for- ei'Tn countries, but in France, that terror has constantly troubled the repose of Napoleon. Notwithstanding his power^ he was never able to make the icar national" and though France joined him, " instruments are not accomplices." The allied Sovereigns were 'accused, for dispersing thier troops 48g over the country without reason. " The Sovereigns declared/' said they, " that they only made war against Napoleon, and yet all their measures belie their words. Every where, where- ever the armies are, (always excepting the English,) pillage, fire, rape, and murder, have been carried to the fullest extent; avarice and vengeance have left nothing for the soldiers to de- sire. To speak with freedom, they exceed even the atrocities of which the French armies have been so often justly accused." Their accusations of such wanton excesses, were false and unjust. Drawing a fearful picture of what France was, and what she would be, when the allies were withdrawn; all of which was attributed " to their prolonged stay;" they accused them for having occasioned all this, by their inti'oducing " immoralltij, that sad scourge of nations," into a nation like France, who was ♦' unjust, vain, and Jealous.*' The allies, however, were cer- tainly saved this trouble, by Fouche and his adherents; who, in 1794, " founded republican morals upon a dissolution of all morals;^* and who had so far corrupted France, that it was scarcely possible for iniquity itself to contaminate her more. With unequalled insolence and falsehood they asserted, that the tyranny of Napoleon was not their work. No! " It was not our work, but that of Europe. It was the Sovereigns who consolidated his power by their treaties, their alliances, and even by their friendships; and even if we had resisted him, the other nations licould have ranged themselves under his eagles, or humbled themselves before him. It was by foreig?i obedience that he endeavoured to bend us under the yoke."* How had Eu- rope been deceived. She had always been given to understand differently. Upon their dismissal from office, they sent before- hand their resignation to the King; in order to make it appear in the eyes of the nation, that they could not attend to the interests of the State, on account of the Councils which were acted upon, and listened unto, from behind the throne. — They told the King, that the " love of their country was na where to be found but under the tri-colouredflag; they accused * " Who shall decide when doctors disagree." The Edinburgh Review, No. L. page 511, says, " the danger to the restored Emperor, therefore, was wholly from without, while that to Louis XVIII. was wholly from vithin." Carnot perhaps, told them this. Fouche and them cannot both be right. 4S9 the allies of unjustly and unnecessarily " robbing^' them of all the " public monuments, the tokens of their former o-lorv. They seize the monuments of arts, which alone remain to us after twenty years of conquest." They " ravage" the ])rovinceP, *' dissipate" the funds, " devour" the provisions, and '• carry off tiie magazines of arms, the amuiunition of war, and the cannon irom the ramparts of our cities. The white fiaiT Hoats only on ruins. France contains two nations contendinij against each other. The French humiliated and discontented are ready to proceed to the last extremity." The allies have " presented a treaty which would consummate the ruin of the nation, and which would cover it with eternal shame." Therefore the mi- nisters gave up their places and refused their asseut to that trea- ty, because by acting other vvise they would have rendered them- selves " culiJable to the nation.^' This was their affair, not the business of Europe. It was her safety, not their glorjj nor security, which she had to consult. The accusations brought against the allies by the honest peo- ple of France, about robbing them of the pictures and monu- ments of art, the fruits of their conquests and the remembran- cers of their glory, tended only to excite in Europe feelings of indignation and contempt. These the different nations were determined to remove, and did remove. Italy, Germany, Prussia, the Netherlands, Holland, and Spain, had each their valuable property thus restored; and brought back from Paris, that great storehouse of plundered goods. In this, as in every thing else, the French nation wished to act, and did act, with their wonted insincerity and duplicity. They wished to have it inserted in the capituhition of Paris, that these things should be considered as their property. This was instantly objected to by the allied chiefs, and particularly by Blucher; who peremptorily declared, that he was resolved to take every thing to which Prussia had any claim. The fate of these valu- able treasures was, therefore, reserved to be determined by the decision of the Sovereigns of Europe; and they very justly and very wisely directed that these should be restored to their original owners. Because, however, no claim was inserted in the articles concerning the capitulation of the Capital, the French nation held that these things belonged to them by a right 3 0. 16 490' coirfcrrcd from ilic Ircaly of 181 i. They rtrg-j-cd stron^rlv that it would be most injurious to the art?, to scatter these things agiiiri over clifTerent countries; when they could thus be seen- in a collected mnrnner, by every admirer of them, in their com- fortii-ble and eleoant habitation in the Louvre. Had this ar- gument been attended to, it would have been a very convenient thing for every one who was stroiiger than his neighbour; first to compel the latter to erect nn elegant mansion, or adorn and erdarge it with the fruits of his labour, and then tell him that he can setoiFall his best articles of furniture in it, better than? he Gould- in- his humblei' dwelling; and that, therefore, these must be forthwiili placed there. In vaia the owner would remonstrate, that the possession of them was all his wealth, and their value all that he had to adorn his country or support his family; the other who could not and would not occupy ids time in producing such pieces, must have them to enrich him- self, adorn his dwelling, and support his extravagant and tinprincipled family. Similar were the arguments; similar ■were the views of France; but which were most justly spurned by indignant luirope. No intention, however, was shewn by \f ranee, ta restore any part of this property. In conse- quence of which, Blucher, without any ceremony, set about packing u-p, and sending off what formerly belonged to Prussia. This inflexible veteran paid no attention to either their sorrow or their anger, but took what wns his own, in person superin- tending their departure; and when the catalogues could not be found, being kept up or mislaid on purpose, his memory and the memory of others, enabled him to be no loser by French obstinacy. " As my conduct," said that resolute chief, has *« been publicly animadverted upon for not having allowed the property plundered from Prut5sia. by a banditti, to remain in the museum of the Louvre; I have only to remnrk, that ahli/ supported by the illustrious Wellington, / pursued the tMeves, who have despoiled many of the nations of Europe ot their ine:?timable monuments of the fine arts; I attacked and dispersed them, and restored to my country the plunder they had unjustlij taken ,- spurning the idea of negotiating with the French commissioners on this subject: they may noiv thank Providence for our not follo-ccinrr their base example"* Cer- • Blucher's letter to Count Muffling, Paris, October 1 Otb, 491 tainly they might do so, for had the Prussians demanded some of their own, as interest for tiie use of theirs', they were justly entitled to it. Other nations followed the example of Blucher. The Kin<«; of the Netherlands, throu-rh his. General the Duke of Wellinirton, demanded what belon<;ed to tiie countries under his sway. Application was accordingly made. Talleyrand shifted the business to the shoulders of Denon, their keeper, and he shonWered it back to Talleyrand; till wearied with <;hicanery and delay, tiie articles were direcled to be taken by force, if opposition was made thereto. None, however v.\ib made, though French ingenuity contrived it so, that the flung was done in a manner, tiiat in their opinion tlirew every possible odium upon the allies, and the British commander. Against him a severe outcry was accordingly ra-ised, which he, how- ever, victoiiously silenced by a complete exposiLion ol the con- duct of all parties in this affair; wherein, as usual, French du- plicity and ijisincci-ity were very conspicuous. Paris w^as quickly stripj7edof her ill-gotten ornaments, and of these articles, *;ach, in some measure got his own; though many of the paint- ings were pvllered by the French keepers, and then jn-etended to have been lo^. The quantity and variety of articles now carried orFwas incredible, and shewed that the iniquitous sys- tem so long pursued by France, had been carried to a length much greater than the pub>lic had generally conceived, or had season, gnvat as it was, to believe. The exasperated pop,ula- tion of Euro])c, also s.tripped their former op}iressors of albthe ornauients which had been been raised, and actjuircd at the expense of bleeding nations. From every pillar, Irom every post, from every hall, from ev-ery temple in Paris, all the memo- rials ot their former defeats and disgrace brought uj)£>n them, as these were by French bad laith and domestic tre-ibon, were completely obliterated. France had set lUcm the example, and they here only injustice visited her with her own maxim>. Grievous and humiliating, no doubt, to French vanity was all this. As their conduct lor liaughliness in the days of their jirospcrity, had been uiUHjualhtl ; so thiir humiliation \vas deeper than that of any nation en record, and yet still mer- cy -compared to their deserts. If the allies had assumed the bare and unquestionable vh^hti gf ccr.qucrcrs, and appro-* 4S>2 priated the whole collected store of paintings, statues, &:c. of which France had pitindered other countries; and if closely imitating her conduct, they had taken all that were her own to divide amongst themselves, there was no law could blame them; because victory in :\just cause, had given them the right. Such a proceeding would have been sufficiently severe and humiliate inth July^ counselled and directed that decree which commanded the arrest of Key and others. The snare was art- fully laid to save Ney, and catch therdliesin direct interference with their internal affairs, in order to raise the national jealousy against them. But the bait would not take. Madame Ney,. much to her honour, continued to interest herself with all the foreign ministers, in ord^r to get them to interfere, and to pre- vent the ignominious fate of her husband. At length the Peers met, to whom Ney ha'play of force was not necessary*' to put down his 504. party. " We are but too well autliorized," said he, " to tcN foreign nations that they have been in an error coyicerning the extent of the forces they had to combat ; and, that at the very moment when faction poured forth its furies, the French peo- ple were united by their wishes to their legitimate Soverei'T)," They (the allies), have considered the fall of the tyrant as the immediate effect of their victory;" and continuing, he complain- ed that France thus situated should be forced to suffer, and to be punished for what " might have been the result of an ex- aggerated alarm" Proceeding, the Duke disclosed the apall- ing fact, that whatever were the personal dispositions of the Sovereigns of Europe for generosity, that the people they governed would no longer permit them to be generous to France by neglecting their security. " Nations," said he, " on their side influence the councils of Sovereigns, by the powerful ac- tion of opinion;" and "doubtless these determinations" on the part of the Sovereigns, *' savour of the passions whicii their personal generosity dischiims." Those passions, however, were not called forth without reason; " for during twenty- five years, the respect due to alliances, to the engagements of peace, fidelity to promises, good faith, probity, the basis for- merly so revered as the security of states, have been shaken to their very foundations," by those ^'' fatal principles which have been, imkappily professed in France tzith so mnch eclat a?/:: so recently y Yet " the greatest of our Uiislortunes is, that of beinfT stilly after all our disgrace, and the useful lesson which you wish to draw from them, an object of distrust and of fear, to all those upon whom we have exercised rights, which fortune has put it in their power to exercise in their turn upon us. Havino- thus developed the true situation of France with re- •rard to Europe; and from the example of their King recom- mended patience and honour in all their future conduct, the treaties concluded with the allies were laid before them. — These were five in number. The three first were the most im- portant. But as I annex the chief of these important documents entire, in an appendix to this work, I shall here briefly recapitu- late their leading particulars. France ceded in perpetuity the fortresses of Landaiv, Sarre Louis, 'Phlllippevillc, Miu-jcnburgli^ 305 Tersoye or Versaix, near the lake of Geneva, and the whole of the Pays cle Gex. Tiie fortifitations of llutiingiien were to be demolished, and no forlificatioiis to be erected within three lea 50$ of ancient Greece, and thereby into the very heart of Turkey in Europe. The advantage of these possessions to the politi- cal power and connncrcial greatness of this country, is incal- culable; and such as future times can onh^ fully develope. All these treaties were a deathblow to the idle fabrications so in- dustriously spread, and with which disappointed faction, for some months preceding, had endeavoured to alarm Europe, and encourage the spirit of disorder in France; by asserting that jealousies reigned in, and disunion had taken place amongst the councils of the allied powers, particularly with regard to Russia. The usual hue and cry was raised against these trea- ties, as being the work of madness and folly; and a complete and direct interference in the internal affairs of France, con- trary to all the previous declarations and promises of the allied powers. Those wIjo condemned these measures forgot altogether, that events subsequent to these promises, which France in fact derided, and proclamations which she defied, had, in the just lan- guage of the ministers of the different powers, "carried con- sternation and alarm to every part of Europe; at a moment when the Sovereigns and their jK'opIe flattered themselves that after so many afflictions, they were about to enjoy a long inter- val of peace." That " it was impossible so soon to eiSace from the minds of cotemporarics the recollection of such a con- vulsion. That which was sufficient to satisfy them in 1814, cannot content them in 1815;" nor the line of demarcation then drawn by the treaty of 18 14, " satisfy the just pretensions which they now prefer." Proceeding in their reasoning, to which they were determined to assimilate their deeds, they add, in language equally just and strong, that " it is impossible to suppose that the plenipotentiaries of France wish to revive in the actual state of affairs, the doctrine of the pretended inviolability of the French territory. They too well know that this doctrine put forward by the chiefs and apostles of the revolutionary system, formed one of the most revolting chapters in that arbitrary code, which they wished to impose on Europe. Jt would be to destroy entirely every idea of equality between the different powers, if it were once esta- blished as a principle, that France may, without difficulty, ex- tend her limits, actjuire new provinces, and unite them to 509 her territory either by conquest or treaty; nkilsi she alone shall enjoy the privilege' of never losing any of her ancient pos- sessions, either by the misfortune of war, or by the political ar- rangements which may result from it."* Nothing could be more just than these principles now applieii to France. The system put down, however, in France, some of its admirers congratulated themselves upon its appearance in other quar- ters. After a tirade against ^^ anointed legitimacy ^^^ similar to the thousands published since 1789, the Alorning Chronicle, in fury adds, " the contracting powers xa-i/l find, notwithstand- ing tlicir audacious a?/d unparalleled Convention, that as the French army first learned the principles of liberty in the fields of Auierica, so the Prussians and Russians have heard the worus establishments an cni{)ty name. She is torn by faction.s, and by a set of men as devoid of feeling, as they are of princi- ple: who thirst only for plunder and for blood, and whom no government with ordinary measures can control. Many of her peaceable and industrious inhabitants, are leaving a land where wickedness, and her usual attendant misery, have talven up their abode. They are passing in crowds to seek an asylum in distant lands under the llussian ilag, a,round the borders of the Don, and in the territories of the Crimea. I''rom Al- sace, the emigration for this purpose is' great. Europe has also suffered much. One hundred millions stcrliiig, at least, has been exacted from the pockets of labour and industry, to guard against, and to overthrow the laAvless military banditti of France; and at least, 60,000 valuable lives, have been sacrificed ai'oun'd her cursed borders, and still she seems eager that these should be moistened with blood; and though lunnblcd, yet as vain and as thoughtless as ever; she still looks forward to be able to inflict vengeance on Europe. Those who, for thirty years, have advocated the cause and admired the conduct of Fraiice, under whatever anarchy she was controlled, had now the assurance to call upon Europe to 'Consult French honour and French feelings, in their proceed- ings; and to charge the nations of Europe with injustice and unnecessary severity towards France. These men forgot that France was the aggressor, that it was her conduct whicli first provoked the nations of Europe to general unanimity and an universal cry for justice. Do they think that France can beat down this power? Dare she again try it? What has France suffered in com])arison to v/hat siic has made other nations en- dure? Has she paid a teuth of the sums she has exacted in an unjust cause? has she felt one hundredth part of the miseries she has made Europe feel? Let her examine the population of the latter, and she will hear^uch tales as will terrify her heart; and meet such anger as will shake Jier soul. Let tlien some other plea for lenity be advanced, than delicacy for French feeling — than tenderness for French honour. These cannot be admitted — they have outraged every honourable principle — they have trampled upon every generous feeling, and mus 'A-e— mu?t Europe— must the world, be bereft of peacp jt happiness for a whole generation — our strength wasted — oui' resources scattered — " Tax'd till the brow of labour sweats in vain," in order to guard the liberty we enjoy, the small part of the fruits of our labours which have been left us, from protecting oui wives from dishonour, our daughters from violation; in short, from guarding against the dark designs, the mad ambition, the treachery, and the baseness of France. Must we be compelled to do all this, and when Europe has beat these to the ground, shall she then be told that she must pursue such measures as wiU not wound the feelings of the former; or, in other words, that will enable her to pursue, in a short period, her former course.. Away with such idle reasoning— to hear it advanced " Fear, justice, pission, indignation start, year off reserve, and bare the swelling heart.'' And we are ready to accuse even Blucher of weaknes?, when irritated at their unjust accusations, he tells them, that " they may thank Providence for the allies not having followed their base example." In truth they may do so. The allies have, in this instance, only taken what was their own; demanded the one third of the expense the campaign has cost them, and, let us hope, guarantees not less than is sufficient for their own se- curity. How much they require the latter, the unprecedented events of the year which we have related, but too fully establish. How much they have to dread French ambition, and above all, Frehch principles, the situation of every nation in Europe proclaims in sorrow and in anguijih. J might fill volumes on this lamentable aubject, but I shall content myself with the foUovvinir short account, which T believe is but too accurate a description of the situation of all the nations of the Continent, where either French liberty or French tyranny extended. The former indeed v.as even more destructive to the principles of jiations than the latter. In an address of the Evangelical Prelates of Wirtembargh to their Sovereign, they proceed: •<« Pressed down to the dust of the earth by poverty, distress^ and despair, thousands can scarcely any longer rise above ??isibk thin^Sj and are keceme deaf to the voice of religion* K9r. Struggling with present luirdens, and anxious cares respecting a still more gloomy future, the fruits which the preaching of the Gospel should produce on their minds are choaked in their first germs. The hope of a better period, and the trust in a Divine Providence regulating every thing for the best, which for several years communicated spirit and strength for endur- ance under the sey^r^ jaresswr^ of the concussions of the world, disappear, and sink into comfortless unbelief; and the hard- ships under which the people sigh, hy their long continuance, surpass the power of human endurance. The decay of mo- rality amongst all ranks cannot be misunderstood. Luxury and dissipation increase, not because property increases, but because it is sunk; because want and despair diminish incli- nation for the domestic virtues, and men seek to droiim in the noisy enjoyments of sensuality, the bitter feelings which their hardships inspire. Instead of the old German upright- ness, honesty, and truth; falsehood, dishonesty, and fraud, b&- pome daily more general, and poison the lives of men; while exhausting taxes, and continually increasing burthens, appear to deprive the suffering and the poor of all means of existence, and of improving their station. The efficacy and respectabili- ty of the servants of religion, are things despised. Such, gra- cious Sovereign, is a lamentable, but true picture of the situa- tion of things, which the rece7it periods, so destructive to the old establishments of our country, have introduced, with regard to things the most sacred to man, morality and religion."* Such, no doubt, is a true picture of Europe, from the Straits of Gib- raltar to the banks of the Nieman; but more particularly in ■Germany. And to whom are they indebted for all this? To Tevolutionary France; to her ambition, in every stage; to her principles; to her practice, and to her constant pursuits; to Bri&sot, JJanton, Robespiere, Fouche, and Carnot, and to Bonaparte! To them — to him we owe it all. I^et France look across the Rhine, and see the deplorable X'onsequences of her own wickedness. Let her fear to pro- voke those passions she has raised; those principles which she * October, 1815. 526 has carruptetl. Can she suppose that siicli a population will be averse to war, and that they will not conceive that they could live as well in the rich plains of France, as in the ruined fields of Gcamany. Why, they will leap at the prospect with as great alacrity, as a giildy Parisian jumps at a " Matt de Co- cagne" on a Sunday; and in doing so, they will most assuredly not fall short of their prize. As' the King's govei-nment gained strength, many of the revolutionary characters began to disappear; either by leav- iiig the country, or sinking into insignificance. Some went to America, and others to Germany. Amongst those who re- mained in France, and who soon made their appearance again, justifying their conduct before the world, was Carnot. This man published a book -containing a defence of his conduct. He asserted that he had no haixl in, nor knowledge of Bonaparte's return.; though he was the first to visit him, and to be ein})loyed and exalted by him. These assertions, however, few will cred- it, and fewer will pay any attention to. Carnot's name is in- scribed in registers where the characters are wrote in letters with the blood of innocence, which only the tears of the record- ing angel can blot out; and which all the logic of Carnot and his friends, will never be able to eriise or coiiceal. It might have been supposed that this hoary headed traitor, and even from the authority of his admirers, a xcJmlesale murderer^ would have been suffered to remaiii hid from the world, unless where he forced himself into notice. But not so. He has friends; he has defenders; and these too in Britain, against which he orgr.ti- ized and direct^ed ^^ fourteen armies" to destroy. Annexed there is a defence of this man's conduct, the most extraordinary and au- dacious that ever was promulgated, since Robespiere thundered murder from the Mountain, and Barrere insulted humanity from the Tribune.* Against the learned elamoiir of persons, who thus outrage truth and insult humanity, the world has a riglit • Bringing forward the abandonment of the accusation made against Carnot, im- mediately after Robespiere's fall, as a proof of the innocence of the former ; the reviewer thus proceeds: "It ought to go a great way, and, at this time, it would be rash, not to say unjust, in the extreme, to pronounce a contrary sentence. But let lis look a little into the merits of the case. The only matters .alleged againsrt Carnot, are reduced to a very small number of signatures, officially given by hii» 527 to protest and condemn. But in reality, Carnot's iniquity is drawn by his defenders in glowing colours, into a short com- pass, and making bad worse, consists in the following " details" namely, that from economy or secrecy, in saving the expense and prying eyes of a secretary, Carnot signed, without examin- ing into the subject, the death warrant of thousands. I am bent upon the conquest of Belgium; I am determined to make trie Rhine the boundary of France; I am resolved to blot royalty from the face of Europe: therefore, my dear colleagues, though I know you are great blockheads in warlike affairs, and no better than you should be in some of your other deeds, still . if you will lend me your assistance to procure the means^ neces- sary to- accomplish these objects, I will allow you, without en- quiry or comm.ent, to murder whom you please; and, " i?i ro~ iation" 1 will " nominaUij and officially" lend you my signa- . ture, " out of my office" to sanction '■^ your "worst deeds" Pre- cisely similar is this defence of Carnot, when collated with facts. But what was the Committee of Public Safety, that terrible body over which Carnot presided in rotation, and which it is alleged he aided? It was the Executive Government of Revo- lutionary France, in its worst and bloodiest shape. It was composed of nine members, chosen monthly from the worst men in the Convention, and of which Robespiere was long the to the decrees of the Committee of Public Safety. Upon this it is tx) be observed, tliat he confined himself wholly to the affairs of his own department, the conduct of the leary and that, though he presided in rotation over the terrible body to which }ic belonged, and as President noniiiuiUy issued, that is, signed its orders, he did so in virtue of the arran^emcut, that each should ajfix his authorili/ to the acts of his colleagues, and that no one should interfere in another's department. Had he re- • J'used his concurrence- to them, tltey would have refused their ratification of his mili- tary proceedings; and in order to shew kow little he could, by possibility, have known of the orders signed out of his own department, he informs us of the extra- ordinary fact; that he was, at the time, carrying on tlie wliole correspondence with fourteen armies, without a secretary. ' After all, situated as he then was, he had but - one alternative; either to continue in this dreadful situation, co-operating with men he abhorred, a.nd ]iit\ding hh name to their ivorst deeds, whilst he was fain to- close his eyes upon their details; or to- leave the tremendous war which France was theu waging for her existence, into the hands of men so totally unfit to conduct the ma- chine an instant, that immediate conquest, in its worst shape, must have been the consequence of his desertion." Further, " we protest against the ignorant clamour of persons, who, upon ordinary groiinds, object to Carnot's conduct, unacquainted with the facts, and quite unaware that his country exalted h'fn in a transport of £!ench Chambers- there was for ■^ome time but little that was remarkable. Tlieir first busines'^ was the passitii'; a law, similar in its Jm'iort to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in Great Eritair:, in order to check- the daring attempts of treason and seditions These attempts to kindle fresh revolutions, were carried to most alarming lengths. To. check these, the old .Prevotal. Courts were re-established. In the act now passed, upou^aji amendment un-animously adopted, .a clause was inserted, that the punishment it dcciK-ed should be inflicted upon the usurper, a person of his family, or, " a?'^/ o- iher chief of .HheUioa^'*' which important amendment pointed out that other competitoys for the Frencli crown mi-rht be bruufrbt forwards, besides Bonaparte, or any of his dvnasly. It was up- on the question of the anniesty bilk however, that the true feel- infjsofthc llenresentatives v.ere discovered. Tiie Ivinir and his ministers wanted -a general amnestypassed,:ee:cept for those persons included in his Ordi-nance of 24.ih July, 1815. This the Representatives wanted to prevent, and to extend the pun- ishment of banishment, death, and confiscaticin of good5, to . a much greater number. ^linisters, alter a hard contest, were •obliged to yieJcL^o far, but no further, that all those who voted for the death of Louis XVI. and who had been pard(uicd in 1814, but again johied ^ona])arte in 1815, should be banished from France for ever. The numbeKs fur still further in- creasing the exemptions irom the Ordiuances were 175 to •IS-i-. Conisequently, the motion was rejected. In the num- ber of regicides ; was Fouche, who had been previously dis- graced from his embassy. At this time it was ascertained that only 33 f oat of o-SO, who voted for that atrocious deed, were in existence; and almost every one of t lie latter num- ber had perished in a miserable antl untiinely manner. The Jaw passed tlie Upper House wi'liout any opposition: and, in one month, all the remaining regicides were compel- * Sitting of Gi)arm)ers, 2 Srh October,- IS 15. \ From the most accurate accounts M-hicii can be procured, there only remain the Allowing persons of all tliat dreadful crew ; namely, Ducos. Camhaceres, Fouche, Cavaignac, Lecarpanticr, Pons, David, Carnot, Barrere, Richard, Sieyes, Alquier. Tallien, Albitte, Cochon, Andre Dumond, Barras, Garos, Thibadeau, Guy Ver- non, IVIerJin de Dou.13', Quinette, Jean de Bry, Gamon, Garnier, Granet, Dubois- Diibais, Jlilhaud, Foucher, jVIichaud, Berttzene, and Boulay de la !\Iouithe These alo.n*' remain out of upwards of 580. The national ra:oT settled nearly all the re*:* 53^ ied to leave France. Thus justice at last overtook the few survivors, and the most dangerous; because the most able and cunnino- of all that terrible band. These survivors were un • questionably the great cause of the last revolution, as they cer- tainly were of the horrors of the first. Their banishment from France shewed the confidence, the wisdom, and the strength of the royalist party. But, though banished because they were regicides, let it not be forgotten that the murder of their King was but a part of their guilt — an item in their enormities. During 1793 and 1791-, when these men reigned most conspi- cuous and triumphant, the lawless rabble of Paris was paid to insult and violate justice, to delide and trample upon human- ity,* When we trace that fatal period, wherein to acknow- ledge the Creator was a crime; and to suffer the sigh of an- guish, or tear of pity to escape at the fate of the dearest friend, was immediate death — when we remember their diabolical accusations against their unhappy Queen, and which it requir- ed their cruel authority to extort even from villains — when, at their command, we behold the darkest dens of ferocity in the Parisian Fauxbourgs set loose to accompany with derision, and insult the innocent victim to the scaffold — when we hear those hoi'rible bravos, which, issued from the mouths of a pen- sioned multitude of women and men, degraded below the most savage tribes, and which assailed her ears in her passage to the fatal spot. When we have studied all this, we have still only studied one bloody line in the ponderous volume of these mens' enormities. But the hour of retribution did not stand still, nor the sword of Justice rest in its scabbard. Their adherents fell, and they are at last overtaken. Though at a first view we may suppose that the present punishment of these men is light and inadequate; yet, upon a serious consideration, it is the severest could possibly have bei'allen them. Driven from a country which they ruled and misled; which they have corrupted, de- • Amidst the various shews at this time devised to amuse the rabble of Paris, there were erected in the streets places of exhibition, where monsters paid by gov- ernment, imitated the gesture, attitude, and manner of those guillotined; and to ■which places the mob, after having applauded the latter spectacle, retired to laugh at the former; and these were the villains who were to enlighten Europe. To Wa- 4erloo they continued the same. There they mimicked the last pangs of their dyinj ijomradc?. 533 graded, and ruined; scattered over a world which their princi- ples and their pursuits have covered with irreiigion, immoral^ ity, sorrow, and misery, they must unpitied drag on a short and wretched existence, amidst the awful contempt of an in- jured and an indignant world. No conduct of theirs can ever again replace them in that society which they so grossly out- raged, and whose bonds they have so cruelly broken. Despair and anguish must be their portion here; happy if their sorrow shall appease that unerring and impartial Justice which shall judge them hereafter. While the events we have considered were passing in Europe, the Northumberland held on her way through the vast Atlantic, bearing far from Europe her former oppressor and scourge. On the 24th August they reached Madeira, and left it again on the ii6th. After a tedious voyage, the convoy, with the most extraor- dinary cargo ever conveyed to St. Helena, made that island on the 16th October. On the evening of the 18th, about 7 p. m., the debarkation took place. Bonaparte took up his lodgings in the town till a house, in the country, was preparetl for his reception. The greater part of his companions were, by this time, completely sick of the expedition. It is a curi- ous fact, that the Northumberland, which conveyed him to St. Helena, was the vessel which, in the action off St. Domingo, took the " Tmperiale" much her superior in point of force, and the only vessel in the French navy named after the Imperial ilynasty. It is also a remarkable coincidence of events, that Bona;.)arto, from the consequences of the battle of Waterloo, should land in St. Helena on the 18th of October, the anni- versary of the memorable battle of Leipsic, whose consequences sent him to Elba; and also of the anniversary of the battle of the Nara in Russia, which compelled him to leave Moscow on the followinj; mornini;. St. Helena, the present residence of Bonaparte, is a small island in the South Atlantic ocean, situated in lat. 13° 56' South, and 5° 49' West Longitude from Greenwich. From the Lands End in England, it is 4600 English miles distant in a direct line; and by the nearest course which a ship can take thereto, it is about 5800 miles from the same place. It is di»- iant from the coast of Congo, in Africa, 1400 English miles; S34. ;md from the coast of the Brazils, in South America, nearly 2100. The nearest land is the small island of Ascension about 700 miles N. W. from it, and which, like St. Helena, is equally distant from either Continent. The latter remarkable island is either the highest peak and remains of some vast Continent, overwhelmed in some tremendous convulsion of nature by the Atlantic billows; or, more probably, the production of some tremendous volcano in a convulsion of a different kind. In either case, it is a fit prison for him who had so long convulsed the world. The island was first discovered by the Portuguese, who stocked it with hogs, goats, and poultry, and at which they were accustomed to touch lor provisions. It was afterwards neglected by them, and taken possession of hy the English in 1600. In 1673, the Dutch to(-k \t by surprise, but it was soon after re-taken by the brave Captain Munden; since which period it has remained in the possession of England and under the control of the East India Company, forming a great ren- dezvous for all the outward and homeward bound trade from the Eastern world. It is about 20 miles in circumference. — The land rises to a great elevation, so that it can be seen from sea at the distance of 70 miles. It consists indeed of one vafit rock, perpendicular on every side, like a castle in the middle of the ocean, whose natural walls are too high to be attempted by scaling ladders. There is not the least beach except at the bay called Chapel V^alley Bay, which is fortified with 50 pieces of cannon planted even with the wa?ter, while other batteries rise in rows above these at a ay be in France, and what their consequences may be to Furope, time only can de- termine. Two things alone appear certain. The first is, that Europe never can be s^ubdued again by any single power. The second is, that even if this could be the case, it cannot be done by France. With regard to France herself, she must for a Jong time to come, be a divided and a distracted country. — Completely demoralized as she is, the present generation may wear out, but they can never cordially return to the bonds of national union or social order. Revolutions they will have, if they can; and the only way to keep them from misx:hief, is to dejirive them of the means. The King is now old. Disputes mav arise about the rights of succession, which, foriiettincr Bonaparte altogether, may give the " two nations into which France is divided," an opportunity of wrecking their hati'ed upon each other, particularly the Jacobinical party against the 'Royalist. Amongst the latter, particularly in the South, the ' Sy 17 ,338 Duke and the Duchess de Angculeme are generally beloved. A- mong the f rr.er, the Duke de Orleans has a large party; and the most odious of the gang will, in all probability, unite with the others in supporting his interests; not from any regard which either the one or the other has for him, but purely fi-om motives of the most deadly hatred and revenge against the brother and family of Louis XVI. Foremost in this list will be all the old staunch friends of liberty, as they are called, who were con- cerned in his murder, and who would obey any one, and make any thing of France, in-order to get clear of those personages, whose names must foi'ever recal to their bosoms the memory of their crimes. The parly that coalesced with the father of the present Duke, so notorious and so infamous for his crimes, will, no doubt, more readily t»rn their attention to the son than to any other. France may thus become a divided coun- try, and woes innumerable may yet be reserved for her. — Should the present Duke de Orleans be so unfortunate as to tarnish his name by listening to such counsels, he may rest assured that his race of honour and of security is run; for the party who may flatter and support him, will only do so in sup- port of their own ends, and when these are gained, they will sacrifice him to their views of French glory, with as much sa^ vage exultation as they did Louis XVL, or as little pity as they did their great idol Bonaparte. Gratitude and honour are foreign to their hearts. These have no place of abode in their bosoms. But though divided amongst themselvesj let not Europe suppose that France will relinquish the idea of again troubling her repose, and restoring the mighty preponderance in the European scale she once enjoyed, and which she still sighs to regain. Any prospect of this, or any attempt to gain it, will quickly unite all internal dissensions. No means will be ne- glected to accomplish this end. She will endeavour to arouse jealousies, to sow dissensions amongst the powers ot Europe, that by such means she may recover, if not the dominion, at least, in some degree, the influence, which she has lost. — Disunited, she calculates that she will again overpower them alh She believes that if she has been vanquished, that this has been brought round bv a train of unfortunate circumstances: in a^ 539 few words, hy fatal mistaJces; and even with these, that her sub- iiioration could only be accomplished by the indissohible union of all Europe against her. This is her present feeling. Her advocates adopt and inculcate the same ideas and assert, that if she can by any policy disunite for the moment, any great power on the Continent, Russia for instance, from assisting the rest, that her object would be speedily gained. Goaded on by wounded vanity and humbled pride, and by this.idea, France mav be mad enough to provoke another contest with her neigh- bours, witliout reflecting upon her own situation, or theirs, and without thinking on discomfiture, or upon wliat the^onse- tjuences of failure will be. Even at this moment the lurking spirit of evil betrays itself. Her clamours, and her accusations disclose the true feelings of her heart. Thev feel themselves humiliated and broken, but they do not feel that they have merited it. Their anger is the offspring of guilt; their lamen- tations the v-ailing of a broken power, which sighs to return to its former errors, and which conceives tliat they are not, and cannot be wrong. It is of little consequence what may be the wish of her Sovereign, and his more immediate friends. Him and them, however, much contrary to their inclinations, will be buried away by the spirit of the nation. But all her efforts will be in vain to accomplish her views. France has made the people of Europe, from necessity, all soldiers. They are become a military people in a. good cause, as she became in a bad one. She has taught them the trade of war; and she may rest assured, that against her, in the first place, will their anger and their conquering swords be directed. Whatever revolu- tions or jjclitical changes take place among themselves, they will never forget the cruel wrongs v/hich France inflicted on them. The nations of Europe individually are brave. Their generals are all experienced. They are strong. France is weak. They are united. She is divided. Their finances, it is true, are almost ruined by the avaricious imposts levied by France. But confidence in their government and public spi- rit is restored; and France has taught them how to make war at the expense of those whom they attack. She cannot pre- vent them from beginning any future contest on her territory, '.hereby the expense v,-ill fall upon her, not upon thcra. The 5*9 nations have men. These men l^a^•c oncrjjy. Tliousaiuls fol- low war as the profession which will carry thcni easiest to greatness, and soonest to glory. All indivicliially, and collec- tivelv, are animated with hatred against a nation which has in- flicted upon them all so much misery; and every one will march ■with alacrity to the conihat against her. She can onh' escape :by following peace in the spirit of peace ])o not let her de- ceive herself. Tlie conduct of others, were they to act as ambitiously and as unjustly as she has done, cannot exonerate lier from the evil she has committed: nay, does she not trem- ble to think that such conduct, if followed by others, may not, jn the course of events, be called forth for her severer punish- ment. The paths of contrition, justice, and truth, can alone save her. All other ways will fail; and though the tree of her strength for a moment may again flourish, high, and strong — though it may shoot its top to heaven, and spread its branches into distant lands, still that will be but for an hour: a short and bloody hour. ^' The dnij of rdrihulion vwa! cwnc." There re- inains the worm at the root, which consumes the juice that should support its vigour, and the same messenger of Almighty power and of unerring justice stands ready with the irresistible ax, which, when the command is given, will " hew down the tree, cut off his branches, pluck oil" his i'ruit, and scatter his leaves," in order to dismiss " the beasts from under his shadow. and the fowls from his branches;" and who will bindnvith Om- nipotent aid, " the stump thereof with bars of iron." " Because France is dctsrmined to be France," said Duboys ouse; and when Moreau was applied to in order to check their wanton acts of barbarity, he answered, contemptuously, I cannot prevent it. At a hamlet near Markdorf, ten brutal French soldiers, in the presence of her husband, alternately violated the chastity of a woman, who was hourly expected to be taken in labour. At the moment they were perpetrating the deed, one of their offi- cers entered the house^ He was applied to, in order to refraia them; when, horrible to relate, instead of doing so, he follow- ed the example of his men. In another village, a v.oman who had born a child only eight days before, was treated in a si- milar manner; and, when in her shift, and with her infant in her arms, she endeavoured to escape from her persecutors, she was pursued with taunts and loose jokes, by these Gallic bar- barians. On the 6th October, in the village of Bremen, nei- ther maiden, wife, nor widow, escaped being forcibly dishon- oured; and not only their husbands and fathers, but even young children, were compelled to view tfiese horrid scenes of violence and iniquitv. One woman who, with her husband, had inef- fectually endeavoured to resist these furies, was pursued over hedges and ditches, repeatedly dishonoured and left for dead; while her husband v.as most cruelly beaten with sabres. Others at this place, and in the other villages, were first tied to trees and then violated by successive numbers. The enemy then rifled the churches with the most blasphemous expressions. They destroyed the altars, ^jy/Z/z/^^i f/ic coinmunio7i table licith then- ordure; pulled down and reviled the image of our Saviour ; trampled the host under foot; and then threw it to the dogs. In one church, after pillaging it, they placed in mockery and derl- aion, a figure of Satan upon the altar: which figure they had got 544 Troin a representation of tlie temptation in tlie wilderness, fii another place they placed the crucifix before the fire, and aniidsf shouts oF the most indecent mirth, turned it round like meat roastin^r on a spit; while the grey headed minister of the par- ish, ao^ed 83, after being plundered of his all, was forced to wit- ness it. Every thing indeed that belonged to religion was the peculiar object of republican hatred. In the environs of their camp, numerous bodies of women were found who had been a- buscd unto death. The monsters, worse than the brutal ape or ferocious tiger, even satisfied their beastly appetites with dead corpses. They also murdered the children which the un- fortunate women who followed them had born unto them. Bodies of young women, who had expired under their treat- ment; and women, who but a few days before had been in la- bour, were made use of to satiate the lusts of these monsters, deoraded by such conduct tar below the beasts of the held. Girls from ten years of age were deprived of their innocence and their health by these demons. Ten, twelve, and even twenty successively gratified their passions with the same ob- ject; while their shameless and brutal comrades either kept •ruard at the door, or held loaded pistols or fixed bayonets at the heads of the unha)>})y sufferers. Even persons labouring, under maladies which precluded them from communication with mankind, were forced to submit to their desires. At the village of Water den gen, three women who had passed their, 70th year, six lying in women, four far advanced, in pregnancy, and twelve young girls, were by the cruel treatment which they experien- ced, brought almost to the gates of death. At Emmengen, an old woman near 70, was successively dishonoured by four of them. Crimes unheard of, and cruelty hitherto unknown, Avere every where perpetrated by them. General Turreau, one of the most furious and ferocious of all these pests which insult- ed, and at this time scourged humanit}', exacted contributions, and plundered in the most arbitrary and lawless manner. He allowed his followers to do as they pleased. The rich were stripped of their wealth, and beggars of their rags. Turreau said " he only repented of having at any time acted with hu- manity, and of not having converted into dust all the cities, villa<'-es, and convents, he had seen on his march," In fact, lit- 545 tie escaped. Desolation marched in their rear, and cruelty in their ranks. They burnt, they plundered, and they slew all that came in their way. They mixed together all kinds of grain, farming and instruments of cultivation, and then de- stroyed them. The country was laid waste. The cities plun- dered of their wealth.* But it is impossible to record a tenth part of their atrocities. Nor are these related from doubtful authority. " Their conduct," said Sir Robert Anstruther, " during their abode in this country, has exhibited a scene of depravity which is degrading to human nature: robbcrv and peculation have been universal in ewry rank and in every de- partment of the army. Every species of violence has been ex- ercised upon the persons as well as the properties of individu- als; many villages have been reduced to ashes, without even a pretext for this act of barharitv: and the countries throuo-U which their armies have {iassed, exhibit every where a spectacle of the utmost desolation and distress. "f. Has the thoughtful and reflecting German forgot these atro- cities? Did the tyranny of Napoleon help to wipe them away? Ko, certainly. These altered, but not obliterated their griefs and their wrongs; and those cruel conscriptions which broke asunder all the finest ties of nature, and carried the victim of ambition to perish on the banks of the Tagus, or amidst Rus- sian snows, are not forgotten. Look at the reception which the veteran Blueher has received on his return from France, In every town in Germany through which he passed, all ranks, and particularly the lower classes of people, thronged around him, and greeted him with unfeigned joy and the most heart- felt satisfaction. His conduct in France, so much approved of by them, sufficiently explains their sentiments and their feelings. France is not sufficiently aware of this deadly, and, as it regards her, this dangerous animosity; and which time can hardly soften or impair. Divided as Germany is, into small States, disunited she can do little. But each is animated with a spirit which will firmly unite and cheerfully embrace, coalesce with, and support any great power who will stand forward to advo- cate their cause, assist them to secure their future safety, and • Address by Anthony Axifere, Esq. to the people of Great Britain. *■ Sir B, ."^n^truflu-r's disjtr.tcii, 10th Sept. 179(J. — LondoQ Gazette EstraordiDar^« 2 z ' 18- onablc tlievn to avenge their wrongs. Piuissia is tliat power,. A Rhenish conledcration was instituted by France to trample upon Germany. A Rhenish confe<]eration, sanctioned by (■rermany, will certainly be formed to curb and to overawe France. Austria will sanction such a proceedinfj. England will not oppose it; because the more that is wrested from France, in Al5^^ceand Loraine, to which points the views of tliis confederation will certainly turn, the more secure does the Jsingdom of the "Netherlands become;, and which it concerns the * near and the dcci) interests cf BrLtain, at all times to see ren- tlercd stable. The strength of a coalition formed upon such principles, will be &uGh a* that without a-ssistance from any o- Tlier power, France would find herself unable to withstand; and the policy which would make her believe that she might with -afcty threaten its security or provoke its anger, will be found to he tiie scourge and the bane of the latter power. The popula- iion of France, however, united, cannot much exceed 26 mil- lions. That of Prussia, together with all the smaller German States, is not much short of that number; without reckoninir anv thing upon the kingdom of the Netherlands, and the Austrian Monarchy with a pf^pulation equal of itself to that of Frrnce. The Austrian Empire i& now more consolidated, and conse- ![uently more poweifuly than ever. Her communication with the sea, from tlie possession of the Venetian States situat- ed alono; the shores of the Adriatic, is of immense ndvantaire to her; and has none of those restraints upon ity that the commun- ication of Belgium with the sea foruierly liad. Situated as each power therefore now is, unless the folly of Turkey, and the rashness and impetuosity of the French character, sluill a- gain rekindle the flames of war, the Continent of Europe may enjoy long peace and repose. But Eurojie must not altogether flatter herself witii this plea- .^ant prospect. France is a country whose population delight in war. Violence is the cx)n!-titution of her people, and ag- gression the foundation of her Goveriunent. It is not to day that- she has become so; and it only remains to be seen if ex- perience has brought her to adopt a more rational line of con- duct. The foruicr has been her fault for ages; till by an in- creasing impulse it arrived at the late unprincipled tyranxijr 517 which proclaimed its will tlie law.; its mllilary ticspotisin the Sovereign of late, and the arbiter of the world. Brititin ha!» been her constant opponent; and the ruin of the hitter, the undeviating and continued aim of the ibrmer. "It is a rcniafk- able fact, that during the last seven hundred yt-ars, above one third of that period lias been taken up in wars betsveen France and England, The war which began in 1110, lasted twoyears^ that which began m 1141, one year; in 1161, twenty-five years; in "1211, fifteen years; in 1234?, nineteen years; in 1294', live years; in 1339, tv^enty-one years; in 1368, "fiity-two years, in 14'22, forty-nine years; in 14'92, one month; in 1512, two years; in 1521, six years; in IS-iO, one year; in 1557, two years; in 1562, two years; in 1627, two years; in 1G66, one year; in 1689, ten years; in 1702, eleven years; in 1741, four years; in 1756, seven years; in 1776, seven years; and, in 1793, twenty-two years; in all, during 705 years, there has been 266 years of war ! ! I Before concluding this Nan'ative, let us take a general view of the military strength of the different European powers at this moment, and which it will by no means be very difficult to array against their former oppressors again, should that unfor- tunately prove necessary. The disposable force of Russia, iii France and Germany, was last year above 400,000 men, and her whole establishment could not be less than 600,000. The military force of Prussia must have exceeded 300,000; as she had 236,000 engaged. The Austrian army consisted of 57 regiments of the line, 78 battalions of light infantry, (in all 430,000;) 37 regiments of cavalry, (60,000,) and 4 regiments of artillery, (13,000,) in all 503,000 men. The army and navy of Great Britain, at least 400,000. Switzerland about 60,000; and the disposable quotas of the smaller States, were as under, viz. Bavaria 60,000, Netherlands 50,000, Wirtemburgh 20,000, Baden 16,000, Saxony 16,000, Sar- dinia 15,000, Hesse "Cassel 12,000, Hanover 10,000, Hesse Darmstadt 8,000, Mecklenburgh Schwerin 3,800, Nassau ,3,000, Brunswick 3,000, Hanse 'J owns 3,000, Saxe Gotha 2,200, Saxe Weimer 1,600, Anhalt 1,600, Oldenburgh 1,600, Schwartzenberg 1,300, Lippe 1,300^ lleuss 900, Meck- lenburg Strelitz 800, Suxc Coburg 800, Waldcck 800, Frank- 548 fort 750, Saxe Meinungen 600, Saxe Hiltlburghanscn 400, HohcnzoUern Sigmaringcn 386, Kohenzollern HechiDgen 194, Liclitenstein 100; total 235,130. To this they may join the united i'orce of Italy, about 140,000; and without including Spain or Portugal, we have the enormous sum of upwards of 2,230,000 men, all trair'cd and ready for war. Will France by her conduct again provoke this terrible mass? When we review the occurrences of 1815, we are struck with amazement. In the first three months thereof, Europe enjoyed profound j^eace. In the next three the flames of war spread to ber utmost borders, and were extinguished in blood. In the third quarter, Europe prepares to disarm; and in the last, we behold each nation returning to their respective homes in peace. In March, Murat held peaceable possession of the kingdom of Naples. His dynasty seemed fixed. In April he threatened Italy with chains. In May he lost his army, capital, crown, and dignity. He became, for a few months, a wretched out- cast and a wanderer, even in his native land. From thence .compelled to fly, he seeks safety in another, and almost imme- diately lands; and is tried, condemned, and executed, in the land which, only six months before, obeyed him; while his wife and family are prisoners in a foreign country, forlorn and unfriended. But he hears no more the curses of his enemies; he is gone, and will be forgotten. Not so Napoleon. Leaping from his rock in the middle of the sea, he appeai;s in Fans ■with the Imperial crown on his head. France owns his sway, and worships his image, Europe feels fear through all her borders. In three months he and all who supported him, are dispersed, in durance, or buried at Waterloo. In 1812, with Continental Europe at his back, wc see him trampling upon the ruins of the Kremlin; and in 1815, after the most aston- ishing vicissitudes of fortune — an Emperor in Elba — a Jacobin tool in France — we see liim a prisoner, playing at cards for suga7- plumbs (not kingdom^,) in St. Helena. From being Sovereign of the first Kingdom in Europe, he is become a solitary prisoner in the above island, a speck in the Atlantic ocean, at an ecjual distance between the old world and the new. " far from all the ways Where men frequent, and sacred altars blaze." 549 There he must live humiliated but not forgotten, while that flag which he endeavoured to sweep from the ocean, will bear under its £juardian folds to his ears, the curses of a ruined and indio-- nant world. The mind that feared to follow him in his rise, turns giddy in pursuing his fall. Trampling upon the Conti- nent, we behold him with the mean rancour of revolutionary revenge, refusing to the relations of an honourable and a brave man, who had fallen on the field of battle in defence of his country, the permission to bury his remains in the tomb of his ancestors. From that point we trace his progress till we see him driven from the abodes of that society, which he had so outraged; while the terrors of the Most High pro- claim to his affrighted soul, in the language addressed to the tyrant in ancient times : " All the Kings of the nations, even all of them, lie in glory, every one in his own house. But thou art cast out of thy grave like an abominable branch, and as the raiment of those that are slain, thrust through with a sword, that go down to the stones of the pit; as a carcase trodden under foot. Thou shalt not be joined with them in burial, because thou hast destroyed thy land, and slain thy people: the seed of evil doers shall never be renowned."* May his fate be a warning to others, to shun the paths which he followed; and may the disgrace and distress that has over- taken the nation which he ruled, teach others to abandon de- lusive theories in government, and to follow only the paths of peace, of truth, and of justice. • Isaiah xvi, 18, 19, 20. # APPENDIX. DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE. OFFICIAL COPY. IN THE KAME OF THE MOST HOLT AND CNDIVIDED TTUNITT. THE Allied Powers having by their united efforts, and by the success of their arms, preserved France and Europe from the con- vulsions with which they were menaced by the late enterprize of Napoleon Buonaparte, and by the Revolutio7iary Sijstem re-produced in Frmice, to promote its success; participating at present with his Most Christian Majesty in the desire to consolidate, by main- taining inviolate the Royal Authority; and by restoring the opera- tion of the Constitutional Charter, the order of things which had been happily re-established iu France, as also in the object «f restoring between France and her neighbours those relations of reciprocal confidence and good will which the fatal effects of the Revolution and of the system of Conquest had for so long a time disturbed: persuaded, at the same time, that this last object can only be obtained by an arrangement framed to secure to the Allies PROPER INDEMNITIES FOR THE PAST, AND SOLID GUARANTEES FOK THE FUTURE; they have, in concert with' his Majesty the King of France, taken into consideration the means of giving effect to this ar- rangement; and being satisfied that the indemnity due to the Allied Powers cannot be either entirely territorial or entirely pecuniary, with- «ut prejudice to France in the one or other of her essential inter- ests, and that it wouul be more fit to combine both the modes, in order to avoid the inconvenience which would result, were either resorted to separately, tiieir Imperial and Royal Majesties have adopted this basis for their present transactions; and agreeing alike as to the necessity of retaining for a fixed time in the frontier provinces of France, a certain number of allied troops, they have determined to combine their difierent arrangements, founded upon these bases, iri a Definitive Treaty. Fortius purpose, and to this effect, his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for himself and his allies on the one part, and his Majesty the King of France and Navarre on the other part, have named their Plenipoten- tiaries to discuss, settle, and sign, the said Definitive Treaty; namely, his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the Right Honourable Robert Stewart Viscount Castle- reagh. Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, a Member of his said ^lajesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, a Member of Parliament, Colonel of the Londonderry Regiment of Militia, and J)is said Majesty's Principal Secretary of^ State for Foreign^ Affairs-; 552 and the Most Illustrious and Most Noble Lord Arthur, Duke, Marquis and Earl of Wellington, Marquis of Douro, Viscount Wellington of Talavera and of Weilinjiton, and liaron Douro of Wellesley, a Member of his said Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, a Field Marshal of his armies, Colonel ot the Royal Reginicnt of Horse Guards, Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, Prince of Waterloo, Duke of Cititlad Rodrigo, and a Grandee of Spain of the First Class, Duke of Vittoria, Marquis of Torres Ved- ras, Count of Vimiera in Portugal, Knight of the Most Illustrious Order of the Golden Fleece, of the Spanish Military Order of St. Ferdinand, Knight Grand Cross of the Imperial Military Order of Maria Theresa, Knight Grand Cross of the Imperial Order of St. George of Russia, Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Black Eagle of Prussia, Knight Grand Cross of the Portuguese Royal and Military Order of the Tower and Sword, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal and Military Order of Sweden of the Sword, Knight Grand Cross of the Orders of the Elephant of Denmark, of William of the Low Countries, of the Annunciade of Sardinia, of Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria, and of several others, and Commander of the Forces of his Britannic Majesty in France, and of the Army of his Majesty the King of the Low Countries; and his Majesty the King of France and Navarre, the Sieur Armand Emanuel du Plessis Rich- elieu, Duke of Richelieu, Knight of the Royal and Military order of St, Louis, and of the Orders of St. Alexander Newsky, St. Wladomir, and St. George of Russia, Peer of France, First Gentleman of the Chamber of his Most Christian Majesty, his Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and President of the Council of his Min- isters; who, having exchanged their full Powers, found to be in good and due form, have signed the following Articles: Art. L The frontiers of France shall be the same as they were in the year 1790, save and except the modifications on one side and on the other, which are detailed in the present Article. I'Vst, on the Northern Frontiers, the line of demarcation shall remain as it was fix- ed by the Treaty of Paris, as far as opposite to Quiverain, iVom thence it shall follow the ancient limits of the Belgian Provinces, of the late Bishopric of Liege, and of the Duchy of Bouillon, as they existed in the year 1790, leaving the territories included (enclaves) within that line of PhiUipeville and Manenbourg, with the tortresses so called, together with the whole of the Duchy of Bouillon, without the frontiers of France. — From Villers near Orval, upon the con- fines of the Department Des Ardennes, and of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg as far as Perle, upon the great road leading from Thion- ville to Treves, the line shall remain as it was laid down by the Trea- ty of Paris. From Perle it shall pass by Laucnsdorft; Walwich, Schardortf, Neiderveiling, Pelweiler (all these places with their ban- liencs or dependencies remaining to France) to Houvre; and shall ibllow from thence the old limits of the district (Pays) of Sarrebruck, leaving Sarrelouis, and the course of the Sarre, together with the places situated to the right of the line above described, and their hanlienes or dependencies without the limits of FranC'e. From the 553 limits of the district of Sarrebruck the h'ne of demarcation shall be the same which at present separates from Germany the departments of the Moselle and of the Lower Rhine, as far as to the Lauter, which I iver shall from thence serve as the frontier until it falls into the Khine. All the territory on the left bunk of the Lauter, including the fortress of Landau, shall form part of German}-. The town of Wtissenbourg, however, through which that river runs, shall remain entirely to France, with a rayon on the left bank, not exceedmg a thousand toises, and which shall be more particular- ly determined by the Commissioners who shall be charged with the approaching designation of the boundaries. Secondly, leaving the mouth of the Lauter and continuing along the departments ot the Lower llhine, the Upper Rhine, the Doubs and the Jura to the Can- ton de Vaud, the frontiers shall remain as fixed by the Treaty of Pa- ris. The Thahveg of the Rhine shall form the boundary between iVance and the States of Germany, but the property of the islands shall remain in perpetuity, as it shall be fixed by a new survey of the course of that river, and continue unchanged whatever varialioa that course may undergo in the lapse of time. Commissioners shall he named on both sides, by the High Contracting Parties, within the s^pace of three months, to proceed ujjon the said survey. One half of the bridge between Strasbourg and Kehl shall belong to France, and the other half to the Grand Duchy of Baden. Thirdly, in order to tstabiish a direct communication between the Canton of Geneva and Switzerland, that part of the Pays de Gex, bounded on the east by The lake Lcman; on the south, by the territory of the Canton of Cieneva; on the north, by that of the Canton deVaud; on the west, by the course of the Versoix, and by a line which comprehends the communes of Collex Bossy, and jVIeyrin, leaving the commune of I'erney to Fratice, shall be ceded to the Helvetic Confederacy, in or- der to be united to the Canton of Geneva. 'J'he line of the French custom-houses shall be placed to the west of the Jura, so that the whole of tlie Pays de Gez shall be without that line. Fourthly, from the frontiers of the Canton of (ieneva, as far as the Mediterranean, the line of dem.arcation shall be that which in the year 1799, separated. France from Savoy, and from the County of Nice. The relations which the Treaty of Paris of 1814' had re-established between France and the Prmcipaiity of Monaco, shall cease for ever, and the same relations shall exist between that Principality and his Majesty the King of Sardinia. Fifthly, all the Territories and Districts included (enclaves) within the boundary of the French Territory, as deter- iTiined by the present Article, shall remain united to France. Sixth- ly, the High Contracting Parties shall name within three months af- ter the signature of the present Treaty, Commissioners to regulate every thing relating to the designation of the boundaries of the re- spective countries, and as soon as the labours of the Commissioners shall have terminated. Maps shall be drawn, and Land-raarks shall be erected, which shall point out the respective limits. Art. 2. The fortresses, places, and districts, which, according to the preceding Aiticle, are no longer to form part of the French terri- tory, shall be placed at the disposal of the Allied Powers, at the pe- 4 .V 18 S5ir riods fixed by the 9th Article of the Military Convention annexed tc the present Treaty; and his Majesty the King of France renounces fer himielf, his heirs anil suGcesj^ors ft)r ever, the rights of Sovereign- ty and property, whicti he has hitherta exercised over the said fort- resses, places, and di.stricts. Art. 3. The fortifications of Huninguen having been constantly an object of uneasiness to Uie town of Bale, the High C'ontracting^^ Parties, in order to give to the Helvetic Confederacy a new proof of their good will and of their solicitude for its welfare, have agreed a- meng thsmselves to< demolish the fortifications of Huninguen, and the French Government engages fronv the same motive not to re-es- tablish tiiem at any time, and not to rci)lace them by other fortifica- tions, at a dii;tance of le^s than that of thr.ee leagues from the town of Bale. The neutrality of Switzerland shall be e>Ltended to the ter- ritory situated to the north of a line to be drawn from Ugine, that town being included to tlie south of the Lvke of Annacy, by Faverge, as far as Lecheraiu;-, and from thence, by the lake of Bour^et, as far as the Rhone, in like manner as it was extended to the Provinces of; Chablais anc" of Faucigny, by the 9'2d Article of the final act of the Congress of Vienna. Art. 4-> The pecuniary part of the indemnity to be furnished by France to the Allied Powers, is fixed at the sum of 700 millions of franss. The mode, the periods, and the guarantees for the payment of this sum, shall be regulated by a Special Convention which shall have the same force and effect as if it were inserted, word for word, in the presenty Treaty. Art. 5. The state of uneasiness and of fermentation, which after so many violent convulsions, and particularly after the last catas- trophe, France must still experience, notwithstanding the paternal^ intentions of her King, and the advantages secured to every class of bis subjects by the Constitutional Charter, requiring, for the security of the neighbouring States, certain measures of precauti(?n, and of temporary guarantee, it has been, judged indispensable to occupy, during a fixed time, by corps of Allied Troops, certain military posi- tions along the frontiers of France, under the express reserve, that such occupation shall in no way prejudice the Sovereignty of his Most Christian Majesty, Hor the state of possession, such as it is re- cognized and confirmed by the present Treaty. The number of these troops dial! not exceed 150,000 men. The Commander in Chief of this army shall be nominated by tlie Allied Powers. Thi& army shall occupy the fortresses of Conde, Valenciennes, Bouchain, Cambray, Le Quesnoy, Maubeuge, Landrecies, Avesnes, l\ocroy, Gi- vet, with Charlcmont, Mezieres, Sedan, :Montmedy, Thionville, Longwy, Bitsch, and the Tete-du-Pont of Fort Louis. As the main- tenance of the army destined for this service is to be provided by- France, a Special Convention shall regulate every thing which may relate to that object. This Convention, which shall have the same .force and effect as if it were inserted word for word in the present Treaty, shall also regulate the relations of the army of occupation with the civil and. military authorities of the country. The utmost exte!>4 655 ef the tluratiori of this military occupation, is'iixed at five years. It may terminate betbru that period, itj at the end of three years, the Allied Sovereigns, after having, in concert with his Majesty the King of France, maturely examined their reciprocal situation and interests, and the progress which shall have been made in France in the re-es- tablishment of order and tranqudSky, shall agree to acknowledge that the motives which led them to that; measure have ceased to exist. But whatever may be the result of this deliberation, all the fortresses and positions occupied by the allied troeps, shall, at the expiration of ^ve years, be evacuated without further delay, and given up to his Most Christian Majest}', or to his heirs and successors. Art. 6. The Foreign Troops, not forming part of the Army of Oc- cupation, s'hall evacuate the French Territory within the term fixed by the 9th Article of the Militaiy Convention annexed to the pre- sent Treaty. Art. 7. In fill countries which shall change Sovereigns, as well in virtue of the present Treaty^ as of the arrangements which are to be made in consequence thereof, a -period of six years from the dare of the exchange of the ratifications shall be allowed to the iniiabitants, natives er foreigners, of whatever condition and nation they may be, to dispose of their property, if they should think fit to do so, and to retire to whatever country they may choose. Art. 8« All the dispositions of the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814, relative to ihe Countries ceded by that treat}^ shall equally apply to the several territories and districts ceded by the pre- sent treaty^ Art. 9. The High -Contracting Parties have catised representation to be made of the differerit claims arising oat of the non-execution of the nineteenth and following Articles of the Treaty of the 30th of i\Iay, ISl-t, as well as of the Additional Articles of that Treat)' sign- ed between Great Britain and France, desiring to render more effica- cious the stipulations made thereby, and having determined, by two separate Conventions, tlie line to be ;pursued on each side for that, purpose, the said two Conventions, as annexed to the present Treaty, shall, in order to secure the complete execution of the above-men- tioned Articles, have the same force and effect as if the same were inserted, word for word, herein. Art. 10. All Prisoners taken during the hostilities, as well as aT). Hostages which nvay have been carried off or given, shall be restor- ed in the shortest time possible. The same shall be the case with respect to the Prisoners taken previously to the Tr-eaty of the 30th of May, 181+, and who shall not ahead)' have been restored. Art. 11. The Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814, and the final Act of the Congress of Vienna of the 9rh of J.unc, 1815, are confirmed, and shall be maintained in all such of their enactments which shall not have been modified by the. Articles of the present Treaty. , Art. 12. The present Treaty, with the Conventions annexed there- to, shall be ratified in one act, and thc: ratifications thereof shall be exchanged in the space of two months, or sooner if possible. 556 In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signod the same, and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms. Done at Paris, this 20th day of November, in the year of our Lord, 1815. (Sijfned) (Signed) (L. S.) CASTLEREAGII. (L. S.) RICHELIEU. (L. S.) WELLINGTON. ADDITIONAL ARTICLE. The High Contracting Powers, sincerely desiring to give effect to the measures with which they occupied themselves at tlie Congres« of Vienna, relatively to the complete and universal abolition of the African Slave Trade; and having already, each in his respective States, prohibited, without instruction their colonies and subjects from taking any part whatever in this traffic, engage to unite again all their efforts to ensure the final success of the principles wliich they have proclaimed in the Declaration of the 4th of February, 1815, and to concert, without loss of time, by their Ministers at the Courts of London and Paris, the most efficacious measures to obtain the entire and definitive abolition of a traffic so odious and so highly repugnant to the laws of religion and of nature. The present Addi- tional Article shall have the same force and validity, as if it were inserted word for word in the Treaty of this day. It shall be com- prehended in the ratification of the said Treaty. In testimony whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and affixed to it the seal of their arms. Done at Paris, the 20lh November, in the year of Grace, 1815. [Signatures.] [The same day, in the same place, and at the same moment, the same Treaty, as well as the Conventions and Articles annexed to it, was signed between France and Great Britain, France and Prussia, France and Russia.] SEPARATE ARTICLE.— (Signed with Russia alone.) In execution of the Additional Article of the 30th May, 1S14, his Most Christian Majesty engages to send, without delay, to War- saw, one or more Commissioners, to concur in his name, according to the terms of ;he said Article, in the examination and liquidation of the reciprocal claims of FVance and the late Duchy of Warsaw, and in all the arrangements relative to them. His Most Christian Majesty recognises, in respect to the Emperor of Russia, in his quality of King of Poland, the nullity of the Convention of Bayonne, well understood, that this disposition cannot receive any application, but conformably to the principles established in the Couventioni mentioned in the 9th article of the Treaty of this day. 557 The present Separate Article shall have the same force and vau* (lity, as if it were inserted word for word in the Treaty of this day. it shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at the same time. In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and affixed to it the seal of their arms. Done at Paris, the 20th November, in the year of Grace, 1815. CONVENTION CONCEaKING THE OCCUPATIOX OF A MILITARY LINE IN FRANCE. Art. 1. Composition of the army, and choice of its Commanders. Art. 2. The French furnish it with tire, candle, lodging, provi- sions, and forage, in kind. However, the portions which are to be delivered, according to a fixed tariff, are not to exceed 200,000, and the rations not 50,000. For pay, equipments, clothing, and other necessaries, the Government is to pay 50 millions annually; but the Allies, in order to assist France as much as possible, will be content with 30 millions for the first year, on condition tha^ the deficiency shall be paid in the following years. Art. S. France provides for the keeping up of the fortications, as well as of the buildings belonging to the civil and military adminis- tration, and for the provisioning of the fortresses in the occupation of the Allies. The furnishing of what is necessary for these pur- poses, in which the maxims of the French military administration are observed, is made upon the application of the Allied armies to the French Government, which has to arrange with them the means of providing for these supplies and works in a manner suitable to both parties. Art. 4. According to the Fifth Article of the principal Conven- tion, the line to be occupied by the Allied Troops extends along the frontiers which divide the Departments of the Pas de Calais, thc- North, the Ardennes, the Maese, the Mozelle, the Lower Rhine, and the Upper Rhine, from the interior of France. It is further agreed, that (unles-s particular reasons should, with the consent of both parties, cause an alteration to be made,) the following districts and territories shall not be occupied either by Allied or French troops. In the department of the Somme, the whole country north- wards of that river lr- ders of the Commander in Chief of the troops oi' his Britannic Ma- Art. 6. His Britannic Majesty consents, that a particular Conven- tion with the Government of the s;iid United States shall regulate, uccording to the revenues of those States, every thing which may re- late to the mainiainancc of the fortresses already existing, as well as to the subsistence and payment of the British garrisons, and to the ouinber of men of which they shall be composed in time of peace. 569 1*116 sam2 Convention sliall likewise fix the relations which are fa exist bet'tveen the said arraeJ force and the Ionian Government. Art. 1 . The Trading Flag of the United States of the Ionian Isl- ands shall be acknowledged by all the Contracting Parties, as the riag of a Free and Independent State. It shall carry with the col- ours, and above the armorial bearings thereon displayed before the year 1807, such other as his Britannic Majesty may think proper to grant, as a mark of the protection under which the said Ionian States are placed, and for the more effectual furtherance of this protection, all the ports and harbours of the said States are hereby declared to be, with respect to honorary and military rights, within British juris- diction. The commerce between the United Ionian States and the dominions of his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty shall enjoy the same advantages and facilities as that of Great Britain with the said United Ionian States. None but Commercial Agents, or Con- suls charged solely with the carrying on commercial relations, and subject to the regulations to which Commercial Agents or Consuls are subject in other Independent States, shall be accredited to the United States of the Ionian Islands. Art. 8. All the Powers which signed the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, ISl-i, and the Act of the Congress of Vienna of the Dth of June, 1815; and also his Majesty the King of the Two Sici- lies, and the Ottoman Porte, shall be invited to accede to the present Convention. Art. 9. The present Act shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in two months or sooner, if possible. In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms. Done at Paris, the 5th day of November, in the year of our Lord, 1815. CASTLETIEAGH, (L. S.) WELLINGTON, (L. S.) Le Prince de RASOUMOFFSKY, (L. S.) Le Compte CAPO DTSTRIA, (L. S.) EXTRACT -aifoons, I.5th do. do. do. 1 6th do. do. do. 18th do. d(>. do. 2.3 d do. do. do. Iloyal Waggon Train, Iloyal Ariiilery, Iloyal Engineers, 1st German Light Dragoons 2cl do. do. 572 1st German Hussars, 5d do. do. 5'2d Regiment of Foot, 69th do. do. 2d battulioB, Grenadier Guards, 2d battal ou, 1 71st do. do. 1st do. Do. do. 3d do. 75d do. dp. 2d do. Coldstream Guards, 2d batta ion, 79th do. do. 1st do. Sd Foot G lards, 2d battalion, 1 92d do. do Koyal Scots, 2d battal on, 95th do. do. 1st do. 4 th K egimcnt of Foot, 1st battalion, 1 95th do. do. 2d do. 6 comp. 14th do. do. ad do. 95 th do. do. 5d do. 2 comp> C5d do. do. Royal Staff Cor )S, 27th do. do. 1st battalion. | 1st G erman Lis ht Battalion, 28th do. do. 2d do. do. -SOth do. do. 2d do. 1st do. do. 32d do. do. 2d do. • do. 35d do. do. 3d do. do. 40th do. do. 1st do. 4th do. do. 42d do. do. 5th do. do. 44tl» do. do. 2d do. 8th do. do. 51 St do. do. German Artillery. After that part of this work relating to the affiiirs of Nismes was published, the following official and important letter from the Duke of Wellington was made public. It was wrote in answer to one addressed to liim from the Society for the pro- tection of Religious Liberty, established in London, requiring from him, in his official capacity, information concerning these affairs. It completely confirms that it was not religious, but political feelings and principles which were the great cause of all these horrors. (Copy.) Paris, 28ih November, J 81 5. Gentlemen, I have had the lionour of receiving your letter of the 24th ui&taat, and 1 take the earliest opportunity of replying to it. I have every reason tt believe that the public, and the Society of which you are Secretaries, have been misinformed regarding what is passing in the South of France. Jt is iiatural that there should be violent contests in a country in whicli the people are divided, not only by a difference of religion^ but hkewise by a difference of political opinion; and that, the religion of every individual being in general the sign of the political party to which he belongs, and at a moment of peculiar political interest, and of weakness in the Government, on account of the mutiny of the ar- ^y, that the weaker party should suffer, and that much iDjiistice 513 and violence should be committed by individuals of the more numer- ous preponderating party. But as far as I have any knowledge, acquired during my residence at this Court last year, and since the entrance of the Allies into Paris, the Government have done every thing in their power to put an end to the disturbances which have prevailed in the South of France, and to protect all his Majesty's subjects, in conformity with his Majesty's promise in his Royal Charter, in the exercise of their religious duties according to their several persuasions, and in the enjoyment of their several privileges, whatever may be their religious persuasions. In a recent instance, an officer. General La Garde, was sent down to Nisnies, specially by Government, to inquire into the state of affairs in tliat country, and upon his first report he had orders to open the Protestant Churches, which, in the course of the contest; between the parties, had been closed. He was severely wounded when in the execution of these orders; and I have been informed by good authority, that his Royal Highness the Due d'Angouleme has since marched at the head of a body of troops against those who had opposed themselves to the execution, by General La Garde, of the orders of the Government. I inclose a copy of the King's Ordinance issued in consequence of this e\'ent, which sufficiently shews the views and intentions of the Government- I have fukher to inform you, that it is not true that the salaries of tlie Protestant Ministers have been discontinued by the King of France. I trust that what I have above stated will convince the Society, of which you are the Secretaries, that the King of France's Gov- ernment, at least, are not to blame on account of the unfortunate cir- cumstances which have occurred in the South of France. I have, &c. (Signed) WELLINGTON. Air. T. WiLKs and Mr. T. Pkllat, Secretaries to the Prott'sfant Society lor Protection o/ /ie)ij^io!is JAherty, EBWAKD KUUI.L, A»l» CO. PSJNTEES, GLASGOW^ ERRATA. Page 45, line 8, for in read as. — p, 74, 1. 32, for his read their. — p, 135, I. 6, fir present the read the present — p 156, 1. 2, for V.'-O read 12, — p 152, L 18, after infantry read and. — p. 158, 1 24, for me read men. — p. 177, 1 54, for that read those. — p. 200, 1. 26, for peevish read feverish. — p. 200, 1, 35, for occasions read occasion. — p. 204, 1. 28, /ur denied read decreed. — p. 226, I. 11 and 12, for Babylon,an read Babylonian. — p. 251, 1. 30, for a division of Gerard's corps read Gerard's division of the second corps. — p. 265, 1. 8, for the read their. — p. 280, I. 20, and in the note, for Stewart read Stuart. — p. 502, 1. 12, jor egg read, breast, •—p. 560, 1, 35, in a few copies, /"or he read be. — p. 382, 1.55, for negotiation read recognition. — p. 410, 1. 22, for wiped read swept. — p. 411, 1. 3d, for deter- ■ mined read destined. — p. 425, 1. 34, far the secret which springs read the secret springs. — p. 444, 1. 10, /or crush 7-ead crash, — p 467, I. 7, for remarkable 7-ea(i respectable. — p. 470, 1. 16, in note, for Ilochanibcau read Dillon, — p. 477, I. 16. for which were here read were here. — p. 482, 1. 14, for unadultered read unadul- terated, — p. 543, L 1 7, for refrain read restrain. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. Fine schedule: 25 cents on first day overdue 50 cents on fourth day overdue One dollar on seventh day overdue. 30 1947 H0V2 41954 270ct'64JT , llU REC.CIR.j(iN4 «o ^n REC D LD MAR 14 1968 '2"7 Si9B9 LD 21-100»n-12,'46(A2012sl6)412 8EC CIR.NO\I k '77 JUN 20 1980 t) '"/ UNIVERSITY OF CAUFORNIA LIBRARY \ ■"^^^ ^ , I ^: '1^: -■^5?^ ">*:^:^' ->;^ ? ^ .'i«-: r^ f'li^-^ &^