A-/ 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 PROF. CHARLES A. KOFOID AND 
 MRS. PRUDENCE W. KOFOID 
 
e 
 
 
The Life and Times of 
 John Wilkins 
 
WARDEN WILKINS. 
 
The Life and Times 
 of John Wilkins 
 
 Warden of Wadham College, Oxford ; 
 
 Master of Trinity College, Cambridge ; 
 
 and Bishop of Chester 
 
 BY 
 
 I 
 
 PfA. WRIGHT HENDERSON 
 
 u 
 
 WARDEN OF WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 
 William Blackwood and Sons 
 
 Edinburgh and London 
 1910 
 
 ALL tf/G/frvS 1 RESERVED 
 
DEDICATED TO 
 THE MEMBERS OF WADHAM COLLEGE. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 THIS little book is written as an offering 
 to the Members of Wadham College for the 
 Tercentenary of its foundation. The writer 
 makes no pretensions to learning or research : 
 the title of the book would be misleading 
 and ridiculous if taken to imply a profound 
 study of the times of Bishop Wilkins, from 
 his birth in 1614 to his death in 1672, the 
 most important, perhaps, certainly the most 
 interesting, in the history of Great Britain. 
 It has been attempted only to touch on the 
 great questions and events which shaped the 
 life and character of a remarkable man. Use 
 has been made freely and often, without due 
 acknowledgment, of the ' History of Wadham 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 College,' written by Mr T. G. Jackson, R.A., 
 one of its Honorary Fellows and distinguished 
 alumni; a history of the building and archi- 
 tecture of the College, which no one but he 
 could have written, a history also of its social 
 and academical life from its beginning to the 
 present day. 
 
 Nor has less use been made of Mr J. Wells' 
 History of the College, of which he is a Fellow. 
 He will, I am sure, pardon my impertinence in 
 saying that in his book are combined diligent 
 research and a sense of humour and of the 
 picturesque, excellences rarely found together 
 in historians. Mr R. B. Gardiner, formerly 
 Scholar of Wadham, has earned its gratitude 
 by his invaluable ' Registers of Admissions/ 
 which, it is to be hoped, he will bring down 
 to 1910 or later: they will make easy the work 
 of some member of the College, who will doubt- 
 less arise to write a magnum opus, the history 
 of the College in every aspect architectural, 
 social, and academical. 
 
 For it the writer will use, as I have done 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 for this little book, the notes and comments of 
 Mr Andrew Clark on Wood's ' Life and Times/ 
 and other volumes published by the Oxford 
 Historical Society. 
 
 My thanks are due also to Dr Butler, the 
 Master of Trinity, Cambridge, for his kindness 
 in telling me what little there is to tell of 
 Wilkins' short tenure of the Mastership. 
 
 The Bishop of Chester, Dr Jayne, formerly 
 a Scholar of Wadham, now Bishop of the 
 Diocese which Wilkins held, has helped me 
 with information about the short episcopate of 
 his predecessor. For it I am grateful to him, 
 as well for the suggestion or command which 
 led to my first attempt, made four years ago, to 
 write something about Wilkins. 
 
 The too short article in the ' Dictionary of 
 National Biography ' has been of much service : 
 it gives the bibliography of the subject, or an 
 equivalent, for no life of Wilkins has been 
 written till now, and indicates the sources of 
 information about him : it also puts in clear 
 order the events of his varied life. Mr Sanders 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 must know much which he should be gently 
 forced to tell. 
 
 Fain would I acknowledge to Wood and 
 Aubrey the debt I owe to them, especially to 
 Wood, and ask his pardon for occasional ill- 
 natured remarks about him, as ill-natured nearly 
 as his own about most of his contemporaries. 
 
 The only merit claimed for this libellus is 
 its brevity no small recommendation in this 
 age of "exhaustive treatment" when, in biblio- 
 graphy especially, it is difficult to see the wood 
 for the trees. It is an inadequate expression 
 of the writer's affection for the College in which 
 he has spent more than forty years of his life, 
 and the unvarying kindness and indulgence which 
 he has received from pupils and colleagues. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. PAGE 
 
 I. HISTORY OF THE COLLEGE FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF WILKINS' WARDENSHIP . I 
 II. WILKINS 5 LIFE TILL HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE 
 
 WARDENSHIP ...... 30 
 
 III. WILKINS 5 WARDENSHIP ..... 54 
 
 IV. WILKINS AFTER HIS LIFE AT OXFORD . . . 105 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 WARDEN WILKINS .... Frontispiece 
 
 NICHOLAS WADHAM . . . . . .12 
 
 DOROTHY WADHAM ...... l6 
 
 ADMIRAL BLAKE ...... 28 
 
 WADHAM COLLEGE FROM THE WARDEN'S GARDEN. . 48 
 
 WADHAM COLLEGE FROM THE COLLEGE GARDEN . . 78 
 
 SIR CHRISTOPHER WREN IOO 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 JOHN WILKINS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE COLLEGE FROM ITS FOUNDATION 
 TO THE BEGINNING OF WILKINS* WARDENSHIP. 
 
 V^ADHAM COLLEGE was founded in 
 1 6 10, when on July 3ist the founda- 
 tion-stone was laid; and opened in 1613, when, 
 on April 2Oth, the Warden and Fellows elected 
 by the Foundress were admitted ; the Warden, 
 by the Vice - Chancellor of the University in 
 St Mary's Church ; the fifteen Fellows by the 
 Warden in the College Hall ; the fifteen Scholars 
 by the Warden and Fellows in the same place. 
 
 A 
 
2 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 All of them, from the Warden to the Junior 
 Scholars, were sworn to obey the Statutes of 
 the College, save three of the Scholars, who 
 were supposed to be too young to understand 
 the nature of an oath. 
 
 A site had been found on the ground where 
 had stood the Priory of the Augustine Friars, 
 founded in 1268 suppressed in 1540. It had 
 been gradually removed or destroyed by time 
 and plunder of its materials : no traces of 
 it are left, except on the west side of the 
 Warden's garden, a postern - gate which he 
 maintains was used by the friars for various 
 purposes. Another memorial of the Priory sur- 
 vived till 1800 the phrase of "doing Austins." 
 Up to that date, or near it, every Bachelor 
 of Arts was required once in each year to 
 " dispute and answer ad Augustinenses," and 
 the chapel or refectory of the Priory were con- 
 venient places in which to hold the disputations. 
 In the University no official title, no name 
 indeed of any kind, escapes abbreviation or 
 worse indignity, instances of which will readily 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 3 
 
 suggest themselves to the mind of any Oxford 
 reader. 
 
 The founders were Nicholas Wadham and 
 Dorothy, his wife, of Merrifield and Edge in 
 the county of Somerset. He was a squire of 
 good estate and high degree, the last male 
 descendant of the main line of Wadhams. Born 
 in 1532, he was educated at Corpus or at Christ 
 Church : there is a conflict of testimony on this 
 point, but Corpus was probably his college. At 
 the age of twenty - three he married Dorothy 
 Petre. She was two years younger than her 
 husband, born in 1534, the daughter of Sir 
 William Petre of Writtle in Essex, near which 
 much of the College property now lies. For his 
 zeal in suppressing the monasteries Sir William 
 had been rewarded by the grant of a large 
 estate, and Wadham, so long a Whig and 
 Evangelical College, was by the vicissitudes of 
 fortune built both pecuniarily and materially on 
 the ruins of the Roman Catholic Church. 
 
 The young couple were wealthy and lived 
 their lives in state at Merrifield, where they 
 
4 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 kept an open house, " an inn at all times for 
 their friends, and a court at Christmas." Yet, 
 owing probably to the management of Dorothy, 
 a notable and prudent wife, they saved money, 
 and the childless pair determined to devote 
 their wealth to " the purposes of religion, learn- 
 ing, and education." Their creed, like that 
 of many waverers in those days of transi- 
 tion, was by no means clear, possibly even 
 to themselves. The Wadhams were suspected 
 of being Recusants, and Dorothy was presented 
 as such, even in the year 1613 when the 
 College was completed. This may have given 
 rise to Antony Wood's story that Nicholas 
 was minded to found a College at Venice for 
 Roman Catholic students, but the balance of 
 probabilities is against its truth. 
 
 It has been pointed out by Mr Jackson, on 
 the suggestion of Mr Thorley, the late Warden, 
 that ''the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot 
 in 1605 may have weakened his (Wadham's) 
 attachment, in common with that of many 
 liberal and loyal Catholics, to the cause of the 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 5 
 
 old faith " ; further, that " the Venice scheme 
 comes very near, if it does not amount to, an 
 offence which the law had anticipated and 
 actually forbidden, and it would have exposed 
 its author to the direful penalties of Pramunire, 
 which by a Statute of 27 Elizabeth were 
 denounced against any person contributing to 
 the support of any College of Jesuits, or Sem- 
 inary, erected, or hereafter to be erected, beyond 
 the sea " : and finally, Mr Jackson dwells on 
 many evidences from facts that the Founder 
 was in his later years strictly conformable to 
 the Reformed Church. These are weighty 
 arguments, and to them may be added others 
 worthy of consideration. To a daughter of 
 Sir William Petre her husband's design, if he 
 ever entertained it, would have been more than 
 distasteful, for its fulfilment would have meant 
 a confession of sacrilege committed by her father 
 and acquiesced in by herself: it would have 
 meant also the establishment of a college beyond 
 the sea, removed from the Founder's supervision 
 and control. No one who knows human nature, 
 
6 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 or daughters, or Dorothy Wadham, can regard the 
 story as more than an interesting fiction. And 
 yet, is there no foundation for Wood's circum- 
 stantial narrative ? Does the fact that the 
 Foundress was presented as a Recusant mean 
 nothing? The problem is one worthy of the 
 industry and ingenuity of Mr Andrew Lang. 
 
 The Founder died at the age of seventy-seven 
 years in 1609. He was buried in " Myne He 
 at Ilminster, where myne ancestors lye interred." 
 The funeral was one befitting, in the estimation 
 of those days, the obsequies of an important 
 country gentleman : it cost ^500, equivalent now 
 to a sum sufficient for the public funeral of some 
 great statesman. It is easy to condemn our 
 ancestors ; but their modes of extravagance were 
 less frivolous than ours, if equally irrational. 
 
 The building accounts have been preserved 
 in the account - book treasured in the College 
 archives : in it is recorded <c every item of stone, 
 wood, or metal used, and every workman's name 
 and weekly wages," an important contribution 
 to the history of prices. The architect was 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 7 
 
 William Arnold, who combined in himself, as 
 did architects in the middle ages and later, the 
 functions of head workman, master mason, 
 architect, and clerk of works in one a master 
 builder. The stones came from the quarries 
 at Headington and Shotover ; the slates from 
 Stonesfield and Burford. Part of the beauty 
 of the College is due to the soft colouring of the 
 silver-grey stone, honeycombed and crumbled, 
 on the south and west especially, where sun 
 and wind and rain beat on it, giving it the 
 appearance of indefinite antiquity ; an appear- 
 ance due, alas! also to the fact that stone from 
 Headington is very friable, and little able to 
 resist the Oxford air. 
 
 One of the true College stories runs to the 
 effect that Warden Griffiths used the account- 
 book to refute the contention of a great historian 
 of British architecture that Wadham College 
 must have been built at different dates, because 
 its architecture is of different styles an improper 
 combination of Jacobean and Perpendicular. 
 Dr Griffiths was the kindliest of men, but the 
 
8 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 most accurate, and it gave him, for he was 
 human, great pleasure to correct mistakes. He 
 listened silently to the great man's argument : 
 next morning, at a large breakfast party given 
 in the College Common Room to the members 
 of the British Association which met at Oxford 
 in the year 1847, ne quietly laid the Account- 
 Book beside the plate of the unhappy dogmatist. 
 The fact that the Chapel is Perpendicular while 
 the Quadrangle is late Gothic has been explained 
 by the late Mr J. H. Parker's reasonable, 
 perhaps fanciful, suggestion that "the architect 
 desired to emphasise by this variation of style 
 the religious and secular uses of the several 
 structures. 7 ' l 
 
 Wadham has been described by Ayliffe, and 
 without much protest, as being " in respect of 
 beauty the most regular and uniform of any in 
 the University." It is the best specimen of 
 that late Gothic style which makes the charm 
 of Oxford, and which Mr Jackson has helped to 
 preserve by his work there and elsewhere. 
 
 1 See Messrs Peel and Minchin's 'Oxford,' p. 130. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 9 
 
 The beauty of Wadham is of a singularly 
 quiet and simple kind, the effect of proportion, 
 of string-courses and straight lines, marred by 
 little decoration. Except for buildings annexed 
 from time to time, so plain that they are no 
 disfigurement, the College stands as it stood 
 three centuries ago. Mr Andrew Lang has 
 remarked that it is "the only College in Oxford 
 which has not been fiddled with"; this is high 
 praise, and gratefully accepted. One defect 
 the College has : the resources of the Founders 
 sufficed to build only one quadrangle ; they 
 had not counted the cost of the stately Chapel 
 and Hall, and little was left for College rooms. 
 When will our benefactor come ? But it would 
 be ungracious in Wadham men to criticise the 
 Founders of their College, to whom they owe 
 the most beautiful of homes. It stood fifty 
 years ago almost in the country, with nothing 
 north or east of it save the Museum and green 
 fields. It is still in a great measure what it 
 was called, the Country College ; for though 
 it has neighbours close to it in Mansfield and 
 
io THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Manchester Colleges, yet these and the cricket- 
 grounds, which lie between Wadham and the 
 Cherwell, and further north, the Parks, make 
 one spacious region of almost country, a re- 
 gion of grass and trees and silence, broken 
 only by the sounds of birds, and the shouts 
 of Matthew Arnold's " young barbarians all 
 at play." 
 
 It is a quiet old College, not old as age is 
 reckoned in Oxford, like some great Eliza- 
 bethan or Jacobean country-house turned into 
 a College, splendid yet homely, possessing that 
 double charm which no palace or castle or 
 cathedral possesses in the same degree, the 
 charm of stately beauty and the charm of human 
 interest which belongs to the home of genera- 
 tions who have spent there the happiest years 
 of life, preparing for themselves distinction and 
 success, or obscurity and failure. As you stand 
 in the well-known College garden, one side 
 of which is bounded by the chapel and long 
 line of wall and gables showing half-white 
 half-grey against the sward from which they 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. ii 
 
 rise, you might fancy, if you were a Platonist, 
 that here Plato might have realised the dream 
 of his Republic, and made a home for the chosen 
 youths who were to rule and defend his state ; 
 here amid things beautiful " from which come 
 effluences wholesome for the soul, like a breeze 
 bringing health from blessed regions." 
 
 The Educated Woman, with her unerring 
 perception of the fitness of things, has already, 
 it is whispered, marked Wadham for her own 
 when the day of reckoning conies, and men will 
 have to share with women not merely degrees 
 but buildings and endowments. She has chosen 
 well, for Tennyson could have imagined no 
 fitter home for the Princess and her companions. 
 
 Four days before his death Nicholas Wadham 
 told his nephew, Sir John Wyndham, what 
 were his objects in founding his College, and 
 what were the provisions he wished made to 
 effect them. His " instructions," two of which 
 seemed strange to his nephew, and to need 
 careful wording, ran as follows : " The one 
 was that he would have an especial Statute to 
 
12 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 be made that neyther the head of the house, 
 nor any of the fellowes should be married ; 
 the other that he would not tye any man to 
 any profession, as eyther devinitie, lawe, or 
 phisicke, but leave every man free to profess 
 what he liked, as it should please God to direct 
 him. He then told me that after they weare 
 Masters of Arte of a competent number of 
 yeares, that then he would have them absolutely 
 to departe the Colledge, and not live there all 
 theire lives like idle drones, but put themselves 
 into the world, whereby others might growe 
 up under them, his intente being chiefly to 
 nourishe and trayne up men into Learninge. 
 On the 1 9th of October, when he sealed the 
 deede, I told him howe necessary it was for him 
 to have a visitor of his Colledge, all the 
 Colledges of Oxford having some Bishoppe 
 appointed by the Founder for seeinge of the 
 Statutes put in execution ; and that in my 
 opinion there was none fitter than the Bishoppe 
 of Bathe and Welles, which he much applauded, 
 and thanked me muche for putting him in minde 
 
NICHOLAS WADHAM. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 13 
 
 of him ; he also then sayd he would have his 
 Colledge to be called Wadham Colledge." 
 
 Our ancestors knew what they meant and how 
 to express it in good English, though their 
 spelling was irregular. In his instructions the 
 Founder anticipated reforms made by the Com- 
 missioners of 1853 and 1882. They had the 
 benefit of two and a half centuries' experience 
 of national and academical life to guide them : 
 Nicholas Wadham foresaw things and needs not 
 foreseen or understood by his contemporaries or 
 predecessors. His Fellowships were to be, all 
 of them, open to laymen, and terminable after a 
 tenure of years in which a young lawyer, of 
 physician, might maintain and prepare himself 
 till he had made a practice : eighteen years were 
 allowed for that purpose, instead of the scanty 
 seven with which a Prize Fellow must now 
 content himself. It may be that Nicholas gave 
 too much and the Commissioners gave too little ; 
 but that is a doubtful question. 
 
 The Wardenship, as well as the Fellowships, 
 could by the Founder's intention, and in the first 
 
14 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 draft of the Statutes, be held without the condi- 
 tion of Holy Orders. The Foundress, in this 
 matter only, disobeyed her husband, and at the 
 wish of the Society altered the Statutes, and by 
 binding the Warden to take his Doctorate in 
 Divinity made the office clerical for two hundred 
 and sixty years. In all other points she followed 
 the instructions which she may herself to some 
 extent have inspired. Her Visitor was to be the 
 Bishop of the diocese in which she had spent her 
 life ; her Warden was to be " a virtuous and 
 honourable man of stainless life, not a bishop, nor 
 a foreigner but born in Britain " : the last word is 
 significant. It was inserted in the Statutes by 
 James I. in place of " England " : even Dr Griffiths 
 is known to have spoken of England as the king- 
 dom in which he lived : further, the Warden was 
 to be " thirty years old at least, and unmarried." 
 
 There is nothing in Dorothy's grim features to 
 suggest that she would have approved of one 
 of the reforms or perversions of her Statutes 
 ordained by the Commissioners, which gives a 
 place in her College to a married Warden and to 
 
JOHN IVILKINS. 15 
 
 married Fellows, much less that she would have 
 been willing to marry one of them herself. 
 Thereby hangs a tale which might suggest a 
 new situation to our exhausted novelists. The 
 Foundress, so the story runs, chose for her first 
 Warden a clergyman, Dr Robert Wright, whose 
 beaux yeux touched the heart of the lone widow : 
 she loved him, and would fain have married him 
 and reigned with him after the necessary altera- 
 tion of the Statutes ; but he was cold and irre- 
 sponsive : the obligation of celibacy, save in the 
 case of Warden Wilkins, remained incumbent 
 on a Warden of Wadham till 1806, when it 
 was removed by a special Act of Parliament. 
 Modern criticism respects a love-story no more 
 than it respects the Pentateuch. A comparison 
 of dates shows that Dr Wright was fifty-four 
 years old at the time of his appointment in 1613, 
 and the Foundress was then seventy-nine. The 
 difference of a quarter of a century makes the 
 truth of the story not indeed impossible but 
 improbable ; the coy Warden held his office only 
 for two months : the cause of his resignation or 
 
16 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 expulsion is not known, but was probably not 
 " spretse injuria formse " : the hero of the story 
 wished to marry somebody else, and resigned his 
 post because he was not permitted to do so, as 
 Mr Wells informs us, adding a prosaic explana- 
 tion of the lovers' quarrel, a disagreement about 
 the appointment of an under-cook. Therefore 
 " Dorothy's Romance " must take its place 
 among the many College stories in which Oxford 
 abounds, and become a forsaken belief. Wright 
 was the first on the long roll of Wadham bishops, 
 and played a not inconsiderable part at a crisis 
 in English history. In December 1641, as Bishop 
 of Lichfield, he was one of the twelve bishops 
 who presented to Charles I. the famous protest 
 against their exclusion by mob violence from the 
 House of Lords, declaring all proceedings in 
 their absence null and void : for this they were 
 sent to the Tower as guilty of high treason. 
 Wright was soon released, and died two years 
 later defending his episcopal seat, Eccleshall 
 Castle, against the Parliamentarians, a member 
 of the Church militant like Ancktill. 
 
DOROTHY WADHAM. 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 17 
 
 The history of the College from its foundation 
 to the beginning of the Civil War is uneventful, 
 one of great prosperity. Among the Fellows 
 admitted in 1613, three, Smyth, Estcott, and Pitt, 
 became Wardens : four of the Fellows were 
 drawn from Exeter, then, as now, a west-country 
 College like Wadham, though it has, more than 
 Wadham, maintained its connection with the 
 West of England. The Foundress showed her 
 resolve that her husband's countryside should be 
 well represented among the first members of the 
 foundation : of the fifteen Fellows, eleven of the 
 fifteen Scholars, ten, came from western coun- 
 ties, especially from Somerset; the Commoners 
 also were many of them western men. The 
 value to a College of a local connection, not with 
 a village or a small school, but with a county or 
 a large town, was not understood by the Com- 
 missioners of 1853 : they were under the tyranny 
 of the formulae current in their day, when " open 
 competition " was supposed to be the solution of 
 all the difficulties of life. 
 
 In the first year of the College now opened 
 
 B 
 
i8 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 for work, fifty-one undergraduates, including the 
 Scholars, were admitted. The number of its 
 inmates, from the Warden to the latest fresh- 
 man, was therefore sixty-nine, including the two 
 chaplains. The rooms were larger than most of 
 the rooms in the older colleges, but fewer, and 
 those available for undergraduates were not more 
 than about forty: the freshmen of 1613 must 
 have been closely packed, the Scholars especially, 
 who had rooms three together, sleeping in the 
 large chamber and working in the musccefo or 
 small studies attached, now used as bedrooms, or 
 as scouts' pantries. In the nine years following 
 the admissions were necessarily fewer averag- 
 ing twenty-seven. It is probable that till the 
 depletion of Oxford, when the Civil War began 
 i.e., during the first thirty years of its life 
 Wadham numbered on an average between 
 eighty and ninety undergraduates, all of them 
 resident in College, as was then required by the 
 Statutes of the University. This estimate is 
 based on imperfect data, and Mr Gardiner has 
 pronounced that materials for any accurate 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 19 
 
 calculation are not to be found. We do not 
 know what was the usual length of under- 
 graduates' residence at that time ; some resided 
 only for a year, some proceeded to a degree. 
 Nor is it clear whether the Warden used all the 
 rooms, eight in number, assigned to him, or gave, 
 perhaps rented, some of them to undergraduates. 
 The estimate, which can neither be confirmed nor 
 disproved, is worth making only as helping us to 
 imagine the condition of the College in its early 
 days. One thing is certain, that Wadham was 
 popular and fashionable, to use a modern curious 
 name, as is shown by the record of admissions. 
 
 Life, both for graduates and undergraduates, 
 was harder then than it is now. The Fellows 
 were required to reside for forty-six weeks, the 
 Scholars, and probably the Commoners, for 
 forty -eight weeks in each year. All under- 
 graduates had to attend lectures or disputations 
 for twenty - four hours in every week. These 
 tasks were arranged with careful malignity to 
 begin at 6 A.M., and resumed at 2 P.M. and 6 
 P.M. Nor were examinations wanting. The 
 
20 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Bible was to be read during dinner in Hall 
 by a Bible Clerk or Scholar, and heard atten- 
 tively and reverently. Latin was to be spoken 
 in Hall, and English only when the presence of 
 an unlearned person or of a member of another 
 college justified its use. The Chapel Service 
 was held between 5 and 6 A.M. and between 8 
 and 9 P.M.; and attendance twice a - day was 
 required from bachelors and undergraduates, 
 and rigidly enforced. Attendance at roll-call 
 as a substitute for chapel was unheard of in 
 those days, when all members of the colleges 
 were, or were presumed to be, members also of 
 the Church of England, nor would conscientious 
 scruples have been treated with much courtesy. 
 In other matters discipline was no less strict ; 
 clothes and boots were to be black, and gowns 
 were to be long. No undergraduate was allowed 
 to go out of College unaccompanied by a " dis- 
 crete senior" of mature age as a witness to his 
 good behaviour, unless to attend a lecture or 
 a disputation : nor might he keep dogs, or 
 guns, or ferrets, or any bird, within the pre- 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 21 
 
 cincts of the College, nor play any games with 
 dice or cards or of any unseemly kind. Yet 
 the Foundress showed a tenderness for human 
 weakness by permitting the Fellows and Scholars 
 to play cards in Hall on some of the Gaudy 
 days for " moderate stakes and at timeous 
 hours." Moreover, she ordained that ^30 
 from the College revenues should be spent on 
 College banquets to be held on Gaudy days, 
 by which were meant the great Church festi- 
 vals, the election days of Fellows and College 
 officers, All Saints' Day, and, on what at first 
 sight seems strange, the anniversary of her 
 husband's death ; but the strangeness disappears 
 if it be remembered that October 2Oth comes 
 close to All Saints' Day. 
 
 This seems, in some of its provisions, Dra- 
 conian legislation, but it was made for the 
 government of boys, many of them only four- 
 teen or fifteen years of age : how far it was, 
 even in early days, unflinchingly enforced, we 
 cannot tell. It began to fall into abeyance 
 after the Restoration, if we are to believe 
 
22 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Antony Wood. His statements are always 
 to be received with caution ; but they are on 
 this point confirmed by other testimonies, and 
 by the antecedent probability of a strong re- 
 action against the Puritan regime. Eighteen 
 months after the King's Restoration, he writes 
 of the decay of learning and discipline in the 
 University. " Before the warr wee had scholars 
 that made a thorough search in scholasticall 
 and polemicall divinity, in humane authors, and 
 naturall philosophy. But now scholars studie 
 these things not more than what is just 
 necessary to carry them through the exercises 
 of their respective Colleges and the Universitie. 
 Their aime is not to live as students ought 
 to do viz., temperat, abstemious, and plaine 
 and grave in the apparel ; but to live like 
 gentlemen, to keep dogs and horses, to turne 
 their studies and coleholes into places to receive 
 bottles, to swash it in apparell, to wear long 
 periwigs, &c., and the theologists to ride abroad 
 in grey coats with swords by their sides : the 
 masters have lost their respect by being them- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 23 
 
 selves scandalous, and keeping company with 
 undergraduates." We cannot believe that Wad- 
 ham escaped the contagion, and remained what 
 its Foundress meant it to be. It would be 
 interesting but lack of space forbids to com- 
 pare the discipline prescribed with that ad- 
 ministered in Wadham now. Sufficient to say 
 what indeed might go without saying that 
 the lapse of three hundred years has made 
 changes desirable and necessary. 
 
 The Foundress died on May 16, 1618, aged 
 eighty-four. For five years she had watched 
 over the infancy of her College, and had seen 
 it grow into a vigorous child, with the promise 
 of a robust manhood. The mythopceic faculty 
 is strong in all of us, and in Wadham has 
 grown up a tradition that Dorothy was a 
 strong-minded woman, and her husband a sub- 
 missive man without character and will. The 
 myth rests only on the science of physiognomy 
 working on portraits, a most insecure founda- 
 tion. The Founders' portraits depict him as 
 a gentle, placid person with melancholy eyes; 
 
24 THF LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 her as a hard - featured woman with a long 
 upper lip and an almost cruel mouth. Against 
 the testimony, always dubious, of portraits, must 
 be set the known facts of her loyal devotion 
 in carrying out his wishes with scrupulous 
 fidelity, and the sacrifices she made in doing 
 so, of money and of laborious supervision in 
 the last years of her long life. 
 
 The College may do well to remember the 
 closing of one of her last letters to the War- 
 den and Fellows : " Above all things, I would 
 have you to avoid contentions among your- 
 selves, for without true charity there cannot be 
 a true Society." (Wells' ' History of Wadham,' 
 p. 44.) She was buried beside her husband 
 in the Wadham aisle at Ilminster. 
 
 Only a few months after her death a ques- 
 tion arose in which she would have taken a 
 keen interest, and have supported her College 
 to the uttermost. In October 1618 James I. 
 set an example, which his grandson, James 
 II., followed, of that contempt for law which 
 proved fatal to the Stuarts. He wrote to his 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 25 
 
 "trusty and well beloved, the Warden and 
 Fellows of Wadham College, bidding them elect 
 Walter Durham of St Andrews a Fellow, not- 
 withstanding anything in their statutes to the 
 contrary." Durham had not been a scholar, 
 and the vacancy had been filled up by the 
 Foundress, for whose death " their eyes were 
 still wet." It is possible that Durham's being 
 a Scotchman was another objection to his 
 reception as a Fellow in those days when 
 his aggressive countrymen had found the high- 
 road to England : this objection the Society 
 did not put before the King, but pleaded only 
 the obligations of the statutes. Supported by 
 the Earl of Pembroke, the Chancellor of the 
 University, their resistance was successful. To 
 Wadham belongs the honour of being the 
 earliest Oxford champion of legality in the 
 struggle of seventy years : as to Magdalen be- 
 longs the honour of the resistance which brought 
 that struggle nearly to its close. From 1618 
 onward till who can say when ? the College 
 has been on the popular or constitutional side, 
 
26 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 save in 1648. The portrait of James I., who 
 gave the College its Charter, hangs in the 
 Hall ; there are no portraits there of Charles 
 I., Charles II., James II. 
 
 Among the admissions of this time the most 
 illustrious name is that of Robert Blake, who 
 matriculated at Alban Hall, but took his B.A. 
 from Wadham in 1618, a few months before 
 the Durham incident. The great admiral and 
 soldier may therefore have learnt in Wadham 
 the opinions which determined his choice of 
 sides in the Parliamentary wars. The College 
 possesses his portrait, and four gold medals 
 struck to commemorate his victory over Van 
 Tromp in 1653. It has never left the custody 
 of the Warden, save when it was sent, con- 
 cealed on the person of Professor and Com- 
 mander Burroughs, to the Naval Exhibition 
 some years ago ; and last year, when after an 
 interesting correspondence between the College 
 and Colonel Maxse commanding the Coldstream 
 Guards, leave was cordially given to that dis- 
 tinguished regiment to have an electrotype made 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 27 
 
 of the Blake medal for its own exclusive use, 
 and to be kept in perpetuum among the memor- 
 ials of its long history. It is the oldest regiment 
 in the service, the only survivor of Cromwell's 
 New Model ; it was commanded by Monk, 
 afterwards Duke of Albemarle, when he crossed 
 the border to march to London, perhaps with 
 no definite intention to restore the Monarchy 
 perhaps also prompted by his brother Nicholas, 
 a Wadham man, to solve the great problem 
 in that simple way. The rest of the New 
 Model were disbanded after the Restoration, 
 but, doubtless in deference to Monk, the Cold- 
 streams were reformed, and became the King's 
 Bodyguard. To Monk, who like Blake was 
 half soldier, half sailor, one of the four medals 
 had been awarded for his services against the 
 Dutch. It was lost, and the replica will take 
 its place. The other three medals are preserved 
 one in the possession of the representatives of 
 the Penn family, one in the British Museum, 
 one in Wadham : the last was sent to the 
 British Museum for reproduction : it was carried 
 
28 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 by our historian Mr Wells, returned by him, 
 and it now lies in the Warden's lodgings, in 
 the cabinet of treasures bequeathed by Dr 
 Griffiths, our benefactor in many ways unknown 
 but to his friends. This tie of courtesy and his- 
 tory between a regiment and a college, arms and 
 the gown, is worth recording and probably unique. 
 
 No other name of real distinction than Blake's 
 occurs in the registers of 1613 to 1648. But 
 Colonel Henry Ancktill, " the priest and mal- 
 ignant doctor," as he was known among the 
 Roundheads, one of the first Fellows, ought 
 to be remembered, partly on his own account, 
 for he was a vigorous and devoted Royalist, a 
 fighting man when his cause was hopeless ; 
 partly because he may have been the original 
 of Dr Rochcliffe in 'Woodstock.' Sir Walter 
 Scott read the 'Athenae Oxonienses/ and the 
 resemblance between Ancktill and Rochcliffe 
 is striking ; but who can say what a great writer 
 finds or creates in fiction or in history ! 
 
 A perusal of the register shows that in 
 Wadham both of the great parties in Church 
 
ADMIRAL BLAKE. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 29 
 
 and State were represented. There were repre- 
 sented also all classes of society, from Dymokes, 
 Herberts, Russells, Portmans, Strangways, to the 
 humblest plebeiorum filii, a fact which proves the 
 falsity of the assertion made forty years ago, that 
 Oxford was once a place for " gentlemen only." 
 
 The history of the College at this time was 
 not one of unbroken peace : occasional quarrels 
 between members of the governing body are 
 recorded, evidences of the unrest of a time 
 when greater questions than the interpretation 
 of a Statute or the disputed election of a 
 College officer were already in the air. The 
 only dissension of any interest was one which 
 led to an appeal to the Visitor : the Visitor was 
 Laud, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, who 
 showed great gentleness and patience in deal- 
 ing with a person even more provoking than he 
 found the worst of Scotch Presbyterians. 
 
 We have now reached, " longas per ambages," 
 the times of Wilkins' manhood : he was born a 
 year later than the opening of the College which 
 he was to rule. 
 
30 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 WILKINS' LIFE TILL HIS APPOINTMENT TO 
 THE WARDENSHIP. 
 
 IN the Common Room of Wadham College 
 hangs the portrait of John Wilkins, Warden from 
 1648 to 1659. It is probably a faithful likeness, 
 for Wilkins is described by Aubrey as " a lustie, 
 strong-grown, well-set, broad-shouldered person, 
 cheerful and hospitable ; no great - read man, 
 but one of much and deepe thinking, and of 
 a working head ; and a prudent man as well 
 as ingeniose." In the portrait these character- 
 istics, physical and mental, are well displayed : 
 sanity of mind that is, clearness, shrewd- 
 ness, courage, kindliness, the contentment which 
 makes the best of good and evil fortune, are, 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 31 
 
 to the imaginative mind, written in the face, as 
 presented in his picture, of this great man. His 
 greatness fell short of genius, for it was the effect 
 of ordinary qualities, rarely combined and tempered 
 into one character ; but more effective for useful 
 work in the world than genius without sanity. 
 
 He was born in 1614 at Fawsley in North- 
 amptonshire. His father was Walter Wilkins, 
 a goldsmith in Oxford, like his son "ingeniose, 
 and of a very mechanicall head, which ran 
 much upon the perpetuall motion," a problem 
 less hopeful than most, not all, of those which 
 attracted his more practical son, who inherited 
 from him his " insatiable curiosity." 
 
 It is from Aubrey that we derive the fullest 
 account of the facts of Wilkins' life, as well as 
 of his character. It is given in one of those 
 " Brief Lives " which might well serve as 
 models to modern biographers ; lives com- 
 pressed into two pages of nervous English, 
 adorned here and there, rather than disfigured, 
 by quaint pedantic words and phrases, relics 
 of the euphuism of the sixteenth century. 
 
32 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Aubrey is credulous, appallingly frank, a strong 
 partisan, a man of great industry and learning, 
 by no means trustworthy, but none the less 
 entertaining and delightful. He tells us that 
 Wilkins had his " grammar learning from Mr 
 Sylvester, 'the common drudge of the Uni- 
 versity,' who kept a private school : that he 
 entered Magdalen Hall from New Inn Hall in 
 1627 at the age of thirteen, and there was 
 placed under the tutorship of * the learned Mr 
 John Tombs, the Coryphaeus of the Ana- 
 baptists." Tombs was a man of great ability, 
 notable for his "curious, searching, piercing 
 witt, of whom it was predicted that he would 
 doe a great deale of mischiefe to the Church 
 of England, as great witts have done by in- 
 troducing new opinions." He was a formidable 
 disputant, so formidable that when he came 
 to Oxford in 1664, an d there "sett up a 
 challenge to maintain ' contra omnes gentes ' the 
 doctrines of the Anabaptists, not a man would 
 grapple with him, their Coryphaeus; yet putting 
 aside his Anabaptisticall opinions he was con- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 33 
 
 formable enough to the Church of England"; 
 so much so that he held a living at Leominster, 
 and was the friend of two Bishops, Sanderson 
 and Seth Ward. It is doubtful whether Mr 
 Tombs would now, if he came back, move in 
 Episcopal circles. His career gives us a glimpse 
 into those puzzling times of confusion and cross- 
 purposes, when compromise and toleration co- 
 existed, both in parties and in individuals, with 
 bitter fanaticism, more commonly than is sup- 
 posed, or can be explained. 
 
 It is easy to see what was the influence exer- 
 cised by Tombs on a clever boy like Wilkins. 
 He was probably trained to be a Latitudinarian ; 
 for Tombs, despite his strong opinions, could 
 admire and praise sincerity in opponents : he 
 was heard to say that " though he was much 
 opposite to the Romish religion, truly for 
 his part should he see a poor zealous friar 
 goeing to preach he should pay him respect." 
 Utterances of this kind, if heard by Wilkins, 
 would make a strong impression on a youth 
 by nature singularly tolerant. 
 
 c 
 
34 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Wilkins took his B.A. degree in 1631, his 
 M.A. in 1634. For a few years he took pupils 
 read to pupils (as the phrase was), the 
 common resource then, as now, of young Oxon- 
 ians, who think themselves qualified to teach, 
 and must support themselves till a Fellowship 
 comes, or till they have chosen a profession. 
 
 In 1637 he took Holy Orders in the Church 
 of England, and became curate of Fawsley 
 the place in which he had been born. A 
 country living was too small a sphere for a 
 young man of twenty-three, conscious of his 
 powers, ambitious and desirous to see the 
 world of letters, science, and politics in those 
 eventful days. Aubrey tells us that " he has 
 sayd often times that the first rise, or hint of 
 his rising, was from goeing accidentally a course- 
 ing of a hare, when an ingeniose gentleman 
 of good quality falling into discourse with him, 
 and finding him to have a very good witt, told 
 him that he would never gett any considerable 
 preferment by continuing in the University, 
 and that his best way was to betake himself 
 

 JOHN WILKINS. 35 
 
 to some lord's or great person's house that 
 had good benefices to conferre. Sayd Mr 
 Wilkins, I am not knowne in the world ; I 
 know not to whom to addresse myself upon 
 such a designe. The gentleman replied, ' I 
 will commende you myselfe/ and did so to 
 (as I think) Lord Viscount Say and Scale, 
 where he stayed with very good likeing till 
 the late civill warres." 
 
 It is not clear whether this worldly but 
 sound advice was given to Wilkins before or 
 after he became a country clergyman, for the 
 words "continuing in the University" might 
 mean either residence there, or occasional visits 
 to it. Coursing of a hare was, perhaps is, an 
 amusement equally of University men and of 
 the country clergy : the last alone can tell us 
 whether they still " goe a courseing accident- 
 ally " (the word is worth noting) and whether 
 conversations of this profitable kind occur in 
 the intervals of sport. But the date of the 
 incident is of less importance than its result ; 
 it was the turning - point of Wilkins' life. 
 
36 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 When he became chaplain to Lord Say and 
 Scale he was introduced into a sphere of 
 politics and action. 
 
 William Fiennes, the first Viscount, was a 
 man of light and leading in the Parliamentary 
 party ; " the oracle," as Clarendon styles him, 
 "of those who were called Puritans in the 
 worst sense, and steered all their counsels and 
 designs." He deserved his nickname, Old 
 Subtlely, for he had a clear insight into the 
 real issues from the very beginning of the 
 great quarrel : he headed in Oxfordshire the 
 resistance to the levying of Ship - money, and 
 was the champion of the Independents, the most 
 determined of the king's opponents. His sons, 
 John and Nathaniel Fiennes, were no less resol- 
 ute and effective Puritans than the head of their 
 house ; more so indeed, for they were believed, 
 and soon known to be, " for root and branch." 
 
 At Broughton, Wilkins, now chaplain and 
 resident there, met the most prominent men 
 of the party which was against the Govern- 
 ment. He must have heard " great argument 
 

 JOHN WILKINS. 37 
 
 about it and about " ; whether " evermore he 
 came out by the same door wherein he went" 
 we cannot tell, for he possessed to an extra- 
 ordinary degree the faculty of seeing the two 
 sides of a question : as he stayed at Broughton 
 "with very good likeing" for five or six years, 
 it may be presumed that the discreet and mor- 
 igerous man concealed the difficulty which he 
 felt in accepting some of the views maintained 
 at Broughton. Some light is thrown on his 
 real opinions by words found in the sermon 
 preached at his funeral by Lloyd, his friend 
 and pupil. "When some thought these dissents 
 ground enough for war, he declared himself 
 against it, and confirmed others in their allegi- 
 ance : he profest to the last a great hatred 
 of that horrible rebellion." He doubtless re- 
 sembled another Latitudinarian Cudworth 
 whom Burnet describes as "a man of great 
 competence and prudence upon which his 
 enemies did very falsely accuse him of craft 
 and dissimulation." 
 
 When the Civil War broke out Wilkins re- 
 
38 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 moved to London and became Chaplain to 
 Lord Berkeley, and later to Charles Lewis, 
 Prince Elector Palatine, nephew of Charles I., 
 and elder brother of Prince Rupert. The Elec- 
 tor was then an dmigrt in England, hoping to 
 be restored to his dominions by the aid of 
 his uncle, who was then struggling to hold 
 his own inheritance. During his seven years' 
 residence in London, Wilkins became the friend, 
 perhaps the leader, of the natural philosophers, 
 who later formed themselves into the Royal 
 Society. Thus, before he had reached " the 
 middle of the way of life," he had seen much 
 of the world. Like Ulysses, whom in many 
 ways he resembled, "he saw the cities of many 
 men and knew their mind." 
 
 Dr Walter Pope, his half-brother, who wrote 
 a life of Bishop Ward, and, curiously enough, 
 a life also of Claude Duval, the famous high- 
 wayman, which had a wider circulation, says 
 of Wilkins that he was "a learned man and 
 a lover of such ; of comely aspect and gentle- 
 manlike behaviour. He had been bred in the 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 39 
 
 court, and was also a piece of a traveller." 
 The last sentence refers mainly to Wilkins' 
 life after the Restoration ; but he had travelled 
 before then, and his acquaintance with the 
 Fiennes', with the Elector, and with London 
 society, had taught him "gentlemanlike be- 
 haviour" before he became a Head of a House, 
 a lesson which, apparently, some other Heads 
 in his time had not learnt ; for Pope goes on 
 to say, "He had nothing of bigotry, unman- 
 nerliness or censoriousness, which then were 
 in the zenith amongst some of the Heads and 
 Fellows of Colleges in Oxford." It is to be 
 hoped that such criticisms would not now be 
 made on the manners of the senior members 
 of the University, and that in this respect 
 Oxford has been reformed, to the approval 
 of all concerned. 
 
 While Wilkins was experimenting and philoso- 
 phising in London, events had been marching 
 rapidly in England and in Oxford. In Wood's 
 1 Life and Times ' is written the history of 
 the city of Oxford, of the University and of 
 
40 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 himself, from the day of his birth till his 
 death in 1681. The three histories are 
 mingled in a quaint and incoherent fashion. 
 Wood is a chronicler like Aubrey, his friend, 
 with whom he quarrelled, as antiquarians and 
 historians do. Both were industrious, uncriti- 
 cal, and Wood especially sometimes venom- 
 ous ; both were vivid and picturesque, keen 
 observers, and had a wonderful power of saying 
 much in few words. 
 
 Antony Wood, the son of Thomas Wood, 
 Bachelor of Arts and of Civil Law, was born 
 in 1632 at Oxford, where his father lived, in 
 the Collegiate parish of St John Baptist de 
 Merton. He was educated at New College 
 School, in Oxford, and later at Thame Grammar 
 School ; was admitted into Merton College at 
 the age of fifteen as a " filius generosi," and 
 became Bible Clerk in 1650. When ten years 
 old he saw the king, with his army of foot, 
 his two sons, Charles and James, his nephews, 
 Rupert and Maurice, enter Oxford after the 
 battle of Edgehill. The incident was impressed 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 41 
 
 on his memory by the expulsion of his father 
 from the house in Merton Street, and the re- 
 moval of the boys of New College School to 
 the choristers' chamber at the east end of the 
 College hall, "a dark nasty room, very unfit 
 for such a purpose, which made the scholars 
 often complaine, but in vaine." From this 
 time onward Wood, a clever and observant 
 boy, kept both his ears and eyes open, and 
 accumulated from all quarters materials for 
 his narrative which covers fifty years, the most 
 interesting and important half century in the 
 history of Oxford. 
 
 " Your orthodox historian puts 
 
 In foremost rank the soldier thus, 
 The redcoat bully in his boots 
 
 That hides the march of men from us." 
 
 The " redcoat bully," as Thackeray somewhat 
 harshly calls him, figures largely in the early 
 pages of Wood's ' Life and Times/ but does 
 not hide the march of men. In August 1642, 
 " the members of the University began to put 
 
42 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 themselves in a posture of defence," and till 
 June 1646, when Oxford was surrendered to 
 Fairfax, it was a garrison town, the centre and 
 object of much fighting, and of many excursions 
 and alarms, as being "the chiefest hold the 
 King had." 
 
 Fain would the writer extract almost bodily 
 Wood's description of the four years' occupation, 
 but some things he cannot forbear from men- 
 tioning, for they throw light on the history of 
 Wilkins' Oxford, and on the problems with 
 which he had to deal after the war was ended. 
 Mr Haldane would read with interest and ap- 
 proval how the Oxford undergraduates of 1642 
 responded to a call to arms, as he hopes their 
 successors will respond, if and when need comes, 
 
 " Dr Pink of New College, the deputy Vice- 
 Chancellor, called before him to the public 
 schools all the priviledged men's arms to have 
 a view of them ; when, not only priviledged 
 men of the University and their servants, but 
 also many scholars appeared, bringing with 
 them the furniture of armes of every College 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 43 
 
 that then had any." The furniture for one 
 man was sent by Wood's father viz., "a helmet, 
 a back and breast plate, a pike, and a musquet." 
 The volunteers, both graduates, some of them 
 divines, and undergraduates, mustered in New 
 College quadrangle, and were drilled in the 
 Newe Parkes (the Parks of our day) to the 
 number of four hundred, "in a very decent 
 arraye, and it was delightsome to behold the 
 forwardnesse of so many proper yonge gentle- 
 men so intent, docile, and pliable to their 
 business." Town and gown took opposite 
 sides : the citizens were, most of them, ready 
 to support the Parliament, or the King and 
 Parliament, but not the King against the 
 Parliament. Long before the Civil War 
 began there were in Oxford and in the king- 
 dom, as always in our history, though called 
 by different names, three parties, divided from 
 each other by no very fast or definite lines ; 
 the King's, the Parliament's and the party of 
 moderate men, to which Wilkins belonged ; 
 the Constitutional party in the strict meaning 
 
44 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 of the word, who wished both to preserve and 
 reform the constitution. In those days of con- 
 fusion and perplexity, when men's hearts were 
 failing them for fear and for looking after those 
 things which were to come, many knew not 
 what to think or do. It was a miserable time 
 both for Roundheads and Cavaliers, and most 
 of all for those who were not sure what they 
 were. If Hyde and Falkland wavered for a 
 time, how must the timid and lukewarm have 
 wavered? Though the great questions were 
 fairly clear, the way to solve them, and the 
 end to which any way would lead, were dark 
 and gloomy. It is an error to think that the 
 Civil War was a sudden outbreak, a short 
 struggle on simple issues between two sharply 
 divided parties, assured of their beliefs and 
 interests. The French Revolution was that, 
 or nearly that ; but our revolutions are managed 
 deliberately, and lead to conclusive and perma- 
 nent results : the art of revolution belongs to 
 the English race. 
 
 In Oxford there must have been much be- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 45 
 
 wilderment and questioning among citizens and 
 gownsmen when Lord Say and Scale, the 
 new Lord- Lieutenant of the county appointed 
 by the Parliament, came into the town on 
 September 14, 1642, and ordered that the 
 works and trenches made by the scholars 
 should be demolished ; yet next day he " sent 
 a drumme up and downe the towne for volunteers 
 to serve the King and Parliament." What did 
 that mean ? Almost any answer might have 
 been given to the question. His lordship's 
 opinions soon became clearer than his puzzling 
 proclamation ; on September the 24th he sent 
 for the Heads of Houses to rebuke them for 
 having " broken the peace and quiet of the 
 University," so much broken it that " they had 
 nowe left no face of a Universitie, by taking 
 up armes and the like courses." He had before 
 this interview "caused diverse popish bookes 
 and pictures taken out of churches, and of 
 papish houses, here and abroad, to be burned 
 in the street over against the signe of the 
 Starre, where his Lordship laye." We know 
 
46 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 not what is meant by " papish bookes and 
 pictures/' but the Puritan Lord Say may not 
 have discriminated sharply between them and 
 the books and ornaments of the High Party 
 in the Church of England. 
 
 For seven or eight weeks before the battle 
 of Edgehill, Oxford swarmed with soldiers. 
 It had been held for a fortnight by the King's 
 men, who were succeeded by the Parliamentary 
 troopers brought in by Lord Say. Some dis- 
 turbances took place, in which the soldiers from 
 Puritan London especially distinguished them- 
 selves : one of them, when flushed with wine 
 presented by the Mayor " too freely," went so 
 far as to "discharge a brace of bulletts at the 
 stone image of Our Lady over the church 
 St Mairie's parish, and at one shott strooke off 
 her hed, and the hed of her child which she 
 held in her right arme : another discharged 
 his musket at the image of our Saviour over 
 All Soule's gate, and would have defaced all 
 the worke there, had it not been for some 
 townsmen, who entreated them to forbeare, 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 47 
 
 they replienge that they had not been so well 
 treated here at Oxford as they expected : many 
 of them came into Christ Church to viewe the 
 Church and paynted windowes, much admiringe 
 at the idolatry thereof, and a certain Scot, 
 beinge amongst them, saide that he marvaylled 
 how the Schollers could goe for their bukes to 
 these paynted idolatrous wyndoes." From a 
 Scot of that time this utterance was not 
 surprising : bukes had been substituted for 
 paynted wyndowes destroyed in his country 
 many years before his visit to Oxford. But 
 to the honour of the Puritans be it said, there 
 were no serious outrages on person or property 
 in Oxford, and that its citizens had to endure 
 nothing more than fear and discomfort : in no 
 other country in Europe at that time would a 
 city occupied by troops have suffered as little 
 as did Oxford in those two months. 
 
 In 'John Inglesant' a man of genius has 
 drawn a picture of Oxford when it was the 
 residence of the King and Queen and Court. 
 His description is so vivid that one is tempted 
 
48 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 to believe it to be history : it is that, and not 
 mere fiction, for it is based on a careful study 
 of facts, and, allowance made for the writer's 
 strong Royalist bias, it is true ethically or in 
 spirit, that highest truth which accurate and 
 laborious historians often fail to reach. 
 
 John Inglesant entered Wadham before the 
 war began the date of his admission is obvi- 
 ously uncertain and lived there from time to 
 time till the rout at Naseby, in 1645, brought 
 about the surrender of Oxford to the Parliament 
 in 1646. It was by a sure instinct that he chose 
 Wadham, that quiet and beautiful college, for 
 his home. He was a dreamer, and in no place 
 could he have dreamt more peacefully and hap- 
 pily than there, though sometimes perhaps, even 
 in his first term, he must have been disturbed 
 by the ominous sounds of axe and hammer, pick 
 and spade, busy on the "fortifications in making 
 about the towne on the north and north-west 
 thereof," and, later, on the east, toward Heading- 
 ton Hill and close to Wadham. A trace of them 
 remains in the terrace on the east of the Warden's 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 49 
 
 garden, which did not then exist for Inglesant to 
 walk in, and muse on the problems of the 
 day. 
 
 Oxford in his time at Wadham presented 
 a curious spectacle. Huddled together were 
 soldiers, courtiers, ladies beautiful, gay, and 
 famous in many ways, severe Divines and 
 College Heads, to whom such surroundings 
 were unfamiliar and perhaps not uninteresting : 
 masques and revels were frequent ; Christ 
 Church meadow and the grove at Trinity were 
 the resort of a brilliant throng, more brilliant 
 even than the gatherings which fill Oxford at 
 Commemoration time in our more sober age. 
 But beneath this merriment there were doubtless 
 in the minds at least of those who thought, or 
 stopped to think, terrible anxieties and the grim- 
 mest of forebodings. It was becoming clearer 
 every month that Edgehill had not broken the 
 rebellion ; that the struggle would be long, and 
 that the issue was uncertain ; events soon justified 
 these fears. On January 10, 1643, "the Kinges 
 letters came to all the Colledges and Halls for 
 
 D 
 
50 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 their plates to be brought into the mint at 
 Oxford, there to be coyned into money with 
 promise of refunding it, or payeinge for it again 
 after five shillings the ounce for silver, five and 
 sixpence for silver and gilt." The fruitless sacri- 
 fice was made by no college with more unhesitat- 
 ing devotion than by Wadham, which preserves 
 the letter addressed by Charles I. to " our trusty 
 and well - beloved ye Warden and Fellows of 
 Wadham College," and the receipt for 124 Ib. 
 of plate from the king's officers of the mint, a 
 liberal contribution from a college only thirty 
 years old. Few relics of the ancient Collegiate 
 plate are now to be found in the University ; in 
 most instances pieces, either bestowed or given 
 by special benefactors : the Communion vessels 
 of the Colleges were not taken by the king 
 a loyal son of the Church. Six colleges, 
 among them Wadham, retained theirs through 
 all the confusion of the war, and still possess 
 them. 
 
 In February 1643 warning came of fresh 
 troubles from the north : three Commissioners 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 51 
 
 representing the nobility, clergy, gentry, and 
 commons of Scotland presented themselves to 
 the king, " to press his Majestic that the 
 Church of England might be made conformable 
 in all points to the Church of Scotland." To 
 Charles, himself a Scot, this request must have 
 seemed an outrageous insult, inflicted on him 
 by those of his own household, and an omen of 
 his desertion by his warlike countrymen, whom, 
 despite their resistance to the English Liturgy, 
 he trusted to be faithful to a Stuart. 
 
 On June 24, 1646, the last fighting Royalist 
 left Oxford. In the following Michaelmas, Wood 
 returned "to the home of his nativitie." He 
 found Oxford "empty as to scholars, but pretty 
 well replenished with Parliamentarian soldiers." 
 In his opinion the young men of the city and 
 the University had reaped less benefit from the 
 Royalist occupation than their seniors ; the 
 latter had gained "great store of wealth from 
 the court and royalists that had for several 
 years continued among them " ; the former he 
 "found many of them to have been debauched 
 
52 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 by bearing arms, and doing the duties belong- 
 ing to soldiers, as watching, warding, and sitting 
 in tipling houses for whole nights together." 
 Nor were the spiritual teachers sent by Parlia- 
 ment to restore good manners and religion, in 
 Wood's opinion, fitted for their mission : they 
 were six Presbyterian Ministers, "two of them 
 fooles, two knaves, two madmen." 
 
 With the history of Oxford for the next 
 eighteen months, important and interesting 
 though it is, we are not concerned. The 
 scholars returned slowly to the half -empty 
 colleges, where admissions had dwindled almost 
 to vanishing point. At Wadham, for instance, 
 the admissions in 1643 were only seven; in 
 1644, three; in 1645, none; in 1646, seven; in 
 1647, when the worst of the fighting was over, 
 they rose to nineteen. The Independents and 
 the Presbyterians were now in possession of 
 Oxford. In spite of both oppressors the under- 
 graduates, of Wood's College at least, enjoyed 
 themselves, as undergraduates do in the darkest 
 times, and played "high jinks" on Candlemas 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 53 
 
 Day, compelling the freshmen " to speake some 
 pretty apothegme or make a jest or bull," or 
 take strange oaths " over an old shoe," and 
 suffer indignities if they were shy or stupid. 
 " Naturam expellas furca tamen usque recurrit." 
 
54 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 WILKINS' WARDENSHIP. 
 
 IN 1647 a Commission, as it would now be 
 called, was appointed by Parliament to conduct 
 the visitation of the University. ' Lord have 
 mercy upon us ; or, the Visitation at Oxford,' is 
 the title of one of the numerous pamphlets 
 relating to this Oxford revolution ; ' Tragi- 
 comcedia Oxonienses ' is the title of another, 
 and both suggest curious reflections to Oxonians 
 at the present time. The visitors did their 
 business effectually. They set to work in 1648, 
 and purged the University by ejecting from 
 the colleges all who did not by a certain day 
 give in their assurance that they would submit 
 to the visitors and their visitation appointed by 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 55 
 
 Parliament. No party in our country can claim 
 the monopoly of loyalty to conviction attested 
 by self-sacrifice. In England, non -jurors and 
 dissenters ; in Scotland, Episcopalians, Cove- 
 nanters, and Free Churchmen; in Ireland, Roman 
 Catholics, have "gone out," or stayed out, for 
 some lost cause. In Oxford, Royalists, from 
 Heads to Servitors, stood by their colours man- 
 fully. It is uncertain how many submitted, how 
 many were expelled. The estimates vary from 
 Clarendon's statement that almost all the Heads 
 and Fellows of Colleges were ejected, " scarce 
 one submitting," to Wood's estimate of 334 ; 
 it is probable that 400 that is, about half of the 
 whole number of Heads, Fellows, and Scholars 
 then resident in the University "made the 
 great refusal," not to accept office, but to re- 
 tain it. Antony Wood did not show himself 
 ambitious of martyrdom. On May 12, 1648, 
 he, along with other members of his College, 
 appeared before the Visitors. When asked by 
 one of them, " Will you submit to the authority 
 of Parliament in this visitation ? " he wrote on 
 
56 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 a paper lying on the table, " I do not understand 
 the business, and therefore I am not able to 
 give a direct answer." " Afterwards his mother 
 and brother, who advised him to submit in plaine 
 terms, were exceedingly angry with him, and 
 told him that he had ruined himself and must 
 therefore go a-begging." Women, then as 
 now, ready to sacrifice themselves, are less 
 ready to permit those dear to them to be over- 
 scrupulous. Wood's mother made intercession 
 for him to Sir Nathaniel Brent, President of 
 the Visitors and Warden of Merton, and " he 
 was connived at and kept in his Postmaster- 
 ship, otherwise he had infallibly gon to the 
 pot." 
 
 At Wadham the Visitors met with an obstinate 
 resistance : Dr Pitt, then Warden, was a stout 
 Royalist, and refused to acknowledge the auth- 
 ority of a Parliament acting without the king's 
 consent. He was expelled on April 13, 1648, 
 along with nine of his thirteen Fellows, nine of 
 his fourteen Scholars, and many of his Com- 
 moners, all of them save one to return no more. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 57 
 
 John Wilkins was put in his place by the 
 Visitors on the same day, and held it till his 
 resignation on September 3, 1659. 
 
 Before the end of his stay in London he had 
 taken the covenant and definitely given his 
 allegiance to the Parliamentarian party. He 
 was marked out for promotion as a known 
 man of great ability, and he had made many 
 friends among influential persons by his courtesy 
 and tact. It was inevitable that a distinguished 
 Oxford man should be chosen for an important 
 post in the University, which Cromwell desired 
 to convert from a hotbed of Royalism into a 
 nursery of Puritans. Wilkins was qualified by 
 his common - sense and genial ways for what 
 would have been a hopeless task to the clumsy 
 fanatics ready enough to undertake it. 
 
 The new Warden must have found himself 
 in a difficult position. There were in Oxford 
 the three parties into which Englishmen 
 and Scotchmen invariably divide themselves. 
 These parties are called by different names at 
 different times, and are formed on different 
 
58 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 questions, but remain essentially the same. In 
 Oxford they were called Royalists, Presbyterians, 
 Independents ; the questions at issue were the 
 life, discipline, and religion of the University. 
 
 This classification has all the faults which a 
 classification can have ; it is not exhaustive, 
 for the variations, religious and political, being 
 infinite, cannot be included under three heads ; 
 nor do the membra dividentia exclude each 
 other : among the Royalists were some mem- 
 bers of the established Church, of Calvinistic 
 opinions, who were hardly distinguishable 
 from Presbyterians ; and some professed 
 Presbyterians would have stood by Charles 
 had not Laud driven them away, for they had 
 in their nature some of the best elements of 
 conservatism, the historical sense, and a love 
 of order and discipline, especially as adminis- 
 tered by themselves. But classifications may 
 be illogical yet useful, and Wilkins would have 
 accepted this one, in his practical way, for 
 working purposes. 
 
 The Presbyterians were for forcing on the 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 59 
 
 Church of England, the Covenant, the West- 
 minster Confession, and the deposition of the 
 Bishop by the Presbyter, or a board of Pres- 
 byters. " The Independents conceived that 
 every Christian congregation had, under Christ, 
 supreme jurisdiction in things spiritual ; that 
 appeals to provincial and national synods were 
 scarcely less Scriptural than appeals to the Court 
 of Arches or to the Vatican, and that Popery, 
 Prelacy, Presbyterianism, were merely three 
 forms of one great apostacy. In politics the 
 Independents were, to use the phrase of their 
 time, "root and branch men," or, to use the 
 kindred phrase of our own time, radicals : not 
 content with limiting the power of the monarch, 
 they were desirous to erect a commonwealth 
 on the ruins of the old English polity. Mac- 
 aulay's vigorous words explain the difference 
 between the Presbyterians and the Independ- 
 ents : that difference is explained also by Wood 
 in words as vigorous but less dignified and 
 scholarly. "The Presbyterians," he says, "with 
 their disciples seemed to be very severe in 
 
60 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 their course of life, manners or conversation, 
 and habits or apparell ; of a Scoth (i.e., Scotch) 
 habit, but especially those that were preachers. 
 The other (the Independents) were more free, 
 gay, and, with a reserve, frollicsome, of a gay 
 habit, whether preachers or not." John Owen, 
 Dean of Christ Church to be distinguished from 
 Thankful Owen, President of St John's seems 
 to have been of a specially gay habit ; when 
 Vice - Chancellor " he had alwaies his hair 
 powdred, cambric bands with large costly 
 band strings, velvet jacket, his breeches set 
 round at knee with ribbons pointed, Spanish 
 leather boots with cambric tops, &c., all this 
 was in opposition to prelattical cutt." The 
 habit of a Vice-Chancellor, even in full dress, 
 is nowadays far less gay, and of the Presby- 
 terian rather than the Independent fashion. 
 Whatever may have been their difference in 
 dress, both parties were " void of public and 
 generous spirits : the Presbyterians for the 
 most part preached nothing but damnation, 
 the other not, but rather for libertie ; yet both 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 6 1 
 
 joyne together to pluck downe and silence the 
 prelattical preachers, or at least to expose their 
 way to scorne." Wood carries his comparisons 
 further, and tells, perhaps invents, many things 
 about their common hatred of Maypoles, players, 
 cassocks, surplices, and the use of the Lord's 
 Prayer in public religious service. He more 
 than hints at darker sins, drunkenness, and 
 immorality cloaked by hypocrisy, the favourite 
 theme of the Restoration dramatists. His 
 account of the Puritan domination in Oxford 
 is, despite his bitter prejudices, historically 
 important, and must have been used by Scott 
 when he wrote ' Woodstock.' 
 
 It seems at first sight strange that the 
 Independents should have been "gay," and, 
 even with a reserve, frolicsome, for they were 
 originally the soldiers of Cromwell's " New 
 Model/' " honest and religious men." But 
 Wood describes them as he knew them many 
 years after Naseby and Marston Moor, when 
 their character had changed with changing cir- 
 cumstances. Triumphant success seldom im- 
 
62 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 proves the morale of any party. Oxford proved 
 a Capua to the Independents who lived in it 
 after the strain of war was over : the very 
 principle of Independency, liberty of opinion 
 and action given to every Christian congrega- 
 tion, came to be applied to the life of the 
 individual : freedom to reject any doctrine or 
 practice which you do not like naturally ends 
 in much gaiety and frolicsomeness, especially if 
 your lines are cast in pleasant places : it becomes 
 difficult not to slide into practical Antinomian- 
 ism. What a place to live in for eleven years ! 
 yet Wilkins did so with success and general 
 applause. He was inclined by temperament to 
 the freedom of mellowed Independency rather 
 than to the stiffness of the Presbyterians, who 
 more successfully than their rivals resisted the 
 enervating influences of life in Oxford. Cir- 
 cumstances as well as inclination led him to 
 become an Independent : his marriage with 
 Cromwell's sister, and the appointment to be 
 one of the Commissioners to execute the office 
 of Chancellor, perhaps also his appointment to 
 the Wardenship, all tended to draw him to 
 
JOHN WILK1NS. 63 
 
 the side of Ireton and the Protector. Of the 
 latter he saw much, and was consulted by him 
 on academical and ecclesiastical affairs. 
 
 Lord Morley 1 records "a story told by Bishop 
 Wilkins, who was the husband of Cromwell's 
 youngest sister Robina, that the Protector 
 often said to him that no temporal govern- 
 ment could have a sure support without a 
 national church that adhered to it, and that 
 he thought England was capable of no consti- 
 tution but Episcopacy." Lord Morley thinks 
 that " the second imputation must be apocry- 
 phal." That is by no means clear : Cromwell 
 may have said what Wilkins probably did not 
 invent, meaning that he thought Episcopacy 
 good enough for England, for Englishmen were 
 incapable of any better constitution ; or he may 
 have modified his judgment of Episcopacy, 
 who knows all that Cromwell came to think 
 in his latter days, a time when most men revise 
 their opinions ? He may have felt the dis- 
 enchantment which awaits success. 
 
 Wilkins' marked success, both in his College 
 
 1 See ' Cromwell,' p. 368, 2nd edition. 
 
64 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and in his University, can be explained only 
 by the fact that he possessed the qualities 
 necessary for the work he had to do, strong 
 common-sense, moderation, and geniality. He 
 had to live, as the most prominent man, in a 
 society composed of three factions crowded 
 together within the narrow limits of a Univer- 
 sity town, which even in quiet times is not 
 always the abode of peace. He had to deal 
 with the most burning questions, religious and 
 political, which divide communities : questions 
 which had been stifled for a time by force, and 
 therefore, when force was removed or slackened, 
 came back into vigorous life, and were con- 
 stantly and bitterly discussed. But he was the 
 man for the time and the place. 
 
 His College flourished under his wise and 
 kindly rule. Dr Pope tells us that " many 
 country gentlemen, of all persuasions, but especi- 
 ally those then called Cavaliers and Malignants 
 for adhering to the King and to the Church, 
 sent their sons to his College to be under his 
 government. The affluence of gentlemen was 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 65 
 
 so great that I may fairly say of Wadham 
 College that it was never before in so flourish- 
 ing a condition." The " affluence of gentlemen " 
 of all sorts, Fellow Commoners, Commoners, 
 Servitors, and migrants from Cambridge, was, 
 in 1649, fifteen; in 1650, fifty- one ; in 1651, 
 twenty-four; in 1652, forty. In the ten com- 
 plete years of Wilkins' Wardenship the average 
 of admissions was thirty. The large admission 
 made in 1650 was due to the reputation of 
 Wilkins as an able and tolerant College Head, 
 as well as to the belief that the tumult of war 
 had died away. Men's thoughts were turning 
 to civil affairs and the ordinary business of 
 life, especially to education, the preparation 
 for it. 
 
 In the registers of the period between 1648 
 and 1659, are found many names either of 
 distinction in themselves, or of interest as show- 
 ing that the connection of Wadham with the 
 western counties was well maintained. Walter 
 Pope, who has been already mentioned, was 
 appointed Scholar by the Visitors in 1648, 
 
66 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 perhaps on the suggestion of the new Warden, 
 his half-brother. He filled many offices in the 
 College, was one of the original Fellows of 
 the Royal Society, and became Professor of 
 Astronomy in Gresham College. He deserves 
 to be remembered as the author of a quaint 
 and interesting little book, in which he gives 
 a brief account of Wilkins, Lawrence Rooke, 
 and Isaac Barrow, as well as a complete life of 
 Seth Ward, Bishop of Salisbury. It is full of 
 digressions on the manners and customs of the 
 time, written with much humour, and is worthy 
 of a humble place beside the diaries of Evelyn 
 and Pepys. 
 
 Seth Ward was a Scholar of Sidney Sussex, 
 ejected from his College and from Cambridge 
 because "he refused the Covenant and other 
 oaths." He went to London, and, like Wren 
 and Wallis, studied mathematics under William 
 Oughtred, the author of the ' Clavis Mathe- 
 matica,' "a little book, but a great one as to 
 the contents," which brought its author a great 
 name, as well it might. When in London 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 67 
 
 Ward met Wilkins and formed a lifelong 
 friendship with him. They were both men 
 of learning, moderate, dexterous, and suc- 
 cessful. Ward entered Wadham as a Fellow 
 Commoner in October 1649, became Savilian 
 Professor of Astronomy, and in 1659 President 
 of Trinity. Like Wilkins, he was ejected from 
 his Headship at the Restoration, and like him 
 obtained high preferment under the new regime 
 and became a Bishop. Both of them, when 
 in Oxford, " became liable to the persecutions 
 of peevish people who ceased not to clamour, 
 and even to article against them as Cavaliers 
 in their hearts meer moral men without 
 the Power of Godliness." "You must know," 
 continues Pope, "that a moral and unblamable 
 person, if he did not herd with them, was an 
 abomination to that Party. I have heard one 
 of them deliver himself in this manner." The 
 " manner " is impossible to quote ; it is to the 
 effect that the speaker's opponents were hypo- 
 crites and Pharisees of the worst kind, and "in 
 a desperate condition, on whom Jesus Christ 
 
68 THE LIFE AND TIMES ftp 
 
 can take no hold." The passage is instructive ; 
 it reveals the exasperation of party feeling in 
 those times, and gives much food for reflection. 
 
 Christopher Wren belongs both to Wadham 
 and to All Souls. He was admitted Fellow 
 Commoner of Wadham in 1649, and migrated 
 to All Souls in 1653, but maintained his con- 
 nection with his first College, and for several 
 years occupied the chamber over the gateway. 
 Of him, the close friend of Wilkins, the scien- 
 tist and architect, the President of the Royal 
 Society, nothing more need here be said. His 
 portrait hangs in Wadham College Hall, be- 
 neath that of Robert Blake. 
 
 Less known is Thomas Sprat, admitted 
 Scholar of Wadham in 1651. Of him Wood 
 says that he was " an excellent poet and 
 orator, and one who arrived at a great mas- 
 tery of the English language." His reputation 
 does not rest on his poetry : he was known 
 by the strange and dubious title of " Pindarick 
 Sprat." But his History of the Royal Society 
 justifies Wood's encomium ; and he wrote a 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 69 
 
 ' Relation of the late wicked contrivance of 
 Stephen Blackhead and of Robert Young/ of 
 which Macaulay, who does not praise lightly, 
 says that "there are few better narratives 
 in the language." Sprat became Bishop of 
 Rochester and Chaplain to Charles II., though 
 in his youth he had written an Ode on the 
 death of Oliver Cromwell. 
 
 Lawrence Rooke was admitted in 1650 from 
 King's College, Cambridge. He accompanied 
 Ward in his migration to Oxford, " and seated 
 himself in Wadham College for the benefit of 
 his conversation." Pope " never was acquainted 
 with any person who knew more and spoke 
 less." He was a prominent member of the 
 band of philosophers who met in Wilkins' 
 Lodgings ; and after the Restoration held the 
 Professorship of Astronomy in Gresham Col- 
 lege, and was a Fellow of the Royal Society. 
 Pope's account of him is well worth reading : 
 of his travels in France ; of his encounter with 
 the redoubtable Thomas Hobbes, whose quad- 
 rature of the circle he proved false : that hard- 
 
70 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP 
 
 headed philosopher's logic or " computation " 
 must have failed him on this occasion, for 
 finding, as he thought, errors in Rooke's criti- 
 cism, he concluded that his own solution must 
 be true. With Ward and Wallis Hobbes had 
 still more fierce encounters on the same question. 
 
 Gilbert Ironside, admitted in 1650, became 
 Warden, Vice-Chancellor of the University, and, 
 as his father had been, Bishop of Bristol, and 
 finally of Hereford. He was the "rudest man 
 in the University," and that without respect 
 of persons, for he remonstrated, in a tone not 
 far removed from rudeness, with James II. 
 when he visited Oxford in 1687 to enforce his 
 mandate on Magdalen College. 
 
 William Lloyd, who entered Wadham in 
 J 655, was a learned Divine, with his learning 
 at command, of whom Burnet says that " he 
 had the most learning in ready cash of any 
 one he knew." He devoted himself to the 
 interpretation of prophecy. His labours were 
 rewarded by the title of Pseudopropheta Canus, 
 bestowed on him when he was old and white- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 71 
 
 haired, by the terra films of 1703. He had 
 himself in his younger days shown some ten- 
 dency to irreverent joking, by inventing an 
 Eastern Patriarch, a native of London, a man 
 of venerable appearance and dressed to suit 
 the character, who deceived some eminent 
 members of the University, and gave them 
 his blessing; an incident of which Lloyd used 
 to make his "bragge" long afterwards. He 
 became Bishop of St Asaph, and was one of 
 the Seven Bishops committed to the Tower. 
 William III. rewarded him with the Bishop- 
 rics of Lichfield and Coventry, and finally of 
 Worcester. 
 
 Samuel Parker matriculated in 1657, and 
 became Bishop of Oxford in 1686. In the 
 following year he was intruded by James II. 
 into the President's place at Magdalen College, 
 but held his office for only five months. He 
 died in his Lodgings, and was buried in the 
 ante -chapel, but honoured by no memorial to 
 mark the place of his interment. His must 
 have been a dismal reign. 
 
72 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Beside these names of bishops and philoso- 
 phers occur names of interest of various kinds : 
 historic names Russell, Lovelace, Windham, 
 Strangways ; one also of quite different associa- 
 tions, Sedley, who entered Wadham in 1656, 
 the boon companion later of Rochester, who, 
 also a Wadham undergraduate, was his junior 
 by four years. Both of them were libertines 
 and wits, who received at their College, it may 
 be presumed, an education the precepts of 
 which they did not practise at the Court of 
 Charles II. Other entries show the continued 
 connection of the College with the West 
 of England with Somerset, the Wadhams' 
 county; with Devon, Dorset, Hampshire, and 
 Gloucestershire. 
 
 Enough has been said to prove that Wadham 
 under Wilkins was a college of high reputation 
 and efficiency. It was a nursery of bishops, 
 contributing to the bench no less than six, 
 including Wilkins himself; a nursery also of 
 Fellows of the Royal Society, Wilkins, Ward, 
 Rooke, Wren, Sprat, and Pope were original 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 73 
 
 members of the " invisible college." Not only 
 to the Church and to Science did Wadham do 
 good service, but more directly to the State, 
 by educating together impartially the youth of 
 both the great parties. "When the hurly- 
 burly's done, when the battle's lost and won/' it 
 is above all things desirable to allay bitter 
 feelings, and bring the former combatants 
 together. For this most difficult and delicate 
 of tasks Wilkins was well qualified. He was 
 beloved by the Cavaliers because he treated 
 all his undergraduates kindly, Royalists and 
 Puritans alike, in marked contrast with other 
 Heads of Houses, who appear to have dealt 
 faithfully with young Malignants, the sons of 
 their political opponents. 
 
 That Wilkins possessed great administrative 
 abilities and vigour is shown by his work in the 
 University and in his College. He had seen 
 much of the world, and was in the prime of life, 
 and already a man of eminence a combination 
 of qualities as rare in Heads of Houses as in 
 Cabinet Ministers. He persuaded the Visitors 
 
74 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 that Wadham and Trinity were fitted, specially 
 and immediately, in 1651 for freedom to elect 
 their Fellows a privilege of which all the 
 Colleges had been deprived in 1648. The 
 administration of the College estates and finances 
 was carefully revised, and the Statutes were 
 amended. Wilkins' life was varied and full 
 of activities outside as well as within his College. 
 He was selected to deal with problems more 
 difficult and pressing than Compulsory Pass 
 Greek, or degrees for women. Was Oxford 
 to be dismantled ? Its security had been 
 threatened by a rising of the " Levellers " ; and 
 in 1649 Wilkins, along with the Proctor and 
 a Canon of Christ Church, was appointed to 
 confer with the mayor and the citizens on 
 this important question, not then decided. 
 
 Two years later he served on a Commission 
 appointed to consider how to suppress troubles 
 caused by sturdy beggars, "poore soldiers, 
 cashiered or maimed, and Irish people with 
 petitions, that pretended to be undon by the 
 late rebellion there," the miserable sequel of 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 75 
 
 the civil war. He helped in the revision of 
 the College and University Statutes, and on 
 the nomination of Cromwell was made one of 
 the Commissioners for executing the office of 
 Chancellor, proving himself a man of affairs as 
 well as of learning. For ten years, as critical 
 as any in the history of Oxford, he took a 
 leading part in its academical and municipal 
 administration. 
 
 Yet he found time to avail himself of the 
 privilege to marry given to the Warden of 
 Wadham : it was accorded to him by a dis- 
 pensation of the Visitors, who doubtless thought 
 that enforced celibacy savoured of Popery. The 
 privilege was withdrawn after the Restoration, 
 as being a concession made by Puritans, whose 
 views on the marriage of the clergy were not 
 the views of the High Church party. Leave 
 to marry was given to all Wardens of Wadham 
 by a special Act of Parliament in 1806, and 
 not, as the College story goes, by a clause 
 tacked on to a Canal or Turnpike Bill. 
 
 Pope's account of Wilkins' marriage is a 
 
76 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 strange solution of an always interesting question, 
 and not altogether complimentary to the lady 
 of his choice. " Dr Ward," he says, " rid out 
 of this storm," the storm of obloquy which 
 broke out on him and Wilkins as being " mere 
 moral men." Wilkins "put into the port of 
 matrimony," apparently as a harbour of refuge 
 in distress. He married Robina, the Protector's 
 sister, widow of Dr Peter French, Canon of 
 Christ Church. Her first husband was " a pious, 
 humble, and learned person, and an excellent 
 preacher," the best, in Pope's opinion, of the 
 censorious party. Ward did not imitate his 
 friend, though, if we believe Pope, he had 
 many opportunities for doing so. "He was 
 never destitute of friends of the Fair Sex, never 
 without proffers of Wives," which became in- 
 creasingly frequent as he rose in the world. 
 Pope professes to have known "several persons 
 of great quality and estates who found ways 
 to make it known to Ward, that if he would 
 address himself to them in the honourable way 
 of marriage, he should not want a kind entertain- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 77 
 
 merit." But he, then Bishop of Salisbury, had 
 before his eyes the fate of one of his prede- 
 cessors who married after he became a bishop, 
 and " upon that had received so severe a 
 reprimand from his brother, the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, and laid it so much to heart 
 that it accelerated his death." This story may 
 be apocryphal ; it is certainly startling. Do 
 ladies of quality still give such hints to bishops ? 
 Do bishops die of a rebuke from the archbishop 
 of their province ? 
 
 Wilkins' marriage " gained him a strong 
 interest and authority in the University, and 
 set him at safety, and out of the reach of his 
 Adversaries." We may trust that it was for 
 his happiness in other ways. 
 
 Of his wife little is known, nor is there a 
 portrait of her in the College. She had a son 
 by her second marriage, Joshua Wilkins, who 
 became Dean of Down : by her first marriage 
 she had a daughter, Elizabeth French, the wife 
 of Tillotson. The writer once amused himself 
 with the fancy that the Archbishop to-be met 
 
78 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and courted Miss French in the Warden's 
 Lodgings at Wadham, which have few romantic 
 associations ; but chronology proves that Tillot- 
 son, a Cambridge man, born in 1630, would 
 probably not have made acquaintance with 
 Wilkins before 1659, when he became Master 
 of Trinity. The romance had therefore to be 
 transferred to the Master's Lodge. Even there 
 it could not stay, for Tillotson's first meeting 
 with his future wife in all likelihood took place 
 in London, when he was appointed Tuesday 
 Lecturer at St Lawrence Jewry, the vicarage 
 of which was one of Wilkins' earliest prefer- 
 ments after his ejection from the Mastership 
 of Trinity. When Tillotson made suit for the 
 hand of his stepdaughter, Wilkins, upon her 
 desiring to be excused, said, " Betty, you shall 
 have him, for he is the best polemical Divine this 
 day in England." Though excellence in polemi- 
 cal divinity has not an attraction for most women, 
 she consented, and they were married in 1664. 
 The stories both of Dorothy and Betty are myths, 
 which fade away at the first touch of criticism. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 79 
 
 Wilkins was a diligent student, and wrote 
 books of many kinds. These books the writer 
 does not pretend to have read, save in the 
 most hurried, even careless way, except two 
 of them, the ' Real Character ' and ' Natural 
 Religion/ The others are of interest to natural 
 philosophers, as containing anticipations of dis- 
 coveries and ideas which belong to a later age, 
 and as showing that Wilkins possessed the in- 
 spiring conviction of all genuine men of Science, 
 that for it the word impossible does not exist. 
 
 In 1638 he published his first work, an 
 Astronomical treatise, the fruit of his studies 
 at Oxford and at Fawsley. It is entitled 
 ' The Discovery of a World in the Moone, or 
 a discourse tending to prove that there may 
 be another habitable World in that Planet' : 
 in the third impression, issued in 1640, is 
 added a " Discourse concerning the Possi- 
 bility of a Passage thither." Like Lucian he 
 imagined a voyage to the moon, though he 
 admits that the journey through the air was 
 a formidable difficulty. He successfully de- 
 
8o THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 fended his views against an objection raised 
 by the Duchess of Newcastle. That clever and 
 eccentric lady, the authoress of many " fancies," 
 philosophical and poetical, asked him where she 
 was to bait her horses if she undertook the 
 journey. " Your Grace could not do better," 
 he replied, " than stop at one of your castles 
 in the air." In his treatment of the difficulties 
 caused by the apparent conflict between cer- 
 tain passages of Scripture and the conclusions 
 of Astronomical Science, which he accepts, he 
 anticipates in a remarkable way that explana- 
 tion of them which rests on the understanding 
 of the meaning of the Bible and of the nature 
 of inspiration. The book was parodied in the 
 story of * Peter Wilkins' Journey to the Moon/ 
 which even usually well-informed persons have 
 been known to attribute as a jeu-d 1 esprit to 
 the Warden of Wadham. It was written by 
 Robert Paltock, and published in 1751. 
 
 His next production was 'Mercuric; or the 
 Secret and Swift Messenger,' a treatise on 
 Cryptography or ciphers ; curious contrivances 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 8 1 
 
 whereby A can communicate with C without 
 B's suspecting or understanding, by signs, 
 gestures, parables, and transpositions of the 
 alphabet : such as the writer looked at seemed 
 to confirm the view that every cipher which 
 depends on system, and not on an arrangement 
 of a capricious kind, can be interpreted by an 
 expert, a title to which he lays no claim. The 
 book was meant perhaps for use in the Civil 
 War, as was the system of Wilkins' friend, 
 Dr Wallis, who could both invent and solve 
 such puzzles, and distinguished himself by de- 
 ciphering the letters of the king which fell into 
 the hands of the Parliamentarians at Naseby. 
 There is also among the " Tracts of Bishop 
 Wilkins," a treatise dated 1648, entitled ' Mathe- 
 matical Magic ; or, the Wonders worked by 
 Mechanical Powers and Motions/ subdivided, 
 according to that distinction, into two books, 
 styled Archimedes and Daedalus. The names 
 are quaint, and the classical illustrations are 
 very numerous. The work is a kind of hand- 
 book for engineers, enlivened by quotations, 
 
82 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 not always apposite, from ancient authors, as 
 was the fashion when high literary culture and 
 science could be more easily combined than 
 in our days of ruthless specialism. It is dedi- 
 cated in very courtly language to the Prince 
 Elector Palatine. Wilkins looks forward to the 
 Prince's restoration to his dominions a curious 
 aspiration to be professed by a man who did 
 not, then at least, put his trust in princes. But 
 he did not foresee what was to come, both to 
 himself or others. 
 
 His two books of a devotional character were, 
 one on ' The Gift of Prayer,' a formal and 
 elaborate treatise with many divisions and sub- 
 divisions, in spirit earnest and devout. Its 
 companion treatise, ' Ecclesiastes ; or the Gift of 
 Preaching/ shows a high conception of the 
 learning which he thought necessary for one 
 who would preach well ; knowledge of com- 
 mentators ; of preachers, especially of English 
 sermon-writers; of works on Christian doctrine, 
 on the history of Christianity ; of all subjects 
 which can be included in Theology. The list of 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 83 
 
 books recommended is enormous, and beyond the 
 reach of any man even of Wilkins or Casaubon : 
 it must have been intended to be a work of 
 reference, a catalogue from which a student 
 might select. It, like his * Sermons Preached on 
 Several Occasions,' is illumined by quaint utter- 
 ances, humorous, sensible, and devout ; qualities 
 more frequently combined in those days than in 
 our own, when the "dignity of the pulpit/' a 
 lamentable superstition, has weakened its in- 
 fluence, and has made religion appear to simple 
 people remote from common life. 
 
 Wilkins 7 most original and valuable contribu- 
 tion to Theology is ' The Principles and Duties 
 of Natural Religion,' written in his later years, 
 and published after his death by Tillotson. Mr 
 Sanders, the writer of the too short article 
 on Wilkins in the ' Dictionary of National Bio- 
 graphy,' says that " in this work there are 
 thoughts which anticipate the argument of 
 Butler's 'Analogy/" Wilkins, like Butler and 
 Newman, draws distinctions between different 
 kinds of evidence and different degrees of con- 
 
84 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 sequent assent. He points out that neither 
 Natural Religion nor Christianity can be proved 
 true by demonstration like a conclusion in 
 geometry, or in any kind of mathematical 
 reasoning ; that in default of this inference from 
 self-evident premises to propositions of equal 
 cogency, we must, in a matter of paramount 
 practical importance, be content to judge, as 
 fairly and soberly as we can, by that "prob- 
 ability" which Butler calls "the guide of life." 
 Wilkins perceived, what few in his time per- 
 ceived, that there are no " demonstrations" of 
 Christianity, nor even of Theism ; that faith is 
 faith. Further, he emphasises the harmony be- 
 tween Natural and Revealed Religion, the fact 
 that one is the complement of the other. But 
 in him there are not the depth, candour, and 
 seriousness of Butler, nor that sense of mystery 
 which makes him the weightiest of Christian 
 Apologists in the estimation both of disciples 
 and opponents. 
 
 The book by which Wilkins will always be 
 remembered among curious students and phil- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 85 
 
 ologers is his ' Essay towards a Real Character 
 and a Philosophical Language.' It is a quarto 
 of 600 pages, including an alphabetical dic- 
 tionary of English words, with their equiva- 
 lents in what may be called, without irreverence, 
 Wilkinese. It was written at the request of 
 the Royal Society, and, by its order, published 
 in 1688. The meaning of the somewhat ob- 
 scure title is explained by Wilkins in a very 
 interesting preface. Character means language, 
 or rather writing, and a universal character 
 is the script of a language like that which 
 was spoken before the confusion of tongues ; 
 a language for and of all men. By " Real" 
 is signified that the new language is founded 
 on a study of things which are " better than 
 words " ; of " the nature of things, and that 
 common notion of them wherein mankind does 
 agree." The making of such a language "will 
 prove the shortest and plainest way for the 
 attainment of real knowledge," and the lan- 
 guage thus made will be truly philosophical, 
 or, to use our modern term, scientific. The 
 
86 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 labour bestowed by Wilkins on his magnificent 
 project was immense, but the result was failure. 
 " Sunt lacrimae rerum," and tears were never 
 shed over a greater waste of ingenuity and 
 heroic toil, if indeed a fine example of fruitless 
 devotion is to be called waste. With apologies 
 to the Esperantists, it must be said that the 
 invention of a universal language, of any but 
 the narrowest compass, seems impossible, for 
 language, in any real sense, is not made but 
 grows. It is dangerous, however, to dogmatise 
 on possibilities. Misled, as we can gather from his 
 preface, by the proved usefulness of mathematical 
 signs, Wilkins attempted to provide for philoso- 
 phers of all countries a better means of communi- 
 cation than Latin, then the universal language 
 of literature and science, but in his opinion 
 unscientific, full of anomalies and difficult to 
 acquire ; for in it there were, he said, thirty 
 thousand words. In his language there were 
 only three thousand, and they could be learnt 
 by a man of good capacity in a month. His 
 estimate of capacity and diligence is somewhat 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 87 
 
 high. It is possible to explain the principles 
 on which he constructed his new tongue. He 
 began by dividing the universe, the sum total 
 of existence, things, thoughts, relations, after 
 the manner of Aristotle, though not into ten, 
 but into forty categories, or genera, or great 
 classes, such as World, Element, Animal, and 
 apparently species of animals, such as Bird, 
 Fish, Beast : for each of these great classes 
 he devised a monosyllabic name e.g., De for 
 Element, Za for Fish ; each of these genera 
 is subdivided into species indicated by the 
 addition of a consonant, and these are again 
 subdivided into subordinate species distinguished 
 by a vowel affixed. For example De means 
 an Element, any of the four, Fire, Air, Earth, 
 Water ; add to it B, which, as the first con- 
 sonant, stands for the first species of a genus, 
 and you will have the significant word DEB, 
 which means Fire, for it, we know not why, 
 is the first of the four Elements. Let us take 
 a more complex instance his name for Sal- 
 mon. The salmon is a species of Za or Fish, 
 
88 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 a particular kind of fish called N, namely, 
 the Squameous river fish. This class ZaN 
 is subdivided into lower classes, and the lower 
 class Salmon is called A, which means the 
 red -fleshed kind of squameous river fish, and 
 so a salmon is a ZaN A. If you wished to 
 state the fact that a salmon swims, you would 
 use the words ZaN A GoF, for Go stands 
 for the great category of motion, F for the 
 particular kind of motion meant, swimming. 
 Voice, tense, and mood are indicated by lines 
 of different lengths, straight or curved, crossed, 
 hooked, looped ; adverbs and conjunctions by 
 dots or points differently arranged. 
 
 Wilkins' universal character therefore means 
 a kind of shorthand writing of his Real 
 Language. 
 
 The writer fears that he may only have 
 confused his readers and himself by his bold 
 but poor attempt to express in a few lines 
 the meaning of six hundred pages. He would 
 be the last to ridicule the " folly" of a great 
 man, whose system he has made no very labor- 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 89 
 
 ious effort to understand, for it seems to be 
 built on sand, on a classification of things 
 superficial, imperfect, and capricious, which would 
 not have been accepted by learned men, and 
 if accepted would have become obsolete in a 
 quarter of a century. The syllable Co stands 
 for all relations between human beings, and 
 these relations are of eight kinds. What 
 would a professor of social science now say 
 to this ? What would an ichthyologist say 
 to Wilkins' definition of a salmon? The in- 
 terest of the book lies in its being the most 
 striking of many proofs of the wide intellectual 
 interests, the alert and insatiable curiosity, and 
 the extraordinary industry of its writer. It has 
 also the pathetic interest of "love's labour 
 lost," for who now reads the * Real Character/ 
 or who read it twenty years after Wilkins' 
 death? His name was "writ in water," for 
 he spent himself on many things, and did 
 little because he did too much. 
 
 The "greatest curioso" of his time relieved 
 his toils by music. Nowhere are Wood's vanity 
 
90 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 and self-consciousness shown more vividly than 
 in his account of a musical entertainment given 
 by Wilkins in honour of Thomas Baltzar, 
 "the most famous artist for the violin which 
 the world had yet produced. The books and 
 instruments were carried thither," to the War- 
 den's lodgings, "but none could be persuaded 
 there to play against him in consort on the 
 violin. At length the company, perceiving 
 A. W. standing behind in a corner neare 
 the dore, they haled him in among them, and 
 play forsooth he must against him : whereupon, 
 he being not able to avoid it, took up a violin, 
 and behaved himself as poor Troylus did against 
 Achilles." Wood consoled himself for his fail- 
 ure by the honour he acquired from being 
 asked to play with the Master, of whom he 
 maliciously remarks that "he was given to 
 excessive drinking," a characteristic comment. 
 
 Wilkins' greatest achievement was the founding 
 of the Royal Society. He may be called its 
 founder, if that high title can be given to any 
 one of the eminent men who, in Oxford and 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 91 
 
 in London, revived or regenerated the study 
 of natural philosophy. Pope, Aubrey, and Sprat 
 differ from Wallis in their accounts of the origin 
 of the mother of scientific parliaments. The 
 first three find that origin in meetings held in 
 Wadham College under the presidency of 
 Wilkins. Wallis traces the beginnings of the 
 Royal Society to meetings held in London in 
 1645. "In that year," he writes, "there had 
 sprung up an association of certain worthy 
 persons inquisitive in Natural Philosophy, who 
 met together, first in London, for the investiga- 
 tion of what was called the new or experimental 
 philosophy, and afterwards several of the more 
 influential of the members, about 1648 or 1649, 
 finding London too much distracted by civil 
 commotions, commenced holding their meetings 
 in Oxford." Among those who removed to 
 Oxford were, " first, Dr Wilkins, then I, and 
 soon after Dr Goddard, whereupon our company 
 divided. Those at London (and we when we 
 had occasion to be there) met as before. Those 
 of us at Oxford, with Dr Ward, Dr Petty, and 
 
92 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 many others of the most inquisitive persons in 
 Oxford, met weekly for some years at Dr Petty's 
 lodgings, on the like account, to wit, so long as 
 Dr Petty continued in Oxford, and for some 
 while after, because of the conveniences we had 
 there (being the house of an apothecary) to 
 view and make use of drugs, and other like 
 matters as there was occasion. We did after- 
 wards (Dr Petty being gone to Ireland and 
 our numbers growing less) remove thence, and 
 (some years before his Majesty's return) did 
 meet at Dr Wilkin's lodgings in Wadham 
 College." 
 
 This account is plain enough : it differs from 
 the story told by Sprat in this point only, that 
 Sprat omits reference to the first meetings in 
 London between 1645 and 1648, and to the 
 meetings in Oxford at Dr Petty's lodgings. 
 The causes of these omissions are not far 
 to seek. Sprat was a youth of seventeen in 
 1651, the year of his admission into Wadham : 
 it is difficult to believe that he was present at 
 the gatherings of men many years his senior 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 93 
 
 in Dr Petty's lodgings, or knew as much as 
 Wallis did of the infancy of the Royal Society. 
 No Oxford man is to be entirely trusted when 
 writing about his own College, and Sprat 
 laudably claimed for Wadham the honour of 
 being the cradle of the great association. 
 
 In his history of the Royal Society, published 
 in 1667, he gives a full account of its growth 
 and objects, though not of its beginnings. 
 
 " It was some space," he writes, "after the 
 end of the Civil Wars at Oxford, in Dr 
 Wilkins, his lodgings, in Wadham College, 
 which was then the place of resort for virtuous 
 and learned men, that the first meetings were 
 held which laid the foundation of all this that 
 followed. The University had at this time 
 many members of its own who had begun a 
 free way of reasoning ; and was also frequented 
 by some gentlemen of philosophical minds, 
 whom the misfortunes of the kingdom, and 
 the security and ease of a retirement among 
 Gownsmen had drawn thither. Their first 
 purpose was no more than only the satisfaction 
 
94 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 of breathing a freer air, and of conversing in 
 quiet one with another, without being engaged 
 in the passions and madness of that dismal 
 Age. And from the Institution of that 
 Assembly, it had been enough if no other 
 advantage had come but this: that by this 
 means there was a race of young men provided, 
 against the next Age, whose minds, receiving 
 from them their first impressions of sober and 
 general knowledge, were invincibly armed 
 against the enchantments of Enthusiasm. 
 But what is more, I may venture to affirm 
 that it was in good measure by the influence 
 which these Gentlemen had over the rest, that 
 the University itself, or at least any part of 
 its Discipline or Order was saved from ruine. 
 For such a candid and impassionate company 
 as that was, and for such a gloomy season, 
 what could have been a fitter subject to pitch 
 upon than Natural Philosophy ? To have been 
 always tossing about some Theological question 
 would have been to have made that their private 
 diversion the excess of which they themselves 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 95 
 
 disliked in the public. To have been eternally 
 musing on Civil business and distresses of their 
 Country was too melancholy a reflection. It 
 was Nature alone which could pleasantly 
 entertain them in that estate." 
 
 It would be superfluous to praise this noble 
 and pathetic passage. It shows the weariness 
 of political and religious controversy which 
 oppressed men's minds; the discouragement, 
 almost hopelessness, which made the Restoration 
 welcome, and Puritanism odious, for a time at 
 least, to the majority of Englishmen. The word 
 Enthusiasm is of strange significance; then 
 and for more than a hundred years later it 
 connoted extravagance and fanaticism. Worthy 
 of notice also are Sprat's words to the effect 
 that the influence of Wilkins and his friends 
 was on the side of discipline and order in the 
 University, and saved it from " ruine." They 
 ought to please and encourage, perhaps instruct, 
 the modern apostles of science who are with 
 us now. 
 
 From a comparison of Wallis' and Sprat's 
 
96 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 accounts, it is clear that the dispute, if dispute 
 there be, whether Wadham or London was the 
 cradle of the Royal Society, can be settled more 
 easily than most contested claims of this kind. 
 The facts are ascertained : the question turns 
 on the meaning of the words " founder" and 
 " foundation." The first meetings of the Philo- 
 sophical Club, which became the Royal Society, 
 were unquestionably held in London, and were 
 continued there, at the Bull's Head Tavern in 
 Cheapside, after Wilkins had removed to Oxford 
 in 1648, and gathered round him there the 
 members of a new philosophical society, which 
 may be called, if that name be preferred, an 
 offshoot from the parent stem : the two clubs 
 co-existed till the Restoration, when most of the 
 Oxford philosophers migrated or returned to 
 London, and were incorporated into one society 
 which received its name and charter from 
 Charles II. in July 1662. 
 
 Metaphors do not always illustrate, but the 
 facts may be stated thus : the Royal Society was 
 born in London or cradled there ; the infant did 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 97 
 
 not thrive, and was put out to nurse at Oxford 
 where it waxed and prospered : it was a proper 
 child of three years old when (on Petty 's leaving 
 Oxford in 1651) it found a settled home in the 
 Warden's lodgings in Wadham for eight years ; 
 grown and strengthened, the boy was brought 
 back to his birthplace, and was recognised and 
 named. In this sense it may be said that 
 the Royal Society was founded by Wilkins in 
 Wadham : that College was its early home, and 
 Wilkins was the most prominent and active man 
 in the Philosophical Club. 
 
 A very clear and short account of many of its 
 members is given in the ' History of the Oxford 
 Museum,' by Dr Vernon and Miss Vernon, 
 which, if I may presume to praise it, resembles 
 the work of Oughtred before mentioned, as being 
 " a little book, but a great one as to the contents." 
 Sprat enumerates as " the principal and most 
 constant of those who met at Wadham, Dr Seth 
 Ward, Mr Boyle, Dr Wilkins, Sir William Petty, 
 Dr Wallis, Dr Goddard, Dr Willis, Dr Bathurst, 
 Mr Matthew Wren, Dr Christopher Wren, Mr 
 
98 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Rooke, besides several others, who joyn'd them- 
 selves to them, upon occasion." The list is re- 
 markable ; it represents the science of the time, 
 Mathematics, Astronomy, Chemistry, Physics, 
 Engineering, Architecture, Theology, and Politi- 
 cal Economy or Arithmetic, for nothing "scibile" 
 was alien to these inquisitive persons. " Their 
 proceedings," we are told, "were rather by 
 action than discourse, chiefly attending some 
 particular Trials in Chymistry or Mechanicks : 
 they had no Rules nor Method fixed : their 
 intention was more to communicate to each 
 other their discoveries which they could make in 
 so narrow a compass, than an united, constant, 
 or regular inquisition." They were probably 
 " clubbable" persons, friends with a common 
 interest, each pursuing his own path with perfect 
 freedom, a method which must have enhanced 
 the harmony and efficiency of their meetings. 
 The Club, or a branch of it, survived at Oxford 
 the departure of Wilkins and most of the philos- 
 ophers. To Robert Boyle was mainly due the 
 continuance of the faithful remnant. In the year 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 99 
 
 1659 he imported into Oxford Peter Sthael, a 
 noted Chemist and Rosicrucian, " a great hater 
 of women and a very useful man." Among 
 those who attended his lectures were Antony 
 Wood, Wallis, Wren, Bathurst, and, not least, 
 Locke, who was troublesome, and " scorned to 
 take notes " why we are not told, and may 
 imagine as we please. Wood's account of this 
 survival is obscure he seems uncertain as to 
 the relation of Sthael's pupils to the Royal 
 Society at Oxford : they were probably the same, 
 and incurred the wrath and misrepresentations of 
 Henry Stubb, who inveighed against them as 
 dangerous, the Society had become obnoxious 
 to the University, being suspected of a desire 
 to confer degrees, against which the University 
 " stuck," to use Wood's word, not unreasonably. 
 The Oxford meetings in Wilkins' time, after 
 1651, were held, not in the room over the gate- 
 way, but in the dining-room or drawing-room of 
 the Warden's lodgings. By the direction of the 
 Foundress "the chamber over the great gate" 
 had been assigned to the Warden, as command- 
 
ioo THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 ing the entrance into the College, and a view of 
 all who should go in or out : he was to have also 
 for his own use seven rooms next adjoining on 
 the north side. It is uncertain at what date he 
 migrated to his present lodgings, but there is 
 abundant evidence to show that it was before 
 the time of Wilkins, for from 1640 to 1663 the 
 great chamber was occupied by various tenants, 
 among them Seth Ward and Christopher Wren. 
 The writer is therefore warranted in picturing to 
 the eye of his imagination the personages of the 
 club assembled in his drawing-room, a club less 
 famous, but no less worthy of fame, than the 
 Literary Club of Johnson, Goldsmith, Burke, 
 and Reynolds. 
 
 Fain would he ask questions of Wren or 
 Ward or Wilkins, or any of the members of the 
 club, most of whom he would recognise by their 
 portraits in the College or elsewhere. 
 
 On September 3, 1658, Oliver Cromwell 
 died. To Wood the exact date is important, 
 because " some writers tell us that he was 
 
SIR CHRISTOPHER WREN. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 101 
 
 hurried away by the Devill in a terrible raging 
 wind on the 3Oth of August," a statement which 
 the chronicler might have been expected to 
 believe. Richard Cromwell was proclaimed 
 Protector at Oxford on September 6th, in the 
 usual places where kings had been proclaimed. 
 The ceremony was disturbed by young scholars, 
 who pelted with carrots and turnips the mayor, 
 recorder, and town clerk, as well as Colonel 
 Upton and his troopers. These missiles were 
 symptoms of the reaction which was fast 
 approaching. It belongs to the history of 
 England, but so far as it showed itself in 
 Oxford, it is part of the life of Wilkins. It 
 must have given him much to think of during 
 the last year of his Wardenship. In February 
 1659 the Vice-Chancellor wrote to the Dean of 
 Christ Church, then in London, that " he must 
 make haste to Oxford, for godliness laye a 
 gasping." Nathaniel Crewe of Lincoln had 
 in the same month drawn up a petition, which 
 Wood signed, to put out the Visitors. He was 
 a Presbyterian, and ready to have the Visitors 
 
102 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "put downe, notwithstanding he had before 
 submitted to them and had paid to them 
 reverence and obedience. The Independants, 
 who called themselves the godly party, drew 
 up a petition contrary to the former, and said 
 'twas for the cause of Christ." The feud 
 between the two parties was no less bitter, when 
 their supremacy in Oxford was drawing to its 
 end, than it had been many years before. 
 Which of the petitions did Wilkins sign ? 
 
 A year later, in February 1660, Monk made 
 a speech to Parliament of doubtful meaning, 
 exhorting his hearers to be careful " that neither 
 the Cavalier nor the phanatique party have yet 
 a share in your civil or military power," on 
 which utterance Wood notes that "the word 
 phanatique comes much into fashion after this." 
 Monk's meaning was quickly interpreted for 
 him, both in London and in Oxford, on 
 February i3th "there was great rejoicing here 
 at Oxon for the news of a free parliament, ring- 
 ing of bells, bonfires, &c. : there were rumps 
 (i.e. t tayles of sheep) flung in a bonfire at Queen's 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 103 
 
 Coll., and some at Dr Palmer's window at 
 All Soles." The joy of the Royalists especially 
 was manifested by the reading at Magdalen 
 parish church of Common Prayer, " after it 
 had been omitted to be read in public places 
 in Oxon since the surrender of the city or in 
 1647." All the tokens of Monarchy were 
 restored : " the signe of the King's Head had 
 been dashed out, or daubled over, tempore 
 Olivari, and (in its place was written 'This was 
 the King's Head ') was new painted." On the 
 ist of May "a Maypole was set up against the 
 Beare in All Hallows parish (i.e., opposite the 
 Mitre of our time) on purpose to vex the 
 Presbyterians and Independants," despite the 
 interference of Dr Conant, the Vice- Chancellor. 
 On the loth the new King was proclaimed : on 
 the 1 4th letters from Richard Cromwell to 
 Convocation were read, whereby he resigned 
 the Chancellorship of the University in digni- 
 fied and courteous words. By May 2 9th the 
 Restoration was complete, and the day was 
 observed in all or in most towns in England, 
 
104 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 " particularly at Oxon, which did exceed any 
 place of its bigness." Wood's comment on 
 these events is worth giving in full : " The 
 world of England was perfectly mad. They 
 were free from the chains of darkness and con- 
 fusion which the Presbyterians and phanatiques 
 had brought upon them : yet some of them, 
 seeing then what mischief they had done, tack'd 
 about to participate of the universal Joy, and 
 at length closed with the Royal partie." Here 
 we take leave, for a time, of Antony Wood, 
 who has been allowed to tell his story in his 
 own words ; unwilling leave, for though he is 
 provoking, he is charming, with a keen eye 
 for character, both of parties and individuals, 
 and for the issues and events of real importance, 
 never dull or lengthy, save when he descants 
 on his family affairs or on the minutiae of his 
 occasionally meticulous antiquarianism, and even 
 then to be forgiven for his zeal and industry. 
 
JOHN W1LK1NS. 105 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 WILKINS AFTER HIS LIFE AT OXFORD. 
 
 WILKINS was spared the pain of witnessing the 
 end of the Commonwealth in Oxford, and of 
 being ejected from his post like other Heads 
 of Houses. On September 3, 1659, he re- 
 signed the Wardenship, and was succeeded on 
 September 5th by Walter Blandford, one of 
 the Fellows who had submitted to the Visitors 
 in 1648, and later, in that strange time of 
 opinions which " could be changed." had made 
 his peace with the Royalists. During his 
 Wardenship of six years the College flourished. 
 He was made Bishop of Oxford in 1665, and 
 was in 1671 promoted to the See of Worcester, 
 another of the many Wadham Bishops. 
 
io6 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Wilkins left Wadham to become Master of 
 Trinity College, Cambridge. He had been 
 invited there by the Fellows, on whose petition 
 he was presented by Richard Cromwell. Thirty 
 years later Cambridge, as if in exchange for 
 value received, sent Richard Bentley to Wadham, 
 who left it to return to Cambridge as Master 
 of Trinity, an interchange of which neither 
 University can complain. 
 
 At Cambridge Wilkins' stay was brief. He 
 was Master of Trinity only for ten months, but 
 in that short reign he proved himself as vigorous 
 and effective as he had been at Wadham : he 
 stimulated and organised the College teaching, 
 and made his Fellows work, by instituting dis- 
 putations, and examinations at elections, prob- 
 ably fallen out of use in the troubles of the 
 fifteen previous years ; yet here as elsewhere 
 he was able to win and rule, for " he was 
 honoured there and heartily loved by all." At 
 Cambridge, Burnet tells us, "he joined with 
 those who studied to propagate better thoughts, 
 to take men off from being in parties, or from 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 107 
 
 narrow notions, from superstitious conceits, and 
 fierceness about opinions." He must have had 
 as his allies there Cudworth and Whichcote, 
 men of his own age, and one younger, Stilling- 
 fleet, the Latitudinarians, from whom our Broad 
 Churchmen are theologically descended. 
 
 The evil days came soon : despite the petition 
 of the Fellows who wished to keep him, he 
 was ejected from the Mastership when the 
 King came back. " The whirligig of time 
 brings in his revenges," and what Pitt had 
 undergone Wilkins had to undergo. 
 
 Pope describes, surely with some exaggeration, 
 the troubles of Wilkins during the eight years 
 between his departure from Cambridge and his 
 being made Bishop of Chester. He was a 
 man whom no misfortunes could crush elastic, 
 resolute, resourceful master of his fate, 
 
 " Merses profundo, pulchrior evenit." 
 
 He had many friends and a great reputation ; 
 they brought him various preferments, the 
 lectureship at Gray's Inn, the vicarage of St 
 
io8 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Lawrence Jewry, and the Deanery of Ripon, 
 within a few years after his banishment from 
 Cambridge. Preferment may not have brought 
 him happiness, but it must have prevented his 
 fortunes from being, as Pope says they were, 
 "as low as they could be." He suffered indeed 
 one calamity a cruel one to a man of his 
 pursuits and tastes : in the great fire of London 
 the vicarage house of St Lawrence Jewry was 
 burnt, and with it were destroyed his books 
 and the collection of scientific instruments made 
 during his residence at Oxford with the help 
 of the members of the club. 
 
 Add to this that he was out of favour both 
 at Whitehall and at Lambeth on account of his 
 marriage for that reason " Archbishop Sheldon 
 who had the keys of the Church for a great 
 time in his power, and could admit unto it and 
 keep out of it whom he pleased, I mean (Pope 
 hastens to explain) disposed of all Ecclesiasti- 
 cal Preferments, entertained a strong prejudice 
 against him." This prejudice the Archbishop, 
 when later, on the introduction of Ward, he 
 
JOHN WILKINS, 109 
 
 came to know him better, acknowledged to 
 have been unjust, a signal instance of Wilkins' 
 power of winning men. The Latitudinarian 
 was at first coldly received at Lambeth : the 
 brother-in-law of Cromwell was not accept- 
 able at Whitehall. His friend Ward did not 
 desert him, but " followed up good words with 
 answerable actions," and procured for him the 
 Precentor's place at Exeter, "the first step 
 which Wilkins ascended to a better fortune." 
 
 In Charles II. he soon found a still more 
 powerful friend. The King, who was himself 
 the broadest of Latitudinarians, as far as Pro- 
 testantism was concerned, was not repelled by 
 Wilkins' theological views, and yielded readily to 
 the attractions of a versatile and agreeable man 
 of science. Science was the most creditable 
 of Charles's tastes and occupations ; the one 
 in which he took a genuine and enduring 
 interest. 
 
 On November 28, 1660, the Invisible College 
 was embodied, and became a tangible reality. 
 At a meeting held in Gresham College, twelve 
 
i io THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 persons of eminence in science and in other 
 ways "formed the design," as the first Journal 
 Book of the Royal Society records, " of found- 
 ing a College for the promotion of Physico- 
 Mathematicall Experimentall Learning." Among 
 those present were Rooke, Petty, Wren, and 
 Wilkins : a committee was formed, of which 
 Wilkins was appointed chairman : the King 
 gave his approval to the scheme drawn up by 
 the committee, and offered to become a member 
 of the new College: in 1662 he gave it the 
 Charter of Incorporation which passed the 
 Great Seal on July i3th of that year. Wilkins 
 was not chosen President ; that honour was given 
 to Lord Brouncker. 
 
 The Royal Society of London for the Im- 
 provement of Natural Knowledge (its official title) 
 took knowledge for its province ; that is, natural 
 knowledge, of Nature, Art, and Works, in pref- 
 erence to, though not necessarily to the exclusion 
 of, moral and metaphysical philosophy, history 
 and language. The experiments, its chief work, 
 were to be productive both of light and fruit : 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. in 
 
 the influence of Bacon is so great and evident 
 that he might in a sense be called the founder 
 of the Royal Society. Sprat's real preface to his 
 History is Cowley's famous ode. The poet 
 speaks of philosophy i.e., natural philosophy, as 
 the captive and slave of Authority and Words, 
 set free by Bacon : its followers he likens to 
 the Children of Israel wandering aimlessly from 
 one desert to another till Moses brought them 
 to the border of the promised land. The stately 
 lines may well be quoted here : 
 
 " From these and all long errors of the way 
 In which our wandering predecessors went, 
 
 And like th' old Hebrews many years did stray 
 In desarts but of small extent, 
 
 Bacon like Moses led us forth at last, 
 
 The barren Wilderness he past, 
 
 Did on the very Border stand 
 
 Of the blest promised land, 
 
 And from the Mountain Top of his Exalted Wit 
 
 Saw it himself and shew'd us it. 
 
 But Life did never to one Man allow 
 
 Time to discover Worlds and conquer too ; 
 
 Nor can so short a line sufficient be 
 
 To fadome the vast depths of Nature's sea." 
 
ii2 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 Like all human institutions, the Royal Society 
 was criticised, feared, misunderstood, and ridi- 
 culed. There is evidence of this in Sprat's anxiety 
 to show that experiments " are not dangerous to 
 the Universities nor to the Church of England," 
 a contention which now would be admitted or 
 denied if the term " experiments " were first 
 defined. He labours, too, to show that they are 
 not dangerous to the Christian religion, either 
 its belief or practice. His remarks on this ques- 
 tion are of great interest and value, and are 
 strangely modern. He pleads that "experiments 
 will be beneficial to our wits and writers." Alas ! 
 the wits at least benefited in a way which Sprat 
 did anticipate. Shadwell in his ' Virtuoso ' found 
 material for profane merriment in some of the 
 unquestionably absurd inquiries made or sug- 
 gested by the natural philosophers. "Science 
 was then only just emerging from the Mists 
 of Superstition." Astrology and Alchemy still 
 infected Astronomy, Chemistry, and Medicine. 
 A Fellow of the Royal Society, along with the 
 Puritan, made a ridiculous figure on the stage. 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 113 
 
 But Puritanism and Natural Philosophy both 
 survived the " test of truth," and were better 
 for the ordeal. 1 
 
 In 1668, through the influence of the Duke 
 of Buckingham, Wilkins was made Bishop of 
 Chester. The position of a Bishop in some 
 ways resembles that of the Head of a College : 
 Fellows are like canons and archdeacons ; 
 undergraduates are the " inferior clergy." The 
 Bishop showed in the management of his 
 diocese the moderation, tact, and charity which 
 had made him a successful Warden. He brought 
 back into the Church of England, or into 
 loyalty to that Church, many ministers who had 
 been ejected from their livings for non-com- 
 pliance with the Act of Uniformity : his success 
 in this good work was due to his " soft inter- 
 pretation of the terms of conformity." They 
 needed softening ; no part of Macaulay's 
 'History of England' is more striking and 
 instructive than his account in chapter ii. of 
 
 1 See Mr Pearson's instructive and amusing article on "The 
 Virtuoso" in the 'Nineteenth Century,' November 1909. 
 
 H 
 
ii4 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 the sufferings of the Puritans and Noncon- 
 formists of all descriptions. " It was made a 
 crime to attend a dissenting place of worship. 
 A new and most unreasonable test was imposed 
 on divines who had been deprived of their ben- 
 efices for Nonconformity ; and all who refused 
 to take that test were prohibited from coming 
 within five miles of any town which was 
 governed by a corporation, of any town which 
 was represented in Parliament, or of any town 
 where they had themselves resided as ministers. 
 The magistrates by whom these vigorous statutes 
 were to be enforced, were in general men in- 
 flamed by party spirit, and by remembrances 
 of wrongs suffered in the time of the Common- 
 wealth. The jails were therefore soon crowded 
 with dissenters, and among the sufferers were 
 some of whose genius and virtue any Christian 
 society might well be proud." 
 
 It is probable that Chester jail was less 
 crowded than other jails in England, and that 
 dissenters were allowed to come within five 
 miles of Chester, even to the Bishop's palace. 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 115 
 
 Wilkins, like many "moderate" men, had 
 convictions, and was ready to make sacrifices 
 in their defence. Not only in his diocese, but 
 in the House of Lords, he pleaded for a lenient 
 treatment of dissenters. In reference to the 
 second Conventicle Act, Wilkins gained for 
 himself, in the view of all right-minded men, 
 especial honour. He argued earnestly against 
 the Bill in the Upper House. Even when the 
 king desired him to be silent, he replied "That 
 he thought it an ill thing, both in conscience 
 and policy, and therefore as an Englishman and 
 a Bishop, he was bound to oppose it." Being 
 still further requested by Charles not to go to 
 the House while the Bill was pending, his 
 answer was " That by the law and constitution 
 of England, and by his Majesty's favour, he 
 had a right to debate and vote : and he was 
 neither afraid nor ashamed to own his opinion 
 in this matter, and to act pursuant to it, and 
 the king was not offended with his freedom." l 
 
 1 This is an abbreviation of the passage in Burnet's ' History of 
 his Own Time,' vol. i. p. 272. First edition. 
 
ii6 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 He did not hesitate to endanger his favour 
 with the king perhaps not with him, for Charles 
 was not by temper a persecutor, but with the 
 party then in power. From the 'Church of 
 England in the Reigns of the Stuarts,' I quote 
 another instance of his moderation and clear- 
 headedness in the fierce controversies of his 
 time. In a conversation with Cosin, Bishop 
 of Devon, who had censured him for his 
 moderation, Wilkins frankly told him that he 
 was a better friend to the Church of England 
 than his lordship "for while you," says he, 
 "are for setting the top on the picqued end 
 and downwards, you won't be able to keep it 
 up any longer than you keep whipping and 
 scourging ; whereas I am for setting the broad 
 end downwards, and so 'twill stand of itself." 
 The metaphor has obvious defects, but expresses 
 the broadness of the Broad party in the Church. 
 
 Of Wilkins' work in his diocese few particulars 
 are recorded: it is called by Wood the "kill 
 Bishop see," a name which now happily it does 
 not deserve. His had been a laborious life, and 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 117 
 
 the last years of it must have been full of difficul- 
 ties and anxieties to the friend of an unpopular 
 cause. After four years' tenure of his bishopric, 
 he died in the year 1672, at the age of fifty-eight, 
 in Tillotson's house : he was buried in the church- 
 yard of St Lawrence Jewry, his old vicarage. 
 His College pupil, William Lloyd, preached the 
 funeral sermon, in which he defends him against 
 the charge of having looked with too much 
 favour on the dissenters, urging as his excuse, 
 "the vehemence of his desire to bring the Dis- 
 senters off their prejudices, and reduce them to 
 the Unity of the Church "; no bad defence. 
 
 It is pleasant to turn from Wilkins' public to 
 his private life. There are many allusions to 
 him in the Diaries of Pepys and Evelyn. 
 
 Pepys made his first acquaintance with Wil- 
 kins in 1665 : he was now a man widely known in 
 London society, especially among learned men 
 and natural philosophers. Pepys describes his 
 first visit to him, paid at his house, then probably 
 the Vicarage of St Lawrence Jewry. " And so 
 to Dr Merritt" (a Fellow of the Royal Society), 
 
ii8 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 "and fine discourse among them to my great 
 joy, so sober and ingenious : he is now upon 
 finishing his discourse of a Universal Character." 
 At a dinner-party later he met Wilkins, when " I 
 choosing to sit next Dr Wilkins, Sir George Ent, 
 and others whome I value, there talked of several 
 things; Dr Wilkins of the Universal Speech, 
 of which he hath a book coming out, and did 
 first inform me how man was certainly made for 
 society, without which he would be a very mean 
 creature." In 1668 the book was published, 
 carried home by Pepys, and carefully perused. 
 He enjoyed the account given by Wilkins of the 
 ark, and his solutions of the difficulties raised 
 even in his time. The solutions, Pepys says, 
 " do please me mightily, and are much beyond 
 whatever I heard of the subject." This is easy 
 to believe. He must have been impressed by 
 Wilkins' contention that " few were the several 
 species of beasts and fowls which were to be in 
 the Arke " ; a consequence of the fundamental 
 error of his system, the belief that nature was 
 easily classified, and her classes few. In Pepys' 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 119 
 
 last important reference to Wilkins, he tells us 
 that he " heard talk that Dr Wilkins, my friend 
 the Bishop of Chester, shall be removed to Win- 
 chester and be made Lord Treasurer : though 
 this be foolish talk, I do gather he is a mighty 
 rising man, as being a Latitudinarian, and the 
 Duke of Buckingham his friend." 
 
 Evelyn was a warm friend of Wilkins, and a 
 frequent visitor at his lodgings in Wadham. In 
 1654 he came to Oxford with his wife and 
 daughter, as London visitors do now for a week- 
 end, or for Commemoration. He "supped at 
 a magnificent entertainment in Wadham Hall, 
 invited by my dear and excellent friend Dr 
 Wilkins," and met " that miracle of a youth, 
 Mr Christopher Wren." Two years later, on 
 another visit, he "dined with that most obliging 
 and universally curious person Dr Wilkins at 
 Wadham College." There he saw many won- 
 derful things transparent apiaries, a statue that 
 spoke through a tube, a way- wiser (i.e., a kind 
 of pedometer), dials, perspectives, mathematical 
 and magical curiosities, the property or inven- 
 
120 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 tion of Wilkins or of "that prodigious young 
 scholar Christopher Wren." Alas ! there are 
 none of these magical curiosities in the Warden's 
 lodgings now ; they were taken to London and 
 lost in the Great Fire. 
 
 In 1665 Evelyn heard his friend preach be- 
 fore the Lord Mayor at St Paul's on the text, 
 " Obedience is better than sacrifice," a curious 
 text for him to choose, for it may be inter- 
 preted in more ways than one, and might have 
 been taken by an enemy as a summary of the 
 preacher's own career. Under the same entry 
 Evelyn describes his friend as one "who took 
 great pains to preserve the Universities from 
 the ignorant and sacrilegious commanders who 
 would have demolished all places and persons 
 that pretended to learning " ; another indication 
 among many that the "obliging" Dr Wilkins 
 was not invertebrate. 
 
 In the same year Evelyn, calling at The 
 Durdans, the home of Wilkins' former pupil, 
 Lord Berkeley, found there a remarkable group, 
 Petty, Rooke, and Wilkins, amusing themselves 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 121 
 
 with " contrivances for chariots, and for a wheel 
 for one to run races in," the first forms possibly 
 of a hansom, and a cycle. " Perhaps," continues 
 Evelyn, " three such persons were not to be 
 found elsewhere in Europe for parts and ingen- 
 uity." Lord Rosebery, we may safely presume, 
 would be glad to see them at The Durdans now. 
 In November 1668, Evelyn went to London, 
 " invited to the consecration of that excellent 
 person, the Dean of Ripon, now made Bishop 
 of Chester : Dr Tillotson preached." Then he 
 went to a sumptuous banquet in the Hall of Ely 
 House, where were " the Duke of Buckingham, 
 Judges, the Lord Keeper, Noblemen, and in- 
 numerable other company, who were honourers 
 of this incomparable man, universally beloved 
 by all who knew him." 
 
 .Tillotson, who married Wilkins' stepdaughter, 
 and may therefore have been prejudiced, though 
 such relationships give rise to prejudices of 
 various kinds, was deeply attached to him. He 
 edited and wrote a preface to the book on 
 4 Natural Religion,' and did the same pious duty 
 
122 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 in respect of the ' Sermons Preached on Several 
 Occasions,' taking opportunity in the preface to 
 defend him against the censures of Antony 
 Wood. He edited also a pamphlet of an 
 attractive title, which the writer has not seen 
 and fain would see, 'The Moderate Man, the 
 best subject in Church and State, proved from 
 the arguments of Wilkins, with Tillotson's 
 opinions on the subject.' Between them they 
 must make a strong case for the Moderate Man. 
 Tillotson says of his father-in-law : "I think I 
 may truly say that there are or have been few in 
 this age and nation so well known, and greatly 
 esteemed, and favoured by many persons of high 
 rank and quality, and of singular worth and 
 eminence in all the learned professions." This 
 eulogy has perhaps the ring of a time when rank 
 and quality were made more of than they are 
 now made, but it is quoted as an illustration of 
 the change of feeling which would make it now 
 impossible or indecorous to praise a bishop 
 because he got on well with great people : 
 allowance must be made for the difference 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 123 
 
 between the seventeenth and the twentieth 
 century. 
 
 Funeral sermons are not always the naked 
 truth, but Lloyd's fine saying about Wilkins bears 
 on it the stamp of sincerity : " It was his way of 
 friendship not so much to oblige men as to do 
 them good." 
 
 Burnet adds another testimony to Wilkins' 
 singular power of winning affection. He writes : 
 " Wilkins was a man of as great a mind, as true 
 a judgement, as eminent virtues, and of as good 
 a soul, as any one I ever knew. He was natur- 
 ally ambitious, but was the wisest clergyman I 
 ever knew. He was a lover of mankind, and had 
 a delight in doing good." 
 
 Burnet was a partisan, but these are the words 
 of more than partisanship. In his ' History of his 
 Own Time ' he introduces Wilkins to his readers 
 in very distinguished company, among the Lati- 
 tudinarians Whichcote, Cudworth, Tillotson, 
 Lloyd, and Stillingfleet, of whom he says that 
 if such men had not appeared, of another stamp 
 than their predecessors, "the Church had quite 
 
124 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 lost its esteem over the nation." Clarendon, 
 whom he calls "more the friend of the Bishops 
 than of the Church," had, in his opinion, endowed 
 them and the higher clergy too well, and they 
 were sunk in luxury and sloth. The Latitud- 
 inarians infused into the Church life, energy, 
 and a sense of duty : they were, he adds, good 
 preachers and acceptable to the king, who, 
 "having little or no literature, but true and good 
 sense," liked sermons " plain, clear, and short." 
 " Incedo per ignes," but it is impossible to refrain 
 from quoting Burnet's language, which, mutatis 
 mutandis > would have expressed what High 
 Churchmen felt towards the leaders of the 
 Oxford movement, and with equal truth and 
 justice. 
 
 Here Antony Wood may be called in to play 
 the part of the Advocatus Diaboli. He plays it 
 in the following passage, as always, with great 
 vigour and enjoyment : " Dr John Wilkins, a 
 notorious complyer with the Presbyterians, from 
 whom he obtained the Wardenship of Wadham ; 
 with the Independants and Cromwell himself, 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 125 
 
 by whose favour he did not only get a dispensa- 
 tion to marry (contrary to the College Statutes), 
 but also, because he had married his sister, 
 Master of Trinity College, Cambridge : from 
 which being ejected at the Restoration, he faced 
 about, and by his smooth language, insinuating 
 preaching, flatteries, and I know not what, got 
 among other preferments the Deanery of Ripon, 
 and at length by the commendation of George 
 Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, a great favourer 
 of fanaticks and atheists, the Bishopric of 
 Chester." 
 
 The passage is inaccurate both in grammar 
 and in facts, but it is valuable as evidence of 
 the venomous party spirit prevalent in the seven- 
 teenth century, a spirit to which we can easily 
 rise superior, we whose station, property, life, 
 do not depend on the triumph of this or that 
 opinion. In Oxford at least we do not now say 
 such things about each other. But in another 
 place Wood takes a less unfavourable view of 
 Wilkins' character, and uses about him the 
 politest language at his command. " He was a 
 
126 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 person of rare gifts, a noted theologist and 
 preacher ; a curious critick in several matters ; 
 an excellent mathematician and experimentalist, 
 &c. ; and I cannot say that there was anything 
 deficient in him but a constant mind and settled 
 principles." 
 
 This is an outline of the facts and opinions 
 about Wilkins which have come down to us. 
 What are we to think of him ? 
 
 Unquestionably there lies against a man who 
 prospered under Cromwell and Charles II., and 
 was a favourite of both, a presumption of ex- 
 cessive pliancy, of too much readiness to adapt 
 himself to his environment, of time-serving, if 
 you like, and insincerity. It cannot be proved 
 that he was not a Vicar of Bray, the title which 
 at once suggests itself. Tolerance, geniality, 
 and chanty are virtues which have their own 
 defects, and some measure of austerity is one 
 of the ingredients of a perfect character. It 
 has been said of Wilkins that two principles 
 determined his career : a large tolerance of 
 actions and opinions ; a readiness to submit 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 127 
 
 himself to "the powers that be," let them have 
 been established if they might. These are the 
 marks of a wise man, and of a man supremely 
 useful in times of bitter hatred and uncom- 
 promising revenge : they are not the marks of 
 a hero or a martyr. 
 
 Wilkins was in fact a Trimmer. It may be 
 said of him what has been said by Mr Herbert 
 Paul of a more famous Trimmer, Lord Halifax 
 (not our Lord Halifax), that "he was thoroughly 
 imbued with the English spirit of compromise, 
 that he had a remarkable power of understand- 
 ing, even sympathetically understanding, opinions 
 which he did not hold." Wilkins hated perse- 
 cution, and that hatred nerves a Trimmer to 
 defend unpopular persons and unpopular causes, 
 as he did in his College and University and 
 D,iocese. Toleration has a courage of its own 
 equal to that of fanaticism, and more useful and 
 intelligent. It is now an easier and a safer 
 virtue than it was two hundred and fifty years 
 ago : it is not popular now ; it was odious then, 
 and men were impatient with those who took 
 
128 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 no side, or changed sides for reasons good or 
 bad. 
 
 Macaulay who never knew a doubt, whose 
 way was clear and easy in the struggles of his 
 day, when reform and free trade in corn were 
 obviously desirable and necessary writes with 
 contemptuous severity of the profligacy of politi- 
 cians from the Restoration to the accession of the 
 House of Hanover. " One who in such an age 
 is determined to attain civil greatness must 
 renounce all thought of consistency. Instead 
 of affecting immutability in the midst of mu- 
 tation, he must always be on the watch for 
 the indications of a coming reaction. He must 
 seize the exact moment for deserting a falling 
 cause. He has seen so many institutions from 
 which much had been expected produce mere 
 disappointment, that he has no hope of im- 
 provement. There is nothing in the state 
 which he could not, without a scruple, join in 
 defending or destroying." Compare with these 
 scathing words his estimate of the character of 
 Halifax, the Whig : " The most estimable of 
 
JOHN W ILK INS. 129 
 
 the statesmen who were formed in the corrupt 
 and licentious Whitehall of the Restoration. 
 He was called inconsistent because the relative 
 position in which he stood to the contending 
 parties was perpetually varying. As well might 
 the Polar Star be called inconsistent because it 
 is sometimes to the east and sometimes to the 
 west of the pointers. To have defended the 
 ancient and legal constitution of the realm against 
 a seditious populace at one conjunction, and 
 against a tyrannical government at another ; to 
 have been the foremost champion of order in 
 the turbulent Parliament of 1680, and the fore- 
 most champion of liberty in the servile Parliament 
 of 1685 ; to have been just and merciful to the 
 Roman Catholics in the days of the Popish Plot, 
 and to the Exclusionists in the days of the Rye 
 House Plot ; this was a course which contem- 
 poraries, heated by passion, and deluded by names 
 and badges, might not unnaturally call fickle, but 
 which deserves a very different name from the 
 late justice of posterity." More than one British 
 statesman, Tory, be it observed, as well as Whig, 
 
 i 
 
130 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF 
 
 needs and deserves a defence like this. Alter 
 names and dates, and it will serve as a vindica- 
 tion of Wilkins' deficiency in a "constant mind 
 and settled principles." Therefore the paradox 
 is true that a Trimmer may be a man of firmness 
 and courage ; one who is bold enough to make 
 many enemies and few friends ; who has convic- 
 tions of his own, but by a power of sympathy, 
 one of the rarest and highest mental, half moral, 
 half intellectual, qualities, can understand opinions 
 which he does not hold ; understand and pardon, 
 as the French say. 
 
 Whether Wilkins' tolerance was of the exalted 
 kind, or alloyed by an admixture of that other 
 tolerance which is no better than indifference 
 and opportunism, it is impossible to say, for 
 we do not know enough about him to pro- 
 nounce a judgment. Our data are scanty and 
 incoherent, scattered about in diaries and 
 memoirs written by persons of different stations 
 and opinions. This much is certain, that Pope, 
 Aubrey, Sprat, Evelyn, Pepys, Tillotson, and 
 Burnet speak of him with affection and respect : 
 
JOHN WILKINS. 131 
 
 one note runs through all their eulogies, that 
 he was universally beloved ; yet he was not 
 one of those nonentities whom now we style 
 amiable persons, but a man of character and 
 power. 
 
 As a loyal son of the College, the writer is 
 prepared to maintain that a Vicar of Bray 
 could not have won love and admiration in 
 his College, his University, and in his Diocese, 
 and in a larger world than these ; nor have 
 been "laudatus a laudatis viris." It is more 
 rational to believe that Wilkins was a good 
 and wise man, who accepted the situations in 
 which he found himself placed, and made the 
 best of them, being more solicitous to do good 
 than to preserve consistency, that most negative 
 of virtues. Let him be judged by his best, 
 as, men are most fairly judged, and by another 
 good criterion, the times in which he lived, 
 times of perpetual change, confusion, and 
 perplexity. 
 
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