THE 
 
 STATE and BEHAVIOUR 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS, 
 
 FROM 
 
 The Reformation to the Year 1781.
 
 THE 
 
 STATE and BEHAVIOUR 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS, 
 
 FROM 
 
 The Reformation to the Year 1781. 
 
 WITH 
 
 A View of their present Number^ 
 Wealth, Character, &c. 
 
 IN TWO PARTS. 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 Containing, befides feveral Additions and Alterations, 
 a Full Answer to Critics, and an Address to Ca- 
 tholics. 
 
 Sic nos in luce timemus 
 
 InTERDUM, NIHILO QVM SUNT METUENDA MAGIS, QlJAM 
 QVJE PUERI IN TENEBRIS PAVITANT, FINGUNTQU^ FUTURA. 
 
 LUCRET. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for R. Faulder, New-Bond-Street. 
 MDCCLXXXL
 
 
 E ■ 2/ 
 PREFACE 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 FIRST EDITION. 
 
 - "DEFORE the prefs be clofed, I fee 
 JLJ a propriety in prefixing a few obfer^ 
 vations. When in manufcript, the fol- 
 5 lowing pages were fubmitted to the in- 
 fpeftion of friends ; they made objedions^ 
 which I attended to ; and I made fome al- 
 terations at their requeft. I could not do 
 oo all they defired, becaufe I could not totally 
 ^ facrifice my own ways of thinking. I 
 Ni owed fomething to myfelf> as well as to 
 ^ them. 
 
 CD 
 
 
 The printed fheets have alfo been fccn 
 by others, whofe moderation and improved 
 abilities I greatly value. It is proper, at- 
 tention fl:iould be paid to their remarks. 
 They have told me that^ 
 
 I Ihould have quoted authorities for 
 whatr on many occaiions, I have faid. 
 
 a My
 
 iv PREFACE TO THE 
 
 My anfwer is — That my information 
 has been principally taken from well- 
 known fources ; from Lord Clarendon, 
 Bifliop Burnet, Mr. Hume, and other wri- 
 ters on Englilh Hiflory. I wifhed not to 
 crowd an humble page with the pompous 
 difplay of great names. It was neceffary 
 to read much, but I could colled; little. 
 Catholics, for many years back, had made 
 too inconliderable a figure in the drama of 
 human life, to attrad: the notice of the an- 
 nalift or the hiftorian. In the mod croud- 
 ed narratives of Englifli bufinefs, they 
 feldom appear, unlefs where peevilli hu- 
 mour brings them forward, for an objedt 
 of cenfure or of malignant fatyre. There 
 is a Church Hijtory of England^ from the 
 year 1500 to the year 1688, published fome 
 years ago by a Catholic Clergyman, which 
 was of ufe to me. It contains many 
 things, regarding Catholics, during that 
 period, extremely curious and well authen- 
 ticated. — The delineation of modern Ca- 
 tholics was generally drawn from my own 
 obfervation and experience. 
 
 They have told me, I am too animated, 
 too free, and occafionally too fevere on all 
 
 parties;
 
 FIRST EDITION. v 
 
 parties; that Catholics may not be pleafed, 
 and that Proteftants may be offended. 
 
 My anfwer is — If I am too animated^ it 
 is not my fault. I write as I feel ; and 
 the regulating of the ftate of my nerves is 
 not at my own option. Beiides, the view 
 of many things I had to contemplate, was 
 of a nature fufiiciently flimulant to roufe 
 powers much lefs irritable than mine. 
 After all, dull compofition is but a forry 
 entertainment. — If I write ^NvCa freedom \ 
 let it be remembered, I am an Englifli- 
 man 5 and though opprefled, my thoughts 
 are not fhackled, nor am I tongue-tied. 
 It is a well-known defcription of a good 
 hiftorian, given by Cicero, when Rome 
 was no longer free, Ne quid falfi dicer e 
 aiideati ^^^ quid 'veri 7ion audeat \ that is, 
 J^et him dare to /peak all truth, let him not 
 
 dare to tell a lie. 1 do not think I have 
 
 been too fevere on any party. I faw faults 
 on all fides, ^nd thofe faults I cenfured. 
 If Catholics be not pleafed : They may 
 know, that I did not write with views of 
 pleajing them. To pleafe is the objedt of 
 poetry ; the Philofopher and the Hiftorian 
 have higher views : They aim to inform 
 and ^o corred. — If Proteftants be ofFendegl 
 a 2 at
 
 vi PREFACE TO THE 
 
 any thing I have faid, I fliall be forry, be^ 
 caufe I did not mean to give offence. Do 
 they hov/ever luppofe, their condud ha^ 
 pot been often extremely cenlurable ? 
 
 It has been faid That I generally ufe 
 
 the w^ord Catholic vi^ithout the reftridive 
 term Roman ; and that I ftudioufiy avoid 
 the words Papift and Papery,— \\. is true, I 
 have intentionally done fo. Why (hould 
 I apply an unneceffary epithet, when the 
 fingle appellation of Catholic fafficiently 
 diPdnguifhed the party I was defcribing ? 
 Befides, the word Roman has been given 
 us to mtimate fome undue attachment to 
 the See of Rome. CathoUc is an old fa- 
 mily name, which \ye have never forfeit- 
 ed.— The words Popery and Papift are pe- 
 culiarly infuirive. I am no Papift, nor is 
 my Religion Popery, The one and the 
 other have no proper exiftence, but in 
 the mifreprefentations of our adverfaries \ 
 fomething of them may perhaps be found 
 in the kingdoms of Italy, Spain, and Por-^ 
 tugal. 
 
 Such, I think, are the principal objec- 
 tions, which have hitherto reached me : 
 But there h a ckfs of m^en amongft us, 
 
 whofe
 
 FIRST EDITION. 
 
 vu 
 
 whofe opinions I wifli to combat. — They 
 are enemies to every fpecies of writing oi\ 
 the bufinefs of Catholics. We (hould not, 
 they fay, raifs the obfervation of the pub- 
 lic ; our fecurity is in our obfcurityj; 
 \f noticed, the law may bexalled in to lalh 
 us into filenccj what fignify charges, how- 
 ever grofs and defamatory ; it is not poffi- 
 ble to remove the national odium ; we are 
 now unmoleiled, who knows how long we 
 may continue fo, if we dare to fhew our 
 faces ? 
 
 Such, and much more, is the language 
 of thefe very prudent, very cautious, very 
 provident, and very timid Gentlemen, 
 Whilft the tumults of laft fummer were 
 raging in the Metropolis, their voice v/as 
 heard tremblingly giving counfel : " For 
 God-fake, faid they, let us inftantly peti- 
 tion parliament to repeal this obnoxious 
 bill j It is better to confefs we are guilty 
 of all the crimes laid to our charge, than 
 to be burnt in our houfes :" It was won- 
 dWom pitiful y and they dared to carry 
 about a form of a petition to that effect, 
 praying for the fignature of names ! ** We 
 told you, continued they, what would be 
 the event of your addrelles to the throne, 
 
 your
 
 viii PREFACE TO THE 
 
 your oaths of allegiance, and your repeal 
 of lavvSo" 
 
 Hovy far, in certain circumflances, it 
 might be advifeable to be filent, I will 
 not pretend to fay. This I know, it is a 
 condu(fl: we praftifed for many years, but 
 from it was never derived any good.-— ^ 
 Silence may be conflrued into a convidlion 
 of guilt, as well as of innocence. Before 
 the repeal of the Ati of William we were 
 not moleftedj that is, not perpetually mo- 
 lefled, (for there were fome very recent 
 inilances of fignal moleftation) but our 
 condition, at all times, was of that deba- 
 ling and irkfome nature, which would 
 have juftified the moil adive exertions. 
 Shall I fit down filently fatisfied, becaufe 
 the good humour of a Magiftrate chufes 
 to indulge me \ whilil: there are laws of 
 which any mifcreant has daily power to 
 inforce the execution ? My eafe, my pro- 
 perty, and my life are at the difpofal of 
 every villain, and I am to be pleafed, be- 
 caufe he is not at this time difpofed to 
 deprive me of them. To-morrow his hu- 
 mour may vary, and I fliall then be obli- 
 ged to hide my head in fome dark corner, 
 or to fly from this land of boafted liberty.
 
 FIRST EDITION. ix 
 
 It IS furely better not to be, than to live in 
 a ftate of fuch anxious and dreadful uncer- 
 tainty. 
 
 However, as the eyes of the public are 
 now open upon us, the reafons which, 
 with fome plaufibility, might have beea 
 urged for filence, fubfift no longer. It is 
 now our duty to fay and to do every thing, 
 that can keep up the public attention. 
 The more we are viewed, the more our 
 principles are weighed ^ and the more our 
 condud: is fcrutinized, the more will it 
 appear, that we are deferving of every in- 
 dulgence. Why is innocence to retire 
 from infpedtion ; and why is merit to fear 
 the prying eye of the feverefl: inquifition ? 
 I wi(h to fee every element of our lives and 
 principles moll fcrupulouily analyfed; and 
 I will do my utmofl to promote the work. 
 I am not fanguine enough to imagine, that 
 it will be in our power to extirpate the 
 national odium, or to ftop the cry of ma- 
 lignant defamation : But pofterity may 
 feel the good e?e£ts of our endeavours. 
 At all events, when men feem cautious to 
 avoid enquiry, a fufpicion is raifed, either 
 that they fear the refult, or that there is 
 fomcthing beneath the furface, which they 
 
 wife
 
 X PREFACE TO THE 
 
 wifli not to cxpofe to public iRfpeclion.-^ 
 I would always avoid controverfial difputes 
 about religion ; becaufe on thefe fubjeds 
 every thing has been faid, which human 
 ingenuity and zeal for religion could fug- 
 geft: But as long as the queftion is, fliould 
 this or that fedl of ChrilHans be tolerated 
 or be perfecutedy it is the duty of every man 
 to plead the caufe of human nature. 
 
 I mull not lay down my pen, without 
 adverting to two recent publications, which 
 I have juft read : A Free Addrejs to the 
 Frotejiant FetitwnerSy by a Lover of Feace 
 and Truths and Mr. Burke s Speech to the 
 Eledors of Briftol. — -The Lover of Feace 
 and Truth is, I am told. Dr. Prieftley ^ 
 the character indeed of the man is ftrong- 
 ly marked in the publication ; and never 
 was any work better calculated to anlwer 
 the purpofe for which it was defigned ; it 
 is juftly levelled to the capacities of thofe, 
 on vv^hom it was intended to operate ; it is 
 plain, honell, unadorned, and chriftian. 
 Nothing can point out more decifively the 
 extent of Dr. Prieftley's abilities, than the 
 facility with which he defcends from the 
 heights of fcientifical enquiry, to the hum- 
 ble walks of mgral infirudion ; in the 
 
 fame
 
 FIRST EDITION. xi 
 
 fame breath he reads ledures to the Phi- 
 lofopher, the Divine, and the Statefman, 
 and he guides the lowly multitude to the 
 pradice of domeftic and focial virtue. 
 The tenets of our Church he indeed treats 
 with too much afperity : It is not the er- 
 ror of his heart; but he puriues, what he 
 efteems the corruptions of religion, with 
 unremitting ardour. I have often con- 
 verfed with him : He is extremely libera], 
 and an enemy to every ipecies of reflraint 
 on confcience. I blame him for his too 
 free deviations from the received opinions 
 of mankind. By this he has raifed up 
 enemies ; but all the liberty he takes to 
 himfelf, he would give in the fulleft lati- 
 tude to others. Had Dr. Prieftiey no 
 blemifhes, he would foar, by the powers 
 of his mind, beyond the reach of common 
 nature; I view, therefore, with malignant 
 fatisfadtion, the few fpots which thinly 
 darken his farface. 
 
 Mr. Burke's Speech^ wherein he replies 
 to the objedions that had been made to 
 his parliamentary condudi, is a manly 
 compofition. He had been principally 
 blamed for the very decided part he took 
 in the Catholic Bill. He meets the charge, 
 
 b iM
 
 xli PREFACE TO THE 
 
 in its greateft ftrength, before his late 
 Conilituents ; and he tells them, fo far 
 from feeing criminality in that condudt, 
 he gloried in what he had done; becaufe, 
 in oppofition to fanaticifm and intolerant 
 zeal, he had fupported the rights of hu- 
 man nature, and aimed to emancipate a 
 deferving body of fellow-citizens from the 
 iron hand of oppreffion. — Mr. Burke! we 
 tkank you I May you be foon reflored to 
 thofs walls, which, in your abfence, feem 
 Ihorn of their brighteft beams ! 
 
 Lucem redde tuse, Vir bone, patriae : 
 Inftar veris enim vultus ubi tuus 
 Affulfit populo, gratior it dies, 
 
 Et foks melius nitent*. Horat. 
 
 \Vith every thinking man it muft furely 
 be a proof highly in our favour, that we 
 have not a friend, in either houfe, whom 
 honour and virtue do not call their friend. 
 When 1 name the Chancellor, I name the 
 firft man in this, or perhaps in any other 
 kingdom : And were I to name all thofe, 
 who wiih to give relief to Catholics, I 
 think I ihould name whatever this nation 
 
 has 
 
 * Mr. Burke a few days after was returned far Malton : So 
 efficacous were myprsfyers j or rather, I beli'.Vw-, fo great were 
 his merits.
 
 FIRST EDITION, xni 
 
 has greatefl to boaft of, in liberality of 
 fentiment, extent of abilities, love of li- 
 berty, and ardour to maintain the rights 
 of mankind. Supported by thsfe pillars, 
 it is not polTible we can fall ; fliould we 
 fall, ruin thus circumftanced would be 
 more enviable than triumph. 
 
 I have only to beg the indulgence of 
 my readers to the many faults which the 
 following pages will exhibit. I was flrait- 
 ened for time, and my fources of informa- 
 tion were fcanty. However, I have done 
 my beft. Where rny language is deficient, 
 the man of candour will recoiled; that, 
 when eleven years old I was fent to a fo- 
 reign land for education, and did not re- 
 turn till after almoil twenty years of mi- 
 ferable exile. 
 
 Carlto^, Dec. 3, 1780. 
 
 b2 PREFACE
 
 PREFACE 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 THOUGH a Second Edition of this 
 work has been long called for, (the 
 firft having been fold off foon after it ap- 
 peared) I ftill thought proper to defer the 
 publication. For this I had good mo- 
 tives. — My views in writing on the bufi- 
 nefs of Englifli Catholics were of the pu- 
 reft nature : It was to difpel prejudices, 
 and to infpire general fentiments of bene- 
 volence and of Chriftian charity. But in 
 doing this, I knew I might perhaps fome- 
 times involuntarily miftake the 7neans; I 
 knew I was liable to err, and I knew, 
 fuch is the texture of our minds, that 
 what to me feemed expedient to be faid, 
 might not be well received by every rea- 
 der. — Ideas fo becoming the character I 
 {hall always, as an author, wifli to fupport, 
 I have not iince departed from : I muft, 
 therefore, purfue a fimilar line of condudl; 
 and I am now difpofed to corredl any error, 
 
 and
 
 xvl PREFACE TO THE 
 
 and to amend any fault, which the good, 
 or the ill, nature of criticifrn may have 
 pointed out to me. 
 
 The judgments of my readers have been 
 very various. Nor could this be other- 
 wife ; for I had to accommodate myfelf 
 to palates of the moft heterogeneous forms, 
 I wrote to Catholics and to Proteftants. 
 The latter were divided into many claffes, 
 from the humane and liberal Church-of- 
 England-man, down to the ftifF and the 
 intolerant Prefbvterian : nor were the for- 
 mer all equally v/ell difpofed. 
 
 The imprefTion, a work of fuch humble 
 character made on the public, was rapid 
 and penetrating; I mean as far as its cir- 
 culation extended. Accuftomed to view 
 effects, with the eager curiofity of a Phi- 
 lofopher, I beheld, with fome emotion, 
 the ftrong concuffion. It was a kind of 
 Eledric fhockj and if I fmiled at the phe- 
 nomenon, it was but a momentary effu- 
 fion, which foon fubfided. — I experienced 
 the partiality of friendiliip, and I alfo ex- 
 perienced the cauilic feverity of hoftile 
 criticifrn. — It is my prefent defign to take 
 a curfory view of the remarks, or objec- 
 tions,
 
 SECOND EDITION, xvii 
 
 tions, or obrervations, or charges (for I 
 know not well how to name them) which 
 this fmall Trad: has given rife to. I owe 
 it to the public, and to myfelf. 
 
 V/hen a writer gives his thoughts to 
 the world, they become a fair game, which 
 every one is at liberty to parfue. But 
 there are rules of propriety and decorum, 
 which lliould, on no account, be violated. 
 Only the fordid and favage fportfman 
 maffacres his game. — An Author^ after all, 
 is a refpeclable perfonage; to him the 
 public has obligations \ nor fliould he be 
 approached with too familiar an air: Yet, 
 alas ! how often are the toils of long days 
 and years mofl ungeneroufly requited ? 
 The balance of criticifm, which the even 
 hand of candour fhould fupport, is many 
 times rudely clutched by ignorance and 
 misjudging dulnefs. 
 
 Catholics, I knew, had fufFcred much 
 from mifreprefentation. That 1 thought 
 the fource of all the prejudice and of all 
 the defamation, which had fo long hung 
 heavy on their name. To remove an ef- 
 fed:, fo big with evil, it feemed, no means- 
 could be poffibly fo efficcxiou?, as to re-- 
 
 prefent
 
 xviii PREFACE TO THE 
 
 prefent them in their genuine colours; to 
 mark their conduct from theearlieft period 
 of the Englifh Reformation; and thus to 
 fhew that, neither in former times, nor 
 in the prefent year, they were fuch men, 
 as ignorance. Or prejudice, or malevolence 
 had held them up to public obfervatioUi 
 In this view of things, I was well aware, 
 that the more fincere and true the delinea- 
 tion fhould be> the more would it contain 
 fome lines of unpleafant afpeft ; becaufe I 
 knew that no human form was perfedt. — 
 Had I written a flattering panegyric, I 
 might have been applauded ; but I wifhed 
 not for fuch applaufe. To inform my 
 Proteftant readers was my principal defign ; 
 and with reafon would they have fufpedt- 
 ed my veracity, had I concealed any Truths 
 from motives of partial aiFedion ; or be- 
 caufe their exhibition might perhaps b(^ 
 difagreeable. It was with pain that I re- 
 vealed the hidden v/eakneffes of my bro- 
 ther ; I wifhed to throw a veil over them; 
 but I knew the important duties of an hif- 
 torian. I could not then iulped:, that I 
 Ihould be charged with an imitation of 
 the crime of the younger ion of the Pa- 
 triarch Noah. 
 
 I
 
 SECOND EDITION, xlx 
 
 I have waited with fome impatience, 
 expeding 2. public anlwer to my Tradt. I 
 did not fear the mod formidable adverfary, 
 from motives capable of giving ftrength to 
 the moft feeble arm. But though I could 
 not be foiled, I might have been alfailed ; 
 and, I own, I expeded it. Silence has 
 liot been the efFed of contempt \ becaufe, 
 I know what has generally been thought 
 of my performance : Nor has it proceeded 
 from indifference on the fubjedt ; as the 
 public Prints of every day can too fufii- 
 ciently verify. I muft therefore afcribe it 
 to another caufe ; and to that I look Vv^th 
 pleafure. I dare pronounce^ that my vie^u) of 
 the jlate and behaviour of Englip Catholics , 
 is unanfwerable. — There is no vanity in the 
 affertion ; becaufe I did but delineate a 
 rough fketch of the fcene which lay open 
 before me : But though rough, it liad 
 Truth and Nature m it. 
 
 In private Criticifm, fome pallages have 
 been miflaken by readers of every defcrip- 
 tion. When millakes are not wilful, they 
 fliould be attended 10, But if a man re- 
 fufes to open his eyes, am I to blame, if 
 any accident befal him ? — In judging on 
 the views and real fenfe of author?, almoi^l 
 c everv
 
 x.t PREFACE TO THE 
 
 every thing depends on the particular tem- 
 per of our own minds. Some men can 
 lee beauties, where others dilcover nothing 
 but defects. How falfe is the jaundiced 
 eye ! But he is a bad man, who only takes 
 pleafure in cenfure^ who feldom opens his 
 lips but to condemn ; and to whofe per- 
 ception merit is a painful objeft. — Even 
 the Public is generally a very unequitable 
 judge : I only fpeak of the momentary 
 judgment, which pafles in the firfi: period 
 of publication ; becaufe ultimately, I 
 know, after it has vibrated for fome time, 
 the public verdid fettles in a mod jutl and 
 equitable decifion. — I muft fpeak to my 
 critics. 
 
 It has been faid. That the firft Part of 
 this work contains nothing new ; that 
 other hiftorians have related the Jaine fads; 
 and therefore that repetition was unnecef- 
 
 fary. 1 confefs, the charge is, in part, 
 
 true : I have extraded much from other 
 writers; nor did I conceive it was the duty 
 of a modern hiftorian to fabricate narra- 
 tions, that his materials might bear the 
 air of novelty. I did not mean to compile 
 a Romance : Otherwife it would have 
 been a talk of no great difficulty, to have 
 
 flated
 
 SECOND EDITION, xxi 
 
 ilated unheard-of fads, or to have called 
 up unrecorded plots and trealbns, in 
 which, I might have faid, that Catholics 
 had no concern. — Yet I fancy, it has been 
 found by men of reading, that my views 
 are fometimes new, and that my reflections 
 are fometimes original. Should it be 
 otherwife, I fhall ftiil reft fatisfied in 
 the idea, that I am 2. fait if id Compiler -y 
 and that I have drawn a ftriking miniature 
 from the large portrait, which was pre- 
 fented to mc. 
 
 It has been faid. That I fhould have 
 entered more diftufively into the reign of 
 our Engiifh Mary. — Why was I to do it? 
 As a friend to Catholics, was it natural I 
 fliould wantonly bring forward tranfac- 
 tions, in which they^ I think, were ex- 
 tremely cenfurable ^ My defign was to 
 jiifufy our general condud:, under Protef- 
 tant Princes ; and to do this, it feems, it 
 is expected I fliould relate the events of 
 a reign v>'hich, it is my wifh, were rather 
 funk in eternal oblivion ! — Indeed, nei- 
 ther Mary nor her minifters (1 except the 
 learned, the moderate, the tolerant, and 
 the Chriftian, Cardinal Pole) brought any 
 c 2 honour
 
 xxu PREFACE TO THE 
 
 honour to the religion which, in favage 
 piety, they profeffed. 
 
 It has been faid. That, in fpeaking of 
 Elizabeth, I fliould have recorded her be- 
 nevolent treatment of thofe Catholics, who 
 did not efpoufe the caufe of her unfortu- 
 nate Prifoner, Tvlary of Scotland. — ^My 
 anfwer is, I viewed that condufl: of our 
 great Queen in fo unfavourable a light, 
 that I was willing to omit it. It was the 
 effe(fl of defigning policy. To weaken the 
 caufe of Mary, fhe would have given her 
 fmiles to the man ftie mod detefled. But 
 I am ready to allow, that it was not on 
 account of religion Ihe perfecuted Catho- 
 lics. The politics of Elizabeth were of 
 another complexion ; and had fh^ thought/ 
 them (as they really were, fo far as human 
 nature could permit) friends to her throne, 
 the penal laws of thofe days, to the dif- 
 grace of our liatutes, v/ould not probably 
 have exifted. 
 
 It has been faid. That my reprefenta- 
 tion of the Gun-powder Plot is unfair, be- 
 caufe Catholics were not Jolely engaged.— 
 However, till I be told, ^vhicb of the 
 Confpirators were not of my religion, I 
 
 muft
 
 SECOND EDITION. xxiH 
 
 muft leave the whole infamy of the at- 
 tempt to thofe, who only, I think, are en- 
 titled to it.- It was the fouleft fcheme 
 ever planned by man ; and I wifh to ex- 
 prefs my ftrongeft deteftation of it. A 
 caufe cannot be benefited by the difguife 
 of truth. — Had Catholics been fufficient- 
 ly ftrong fopprejjed and perfeciited as they 
 were) to have taken the field, in the face 
 of the fan, againft their enemies, what 
 'Englifnman would not no^w applaud them ? 
 But the dark deeds of aflafiination mufl 
 ever be execrated. 
 
 It has been faid. That I am too levere in 
 defcribing the reign of James the fecond. — 
 Did I know, that language could convey 
 too fevere a cenfure of James's minljlers at 
 leaft, I might perhaps allow force to the 
 objection. But, if it can afford any con- 
 folation, I will allow, that the predeceffors 
 of James, particularly thofe of his own 
 family, had ufed that farne difpenjing power ^ 
 which proved fo fatal to him. The na- 
 tion had fubmitted, becaufe the grand Era 
 of Britiih liberty, fixed by the eternal de- 
 crees of Heaven, was not to be before the 
 year 1688 ! — I beg leave likewife to add, 
 that could James and his imprudent Ca- 
 tholic
 
 xxiv PREFACE TO THE 
 
 tholic advifers have been fatisfied, with 
 the repeal of the Penal laws, there is little 
 doubt, but this might have been obtained. 
 The Prince of Orange gave his confent to 
 the meafure, and would have fupported it 
 with his intereft. But the repeal alfo of 
 the Tejl was fooliflily urged: They would 
 not fee, that this was a diilind objedt ; and 
 their obflinacy has been our ruin* 
 
 It has been faid, (though this fhould 
 have had place fooner) That, in fpcaking 
 of the Commonwealth^ I have not curfed 
 Cromwell ; and that I even think. Catho- 
 lics would have done well to have joined 
 him. — This I was free to fay, if it was 
 my opinion. That particular mode of go- 
 "cernment which any nation chufes to adopt, 
 however nev/ or unprecedented, is, in my 
 ideas, the only legal government. The 
 7na.jGrity of the people had approved the 
 new arrangements of the Protestor. This 
 became evident, when, at his demife, the 
 adminiftration of affairs, with almofl an 
 unanimous voice, was conferred on his fon : 
 And had the abilities of Richard been 
 equal to thofe of his father, the Reftoration 
 had poffibly been put off to a later period. 
 ~I did not fpeak evil of Cromwell, be- 
 
 caufe
 
 SECOND EDITION. xxv 
 
 caufe the propriety of fo doing did not 
 ilrike me. 
 
 Such, I think, are the principal objec- 
 ticns, which have been made to the firft 
 Part. They are not very momentous, but 
 I have given them all their weight. 
 
 Regarding the Second Part ^ it has been 
 cbferved. That, in ftating the aclual num-^ 
 ber of Catholics, I have rated them too low, 
 whilft it is alfo obferved, that m.y calcu- 
 lation is far too high, — It is therefore pro- 
 bable, I have hit the mark : Medio tutiji'- 
 
 mus, From a view of the Returns lately 
 
 made, (of which I have availed myfelf in 
 this Edition) it will be found, that my 
 calculation was not very erroneous, I 
 meant it only as conjectural. — But though 
 the number of JLnglijh Catholics be fo in- 
 confiderable, yet if we view the wholq 
 body as compof>:id of many foreigners, 
 now fettled in the ifland, and of thofe of 
 the Iriih nation, \n\\o live amongll: us, the 
 obje^ft will be {q^x\ to fwell into a more 
 refpedlable form. It is a body of men, 
 which found policy fhould ftrive to bind 
 to the ftate, by every tie of love and inte- 
 reft. 
 
 It
 
 txvl PREFACE TO THE 
 
 It has been objedted, That I have rob- 
 bed Catholics of their ivea/ti. That 
 
 would indeed be criminal. How happy 
 {liould I be to know that they are gfeatly 
 more wealthy than I have reprefented • 
 and that they are ferioufly determined not 
 to lole, by folly, what ftill remains in their 
 poffeffion. I fometimes fancy, their hands 
 begin to refemble thofe veflels, which the 
 daughters of Danaus were condemned td 
 fill with water * As fafl as it entered, eve- 
 ry drop ran through. — But a fufpicioil 
 hangs about me, that I have been too libe- 
 ral in my valuation : I have allotted them 
 nearly T^hree hundred thoiifand pounds per 
 ann. in landed property. This is a large 
 fum ; and may they long poffefs it! 
 
 It has been objefted. That my repre- 
 fentation of their abilities^ natural and ac- 
 quired, is very humiliating; and that, in- 
 ftead of holding up Catholics as a body of 
 men, who merited favour and attention, I 
 had drawn on them contempt and ridicule. 
 My anfwer fhall be fincere. It was in- 
 deed far from my intention to make any 
 imprefiion, fo unfavourable to them, I 
 had but one ohjtrdt in view, and that was i 
 to delineate, what appeared to me, a faith -* * 
 
 ful
 
 SECOND EDITIOr^. xxvu 
 
 ful portrait. If I have finned; it was 
 from excefs of fincerity* I had always 
 entertained very fanguine ideas of the ui- 
 jfluence of Truths whatever might be its 
 features. But I am ready to own, that I 
 now think, fome unpleafant lines were too 
 ftrongly marked, which I have therefore 
 foftened. 
 
 It has been faid, That I have impru- 
 dently revealed a circumftance, which 
 fliould not have been mentioned : It is, 
 where I fpeak of the fudden revolution 
 which took place, in the political fenti- 
 ments of fome Catholics, when the oath 
 was lirft tendered, in 1778. — I can fee no 
 force in the obfervation ; becaufe, though 
 I faid their converfion was fudden, I aifo 
 faid, it was fincere. Before that period, 
 it is a well-known facfl, that we had Jaco- 
 bites amongfi us. In the courfe of hu- 
 man events, it could not be otherwife. 
 Some families had retained an innate at- 
 tachment to the old caufe ; whilft others 
 were unfettled, and hardly knew which 
 way to lean. The aflbciated ideas of our 
 minds can no more be altered without an 
 influencing caufe, than the table, on which 
 I wTite, can move without an agent to 
 d impel
 
 XXVlll 
 
 PREFACE TO THE 
 
 impel it. The oath of ' allegiance when 
 propcfed, proved to be that motive^ which 
 had been fo long wanted to confirm the 
 loyal, to fix the wavering, and to draw 
 over thofe who had erred from miftaken, 
 but from honeft, zeal. Had it come 
 fooner, the effect had been the fame. 
 
 It has been obferved. That my charac- 
 ter of the Priejlhoody though it may be 
 true, is too fevere, — Their humility and 
 fpirit of fincere piety will, I know, excufe 
 any reprefentation, which the love of 
 Truth may have extorted from me. I 
 meant rather to praife, than to cenfure ; 
 but I meant to do it honeftly. The cha- 
 racter of a Churchman is to me venerable; 
 and I willi to annex all honour to the 
 name. The beft things, however, are not 
 perfedt. Could fuch amendments be in- 
 troduced, as every good man would behold 
 with pleafure, it would furely be a fortu- 
 nate event. — Lowly as is the condition of 
 the Priefthood, it might be dignified by 
 manly exertions ; and a Popifh Priefl 
 might foon command the refpecfl, as he 
 would have the love, of his acquaintance. 
 The obloquy, which now attends his 
 
 name^
 
 SECOND EDITION, xxlx 
 
 name, is but accidental; and it is in his 
 own power to remove it. 
 
 It has been faid, That I am no friend 
 to our foreign E/lablifhments, — As far as I 
 think they want improvement, and that 
 improvement is neglected, fo far I cenfure 
 them. In any other view, I muft be their 
 friend ; becaufe, as things now are, we 
 could not exift without them. ~I am yet 
 free to own, that were we allowed fchools 
 at home, it would, in my opinion, be at- 
 tended with the moft happy confequences. 
 Good policy fpeaks ftrongly for fuch an 
 arrangement. The money we draw from 
 hence is confidcrable (for we have not yet 
 learned to feed on air) ; and Engliflimen 
 as we are, we muft either take from fo- 
 reigners an education, but ill-adapted to 
 our native genius, or remain in ignorance 
 of the firft rudiments of fcience. 
 
 As to Religious Eftablifhments, particu- 
 larly thofe of Nuns y which, it is faid, I do 
 not prize fufficiently, I can only reply. 
 That I am not able to entertain higher 
 ideas of them, than I have exprefled. 
 
 d z The
 
 XXX PREFAGE TO THE 
 
 The above replies being chiefly intend- 
 ed for my Catholic readers, I muft proceed 
 to notice fome few remarks, which Pro- 
 teftants have made. 
 
 They have obferved, as if the faft were 
 certain, that Catholics always adl under a 
 fixed rule of difciplme ; that what is 
 thought or faid by one, is thought or faid 
 by all ; and confequently, if any thing 
 improper fhould fall from a writer of that 
 communion, that it is afcribable to the 
 
 fenfe of the whole body. 1 have ©fteri^ 
 
 been much furprifed, that Proteftants in 
 general (hould be fo very unknowing in 
 the bufmefs of Catholics. This is the 
 fource of all the prejudices entertained 
 againft us Yet we have no arcana y which 
 the moft common eye is not allowed to 
 penetrate : We only witli to have our 
 principles and our condud fcrutinized with 
 
 minute attention. The remark I juft 
 
 inftanced, proceeds from this ignorance : 
 Nor can it be better proved, than by ad- 
 ducing the prefentwork, which furely was 
 not publifbed under the fancftion of any 
 general authority. In truth, as I have 
 el ff where obferved, we are perhaps lefs 
 conneded than almofl any other body of 
 
 men.
 
 SECOND EDITION. xxxi 
 
 men. The participation of common mi- 
 •fery is fuppofed to be a link of friendfliip,^ 
 and fo it often is. But I fincetely vvifii, 
 that the cement, which feems to unite 
 Catholics, were of a more binding na- 
 ture. — To the praife or cenfure therefore, 
 which may attend individual conduct, we, 
 like other men, have an exclufive right. 
 When praife indeed is fufficiently ample 
 to fill a large fphere, it fhould not be 
 with-held from the moft general difFu- 
 fion : Cenfure Ihould be perfonai, and ex- 
 tend no further. 
 
 They have likewife obferved. That whea 
 a man leaves our communion, and con- 
 forms to another, we inftaiitly break off 
 all fociety with him; that we are no longer 
 inclined to think well of any part of his 
 charader; and that our tongues at leafl: 
 are ever ready to pcrfecute and to defame 
 him. — There is fome Truth in thefe obfer- 
 vations, but their colouring is too high. — - 
 Every party or feci of men, it cannot b« 
 denied, is always hurt by the defedion of 
 any of its members. This is as obfer^'a- 
 ble in politics, as it is in religion. Yet m 
 both lines, every man poffelfes an equal 
 liberty to think for himfelf, and to ad; 
 
 confiftentlj
 
 xxxii PREFACE TO THE 
 
 confiftently with convicSion, whatever it 
 may be. Notwithftanding, to defert thofe, 
 with whom we, and our anceftors per- 
 haps have long lived in habits of friend- 
 fliipy and in the fame profeflion of fenti- 
 ments, has the appearance of unkindnefs ; 
 it conveys a very pointed cenfure on the 
 tenets, which are forfaken ; it raifes a re- 
 fledtion, hurtful to our vanity, of an af- 
 iumed fuperiority of judgment, or of a 
 mind more free from prejudice^ nor are we 
 eafily induced to think, that a ftep can be 
 rational, which diredlly contradidls our 
 own convidion. The honour of religion, 
 thus, as we think, infulted, alfo feems to 
 demand a fhew of refentment. It is much 
 eafier to talk of liberality of mind, than 
 to poffefs it. — However, what I have faid, 
 is no more applicable to Catholics, than 
 it is to all other focieties, who have the 
 honour and the integrity of their religion 
 much at heart. I believe it is not poffi- 
 ble, that a deferter from any caufe, can 
 retain the full friendfhip of thofe, whom 
 he chufes to forfake, though his motives 
 be ever fo laudable. Nor are Profelytes 
 always well received by the new party, 
 with which, even in fmcerity, they affo- 
 ciate. 
 
 It
 
 SECOND EDITION, xxxiH 
 
 It has been farther obferved. That it 
 feems to be my opinion, that no one can 
 leave our Religion from ferious convic- 
 tion of its errors ; and that then men 
 only ceafe to be Catholics, when they 
 almoft ceafe to be Chriilians. — It was ne- 
 ver my thought to intimate, that a Ca- 
 tholic might not conform to any other 
 Church, from motives of real fincerity. I 
 muft have been ignorant indeed, to have 
 drawn fo weak a conclufion, whatever had 
 been my belief of the fuperior evidence 
 and excellency of my own religion. — I 
 only fpoke from the appearance of fads i 
 and it feemed to me that in moft of thofe, 
 who had left us, I w^as not fo much to 
 look for convidiion, as for other motives^ 
 which obvioufly prefented themfelves to 
 me. When I fee, for inftance, a Prieft of 
 our communion, negligent in his duties, 
 diffipated in his condud:, and loofe in his 
 converfation ; and when I hear that this 
 man has read his recantation, renouncing 
 the errors of Popery, my reafon will not 
 allow me to believe, that any ferious con- 
 viction led him to it. But when, in a 
 few days, it is alfo added, that he hiS mar- 
 ried a v^oman, whom he had perhips be- 
 fore debauched, Idiotifm alone can be per- 
 mitted
 
 xxxlv PREFACE TO THE 
 
 mitted to applaud the reUgiotis Jincerity of 
 liis converfion. I fay not, that fuch is al-*. 
 ways the procefs ; but very often it moft 
 certainly is. 
 
 In the outline, which I drew, of a cer^ 
 
 tain noble Lord's charad:er, refentment did 
 not tinge the colour ; though the obferva- 
 tion, I own, is founded on very probable 
 conjecture. To remove the fufpicion, I 
 feave now omitted it. I could have no 
 Qther motive for the omiffion* 
 
 My aflertlon, *^ That the Proteftant 
 Church of England and Catholics are di- 
 vided by very thin partitions," has been 
 controverted by many. — I refer the reader 
 to the whole palTage, from which thefe 
 words are taken. He will there fee an 
 enumeration of obftacles, which neceffa- 
 pily, till removed, mull impede all fair 
 judgment on fo delicate a queftion. I 
 never meant to infinuate, that the two re- 
 ligions, as commonly underftood, were but 
 thinly divided. I (poke of that iimple and 
 gofpel dodrrine, which the vain fancies of 
 Ty\^Xi have fo much obfcured and confound- 
 ed. Take the two profeffions of faith,. 
 ours as it is fometimes given, without the 
 
 Comments
 
 SECOND EDITION. xxxv 
 
 Comments of fchoolmen, a fample of 
 which this work exhibits ; and that of 
 Proteftants, as contained in the 39 articles 
 of their Church. Compare them ftudi- 
 oufly together; and, I think, an inference 
 will be drawn in favour of my aflertion. — > 
 I was thrown into the idea, from havinp- 
 viewed the two religions, in the manner 
 I now recommend to others ; and I was 
 additionally confirmed in it, by reading an 
 interefling correfpondence which, at the 
 beginning of this century, paffed on the 
 fubjed, betwixt Archbifhop Wake, and 
 two very able Divines of the univerfity of 
 Paris. The Letters are publifhed at the 
 end of Moflieim's Ecckfiaftica^ Hiftnry^ 
 
 Englifli Edition. Yet, alas! though the 
 
 partitions, betwixt the r^/z/ tenets, be ever 
 fo thin ; we are not, I fear, a jot nearer to 
 an union of Churches \ Rocks as his^h, and 
 more impenetrable than the Alps or the 
 Andes, feem caft betwixt us. Even there 
 are men, whofe names I could mention, 
 who are alarmed at the idea of a ccalition ; 
 and who even pretend to have taken a 
 mod Chriftian-like offence, that any 
 Proteftant fliould have will:ied for aij 
 union, 07i any ierms^ with the Church of 
 Rome, 
 
 e Thus,
 
 XXXVl 
 
 PREFACE TO THE 
 
 Thus, I think, I have given anfwers to 
 all my critics, male and female. The lat- 
 ter feemed rather difpleafed at the pleni- 
 tude of praife, I had given them. Con- 
 fcious, that they probably are beft ac- 
 quainted with their own merits, I have 
 Vv^ithdrawn part of it.— I am very happy 
 in the reflexion, that I had not fallen into 
 any material error. Had it been fo, it 
 w^ould have appeared againft me ; and I 
 Ihould, on this occafion, have amended 
 
 it. Many Proteftants, I can fay it with 
 
 pleafure, profefs to have received entertain- 
 ment and inftrudion from my labours. 
 For them I principally wrote. I may, 
 perhaps, have contributed to difpel that 
 cloud of prejudice, which hung before 
 their eyes. Of this I am convinced, that 
 I have not publilhed a fingle line, which 
 I do not believe to be mod religioufly 
 true. 
 
 It is unnecelTary to mention what has 
 been done in this new Edition. The al- 
 terations are not confiderable. But I have 
 brought down my view to the prefent 
 year. The date alone muft fhew it; for 
 no circumftance, worth recording, has 
 intervened. Catholics have invariably 
 
 mo-intained
 
 SECOND EDITION, xxxvii 
 
 maintained the fame irreproachable con- 
 dud; and I dare predidt, that no indul- 
 gence or provocation will ever allure or 
 force them from it. Thofe fame reft- 
 lefs and intolerant men, who, under the 
 falfe pretence of zeal for religion, con- 
 ceal, I fear, defigns of a very dangerous 
 tendency, are flill loud in their cries 
 againft Popery. Them no reafon, or 
 condud, or declaration of fentiments can 
 fatisfy. But when I look to the heads 
 of the eftabliflied Church, (and in their 
 hands furely refts the great Caufe of Re- 
 ligionj I perceive fentiments truly Chri- 
 llian, and a condudt which declares them 
 to be friends to the common rights and 
 privileges of human nature. 
 
 Carlton, Od. 29, 1781. 
 
 THE
 
 iii imum ■■ ■ ■ ■I iiiiiii .>aMi.i » !jj.«--».»» ' «f * a « 
 
 THE 
 
 STATE and BEHAVIOUR 
 
 O F 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 Reformation to the prefent Year 1781 
 
 PART I, 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 /^HE riots which, in the month of I^.troduaioo 
 
 J[ June 1780, threatened deitrudtion 
 to the Capital of the Britifli Empire, the 
 debates confequent thereupon in both 
 houfes of parliament, and fome fucceeding 
 events, have given rife to much fpecula- 
 tion. It is obvious to enquire, from 
 whence fuch commotions could have 
 arifen. Under the popular cry. No Popery^ 
 an Ajfociation had been formed ; and the 
 mem.bers of this afibciation were the oflen- 
 fible agents in the confufion and devafla- 
 A tion
 
 [ 2 ] 
 
 Introduaion tioti which fucceeded. Was then an ap- 
 prehenfion of the increafe of Popery, from 
 the indulgence Catholics had latdy recei- 
 ved, the real iniirument which convened 
 the Ajjociators^ and w^hich produced their 
 tumultuous application to parliament ? I 
 am ready to believe that much of the 
 evil which was done, in the demolition of 
 private and of national property, was 
 merely accidental ; that it was effected by 
 the horrid adHvity of fuch mifcreants, as 
 are ever ready, under thefcreen of popular 
 commotion, to pradife their bad defigns. 
 Where no fufficient ground is given for 
 fair fuppofition, it would be wrong to in- 
 fer any preconcerted plan for general de- 
 flrudtion. Some years hence, perhaps, we 
 may be better able to form a judgment. — • 
 I am alfo ready to allow, that the Pro- 
 tejhint AJJociatton might be influenced by 
 motives, to them of a cogent and weighty 
 nature. They might ferioufly apprehend, 
 from a fuppofed increafe of Popery^ that 
 danger threatened the eftabliihed Church, 
 and the civil Conftitution of Great Britain. 
 It became their duty therefore to take the 
 alarm, and to petition for the repeal of an 
 obnoxious ad:, — \n reafoning on a dark 
 fubjedt, 1 am willing to make all allow- 
 ances
 
 [ 3 ] 
 
 ances that the circamftances of things, or Introduaion 
 
 the operation of human paffions, can juf- 
 
 tifv. 
 
 From a general view indeed of the cha- 
 racters of thofe men, who formed the Pro- 
 tejlant AJJociation, it will be more rational, 
 I believe, to conclude, that they had no 
 diftind objed: before them : For they were 
 not qualified to combine ideas, or to pro- 
 jedl fchemes of operation. 'To all appear -- 
 ance there never was fo illiterate and rude 
 a multitude : But their minds, open to 
 every imprefiion, had been ftruck by an 
 artful defcription of imaginary evils; and 
 they followed blindly every impulfe of 
 their leaders. What were the views of 
 thefe men, I pretend not to fay : Perhaps 
 they alfo were ferioufly appreheniive ; or, 
 perhaps, (which I fliould rather fufpedt to 
 be the cafe) under the cover of ficlitious 
 dread, and of vain folicitude for the good 
 of religion, they had formed their defigns, 
 in which ambition or difappointed paffion 
 had a leading intereft. But I wifli not to 
 hazard a decided opinion^, 
 
 A 2 It 
 
 * Though more than a Year has now elapfed fince that fatal 
 period, no new light has yet been thrown on the fubje<5l :. \ 
 therefore adhere to the ideas of the above paragraph.
 
 [ 4 ] 
 
 Jntrccuclioa j^ [^ ^ refledion not eafily reconcileabk 
 with the prefent advanced ftate of the hu- 
 man mind; however, I am much difpofed 
 to believe that it was the dread alone of 
 Popery which infiigated the Affociators. 
 The records of bigotry and fanaticifm will 
 ever occupy a large fpace in the annals of 
 mankind. A perfon but little acquainted 
 with the general fentiments of Englifli- 
 men, in the bufinefs of religion, will be 
 inclined to draw the fame conclufion. 
 There ftiil remains in the mind of almofl 
 every Proteftant, from the highefl to the 
 loweft, from the beft- informed to the mod 
 ignorant, from the infidel to the zealot, 
 and from the fanatic to tlie man of cool 
 reafon, a rooted prejudice againft the name 
 cf Catholic^ which no time, I fear, or the 
 efforts of philofophy, will ever erafc. No 
 fooner is the infant mind fufceptible of 
 the fiightefl impreffion, than it is the bu- 
 finefs of the nurfe to paint a hideous form, 
 and that ilie calls Popery. Every circum- 
 ftance of horror, and all the fcenery of 
 glowing imagination, is called in to deck 
 the curious phantom. Nor afterv/ards is 
 it the aim of better judgment to remove 
 this faife impreiTion ; rather all the arts 
 of declamation are feduloufiy employed to 
 
 give
 
 [ 5 1 
 give it a more fixed and lafting permanency. Introduwilon 
 Few men, I believe, are ftrangers to the 
 inveterate obflinacy of fuch early notions. 
 
 At the beginning of what is called the 
 "Reformat mi ^ it was natural to exped that 
 the old religion, againfh which fach mighty 
 defigns \vere formed, would be held out, 
 by the new apoftles, in colours bell; calcu- 
 lated to roufe every idea of diflalle and de- 
 teftation. To have engaged in fo arduous 
 a work, without fuch affiftance, would 
 have been the extreme of folly. Fortu- 
 nately for their defigns, the general cor- 
 ruption which had long prevailed over the 
 face of Chriftianity, afforded too abundant 
 matter for cenfure; and this circumfl:ance 
 the Reformers well knev/ how to turn to 
 their ov/n advantage. They wilfully con- 
 founded abufes in praBice with abufes in 
 belief 'y afferting that the Chriftian faith 
 had been corrupted, when they knew the 
 (idjunSlsy that is, the inventions of men 
 only were bad ; and thus forcibly blend- 
 ing together objedls fo really difiiuLl, they 
 ungeneroufly drew a reprefentation full of 
 horror, on which rofe the whole fabric of 
 the reformed religion. — Though I highly 
 
 condemn.
 
 [■ 6 ] 
 
 Introduaion condemn the condudl of the firft Refor- 
 mers, it IS not my intention to caft cenlurc 
 on the Proteftants of the prefent day : 
 The caufe was entirely their own : Nor is 
 it at all my wiOn to enter into controver- 
 fial difpute. The Chriftian world has 
 wrangled too long. But if the declara- 
 tion of hiftorical truth give oiFence, it is 
 a proof that it has not been fufficiently 
 urged. 
 
 I wifli to contemplate the revolutions 
 in Church and State, with the cool indif- 
 ference of philofophy. On every fide may 
 be difcovered many traces of fimilar paf- 
 lions ', and very few events there are in 
 either, v/herein reafon and the amiable in- 
 fluence of virtue had any leading concern. 
 That great revolution, by which Chrifti- 
 anity was introduced, is always to be ex- 
 cepted. — I allow, however, that much 
 good was eventually derived to the Chri- 
 itian Church from the Reformation. The 
 profeiTors of the old religion were roufed 
 to more adtive virtue ; they faw the necef- 
 fity of proper difcrimination betwixt hu- 
 man inventions and divine inllitutions ; 
 and a Ipint of univerlai enquiry was foon 
 
 fet
 
 [ 7 ] 
 
 {ct on foot, the happy efFefts of which are Introdu«5lioii- 
 
 now experienced. But the Reformers 
 
 might have aimed at the corredlion of 
 
 abufes, without touching, with profane 
 
 hands, the vital fubftance ; or furely they 
 
 might have proceeded in a fpirit of more 
 
 moderation, and with lefs appearance of 
 
 pafTion and intereiled zeal. Had they 
 
 done fo, their names had gone down with 
 
 more reverence to the grave; and we ihould 
 
 not now have to lament thofe feuds and 
 
 deep animofities which have for ever 
 
 divided the Chriilian world. 
 
 More than two centuries are now elap- 
 fed fince the firft days of Reformation. 
 It was natural to expect that long ago all 
 that rancour and heated recrimination . 
 
 would have fubfided, which firfl animated 
 the contending parties. When the Sec- 
 taries had firmly eilabliflied themfelves ; 
 that is, when their opinions had taken 
 fail hold, had new- modelled the political 
 conflitutions of many kingdoms, and had 
 made with them one conned:ed and almoft 
 indiiibluble m.afs, they had nothing, it 
 feems, further to apprehend. The policy 
 therefore of reprefenting Fopery, with a 
 
 hundred
 
 [ 8 ] 
 
 Introdudion hundred heads and a hundred arms, ready- 
 to devour and to deftroy, fubfifled no 
 longer. Yet ftill the fame arts of impoli- 
 tion were ufed, and always with the fame 
 fuccefs. — It cannot indeed be denied but 
 frefh incentives were foon added to keep 
 up the acrimony of old impreflions, and 
 many of thefe were of a complexion really 
 alarming. The barbarities praftifed by 
 the Catholics on many, whofe fole crime 
 often was diffent in belief, cannot be too 
 much execrated ; and the blood of inno- 
 cence, which was then fpilled, became 
 the feed of fatal animofities. In thofe 
 wars, indeed, in which whole provinces, 
 and even kingdoms were engaged, and 
 wherein, under the veil of zeal for re- 
 ligion, crimes of every defcription were 
 perpetrated, equal blame, it feems, may 
 be juftly caft on all parties. It was often 
 the bad policy of ftates, or the intempe- 
 rate pretenfions of fadlion, which gave 
 rife to thefe contentions : Religion at leaft 
 could have no concern, though her facred 
 name v/as for ever blafphemed. — The un- 
 prejudiced man, if fuch'a one there be, 
 in perufmg the annals of thofe bad days, 
 will find abundant matter for indif criminate 
 
 reprehenfion i
 
 [ 9 ] 
 
 reprehenfion; and he will clofe the page Introdu£lion 
 equally fhocked and equally exafperated at 
 the condud: of all parties ^. 
 
 B ON 
 
 * With Hiameful partiality are exaggerated and irtitating 
 accounts of Pcpijh malTacres daily exhibited, to inflame the 
 paflions and to (trengthen the prejudices of the ignorant ; 
 As if if^ alfo could not retaliate in fimilar narratives. I could 
 draw a pidure of Protejlant mafTacres, from Germany, 
 France, and from Great-Britain and Ireland, that would bar- 
 roofj up the foul. But I am a Chrijlian. — Fanaticifm of every 
 defer jpiion ever has been, and ever will be, fond of Blood.
 
 [ 10 ] 
 
 Henry VIII. /"^ N a review of the tranfadions of 
 V_^ my own country, in matters of re- 
 ligion, (for I wifli to confine ihyfelf with- 
 in thefe limits) it is not difficult, I think, 
 to form a decided and juft opinion. The 
 Reformation was her(3 introduced by means 
 the moft violent and oppreffive. The ty- 
 rant Henry could ufe no other. Deprived 
 of their property, perfecuted in their per- 
 fons, and defamed in their reputation, 
 could it be expedted that Englijf: Catho- 
 lics would, in filence, forfake the religion 
 of their forefathers, however erroneous it 
 had been, or, without reludtance, bow 
 their heads to oppreffion ? He indeed muft 
 be peculiarly clear-fighted who, through 
 this whole reign, can difcover, in any 
 one inftance, the genuine fpirit of Chri- 
 ftian Reformation. It was not, at leaft, 
 by fuch means that primitive Chriftianity 
 was eftabliihed ; though I know it is 
 fometimes by peftilence and by ftorms 
 that the benevolent defigns of Providence 
 are conduced. But I mean not to dvv^ell 
 longer on the events of this reign, when 
 the caufe of Catholics was the common 
 caufe of the nation. Moderate men are 
 little inclined to give credit to the report 
 
 of
 
 [ " ] 
 
 of numberlefs crimes and flagitious enor- Henry VIII. 
 inities, of which they were accufed ; be- 
 caufe the views of his Majefly and the 
 rapacity of Courtiers wanted fuch a plea 
 in vindication of their condudl. 
 
 DURING the fliort period of Edward's Edward VI. 
 reign, the work of Reformation went on, 
 gradually acquiring form and permanency, 
 Lefs feverity was fometimes ufed, than 
 the nation had before experienced ; but 
 moderation, at thefe times, was an un- ~~ 
 
 known virtue. I would rather leave my 
 friend in error, than make him a profe- 
 lyte to truth by fuch means. — At the 
 death of the late King, things were in 
 great confufion ; the old religion had 
 teen violently fhaken, but the tenets of 
 the new one were neither eftabliflied nor 
 even publicly known. Henry himfelf 
 had been really no friend to the Refor- 
 mers ; impetuofity of temper had alone 
 driven him to fuch outrageous attacks 
 on a religion he interiorly reverenced ; 
 and by his laft will he folemnly ordained, 
 and charged all his fucceffors to take care, 
 that MaJ/es be daily faid in the Chapel at 
 Windfor, whi/e the world Jhall endure, — 
 B 2 The
 
 [ 12 ] 
 
 Edward VI. The friends to the Reformation now faw 
 the neceffity of taking effedual meafures. 
 Great part of the Nobility, many of the 
 Gentry, and the Bifhops with the infe- 
 rior Clergy, were ftill much attached to 
 the ancient form of worihip. The pro- 
 tedcr ISomerfety and Cranmer^ that dudile 
 and time-ferving Pried:, almoft fingly en-- 
 gaged in the holy work, and they luc- 
 ceeded. All oppofition was weak againft 
 the exceffive power of fuch crafty and 
 formidable Miniflers. Some fruitlefs at- 
 tempts were made; but it now appeared, 
 that the eftablifliment of the new re- 
 lip-ion, was the only means of fecuring 
 to the firft occupiers the pofTeffion of the 
 Church-wealth they had already laid their 
 hands on ; it would alfo open a door to 
 new acquifitions from the fame quarter. 
 This it was, and not love for religion, 
 that fo well promoted the reforming 
 fcheme. — x^nd not only the revenues of 
 the Church, but the libraries alfo, under- 
 went a dreadful fcrutiny. Thofe of Weft- 
 minfter and Oxford were ordered to be 
 ranfacked, and purged from all Romifli 
 fuperftition. Many of the moft valuable 
 books, even of human literature, were 
 plated with gold and filver. ** This, as 
 
 far
 
 [ 13 ] 
 
 far as we can guefs, fays Collier, was Edward VI. 
 the fiiperftition which deflroyed them." 
 Works of Geometry and Aftronomy were 
 at once known to contain magic, which 
 was rank Popery ; and they threw them 
 into the flames. The univeriities, unable 
 to flop the fury of thefe worthy Refor- 
 mers, filently looked on, and trembled for 
 their own fecurity. 
 
 AS I condemn the boifterous violence Mary, 
 of Henry, and the unpopular and gothic 
 conduct of Edward's Minifters, fo do I 
 condemn the proceedings of Mary, who, 
 by ways equally reprehenfible, aimed to 
 reftore what her father and infant brother 
 had overthrown. They, and their Coun- 
 fellors, were alike ftrangers to the dic- 
 tates of reafon and to the genuine princi- 
 ples of true religion. Yet it cannot feem 
 ftrange, if fuch Catholics as had remained 
 firmly attached to the old worihip, eagerly 
 embraced the firft occafion of reinftating 
 themfelves. In fo doing paffion would too 
 often intervene ; nor was it an eafy tafk 
 to refrain from fome retaliation, whilft 
 the wounds they had received were frefh 
 and bleeding. — But nothing furely can be 
 
 more
 
 [ 14 ] 
 
 Mary, more uncandid than the refleftions of Pro- 
 teftants, when they fpeak of thefe times. 
 They can afcribe the mad condudl: of 
 Henry to the impulfe of violent paffion ; 
 but m Mary they pretend to fee nothing 
 but a mind contradled, as they fay, by 
 the bigoted and fanguinary principles of 
 her religion. Men thus miferably partial 
 have either a bad caufe, or they knov/ not 
 how to defend a good one. 
 
 It is worth notice, that Sir Thomas 
 Wyatt, who headed a formidable infur- 
 redtion again ft Mary, was himfelf a Ca- 
 tholic. A treaty of marriage had been 
 concluded betwixt the Queen and Philip 
 of Spain. No flep, it was judged, could 
 be better calculated to fupport the caufe 
 of Catholicity ; but it was by fome feared 
 that England had much reafon to be jea- 
 lous of fo clofe a connexion with a crown, 
 whofe great ambition now aimed at uni- 
 verfal monarchy : Hurried on by an im- 
 pulfe of rafh patriotifm, Wyatt therefore 
 ro(e in arms. The love of his country 
 outweighed every other conlideration. 
 
 IN
 
 [ 15 1 
 
 IN the year 1558, Elizabeth afcended Elizabeth, 
 the throne of England. At this time be- 
 gins the real era of Englifh Reformation ; 
 and confequently from this time Catholics 
 are to be confidered as a fed:, diflenting 
 from the national Church. — To enter on 
 a minute detail of the many events, in the 
 line of religious politics, which rapidly 
 fucceeded one another, during this long 
 reign, would carry me too far ; but 1 fliall 
 not willingly omit any circumftance which 
 can ferve to mark the real character of 
 Catholics. The moft rigorous penal laws 
 were now ena(5ted againfl them, and 
 were carried into execution under various 
 pretences. They were accufed of fedition, 
 and of engaging in the mofl: unremitted 
 attempts againft the perfon of their Sove- 
 reign and the eftablilhed religion, with a 
 view to introduce a Popiili fucceiTor, and, 
 on the ruins of Proteftantifm, to re-efta- 
 bliih the Catholic faith, I will not fay 
 that no Catholics were ever guilty of thefe 
 crimes. It could not poffibly be other- 
 wife : for they were men, and they had 
 the paffions of men. What man, when 
 he either thinks himfelf ill-ufed, or really 
 is fo, w^ill not ftrive to gain redrefs ? 
 Vn ver de terre Je rejcnty quand on ltd 
 
 marchey ,
 
 t i6 1 
 
 marchey faid, at this time, a much- Injured 
 Princefs, in a letter addreffed to her cruel 
 perfecutrix : But the body of Catholics, 
 which was then very confiderable, never 
 engaged in, and never encouraged, any 
 fchemes of fedition or treafon. Yet, fure* 
 ly, no condition was ever more humi- 
 liating than theirs ; and if they did not 
 ardently look forward to any event that 
 might give them relief, oppreffion muft 
 have deadened every feeling of nature ! 
 
 PlofSy whether real or fidlitious, in the 
 hands of an able politician, are thofe for- 
 tunate engines, which he will know how 
 to turn to every poffible ufe. The dark- 
 nefs in which they are involved fupplies 
 the greateft latitude of interpretation. If 
 realy as plots are feldom attended with 
 fuccefs, the arm of government will be 
 ftrengthened by their detection, and notice 
 will be given for the application of fuch 
 remedies as may feem neceflary to the 
 fupport of the ftate. Its defed:s or weak 
 parts are now laid open. The heads of 
 feditious intrigue will either be taken oit, 
 or will be fecured againft further attempts : 
 Fadtion will be broken. The ruling pow- 
 ers have then acquired a more firm and 
 
 extenfive
 
 t 17 1 
 
 extenfive energy. — Fi6litious plots are at- Ellzabeihi 
 tended with ftill greater advantages. By 
 their means fome devoted party may be 
 marked out, and be configned to a fatal 
 and national odium. At that moment 
 the flatefman's hand is armed with a po- 
 tent wand, whereby he will be able to 
 conjure up all the fpirits of the deep. 
 He will gratify his creatures with the for- 
 feited fpoils of the unhappy futterers; 
 private animofities will find room for the 
 exertion of refentment; revenge and all the 
 pailions of intereft will know no bounds. 
 In the mean- time the attention of the 
 credulous and unfufpedling multitude is 
 caught; an impreilion is made ; and their 
 minds are raifed to the view of ideal dan- 
 gers and imaginary horrors. — The crafty 
 minifter will probably feize this critical 
 hour for carrying into execution fome fa- 
 vourite and unpopular delign. 
 
 Such phantom-plots are with us no new 
 device. We may fee them pravflifed in 
 every reign : But the Catholics of Eng- 
 land, from the time of the Reformation, 
 have felt their fatal eiteds in the fullell 
 meafure. The religion they profsfTed was 
 direftly contrary to the ftatutes of the na- 
 C tion :
 
 [ i8 ] 
 
 Elizabeth, tion : Being compelled to feek for edu- 
 cation in foreign countries, they eafily 
 fell under fufpicions of being in the in- 
 terefl of thofe Princes, who had given 
 them protection : They admitted, as a 
 part of their religious belief, a certain fu- 
 premacy of jurifdiction in the Roman 
 Pontiff, which, though as now under- 
 ftood can be no caufe of jealoufy, w^as 
 then often mifconceived, and fometimes 
 very improperly exercifed ; in a word, 
 they were oppreffed, and therefore not 
 without reafon fuipeded of an habitual 
 inclination to ihake off the galling chain, 
 whenever occaiion fhould offer. Thus 
 circumftanced, the condition of Catholics 
 became a common repertory, from whence 
 it was eafy to draw fuch plot-materials, 
 as the views of party or the fituation of 
 things feemed molt to require. 
 
 Their condition, however, was not in- 
 tolerably grievous till the year 1569, the 
 nth of Elizabeth, w^hen the milbe- 
 haviour of a few men drew a perfecution 
 on the v/hole body, and occafioned thofe 
 penal and fanguinary laws, to which their 
 property and lives have been ever fince 
 expofed. From that time, by a flrange 
 
 perverfion
 
 [ 19 ] 
 
 perverfion of the common rules of rea- Elizabeth, 
 foning, a Catholic and a 7?^^^"/ have been 
 viewed as fynonymous objeds ; and infamy 
 was ftamped on the name. — An infurrec- 
 tion, under the Earls of Northumberland 
 and Weftmorland, two Catholic Peers, 
 was raifed in the North. Difcontented 
 from various caufes, but under pretence 
 of redrefling the public grievances, and of 
 fupporting the old religion, they took up . 
 arms. They were joined by a confidera- 
 ble body of their dependents and northern 
 friends : but the Catholics of the other 
 parts of the kingdom, as our befl hiflo- 
 rians agi-ee, publicly declared againft them, 
 and loyally offered their lives and their 
 purfes for the defence of her Majefty, 
 The rebellion was foon cruihed ; but go- 
 vernment had now an handle given them : 
 the Catholics v/ere doomed to deftruc- 
 tion, and the laws of the 13th of Eliza- 
 beth were foon after framed againft them. 
 
 By thefe ads, religion and civil alle- 
 giance were fo artfully blended, that an 
 impeachment in either ferved both pur- 
 pofes 5 and a conftant fund was eflablifhed 
 for the manufaduring of plots, when the 
 national politics called for a ftratageni, 
 C 2 An
 
 [ 20 3 
 
 |:ilaabeth, An occaficn foon offered. A treaty of 
 marriage had been for fome time carried 
 on between the Queen and the French 
 Duke of Anjou. Miniftry difliked the 
 alliance, and the lubtle Walfingham was 
 refclved to obflrudt it. It might be pre- 
 judicial to the Reformation, they faid ; 
 or at leaf!: it might procure fome tolera- 
 tion for Catholics. The determination 
 was to make the Duke odious to the Eng- 
 lifh nation. A rumour was fpread abroad 
 of a deep defign. It was faid, that in the 
 Colleges at Rheims and Rome, to which 
 places the Catholics had been compelled 
 to retire for education, a plot had been 
 formed to fubvert the government, and 
 to deftroy the Queen. To accompliil> 
 this grand purpole, the Priefts, it was 
 faid, had engaged themielves by a folemn 
 oath before the Bifliop of Rome. — Never 
 was there a more groundlefs charge 3 for 
 I do not find, that it poifelled one fingle 
 atom of the mofc diftant truth. But the 
 Minifter had provided himfelf with a mif- 
 creant band of witnefTes, who were ready, 
 for any work. Their names and charac- 
 ters are upon record : Hypocritical, indi- 
 gent, and abandoned, they had not the 
 Imalleil remains of reputation left amongfl 
 
 them.
 
 [ 21 ] 
 
 them. The nation was, however, well EUa^teth, 
 difpofed to credit the mod wanton re- 
 ports. Some Priefts were found guilty, 
 condemned, and executed. This, fays 
 Camden, was a politic ftroke ; the appre- 
 henfions of a great many were appeafed ; 
 and the ferment about the Duke of Anjou 
 fubfided. The alliance, they faid, had 
 threatened ruin to the Proteftant Reli- 
 gion. — Few years paffed afterwards with- 
 out the execution of one or more Church- 
 men of the Catholic perfualion. They 
 were held out to the people as traitors; 
 and fuch indeed they were ; for the laws 
 had now declared the profeffion of their 
 religion to be Treafon againfl the State ! 
 
 . The next defigns, of a feditious nature, 
 with which Catholics were charged, were 
 of being concerned in Babington's plot in 
 the year 1586, and in the great Spanifli 
 Armament two years after. — A few Gen- 
 tlemen, about fourteen in number, of 
 moderate fortunes, and of fome intereft in 
 their neighbourhood, fired at the ignomi- 
 nious treatment, which the amiable Mary 
 had fo long experienced from the hands of 
 EHzabeth, refolved to attempt the refcue 
 of the Captive Queen. There was one 
 
 Prieft
 
 [ 22 ] 
 
 Elizabeth. Prleft in the confpiracy. Walfingham v/h 
 well apprifed of their whole Icheme, and 
 he had his Ipies amongft them fedulouily 
 employed to urge on the execution. When 
 the plot was ripe for difcovery, it was not 
 difficult to feize the delinquents : Their 
 names, haunts, and places of abode were 
 all known to the Minifter. At their ex- 
 amination they were charged with the de- 
 fign of attempting to releafe the Scottifli 
 Queen, encouraging an invafion, and affaf- 
 finating their Sovereign. They were con- 
 demned and executed. — The Duke of 
 Norfolk, a Proteftant, had fome years be- 
 fore engaged in a fimilar projed:,. as far at 
 leaft as it regarded the releafe of Mary, 
 whom he loved. He alfo had fuffered. — 
 If we except the confpirators themfelves, 
 no other Catholics were engaged in the 
 plot, or at all acquainted with it ; yet oc- 
 calion was taken to put the laws againft 
 them into feverer execution. Mary herfelf 
 was foon after brought to the block, and 
 Elizabeth was freed from a hated rival. 
 Her chief guilt was flagrant : She was in 
 polTeffion of fome perfonal charms, which 
 nature had denied to the Engliili Queen. 
 Mary had a finer fliape , her countenance 
 was more expreffive 5 and her ftep in dan- 
 cing,
 
 [ 23 ] 
 
 cing. It is faid, was more gracef'ul. Eil- Elizabeth* 
 zabeth could not brook this partial indul- 
 gence of nature : the fceptre of England 
 was hardly worth poffelTnig, if (he were 
 not alfo thought the Queen of Beauty. 
 Mary had no other crime -, for furely it 
 could be no crime, after twenty years fe- 
 vere confinement, to have concerted with 
 Babington the befl meafares for the re- 
 covery of her liberty ! If the Confpirators 
 had really formed any defign of feizing 
 and of affaffinating their own Sovereign, 
 which is believed by many, it was un- 
 doubtedly flagitious ; but fcarcely more 
 {Oy than was the defign of Elizabeth and 
 her friends againft the life of Mary of 
 Scotland. At all events, why fliould Ca- 
 tholics be charged with an attempt, ia 
 which they had no concern ? As well 
 might the Proteftants of England have 
 been accufed of treafonable practices, be- 
 caufe a Duke of their religion, with fome 
 aifociates of the fame perfuafion, had, jufl 
 before, embarked in a fcheme, which had 
 been conftrued into treafon. Norfolk 
 wirtied to deliver, and then to prefent his 
 hand to Mary; the lefs-interefted Ba- 
 bington, it feems, had no views but to 
 refcue her from captivity. And this was
 
 in] 
 
 Elizabeth, a crime for which the Catholics of Eng- 
 land were to be devoted to deltrudlion ! 
 
 In regard to the intended invafion frorri 
 Spain, we were, if poflible, flill kfs con- 
 cerned than in the plot juft mentioned. 
 The Confpirators were Catholics : But 
 the Iniiincihle Armada had no claim to 
 their friendihip ; unlefs, becaufe Catho- 
 lics profefled the religion of the invaders, 
 they muft be fuppofed to have abetted 
 their defign. The Spanifh Mantfejlo de- 
 clares the motives of this expedition : It 
 was to chaflife the Englifli for the aflift- 
 ance they had given to the rebels in the 
 Netherlands; to retaliate for the many 
 depredations committed by them on the 
 coafis of Spain and America; and to re- 
 venge the infult which had been offered 
 to the dignity of all crowned heads by 
 the barbarous murder of Mary Queen of 
 Scots. Some views of a religious tendency 
 might alfo have intervened, but they 
 conftituted no leading objedl. To the 
 Englifli Catholics no application had been 
 made for their concurrence ; on the con- 
 trary, the Span i ill Monarch refufed to 
 employ thofe few Catholic foldiers of for- 
 tune who were then in his dominions ; 
 
 for
 
 [ 25 ] 
 
 for though they eat their bread from his Elizabeth, 
 table, he durfl not, he faid, trufl them 
 in any attempt againft England. Yet did 
 this formidable expedition prove more 
 unfortunate to the Catholic party, than 
 it did to the Englifh nation. Providence 
 confpiring with Britifh valour, the Ar- 
 mada was funk or diilipated ; when Eli- 
 zabeth, in imitation of thofe ancient na- 
 tions, I fuppofe, who delighted in the 
 pradlice, refolved to return thanks to, the 
 Deity in a facrifice of human vidtims. 
 The Catholics were ordered over to a ge- 
 neral profecution -, great numbers were 
 imprifoned, and above forty Priefls were 
 publicly butchered in feveral parts of the 
 kingdom ; whilft the pulpit and the 
 prefs were employed in reprefenting them 
 as the authors and abettors of the intended 
 invaiion. I have before me a faithful 
 narrative of the trials of thofe who fuf- 
 fered ; and if any confidence can be placed 
 in the folemn proteftations of dying men, 
 I venture to declare, there was not the 
 fmalleft guilt amongil them. 
 
 On all thefe public occafions, the Eng- 
 lilh Catholics being clear from any im- 
 putation of real guilt, the attempts of 
 
 JD particular
 
 [ 26 ] 
 
 Elizabeth, particular perfons, either againft the Queen 
 or her government, cannot, with the 
 leaft femblance of equity, be laid to their 
 charge. Hard indeed would be the fate 
 of mankind, if whole focieties were made 
 anfwerable for the criminal conduct of a 
 few of their members ! Yet fo it was dur- 
 ing the reign of Elizabeth. Occalion 
 being taken from the events I have men- 
 tioned, a code of laws, as has been feen, 
 was made againft Catholics. By thefe, 
 their property, liberty, and lives became 
 obnoxious to profecution. To worfliip 
 God, after the old form, was prohibited 
 in public and in private; and the prifons 
 were filled w^ith Delinquents, whofe fole 
 crime w^as praying in the manner their 
 confciences direfted. They were not al- 
 lowed to educate their children in the 
 fchools at home, unlefs they renounced 
 their religion ; and to fend them abroad 
 was made a crime of the mbft heinous na- 
 ture ! Their foreign fchools were termed 
 nurferies of rebellion. They were ex- 
 cluded not only from all places of public 
 truft; but were not even permitted to 
 improve their parts or their private for- 
 tunes by the pradice of law or phyfic, 
 
 • Their
 
 [ 27 ] 
 
 Their families were thus reduced to the Elizabeth, 
 loweft circumftances, and fome of the beft 
 blood in England was devoted to beggary ; 
 yet to move more than five miles from the 
 fad fpot, where their anceftors had lived 
 in eafe and fplendor, was even prohibited 
 under the fevereft penalties. To receive 
 the order of Priefthood abroad, to exercife 
 any fpiritual fun(flions in her Majefty's 
 dominions, to be reconciled to the ancient 
 faith, or even to affift in fuch a reconcilia- 
 tion, were by an Englifli parliament, at 
 the end of the fixteenth century, con- 
 ftituted ads of high treafon againft the 
 ftate ! — Such, in a general view, were the 
 laws framed againft Catholics in a Pro- 
 teftant country ; yet I will take it upon 
 me to affert that, during the long period 
 of forty four years, whilft Elizabeth, to 
 the great political glory of England, 
 fwayed the Sceptre, her Popiili fubjecfts, 
 though oppreffed and perfecuted, were 
 not guilty of one a5l of treafon, fedition^ 
 or rebellion ^. 
 
 I have taken no notice of the famous 
 
 Bull of Pius the Fifth, which excommu- 
 
 D 2 nicated 
 
 * I repeat the above aflertlon, and I cliallenge the moft 
 determined antagonill to a fuller dilcufiion of the fub;ci^.
 
 [ 28 ] 
 
 nicated Elizabeth, and abfolved her fub- 
 jedts from their allegiance, becaufe it was 
 never accepted by the Englifli Catholics ; 
 nor v/as it ever fignified to them in any 
 legal or canonical manner : It had not 
 therefore the leaft influence on their con-^ 
 du6t. They univerfally acknowledged her 
 title j prayed for her; fought for her; 
 and upon every occafion were ready to 
 fupport her dignity and defend her civil 
 rights. They only did not think her the 
 
 Jpiritiial head of their church. The 
 
 power of depofing Princes which Pius 
 affumed, and which other Pontiffs had 
 before him often exercifed, was a part of 
 that prerogative, which arrogant ambition 
 had ufurped, and which, for a long time, 
 the vv^eaknefs or ignorance of mankind 
 durft not infringe. It had even received 
 ftrength from the adulation of a crouching 
 laity. — Purer notions of religion, and im- 
 proved politics, have now taught the See 
 of Rome more moderation and better 
 maxims. 
 
 Jarr.cs L I^ 1603, James the Firft was called 
 to the throne of England. This was an 
 event which the Catholics had long ar- 
 dently
 
 [ 29 ] 
 
 dently wifhed for, and on It they had James L 
 built the mod: fanguine expedlations. 
 From the natural mildnefs of his temper, 
 from the favours he had received from 
 Catholic Princes, and from a recolledlion, 
 which v^as not effaced, of the warm at- 
 tachment they had ever fhewn to his mo- 
 ther, they certainly had reafon to expedi* 
 more humane treatment and fome marks 
 of indulgence. James was a friend to 
 toleration ; he wiflied to conciliate all par- 
 ties ; he had ftudied religion ; and he 
 well knew, from repeated trials of their 
 untradlable humour, that he had much 
 more to fear from the Difciples of Cal- 
 vin, than from the Catholics of any 
 country. The do6lrines of thofe men 
 had now acquired an extenfive influence i 
 and the eflablifhed Church began already 
 to feel their impreffion. '^ Let men be 
 puniflied for adions, faid he, and not 
 for opinions.'* It was a juft obfervation, 
 but it gave offence. The ruling party 
 alone thought they had a claim to pro- 
 tection. The Englifii Miniftry were 
 
 aware of this favourable difpofition to 
 Catholics, and they ftrove to avert its 
 effedls. He was therefore prevailed on, 
 foon after his arrival, to ilfue a procla- 
 mation
 
 [ 30 ] 
 
 James I. mation for banlihing all Jefuits and Se- 
 minary Priefts ; and a ftatute was alfo 
 enafted, ordering the penal laws of Eli- 
 zabeth to be put in execution. It is, 
 however, well known that he did not 
 mean things jfhould proceed to extremi- 
 ties. The Stuarts had not in their com- 
 pofition one fibre of that ftern texture, 
 which had marked the Tudor race of 
 Kings ; but it was no eafy taik to ma- 
 nage the telly humour of the nation. 
 
 Great was the difappointment of the 
 Catholic party, when they beheld at once 
 all their bright fchemes of happinefs 
 dafned in pieces, and themfelves again 
 expofed to feverity and oppreliion. The 
 King, they law, however well difpofed, 
 either v/anted fortitude or power to be- 
 friend them ; and the Puritans, from 
 whom they had every thing to dread, 
 were daily gaining ftrength and energy. 
 Nothing therefore remained but to refign 
 themfelves to a fate they could not avert ; 
 and to this they filently fubmitted. 
 
 In every foclety will be found men of 
 reftlefs dilpoiitions, of defperate fortunes, 
 $nd of daring charadler. Such there nov/ 
 
 wem
 
 [ 31 ] 
 were amongft the Catholics ; and by James L 
 them was concerted one of the moft de- 
 termined, but moft wild and nefarious 
 fchemes, ever heard of in the annals of 
 any nation. This was the gunpowder 
 plot: By which, had it fucceeded, the 
 King and both houfes of parliament had 
 been deftroyed at one blow. The fifth 
 of November, 1605, the third year of 
 his Majefty's reign, was the day ap- 
 pointed for its execution : But provi- 
 dence fingularly interfered, and the na- 
 tion was faved from fo dreadful a ca- 
 taftrophe. 
 
 The fpirit of defperation, or of com- 
 plete wickednefs, feems alone to have 
 planned this grand fcheme of deftrudion. 
 In no part are difcoverable any views of 
 policy; no fettled projed of a revolution 
 had been formed ; no foreign invafion was 
 ready to fecond their attempts ; their own 
 party, that is, the party of Catholics, was 
 not apprifed ; nor had they prepared any 
 one meafure, of probable efficacy, for fur- 
 ther operations. The confpirators, when 
 moft numerous, including their fervants, 
 did not exceed eighty ; and above twenty 
 Catholic Peers fat, at that time, in th^ 
 
 upper
 
 [ 32 ] 
 James I. upper houfe, who furely were not ac- 
 quainted with the defign. A report had 
 indeed been privately circulated, that 
 fomething, they knew not what, was in 
 agitation for the good of Catholicity. — 
 If the Confpirators really intended to ferve 
 their brethren, never was there a more 
 misjudged projed : For, in either cafe, of 
 fuccefs or detedion, their ruin was inevi- 
 table. — It has been by fome thought that 
 the enemies to the Catholics, apprehen- 
 five of the King's favourable difpofitions 
 to them, had a principal hand in the plot ; 
 and that Cecil well underftood its whole 
 rife and progrefs. So much at leaft is 
 certain, that no event could have hap- 
 pened fo agreeable to the views of their 
 enemies, or fo dreadfully fatal to the Ca- 
 tholic caufe. Its eitedls are very fenfibly 
 felt to this day. A feaft was politically 
 inftituted to perpetuate its memory ; to 
 the Catholics was imputed its whole atro- 
 city j nor has the fulleft evidence of their 
 innocence contributed to wipe off the foul 
 afperfion ; or their moft folemn protefla-. 
 tions been able to remove the imputation, 
 that they are prone to fedition, foes to 
 public tranquillity, and fond of blood. 
 Yet the moderate part of the nation, 
 
 which
 
 r 33 3 
 
 which unfortunately was but fmall, did James I. 
 not then think them guilty ; and the 
 King, in his proclamation for apprehend- 
 ing the Confpirators, declares it to have 
 been the defign only of a few defperate 
 men. 
 
 The hatred of the nation againfl Catho- 
 lics now knew no bounds -, and nothing 
 but the utter extind:ion of that devoted 
 party feemed capable of fatisfying their 
 rage. James alone, with a becoming re- 
 folution, though it was not his ufual con- 
 dud:, rejedled all meafures of violence, 
 and was the protedor of innocence. Yet 
 again he confented to new laws againfl 
 Fopijh RecufantSy which are thofe of the 
 third of James. — I am fhocked at the view 
 of fuch infamous proceedings ; nor do I 
 wifh to difguife my feelings. A few mif- 
 creants had engaged in an infamous con- 
 federacy, in which the multitude had no 
 participation, and which they execrated ^ 
 yet are the latter alfo punifhed, and handed 
 down to pofterity in the darkeft colours 
 of guilt ! 
 
 Two years after this wretched event, 
 tvith a view to afcertain the real fenti- 
 
 E raent^
 
 [ 34 3 
 James I. ments of Catholics, (at leaft in the inten- 
 tions of the King) a fcheme was fet on 
 foot, which feemed well calculated to 
 anfwer the purpofe. An oath of allegiancey 
 it was faid, would be a proper teft of the 
 fincerity of their declarations. An oath 
 was confequently prepared ; but it was 
 drawn up in terms, either from defign or 
 ignorance, which were likely to raife dif- 
 ficulties, and to perplex the tender con- 
 fciences of the bed difpofed. If miniftry 
 meant it, their views were completely 
 anfwered. — It fhould feem, as if they who 
 framed it (a fhrewd Prieft and Archbifliop 
 Bancroft) well knew where principally 
 lay the point of nicety; and that they 
 wiflied rather to divide, than to conciliate, 
 the party. As foon as it was propofed, 
 great difputes arofe about the lawfulnefs 
 of the oath : By fome it was approved, 
 and taken ; whilft others, equally well 
 inclined in their political fentiments, con- 
 iidered it as infidiouily wqrded, and as 
 bearing hard on tenets, in w^hich they 
 thought religion was concerned. The 
 Nonjurors, who were far moft numerous, 
 were by thefe means expofed to daily- 
 vexations ; and occafion was given for mif- 
 reprefenting them as dif^ffefted perfbns, 
 
 whofe
 
 [ 35 ] 
 
 v/?iofe profeiHons of attachment to the James L 
 civil eftabUfliment were not to be trufted. 
 Appearances, in the eye of the nation, 
 were now certainly againft them ; but it 
 is a truth, that no people could be more 
 firmly attached to King and Government, 
 than Catholics then were 5 but they were 
 difturbed with difficulties, which at this 
 time make no impreffion. To complete 
 the bufinefs, the Roman Pontiff, jealous 
 of any attack on his fuppofed prerogative, 
 \^ery inopportunely interfered, and wholly 
 fruftrated a fcheme, the fuccefs of which, 
 delicacy of confcience alone had at firil 
 obflrudted. 
 
 During the remaining part of this reign, 
 no material alteration took place in the 
 affairs of Catholics. No new fe verities 
 were pradtifed, or laws enaded, againft 
 them ; but thole already made were oc- 
 calionally put in execution ; for I have be- 
 fore me a lift of thirteen Priefts who were 
 hanged for the exercife of their facerdotal 
 funcltions. Every attempt the King made 
 to mitigate the feverity of thefe laws, or 
 to give relief to his Catholic fubjeds, was 
 loudiy oppofed, and he was ace u fed of 
 being very improperly difpofed to favour 
 E 2 them. 
 
 i
 
 [ 36 ] 
 James I. them,— — Whilft the marriage treaty bc* 
 twixt his Son and the Infanta of Spain 
 was going on, in the year 1623, fome fc- 
 cret articles were propofed, and James 
 feemed determined to profecutc his fa- 
 vourite plan for general toleration. This, 
 however, was warmly oppofed by Abbot 
 and others of the Puritanical faction ; and 
 as the treaty foon broke off, the Catholics 
 were unrelieved. — In this year a flaming 
 petition, from both houfes of parliament, 
 againft Popi/h RecufantSy was prefented 
 to the King, praying for the moft aftive 
 . execution of the laws againft them. They 
 had been charged with no new crime 5 
 but James had allowed them to breathe 
 with fome liberty^ and this, in their efti- 
 mation, was too great an indulgence. 
 *< Such an execution of juftice, faid they, 
 will much advance the glory of Almighty 
 God.*' The King faw into the fpirit 
 which had didated this petition. He an- 
 fwered by profefling his warmed: attach- 
 ment to the Proteftant religion j that he 
 would cautioufly guard againft any undu9 
 relaxation of the laws ; but that, ** like a 
 good horfeman, he muft be allowed fome- 
 times to ufe the reins, and not aUvay? 
 the fpurs.'' — ** I am an enemy, continued 
 
 he,
 
 C 37 ] 
 
 he, to perfecution ; and have ever thought James I. 
 that no way more increafed any religion 
 than perfecution ^ fanguis martyrum eft 
 femen Ecclefije." — Jan:ies was a divine as* 
 well as a politician. He died the year 
 following. 
 
 ON the acceffion of Charles, the Ca- Charles L 
 tholics were again in fome expedation of 
 eafe, from his marriage with Henrietta, 
 Princefs of France. She was daughter 
 to the great and good Henry the Fourth, 
 and had been educated in a court which 
 had long experienced the direful effefts 
 of religious difcord. It was therefore 
 hoped (he might bring peace to the con- 
 tending factions of England. Apprehen- 
 five of fo enviable an event, the jealoufy 
 of the Puritans was roufed to a more 
 adive exertion. Thefe were the men 
 who now began to take the lead in all 
 public affairs ; and the young King's 
 court, fays Burnet, w^as full of them. 
 They demanded the excution of the pe- 
 nal laws. A proclamation to this effedt 
 was iiTued; and, in the year 1627, a fe- 
 vere ftatute was enacfted conformable to 
 the iirft of James, repeating the prohi- 
 bition
 
 [ 38 ] 
 
 Charles I. bition of foreign education. Certain of-^ 
 ficers, named Piirfuivants, were like wife 
 appointed, who had almofh an unlimited 
 power to enter the houfes of Catholics, 
 and to diftrefs them at will. The moft 
 groundless rumours were raifed, and in- 
 duftrioufly circulated. The Papifts, it 
 was faid, were forming, I know not what 
 plot againft the King and Archbifhop 
 Laud ; they were creating a mifunder- 
 {landing betwixt his Majefty and the Par- 
 liament ; and they were inftigating the 
 Scots to attempt the ruin of the efta- 
 blifhed Church ! Thefe were bold calum- 
 nies ; but they had their eifedl : For, 
 under this difguife, the real promoters of 
 fedition were fcreened from obfervation, 
 whilft guilt was afcribed to a party, which 
 had been long the obje<5t of popular 
 odium. The Puritans thus played an 
 artful game : Had they made an open at- 
 tack on Church and State, the nation 
 might have taken a timely alarm -, but 
 conducing their deep fcheme under the 
 fhow of oppoUng the encroachments of 
 Popery, their fuccefs was certain. The 
 friends to Charles and to their country 
 faw, at laft, the full tendency of thefe 
 machinations ; but it was then too late to 
 
 ftem
 
 . C 39 ] 
 ftetn the raging torrent. — -In this man- Charles L 
 ner, during the fixteen firft years of his 
 Majefty's reign, was the kingdom per- 
 petually haralled with the cry of Popery^ 
 and no fituation could be more diftreffing 
 than that of the Catholics. Guilty of no 
 one crime, they were accufed of all. 
 Some confolation indeed they might draw 
 from the reflexion, that as they were 
 principally hated by the ruling fadion, it 
 was obvious they were well afFedled to the 
 King, and friends to religion and virtue. 
 
 When the rebellion began, though now 
 there was little want of difguife, yet the 
 fame methods were invariably pradlifed. 
 Pym, at the opening of the Long Par- 
 liament in the year 1640, among the grie- 
 vances which he enumerated, complained 
 loudly of the fufpenfion of the laws againft 
 Popery ; and among other afts of royal 
 pov^er, which this parliament foon af- 
 fumed, they iffued orders for demolifliing 
 all images, altars, and crucifixes. It was 
 the crown, however, and the mitre which 
 thefe zealous men principally aimed at. 
 Crofles were then removed from the ftreets 
 and markets , and no two pieces of wood 
 or ftone, fiys an ingenious writer, were 
 
 permittQ-d
 
 X 40 ] 
 
 Charles I. permitted to lie quietly over each other at 
 right angles. Alarms of the moft fhock- 
 ing nature were propagated : Meetings, 
 it was reported, were held by the Papills 
 in immenfe caves in Surry. Thefe caves 
 did not exift, but the belief of them was 
 the fame. A Plot of a fingular tendency 
 was devifed : London and Weftminfter 
 were to fink in one common ruin. The 
 Papiits, therefore, had laid vaft trains of 
 gunpowder to blow up the Thames. 
 Fortunately the powder got wet, and the 
 lives of his Majefty's Proteftant fubjeds 
 were faved from deflrudtion ! — When the 
 King went down to the houfe to demand 
 the five members he had accufed of trea- 
 fon, this breach of privilege, as it was 
 called, was afcribed to the bloody coun- 
 fels of Papills, And when, a few days 
 after, he retired to Hampton-Court, a 
 petition from the apprentices and porters 
 warned the houfe of the danger to which 
 their religion was expofed ; whilft a 
 brewer's wife, followed by many thou- 
 fands of her fex, alfo brought up a peti- 
 tion, expreffing in the ftrongeft language 
 their terrors of Popery ! _ , 
 
 When
 
 [ 41 ] 
 When the royal army took the field, Charles L 
 the cry of Popery was echoed through 
 the kingdom. '' His Majefty, faid the 
 Rebels in their declaration, feduced by 
 wicked tounfellors, has raifed a great ar- 
 my of Papifls to deftroy the parliament, 
 and to bring in Popery and Tyranny." 
 The Catholics indeed were firm in the 
 royal caufe; but their perfonal fervices 
 were not accepted, till fuch time as the 
 parliament had itfelf ofi^ered them com- 
 miffions in their own army. This being 
 known, Charles, difregarding all further 
 imputation of being popiihly inclined, 
 invited them to his ftandard. They re- 
 ceived commifiions to raife companies 
 and regiments. This they did at their 
 own expence, bringing along with them 
 their fons, tenants, and neighbours : Nor,** 
 from the fight at Edgehill till the day of 
 the rejioratioiiy did they ever defert the 
 royal party.- — I have now before me a lift 
 of fix Lieutenant-Generals, eighteen Co- 
 lonels, fixteen Lieutenant^ Colonels, fix- 
 teen Majors, fixty nine Captains, four- 
 teen Lieutenants, five Cornets, and fifty 
 Gentlemen Volunteers, of the Catholic 
 perfuafion, who loft their lives in defence 
 of his Majefty and of the eftablillied con- 
 F AitntioP:
 
 [ 4a ] 
 
 Chariest ftltution In Church and State. The 
 feverelT: oppreffion, to which, for almoft 
 a century, they had been conftantly ex- 
 pofed, had not been able to extinguifh in 
 their breads the Ipirit of real patriotifm. 
 
 After the fatal defeat at Worcefler, in 
 1 65 1, when all the royal party was either 
 killed, taken, or difperfed, the young 
 Charles was fucceffively, for the fpace of 
 fix whole days, in the hands of more than 
 fifty Catholics, not one of whom, either 
 from fear of puni£hment or from profpedl 
 of gain, could be prevailed on to betray 
 their Prince. Yet many of thefe were in 
 very low condition. The name of Pen- 
 drel will be ever memorable in the annals 
 of Loyalty. 
 
 The Com- THE Commonwealth being eftablifh- 
 monwealth. ^j^ ^^^ ^^ ^j^^ fubverfion of the regal and 
 
 epifcopal order, the grand objedl of pur- 
 fuit, was finally fettled) the cry againft 
 Popery feemed to fubfide, and the Catho- 
 lics became confounded in the common 
 mafs of thofe who were thought enemies 
 to the new form of government. What 
 they now fufFered was more on account of 
 
 loyalty
 
 [ 43 ] 
 
 loyalty than of religion. To conciliate '^^^ ^°"^' 
 the aiFedtions of all men was with Crom- 
 well a leading obje6t; he well knew it 
 was only by fuch means that his ufurped 
 authority could ftand. Though no ftep 
 could have proved more difagreeable to 
 the enthufiafm of his party ; yet it appears 
 he had ferious thoughts of granting a ge- 
 neral toleration in religion. Had he done 
 fo, and then fupported his meafures with 
 all that firmnefs of which he was mafter, 
 perhaps the Commonwealth of England 
 might have flood to this day. Cromwell 
 had a conference with fome few of the 
 Catholic perfuafion ; they were unautho- 
 rized, I find, by their brethren ; but, in- 
 duced by the general afpeft of aftairs, 
 they thought it good policy to make the 
 beft provifion for themfelves. Sincerity 
 was not one of the Protector's virtues ; at 
 all events, he required from thofe Gen- 
 tlemen fuch oaths and engagements, as 
 they were not inclined to accept. But in 
 the general body of Catholics there ever 
 remained a ftern fpirit of loyalty, which 
 no threats or allurements could vanquifh. 
 The Proteftants of the fame faftion were 
 equally fteady. 
 
 F z By
 
 E 44 3 
 1 he Com- By fome writers Catholics have been 
 
 Kion wealth. r . j j r i. c .u r 
 
 repreiented as delerters |rom the caule : 
 
 It has been faid, they made their court to 
 the Ufurper. It was the wiih, perhaps, 
 of thefe men to fcreen, if poffible, what 
 they thought the wrong behaviour of fome 
 of their own friends, by criminating the 
 innocent. Even Clarendon very roundly 
 infinuates the fame charge againft the Ca- 
 tholics. I am confident he knew it was 
 not fo, at lead in an extenfive application : 
 But it fhould feem, as if the noble author 
 w^ere jealous that the praife of loyalty, of 
 which himfelf had fo ample a fhare, 
 fhould be given to a party, whom he ne- 
 ver liked. It is not from any romantic 
 ideas of the virtue of loyalty that I fay 
 this; for I really think that Catholics, as 
 matters then flood, would have done well 
 to have joined the Protedtor, had he given 
 them certain affurances of fupport. They 
 had experienced how little was to be ex- 
 pected from the bounty of Kings ; and 
 befides, with the feeming approbation of 
 the major part of the nation, the form of 
 government v/as altered ; confequently 
 the criminality of rebellion was done 
 away. My views then in reprefenting 
 the uniform adhefion of Catholics to King 
 
 Charles
 
 [ 45 ] 
 
 Charles reft folely on the convidlion of its The Com» 
 truth. In other refpedts, I am furely "^^^^^^^^^h- 
 right in faying, that the government 
 which is bed inclined to give us protec- 
 tion, has the only fair claim to our air 
 legiance. 
 
 AT the Rejl oration^ in the year 1660, an Charles II, 
 auguft and fplendid fcene opened upon 
 the nation, in the bleffings of w^hich Ca^ 
 tholics had again reafon to expedl a parti- 
 cipation. It was the King's iirft wifli to 
 grant indulgence to the Proteftant Diflen- 
 ters. This he had folemnly promifed be- 
 fore his embarkation for England : he had 
 befides much reafon to fear the turbulence 
 of their minds, unlefs it (hould be appea- 
 fed by fome favourable conceiTions. The 
 parliament, now outrageoufly loyal, op- 
 pofed every attempt for their relief : They 
 wifhed to fee the Church of England re- 
 ftored to its primitive fplendor; and they 
 wifhed to caft down the afplring thoughts 
 of the Sectaries. Charles, however, from 
 motives of the beft policy, was determined 
 to be their friend. 
 
 Nothing
 
 [ 46 ] 
 
 Charles 11. Nothing was at firft done for the Ca- 
 tholics : yet their pretenfions were great, 
 and they feemed to look for a proportion- 
 able indulgence. ** It was the King's de- 
 fire, fays Clarendon, which he never dif- 
 fembled, to give them eafe from all the 
 fanguinary laws." Without importunity 
 or complaint, had they patiently waited 
 this event, they might poffibly have foon 
 recovered the common privileges of fub- 
 jedts. " For, adds my noble author, that 
 gracious difpofition in the King to his 
 Catholic fubjects, did not then appear in- 
 grateful to any." But the vanity and pre- 
 fumption of fome of them was great; 
 they feized every opportunity of extolling 
 their own loyalty -, and they fpoke of their 
 fufferings in the Royal Caufe as deferving 
 of more than common notice. It is true, 
 as I have already obferved, they had done 
 much. His Lordfhip even owns, that 
 fome of thofe, who had fuffered mofl: for 
 his father, did fend fupplies to the King 
 when he was abroad; ** though, fays he, 
 they were hardly able to provide neceffaries 
 for themfelves." 
 
 An Addrefs being made to the Houfe of 
 Peers, the year after the reftoration, for 
 
 fome
 
 [ 47 1 
 fbme relaxation of the laws againft them, Charles 11* 
 a committee of that houfe was appointed 
 to examine and to report all thofe penal 
 ftatutes, which reached to the taking away 
 the life of any Catholic for his religion : 
 ** There not appearing one Lord in the 
 houfe, who feemed to be unwilling that 
 thofe laws fhould be repealed." After the 
 committee was appointed, the Catholic 
 Lords and their friends, for fome days, dili- 
 gently attended it, and made their obfer- 
 vations on feveral adls of parliament, in 
 which they defired eafe. ** But on a fud- 
 den this committee was difcontinued, and 
 never after revived ; the Roman Catholics 
 never afterwards being felicitous for it." 
 
 The truth is, they very foon quarrelled 
 amongft themfelves. The Lords and men 
 of eftates, little anxious about the aboli- 
 tion of laws, which concerned principally 
 the lives of Priefts, defired rather a repeal 
 of thofe, whereby their own property, as 
 Recufants, was affected. The church- 
 men, on the other hand, were not much 
 felicitous about the removal of laws, by 
 which they might gain the glory of mar- 
 tyrdom, whilft they continued under re- 
 
 ftraints
 
 [ 48 j 
 
 Charles II* ilraints more grievous far than death.— ^ 
 A committee was then chofen from among 
 themfelves of the fuj3eriors of all orders, 
 and of the Secular Clergy. They met at 
 Arundel 1 Houfe, along with fome of the 
 principal Lords and Gentlemen. Here 
 alfo difputes foon began, and they dif- 
 agreed about the form of an oath or fub- 
 fcription, which it was intended Ihould 
 be made or taken by all Catholics. A 
 propofition had likewife been made, that 
 none but Secular Priefts fhould be tole- 
 rated in England, who fliould be under a 
 Bifliop and a fettled form of government ; 
 and that all the Regulars, in particular all 
 Jefuits, fliould be, under the ftrideft pe- 
 nalties, forbidden the kingdom. The 
 committee, as was natural to expedt, was 
 diffolved, and met no more. 
 
 From this time, owing to the impru- 
 dence of fome, and the infolence of others, 
 as alfo from that rooted diilike which the 
 nation had not loft. Catholics again be- 
 came common objed:s of averfion. They 
 were regarded with an eye of peculiar jea- 
 loufy from that known propenfion, which 
 the King felt and ever expreiled for them. 
 Here at Icaft c^n be difcovered no fymp- 
 
 tom^
 
 [ 49 ] 
 ix>m of that ungrateful difpofitioni which, Charles IL 
 is faid, fo ftrongly to have marked the 
 charader of Charles. In his declaration 
 for liberty of confcience to the Diflenterg 
 in 1662, he faySj ** It is divulged, through 
 the kingdom, that we are highly indul- 
 gent to Papifts, not only in exempting 
 them from the penalties of the law, but 
 even to fuch a degree of countenance and 
 encouragement as may endanger the Pro- 
 teftant Religion. — It is true that, as we 
 fhall always, according to our juftice, re- 
 tain, fo we think it may become us, to 
 avow to the world the due fenfe we have, 
 of the greatejl part of our Catholic fub- 
 jefts of this kingdom, having deferved 
 well of our royal father^ of bleiTed memo- 
 ry, and from us, and even f rem the Prote- 
 Jiant Religion itjelj\ in adhering to us with 
 their lives and fortunes, for the mainte- 
 nance of our crown in the religion efla- 
 blifhed, againft thofe who, under the name 
 of zealous Proteftants, employed both fire 
 and fword to overthrow them both. — Such 
 are the capital law^s in force againft them, 
 as that, though juftified in their rigour 
 by the times wherein they were made, we 
 profefs it would be grievous to us to con- 
 lent to the execution of thea^., by putting 
 Ct anv
 
 [ 50 I 
 
 Charles II. any of our fubjeds to death for their opi- 
 nion in matters of religion only. — But if, 
 upon our expreffing (according to Chri- 
 ftian charity) our dillike of bloodihed for 
 religion, and our gracious intentions to our 
 Roman Catholic fubjedls, Priefts (liall take 
 the boldnefs to appear, and avow them- 
 felves, to the offence and fcandal of sood 
 Proteftants, and of the laws in force againft 
 them, they ihall quickly find, we know 
 as well to be fevere, when wifdom requires 
 it, as indulgent, when charity and itn{& 
 of merit challenge it from us." This 
 declaration, the moil: zealous Proteftant 
 muft allow, is replete with good fenfe, 
 and breathes that fpirit of juflice and love 
 of order, which fliould ever animate the 
 breafts of Princes : It alfo fliews in what 
 light the King confidered the fervices he 
 had received from his Catholic fubjefts. 
 
 In his fpeech to parliament, the year 
 followmg, he again fays, *^ The truth is, 
 I am in my nature an enemy to all feve- 
 rity for religion and confcience, how 
 miftaken foever it be, when it extends to 
 capital and fanguinary punifliments, which 
 I am told began in Popifh times. There- 
 fore, when I fay this, I hope I fliall not 
 
 need
 
 [ 51 ] 
 
 need to warn any here, not to infer from Charles IL 
 thence, I mean to favour Popery. I mufl 
 confefs to you, there are many of that 
 profefnon, who, having ferved my father, 
 and myfelf very well, may fairly hope for 
 Ibme part of that indulgence, I v/ould 
 willingly afford to others, who diffent 
 from us. But let me explain myfelf, left 
 fome miftake me herein, as I hear they did 
 in my declaration, I am far from mean- 
 ing by this a toleration, or qualifying them 
 thereby to hold any offices or places in 
 the government. Nay farther, I defire 
 fome laws may be made to hinder the 
 growth and progrefs of their dodrines."— • 
 In confequence of the lafl: claufe, a peti- 
 tion was prefented from both houfes that 
 he would ilfue a proclamation, command- 
 ing all Jefuits and Priefts to depart the 
 kingdom by a day, under pain of having 
 the penalties of the laws inflidted on them. 
 To this the King con fen ted. 
 
 The next year, i654, a defign was 
 formed, which came from the King him- 
 felf, of bringing a bill into parliament, 
 ferioufly meant to ferve the Catholics, by 
 putting them on that footing of eafe and 
 fecurity, which their conduft, as good 
 G 2 fubiefts,
 
 [ 52 ] 
 
 Chailcs 11. fubje(fls, he thought merited. Meafures 
 of afcertaining their numbers had been 
 previoufly taken, that the moft violent 
 might know there was nothing to be 
 feared from fo inconfiderable a body. He 
 wifhed alfo that a diftindion fnould be 
 made betwixt thofe, who, being of an- 
 cient extraction, had continued of the 
 lame religion from father to fon, and thofe 
 who became Profelytes to the Catholic 
 Ghurch. In the new bill it was intended 
 to provide againft fach changes in reli- 
 gion. The King had likewife refolved to 
 contract and leflcn the number of Priefts,. 
 and to reduce them into fuch order, that 
 he might himfelf know all their names, 
 and their feveral places of refidence in the 
 kingdom. *' This meafure, fays Claren- 
 den, muft have produced fuch a fecurity 
 to thofe who ftayed, and to thofe with 
 whom they ftayed, as would have fet them 
 free from any apprehenfion of any penal- 
 ties impofed by preceding parliaments." — 
 But this defign, w^iich compreherjcled 
 many other particulars, from the perverfq 
 oppolition of fome weak heads of the 
 party, vaniilied as foon as it was known. 
 Moderate men, who defired nothing but 
 the exercife of their religion in great fe-= 
 
 crecy^
 
 [ 53 1 
 
 crecy, and a fufpenfion of the laws, were Gharks II. 
 cruelly difappointed, and in their con- 
 ferences with the King often complained 
 *' of the folly and vanity of fome of their 
 friends, and more particularly of the pret 
 fumption of the Jefuits." All further 
 thoughts of the bill were now dropt, nor 
 was there ever after mention of it. 
 
 From this view it may be juftly in- 
 ferred, that the Catholics at that time 
 were their own greateft enemies. The 
 King was decidedly their friend; the 
 Courtiers, funk in eafe and luxury, laugh- 
 ed at all religion, and only wiflied to 
 humour their Prince ; the friends to Epif- 
 copacy and Monarchy, that is, the efta- 
 blifhed Church, were not much inclined 
 tooppofe a party, who, they knew, would 
 be ever ready to join them againft the en- 
 croachments of the Sedaries ; the Diffcu- 
 ters themfelves, though enemies to the 
 name of Catholic, now dared not fpeak 
 out, whilft themfelves were waiting re- 
 drefs from the crown ; and the nation at 
 large, jufl: breathing from the horrors of 
 civil commotions, wiflied not to be again 
 expofed to the view of difcord or conten- 
 tion. In fuch circumftances, nothing, 
 
 it
 
 [ 54 
 Cnarles If. Jt feems, could obftrud: their profpeds of 
 fuccefs, but vain pretenfions, immoderate 
 confidence, precipitate counfels, impru- 
 dent zeal, or that animofity and internal 
 difcord, which muft ever fruftrate the 
 befl-concerted plans. Thele were unfor- 
 tunate evils ; but they are the evils atten- 
 dant on weak human nature : They Vv'ere 
 misfortunes which affeded very fenfibly 
 the Catholic intereft, but they had no im- 
 mediate reference to the ftate. In allegi- 
 ance, politics, and patriotifm, the Catho- 
 lics were fteady, generous, and fmcere. 
 
 In 1666, an event happened, which 
 finally contributed to blaft all their hopes, 
 though Catholics were no otherwife con- 
 cerned in it, than as fufferers, or as fpec- 
 tators fympathifing in the general fcene of 
 mifery and diflrefs. The great fire of 
 London was this event, and it was afcribed 
 to the Papifts. They had long acquired 
 an exclufive claim to the infamy of every 
 national calamity. Not the fmallefl: proof 
 of guilt was then adduced againfl them ; 
 but their crimes wanted not the ufelefs 
 formalities of proof. It was by fome, 
 however, given to Dutch or to French 
 machinations, with equal femblance of 
 
 truth.
 
 [ S5 1 
 truth. Clarendon, who was witnefs to Charles 11, 
 the whole, afcribes it to the juft judg- 
 ment of Heaven, provoked by the gene- 
 ral crimes of the nation. In common 
 language, every moderate man confidered 
 it as accidental. But the Magiftracy of 
 London, who are always wifer than the 
 reft of mankind, faw into the whole tran- 
 fadlion ; and on a lying monument, raifed 
 w^here the fire began, with the greateil 
 humanity afcribed it folely- to the Papifts. 
 The noble pile to this day rears its head, 
 an irrefragable argument of the blind cre- 
 dulity of the times ! 
 
 The rumour of this calumny was but 
 a prelude to many others, which eafily 
 found credit in a jealous and exafperated 
 nation. A year now fcarcely paffed, in 
 which fome peculiar guilt was not im- 
 puted to Catholics. The public odium 
 being again rouzed was eafily kept alive ; 
 and^the defigns of bad men were anfwer- 
 ed. In 1670, the enemies to the court, 
 who were greatly increafed, publicly af- 
 ferted that the King was now finally re-^ 
 folved to annul the confiitution 5 that he • 
 aimed at arbitrary power, with a view of 
 deftroying the liberties of the people; 
 
 and
 
 [ J6 j 
 
 Chades II. arid that he meant to fubvert the eftabliih- 
 ed Church by an unlimited toleration of 
 Popery. This was the magic wand, alone 
 capable of realizing fo momentous a de- 
 fign. The cabinet council, diftinguilhed 
 by the appellation of the Cabal, which 
 Charles foon after chofe, was indeed well 
 calculated to give plaufibility to thefe re- 
 ports. They were not Catholics, (Clif- 
 ford excepted) but they were the mod 
 dangerous Miniftry that England perhaps 
 ever knew. The Duke of York, with an 
 imprudence that became his charadler, 
 was, at the fame time, far too open in de- 
 claring his religious fentiments. To give 
 the laft alarm to the fears of the nation, 
 a formal liberty of confcience vv^as allowed 
 to all Sectaries. *' This indulgence, fays 
 the King in his declaration, as to the al- 
 lowance of public places of worfliip, and 
 approbation of their Preachers, fliall ex- 
 tend to all forts of non-conformifts and 
 recufants, excepting to the recufants of 
 the Roman Catholic religion ; to whom 
 we fliall in nowife allow public places of 
 worfhip, but only indulge them in their 
 fhare in the common exemption from the 
 execution of the penal laws, and the ex- 
 crcife of their Wcrfiiip in private houfes 
 
 only."
 
 t 'i1 ] 
 
 only." Agaiiift this indulgence, in itfelf 
 fo juft and reaibnable, the parliament re- 
 monftrated, and the King was at lad 
 compelled to recal his declaration. The 
 unpopular condudl of the Miniftry had 
 railed a fpirit of oppofition^ which would 
 not be fatisiied. 
 
 It is worth notice that, foraewhat pre- 
 vious to the time I am fpeaking of, com- 
 menced the firft fecret money treaty be« 
 tv/een Louis XIV. and Charles ; wherein 
 it was ftipulated that the latter fhould 
 receive two hundred thoufand pounds, 
 for declaring himfelf a Catholic, and 
 that France fhould affiil him with troops, 
 if his fubjeds rebelled. There were 
 ether articles of a nature equally fmgular. 
 The deftrudion of Holland, in which 
 England was to aflift, was Louis's objedt. 
 The Lords Clifford, and Arundel of War- 
 dour, both Catholics, with Lord Arling- 
 ton, a man well-affedled to that religion,. 
 Vv^ere appointed commillioners to tranfad: 
 this fliam.eful bufmefs. — The year follow- 
 ing, 1 67 1, a fimilar treaty was concluded 
 by Charles's Proteflant Minirters, Buck- 
 ingham, Afhley Cooper, and Lauderdale. 
 Excepting the article of the King's conver- 
 
 H lion, 
 
 Charles ILj
 
 [ 58 ] 
 
 Charles II. fion, which, however, was fecretly re- 
 tained, this was a repetition of the former 
 treaty. — Charles's views were only to get 
 money; he was little folicitous about re- 
 ligion ; and it is curious to fee how art- 
 fully he afterwards evaded his promife of 
 
 converfion. Thefe connexions with 
 
 France were of the moft fatal tendency, 
 ' and the Royal Brothers, with all their 
 
 Minifters, deferved to lofe their heads. — 
 From this time French money was largely 
 diftributed ; and even the popular party, 
 it is v/ell known, entered into connexions 
 w^ith that nation, of a nature almoft as 
 dangerous as thofe, which the Court is 
 fuppofed to have formed againft the re- 
 ligion and liberties of the fubject. — Fev7 
 parties in this kingdom are free from 
 blame : In their turns, Whigs and To- 
 ries have been equally enemies to their 
 country, when their palTions and their 
 interefts mifled them. '' When I found, 
 fays Sir John Dalrymplc, in the French 
 difpatches. Lord RufTel intriguing with 
 the court of Verfailles, and Algernon Sid- 
 ney taking ir.oney from it, I felt very 
 near the fame fhock, as if I had feen a 
 fon turn his back in the day of battle." — 
 But to return. 
 
 Having
 
 [ 59 ] 
 
 Having gained this point, parliament Chailes Ji, 
 proceeded farther, and reiblved to make 
 the confoniiity in religious principles 
 ilill more general. A law therefore paffed, 
 in 1673, intitled the 'Ttjl Act, impoiing 
 an oath on all who fhould accept any- 
 public office. Befides the oaths of alle- 
 giance and fupremacy, they were to re- 
 ceive the flicrament once a year in the 
 eftabliihed Church, and to abjure all be<- 
 lief in the do(5trine of Tranfubflantiation. 
 Peers were not included in this adl; but 
 if Papifts, and held places by inheritance, 
 they were obliged to appoint deputies. — 
 The relation betwixt civil allegiance and 
 a belief purely religious, is not, furely, 
 very difcoverable ; but the objec^t of this 
 a6l was fufficiently obvious. It incapaci- 
 tated every man from the fervicc of his 
 country, whofe confcience fliould not be 
 dudile enough to facrifice his religion at 
 the fhrine of interell or of fome paltry 
 preferment. 
 
 The general difquietudes about religion 
 did not however fubfide, and the people 
 were inftrucled to confider the alliance, 
 which had been made with France, as a 
 frefh defign for the introduftion of Po- 
 H 2 pery.
 
 [ 6o ] 
 
 C^harles U. pery. The clouds began to thicken round 
 the heads of Catholics. The nation was 
 on tiptoe expelling fon^e frightful event. 
 Yet I cannot be prevailed on to think, it 
 was at that unimportant body that were 
 principally aimed the machinations of de- 
 figning men. That fame fpirit, inimical 
 to regal government, began again to 
 move, which had for fome time lain dor- 
 mant, but had never been extinguiflied. 
 in the breads of others the horror of Po- 
 pery w^as perhaps the fole adluating mo- 
 tive. But it was equally good policy in 
 both to keep alive the popular apprehen- 
 lion. Charles would not depart from his 
 favourite fyftem of general moderation ; it 
 became therefore neceffary to roufe him 
 into adtion, and to this end the old ftrata- 
 giem of a P/otwzs thought the mod effica- 
 cious meallire. When the bad humours 
 of Englifhmen are once afloat, they muft 
 either have objects of fufpicion on which 
 to fpend themfelves, or they will make 
 them. 
 
 The plot, which the infamous Mr« 
 Titus Gates has honoured with his name, 
 was broached in Auguft, 1678. This 
 inan had difcovered the fecrets of a deep 
 
 confpiracy^
 
 [ 6i ] 
 
 confpiracy, in which, it was reprefented, Charles IL 
 the Jefuits had a leading concern. They 
 had held feveral meetings, both abroad 
 and in England, the final determination 
 of which was to kill the King by poifon, 
 the gun, or a dagger. The glaring incon- 
 fiftencies which crouded the narrative of 
 tliis whole affair made no impreflion on a 
 credulous public. It was their wifh it 
 might be true ; and never was nation 
 worked up to a higher pitch of foolifh in- 
 fatuation. Moderate men began to ap- 
 prehend a general majQacre of the whole 
 Catholic body. Two events indeed ac- 
 companied the firft opening of this plot, 
 which contributed to give it fome air of 
 probability. Thefe were the difcovery of 
 fome letters of Coleman, Secretary to the 
 Duke of York, and the death of Sir Ed- 
 mondbury Godfrey. The letters were 
 imprudent, and contained expreffions 
 about the introdudion of Popery, which 
 at this time were eafily fufceptible of 
 further conftrudion. The real truth is, 
 Coleman was a weak and bigoted man, 
 who wiflied to give a fpread to his rehgion, 
 but that only, as he declared on his trial, 
 by procuring a free toleration for Catho- 
 lics. — Godfrey's murder has never been 
 
 cleared
 
 [ 62 ] 
 
 Charles 11. cleared up ; he was an adlive Juftice of 
 the Peace, and from a coincidence of his 
 death with the fuppofed difcovery of the 
 plot, the Papifts were charged with it. 
 *' There are feafons of believing, fays 
 Burnet, as well as of difbelieving ; and 
 believing was then fo much in feafon, 
 that improbabilities or inconfiftencies were 
 little confidered. Nor was it fafe fo much 
 as to make refledions on them." ** Gates, 
 and Bedloe, another v/itnefs for the plot, 
 continues the Biihop, by their behaviour, 
 detracted more from their own credit, 
 than all their enemies could have done. 
 The former talked of all perfons with an 
 infuiFerable infolence; and the other was 
 a fcandalous libertine in his whole de- 
 portment.'' 
 
 The King, from the beginning, was 
 ahnoft the only perfon who treated the 
 plot, as afcribed to Catholics, with be- 
 coming contempt. He faw through that 
 dark veil, which the fafcinated multitude 
 were unable to penetrate ; whilft his Mi- 
 nifters flood all aghaft, and either par- 
 took, or affected to partake of the gene- 
 ral confternation. It was expecfled the 
 parliament would reprefs thefe deluiions, 
 
 and
 
 [ 63 ] 
 
 and would aim to call back the nation to Charles IL 
 reafon and deliberate enquiry. But they 
 inanifefted even greater credulity than the 
 vulgar. The cry of Plot was echoed from 
 one houfe to the other : The enemies to 
 the crov/n would not let flip fo favourable 
 an opportunity of managing the pafTions 
 of the people; and the court- party were 
 afraid of being thought diiloyal, fhould 
 they feem to controvert the reality of 
 the plot, or doubt the guilt of the pre- 
 tended aiTaffms of their King. '* I would 
 not, faid a noble Lord, have fo much as 
 a Popifh man or a Popifli woman to re- 
 main amongft us, not fo much as a Po- 
 pifh dog, or a Popifh bitch, not fo much 
 as a Popiih cat to mew, or pur about 
 our King." This was fublime eloquence, 
 and it was received with burfts of ap- 
 plaufc. — The Commons voted that the 
 Papifts defigned to kill the King. War- 
 rants were iilued out, and m.any of that 
 perfuafion were apprehended. They were 
 tried, convided on the evidence of fome 
 of the worft men the earth ever bore, 
 and executed- At death they ftill pro- 
 tefted their innocence ; a circumflancc, 
 fays Mr. Hume, which made no impref- 
 fion on the fpcftators ^ their being Je- 
 
 fuits
 
 [ 64 ] 
 
 Charles H. fuits banifhed even pity from their fuffer^ 
 ings. 
 
 This frightful perfecutlon continued 
 for fome time, and the King, contrary 
 to his own judgment, was obliged to 
 give way to the popular fury.—'* I waited 
 often on him^ fays Burnet, all the 
 month of December. He came to me to 
 Chiffinch's, a page of the backflairs, and 
 kept the time he afligned me to a mi- 
 nute. He was alone, and talked much, 
 and very freely with me. We agreed in 
 one thing, that the greateft part of the 
 evidence was a contrivance. But he fuf- 
 pedted fome had fet on Oates, and in- 
 flrudted him ; and he named the Earl 
 of Shaftefbury. I was of another mind. 
 I thought the many grofs things in his 
 narrative (hewed, there was no abler head 
 than Oates, or tono-ue, in framinp- it : 
 and Oates, in his firft llory, had covered 
 the Duke, and the Minifters fo much, 
 that from thence it feemed clear that 
 Lord Shaftefbury had no hand in it, who 
 hated them much more than he did Po- 
 pery. He fancied there was a defign of 
 rebellion on foot. I affured him, I faw 
 no appearances of it. 1 told him, there 
 
 was
 
 [ 65 ] 
 
 was a report breaking out, that he in- Charles II. 
 tended to legitimate the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth. He anfwered quick, that, as well 
 as he loved him, he had rather fee him 
 hanged. Yet he apprehended a rebellion 
 fo much, that he feemed not ill pleafed 
 that the party fhould flatter themfelves 
 with that imagination, hoping that would 
 keep them quiet in a dependence upon 
 himfelf." — In the judgment of thefe two, 
 it appears, how little the Catholics were 
 concerned in this plot. 
 
 It has been much doubted, obferves an au- 
 thor of great information, whether Shaftef- 
 bury contrived this plot, or if he only 
 made ufe of it, after it broke out. Some 
 papers I have feen convince me he contri- 
 ved it, though the perfons he made ufe of 
 as informers ran beyond their inftrudions. 
 The common objed:ion to the fuppofition 
 of his contriving the plot, is, the abfur- 
 dity of its circumftances. When Shaftef- 
 bury himfelf was prefled wiih regard to 
 that abfurdity, he made an anfwer which 
 (hews equally the irregularity and the 
 depth of his genius. — ** It is no matter, 
 faid he, the more nonfenlical the better; 
 if we cannot bring them to fwallow worle 
 I nonfenfc
 
 [ 66 3 
 
 Charles 11. nonieiire than that, we iliall never do any 
 good with them/' 
 
 Catholic Peers were now excluded from 
 fitting in the houfe, by a bill brought 
 into parliament, requiring all members 
 of either houfe, and all fuch as might 
 come into the King's court, or prefence, 
 to take a tell: again ft Popery ; in which 
 not only Tranfubftantiation is renounced, 
 but the invocation of the Virgin Mary and 
 the Saints is declared to be idolatrous. 
 This bill was principally levelled againft 
 the Duke of York; but he had intereft 
 enough to get himfelf excepted by a pro- 
 vifo annexed to it. Five of thofe Peers 
 to whom the Pope, as Mr, Oates informed 
 the public, had granted commiflions to 
 adl as his minifters in England, had been 
 fent to the Tower. Of thefe the Earl of 
 Stafford, his Holinefs's Pa^mafter-Gene- 
 ral, w^as alone executed ; and at the death 
 of this aged Nobleman the fterneft coun- 
 tenances were fccn to drop tears. 
 
 The new parliament of the fucceeding 
 year did not depart from the fteps of their 
 predeceffors ; and as the popular phrenzy 
 feemed to abate, frefh means were devifed 
 
 for
 
 [ 67 ] 
 
 for keeping up the alarm ; mobs, peti- Cliarles II. 
 
 tions, and Pope-burnings were every day 
 
 pradifed. The number of informing 
 
 mifcreants ftil.l encreafed ; the bufinefs 
 
 was found to be not only lucrative, but 
 
 honourable. Plot was fet up againft plot, 
 
 all of them under- parts of the fame grand 
 
 drama; and the minds of the nation were 
 
 fufpended in dreadful apprehenfion. This 
 
 parliament alfo, to teftify their loyalty, 
 
 or to convince the world that they would 
 
 not furrender the palm of infituation, 
 
 came to a refolution, *' That if the King 
 
 fliould come to any violent death, they 
 
 will revenge it to the utmofl; on the Pa- 
 
 pifts/' A Papiil: only, in their judgment, 
 
 had power to take away the life of a King! 
 
 They did not probably recolledl who had 
 
 ftruck off the head of his late Majeily. 
 
 The hand of every wretch was now armed 
 
 with a dagger, by which he might at 
 
 once deftroy his Prince and extirpate 
 
 Popery. 
 
 All this time Shafteibury and his afib- 
 ciates were labouring at their grand de-r 
 fign ; this was, to exclude the Duke of 
 York from the throne, and to bring in 
 the baftard Monmouth, The Duke \\:as 
 
 I 2 o
 
 [ 68 ] 
 
 Charles II. a Catholic : could it therefore be proved 
 that the Papilts with him at their head 
 (for both he and the Queen were boldly 
 accufed of being accomplices in the plot) 
 had confpired to kill the King, fubvert 
 the government, and bring in Popery, 
 what further argument could be required 
 for his exclufion and the utter extindlion 
 of his religion ? The bill of exclufion was 
 twice, with the moft determined violence, 
 brought into parliament ^ it palled the 
 houfe of Commons, but the Lords threw 
 it out by a great majority. 
 
 The King now became fullen and 
 thoughtful; oppofition had foured his 
 temper, and he refolved to efFe(ft by refo- 
 lution what mildnefs could not accom- 
 pliih. The parliament fpent their ftrength 
 in vain efforts. During the recefs, he had 
 received the moft adulatory addreffes from 
 his fubjecls ; they cenfured the ftubborn 
 oppofition of parliament, and offered to 
 fupport the rights of the crov/n. The 
 popular commotions fubfided, and the 
 horrors of Popery feemed to wear away. 
 The thinking part of the nation were ken 
 tobluili^at their late wild credulity and 
 extravagance: But an imprefficn v/as made 
 
 which
 
 [ 69 ] 
 
 which no thne will hardly ejfFace. To 
 the word Popery^ before fufficiently tre- 
 mendous, fo many new ideas of terror 
 were annexed, and fo great ever fince has 
 been the aim of fome men to maintain the 
 delufion, that I am not furprifed the minds^ 
 of many fliould at this day feel its effeds. 
 Yet fcarcely one perfon of common read-^ 
 ing can be found, who does not acknow- 
 ledge that the plot, I have defcribed, 
 was either the work of malice, or of de- 
 lign and fadion. — In 1684 Charles died, 
 and becaufe, in his lad: moments, he pro- 
 feifed himfelf a Catholic, it is probable 
 that at all times, in his few ferious hours, 
 he had been llrongly inclined to the prin- 
 ciples of that religion. ^ 
 
 The reader will be furprifed, that I 
 fliould have faid nothing of a confpiracy, 
 in w^hich Proteflants of the firft diftin6tion 
 were concerned. The views of thefe men 
 were various; the redrefs of grievances, 
 the deftrudion of monarchy, and the grati- 
 fication of revenge. Thefe ends they aimed 
 to obtain, by involving the kingdom in 
 the horrors of a civil v/ar; whilil under- 
 adlors were, at the fame time, engaged in 
 a defperate fcheme of affaiiinating the King 
 
 and
 
 [ 70 ] 
 Charles IL and the Duke of York. Thefe alfo were 
 Prcteftants. The fword of fedition, with 
 the bow! and dagger, were now taken into 
 new hands; and had not Providence in- 
 terfered, Charles, whofe life had often 
 been expofed to imaginary danger from the 
 machinations of Papifts, had really fallen 
 by the authors of the Rye-Houfe Plot. — 
 A writer, fo difpofed, might, on this occa- 
 fion, recriminate with weighty retaliation ; 
 but my object is not to exculpate my own 
 party, by a difplay of criminal exceifes in 
 their adverfaries. I wi{h only to Jpeak of 
 them as they uvere. But if the pen of a 
 Proteftant can be excufed from vicious 
 partiality, who loads the whole Catholic 
 body with opprobrious charges, for the 
 follies in which a few were engaged ; 
 furely the fame latitude may be allowed to 
 others. It is a liberty, however, which 
 the candid and honeft hiflorian will not 
 be inclined to ufe. 
 
 James II. THE death of Charles affedled his fub- 
 jedls according to the different views of 
 the parties, which then divided the nation. 
 The Catholics were full of exped:ation 
 from a Prince, who now openly profefled 
 
 their
 
 [ 71 ] 
 
 their religion. The loyal Proteflants, with James II, 
 law and the conftitution on their fide, had 
 nothing, they thought, to apprehend, even 
 from a Popifh Monarch. The Whiggifli 
 fadtion alone had no favour to hope for j 
 and their late attempts had brought them 
 into general difcredit w^ith the nation. 
 James the Second afcended the throne. 
 Bigoted, headflrong, and imprudent, he 
 had long, it feems, formed the defign of 
 new-modelling the religion of his country. 
 Had the exclufion-bill paffbd, and James 
 never reigned, it would have been well 
 for Catholics. Yet the eafy fuppreffion of 
 Monmouth's rebellion, and the execution 
 of the heads of that defperate fadion, 
 feemed at firll: to promife fuccefs to his 
 mod fanguine fchemes. The barbarities 
 committed by his officers on the defence- 
 lefs rebels, were, wdth much ill-nature, 
 imputed to the King : It was faid, his re- 
 ligion delighted in blood. This was a 
 wayward charge. — But very foon was ex- 
 hibited a fcene of imprudences, which 
 folly alone or treacherous defign could 
 have dictated. 
 
 James had admitted Catholic officers 
 into his army, whom he difpenfed from 
 
 the
 
 [ 72 ] 
 James IF, t\iQ Tejl : againil this the parliament re- 
 rnonftrated j he returned them a peevifli 
 anfvvxr, and prorogued them. — His deter- 
 mination then was to have a Catholic in- 
 tereft in the Privy Council. Four Lords 
 of that perfuafion were admitted ; and the 
 crafty Sunderland, with much piety decla- 
 ring himfelf a Papift, was nominated Pre- 
 fident. — In other parts of the kingdom 
 the old magiftrates v/ere difplaced, and 
 Catholics put in their room. Proteflants 
 veryjuftly took the alarm, and the efta- 
 bliflied Church, though ever loyal, (lie wed 
 a face of determined oppofition to fuch 
 rafh meafures. A Court of Ecclefiaftical 
 Commiffion was therefore appointed; and 
 though wholly compofed of Proteflant 
 members, it gave univerfal offence. Its 
 office was to infped all Church affairs ; to 
 reward the pliant, and to punifli the re- 
 fradory. It was a Court of Inquifition. — 
 The next flep w^as to grant liberty of 
 confcience to all Sedaries. The King 
 publifhed his declaration, which contained 
 much good itwi^^ and great liberality of 
 fentiment : But its drift was evident, and 
 the nation loudly complained. Chapels 
 were now opened, and the Catholic fervice 
 publicly performed. Fatlier Petre, a weak 
 
 but
 
 [ 7Z ] 
 
 but defigning jcfuit, appeared at Court> James IL 
 and was fometinie after fvvorn a member 
 of the Privy- Council. An Ambaffador 
 extraordinary was fent to Rome, to lay 
 at his Holinefs's feet the King's fubmif- 
 iion, and to folicit a mitre and a Cardi- 
 nal's hat for the brows of Petre. The Ro- 
 mans faw the folly of this precipitate 
 Gondudt : *' Your King, faid they, ftiould 
 be excommunicated for thus attempting 
 to overturn the fmall remains of Popery ia 
 England." A Nuncio was however fent, 
 and he was received at Windfor with fo-^ 
 lemn pageantry. — He then attempted to 
 obtrude his Catholic minions on the Uni- 
 verfities : This was oppofed with becom- 
 ing refolution. — A fecond declaration for 
 liberty of cofifcience was ifllied, with this 
 particular injunftion, that it ihould be 
 read in all the Churches. The Bifhops 
 remonftrated ; they were fummoned be- 
 fore the Council ; were fent to the Tower ; 
 were foon after tried — -and acquitted. 
 
 The refentment of the people was novv* 
 
 raifed to the utmoll : The King began io 
 
 fee the folly of his proceedings 5 he wiiTied 
 
 to call a parliament ; and to effc(ft that by 
 
 K conflitutiunal
 
 [ 74 ] 
 James 11. conftltutional means, which he had vainly 
 attempted by every flretch of his difpen- 
 fing power. It was now too late : News 
 w^as brought him that William Prince of 
 Orange was preparing a jftrong force to 
 invade his territories. Difmayed and ter- 
 rified, he now faw there v/as no redrefs ; 
 for h^ had forfeited all claim to the love of 
 his fubjeds. The Prince landed ; and 
 James forfook a throne which he was un- 
 fit, and, I think, unworthy, to govern. — 
 When he firft retired from London, the 
 mob rofe, and deflroyed every Catholic 
 Chapel in the city; nor was there a 
 county in England, in which they did 
 not leave fome marks of their indignation. 
 
 Every attempt of James to fubvert the 
 efiabliihed religion, or rather to give tole- 
 ration to Catholics, (for this was all he 
 then aimed at) was attended with the moft 
 glaring violations of the laws ; and the 
 powers he affumed of difpenfing with 
 them, without the confent of Parliament, 
 broke afunder that facred compad:, by 
 which the people are bound to their Sove- 
 reign. He was no longer entitled to their 
 
 allegiance.
 
 [ 7S ] 
 
 allegiance*. Every patriot jfhould have James IF, 
 voted for his expulfion. Kings are made 
 for the people, and the laws of the realm 
 are their only rule of condudt : v^hen they 
 violate thefe, (it matters not under what 
 pretence) they become tyrants. — It was 
 unfortunate for James to have been fo ill- 
 advifed. The inclinations of his own 
 mind would not, I think, have hurried 
 him on fo far. But wicked and defigning 
 Ministers, leagued with weak and infatu- 
 ated Priefls, muft at any time prove an 
 over-match for greater abilities than ever 
 fell to the lot of a Stuart. The Catholics, 
 as a body, merit not the reprehenfion, I 
 give to Petre and his affociates. They 
 faw the wretched folly and the weak views 
 of thofe bad advifers ; and they condemned 
 the precipitancy of meafures which, they 
 knew, could only terminate in their ruin. 
 As muft ever be the cafe with ail men, in 
 a fimilar iituation, they wiflied to be re- 
 lieved from oppreffion 3 but the undi- 
 K 2 fturbed 
 
 * Yet had the difpe7iftng poiver in general, obferves Mr. 
 Hume, been uniformly exerciied by the former Kings of Eng- 
 land. Even the Convention, fummoned by the Prince of 
 Orange, only condemned it, as it had been ajfumed arid exer- 
 c'lfed of late. The hill of ri;^hti fmajly feitled this important 
 point. — James therefore acled not fo luicojifitutiojially, as UHi- 
 ally reprefentsd.
 
 [ 76 ] 
 
 James II. ftupbed pTadice of their religion, with 
 the enjoyment of fome few civil liberties, 
 would have fatisfied their moft fanguine 
 defires. This I know from certain in- 
 formation ; But unhappily for them and 
 for their defcendentSj, the voice of pru- 
 dence and of cool religion was not at- 
 tended to, whilft wild zeal and romantic 
 piety were called in to fugged fchemes of 
 folly, and to precipitate their execution. 
 
 Williamlll. AS the Revolution, in the year 1688, 
 took place in oppofition to James's wild 
 projedls of introducing Popery, the Catho- 
 lics, it (hould feem, had much to appre- 
 hend from the event. But William was 
 too good a politician to be inclined to 
 ways of yiolence or perfecution. He had 
 been educated in a fchool, which taught 
 him to appreciate merit or demerit in a 
 fubjedl, not from his religious tenets, but 
 from the powers he poffeffed to promote 
 pr to oppofe the defigns of his mafler. 
 Catholics therefore foon experienced the 
 4enity of his government ; and though the 
 laws againft them remained unrepealed, yet 
 they wxre felciom put into rigorous execu- 
 tion. He confitiered them as a fmall 
 
 member
 
 [ n ] 
 
 inember of the great Jacobitical body, WillUmllL 
 whereof as the Proteftants were, without 
 comparifon, the moft formidable fadlion, 
 his good i^vii^ told \{\\xx that thefe were 
 to be watched with peculiar jealoufy. He 
 alfo foon difcovered, that tho' the Whigs 
 had been principally inftrumental in his 
 elevation to the Englifli throne, they were 
 of a fufpicious and untraftable charadler, 
 whofe ideas of liberty were ever foremoft, 
 and who would never lofe any opportunity 
 of abridging the Royal Prerogative. The 
 Catholics themfelves were not diflatisfied 
 with their condition ; it was bad indeed, 
 but they had expelled it would have been 
 much worfe : And had not a faUe notion 
 of Hereditary and Divine Right warped 
 their judgments, and taught them to be- 
 lieve Loyalty to the houfe of Stuart was a 
 virtue of Angular merit, they would pro- 
 bably have lat down, happy in the lo.weft 
 condition of Britifli fubjeds. But this 
 was a preppfieffion not peculiar to Catho- 
 lics ', it had its votaries in every othei: re- 
 ligious perfuafign. 
 
 In the beginning of his reign, to con- 
 ciliate the affeclions of the Diffenters, 
 ^vhom he fe*^red, the King paffed the fa,- 
 
 moas
 
 [78] 
 
 William III. mous Toleration A6i^ by which they were 
 freed from the penalties of the Acl ofUni^ 
 formity ; and to indulge the ill humour of 
 others, though contrary to his line of po- 
 litics, yet, becaufe he did not fear them, 
 he permitted fome fevere ftatutes to be 
 enadled againfl: the Catholics. By thefe 
 they are ordered to remove ten miles from 
 Weftminfter ; not to keep arms, or to be 
 in poffeffion of any horfe above the value 
 of five pounds, the Univerfities were 
 vefled with the advowfons belonging to 
 them : and that the mod diftant hope of 
 introducing Popery might be for ever pre- 
 cluded, an ad: paffed declaring that no 
 Papift, nor any one who marries a Papift, 
 fliall inherit the crown. 
 
 When James was in Ireland attempting 
 to recover the fceptre he had forfeited, and 
 when again, two years after, affided by 
 the French with a formidable Fleet, he 
 meditated a defcent in England, the Ca- 
 tholics kept themfelves quiet. I v/ill not 
 fay, they did not wifh him fuccefs, or 
 that many would not have joined him, 
 had he landed. Such meafures their Ja- 
 cobitifm didlated, as it did to the reft of 
 the party. — Nor, in the two dcfperate 
 
 plots.
 
 [ 19 ] 
 plots, which were formed to rellore the William III, 
 fallen King, in the lafi: of which the de- 
 fign was to allaffinate William, are there 
 any Catholics to be found of the leaft note 
 or intereft. Men of abandoned chara<5ler 
 and of defperate fortune, as 1 have often 
 before obferved, are always ready to en- 
 gage in fuch attempts. But in both plots 
 names were difcoveredof manyProteftants, 
 even of the Whiggifli faction, which were 
 capable of giving fplendor to the darkeft 
 defigns. The King even wifhed not to 
 know, fays Burnet, the number of thofe 
 who were in confpiracy againft him, and 
 declined all rigid enquiry. —It is rather 
 lingular, that fadious men had now aban- 
 doned the old trick, of alarming the na- 
 tion with the horrors of fome Popifh plot, 
 that their own fchemes might go on un- 
 obferved : The reafon probably was, they 
 knew William to be a Prince too inquifi- 
 tive to be impofed on by fidion ; and too 
 determined to be intimidated by the ru- 
 mour of imaginary dangers. 
 
 In 1699, the nth of W"illiam, an ad 
 paffed iov further preventing the growth of 
 Popery, of peculiar feverity. A reward of 
 a hundred pounds is offered for appre- 
 hending
 
 [ 8o ] 
 
 Williamlll. heading any Prieft or Jefuit: Papllls not 
 taking the oaths infix months, after eigh- 
 teen years of age, are declared incapable 
 to inherit lands, &c. and the next of kin> 
 a Proteftant, to enjoy the fame ; alfo Pa- 
 pifts are made incapable to purchafe lands^ 
 Ambafladors not to protect Priefts that are 
 fubjedts of England : a hundred pounds 
 forfeit for fending a child to be educated 
 abroad in the Romifli Religion : Popifh 
 parents obliged to allow a maintenance to 
 their children, becoming Proteflants> at 
 the Chancellor's determination. — The laft 
 claufe excepted, there is fomething fo An- 
 gularly cruel in this a6l, made at a time 
 when it does not appear that Catholics 
 had given any juft caufe of provocation, 
 that to a perfon^ unacquainted with the 
 circumilances in which it paffed> it mull 
 appear ftrangely unaccountable. This is 
 the ad:, parts of which the humanity and 
 Chriftian moderation of a British Parlia- 
 ment has lately .thought proper to re- 
 peal. — I (hall give in Biiliop Burnet's own 
 words, who was at the time himfeif in 
 the houfe, a ihort hiilory of the palling of 
 this fmgular adt. 
 
 *^ Upon
 
 [ 8i ] 
 
 *^ Upon the peace of Ryfwick, fays he, William III. 
 (two years before) a great fvvarm of Priefts 
 came over to England, not only thofe 
 whom the Revolution had frightened av^ay, 
 but many more new men, who appeared 
 in many places with great infolence ; and 
 it was faid, that they boafted of the favour 
 and protedion of which they were allured. 
 Some enemies of the government began to 
 give it out, that the favouring of that re- 
 ligion, was a fecret article of the peace; 
 and fo abfurd is malice and calumny, that 
 the Jacobites began to fay, that the King 
 was either of that religion, or at leafl a 
 favourer of it : Complaints of the avowed 
 pradtices and infolence of the Priefts were 
 brought from feveral places, during the 
 laft Seflion of Parliament, and thofe were 
 malicioufly aggravated by fome who call 
 the blame of all on the King. 
 
 ** Upon this, fome propofed a bill, that 
 obliged all perfons educated in that reli- 
 gion, or fufpeded to be of it, who fliould 
 fucceed to any eftate before they were of 
 the age of eighteen, to take the oaths of 
 Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Teft, 
 as foon as they came to that age ; and till 
 they did it, the eftate was to devolve to 
 h the
 
 [ 82 ] 
 
 WilliamllL the next of kin, that was a Proteftant ; 
 but was to return back to them, upon 
 their taking the oaths. All Popifh Priefts 
 were alfo baniflied bv the bill, and were 
 adjudged to perpetual imprifonment, if 
 they iliould again return to England; and 
 the reward of a hundred pounds was of" 
 fered to every one who fliould difcover a 
 Popifh Prieft, fo as to convid: him. Thofe 
 who brought this into the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, hoped that the Court would have 
 oppofed it; but the Court promoted the 
 bill ; fo when the party faw their miftake, 
 they fcemed willing to let the bill fall ; 
 and when that could not be done, they 
 clogged it with many fevere and fome 
 unreafonable claufes, hoping that the Lords 
 would not pafs the adt ; and it was faid, 
 that if the Lords fliould make the leaft 
 alteration in it, they, in the Houfe of 
 Commons, who had fet it on, were refolved 
 to let it lie on their table, when it fliould 
 be fent back to them. Many Lords, 
 who fecretly favoured Papifts, on the Ja- 
 cobite account, did, for this reafon, move 
 for feveral alterations ; fome of thefe im- 
 porting a greater feverity ; but the zeal 
 againft Popery was fuch in that houfe, that 
 the bill paffed v/ithout any amendment, 
 
 and
 
 [ 83 ] 
 
 and It had the Royal Affent." The Williamlll. 
 
 Bifhop then gives his reafons for affenting 
 to the bill, notwithflanding his general 
 principles for toleration, and his enmity 
 to all perfecutioa for confcience fake. 
 
 DURING the thirteen years of Queen Anne. 
 Anne's reign, who, on the death of Wil- 
 liam in 1702, fucceeded to the throne. 
 Catholics were permitted to live free from 
 inoleftation, fubjedt only to fuch reftraints 
 as former laws had impofed. They were 
 by no means difagreeable to Anne; flie 
 recolleded the loyalty they had always 
 fhewn tQ her family; nor did their prefent 
 attachrpent to her unfortunate brother 
 James give her difpleafure. Her throne 
 w^as too firmly fixed to be fliaken by a reed 
 fo broken. — The profeffion of the fame 
 political opinions with the Tories, con- 
 tributed not a little to procure them fome 
 efteem from that powerful fadlion ; it re- 
 moved part of the odium that had beea 
 
 annexed to the name of Papift. The 
 
 Whigs continued to deteil them, not now 
 fo much from hatred of their religion, as 
 becaufe th^ir Tory principles threw fo/iic? 
 weight into the fcale of their opponents. — 
 L 2 The
 
 [ 84 ] 
 
 Anne. The nation at large, amufed with the 
 found of viftories, which on all fides at- 
 tended our arms, and engaged in the ani- 
 mofity of political altercations, loft fight 
 of every other objeft : Enthufiafm in po- 
 litics had taken place of Enthufiafm in 
 religion. The leading men of the Ca- 
 tholic party, though removed from the 
 concerns of ftate, warmly efpoufed the 
 Tory intereft ; whilft the body itfelf, now 
 repofing frorn the violence of former op- 
 preflion, feerned to enjoy their prefent 
 Imall allotment of eafe, and fometimes 
 perhaps amufed thenifelves with the vain 
 refled:ion, that at the death of Anne, their 
 favourite James might be called to the 
 throne of his anceftors. In their turn 
 they hated the Whigs, whom they con- 
 fidered as the inftruments of the Revolu- 
 tion ; and though this event had proved 
 the real caufe of their prefent happinefs, 
 it would have been criminal, they thought, 
 to have indulged any favourable emotions 
 towards them. Such was the charafterof 
 their loyalty j and at that time a Whig- 
 Catholic would have been deemed a phe- 
 nomenon, fit only to excite the deteftation 
 pf fonie, and the amazeiiient of others. 
 
 At 
 
 1
 
 [ 85 ] 
 
 At the end of the feffion in 1706, great Anne, 
 complaints were made in both houfes of 
 parliament of the growth of Popery, par- 
 ticularly in Lancafhire, and of great im- 
 prudencies committed both by the Laity 
 and Priefts of that communion. I do not 
 find what thefe imprudencies were. A 
 bill was therefore brought into the Lower 
 Houfe, with fuch claufes, as would have 
 rendered more elFedual the late adl of 
 King William. The Catholics made pow- 
 erful interceffion. The court feemed in- 
 different in the matter -, whilfl the ene- 
 mies to the bill reprefented it as ^' unrea- 
 fonably fevere at a time, when we were in 
 alliance with fo many Princes of that re- 
 ligion, and when the Queen was actually 
 interceding for indulgence to the Pro- 
 tellants in their dominions." ^' It was con- 
 trary alfo, they faid, to thofe maxims of 
 liberty of confcienpe and toleration, which 
 now began fo generally to prevail." — It 
 was anfwered, ** That the avowed depen- 
 dence of Papifts on a foreign jurifdi^ion, 
 and at prefent on a foreign Pretender to 
 the crown, put them in a fituation widely 
 different from that of other Dillenters ; 
 that they were rather to be confidered as 
 enemies to the ftate, than as Briti(h fub- 
 
 ieds.'
 
 [ 86 ] 
 
 Anne, jefts."— The firll of thefe charges was a 
 groiindlers accufation ; the fecond was 
 equally applicable to the whole Jacobiti- 
 cal Faction. — The, bill dropt ; and an ad- 
 drel^s was made to the Queen that ilie 
 would order a return, of all the rPapilts in 
 England, to be prepared,- for the next 
 feliion of parliament. 
 
 The violent commotions, which were 
 raifed in 1709, on account of the dodlrine 
 of Non-refiilance and other Tory-maxims, 
 advanced in afermpn by Sacheverel, though 
 partly of a religious complexion, contri- 
 buted not a Jittle to draw the attention 
 of-^thc _public from all confiderations of 
 Popery. The eftabliflied Church warmly 
 efpoufed his caufe, declaring tlieir abhor- 
 rence of all Whiggiih doctrines 5 and the 
 popular fury, which before iiad alv»?ays 
 raged againll Popery, flamed Qut with 
 unufual violence aoainft the Diilentine 
 Proteftants. The cry now was, 'The 
 Church and Sacheverel I In their madnefs, 
 tliey deflroyed feveral Meeting- Houfes, 
 plundered the dwellings of many eminent 
 DilTenters, and even, it is laid, propofed 
 to attack the Bank itlelf. Some people of 
 better fafliion were fuppofed to direcft 
 
 thefe
 
 [ «7 ] 
 thefe proceedings ; they followed the mob Anne, 
 in hackney coaches, and were fcen fend- 
 ing meifages to them. — At this time, a 
 Catholic, with Sacheverel's fermon in his 
 hand, might have preached all the doc- 
 trines of Rome at Charing Crofs, and have 
 received the fhouts of the multitude : So 
 fmall were the. remains of common reafon 
 and conliftent fenfe ! 
 
 In the twelfth year of her Majefty, fome 
 other complaints being made againft Ca- 
 tholics, though I cannot find of what na- 
 ture they were, a bill pafTed againft them, 
 for rendering more effedual the ad of 
 King William. By this they are difabled 
 from prefenting to benefices ; and the be- 
 nefices in their prefentation are confirmed 
 to the twoUniverlities, who may prefer bills 
 in Chancery to dlfcover fraudulent trufts. 
 
 PURSUANT to the ^cf ofSucceJ/io/iy on George I. 
 the death of Anne, George the Firft, the 
 next Proteftant heir, came to the throne 
 in 1 714. — The friends to James now faw 
 all their fchemes for his reiloration at once 
 blafled, and themfelves expofed to the 
 frov/ns of their new Kin^. The exulta- 
 tion
 
 [ 88 ] 
 
 George L tlon of the Whigs was indeed unbounded, 
 when the road to honours and exclufive 
 favour lay open before them, and their 
 enemies were fallen at their feet. George 
 could not but view thofe men in a favour- 
 able light, who had fo long profeffed 
 themfelves his friends, and to whofe ex- 
 ertions he owed his crown. The Tories 
 were his enemies, and they expefted little 
 favour. As to the Catholics, though it 
 was well known they would have bled to 
 impede his fucceffion, yet the King was 
 only difpofed to view them in the com- 
 mon light of other opponents. In Ger- 
 many he had learned a leflbn of religious 
 moderation. Where Catholics and Pro- 
 teftants blend promifcuoufly together, and 
 pray to God under the fame roof, all 
 acrimony and marks of odious diftindion 
 muft neceflarily difappear. He likewife 
 perceived, they were too infignificant to 
 create any uneafy folicitude ; nor did he 
 wifli to provoke a worm by wanton feve- 
 rities. The word Popery to his ears con- 
 veyed no ideas of horror : Jacobitifm was 
 a found more replete with danger and 
 fufpicion. The Catholics themfelves, 
 though forely difappointed, were little in- 
 clined to murmur, whea they faw before 
 
 them
 
 [ 89 ] 
 
 them a fair profped: of tranquillity, which ^^^^Z- 1* 
 nothing, it appeared, but their own folly 
 could diflurb. They were therefore eafy 
 under this new arrangement; thofe only 
 excepted, whofe dreams of loyalty, di- 
 flurbing the obvious fuggefHons of pru- 
 dence and common fcnic, rendered unfa- 
 tisfied and refllefs. But as yet no occa- 
 fion offered for exertion. With others of 
 the fame defcription, they therefore fat 
 down, in fuUen refignation, brooding over 
 their airy profpe6ls of golden days, fram- 
 ing plans of vaft execution, and cheridi- 
 ing, in great felf- complacency, all the 
 comforts of thofe exalted virtues, which 
 Jacobitifm only could infpire. 
 
 The popular cry againft the DiiTenters 
 ftill prevailing, they were branded as the 
 promoters of opinions, from which not 
 only heterodoxy, but vice of every kind, 
 were daily gaining flrength. The efta- 
 bliflied Church, it was faid, flood in im- 
 minent danger of fubverfion. The Clergy 
 were loud in their complaints ; but they 
 were filenced, and all difputations on re- 
 ligious topics prohibited. Thefe methods 
 proving inefficacious to flop the mouth 
 of oppofition, an artifice of fingular power 
 M was
 
 [ 90 ] 
 
 was devifed. "Jacobitifm and Popery were 
 made fynonymous terms ; and all fuch as 
 teftified any difcontent againft government 
 were branded with the double appellation* 
 The Tories were univerfally involved in 
 this imputation 3 whilft the real Catholics, 
 befides the old fligma of their religion, 
 had alfo to bear the charge of political 
 heterodoxy. The Whigs triumphed in 
 this fortunate ftratagem : It funk the po- 
 pularity of their opponents ; nor could 
 the efFe6t be evaded, fmce it was well 
 known that the charge in general was 
 founded on truth. The Tories were, in 
 principle at leaft, friends to Jacobitifm, 
 and fo were the Papifts ; they fliould not 
 therefore, it feemed, be great enemies to 
 each other. From this time, and for 
 many years to come, the words Jacobite 
 and Papijl remained infeparably united. 
 
 In the rebellion of 171 5, fo rafhly con- 
 certed to reftore the Pretender, we find 
 names of every defcription in religion and 
 politics j Tories, Whigs, Church of Eng- 
 land-Men, Diffenters, and Cathohcs. The 
 difcontented of all parties engaged. It 
 can be no furprife, if many Catholics 
 efpoufed the wild attempt : Their attach- 
 ment
 
 [ 91 ] 
 
 ment to James, as I have fald, was of the George L 
 moil lincere and ianguine chara(5ter ; and 
 the religious prejudices of many at that 
 time were warm enough to infpire them 
 with enthufiafm in the caufe. Ths num- 
 ber of real infurgents was, however, in- 
 confiderable : The whole body wifhed him 
 fuccefs, but the ardour of a41 was not fuf- 
 ficiently flaming to lead them to the field 
 
 of adlion. The forfeiture of property, 
 
 which fucceeded the execution of fome of 
 the principal Catholic rebels, was a great 
 blow to the intereft of the body; but for- 
 tunately the blood then fpilt read a leflbn 
 to the reft of the party, which has proved 
 highly ufeful to their pofterity. From 
 that day, their loyalty began to cool, and 
 Jacobitifm was little more than an empty 
 found 
 
 When men acb from principles, how- 
 ever erroneous, they acquire a confiftency 
 of characfter, which, by proper manage- 
 ment, may be directed to much good. 
 George weighed attentively the motives, 
 which had drawn the Catholics into the 
 late rebellion ; he admired their fleady, 
 though miftaken loyalty ; he pitied their 
 blindnefs ; and he wifhed to reclaim them. 
 M 2 A
 
 [ 92 ] 
 
 George L A projed therefore, in the year 1719, was 
 fet on foot, and I believe with ferious de- 
 fign, to give them eafe, and thereby to 
 enfure their future allegiance. Miniftry 
 were engaged in the fcheme, and feemed 
 to wiili it fuccefs. But this alfo ended 
 as every other projed: had ended before. 
 The committee of Catholics, appointed 
 to condud: the bufmefs, difagreed amongft 
 themfelves ; the affair funk, and was heard 
 of no more. The principal agent was 
 Dr. Strickland, afterwards Bifhop of Na- 
 mur, who was very intimate with the 
 King, and whofe views, had they been 
 followed, might have brought certain re- 
 lief to his party. But there was a narrow- 
 nefs in the minds of Catholics, Laity as 
 well as Clergy, which little Icfs than mi- 
 raculous powers could have enlarged. 
 Thanks to Heaven ! thofe powers, from 
 that time, began to operate, and the pre- 
 fent generation dares to think and to ad, 
 on a more liberal and extenlive plan. 
 
 Some la'vvs, even during this reign, were 
 iiiade againft Catholics. Their hard fate 
 would have it, that no era of Britifli Hif- 
 tory fliould be left without fome mark of 
 their oppreffion ! By the firft of George, 
 
 withia
 
 [ 93 ] 
 
 within fix months after they come to the George I. 
 age of twenty-one, they are obliged to 
 regifter their names and eftates with the 
 clerk of the peace : The non-compliance 
 wdth this form to be punifhed with forfei- 
 ture of efl:ate,&c. — By the third of George, 
 they are charged with an additional ex- 
 pence in every family-tranfaftion, by be- 
 ing compelled to inroll all deeds^ &c. — 
 They are alfo loaded with the payment 
 of a double fum aflefled upon Proteftants 
 by the land-tax acl ; but this, I believe, 
 was firft ordered in the reign of William. 
 
 THE thirty-three years of George the George IL 
 fecond's reign, which began in 1727, ex- 
 hibit no material change in the condition 
 of Catholics. They continued in the 
 fame ftate of tranquillity, unengaged fpec- 
 tators of thofe turbulent fcenes, in which 
 the nations of Europe were fucceffively 
 occupied. One event only happened, 
 which I (hall prefently notice, in which 
 they were concerned ; and that probably, 
 if human forefight may be allowed to 
 judge, will be the laft to reitore the fallen 
 Stuarts. 
 
 From
 
 [ 94 ] 
 
 George II. From the eafe they had now, for a long 
 time, enjoyed, and which, compared with 
 their former ftate of perpetual vexation, 
 was very great, CathoHcs had become 
 more fociable ; they began to tafte thofe 
 fweets of life, which liberty and open in- 
 tercourfe with the world can fupply. As 
 the weight of oppreffion lightened, and 
 the feverity of penal profecution ceafed, 
 the ftern vigour of their minds relaxed, 
 and they every day loft fomething of that 
 enthufiafm of foul, which the fufferers 
 for real, or for fancied juftice, always 
 experience. Such enthufiafm can give 
 charms to oppreffion or to death. The 
 confequences of this change were evident. 
 Men of family grew daily lefs zealous in 
 religion; their wonted loyalty abated; 
 and they infenfibly reformed firft their 
 politics, and foon after often conformed 
 to the eftabliihed Church. Already, du- 
 ring the prefent century, this has been the 
 cafe with many ; and every year will 
 now continue to Vv^itnefs the progrefs of 
 the fame revolution. The fplendor of 
 the party by fuch means vaniflied; whilft 
 the remaining multitude were viewed as 
 an object, capable of raifing, nor love, 
 nor hatred, nor envy, nor fufpicion: and 
 
 had
 
 [ 95 ] 
 
 had not the late rebellion of 1745 unfof- George IL 
 tunately intervened, before this day, pro- 
 bably, the name of Popery would have 
 been an unheeded found, and all execu- 
 tion of the penal ftatutes utterly fufpended. 
 
 At the inftigation of French councils, 
 not meant to give him any real fupport, 
 and hurried on by the bad advice of his 
 misjudging friends, and his own vain 
 ambition, the young Pretender, v^ith an 
 army of feven men, landed in Scotland. 
 In this Northern foil, fo congenial with 
 its nature, had long been planted the 
 tree of rebellion, and under its deadly fhade 
 grew many noxious herbs, favourable to 
 the nurture of bigotry, fanaticifm, trea- 
 fon, and all the felfi(h and unfociable 
 paffions. The Scots often reforted to this 
 fatal fpot, and in large draughts drank 
 down the contagion : Here they met 
 the young adventurer. The firfl: fuc- 
 cefs, and fubfequent events, of this rafli 
 invafion are well known. Its chief, and 
 almofl only, fupport was from Scotland, 
 aflifted afterwards by a few Englilh, and 
 of thefe a very finall part were Catholics. 
 There appeared no real difpofition in the 
 reft of the party to join him, though their 
 
 wiflies
 
 [ 96 ] 
 
 wiflies were, in general, very fervent for 
 his fuccefs. A general alarm was now 
 given to the nation, and the old cry of 
 Popery was echoed from fliore to fliore. 
 The rebellion, however, was foon termi- 
 nated. Some lives were forfeited, and the 
 tumults fubfided. But a frefli impreffion 
 was again made, which called up the 
 former animofity of the nation, and it was 
 faid by many, that Papifts would never 
 peaceably fubmit to a Proteftant govern- 
 ment. This was an ill-natured charge : 
 For very few Catholics, I have obferved, 
 were engaged in the rebellion ; and if the 
 body mud fuffer for the follies of thefe 
 few, furely the fame fhould be the fate 
 of Proteftants ; for of thefe, fome in Eng- 
 land> and many in Scotland, joined the 
 Rebel ftandard. There is alfo fomething 
 to plead in favour of Catholics, which is 
 not applicable to Proteftants. Thefe men 
 enjoyed all the privileges of Britifh fub- 
 jeds, whilft the former were oppreffed; 
 and this for the original fin imputed to 
 their anceftors, in which they at leaft had 
 no concern. When a profped of relief 
 opens, may not the v^retched ftrive to en- 
 ter ? But he that is not eafy on a bed of 
 rofes, deferves to be laid on thorns. 
 
 When
 
 [ 97 ] 
 
 When the popular fury had fubfided George IL 
 on the extindlion of the rebelUon, the Ca- 
 thoHcs gradually returned to their ftate of 
 tranquillity ; and thus they lived, .peace- 
 able and unoffending fubjed:s, complying 
 with the refpedlive duties of civil life, and 
 worfliiping God in the very retired and 
 fecret manner, the lenity of government 
 allowed, during the remaining part of his 
 Majeiiy's reign. 
 
 In the fhort view, I have exhibited, the 
 reader has feen the fucceffive revolutions 
 and changes to which the Catholics of 
 England have been fubjedled from the 
 Reformation, almofl down to the prefent 
 day. It is unneceffary to recapitulate 
 events, where the fubjecfl has been drawn 
 to fo fmall a point. I leave him therefore 
 to his own refledlions. One obfervation 
 only I wifh to add ; that in no part of the 
 hiftory of mankind do we meet with any 
 fociety, who have made fewer attempts to 
 regain their loft privileges, or who for 
 thefe attempts have been fubjecHed to fe- 
 verer penalties. Nor in their conftant 
 behaviour to Catholics, have Protcftants 
 fliewn the leaft trace of that liberal, hu- 
 mane, and manly fpirit which, on everj^ 
 N other
 
 [ 98 ] 
 
 George 11. other occafion, is iccn to animate the 
 brcafts of Engliflimen. Yet we are the 
 old flock, from whence they fprang ! 
 
 George III. NO occurrence, of fufficient weight 
 to call the hiftorian's attention, having 
 happened in the concerns of Catholics, for 
 the feventeen firft years of his prefent Ma- 
 jefty's reign, I haften to the tranfadions 
 of 1778, when a bill was obtained, by 
 which fome relief was granted them from 
 the feverity of a former ftatute. The uni- 
 form tenour of their condudl, in cir- 
 cumftances of real trial, had convinced 
 their greateft enemies, that now at leaft 
 they deferved the indulgence of govern- 
 ment. '* If they may not enjoy unlimit- 
 ed toleration, faid they, vv^e fliould not, 
 however, opprefs unoffending citizens.'* 
 
 A Philofopher, who fhould have viewed 
 the general features of the nation, at this 
 time, would have been induced to believe, 
 that a more favourable opportunity never 
 could have offered, for an opprefTed party 
 to fue for redrefs. The bigotry and nar- 
 row fancies of former days fecmed melted 
 down into extenfive philanthropy, and a 
 
 mild
 
 [ 99 1 
 
 mild indulgence to the errors of our fel- George III. 
 low-creatures. In Church, the great 
 points of religious toleration had been 
 ably inveftigated ; and very few there 
 were, on the bench of Bifliops, who v/ere 
 not ftrongly difpofed to allow the fullefl 
 liberty to DifTenters of every defcription. — 
 State politicians concerned themfelves lit- 
 tle in affairs of confcience ; they had ob- 
 jeds of another nature to attend to, which 
 demanded more than common exertion ; 
 belides, they wifhed the concurrence of 
 all men to their fchemes, whether of war 
 or of peace. — The Minority in Parliament 
 were numerous and determined; but they 
 were men peculiarly liberal in fentiment, 
 and whofe notions of extenfive freedom 
 could not be reconciled with the fmalleft 
 element of oppreffion. — The higher ranks 
 in life affeded to think lightly of religion 
 in general : To them every fpecies of per- 
 fecution was an abfurdity, odious and 
 contemptible. Many of them had tra- 
 velled, and had feen religion in all its 
 modes y they had dined with Cardinals, " 
 and perhaps converfed with the Pope ; and 
 had found him to be a good-tempered, 
 inoffenfive old man, without either horns 
 or cloven feet. — The multitude, as is ever 
 N 2 the
 
 [ 100 ] 
 
 George III. the cafe, copied their fuperiors : Much 
 irreligion every where prevailed amongft: 
 them, particularly in the towns ; it was 
 not therefore to be apprehended, they 
 would be alarmed with any indulgence 
 allowed to Catholics. — -The Difciples of 
 Wefley only, and fome of the Diflenting 
 congregations, appeared to retain the illi- 
 beral ftifFnefs of old times ; the word 
 Popery to their ears was ftill a found of 
 horror. But then the Diffenters were 
 themfelves petitioning for relief^ and the 
 Methodifts, it was hoped, had not totally 
 loft the mild character of the eftablifhed 
 Church, of which they ftill aifedl to be 
 members. — At the head of all, George the 
 Third was known to have inherited the 
 religious moderation of his family ; and 
 in him this amiable difpofition had been 
 early improved by a philofophic and libe- 
 ral education. He knew, that the Ca- 
 tholics of England were good fubjecfts ; 
 he knew, that the old popular cry againft. 
 Popery, though for one time politically 
 kept up to ferve his family, was at this 
 day difingenuous and fordid ; and he knew, 
 that the attachment they had to the Stu- 
 arts, was now univerfally transfered to 
 the houfe of Hanover. In that fteadinefs 
 
 of
 
 of miftaken loyalty fo long preferved, he George III, 
 difcovered a fure pledge of the unalterable 
 permanency of their prefent allegiance. — - 
 In this flate of things the Catholics were 
 advifed firft to addrefs his Majefty, and 
 then to petition parliament for relief. 
 The fuccefs, which attended thefe mea- 
 fures, convinced them, that they were not 
 deceived in the favourable notions they 
 had formed of the times. 
 
 It has been faid, that the Popifli bill 
 was infidioujly brought into parliament 
 at the end of a feffion, when many of the 
 members were out of town, and when the 
 others Vv^ifhed to retire. It has alfo been 
 faid ; that had time been allowed for cool 
 refledion, or had the fenfe of the nation 
 been maturely taken, the bill had never 
 palTed. — The fa^y with regard to the 
 iirft allegation, is true. But it fo h^ip- 
 pened by no intentional or colluiive de- 
 fign. The Catholics themfelves, as I 
 well know, never thought of petitioning 
 for relief till towards the end of Lent of 
 that year, and from that time there was 
 not a day to lofe. This, I believe, was 
 rather a fortunate circumftance. For 
 though no bill could have paiTed with 
 
 more
 
 [ 102 ] 
 
 George III. more concurrent approbation of both 
 houfes, which were by no means thin, as 
 is falfly afferted ; yet had leifure been gi- 
 ven for the ill humour of bigotry and of 
 Scotch fanaticifm to ferment, moft pro- 
 bably, to judge from late experience, an 
 oppofition might have been blown up, 
 far too powerful for all the efforts of good 
 fenfe and Chriftian moderation. But the 
 nation at large was not difpleafed with the 
 bill. Their fenfe is to be taken, whilft 
 they are cool and temperate -, and not 
 when fedition has raifed difcontents and 
 murmurs, by the bad arts of mifreprefen- 
 tation and calumny. This was mofl no- 
 torioufly pradifed : For when parliament 
 examined the grounds, from which rofe 
 the popular clamour, it was found that 
 no fmgle charge, urged by the petitioning 
 Proteftants, w^as true. The Catholics 
 had taken no unfair advantage of the in- 
 dulgence granted them ; they had opened 
 no new Schools ; had built no additional 
 Chapels ; had inveigled no Proteftant 
 children ; had laboured to make no new 
 Profelytes -, in a word, they had. lived in 
 the fame retired, unoffending manner, as 
 had been, for many years, their wonted 
 .practice. Their countenances had perhaps 
 
 put
 
 [ 1^3 ] 
 
 put on a more cheerful air, and did Eng- George IIL 
 liflimen envy them t^is fmall portion of 
 happinefs ! 
 
 The indulgence they had obtained, tho* 
 they were thankful for it, was after all 
 but a fmall favour. The new bill re- 
 pealed only fome parts of the aft of the 
 1 2th of King William ; thofe which re- 
 lated to the apprehending of Popifli Bi- 
 fliops and Priefts, and fubjeded them, as 
 alfo Papifts keeping fchool, to perpetual 
 imprifonment y likewife that claufe which 
 difabled Catholics from inheriting or pur- 
 chafing lands. But they were not to be- 
 nefit even of this indulgence, unlefs,. 
 v/ithin a limited time, they took and fub- 
 fcribed an oath, in itfelf fufliciently hu- 
 miliating, which was prepared for them. — > 
 The other claufes of this aft, with the 
 whole code of other fevere and fanguinary 
 Jaws, remained, and do now remain, in 
 full force againft them. Yet the public 
 has been told, that an unlimited Tolera- 
 tion had been granted to Catholics. Were 
 the authors of fuch malignant reports re- 
 duced to their flate, the ilaves in the plan- 
 tations of Jamaica would have little reafoa 
 to envy their condition. The aft of Wij- 
 
 liam^
 
 [ 1^4 I 
 George III. liam, from the reward it held out to in- 
 formers, of which bad ufe had often been 
 made, and from the particular circum- 
 ftances which attended its original forma- 
 tion, was judged to be peculiarly deferv- 
 ing of this partial repeal, 
 
 I am not difpofed to enter into a detail 
 of thofe riotous proceedings, which dif- 
 graced the month of June of 1780 -, they 
 are ftill frefh in every one's memory ; and 
 they will continue to blacken the annals 
 of Engliih hiftory to the lateft timjes. — I 
 have before me an accurate narrative of 
 the tranfadio.ns of each meeting of the 
 Proteftant Affociation, previous to their 
 fatal affembly in St. George's Fields. It 
 was taken by a perfon, who gave painful 
 attendance at their feveral convocations. 
 Neither reafon, humanity, nor religion, 
 were ever permitted to enter their doors ; 
 wild uproar, ranting declamation, and low 
 calumny, dired:ed their councils, and dic- 
 tated their refolves. The event anfwered 
 
 fuch antichriilian deliberations. -The 
 
 fcheme of oppofition, taken up by thefe 
 ^nad reformers, originated in Scotland. 
 They had fet the example ; and they gave 
 them a Prefident well adapted to the work. 
 
 The
 
 [ 105] 
 The Scots gloried, that by fo nobly with- George III. 
 Handing every defign to give relief to their 
 Catholic fellow- fubjedls at home, they 
 had fought the battles of the Lord, and 
 had triumphed. They were ready, they 
 faid, to march into England, to profecute 
 the holy war, and to facrifice to the manes 
 of Knox, thofe friends to fuperftition and 
 idolatry, who had dared to liften to the 
 foft fuggeftions of humanity and reafon, 
 rather than to the howls of intolerant fa- 
 
 naticifm* The reader will excufe my 
 
 warmth when I fpeak of thefe men : It is 
 Philofophy pleading the caufe of human 
 nature in the year 1780 ! — I mad add, if 
 Miniflry had adted with becoming forti- 
 tude in the riots of Scotland, we fliould 
 not probably have fcen a Proteftant AfTo- 
 ciation in London. But firmnefs is not a 
 virtue of modern growth. 
 
 With pleafure I could draw a contrafl: 
 betvv^ixt the behaviour of Catholics and 
 that of their enemies. Whilft thefe were 
 meditating fchemes of oppreflicn and cru- 
 elty, they filently looked on ; nor could 
 they be perfuaded to think that any ap- 
 
 I plication to parliament, for a repeal of 
 their bill, was ferioufly intended. Con- 
 O fcious
 
 [ io6 ] 
 
 George III. fcious of the reftitude of their own con- 
 dudt, they wifhed not to impute fuch bad 
 defigns to any men. Otherwife a timely 
 application might probably have fruftrated 
 the projedied plan. When the riots be- 
 gan, their behaviour was ftill more ex- 
 emplary. With pain they viewed them- 
 felves as the innocent occafion of fuch wild 
 and calamitous tumults ; and they la- 
 mented to fee foldiers marching into Lon- 
 don, thofe dangerous protedlors of the 
 lives and property of Britifli citizens. 
 They could have themfelves repelled the 
 moft determined attacks of that lawlefs 
 rabble -, and it v/as with difficulty that a 
 brave infulted band of Irifh Catholics 
 were relirained from dreadful retaliation. 
 At one time, the innate principle of felf- 
 prefervation feemed to call for fuch a mea- 
 fure. But fearful of adding to the fcene 
 of confternation, and deiirous of convinc- 
 ing their greateft enemies, that the love 
 of order and of peace was, in their minds, 
 fuperior to all other confiderations, the 
 Catholics rather chofe to fee their property 
 deftroyed, and themfelves fliamefully in- 
 fulted, than to refift. The principles of 
 fuch men are not furelv of that dark com- 
 plexion;, which mifreprefentation has in- 
 
 firua:ed
 
 [ 107 ] 
 flru£ted the mind of ignorance to believe ! George III. 
 Their only wifh had been, to poffefs their 
 own property in legal fecurity, to educate 
 their own children, and to wor&ip God 
 in the manner their confciences direcfled. 
 This privilege the laws of nature feem to 
 allow to all men ; but when a Britifh Par- 
 liament had granted it to Catholics, a mob 
 of Britifh Proteftants tumultuoufly de- 
 manded its revocation. 
 
 It is time to lofc fight of this horrid Conclufion. 
 tranfadtion, and cooly to purfue another 
 objedl. Refledion naturally occurs to 
 every man, and if himfelf uninformed, he 
 wiflies to afk the following queflion : *' Is 
 there really any thing in the manners or 
 in the principles of Catholics, at the pre- 
 fent day, that can juftly give alarm to go- 
 vernment, as now eftablifhed in Church 
 or State ? It matters not, fays he, what 
 all or any of that body may have thought 
 or pradifed in former times ; nor does it 
 regard us, what may now be the fenti- 
 inents of Catholics in other countries. 
 We wifli information with regard to thofe 
 few only, who actually live amongft us. 
 The clamours of a mob, or the declama- 
 O 2 tory
 
 [ io8 ] 
 
 Conclufion. tory difcourfes of ignorant, felfifli, and 
 bigoted men, deferve no attention ; they 
 mufl: ever deceive us : but in cool and dif- 
 paflionate. temper, we defire to receive 
 fuch inftrudions, as can only be fupplied 
 by thofe, w^ho are themfelves Catholics, 
 and who are thoroughly acquainted with 
 the real ftate of that body now in Eng- 
 land. 
 
 The author of thefe (heets flatters him- 
 felf, he can give this information : he was 
 educated in an Englifh College abroad; 
 he has fince that lived and converfed with 
 people of all ranks in that perfuafion at 
 home : he is himfelf a Catholic, and has 
 iong made the ftudy of their principles a 
 ferious occupation ; and, from what has 
 already been delivered in the foregoing 
 pages, he prefumes, his readers will not 
 think him too much biaffed to his own 
 party, or improperly warm in his repre- 
 fentation of men and things. He trufts 
 alio, that his Catholic friends will not 
 be offended at the candid defcription he 
 is going to exhibit of their manners, prin- 
 ciples, ftate, and circumftances. If the 
 yiew prove fometimes unpleafant, he is 
 
 not
 
 [ 109 ] 
 
 not blameable. The artift who fits down Conclufion. 
 to draw a landfcape, mufi:, with equal 
 fidelity, defcribe the dreary wildernefs 
 and the flowery plain, if they be real 
 parts of the fcene before him. 
 
 END of the FIRST PART.
 
 A 
 
 VIEW OF 
 
 ENGLISH CATHOLICS, 
 
 LAITY and CLERGY; 
 
 THEIR 
 
 NUMBER, WEALTH, CHARACTER, ^c. 
 
 In the Present Year, 1781. 
 
 PART II. 
 
 T is furely inconfiftent with the cha- Introduciloe 
 rad:er of a great nation to be intimi- 
 dated by imaginary apprehenfions ; yet it 
 often happens that greater alarms are rai- 
 fed by fach impreffions, than by the ap- 
 proach of real and weighty danger. We 
 liave feen how aftonifhingly this kingdom 
 has been repeatedly convulfed by fictitious 
 plots and the vain dread of Popery. The 
 event has always proved that fuch fear 
 
 was caufelefs. Another misfortune is, 
 
 that mod men, either from indolence or 
 
 from
 
 r "2] 
 
 Inti-oduiSlion from want of opportunities, take their 
 information from the report of others ; 
 little refledting, that they who are mofl 
 ready to inform, are frequently adtuated 
 by motives widely diftant from the love 
 of truth. To receive fuch inflruftions 
 without further enquiry, argues a rafh, 
 a weak, or a malevolent heart. — When a 
 nation, in any branch of its eftablifhment, 
 is in danger from the fuppofed defigns of 
 a party, there mull: be fomething in the 
 principles or in the circumftances of the 
 latter, on which fufpicions may be found- 
 ed. The politician will then take a cir- 
 cumfcriptive view. From whatever quar- 
 ter he is inilrudled to look for danger, 
 that way he will diredl his fight. He has 
 learned, from perufing the hiftory of man- 
 kind, that the powers of any faffion to 
 do mifchief are, in a well-regulated flate, 
 extremely limited ; and he has alfo learned 
 that fuch powers are generally exerted in 
 a fimilar manner. Human nature is the 
 fame in all its evolutions. He has there- 
 fore a clue given him, whereby his re- 
 fearches may be drawn to a fure conclu- 
 hon. If Catholics be a faction dangerous 
 to the flatc, they mufi: be fo in the man- 
 ner of other fadions : The point will be 
 
 eafily
 
 [ "3 ] 
 
 cafily decided ; for they are not furely en- Imroduaion 
 dowed with powers of preternatural energy! 
 
 BY the returns lately given in to the Number of 
 Houfe of Lords, it appears, that the ac- Catholics. 
 tual number of Catholics, in England and 
 Wales, amounts to 69,376. — I had be- 
 fore fixed it at 60,000, and confidering 
 how very uncertain all fuch returns mufl 
 be from various caufes, perhaps my calcu- 
 lation was not erroneous. — From the re- 
 prefentation of the very learned and worthy 
 Prelate, (the BilTiop of Chefter) who fpoke 
 fo fully on the queftion, we are informed, 
 that in the diocefe of Chefter alone there 
 are now 27,228 Catholics. Since the laft: 
 return in 1767, they have there increafed 
 2089. — General population has in that 
 quarter made a moft rapid progrefs ; Ca- 
 tholics have therefore multiplied in a 
 fimilar proportion : and in confequence 
 of this increafe, their adl:ual number in 
 that diocefe is more than one third of 
 their whole number throughout the king- 
 dom. This amounts, as I have faid, to 
 69,376. — The total return in 1767, four- 
 teen years ago, was 67,916. Their in- 
 creafe therefore, in England and Wales, 
 P including
 
 including thediocefe of Chefter, fince that 
 time, is 1460. But this is 629 lefs than 
 the increafe in the diocefe of Chefter only» 
 within the fame period : Confequently, in 
 other diftridls, they have confiderably de-' 
 creafed'y which is obvious from a com- 
 parifon of the two lifts in 1767 and in 
 1780. 
 
 But though in the diocefe of Chefter, 
 (I ftill follov^ his Lordftiip's reprefenta- 
 tion) there be 27,228 Catholics; in many 
 others there are not 50, and in fome not 
 fo much as 10. Taking therefore the in- 
 creafe in Chefter out of the account 
 (which, being entirely owing to the ra- 
 pid advances of population in thofe quar- 
 ters, implies no growth of Popery) we 
 find in the whole kingdom a decreafe of 
 629 Catholics, in the fpace of fourteen 
 years.. 
 
 When we take a view of the great body 
 of the nation, on the moderate computa- 
 tion of fix millions, even the exaggerated 
 numbers of Catholics vanifti to an imper- 
 ceptible point. Some of the great trading 
 and manufacturing provincial towns are 
 known to contain almoft as many inha- 
 bitants
 
 [ "5 ] 
 
 bitants as our whole colle(fl:ive numbers 
 amount to. — Yet the public is taught to 
 believe that the Britifh conftitution is in 
 danger from the attempts of this infigni- 
 ficant multitude ! The army they could 
 bring into the field, though preceded by 
 the Pope's banner, and fortified with his 
 holy benedi6]:ion, would caufe little ter- 
 ror, I fancy, on the day of adion, to the 
 heretical force of England. — In reading 
 the adventures of Don Quixote, wx laugh 
 at the folly of a man, who at every turn 
 could raife up to himfelf imaginary foes : 
 The condudl of thofe, who fpeak gravely 
 of the terrifying numbers of Catholics, 
 is not lefs ridiculous. 
 
 The few Catholics, I have mentioned, 
 are difperfed in the different counties. In 
 many, particularly in the Welt, in South- 
 Wales, and in fome of the midland coun- 
 ties, there is fcarcely a Catholic to be 
 found. This is eafily known from the 
 refidence of Priells. After London, by 
 far the grcateft number is in Lancafliire. 
 In Staffordfhire are a good many, as alfo 
 in the northern counties of York, Dur- 
 ham, and Northumberland. Some of the 
 manufaduring and trading towns, as Nor- 
 P 2 wich.
 
 [ u6 ] 
 
 wich, Manchefter, Liverpool, Wolver- 
 hampton, andNewcaftle-upon-Tyne, have 
 Chapels, which are rather crowded, but 
 thefe conftitute the greateft part of the 
 number I have juft given to their refpec- 
 tive counties. In a few towns, particu- 
 larly at Coventry, their number, I find, 
 is increafed ; but this by no means in pro- 
 portion of the general increafe of popula- 
 tion in the fame places. Excepting in 
 
 the towns, and out of Lancafhire, the 
 chief fituation of Catholics is in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the old families of that per- 
 fuafion. They are the fervants, or the 
 children of fervants, who have married 
 from thofe families, and who chufe to re- 
 main round the old man (ion, for the con- 
 veniency of prayers, and becaufethey hope 
 to receive favour and alTiftance from their 
 former maflers. 
 
 Many laws have been enafted to prevent 
 the growth of Popery ^ and it now is, and 
 always has been, the popular cry, that 
 Papifts are daily increafing. One might 
 almoft fancy, from the frequency of thefe 
 reports, that they fprang up, like mufn- 
 rooms, by inftantaneous vegetation. Had 
 there been truth in fuch reports, hov/ very 
 
 different.
 
 ["7 1 
 
 different, at this day, would be the lift of 
 Catholic names, from what it really is. 
 More than one half, if not the whole 
 Englifh nation, muft have been long ago 
 fubjedted to the See of Rome. The truth 
 is, within the prefent century we have 
 moft rapidly decreafed. Many congrega- 
 tions have intirely difappeared in different 
 parts ; and in one diftridt alone, with 
 which I am acquainted, eight out of thir- 
 teen are come to nothing ; nor have any 
 new ones rifen to make up, in any propor- 
 tion, their lofs. Thefe are fadts of certain 
 
 notoriety. In the nature of things, it 
 
 could not poffibly be otherwife. Where 
 one caufe can be difcovered tending to 
 their increafe, there will be twenty found 
 to work their diminution. Among thefe 
 the principal are, the lofs of families by 
 death, or by conforming to the eftabliflied 
 Church ; the marrying with Proteftants ; 
 and that general indifference about reli- 
 gion, which gains fo perceptibly on all 
 ranks of Chriftians. — -When a family of 
 diftindion fails, as there feldom continues 
 any conveniency either for prayers or in- 
 ftrudion, the neighbouring Catholics foon 
 fall away : And when a Prieft is ftill main- 
 tained, the example of the Lord is want- 
 ing
 
 [ "8 ] 
 
 ing to encourage the lower clafs particu- 
 larly, to the pradice of their religion. I 
 recoiled the names of at leafl: ten noble 
 families that, within thefe fixty years, 
 have either conformed, or are extind; 
 befides many Commoners of diitindion 
 and fortune. 
 
 The marrying with Proteftants, which 
 is now very ufual, will neceflarily produce 
 the fame eifed. All, or half the children 
 are, in this cafe, generally educated Pro- 
 teftants ; and when this is not done, ex- 
 ample or perfuafion often proves equally 
 efficacious. — I need not infift on the ope- 
 ration of the third caufe I mentioned. — 
 When we add to thefe the whole preffure 
 of the penal laws, we have difcovered an 
 agent almoft fufficiently powerful to {hake 
 the faith of martyrs. And certainly, were 
 it not for the fteady zeal of their inftruc- 
 tors, joined to that firm oppofition of 
 m.ind to which oppreffion ever gives addi- 
 tional permanency, fupportcd alfo, as we 
 confide, by the arm of Providence, the 
 Catholics of England muft long fince 
 have difappeared from the face of the 
 earth. Penalties, difcouragements, and 
 difqualifications, with the afperfigns of 
 
 malevolence.
 
 [ "9] 
 
 malevolence, and the ridicule of igno- 
 rance, make deep impreflions on the flout- 
 eft minds : They will often prove an over- 
 match even for uncommon refolution and 
 convidtipn. 
 
 To withftand the powerful influence of 
 all thefe caufes, I find little elfe affigned 
 but a fuppofed indefatigable ardour of a 
 few Priefts. Ignorance alone can lay any 
 ftrefs on this puerile argument. If the 
 Catholic Priefthood ever poiTefTed that 
 aftonifhing afcendency, which is afcribed 
 to them, it is now at leaft evident, that 
 fuch times are no more. Men, I believe, 
 of every religious perfuafion, have the 
 common paflions of human nature 5 and I 
 am too wxll acquainted with the general 
 characters of Priefts and the circumftances 
 of things, to admit a ridiculous fuppo- 
 fition. I fliall fpeak more appofitely to 
 this point hereafter. In the mean-time, 
 I muft obferve how replete with abfurdity 
 that idea is, which can fancy, that the 
 learning and attention of Proteftant Mini- 
 fters, aflifled by all the weight and inte- 
 refted influence of an efl:abliihed Church, 
 mufl give way to the impofing arts, as 
 they are called, of an inconfiderable num- 
 ber
 
 [ 120 ] 
 
 ber of Priefts ! Human nature, as I have 
 obferved, in all her ways moft perfedly 
 fimilar, muft here wantonly depart from 
 order and the fixed line of adion, to gra- 
 tify, it feems, the folly of fome, and the 
 bad zeal of others ! — ^I mud add, that how- 
 ever zealous we may be in inculcating the 
 precepts of our own religion, I never yet 
 heard a difcourfe, in which any direSi at- 
 tack was made on the tenets of any other 
 fet of men. I fliould be happy to fay as 
 much in favour of fome Proteflant 
 preachers. 
 
 Nothing then furely is to be feared from 
 the number of Catholics. Let us however 
 fee, whether they may not make up by 
 their wealth and landed intereft that de- 
 ficiency which, it may now be owned, 
 muft be the natural effedt of numeral 
 weaknefs. What Jupiter dcfpaired of 
 doing by other means, he compafled in a 
 fliower of gold. 
 
 Their THE man, who is capable of thought, 
 
 ' ^^ ^ ' and who, from thought, can fbrm a judg- 
 ment, will not be induced to believe that 
 Englifh Catholics can be pofTeiled of 
 
 riches.
 
 1 1^^ ] 
 
 I'Iches. They have not, he will fay, dil- 
 covered the Philofopher's Stone ,• nor does 
 it appear, his Catholic Majefty has yet 
 allowed them to enter the mine? of Potofi : 
 Precluded from the Army, the Church, 
 the Bar, and from every place of truft or 
 profit under government, they have no 
 means of acquiring, of improving, or cf 
 retrieving, a fortune. The Pope indeed 
 has riches : But it is not ufual with the 
 See of Rome to beftow her earthly com- 
 modities : She receives, but does not give, 
 
 V/e have, at this day, but feven Peers'^, 
 twenty-two Baronets, and about a hundred 
 and fifty Gentlemen of landed property. — 
 Among the firft, the Duke of Norfolk, 
 the Earl of Shre^vfbury, and the Lords 
 Arundel and Petre^ are in poflelTion of 
 confiderable eftates. But the Earl of Sur- 
 rey, the eldeft and only fon to the Duke, 
 having lately conformed, the large pof- 
 feffions of that noble and ancient family 
 
 will foon fall into Proteftant hands. 
 
 Among the Baronets are not more than 
 
 three or four great eftates : Sir Thomas 
 
 Q^ Gafcoigne 
 
 * Lord Teynham being lately dead, another noble family is 
 loll to the Catholic caufc, his fon having taken his fc.it in the 
 riojife of Lords.
 
 [ 122 ] 
 
 Gafcoigne having lately taken the oaths. 
 Of the remaining Commoners, with an 
 exception of fome few, the greateft part 
 have not, on an average, that is, one wuth 
 another, more than one thoufand pounds 
 per annum, in landed property. Within 
 one year alone, we have loft more by the 
 defedion of the two mentioned Gentle- 
 men, than we have gained by Profelytes 
 fince the revolution. 
 
 In trade very few fortunes have been 
 made ; and at this hour, there are not 
 more than two or three Catholics of any 
 note who are even engaged in mercantile 
 bufmefs. The eldeft fons of our Gentry 
 never think of trade 5 and the younger 
 children have feldom a fuSicient fortune, 
 on which to ground any profpedt of fuc- 
 cefs. They therefore generally chufe to 
 remain unoccupied and dependent among 
 their relations and friends, or to eat a 
 hardly- earned and fcanty bread in the fer- 
 vice of fome foreign Prince. England, 
 like a cruel ftepmother, refufes to give 
 them nourishment ' Should America win 
 the great ftake, (he now fo unjuftly con- 
 tends for, good policy will doubtlefs teach 
 
 her to open hei ports to all religions. ' 
 
 Some
 
 [ 123 ] 
 
 Some few gain a decent livelihood by the 
 profefiion of medicine, though, in flridl- 
 i)efs of penal juflice, they may not even 
 be apothecaries ; and others in the lower 
 walks of the law. Were they freely al- 
 lowed to fell drugs, their drugs, it is well 
 known, would be poifon ; and the open 
 practice of law would very foon transfer 
 all Proteftant property into the hands of 
 Catholics ! 
 
 The lower claffes in life, like other 
 fubjed:s, fupport themfelves and families, 
 by the common arts of induftry and la- 
 bour. They thank Heaven it never en- 
 tereci into the breaft of fome ftern Legif- 
 lator to reftrain them even from that pri- 
 vilege. He m.ight have dilcovered, that 
 neither the corn which was fown, nor the 
 tree which was planted, by a Popidi hand, 
 ever arrived to maturity in Proteftant foil ! 
 It is, however, certain, that were the laws 
 againft Recufants ftrivftiy executed , all the 
 fweat of their brows would not difcharge 
 the penalties, to which ihe pradhce of 
 their religion expofes them. 
 
 This being the flate of Catholics, where 
 
 are we to look for their riches ? Even the 
 
 0^2 eltates.
 
 [ 124 ] 
 
 eftates, they are now mafters of, are dally 
 sdecreafmg, from very obvious caufes. 
 There is a vanity of drefs, equipage, and 
 of general expence, Vvhich has feized all 
 ranks of life. The Catholics are weak 
 enough to give into the common folly. 
 They live, and they fpend like their neigh- 
 bours, not reflecting that what they once 
 diljipate, can by no means be retrieved. 
 The neceffiiry confequence is, that in a 
 very fev/ years, the greateil: part of their 
 prefent poffeffions mufl fall into other 
 hands.— Yet, as ari:iong Proteftants, fo are 
 there among Catholics, Gentlemen of eafy 
 fortune who live wholly in the country, 
 not difiipating, but doing miuch good 
 with the produce of their edates ; and 
 their doors are encompaffcd with thvJ 
 bleffings of their neighbours. 
 
 Still there fubfifts an unmeaning cry ; 
 That Catholics have m.oney always at 
 hand to forvv^ard the growth of Popery, 
 by opening and endowing Schools, by en- 
 couraging Prolelytes, and by purchafing 
 eftates, whereby is to be acquired great 
 parliamentary intereil. — The want of re- 
 ligious zealis, I believe, a ftrong bar 
 
 to
 
 [ 125 ] 
 
 to one attempt, atid the want of money 13 
 a certain fecurity againft the others. 
 
 There is another inflrument alfo, which 
 takes away their property more effedlually 
 than the highv/ayman's pidol. This is 
 the annual land-tax a<fl, whereby each 
 Catholic is loaded with the payment of a 
 film double to that afTeiTed on Proteftants. 
 Some attempts have been made to procure 
 relief from this heavy weight; but as yet 
 there is not fufficient generoiity in the 
 breafts of Englillimen, to grant fo fmall 
 a favour, though the change could not 
 poiTibly be felt by the Protellant public. 
 Drained by this hard impofition. Catho- 
 lics, in common with other fubjedls, are 
 yet loaded with thofe taxes, which even 
 the m.oft wealthy Proteftants now affedl 
 to fay, are become intolerable. — Will ma- 
 levolent and ignorant men ftill maintain 
 that Catholics are rich ! 
 
 IN point of manners and of moral cha- 
 racter, they differ little from other men 
 in the fame walks of life. Their foreign 
 education, it is fometimss thought, gives 
 
 them
 
 [ 126 3 
 
 them at firft a peculiar caft; but a free 
 intercourfe with the world foon rubs off 
 thoi'e acute angles, unlefs when invete- 
 rate habits have been formed, or the mind 
 has been peculiarly narrowed. Some years 
 back, when the penal law^s were more 
 flidly executed, and when weak men 
 feared fome noxious contagion from the 
 breath of Catholics, they aifociated very 
 little with the world. A certain fternnefs 
 of temper was the natural p&tO: of this 
 retirement ; and if, in their turn, they 
 felt a ftrong dillike to Proteftants, it was 
 what the conduct of the latter deferyed. 
 Some good, however, and that of no tri- 
 fling confideration, v/as from thence de- 
 rived. The eftates of Catholics were in 
 better condition ; they fupported with 
 more becoming liberality their indigent 
 and opprefied neighbours j and in the du- 
 ties of religion they were greatly more 
 fincere. The diminution of piety and of 
 honeft virtue which nov/ prevails, is, in 
 my opinion, but poorly compenfated by 
 the tinfel acquirements of a more polifhed 
 life. Nor, after all, has one eiFed: been 
 obtained, which it was natural to expert. 
 Many Pro tenants, though they daily con- 
 verie with Catholics on the eafy footing 
 
 of
 
 [ 127 ] 
 
 of private friendfhip, ftill retain the fame 
 general prejudices againft them, which 
 the lowed ignorance fhould now blufh at* 
 They can think well enough of indivi- 
 duals ; but nothing, they tell you, can 
 be more iLocking and abfurd than the 
 principles of the body, and nothing more 
 vicious and inimical to the duties of fo- 
 ciety than their general conduit and ha- 
 bits of mind. It is vain to reafon with 
 fuch determined prejudice. V/hy Catho- 
 lics, on their fide, fliould entertain more 
 liberal and juft fentiments of Proteftants, 
 is a problem I (hall not folve. The fadt 
 itfelf is evidenced by hourly experience; 
 and, I truft, our principles as men, and 
 our belief as Chrillians, are at all times 
 as good as theirs. 
 
 The charadlers of the common people 
 are hardly diflinguijihable from thofe of 
 their neighbours. If there be any diffe- 
 rence, the balance fhould rather ponderate 
 in favour of Catholics; becaufe, I know 
 they are more carefully inftrudied in their 
 youth, and are afterwards much attended 
 to. They are folcly to blame, if they ne- 
 gle6t fuch means of moral improvement, 
 as are conftantly laid before them. It h 
 
 a
 
 [12S] 
 
 a ferious complaint in the Proteftaht 
 Church, that this mod important of all 
 duties is greatly neglected. — As a friend 
 to fociety I muft always think well of that 
 religion, though it were crouded with 
 many fpeculative abfurdities, whofe Mini-^ 
 fters are attentive to the inftrudion of 
 youth. 
 
 The lives of Catholics, in general, are 
 obferved to be regular: and without pane- 
 gyrizing their virtues, to which I am 
 not inclined, I only beg Proteftants them- 
 felves to declare their fentiments. Do 
 they know, in the whole extent of his 
 Majefty's dominions, better men, better 
 citizens, or better fubjeds , people more 
 amenable to the laws, or more obfervant 
 of all the duties of civil life ? Their cha- 
 rities, as far as their powers of doing good 
 extend, are great. Every objedl in diftrefs 
 is a fellow-creature who calls for relief: 
 nor do I know, that Catholics ever make 
 any diftindlion of perfons, unlefs (which 
 has fometimes happened) when Proteftants 
 have firft refufed affiftance to thofe of the 
 Popifti perfuafion. 
 
 From
 
 [ 129 ] 
 
 Prom Gentry thus diffipated, as the 
 rnoft extravagant Proteftants, or elfe tem- 
 perate and retired, as the moft moderate, 
 and from a commonalty peaceable, vir- 
 tuous, and honeft, what has the moft 
 guarded and fufpicious government to ap- 
 prehend o? 
 
 IN fpeaking of the ahUhies of any {q- Tm^-\ 
 
 ^ . 111 r ' r Abilities 
 
 ciety or men, it would be unrair to lorm 
 a decided judgment, tending either to 
 praife or cenfure, unlefs each operating 
 circumftance of their fituation be previ- 
 ouily corifidered. Nature may be liberal 
 in her gifts, when the partial fpedtator 
 is moil: inclined to charge her with the 
 parfimony of a fordid llepm.other. Nor 
 do talents of intrinfic worth always exxite 
 obfervation ; even their poffeffor may be 
 fometimes ignorant of the treafure he 
 bears about him. Some fortunate event, 
 or the concurrence of various circum- 
 ftances may be neceffary, to call into life 
 the latent powers of the foul. They will 
 not expand without iuiprelfions of pecu- 
 liar energy ; and without exercife they 
 foon fmk into a flate of languid infenfibi* 
 lity. Aftion and rea<^ion are the life of 
 R the
 
 [ ^30] 
 
 the fplrltual, as of the material, world. 
 It doubtlefs happens, that the dlfplay of 
 the fineft abilities is often loft, from the 
 cafual abfence of what to us muft feem a 
 circumftance of trifling moment. Such, 
 from wife motives, are the arrangements 
 of Providence. 
 
 Full many a gem of pureft ray ferene. 
 The dark unfathom'd caves of ocean bear; 
 Full many a flovv'r is born to blufh unfeen. 
 And v/afte its fweetnefs on the defert air. 
 
 Gray. 
 
 Such refledlions muft obvioufly occur 
 to every man, who views, with the eye 
 of candour, the fituation of Englifti Ca- 
 tholics. For how great foever their na- 
 tural endowments fliould be, in acquired 
 abilities they muft be inferior to Prote- 
 ftants. Their education, in the prefent 
 difpofition of things, is effentially defec- 
 tive.; of this I fliall fpeak aftervv'ards ; nor 
 in the progrefs of life do they feel thofc 
 incitements to application and improve- 
 ment, which can alone give fuperiority to 
 mental talents. — In the walks of retire- 
 ment, I own, they may be informed and 
 able : The genius even of fcience is here 
 
 often
 
 [ 131 ] 
 often more propitious, than in the bufy 
 haunts of men ; and the Mufes are known 
 to love the fequeflered vale. Still they 
 muft be courted, and fcience m.uft be pur- 
 fued. — It is therefore, if v\^e be not v^ant- 
 ing to ourfelves, in the great line alone 
 of acquirements, that the inferiority of 
 Catholics will appear. To afcend thofe 
 fteep and rugged heights, the efforts of 
 cool application will not fuflice : Emula- 
 tion, ambition, and the energy of noble 
 paffions muft urge the progrefs. Where, 
 for inftance, fhall we meet the powers or 
 the charms of commanding eloquence, 
 when their fources are fliut a^ainft vou ? 
 The bar will not admit you ; nor may you 
 enter the doors of St. Stephen's Chapel. 
 But, if you will, you may poiTefs the ele- 
 gance of language; your ideas may be 
 accurate ; your mind may be informed ; 
 and all thofe elements of fcience may be 
 yours, which ferve to improve and to em- 
 bellifh the habits of retired life. 
 
 At all events, whatever be the prefent 
 ftate of our natural or of our acquired abi- 
 lities, this at leail: is certain, that there 
 is not in any Catholic a difpofition to 
 turn them againft his country. In pro- 
 R 2 portion
 
 [ ^32 ] 
 
 portion as his min4 opens by the influ- 
 ence of fcience, he muft be charmed with 
 the beauties of the Britifli conftitution. 
 Perhaps he may drop a tear at the view of 
 his own fituatipn ; he may condemn that 
 feverity of penal juftice, which forbids 
 him to be happy -, but refledion will tell 
 him, and the hillory of mankind will 
 confirm the obfervation, that rooted pre- 
 judices are not to be removed, even by the 
 foothing voice of philofophy, without 
 much toil, and long years of inceffant 
 effort. 
 
 rheir Poli- IT has been feen with wliat firm at- 
 
 ical Scnti- ^a<^hjT^ei;it, Catholics adhered to the houfe 
 nents. ' - 
 
 of Stuart. There was fomething in that 
 
 loyalty, u^hich even bordered on infatua- 
 tion. They had received no favours from 
 them ; and experience faid, they, were 
 not to exped; any. Convidion of its rec- 
 titude was therefore the only m.otivq 
 which gave liability to their affedion. At 
 the accefiion of his prefent Majefty^ fome 
 few Catholics were flill intoxicated with 
 the fumes of Jacobitifm ; nor did it then 
 feem they could be caiily expelled. By one 
 cf thofc fmguiar revolutions^ hov/evcr, for 
 
 which
 
 [ 133 ] 
 which no caule can be afligned, in the 
 fmall Ipace of a few years, the diftemper 
 worked off j and when the oath of alle- 
 giance was tendered in 1778, hardly, I 
 believe, one Catholic refufed to take it. 
 It was a capricious event, but to fuch 
 
 human nature is often fubjedl. It may 
 
 not be inferred, that a change fo fudden 
 fhould not be relied on : For, I am clearly 
 feniible, that Catholics are now as fincere 
 in their attachment to the Hanover fa- 
 mily, as they ever were to the Stuarts. 
 Of this they w^ould give the moil: con- 
 vincing proofs, were they permitted .to 
 atteil their allegiance by the common 
 exertions of other fubjedts. — After all, I 
 fee no very p^.rticular grounds for this 
 new difpofition. We have yet re- 
 ceived but little relief, though for that 
 we are thankful ; and we continue an op- 
 preffed and injured people. The boafted 
 excellencies of the Britifh conftitution are 
 nothing to me, v/ho am deprived of the 
 common rights of humanity; they only 
 ferve to make my condition more irk- 
 fome, and to create a reftlefs defire of 
 changes and revolutions. My fituatioa 
 cannot be worfe, and it mav be mended.* 
 
 In
 
 [ 134 } 
 
 In the prefent ftate of contending par- 
 ties, it is curious to fee how Catholics 
 fhape their politics. It is the cry of Op- 
 pofition, that they are friends to court 
 meafures ^ that they aim to join their in- 
 tereft to that of the crown ; and that 
 againft the rights of the people they will 
 ever be ready to ftrengthen the arm of 
 Prerogative. As this evidently is the 
 language of party, it merits little notice. 
 Catholics are as free to form opinions as 
 other men ; and in their general decifions 
 I fee the fame rule of con dud invariably 
 followed. In their politics is the fame 
 difcordance and variation of fentiment, as 
 is elfewhere obfervable. Ignorance only 
 can affert the contrary belief. If, on the 
 whole, they be rather inclined to govern- 
 ment, which I think is the cafe, they have 
 good reafons for their choice. It would 
 be extreme folly to fet their faces againft 
 that power, from which ultimately all re- 
 drefs mufr be derived. Befides, they feel 
 not thofe incentives to oppofition, which 
 are thought to acftuate the breafts of many 
 
 Proteflants. It is falfe, that they are 
 
 friends to arbitrary power. They fmart 
 too feverely under the rod of oppreffion, 
 to wifh to give it additional ftrength in the 
 
 hands
 
 [■ 135 ] 
 
 hands of a tyrant. Why even, as is often 
 aflerted, fhould they, from any previous 
 principle, be more inclined to monarchy, 
 than to any other form of government ? At 
 this day, there are Catholic republics, and 
 Catholic ftates of every defcription. In 
 the annals of this nation, never were there 
 ilouter champions for liberty, than the 
 ancient Barons. Magfia Charta is of Ca- 
 tholic growth. Nor do I know, that the 
 Proteftant Patriots, of the prefcnt hour, 
 would have adted at Runimede with more 
 manly firmnefs, though their lips, I doubt 
 not, might have didilled more copious 
 ftreams of honeyed eloquence. Catho- 
 lics are inftruded to fubmit themfelves to 
 the ruling powers, and not wantonly to 
 engage in fadion. The murmurs of dif- 
 appointed or of difafFeded men can feldom 
 be reconciled with reafon and the plain 
 
 didlates of religion. We acknowledge 
 
 ourfelves much indebted to fome Gentle- 
 men in Oppojilion, and we hope to expe- 
 rience the continuance of their favourable 
 exertions ; but in us it would be a condu(ft 
 highly cenfurable, were we to adopt the 
 language of party, with a view of making 
 an adulatory tender of ferviccs, in them- 
 felves
 
 h3^ T 
 
 felves too weak and infufficient to cfJed 
 any real purpofe. 
 
 It is but lately that Catholics have at 
 all appeared to engage in politics : they 
 v/ere too depreffed for the exertions of 
 men ; and even now they fcarcely take 
 any decided part. In my opinion, fuch 
 torpid indifference is reprehenfible. I 
 would not be fadlious, but I would fliew 
 that I had fome property at flake, and 
 that I wifl:ied to fee it well defended. 
 We have hitherto gained little by a long 
 courfe of inadive fubmifTion. An Eng- 
 lifliman fliould at all times dare to fpeak 
 his fentiments. Thefe at leaft cannot 
 be fliackled ; and a Trim??ier between two 
 parties generally meets the contempt of 
 both. 
 
 If Catholics be capable of doing any 
 injury to the flate, which, it is faid, they 
 are ; fureJy they are alfo capable of ferv- 
 ing it in the fame proportion. It is the 
 duty therefore of Pvlagiftrates, by mild 
 and lenient meafures, to infure their affec- 
 tions. Should they be incapable of re- 
 fenting ill ufage (and experience has fufii- 
 ciently declared fuch to be their lovv'ly 
 
 condition)
 
 [ 137 ] 
 condition) how unmanly is it, to opprefs 
 the weak and defencelefs ! They are to a 
 man loyal, fincere, and patriotic ; they 
 have given the.moft folemn fecurity for 
 their alle^^iance : In this thev have done 
 all that men can do ; and having done 
 this, they are intitled to the privileges of 
 fubjects, and to the protedion of the laws. 
 
 IT is therefore in religious matters Their Reii- 
 only that Catholics hold opinions different ^^^"' 
 from thole of Proteftant Englifhmen. 
 Here they pretend not to think as they 
 do ; and this candid declaration Ihould 
 give evidence in. favour of their general 
 profeffions. The infincere man would af- 
 fed: coincidence in opinion, as well in re- 
 ligion as in politics, at leaft when his in- 
 tereft required it ^ and it will hardly be 
 faid, that we iliould not be benefited bv 
 an artful difguife of our religious belief. 
 We declare then our diflent from many 
 parts of the Proteflant creed ; and we x 
 openly avow onr faith in articles, which 
 the reformed Church has utterly exploded. 
 
 Liberty of thought is effential to human 
 
 nature. Take that away, and m.an, h\s 
 
 S organization
 
 [ 138 ] 
 
 organization alone excepted, will not be 
 luperior to the afs which browfes on the 
 thiftlc, or to the thiftle which vegetates 
 from the earth : It is that only which 
 he can flridlly call his own, becaufe no 
 created power can deprive him of it. His 
 property may be taken away by the hand 
 of violence, and his perfon may be thrown 
 into confinement ; but in the dungeons 
 of the Baftile his thoughts are itiil free, 
 iind out of the reach of tyranny. — There 
 is no fubje(ft on which our thoughts may 
 not range, and on which they may not 
 judge. For what other end, was fuch ex- 
 tent given to the mental powers ? When 
 we abufe thefe faculties, by an improper 
 difplay, we become relponfible to the Be- 
 ing who gave them to us; but to him 
 only. — In religious enquiries, why is our 
 reafon to be particularly reflrained ? As 
 the fubje(5l is of fingular importance, it 
 feems, even greater latitude fhould be 
 allowed us. Is it your buiinefs to invade 
 
 the beft privilege I enjoy ?^ With this 
 
 convidion of mind 1 examine, I judge, 
 and I chufe my own religion. It is the 
 affair of my own confcience ; it is a con- 
 cern betwixt myfelf and God ; and it be- 
 longs to no other to arraign my condudl, 
 
 or
 
 [ 139 ] 
 
 or to cenfure my determination. To mo-^ 
 left me then in the pradice of fuch du- 
 ties, as my confcience again tells me I 
 fliould perform, is an equal ftretch of ty- 
 ranny. 
 
 On thefe principles, to me of clearefl 
 evidence, is founded the Chriftian dodlrine 
 of Toleration ; a dodlrine, which only ig- 
 norance of the rights of mankind, eccle- 
 fiaftical domination, or blind enthufiafm, 
 could ever controvert. If I diffent from 
 other men ; do not they alfo diffent from 
 me ? And if I chufe to fubmit my faith to 
 the decifions of the Catholic Church, I 
 ufe no other liberty than he does, who 
 chufes to rejed: them.— Catholics, I know, 
 have often denied the external pradtice of 
 religion to Sedaries ; they now continue 
 to do fo in many countries. It is not my 
 intention tojuftify what is ill-done. But 
 to be intolerant is a leading maxim of 
 every eftablifhed Church; whether it have 
 its feat in England Qr in France, in Ilin- 
 doftan or in China. It is now time to 
 corredt abufes, and not to feek excufe for 
 our own, from the example of others. 
 All are equally cenfurable ; and when 
 Engjiih Proteftants arraign fo feverely the 
 S 2 intolerance
 
 [ HO ] 
 
 intolerance of Rome, they only mark out 
 more pointedly the injuftice of their own 
 condudl. 
 
 At all events, what has ftate-policy to 
 do with the concern of a man's confcience? 
 If he obey the laws of his country, and 
 perform the duties of a fubje(ft, the de- 
 mands of the civil magiftrate are complied 
 with. Is he to fay, '* You fliall not wear 
 a fword for the defence of your perfon or 
 property, becaufe you chufe to pray for 
 the repofc of the foul of your deceafed fa- 
 ther : or, if you will not think as I do, 
 i forbid you to approach within ten miles 
 of the capital ?"— This furely is a fpecies 
 of tyranny," which could only find abet- 
 tors at a time, when the violence of paf- 
 fion had ftifled all the fuggeftions of tem- 
 perate politics. 
 
 When it is found that any fed; of meri 
 profefs principles in religion, which either 
 tend to the deftruSion of focial happinefs, 
 or are incompatible with the eflablillied 
 order of government, it will not be de- 
 nied, that the mofl rigorous means ihould 
 be ufed for their fuppreffion. The fword 
 of juftice (hould be drawn, and the mif- 
 
 creants
 
 [ HI ] 
 
 creaats be exterminated. It was thus, the 
 Saxon Edgar freed this kingdom from the 
 ravages of wolves, by which it was once 
 infefted. Yet hitherto, I believe, no men 
 have ever profeffed fuch deftrudive tenets. 
 The religion of every man teaches him to 
 be good, and he would be fo, were he to 
 comply with its injundlions. The ene- 
 mies to a fedt may charge them falfly, and 
 their mifreprefentations may impofe on 
 the ignorant. Inftrudions fhould be ta- 
 ken from the well-informed, and not from 
 the cry of defamation. I will apply to a 
 man's own confcience for an account of 
 his tenets. — No people have fuffered fo 
 much from flandcrous defcription, as Ca- 
 tholics. They have repeatedly laid their 
 belief before the public ; which, with 
 great humanity, always refufes to give 
 credit to their declarations. You fliall 
 believe us, they fay — but v/e will not be- 
 lieve you. I fufped: there muft be fome 
 fecret motive for this incredulity. For it 
 is the diipofition of a virtuous mind not 
 to doubt the affertions of honed men. 
 The liar thinks no man can fpeak truth — 
 becaufe he never does it himfelf. 
 
 Once
 
 [ 142 3 
 
 Once more I will give, my reader a con- 
 cife, but accurate expofition of Catholic 
 belief. It is contained in few propoli- 
 tions. Should it vary from any previous 
 opinions of his own ; I only beg he will 
 thnik, that I know better than he does, 
 what is my own religion. The requeft is 
 modeft. — The following rule I muft infift 
 he will attend to, becaufe it is the grand 
 criterion, by which each article of our 
 faith may be diftinc5tly afcertained. 
 
 Pvule of THIS rule h-^ AH that and only that be" 
 
 yaith and longs to Catholic belief y which is revealed 
 
 Aftic es. .^^ ^^^ -u)Of'd of Gody and which is propofed 
 
 by the Catholic Church to all its members^ 
 
 to be believed with divijie faith. 
 
 Guided by this certain criterion we pro- 
 fefs to believe, 
 
 1. That Chrift ha? eftabliHied a Church 
 upon earth, and that this Church is that, 
 which holds communion with the See of 
 Rome, being One, Holy, Catholic, and 
 Apoftolical. 
 
 2. That we are obliged to hear this^ 
 Churchy and therefore that fhe is infal- 
 lible.
 
 [ H3 ] 
 
 lible, by the guidance of Almighty God, 
 in her decilions regarding faith. 
 
 3. That Saint Peter, by divine com- 
 miffion, was appointed the head of this 
 Church, under Chrift its founder : And 
 that the Pope, or Biftiop of Rome, as 
 fucceflbr to Saint Peter, has always been, 
 and is at prefent, by divine right, head 
 of this Church. 
 
 4. That the Canon of the Old and New 
 Teftament, as propofed to us by this 
 Church, is the word of God 5 as alfo fucli 
 traditions, belonging to faith and morals, 
 which being originally delivered by Chrift 
 to his ApoRles, have been preferved, by 
 conftant fucccffion, in the Catholic Church. 
 
 5. That honour and veneration are due 
 to the Angels of God and his Saints ; that 
 they offer up prayers to God for us ; that 
 it is good and profitable to have recourfe 
 to their interceffion ; and that the relics 
 or earthly remains of God's particular fer- 
 vants are to be held in rcfpect. 
 
 6. That no fins ever were, or can be, re- 
 initted, unlefs by the mercy of God, thro' 
 
 Jefus
 
 [ H4 ] 
 
 Jefus Chrlil ; and therefore that man's 
 j unification is the work of divine grace. 
 
 y. That the good works, which we do, 
 receive their whole value from the grace 
 of God ; and that by fuch works, we not 
 only comply with the precepts of the di- 
 vine law, but that we thereby likewife 
 merit eternal life. 
 
 8. That by works^ done in the fpirit 
 of Penance, we can make fatisfaftion to 
 God, for the temporal punifliment, which 
 often remains due, after our fins, by the 
 divine goodnefs, have been forgiven us. 
 
 9. That Chrift has left to his Church 
 a power of granting indulgences, that is, 
 a relaxation from fuch temporal chaftife- 
 ment only as remains due after the divine 
 pardon of fm ; and that the ufe of fuch 
 indulgences is profitable to finners. 
 
 10. That there is a Purgatory or middle 
 State; and that the fouls of imperfedl 
 Chriftians therein detained are helped by 
 the prayers of the faithful, 
 
 II. That
 
 [ H5 ] 
 
 11. That there are feven Sacraments^ 
 all inftituted by Chrift ; Baptifm, Con- 
 firmation, Eucharift, Penance, Extreme 
 Undlion, Holy Order, Matrimony. 
 
 12. That in the moft holy Sacrament 
 of the Eucharift, there is truly, really, 
 and fubftantially, the body and blood, to- 
 gether with the foul and the divinity of 
 our Lord Jefus Chrift. 
 
 13. That in this facrament there is, by 
 the omnipotence of God, a convcrfion, or 
 change, of the whole fubftance of the bread 
 into the body of Chrift, and of the whole 
 fubftance of the wine into his blood ; 
 which change we call Tranfubftantiation. 
 
 14. That under either kind Chrift is 
 received whole and entire. 
 
 15. That in the Mafs, or Sacrifice of 
 the Altar, is offered to God a true, proper, 
 and propitiatory facrifice for the living 
 and the dead. 
 
 16. That in the Sacrament of Penance, 
 the fins we fall into after baptifm are, by 
 the divine mercv, forgiven us. 
 
 T Thefe
 
 [ h6] 
 
 Thefe are the great points of Catholic 
 belief, by which we are diftinguifiied from 
 other Chnflian Societies -, and thefe only 
 are the real and eiientia] tenets of our Re- 
 ligion. We admit alio the other grand 
 aracies of revealed and natural religion, 
 which the golpel and the light of reafon 
 have maniieited to us. To thefe we fub- 
 mit as Men and as Chriftians, and tc the 
 former as obedient children of the Catho- 
 lic Church. 
 
 Reader, have you weighed attentively 
 the plain and obvious meaning of thefe 
 articles ? And do you think there is one, 
 which merits to be treated with fuch harfh 
 cenfure, as is generally given them ? Do 
 you think there is one, the belief of which 
 fhould, in a Chriftian country, refirain us 
 from the common privileges of fubjedts 
 and the blellings of unbounded Tolera- 
 tion ? I mean not to fay, that our doc- 
 trine is of fuch evidence as to command 
 conviction and inftant belief. This is a 
 very different queftion .; nor do I fpeak of 
 the Iruii of our religion : Were it Ja^e 
 in every article, my reafoning would be 
 the fame. — Tenets which to Catholics, 
 from the long-acquired habits of educa- 
 tion.
 
 [ H7 ] 
 tlon, may feem familiar and highly ra- 
 tional, are not therefore calculated to 
 make the fame impreffion on thofe, to 
 whom they are new and uninterefting. 
 The friend to truth will maturely weigh 
 the important objedt, and will decide, as 
 reafon and the bias of genuine Chriftianity 
 fliall appear to preponderate. Of this, 
 however, I am convinced that, were cer- 
 tam obilacles removed, fuch as the views 
 of intereft, the animofity of party, the 
 bhndnefs of prejudice, and thofe thick 
 clouds which controverly has raifed, it 
 would then appear, that the Proteftant 
 Church of England and Catholics are di- 
 vided by very thin partitions. 
 
 There are points of difcipline alfo, 
 which regulate conduct, and to which we 
 pay obeaience ; as fading on particular 
 days, communion in one kind, celibacy of 
 churchmen, ufe of the Latin language iix 
 public fervice, and other fimilar pradices ; 
 but as thefe vary, and may be either al- 
 tered or ibppreffcd by due authority, they 
 belong not to what is properly ftyled the 
 'Paith of Catholics. 
 
 Opinions alfo, whether regarding belief 
 or practice, of particular Ichools or of par- 
 T 2 ticular
 
 [ I4S ] 
 
 ticular divines, conftitute a diftincfl: and 
 feparate objedl. Great latitude in the 
 forming of fuch opinions is allowed j and 
 confequently it will be often abufed. It 
 has been in the power of fome men to 
 give an undue weight to fuch opinions, 
 whereby Catholics themfelves have been 
 too often impofed on. They have igno- 
 rantly confounded the inventions of falli- 
 ble men with the unerring declarations of 
 Heaven. Of this circumftance our ene- 
 mies have many times taken an unfair ad- 
 vantage, and the faith of Catholics has 
 fuffered from the falfe reprefentation.— 
 Some opinions may deferve refped:, but 
 others fliould be defpifcd and reprobated. 
 And it fliould be noticed, that mofl of the 
 charges brought againft us are founded on 
 this falfe fuppofition ; that the opinions of 
 private men^ or of whole focietiesy are as 
 much apart of our real creeds as the articles 
 I have mentioned. When all this extra- 
 neous matter, whether of difcipline or of 
 opinion, is brought to a proper teft, by the 
 Ride of faith I fo much infift on, it will 
 foon appear in what light it is to be con- 
 fidered. Were I to reje6l every opinion, 
 hitherto difcovered, and folely adhere to 
 the articles of doctrine as above ftated, I 
 
 lliould
 
 [ H9 ] 
 
 fliould be a Catholic in the ilrld: and ac- 
 curate acceptation of the word. Divines 
 might cenfure me, Cafuifts might defame 
 me, and the Pope might deny me the 
 name of Papijl -, but my faith would ftill 
 be pure, unimpaired, and CathoHc. 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING this clear Charges 
 defcription of Catholic belief, many char- againft them 
 ges, of a very black and defamatory com- 
 plexion, are perpetually urged againft 
 them ; nor has it been pofTible to filence 
 the voice of calumny. 
 
 It has been very recently afferted, that 
 though v/e have taken an oath of allegi- 
 ance and fidelity, we fliould not be tole- 
 rated in a Proteitant country, becaufe we 
 have yet given no fecurity for our good 
 behaviour. It is a fixed maxim, fay thefe 
 men of refined difcernment, in the Church 
 of Ronie, to which they all univerfally 
 fubfcribe, ** That no faith is to be kept 
 with heretics ; That the Pope can difpenfe 
 with all oaths ; and that every Priefl has 
 a difcretionary power to forgive fins of 
 every defcription.'* 
 
 We
 
 [ 150 1 
 We have anfwetv d ; That we rejefl: fuch 
 dodrine as impious and unchriftian -, that 
 it was never admitted by Catholics ; that 
 if any private perfon believed it, he was 
 a bad man ; and that no power, of what- 
 ever denomination, could make it lawful 
 to violate fuch engagements, though con- 
 tracted with Heretics, Jews, Turks, or 
 Infidels. 
 
 We have anfwered ; That we do not 
 hold, the Pope has power to difpenfe with 
 oaths ; that the exerciie of fuch power 
 would be a violation of the unalterable 
 laws ot juftice and truth; that it would 
 be impious and invalid 3 and that no de- 
 cihons, even of General Councils, can 
 annul the facred obligation of fuch en- 
 gagements. 
 
 We have anfwered ; That Priefts have 
 not a diicretionary power to forgive fins \ 
 that to the finner, who comes to them 
 with ah the difpofitions of fincere re- 
 pentance, we do believe they can, by the 
 ^ppjintinent of Heaven, grant abfolu- 
 tioa y but that it is God alone, who mte* 
 rioriy abfolvcs the penitent, whiift his 
 Minilters exteriorly exercife the function. 
 
 When
 
 [ 151 3 
 
 When we are accufed of teaching that 
 the Pope can depofe Kings, and free their 
 fubjeCts from their allegiance ; our anfwer 
 is ; That we abhor fuch maxims ; that if 
 Popes have lometimes exercifed a deponng 
 power, WQ condemn their conduct ; that, 
 as we acknowledge in him powers of fpi- 
 ritual jurifdidtion only, we admit no in- 
 terference from his court in the temporal 
 concerns of ftate -, and that we would op- 
 pofe any fecular attempts from him, with 
 the fame alacrity, as we would thofe of 
 a French invader. 
 
 It is ftill urged, that we allow in him 
 an extent of jurifdidtion, which is not 
 confiitent v^ith the eitabliihed government 
 of this realm. 
 
 With regard to that particular arrange- 
 ment, which appoints the King head of 
 the Church, we avow, it is true, our 
 diiient from it. But as that relates only 
 to the eitabliihed Church, of which we 
 are not members, our condu(5l is the fame 
 as that of other Diffenters, over whom his 
 Majelly alfumes no eccleiiaftical jurifdic- 
 tion.— The Bilhop of Rome is our prin- 
 cipal fuperior, as he is the lupreme head 
 
 of
 
 [ ^2] 
 
 of the Catholic Church. But all his 
 power, being wholly fpiritiialy has no 
 relation to civil government; it reaches 
 to fuch matters as, we think, appertain 
 not to the controulof Princes.-— The ftate 
 of religion with us is fo very low and im- 
 perfect, that it is not eafy to difcover, 
 wherein the Pope has room for the exer- 
 cife of any part of his prerogative. We 
 have no national Church, and we guide 
 ourfelves by the rule of ancient pra(ftice 
 
 and difcipline. In Catholic countries 
 
 muft be looked for the proper difplay of 
 the Papal power; and it will be found 
 that its fphere of adion is extremely 
 bounded. They acknowledge in him a 
 primacy of jurifdi(ftion ; but it is a primacy 
 fubjeded to the controul of Canons and 
 to the general order of eftabliflied laws. 
 His power is in no fenfe abfolute. It is 
 his duty to attend to the execution of 
 eftabliihed laws, and to take care that the 
 Chriflian republic receive no injury. This ^ 
 is the office of a firft magiftrate in every 
 well-regulated (late. And to (hew how 
 limited his authority really is; we main- 
 tain that each Pailor in his parifli, each 
 BiHiop in his diocefe, each Metropolitan 
 in his province, and each Patriarch in his 
 
 nation,
 
 [ ^53] 
 nation, is poffeffed of a proper and eflential 
 jurifdidlion, wholly uncontroulable by, 
 and independent of, the See of Rome. 
 They refpedl his primacy, but they have 
 their rights and liberties as ancient and as 
 facred as are his own. Such was the or- 
 der divinely eftabliihed by Chrift. The 
 canonical inflalment of Bifhops, and other 
 higher minifters, belongs to the Papal pre- 
 rogative. 
 
 I know that, in former times princi- 
 pally, the Popes have exerted a very undue 
 flretch of power. They had the pafficns 
 of men j and the ChrifHan world was too 
 weak and too ignorant to oppofe them. 
 The confequences were at laft fatal. — It is 
 vain to fuppofe that any eftablifhments, 
 committed to human diredtion, can be 
 long free from abufes : It is our duty, by 
 prudent and the moll: efFedlual means, to 
 contribute to their reformation. — Such, as 
 I have defcribed, is the nature of the ju- 
 rifdidion of Rome j and being fuch, Eng- 
 land, I am very confident, has no rcafon 
 to fear we fhall ever aim to introduce a 
 power incompatible with her privileges. 
 
 U When
 
 [ 154 ] 
 
 When we have been called Idolaters ; 
 we knew not what was meant by the 
 charge : For to God alone we pay our ho- 
 mage of adoration-, but we think that par- 
 ticular refpeB is due to the firft and befi: 
 of his creatures. 
 
 We are accufed of great uncharitable- 
 nefs in allowing Salvation to none but Ca- 
 tholics. — But this alfo is a miftaken no- 
 tion. We fay, I believe, no more, than 
 do all other Chriftian Societies. Religion 
 certainly is an affair of very ferious confi- 
 deration. When therefore a man, either 
 neglects to inform himfelf, or, when in- 
 formed, refufes to follow the convidlion 
 of his mind, fuch a one, we fay, is not in 
 the way of Salvation. After mature en- 
 quiries, if I am convinced that the religion 
 of England is the only true one, am I not 
 obliged to become a Proteftant ? In fimi- 
 lar circumftances, muft not you likewife 
 declare yourfelf a Catholic? Our meaning 
 is, that no one can be faved out of the true 
 Church ; and as we ccnfider the evidence 
 of the truth of our religion to be great, 
 that he v^ho will not embrace truth, when 
 he fees it, deferves not to be happy. God 
 however is the fearcher of hearts -, he only
 
 [ ^55 ] 
 
 can read thofe internal difpofitions, on 
 which reditude of conduft alone depends. 
 
 Such are the anfwers, we have always 
 given to thefe, and to other fimilar charges. 
 We know, we have had amongft us many 
 bad and weak men, who have often fpo- 
 ken and often afted wrong ; but it is un- 
 fair to involve the innocent in the ways 
 of the guilty. By fuch means, the virtues 
 and good qualities of every fociety upon 
 earth would be utterly done away, — As 
 Chriftians, therefore, we admit all the 
 dodrines of divine Revelation ; as Catho- 
 lics, we fubmit our faith to the authority 
 of that Church, which we think Chrift 
 has founded ; as Men, we profefs our obe- 
 dience to the moral precepts of reafon 
 and nature ; and, as Subjeds, the King 
 has our allegiance, the laws our reverence, 
 and the ftate may command our fervices. 
 
 THE account I have given of the re- Their 
 ligion of Catholics naturally leads me to P^^^'^s, 
 their Minifters. On this head I could 
 wifli to fupply all poffible information. 
 Popifh priefls are generally confidered as 
 a fair game, at which the fhafts of latire 
 U 2 and
 
 [ IS6 ] 
 
 and malevolence may be thrown with im- 
 punity. Like other objedls, this alfo has 
 two fides : The equitable fped:ator will 
 wifh to view both. 
 
 By an arrangement, which took place 
 In the reign of James the Second, England 
 was divided into four diftrids, and a Bi- 
 fliop was appointed to prefide over each. 
 They had then loool. per ann. fettled on 
 each of them, out of the Exchequer : but 
 this only continued till the Revolution, 
 when they were reduced to the neceflity 
 of fupporting themfelves by the beft means 
 in their power. Since that time, the fame 
 regulation with regard to numbers has 
 continued ; and as they have no particu- 
 lar place of refidence allotted, each Bifliop 
 generally chufes to live in the moft cen- 
 trical and convenient fituation. Their 
 office is, to attend to the fmall concerns 
 of their refpedtive diftrids ; to adminiller 
 the Sacrament of Confirmation ; to pro- 
 vide the different Congregations with 
 Priefls; and to take care that thefe per- 
 form their duties, and behave in a manner 
 becoming the Character of Churchmen, 
 it has been faid by a peeviili writer, '' That 
 Poprfi Bifiops go aboutj and exercife every 
 
 part
 
 [ ^57] 
 
 part of their fundion, without oiFence, 
 and without obfervation/* This is an un- 
 fair reprefentation : For it is in the moft 
 private manner that any part of their func- 
 tion is exercifed ; and as they poffefs none 
 of the infignia of the epifcopal order, their 
 goings about do not diftinguilGh them from 
 other men. Could modern Chrillians be 
 infpired with the holy ambition of emu- 
 lating the virtues of the apoftolic ages, 
 our Catholic Bifliops have, furely, the no- 
 bleft field before them. They are not 
 expofed to the allurements of worldly 
 temptations j and all their treafures are ia 
 heaven. One hundred pounds per annum 
 is more than equal to the revenue of their 
 Epifcopal Sees. Will the author of the 
 Cojifejjionaly from whom the above remark 
 is taken, be willing to exchange his Arch- 
 deaconry of Cleveland for the Mitre of 
 thefe Popifh Bifliops ? 
 
 As far as I can rely on my information, 
 which I think is accurate, the number of 
 Priefts, now employed, is about 360. 
 Their diftribution is as follows.— In the 
 northern difcridl, which takes in the coun- 
 ties of Northumberland, Cumberland, 
 Weftmoreland, Durham, York, Lancafter, 
 
 and
 
 and Chefter, there are about 1 67. Of thefe 
 48 are Ex- Jefuits *. Three places are now 
 vacant. This diftridl contains the greateft 
 number of Priefts, and alfo the greateft 
 number of Catholics ; but not in propor- 
 tion to the number of Clergy; many be- 
 ing private Chaplains to Gentlemen, where 
 there are no congregations. Since their 
 diffolution, nine places have been given up 
 by the Ex- Jefuits, two of which are not 
 likely ever to be revived. 
 
 In the midland diftrid, are about 90 
 Prieftsj 28 of whom are Ex- Jefuits. There 
 are now fourteen places vacant. This di- 
 ftridl declines very faft, as appears from 
 the great number of congregations now 
 without Priefts. Moft of thefe have been 
 vacant for fome time, and no Clergymen 
 unengaged have hitherto been found to 
 fupply them ; though fome of them are 
 Gentlemen's houfes; by which means fome 
 families are obliged to go froin five to ten 
 miles, on Sundays, to Chapel. It may be 
 noticed that this diftridl, though compofed 
 of the greateft number of counties, and 
 
 thofe 
 
 * The Fathers of the late Society of Jefus, are diliinguifhed 
 by this appellation, Cnce their Canonical diflblution in the Pen- 
 tiucate of Clement XI V. Ann. 1773.
 
 i 159 3 
 
 thofe moftly large, to the amount of fix- 
 teen, contains only 8,460 Catholics, which 
 is computed to be about two thirds of 
 v/hat there were thirty or forty years ago. 
 
 The weftern diftridl contains about 44 
 Priefts ; 23 are Ex-Jefuits. There is one 
 place vacant, and has been fo for fome 
 time; no perfon can be found to occupy 
 it. This diftridl is the thinneft of Catho- 
 lics of any in England, though its extent 
 be great. It contains eight Englifh coun- 
 ties, and the whole of North and South- 
 Wales. 
 
 The London diftrid:, comprifing nine 
 counties, has 58 Priefts; 1 1 are Ex-Jefuits. 
 There are five places vacant. This diftridt 
 has alfo diminiflied, and is declining very 
 faft. 
 
 Thefe Priefts, whofe number and diftri- 
 bution I have given, either live as Chap- 
 lains in the families of Gentlemen, and 
 have the care of the little congregations 
 round them ; or elfe they refide in towns, 
 or in fome country-places, v/here funds 
 have been fettled for their fupport. The 
 Chapels are in their own houfes. From 
 
 manv
 
 [ i6o3 
 
 many places being now vacant, as I have 
 noticed, vrhere Priefls were formerly kept, 
 it is evident that their number is greatly 
 on the decreafe. The Jefuits alfo are 
 daily dying away ; nor is there any fuccef- 
 fion to fupply their places. In the lapfe 
 of a few years, we fhall fee a very great 
 additional falling off. Never, furely, was 
 there a wilder fancy than the common cry 
 of the growth of Popery, and of the great 
 influx of Priefls, iince the paffing of the 
 late aft in favour of Catholics ! 
 
 Voluntary poverty is generally efteemed 
 a virtue of high evangelical merits but 
 when involuntary, it lofes its meritorious 
 charadter, and may be ranked among the 
 miferies of human life. If Catholic Priefls 
 are difpofed to make a virtue of neceflity, 
 like their Bifhops, they will meet with no 
 obflacle in their progrefs to perfedlion. 
 Twenty pounds per annum is thought a 
 very handfome falary for a Gentleman^s 
 Chaniain ; and if the rural curate have 
 twenty more, to keep himfelf, his horfe, 
 and his fervant, it will be faid, he is very 
 well provided. Some may have fmall an- 
 nuities from their own families ; but this 
 IS not common. — From men thus broken 
 
 by
 
 t i6i ] 
 
 by penury, the frowns of an imperious 
 patron, or by hard labour in the fervice of 
 their neighbour, government has little rea- 
 fon, I think, to apprehend machinations 
 againft the ftate ; nor iliould the eftabliih- 
 cd Church envy their condition, or trem- 
 ble for the fubverfion of her Hierarchy. 
 
 Our Priefts, in theil: general charader, 
 are upright and iincere : But narrowed by 
 a bad education, they contra(ft early preju- 
 dices, which they very feldonl afterwards 
 depolite. The theological lumber of the 
 fchools too often fupplies the place of 
 more ufeful furniture. Moderately fkilled 
 in the Latin and Greek languages, they 
 know little of their own ; nor do they be- 
 come fenfible of their manifold deficien- 
 cies, till it be fometimps too late to attempt 
 improvement. They are bred itp in the 
 perfuafion that, on coming to England, 
 they are to meet with racks and perfecu- 
 tion : They land, therefore, as in an ene- 
 my's country, cautious, diffident, and fu- 
 fpedtful. A man truly orthodox flies he- 
 retical company; he fears to be contami- 
 nated ; and he would not receive infiruc- 
 tion from fo foul a fource. A priefi: i: 
 feldom fecn in the fociety of Pro te flan ts. 
 X The
 
 [ l62 ] 
 
 The Catholics, he is told to herd with, 
 either are unable to improve him, or if 
 able, they are feldom willing. Contrafted 
 in his circumftances, he has not the means 
 of drawing information from books; the 
 labours of his calling demand much of his 
 time; and unfafliioned in the forms of 
 elegant life, his company is not aiked for. 
 Thus denied moil occafions of improve- 
 ment, if his native difpofitions will allow 
 him, he foon fits down filently contented, 
 and looks no further. If he ever had abi- 
 lities, difufe will, in a fliort time, lay them 
 afleep; and at fixty he will probably be 
 found the fame man he was at twenty- 
 five. 
 
 It is the complaint of our Gentry, that 
 Priefls are rough and unfociable : They 
 w^ould be lefs fo, perhaps, if their patrons 
 w^ere lefs proud, lefs ignorant, and lefs im- 
 perious. — The obfervation is general, and 
 therefore has its exceptions. — On both 
 fides are faults, which fhould be corrected. 
 That day is pafl!ed, w4ien the counfel of 
 the Priefthood was officiouily fought after; 
 when, from the cottage to the throne, it 
 pervaded every department in life. The 
 employment did not make them better 
 
 men-;
 
 [ ^63] 
 
 men ; and their employers are defervedly 
 llyled ignorant and weak-minded bigots. 
 A Churchman who, in the difcharge of his 
 duty, is regular, exemplary, and manly, 
 muft be refpeded; if he be ill-treated, it 
 will only be by fuch, whofe frowns will 
 do him more honour than their fmiles. 
 
 It is often faid, that Popifh Priefts have 
 an unbounded zeal for making Profelytes. 
 Were it true, I fee no reproach in the 
 charge. It proves that they are fincere in 
 their religious belief; that they efteem 
 themfelves in the beft way; and that they 
 wifh to impart to others the important 
 truths of falvation. The man of zeal, 
 and only this man, w^ill, in every religion, 
 ftrive to make converts ; and when evi- 
 dently he is not adtuated by motives of 
 interefl or fome worldly purfuit, his only 
 aim can be the good of his neighbour. 
 If priefts ever pofleffed the fpirit com- 
 plained of, it has, I am fure, either long 
 lince evaporated, or is become very unfuc- 
 cefsful ; for the number of thofe, who 
 conform to the eftabliflied Church, ;s far 
 beyond thofe v/ho come over to us. Real 
 zeal is not a lafting impulfe, when there 
 is not fome paflion to give it ftrength ; 
 X 2 and
 
 [ ^64 ] 
 
 and in what are we benefited by an in- 
 create of numbers ? To inftrudl thofe who 
 are born Catholics ; to make them good 
 Chriftians and good Citizens, is a tafk by 
 itfelf fuiiiciently interefting; we are al- 
 ready too many to fuffer; and in us, too 
 many are already loft to the fervice of our 
 fountry. 
 
 It IS a very fortunate circumftance, in 
 the difcipline of the Catholic Church, that 
 Priefts are forbidden to marry. They who 
 now can hardly maintain themfelves, 
 would not eafily provide for a v/ife and 
 children. Proteftants often inveigh againft 
 this celibacy of our Churchmen ; but it 
 would be well, I believe, if many of theirs 
 continued fmgle: Where (liall the unpro- 
 vided offspring of a deceakd Clergy man 
 find relief from penury and diftrefs ? Lu- 
 ther indeed did well to condemn a prac- 
 tice he was not willing to follow ; and his 
 marriage with a Nun was to his difciples 
 a convincing proof, that celibacy was no 
 virtue. 
 
 The influence, \vhich Priefts have it in 
 
 their power ftill to acquire from the ufe 
 
 of co>ifeJjiony it muft be allowed, is v^vj 
 
 ' ' great*
 
 •[ 165 ] 
 
 .great. Take but once fafl hold of a man's 
 confcience, and you may lead him where 
 you pleafe. It is therefore, in our Church, 
 a concern of the greatefl: moment, that 
 Priells be well-inftruded, and that they 
 be good men. When this is the cafe, 
 they beqome a powerful engine, whereby 
 religion may be greatly advanced, and 
 jnuch public utility derived to the flate. 
 Confeflion is a great check to vice, and it 
 promotes the pradtice of virtue. It may 
 be abufed, as the beft things too often are. 
 Abftradling from ail divine inilitution, 
 were I to fouad a commonwealth, a law, 
 obliging all my fubjeds to frequent con- 
 feilion of their fins, iliould be a principal 
 ordinance. But the choice of my Prieils 
 iliould have my peculiar care. I would 
 not, however, myfelf be found often in 
 their company^ for the Prieft who holds 
 in his hand the confcience of his Prince, 
 too often meddles in the temporal con- 
 cerns of ftate, which belong not to him. 
 
 The Jefuits, from the day of their 
 inftitution, raifed through the Chriftian 
 world, a fufpiciaus jealoufy, which they 
 were little careful to fupprefs ; they alfo 
 raifed an admiration of their zeal and of 
 
 their
 
 [ i66] 
 
 their unbounded adtivity. In our penal 
 flatutes they are marked out as a body of 
 rnen wholly diftindt from other Priefts. 
 It was thought, that they held principles 
 inimical to the rights of mankind, and 
 that their deligns againlT: Princes and their 
 States were of the moft deleterious com- 
 plexion. There was no truth in this ima- 
 gination. They had amongft them, in- 
 deed, Divines of wild fancy ; they had 
 loofe and indulgent Cafuifts; and they had 
 men of dangerous adtivity. Where the 
 weakneffes and common paffions to which 
 our nature is fubjeft, are allowed to ope- 
 rate, things could not be otherwife; and 
 the Jefuits were not more reprehenfible, 
 than are all other focieties of men. The 
 influence, which their zeal, their foftinft- 
 iiuation, and their abilities, acquired them, 
 was, in every walk of life, amazingly ex- 
 tenfive. It was often productive of great 
 good, and it was fometimes produdive of 
 great evil. They afpired, I think, too 
 high ; and the rapidity of their fall could 
 only be equalled by that of their afcent. 
 To the Proteftant Church they were al- 
 v/ays particularly odious : They were pur- 
 pofely raifed to oppofe the progrefs, and 
 to combat the opinions, of the firll Re- 
 formers.
 
 [ i67] 
 
 formers. Their attachment to the See of 
 Rome was great -, and in them the Papal 
 prerogative had always experienced the 
 firmed fupport. It was, therefore, mat- 
 ter of aftoniihment when the Roman Pon- 
 tiff pronounced their diffolution. He was 
 either a bad politician, or he was compel- 
 led to do it. — In abilities the Jefuits were 
 thought to furpafs all other religious or- 
 ders ; but becaufe they wanted prudence 
 to rein their ambition, and to moderate 
 their career of power, they fell,— probably 
 to rife no more. 
 
 The Englifli Jefuits were, I think, ra- 
 ther inferior to their brethren in other 
 parts of Europe. Of this many reafons 
 might be afligned. But there was a cer- 
 tain fariitncfs in manners, and a peculiar 
 caft: of features, which generally marked 
 every m^'-mber of the Society. Among 
 the tea-fhrubs in China, in the miflions of 
 Chili, in the gardens of Verfailles, or in a 
 cottage in Lancafliire, a Jefuit v/as a diftin- 
 guifhable man. — The few ftill remaining, 
 daily dying off, in the courfe of fome years, 
 their generation will be extin6t, and their 
 name almofl forgotten. We fliall then 
 perhaps fee reafon to lament their fuppref- 
 
 fion.
 
 [ ^63] 
 
 fion. At all events, it is now time to drop 
 thofe idle fears, which the phantom of 
 Jefuitical craft and machinations formerly 
 
 gave rife to. 
 
 Their ^^ ^^^^ ^ groundlefs rumour, which 
 
 Schools in lately prevailed, that Catholics were open- 
 Kngland. j^g fchools in all parts of the kingdom, 
 whereby the rifing generation of Prote- 
 ftants were all to be perverted to the errors 
 of Popery. The real fad: is, that we have 
 not opened one new fchool fince the year 
 1778. The whole number of thofe which 
 we have, are, I think, but three, at leaft 
 thofe of any note. There is one in Hert- 
 fordlhire ; one near Birmingham in War^ 
 wickfliire; and a third near Wolverhamp- 
 ton in Staffordfliire. In London are fome 
 day-fchools; and in other parts may be^ 
 perhaps, little eftablifliments, where an 
 old woman gives ledures on the Horn- 
 book and the Art of Spelling. As her 
 kffons convey no documents of treafon or 
 fedition, government need not watch her 
 * with anv anxious attention ^. — At the two 
 
 firft- 
 
 * .After more accurate enquiries, I am (Hll confirmed in the 
 truth of the above reprefentation. He have opened no nenu 
 fcksQis of ar.j ?iotc : Though it has been repeaiedly alTerted that 
 
 even
 
 [ i69 i 
 
 jSrft-mentloned fchools are generally abbiit 
 twenty or thirty boys, who leave them 
 about the age of twelve or fourteen. That 
 in Staffordihire is far the mofl numerous. 
 Its defign is to give fome education to 
 children of a lov/er clafs. They leara- 
 their religion^ and fuch other things, as 
 may qualify them for trade and the ufual 
 bufinefs of life. When it can be avoided, 
 they never admit Proteliants, from an a"p- 
 prehenfion that it might give offence ; as 
 alfo from a well-grounded fufpicion, tr.at 
 it would tend gradually to weaken the re- 
 ligious principles of the Catholic boys. It 
 is to me aftoniiliin^ir, that Proteftants can 
 be found, who, were it in their pov^^er, 
 would deprive us even of this fmall privi- 
 lege of educating our own children ! I have 
 omitted to mention two fchools for the 
 education of girls, one at Hammerfmith^ 
 the other at York. They are ancient ella- 
 blifhments ; and by no means, I appre- 
 hend, calculated to bring danger to thd 
 Proteftant powers of the Britifh Empire. 
 
 Y SOON 
 
 even 32 or more had been erecitd, flnce the pafling of the bill 
 in our tavour. The inftructions oi' Imag'uiarj Teachers cnnnot 
 indil ranch poifun into rlie brealts of ifcil Froteitant child rem
 
 Schools. 
 
 [ 170 1 
 
 Their SOON after the acceffion of Queeil 
 foreign Elizabeth, when Catholics had loft all 
 hopes of re-eftablifliment; and when, by 
 fevere ftatutes, the pradice of their religion 
 was prohibited, and thcmfelves were not 
 allowed to receive education at home, 
 many of them retired abroad, and, by de- 
 grees, ailbciated into regular communities. 
 In 1568, Dr. Allan, afterwards made Car- 
 dinal, founded a College for the Englifh 
 at Douay, a town in Flanders, then fubjedt 
 to the Spanifli King; and in procefs of 
 time, other Colleges and places of educa- 
 tion were eftablifhed in France, Spain, and 
 Portugal. — The remains likewife of the 
 religious orders, who had been difperfed 
 at the fuppreffion of Monafteries, collect- 
 ed themfelves, and formed into commu- 
 nities* 
 
 The firft objed: of theTe different efta- 
 blilhments was, to provide Minifters for 
 the fupport of their religion in England, 
 iind, in a fecondary view, to give education 
 to the Catholic youth. Young men, there- 
 fore, foon repaired thither ; fome of them 
 took orders, and then returned to their 
 own country. To fruftrate this fcheme, 
 which was the only means now left of 
 
 preferving
 
 [ ^71 ] 
 
 preferving from utter ruin the fmall re- 
 mains of Catholicity in England, many very 
 fevere ftatutes were made by Elizabeth and 
 her fucceffors. However, in fpite of this 
 oppofition, and of the various attempts 
 then made to prevail on the different Prin- 
 ces to expel them their territories, they 
 flood, and exift to the prefent hour. It 
 was furely a ftretch of cruel defpotifm, 
 thus to fubjedl thofe, who fliould fend 
 their children abroad, to hard penalties, 
 and, at the fame time, not to allow them 
 to be educated at home, unlefs they took 
 oaths, which in their confciences they 
 thought unlawful! 
 
 The men whom, for many fucceeding 
 years, thefe Seminaries fent into England, 
 were very able and informed. A general 
 fpirit of enquiry, efpecially in matters of 
 religion, had begun to call into life thofp 
 mental powers, which, for whole centu- 
 ries back, had flept in lazy indolence. 
 Controverfy became the fatliionable occu- 
 pation of the learned ; and true religion 
 has many obligations to their laborious 
 efforts. The Englifli Priefts eagerly en- 
 gaged in thofe difputes of religion with 
 their Proteftant antagonifts ; and from the. 
 Y 2 writings
 
 v/ntings they left behind them, it ap- 
 pears, they were well-fkilled in the arts of 
 controverfy. There is indeed an acrimony 
 and a harflinefs of refledion in their works^ 
 which, to judge from modern habits^ 
 would rather irritate, than produce fenti- 
 ments of moderation and mutual iorbear- 
 ancc. But this was the flern charader of 
 the age; and it may, I believe, at all times 
 be doubted^ whether the objed of polemic 
 writers is not rather to foil iiieir adverfary 
 and to triumph, than, from the love of 
 truth, to combat error, and to convince, 
 from the godlike motive of doing good. 
 
 The prefent ftate of thefe eftablifhments 
 is as follows : — The College at Douay 
 founded, as I faid, in 1568, is the moll 
 confiderable, and is governed by a Prefident 
 and other Superiors, all of the Englifh na- 
 tion. It belongs to the fecular Clergy y 
 and the number of fiudents is generally 
 above a hundred. As its defign is to form 
 Churchmen, and to give an academical 
 education to the fons of Gentlemen, its 
 courfe of fludics has been confequently 
 adapted to this double purpofe. But the 
 complaint is, that its plan is not propor- 
 tioned to the prefent improved ftate of 
 
 things ;
 
 [ 173 1 
 
 things ; that the Priefls, who come from 
 thence, are ill-provided with that learn- 
 ing, which other Univerfities can now 
 fupply; and that young men, after eight 
 years application, return home, very fu- 
 perficially acquainted with the Latin and 
 Greek authors, and totally deftitute of all 
 other fcience.-»~General ideas, and the ha- 
 bits of mankind, have certainly undergone 
 a great revolution; it is proper, thereforcj, 
 that modes of education fliould vary, un- 
 der flcilful and prudent direclion. Inllruc- 
 tions ihould be taken from every quarter, 
 and the work of improvement begun, 
 without further lofs of tim.e. The mif- 
 fortune hov/ever is, that to reform a Col- 
 lege w^ould be a thirteenth labour for 
 Hercules. The cleanfing the liable of 
 King Augeas, which held three thoufand 
 oxen, and had not been emptied for thirty 
 years, was, compared v/ith this, but a boy- 
 iih achievement.— — The revenue of this 
 College is very moderate; and the penfion, 
 which provides every thing, is but of 
 twenty pounds per annum. 
 
 The Priefls from this houfe arc the moll: 
 numerous, and from them I principally 
 drew thole outlines of facerdotal characfter, 
 
 which
 
 [ m ] 
 
 which the reader ahxady has fcen. They 
 si\ open, diiinterefted, religious, and labo- 
 rious ; fteady in the difcharge of their du- 
 ties, fond of their profeffion, and emulous 
 of fupporting the character of primitive 
 Churchmen : But they are auftere in their 
 principles, confined in their ideas, igno- 
 rant of the world, and unpleafant in their 
 inanners. 
 
 The Clergy have alfo other feminaries, 
 of inferior diftindion, at Paris, at Valla- 
 dolid in Old Caftile, at Rome, and at 
 Liibon. The number of ftudents in thefe 
 places is inconiiderable. The diftance 
 from England is great, and, abftrading 
 from the expence of fo long a journey, 
 parents are not inclined to fend their chil- 
 dren fo far froni home. The dcfign of 
 all thefe eftablilhments is folely to educate 
 Churchmen. At Paris are many opportu- 
 nities of improvemient, which that learned 
 Univerfity fupplies. The mode of educa- 
 tion in the other houfes is copied from 
 thatofDouay; and their Priefts, barring 
 the local peculiarities they contract, are 
 greatly ii^ the fame model. It rs furely 
 time to give new life to this antiquated 
 form : But we want an artifl: bold enough 
 
 to
 
 L 175 ] 
 
 to attempt it. When Prometheus had 
 kneaded into fliape his man of clay, hs 
 ftole fire from Heaven to animate it. 
 
 Whihl the Jefuits flood, St. Om.er was 
 their great fchool for claffical improve- 
 ment ; and they fupplied England with 
 manv able and adive Churchmen. At the 
 expulfion of that body from France, their 
 College was given to the Clergy of Douay : 
 In whofe hands it now is ; but as yet it 
 feems to have anfwered little purpofe* 
 Englidi Catholics are not fufficiently nu- 
 merous to fupply fcholars for fo many 
 houfes. — The Jefuits themfelves firft re- 
 tired to Bruges, in the Auflrian Nether- 
 lands, where they opened another College; 
 but, on their total fuppreffion a few years 
 after, that houfe alfo was diiiblved, toge- 
 ther with every other foundation they pof- 
 feifed. They then erecled an Academy at 
 Liege, (for their fpirit of laudable enter- 
 prize was not to be broken) under the 
 protection of the Bifhop and Prince of 
 that place. They are now no longer Je- 
 fuits ; but their Academy is in great efui- 
 mation, and the children of our Catholic 
 gentry principally refort thither for edu- 
 cation. However, as their ohied: is not 
 
 fo
 
 [ 176] 
 
 fo much to form Churchmen, as to in- 
 ftrud: youth in the fafliionable arts of po- 
 liflied life, the Priefthood will receive little 
 affiftance from their labours. 
 
 The Monks of the order of Saint Bene- 
 di(fl have alfo houfes abroad, and their 
 Pfiefts come to England. There are four 
 Convents now belon^ins: to them, three 
 in France, and one in Germany; but their 
 numbers are fmalL In that at Douay is 
 a fchool for claffical education, where are 
 generally about thirty ftudents. From 
 thefe diiferent places but few Priefls re- 
 turn to England; it being an effential part 
 of the Eenedictin inftitute to keep choir^ 
 for which bufinefs a confiderable number 
 of fubjeds is requilitCi 
 
 The Friars of the order of Saint Francis 
 have likewife a Convent at Douay, which 
 fupplies fome Priefls. Within thefe few 
 years, they have greatly decreafed, owing 
 to the regulations France has adopted for 
 the reduction of religious orders, as alfo 
 becaufe the old conventual fpirit is much 
 abated. The fource likewife, from which 
 formerly they drew a competent fubfift- 
 
 ence.
 
 tnce, is almoft dried up ; I mean the li- 
 beral contributions of the public. 
 
 There is a third order, which now 
 begins rather to increafe. The Domini- 
 cans, fince the fuppreflion of the Jefuits^ 
 have grown into more vifible form : They 
 have a fchool near Bruffels, and a fmall 
 Convent at Louvain, in the Auftrian ter- 
 ritories. Some Priefts of this order ar^ 
 likewife in England. 
 
 There is alfo ^ fmall Convent of Car- 
 thufians, at Nieuport, in the Auftrian 
 Netherlands.— Of this houfe the very in- 
 genious and learned Mr. Mann, who now 
 refides at Bruffels, was lately fuperior ; 
 from whofe lips thofe walls have often 
 heard, with Ji/ent w^onder, ledlures on 
 every branch of fcience, that would have 
 charmed the firft Academics of Europe* 
 I am happy to render this fmall tribute 
 of praife to a man w^hom I love and bo- 
 Bouro 
 
 We have likewife a few Carmes, the 
 
 children of St. Terefa, who are now ereft . 
 
 Z ing
 
 [ 178 ] 
 
 ing a fmall eflablifhmeiU at Tongres, in 
 the principality of Liege *. 
 
 Such is the prefent ftate of Catholic 
 efhablifhments abroad, and from them 
 come all the Churchmen at this day in 
 England. It is rather a motley congre- 
 gation ', and they are, and ever have been, 
 much divided by local prejudices of edu- 
 cation, views of intereli, low jealoufies, 
 pretenfions to partial favour, and the jars 
 of fuch felfifh paffions, as have long, it is 
 faid, had prefcriptive pofleffion of the 
 breads of Churchmen. It would be well, 
 if with their caffocks, their cowls, and 
 their capuches, they would alfo leave be- 
 hind them the weakneffes juft mentioned, 
 and honeftly unite in one chriflian plan of 
 ferving their neighbour, and of difcharg- 
 ing the feveral duties of religion. — It was 
 in thefe feminaries that was chiefly kept 
 alive that Jacobitical folly, which, like 
 
 an 
 
 * It is a cry, that cloiflers are the feats of indolence, igno- 
 lance, and even of vice. The general charge is fctlfe and defa- 
 matory. Some abufes will infedt the belt inltitutions. The 
 Englifk, at leaft of the orders I have mentioned, are, in their 
 Convents, truly religious and exemplary ; are equal in literary 
 acquirements to their clerical brethren ; and in the difcharge of 
 their duties I difcover the fame fpirit of labour and of Chriltiaa 
 2sal.
 
 [ 179 ] 
 an ignis fof nil?, led the Catholics of Eng- 
 land almoft to the brink of ruin. 
 
 It cannot raife furprife, becaufe it is an 
 obvious efFedt of circumftances, but it is 
 morally impoffible that, whilft this fyfteni 
 of foreign education continues, Englifh 
 Catholics can entertain the proper notions 
 of Engliflimen. They muft contract 
 fomething of the manners, and fomething, 
 I fear, of the principles of thofe countries, 
 which give them fo hofpitable a retreat. 
 Yet this effed: is by no means (o fenfible, 
 as from fpeculation one is induced to be- 
 lieve. It may be faid, the return is not 
 very grateful ; bat it is obfervabl.e, that 
 our Englifh boys never lofe that antipathy 
 to Frenchmen andPrench manners, which, 
 I truft, is conftitutionally innate. They 
 are, hov^ever, greatly expofed, and the 
 experiment fhould not be tried. It is 
 furely as impolitic, as it is cruel, to re- 
 tain thoie penal ftatutes, by which Bri- 
 tifli fubjeds are compelled to implore the 
 protection of France, or to deny educa- 
 tion to their own children ! 
 
 Z 2 THE
 
 r^cnes. 
 
 [ i8o 3 
 
 fheir Nun=^ THE Ladies would be difplcafed, werd 
 I to take no notice of their foreign efta-r 
 blilLments. At the tirpe that houfes of 
 refuge were provided for the men, whon^ 
 perfecution forced from home, fome La- 
 dies of fingular zeal, who had alfo retired 
 from England, attempted to form com- 
 munities 'y and their fuccefs was great. 
 At this day, the Englifli Nunneries abroad 
 ■are no lefs than twenty-one. France and 
 the Low Countries have almoft the whole 
 number. It is incredible, how they have 
 been able to fupport themfelves ^ for 
 though in many houfes their numbers are 
 very thin, yet they go on, braving all the 
 ilorms of adverfe fortune, A high opi- 
 nion of monailic perfedion, fondnefs for 
 the yei), and, above all, a thought that 
 they fuffer on account of religion, are the 
 ^harms which have filled their cloifters | 
 or at lead have preferved them from ruin. 
 It is a misfortune, that England fliould 
 be deprived of fo many fair examples of 
 virtue : Their prefence would furely be 
 produdive of more real advantage, than 
 their ab.fence i though we have all great 
 
 confidence in their prayers. To them 
 
 pur young Ladies are fent for education : 
 So^me never return, joining themfelves to 
 
 the
 
 [ i8i 3 
 
 the holy choirs of virgins ; and the few^ 
 \vho are given to the world, become the 
 forlorn hope of the Catholic caufe. — Nuns 
 are ill adapted to the bufinefs of educa- 
 tion, when this is fuppofed to confift of 
 precepts and general inftrudtion, with 
 which they cannot be acquainted. Hav- 
 ing retired from the world, before they 
 knew it, infpiration only can teach them 
 the art of preparing others for its impor- 
 tant occupations. Yet this they profefs 
 to do, or, in the capacity of inltrudors, 
 they prc)fefs nothing, 
 
 Senfible as I am, that no mode of edu- 
 cation can be lefs adapted to improve the 
 mind, and to inftij fuch principles as may 
 form it to the bufinefs of life, yet fo it 
 happens, that few Ladies have higher pre^ 
 tenfions to the palm of female perfedion, 
 than have many of the Catholic perfuafion. 
 The public knows the truth of this ob- 
 fervation. A difplay of their charader^ 
 would, I know, offend their modeily ; 
 ptherwife I would fay, that as wives, as 
 mothers, as citizens, and as Chriflians,they 
 (land unrivalled. — The inftrudions of the 
 cloifter are not favourable to the growtl^ 
 9f thefe virtues .; but it is ufual with us»
 
 [ i82 ] 
 
 not to expofe them to public notice^ 
 which often blafts the early flower, till 
 maturer age has ripened them into more 
 fecure perfedion. To this circumftance 
 I principally afcribe an efFed, which other- 
 wife cannot be accounted for. 
 
 IT is time to clofe this fliort view of 
 Enelifh Catholics. I have faid whatever 
 feemed neceffary on the fubjeft ; and I 
 have faid it freely. I pretend not to think 
 myfelf void of all partiality, becaufe I 
 pretend not to be divefted of human feel- 
 ings 'y but of this I am confident, that par- 
 tiality to my own perfuafion has not pre- 
 vailed on me, to conceal any truth, to dif- 
 guife any error, or to throw a veil over any 
 w^eaknefs. I have blamed where I thought 
 it reafonable; and I have praifed where 
 there was merit. Throughout it was my 
 objedi to fupport the charaifler of a candid 
 plain-fpeaking man. If either Catholics 
 or Proteftants take offence ; they may 
 know, it was far from my intention to of- 
 fend them. I fhall perhaps pity men, 
 whofe eyes are too weak to bear the im- 
 preffion of Truth, however ferene the 
 medium may be, through which it paffes. 
 
 I
 
 [ iS3 3 
 
 I could have entered into more minute 
 details ; and I could have given a much 
 wider fpan to my reflcdions; but I thought 
 an objedfe, contradted to a fmaller point, 
 was heft adapted to produce the effedt I 
 had in view. 
 
 It v/as my defign to demo nitrate, that 
 neither Church nor State had any thing to 
 fear from Englifn Catholics : and to this 
 end, I brought forward every fpecies of 
 materials, which my fcurces of informa- 
 tion could fupply, and which had any ten- 
 dency to illuiirate the point. I defcribed 
 the Catholics as they really are ; and from 
 this description if it be not evident to the 
 weakeft fight, t/ja^ all is fecure, there muft 
 be a timidity in Englifhmen, that will 
 fhudder at the moft feeble fuggeftions of 
 fancy. It is related, I think, as an in- 
 flance of fingular phrenzy in the heroic 
 Ajax, that he took a flock of flieep for a 
 hoft of enemies : The imagination of the 
 Poet is realized in the conducft of Great 
 Britain. For two whole centuries, we 
 have been harmlefs and unoffending ; and 
 at the prefent hour, were an occafion of- 
 fered, there is not a hand amongft us 
 
 which
 
 1 184 ] 
 
 which would be raifed, but in defence of 
 his country. 
 
 Things being fo, there is but one infe- 
 rence i and this is. That the cry, which 
 was lately heard, and which is induftri- 
 oufly kept Up, was the cry of malevolence 
 or fanaticifm ; and that the laws whichj 
 like the naked fword over the head of De- 
 mocles, are held out againft us, are cruel, 
 Unjuft, and tyrannical. — It has been feen^ 
 that no juft caufe was ever given to pro- 
 voke the enadion of fuch laws : But now 
 even that plea fubfifls no longer, by which 
 the multitude was deluded, and the bad 
 defigns of party were fcreened from detec- 
 tion. It is not faid, that we are in adual 
 confpiracy againft the ftate, and that 
 fchemes of affaffination are formed ; but it 
 is ftill faid, and it is ftill believed, that 
 our principles have a natural tendency to 
 fuch dark works ; and that it is not from 
 want of will, but of powef, that we do 
 not attempt to place the crov»^n of this 
 realm on the head of a tyrant, or to add it 
 to the triple Tiara of the Roman PontiiF. 
 Pudet hdec opprobria vobis : I am really 
 aftiamed in the refledion, that men can 
 t)ow be weak enough to indulge fuch fan^ 
 
 ciesj
 
 [185] 
 
 ties, or can allow themfelves the liberty 
 of fuch childifh language. If the view of 
 thefe abfurdities raifes my indignation, it 
 is an honeft indignation, which becomes 
 me; and I would rather have four legs, 
 and feed on grafs, than not freely cenfure, 
 what I think is an oppreflion of innocence, 
 and a degradation of human reafon. The 
 condu(ft of Catholics is irreproachable ^ 
 they profefs the moft fincere attachment 
 to the civil conftitution of this realm ; 
 they reprobate the moft diftant belief of 
 fuch dodtrines as are laid to their charge : 
 Still they are not believed -, ftill the fame 
 accufations are repeated ; ftill, under the 
 weak pretence of holding fuch tenets, they 
 are oppreffed ; and ftill the fame lowering 
 code of laws is permitted to remain in full 
 force againft them ! 
 
 It might be expeded, that the eyes of 
 this nation fl:iould now open to the hu- 
 mane and Chriftian dodrine of general 
 Toleration, on the moft extenfive plan. 
 They iliould fct an example to the other 
 kingdoms of the earth. If we really arc 
 that enlightened, that liberal, that hu- 
 mane, that philofophic people, which we 
 fo often afFed to ftyle ourfelves, our ow^a 
 A a condu»5i
 
 [ i86] 
 
 condud at leaft fhould not give the firft 
 lie to the language of our lips. — My ideas 
 are not perhaps adapted to the prefent ftate 
 of received notions ; I believe, they are 
 only fitted to the meridian of Utopia; but 
 had 1 the power, I would give the utmoft 
 latitude of profeffion and pradice to all 
 religions, which have votaries in any part 
 of the terraqueous globe. Not only the 
 followers of Mahomet, and the deluded 
 children of Mofes, ihouldnot be molefled, 
 but they fhould be encouraged to come 
 amongft us ; and the Sun of England 
 fliould fliine with equal rays on all the 
 defendants of Adam. It is only in fuch 
 circumftances that Truth can fdivly exert 
 her native powers. Allow all men to 
 think freely, and to adl confidently with 
 what they think ^ and it cannot be, but 
 truth muft prevail over error. There 
 would then be no motive for the difguife of 
 fentiments; the mind would receive no 
 undue bias ; views of intereil would not 
 warp our conceptions; but plain, genuine, 
 unadorned Truth would prefent herfelf in 
 all her amiable and divine fimplicity of 
 form : Religion, with its attendant vir- 
 tues, would challenge our firft belief; and 
 the religion of our choice would nece(farily 
 
 be
 
 be the Chriftian. Variations In faith 
 might ftill continue; but thefe would sra- 
 dually die away, or at leaft all diflindions 
 would ce^ale to be odious. The Protetlant 
 would fit down by the Catholic; they 
 would difcufs, in the language of friend- 
 fliip, their mutual difficulties ; and the 
 Gentoo, the Jew, and the Infidel, charm- 
 ed with a religion, which taught all men 
 to be friends, would earneflly apply to re- 
 ceive inftrudion in fo humane a belief. 
 
 I well know fuch a fcheme could not 
 be introduced in the face of an ejiablijljed 
 Church', but for that very reafon, I Vv^ould 
 have no religion eflablilhed hy form of law. 
 That mode of faith, which produced the 
 beft fubjedts, fliould receive peculiar en- 
 couragement ; and, in the eye of a ftatef- 
 man, this circumftance alone fliould be 
 the teft of its fuperior excellence. In any 
 other viev/, the mixing of politics in the 
 concerns of religion, and the granting ex- 
 clufive favours to a national Church, have 
 ever produced much evil, and never any 
 good. It has confounded objeds, in them- 
 felves eflentially diftind , it has encou- 
 raged the growth of every felfifh pailion ; 
 and it has put a bar to the exertions of 
 A a 2 finccre.
 
 [ i88 ] 
 
 fincere, honefl, and unpliant virtue. The 
 influence of religious worfhip over the 
 morals and manners of mankind, has made 
 it neceffary, it is faid, for politicians to 
 court the intereft and good-will of Church- 
 men : They have therefore granted pecu- 
 liar privileges to fome leading fed, and 
 have eftablifhed their belief by the firm 
 fanftion of law : *^ You only, faid they, 
 Ihall partake of the loaves and filhes/' — 
 This certainly is a very confined and mif- 
 taken notion. Where can be the policy 
 of an arrangement which, by granting par- 
 tial favours, fecures indeed the attachment 
 of one party, but which forfeits the efteem 
 of the reft, by a denial of privileges to 
 which all have an equal right ? 
 
 But without infifting on thefe ideas of 
 general juftice, general humanity, and ge- 
 neral policy; can any reafon be now afiign- 
 ed, why Catholics fhould not enjoy the 
 common rights of Toleration ? What is 
 given to other Difienters, fliould be given 
 to them— becaufe they deferve it. Still, 
 however, I am willing to make fome al- 
 lowance to the prejudices of the multitude. 
 The name oi Papiji is odious to them, and 
 as long as this impreffion lafts, it would 
 
 be
 
 [ i89 ] 
 
 be wrong to Infult their feelings. As 
 members of fociety, it is our duty to la- 
 bour, that abufes be corrected, that errors 
 be removed, that miftakes be redlified, 
 and that no man fuffer wrongfully. The 
 prejudices of the vulgar, and their idle 
 alarms, would foon die away, were thefe 
 objects attended to by thofe, whofe care it 
 is to inftrud: and to educate. But it is 
 the endeavour rather of thefe men, not to 
 mitigate acrimony and to foften prejudice, 
 but to aggravate and to encreafe both, by 
 malevolent afperiions, and the repetition of 
 declamatory invedives. Would Englifli 
 Proteftants openly avow their fentiments ; 
 would they fay, as do their amiable Scot- 
 tifh brethren, that they mean to perfecut^ 
 and to exterminate the fmall remains of 
 Popery ; v/e fhould not be at a lofs what 
 plan to adopt. I would rather retire to 
 the frozen regions of Siberia, which would 
 receive me with more hofpitality, and 
 where I could think and adl with the free- 
 dom of a man. — It is not our defire to be 
 put on a level with other fubjefts; be- 
 caufe, in the year 1781, Britain is not fuf- 
 ficiently enlightened to view all men with 
 an equal eye : We ftiall be fatisfied in the 
 
 leaft and the loweil condition. 1 mean 
 
 not
 
 [ 59C ] 
 
 not to point cut fuch meafures^ as might 
 feem beft adapted to give us relief. The 
 penal laws againft us fhould furely be re- 
 pealed. Let parliament then adopt that 
 plan, which may at once quiet the nation, 
 in their fears of the growth of Popery, and 
 may give that indulgence to Catholics, 
 which, as good and as loyal fubjedls, they 
 are privileged to expedl^ 
 
 AN
 
 A N 
 
 ADDRESS TO CATHOLICS. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 TO ward off any danger that may 
 threaten our fellow-creatures, to 
 proteft their rights, and to plead the caufe 
 cf injured virtue, are duties infeparablv 
 conneded with the general ftate of fociety. 
 When reduced to a fmaller fphere, the 
 obligation becomes more prefTing; becaufe 
 the focial tie is ftronger, becaufe the feel- 
 ings of nature are more adtive, and becaufe 
 the profpedl of fuccefs is raifed to higher 
 probability. Influenced by thefe motives, 
 when I heard malevolence cry aloud agalnft 
 you, and when fcarcely your own perfontj 
 and property feemed fecure from danger^ 
 I flood forward, and raifed a feeble arm 
 in your defence. 1 was not armed, like 
 the champions of old, with impenetrable 
 fteel ; but 1 had zeal in your fervice, and 
 my caufe was good. With what fuccefe 
 I laboured, the event mult yet prove : 
 But, I think, I fee a cheerful ray glimmer- 
 ing
 
 [ 192 ] 
 
 ing through that dark cloud, which before 
 was one continued gloom. I had not the 
 vanity to think, that any effort of mine 
 could fubdue the hundred-headed Hydra 
 of national prejudice j but I thought, I 
 might be able, by lenient meafures, to 
 footh their fury, and that your exertions 
 would accomplish the reft. Here, like 
 Hope leaning on her anchor, I ground all 
 my profpeds* 
 
 With curious enquiry I have traced the 
 origin of thofe prejudices, which, through 
 a long period of years, have hung heavy on 
 your name. I have fliewn, that the con- 
 dutfl of your Fathers no more merited the 
 fevere chaftifementj which they fuffered, 
 than does your conduct of the prefent day. 
 They were loyal fubjeds, were good men, 
 and good citizens, as you now are. Still, 
 prejudices were formed. It is^ I believe, 
 more difficult to overcome the ioofe fug- 
 geftions of fancy, when intereft or bad zeal 
 fupport them, than to eradicate the deepeft 
 habits of rational conviction. But do not 
 you therefore defpond. Every obftacle 
 inuft at length give way to reiterated and 
 perfeverant impreffions -, or the hitherto 
 dudile nature of the human mind muft 
 
 have
 
 have been hardened into flcel or adamant. 
 Such cannot be the texture of Britifli 
 fouls ! 
 
 The means befl adapted to this great 
 purpofe He open before you. Be fubmif- 
 five, but be firm and manly. The State 
 has received youi: oaths of allegiance; and 
 it is therefore bound to prote5i you. — The 
 cry of thofe, who ftill affert that you may 
 not be trufted, and that your religious per- 
 fuafions neceffarily make you enemies to 
 civil liberty, is, I own, exafperating. 
 Meet it with lilent contempt ; for there 
 are minds which generous conduct never 
 moved. — Which article of your Creed is 
 it, that thus is capable to degrade your na- 
 tures, and to render them in love with fla- 
 very? But if i/,^^r/^ can only be found un- 
 der the influence of the rejoined Churches}^ 
 from whence proceeds that freedom of de- 
 bate and adtion which, at this day, fome 
 Catholic Republics enjoy; and who twifl- 
 ed thofe iron links, which modern Defpo- 
 tifm has hung round the necks of Sweden 
 and Denmark ? England was more free 
 under her Catholic kings, than flie was 
 under any Tudor or Stuart, during that 
 long and fplendid Era of Proteftant Re- 
 B b formation »
 
 [ 194 ] 
 
 formation. It is humiliating, that you arc 
 not permitted to attefl your Patriotifm by 
 the common exertions of fubjecfts, and 
 that yourfelves or children, if called to 
 arms, muft bear them under a foreign 
 flandard. With you I lament the circum- 
 fiance ; but it alfo muft be fubmitted to. 
 It is perhaps the leaft hardfliip you have 
 to fuffer. And when, under the preffure 
 of fuch accumulated weights, your attach- 
 ment to your country is feen ftill to fub- 
 fift, firm and ynfliaken, who will longer 
 dare to queftion the fincerity of your pro- 
 fefiions ? No ancient or modern State ever 
 
 gave proof of fuch heroic patriotifm. ■ 
 
 The evidence of another fadt I will men- 
 tion, becaufe it gives me pleafure. At 
 this moment of national danger, when you 
 are not allowed to fupport with a fingle 
 finger the tottering fabric of the Britilh 
 Empire, our fleets, which cover the ocean, 
 are filled with Catholic failors, from a 
 fifter kingdom. Secretly they give their 
 fervices, {mxious to defend their country, 
 by beating' down the pride of the Catholic 
 houfe of Bourbon ; w^hilft Holland, the 
 Reformed Holland, perfidioufly unites her 
 arms againft her old friend and Proteftant 
 ally ! 
 
 Your
 
 I 
 
 i 195 ] 
 
 Your religion, I know, teaches you to 
 be good fubjeds ; as it teaches you the 
 pradtice of every moral and ChrilHan duty. 
 It is not on the number or fuppofed per- 
 fedion of any fpeculative principles, that 
 refts the excellency of a religious perfua- 
 fion, but on the fuperior influence it may 
 have, in the promotion of virtue, over the 
 minds of its followers. Here alone I 
 place the fuperior ity of your belief. In 
 the intercourfe of life then if you are not 
 better mcn^ what avails it to dijfent front 
 the religion of your country ? Immorality 
 in you is not only vicious, but it ftamps 
 on your characters a note of mental weak- 
 nefs, which mufl raife pity and contempt. 
 
 It is generally thought that virtue, like 
 camomile from the foot of the palTenger, 
 fiourifhes mofl:, when perfecuted and op- 
 prefled. I believe it is fo ^ and the con- 
 duft of your fathers proved it. But furely 
 your fituation has not been yet fuflicicntly 
 enei-vating, to have relaxed that rigid tone: 
 of fibre, on which great exertions ^o much 
 depend. You have lived, indeed, in freer 
 habits of friendfhip with Protcftants, thin 
 was the former pradUce : From this cauf^ 
 may have arifen fome indifference in reli- 
 B b 2 gion.
 
 [ 196] 
 
 qion. Young minds infenfibly contrail 
 the manners of thofe, with whom they 
 aflbciate. Under the fpecious fliew of //- 
 beral2iV\d philofophic fentiments, often lurks 
 a dangerous and corrofive poifon. Yet if 
 intercourfe with the world has contributed 
 to generate more juft ideas in your regard, 
 good at leall: has been produced in a cer- 
 tain meafure. 
 
 As a friend to the religion I profefs, I 
 own I tremble for the iffue of a general 
 indulgence or repeal of Penal laws, fliould 
 fuch an event ever happen. The affertion 
 may appear Angular \ but it can only be to 
 thofe, who are unacquainted with the 
 mighty influence of the allurements of 
 eafe, intereil:, and pleafure. Your enemies 
 have in their hands a more potent agent, 
 than reftraints and penal grievances, if they 
 wiih your dillolution. Yet, though I 
 feem to fee the fatal event, marked on the 
 face of time, it will be in your power to 
 avert its completion : Yours will be the 
 crime of degenerating from the fteady vir- 
 tue of your fathers. But my wiflies are 
 not therefore lefs warm to fee jou eman- 
 cipated from every legal reflraint. I have 
 been ufcd to contemplate, oxi a large fcale, 
 
 - the
 
 [ 197 ] 
 the great fchemes of Providence. He is 
 the guardian of his own rights j and his 
 true worfliippers muft ever be -his peculiar 
 care. This Ifland is but an atom. From 
 hence fhould Truth be exiled, new altars 
 will be raifed to her, perhaps acrofs the 
 Atlantic, or at leaft in fome other quarter 
 of the terraqueous globe. 
 
 Whatever may be the events of futurity j 
 be it at leaft your concern not to haften, 
 by wilful co-operation, the downfal of 
 your little ftate. One means of giving it 
 even nev/ vigour you have in your own 
 hands -, and the fame means will endear 
 you to every friend of virtue and of your 
 country. — Attend to the education of your 
 riling families. A wife fon gives more 
 glory to the brows of his fiUher, than 
 crowns of oak or laurel. Teach them the 
 great duties of men, of citizens, of fub- 
 jeds, and of Chrillians. Teach them the 
 peculiar tenets of your own religion ; and 
 tell them for what their fathers fuifered. 
 Teach them t!ie virtues of fubmiflion, of 
 patience, of reiignation, and of forgivenefs 
 of injuries; for from thefe muft be drawn 
 their future fliire of happinefs. Hold up 
 before tliem the beauties of the Bridfli 
 
 conftitution;
 
 [ 198 ] 
 
 Conftitution ; inftrud: them in its laws ; 
 and if you drop a tear over that black 
 code, which forbids you to be happy, let 
 your voice ftill inculcate fubmiffion. Teach 
 them the love of freedom ; and often run 
 over the annals of that weak king, from 
 whofe bigoted and rafh defigns, our mif- 
 fortunes are principally derived. Paint, 
 in glowing warmth, the civil bleffings of 
 the Revolution 3 and inculcate fentiments 
 of unfhaken loyalty to the royal houfe of 
 Hanover. 
 
 It is indeed a refledlion full of trouble 
 that, at a period, when the amiable doc- 
 trine of toleration is erecting altars to the 
 God of peace and charity, in almoft every 
 kingdom of the globe, this country alone 
 {hould feem to take a moft decided lead, 
 in favour of intolerance and oppreffion. 
 Yet fo it is ; and you mufl fubmit. But 
 let your fubmiffion be that of men, con- 
 fcious of the integrity of their principles, 
 and the rectitude of their conduct. The 
 blood that fills your veins, is almoft as an- 
 cient as the hoary cliffs, which furround 
 our iiland. The thought fl^iould animate 
 you to the purfuit of every manly and of 
 every virtuous endowment. Let a fpirit 
 
 of
 
 [ 199 ] 
 
 of union and of concord pervade your 
 councils, your refolutions, and your ac- 
 tions. Think as friends, and adl as bre- 
 thren. — Prejudices muft at length ceafe, 
 and fanaticifm muft die away : Then will 
 it be (cca how calumnious thofe afperfions 
 were, and how cruel that treatment, 
 which, for fo long a time, had opprefied 
 a virtuous, a loyal, and a patriotic band of 
 Britifh fubjedls. 
 
 FINIS,
 
 5
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below 
 
 JUL 10 ■'^'*' 
 
 MAYl 1951 
 
 J|EG:0. MtQ 
 
 j» 
 
 .yb7 
 
 
 vm 
 
 Form L-9 
 2om-l,' 41(1122)
 
 PLEA^ DO NOT REMOVE 
 THIS BOOK CARD i 
 
 ^aOJlTVDJO^^ 
 
 university Research Library