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 Hacssfce Jean J?roissavt : i3vol :
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 AN EXPEDITION 
 
 FORT DU QUESNE, 
 
 IN 1755; 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL EDWARD BRADDOCK, 
 
 GENERALISSIMO OF II. B. 51. FORCES IN AMERICA. 
 
 FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS, 
 
 BY 
 
 WINTHROP SARGENT, M.A., 
 
 MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 LIPPINCOTT, GRAMBO & CO 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 1855.
 
 On the IStli of February, 1854, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania 
 established a Publication Fund ; by the terms of which any person what- 
 ever, on the payment of twenty dollars, becomes entitled to receive a copy 
 of all of its future publications during the terni of his life. The money 
 thus received is invested on a special trust, and the interest alone is ap- 
 plied to purposes of publication. It already amounts to four thousand 
 dollars. The present volume is the first fruit of this undertaking, and it 
 is proposed to follow it with others of a like character. It is proper to 
 add, that considerable aid is derived from the Society itself, and from the 
 anticipated sale of the works thus produced. 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by 
 
 THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 
 
 in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the 
 Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ^ • - Ti^ORNIA' 
 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 TO 
 
 JOSEPH R. INGERSOLL; 
 
 THROUGH WHOSE PUBLIC SPIRIT 
 
 THE MATTER AYHICII FORMS ITS BASIS WAS PROCURED 
 
 THIS VOLUME 
 
 IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Introductory Memoir 15 
 
 Captain Orme's Journal 281 
 
 The Morris Journal 359 
 
 Braddock's Instructions, &c. (J|)pefic7/a;) 393 
 
 Fanny Braddock (Appendix^ 401 
 
 George Croghan's Statejient (Appendix) 407 
 
 French Keports of the Battle (Appendix) 409 
 
 Verses on Braddock (Appendix) 414 
 
 Braddock's last Night in London (Appendix) 417 
 
 Index 419 
 
 (vii)
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 View of the Scene of Braddock's Defeat Frontispiece. 
 
 Fort Du Quesne Page 182 
 
 Braddock's Houte 198 
 
 Plan of the Battle-Field 219 
 
 Braddock's Grave 280 
 
 Map of tue Country between Forts Cumberland and Du 
 
 Quesne 283 
 
 Line of March with all the Baggage 317 
 
 Line of March of Detachment from Little Meadows 336 
 
 Encampment of Detachment from Little Meadows 336 
 
 Distribution of Advanced Party 353 
 
 Plan of Battle '. 351 
 
 (ix)
 
 PREFACE, 
 
 During the term of Mr. J. R. Inger soil's official 
 residence at London, lie procured, for the Historical 
 Society of Pennsylvania, copies of the three jour- 
 nals which constitute the basis of this volume. A 
 few months since, these were committed by the So- 
 ciety to the hands of the editor, with a request to 
 prepare therefrom such a work as he now has the 
 honour to lay before it and the public. 
 
 It is a matter of reasonable surprise, that the 
 narrative of what Mr. Sparks has justly styled 
 "one of the most remarkable events in American 
 history," has never before been formally and cir- 
 cumstantially related. Perhaps the secret rests in 
 the fact that much of the original material neces- 
 sary to such an undertaking has hitherto slumbered 
 in undisturbed repose, its very existence almost for- 
 gotten, upon the shelves of State-Paper Offices 
 and public libraries in various parts of the world. 
 
 (xi)
 
 Xll PREFACE. 
 
 A sketch of the combat, brief, but admirably exact, 
 is given by the distinguished author before cited in 
 the Appendix to the second volume of the Writings 
 of Washington; and other notices, incidental and 
 of less value, are to be found in numerous historical 
 works. There are also two obscure and obsolete 
 contemporaneous pamphlets, professing to give an 
 account of Braddock's defeat, which, although not 
 so rare as to be unknown to Rich, are hardly pos- 
 sessed of sufficient worth to save them from the 
 limbo of Ariosto. The first of these is "A Letter 
 to a Friend ; giving a concise but just Account, 
 according to the Advices hitherto received, of the 
 Ohio Defeat," &c. (Boston, printed; Bristol, re- 
 printed, 1755; 8vo., pp. 30.) The second, to which 
 the editor has had access only since the body of his 
 volume was stereotyped, is entitled ''The Expedi- 
 tion of Major-General Edward Braddock to Virginia, 
 with the two Regiments of Hacket and Dunbar. 
 Being Extracts of Letters from an Officer in one of 
 those Regiments to his Friend in London," &c. (Lon- 
 don, 1755; 8vo., pp. 29.) This seems to be a mere 
 catch-penny production, made up, perhaps, from the 
 reports of some ignorant camp-follower. The pri- 
 vations and insubordination of the army, and the 
 paltry and despicable character of the colonists and 
 their country form the burthen of his strain. The 
 only facts he relates concerning the expedition that
 
 PREFACE. XIU 
 
 we do not find elsewhere, are that the General was 
 somewhat of a hoii vkant, and had with him " two 
 good Cooks who could make an excellent Eagout 
 out of a pair of Boots, had they but Materials to 
 toss them up with;" and that the soldiers, for lack 
 of ovens, were compelled to bake their maize bread 
 in holes in the ground. 
 
 Of a very difterent value are the copies of the 
 French official reports of the action of tlie 9th of 
 July, 1755, so kindly placed at the editor's disposal 
 by Mr. Sparks ; to whom the Society is also indebted 
 for the use of the copper-plate from which the plan 
 of the battle-field is taken. To Mr. Neville B. 
 Craig, of Pittsburg, it is under like obligations for 
 the plate of Braddock's route ; and to Mr. Paul We- 
 ber, of Philadelphia, for the drawing of the wood-cut 
 of Braddock's grave, and for the elegant original 
 landscape painting engraved as a frontispiece to 
 tliis volume. To these gentlemen, and to Mr. John 
 Jordan, junior, of Philadelpliia, the Rev. Mr. Fran- 
 cis-Orpen Morris, of Nunburnholme Rectory, York- 
 shire, England, Dr. William M. Darlington, of Pitts- 
 burg, and Mr. Edward D. Ingraham, of Philadel- 
 phia, both the Society and the editor must confess 
 their obligations. To JMr. Ingersoll and Mr. Bucha- 
 nan, the late and present Ministers to England, and 
 to Mr. Townsend Ward, the Librarian of the Society,
 
 XIV PREFACE. 
 
 acknowledgments are also due for the valuable as- 
 sistance they have, in various ways, rendered him. 
 So far as regards the manner in which the editor 
 has accomplished his task, he has only to say that, 
 within the limits prescribed him, he has carefully 
 endeavored to fulfil his duty. The Introductory 
 Memoir was considered, by those whose views he 
 felt called upon to regard, desirable to bring clearly 
 before the reader's mind the origin and ulterior 
 causes of this campaign ; which was, in fact, but 
 the prologue to the Seven Years' War. An Appen- 
 dix is also added, in which will be found much 
 matter bearing more or less directly upon the sub^ 
 ject in hand. It may be objected that the notes 
 abound too much in " matter needless, of importless 
 burthen ;" yet in such a place, it is submitted that 
 no unimportant part of an editor's duty consists in 
 elucidating neglected facts; nor should he spare to 
 dwell upon the personal history of the obscurest 
 name upon the roll : 
 
 il figlio 
 
 Del tale, ed il nipote del cotale 
 Nato per madre della tale.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 On the night of the 30th of April, 1748, the prelimina- 
 ries of what was boldly asserted to be a definitive and 
 lasting peace, were signed by the diplomatic representatives 
 of England, Holland, and France, at the city of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle. Exhausted by the fatigues of a long, harassing, 
 and unsatisfactory struggle, the two great parties in this 
 arrangement embraced, if not eagerly, at least without 
 reluctance, a scheme which would give to each an oppor- 
 tunity to extricate itself from any unprofitable enterprise 
 or dangerous dilemma in which it had become involved, 
 and to prepare, at leisure, plans for a future and more 
 successful w^ar. " Never," says Lord Mahon, " never, 
 perhaps, did any war, after so many great events, and so 
 large a loss of blood and treasure, end in replacing the 
 nations engaged in it in nearly the same situation as they 
 held at first." The Earl of Chesterfield — the only man 
 in the British Cabinet possessed of sufficient energy and 
 capacity to have directed more successfully hostile measures, 
 or to have procured more advantageous terms of peace — 
 
 (15)
 
 16 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 had been compelled to withdraw from power six months 
 before : and to the ignorant or feeble hands which con- 
 tinued to hold the reins of government, much of the 
 future, as well as the then existing blunders in the policy 
 of the Crown — at least, so far as America was concerned 
 — may safely be attributed.^ 
 
 Certainly, no one versed in the political secrets of the 
 day could, by any possibility, have believed that this jDcace 
 was to be a lastiug one. It was deficient in every element 
 of coherence. Nothing was settled by the treaty : con- 
 quests all over the world were to be mutually restored ; 
 some trifling shiftings of territorial proprietorship on the 
 part of the Italian and other minor princes engaged in the 
 war were agreed upon; a few other articles, relative to 
 European affairs, of little or no consequence in proportion 
 to the cost at which they were eifected, were inserted ; and 
 the treaty of Utrecht, as well as all former treaties, con- 
 firmed in existence. In short, matters were essentially 
 placed in statu quo ante hellwn, at a cost to England of 
 £110,000,000. But there were two circumstances, con- 
 nected with the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, galliug in the 
 last degree to British pride and British interest : these 
 were the surrender of Cape Breton to its former possessors, 
 and the delivery of hostages until that was done. Accord- 
 ingly, whilst the Earl of Sussex and Lord Cathcart 
 
 ' II. Hist, of Eng from Peace of Utrecht, &c., 290. So keenly was their 
 disgrace felt by the English, that Charles Edward himself, then residing at 
 Paris, could not view it without indignation. "If ever I ascend the throne 
 of my ancestors," he exclaimed, " Europe shall see me use my utmost 
 endeavors to force France, in her turn, to send hostages to England."
 
 ' INTRODUCTORY 31 E MO IR. 17 
 
 awaited, at Paris, in easy but dishonourable captivity, the 
 tardy messengers whose return should announce that once 
 more the lilies were planted upon the bastions of Louis- 
 bourg, there glowed in the breast of every true Briton the 
 burning embers of mortified vanity, the but half-smothered 
 lust of fierce revenge. From the throng of Hanoverian 
 favorites around their alienigenate king, down to the 
 hardy New England fisherman who trimmed his light sail 
 as he glided within sight of that apple of the American 
 eye, curses both loud and deep were vented against the 
 degrading terms they had submitted to. They had suffered 
 not only disgrace and dishonor, but infinite loss ; and they 
 anxiously awaited the hour of vengeance. That hour was 
 not fated to be long delayed. 
 
 It has been observed, that the treaty of 1748 left 
 England in a state of mind but too ready to seize, with 
 avidity, upon the first j)retext for bettering its condition, 
 and restoring to itself those rights which it had unjustly 
 perilled in that compact. Unfortunately for the peace of 
 humanity, circumstances not so weak as to be considered 
 mere pretexts, soon presented themselves, to provoke a 
 renewal of the strife. It is, perhaps, not very expedient 
 to go back to the ultimate causes of the war, and tracing 
 their progress, event by event, finally, after the fashion of 
 an inverted pyramid, taper this narrative down to the 
 story of the single battle by which its epiphany was sig- 
 nalized. But a few brief comments upon the immediate 
 and most glaring inducements to a contest so important 
 in its conduct, so momentous in its results, may not be out 
 of place. 
 2
 
 18 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 If ever there was a just cause of war, England had it in 
 1755. By the treaty of October, 1748, (Art. III.,) that 
 of Utrecht (1713), and numerous others, were recognised 
 and confirmed in all their parts ; save, of course, such as 
 might be modified by the pact in question — and were 
 formally constituted its basis. By the treaty of Utrecht 
 (Art. XII.,) " all Nova Scotia or Acadia, with its ancient 
 limits, and all its dependencies, was ceded to the crown of 
 Great Britain ;" ^ and, furthermore, it was provided (Art. 
 XV.,) that " the subjects of France, inhabitants of Canada 
 and elsewhere, should not disturb or molest in any manner 
 whatever the five Indian nations which are subject to 
 Great Britain, nor its other American allies." These 
 articles were certainly incorporated into the treaty of Aix- 
 la-Chapelle ; but with neither stipulation were the French 
 willing to comply. The last clause would evidently always 
 
 ' " Dominus K,ex Christianissimus eodum qufe pacis pra3sentis Katihabi- 
 tationes commutabuntur die, Dominse Reginae Magna) Brittania3 literas, 
 tabulasve solenne et authenticas tradendas curabit, quarum vigcre, insulam 
 Sancti Christopbori, per subditos Britannicos sigillatim debine possidendam; 
 Novam Scotiam qucque, sive Acadiam totara, limitibus suis antiquis com- 
 prebensaui, ut ct portus Portus Regii urbem, nunc Annapolin regiam 
 dictam, ci\:teraque omnia in istis regionibus qure ab iisdem terris et insiilis 
 pendent, unacum earundarum insularum, tcrrarum et locorum dominio, pro- 
 prietate, possessione, et quocunquo jure sive per pacta, sire alio mode quas- 
 sito, quod Rex Cbristianissimus, corona Gallise, aut ejusdem subditi 
 quicunque ad dictas insulas, terras ct loca, corumque incolas, bactenus 
 habuerunt, Reginae Magnse Britanniae, ejusdemque coronas in perpetuum 
 cedi constabit et transferri, prout eadem omnia nunc cedit ac transfert Res 
 Christianissimus; idque tarn amplis mode et forma ut Regis Cbristianissimi 
 subditis in dictis maribus, sinubus, aliisque locis ad littora Novae Scotias, ca 
 ncmpe* qute Eurum respiciunt, intra triginta leucas, incipiendo ab insula, 
 vulgo ^ai^e dicta, eaque inclusaet Africum versus pergendo omni picatura in 
 postcrium intcrdicatur." Vide also 3Iem. des Cvmm. dc S. M. T. C, &c.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 19 
 
 open to Great Britain a casus helli ; for it was impossible 
 for a year at a time to pass by without some troubles 
 between the Iroquois and their Canadian neighbors ; and 
 in such cases each party, on the showing of the other, is 
 inevitably the aggressor. But the provision respecting 
 Nova Scotia was widely different. The restoration of 
 Louisbourg, as matters then stood, was a point of equal 
 importance to the settlers in Canada and the colonists of 
 New Enoland. Under its ancient lords, this nursing-mother 
 of privateers would be powerful alike to preserve the 
 French, and to destroy the English trade and fisheries in 
 that part of the world. Tlie annoyance, therefore, of the 
 New England people was extreme and well founded ; and 
 at their earnest representations, the Home Government 
 was finally instigated to adopt the only practical method 
 left of peaceably dissipating the dangers with which they 
 were threatened by the constantly increasing power and 
 malignity of the French. The armed occupation and 
 settlement of the province of Nova Scotia, till then un- 
 noticed or disregarded by the Ministry, became now a 
 subject of consideration. In the spring of 1748, and 
 during that and the ensuing year, several thousand colo- 
 nists were sent thither by the government, at an expense 
 of £70,000, and the town of Halifax was founded. But 
 the French, who had hitherto evaded or disingenuously 
 dallied with their obligations to yield up the peninsula — 
 suppressing, wherever they could, the settlements of the 
 English there, and constantly increasing their own strengtli 
 by reinforcements — now openly resisted, under M. de la 
 Corne, the progress of their rivals. Thus commenced that
 
 20 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 scene of constant dissension and strife which ensued 
 between the original settlers, scattered over the land, and 
 the subjects of the crown to which it lawfully pertained ; 
 whose melancholy termination was that enforced expatria- 
 tion which posterity has consecrated to sorrow in the pages 
 of Evangeline. That the Court of Versailles, through its 
 subordinate officers, promoted and encouraged the sturdy 
 denial of British sovereignty by these loyal-hearted Aca- 
 dians, cannot at this day be doubted or denied; but the 
 result of such a course was as fatal to the fair fame of the 
 conquerors, as to the happiness of the conquered. 
 
 Nor did the French government confine itself to ah 
 unavowed but well-supported resistance to the progress of 
 Anglo-American power in the north only. Thirty years 
 before, its grand scheme for uniting its colonies, from the 
 Gulf of Mexico to the Bay of Fundy, by a chain of posts 
 along the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the Lakes, had begun 
 to be tangibly developed: ever bent upon the fulfilment 
 of these cherished ideas, already its encroaching grasp was 
 extended, with many ramifications, from Canada to the 
 Lower Mississippi. In 1731, Crown Point was unlawfully 
 erected by the French wdthin the limits of the Five 
 Nations, and of New York : Niagara had been seized on in 
 1720. In truth, their policy seemed both rational and 
 feasible. During a large portion of the 3^ear, the natural 
 outlets of Canada were efiectually sealed by the angry 
 elements : supplies of troops or provisions — in fact, almost 
 every intercourse whatever with Europe — were utterly 
 shut out from its ports. The facility of water communi- 
 cation between Canada and New Orleans, by the lakes
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 21 
 
 and rivers of the West would, if made properly available, 
 not only facilitate the secure transmission of supplies, 
 but would inevitably throw the whole peltry trade of 
 those regions into the hands of the French. It is no 
 wonder, tlieu, that they were desirous of procuring 
 so manifest an advantage ; but, unhappily for themselves, 
 they grasped at too much, and lost the whole. Like the 
 dog in the fable, they sacrificed not only the hoped-for 
 gain, but all their present good, in the endeavor,^ 
 
 To have opened a communication between their widely- 
 separated establishments, by the way of the western lakes 
 and the Illinois, would have been a comparatively safe, 
 and by far the wiser mode of procedure for the French, 
 under the circumstances of their position. So far as its 
 ostensible objects were concerned, it would have perfectly 
 answered the purpose, and the trade it would secure would 
 have been prodigious : nor could the English, everything 
 considered, have made any very effectual opposition. But 
 to adopt this route would have left too wide a margin for 
 British enterprise. The warlike tribes seated between the 
 Illinois and the Alleghanies — the Inroad lands watered by 
 the Muskingum, the Scioto, and other kindred streams, by 
 whose marge arose the bark lodges of the Shawanoes and 
 the Delawares — the gloomy forests, where 
 
 Beneath the shade of melancholy boughs, 
 
 ' That the designs of the French were perfectly comprehended in the 
 English colonies, is abundantly proved by Gov. Shirley's letter to Grov. 
 Hamilton, of March 4th, 1754, printed in the Minutes of the Provincial 
 Council of Pennsylvania, Vol. VI., p. 16. And see also I. Entick, 105, 
 and The Contest in Ameriea heiween Great Britain and France. (Lond. 
 1757.)
 
 22 INTEODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the Six Nations wandered on their distant hunting-parties 
 — these would have still remained open to the visits — 
 subjected to the influence of their hated rivals. The 
 notion of occupying the head-waters of the Ohio, and of 
 planting a line of forts from Lake Erie, by the Le Boeuf, 
 to the Alleghany, and thence down the Ohio to the Missis- 
 sippi, was a more dangerous but a more fascinating vision. 
 Its execution would probably be fraught with much- hazard, 
 but its results, if successful, were too precious to suffer the 
 powers that were to resist the temptation. Out of the 
 nettle danger they hoped to pluck the flower safety ; and, 
 at one time, it really seemed as though all their anticipa- 
 tions were to have been crowned with success. But the 
 wisdom of Almighty Providence had ordered the event 
 otherwise. 
 
 In an evil hour, then, for themselves, the French decided 
 to persevere in the latter plan. While the Appallachian 
 chain, it was thought, would serve at the same time as a 
 bulwark against the British colonies, and as a well-marked 
 and palpable boundary between the two nations, the whole 
 body of the Western Indians would be thrown completely 
 under their control. Already game had begun to be 
 scarce, or to disappear utterly, east of the mountains, and 
 the best furs were to be found upon the further side. 
 With forts and trading-houses once established in their 
 midst, it would not be difficult to prevent the savages from 
 supplying the English dealers, or receiving in turn their 
 commodities. The peltry traffic, so profitable to European 
 commerce, had already to be pursued on the frontiers ; and 
 it was not probable that the Indians would go thither to
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 23 
 
 seek no better market than they could find at home. The 
 certain consequences, too, of thus virtually monopolizing 
 the right to buy and sell with the savages, would be to 
 secure, beyond a peradventure, their services against the 
 English, in any difficulty that might occur. There is 
 nothing the American aborigine learns more quickly than 
 to abandon his rude native weapons of the chase — the bow 
 or the flint-headed spear — for the fusil and gunpowder of 
 the whites ; and having become thus dependent on his 
 neighbors for the means of subsistence, it has never been 
 found difficult to point out other and less innocent employ- 
 ment for his arms. By thus building up a mighty power 
 behind the English settlements, they would not only be in 
 a position to terribly annoy, if not to entirely overcome 
 them, in the event of war, but also to clog and embarrass 
 their prosperity during time of peace. A very great staple 
 of that commerce which made America so valuable to 
 Great Britain being utterly destroyed, its domestic increase, 
 its foreign influence, would be materially affected. The 
 agricultural productions of the colonies would likewise be 
 touched; for, with the constant necessity, through an 
 imminent danger, there must likewise be the constant 
 presence of a portion of the population in arms ; and tlius 
 the tobacco plantations and the fields of maize would miss 
 a master's hand, and yield a diminished crop. It is unne- 
 cessary to consider here how many millions of money were 
 yearly employed at this period in the trade between the 
 mother country and her colonies — to how many thousands 
 of souls it gave a support : nothing can be more evident 
 than that such an attack upon the productiveness of the
 
 24 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 one must at once affect tlieir value to the other, and thus 
 render them, day by day, less important, and less self- 
 capable of preservation. In short, as was well said in the 
 House of Commons, the French held the colonies within 
 their range of posts as in the two ends of a net, Avhich, if 
 tightened by degrees, would get them all into the body of 
 it, and then drown them in the sea.^ 
 
 It will be recollected, that for a long period the unde- 
 fined western limits of the two English colonies of Penn- 
 sylvania and Virginia had occasioned much controversy, 
 and had induced considerable ill-feeling between those 
 provinces. Their claims were conflicting; and no autho- 
 rized power had yet reconciled tlieir demands, and assigned 
 to each sovereignty final and determinate territorial bounds. 
 So long, therefore, as the question remained open, and the 
 precise confines of either province unestablished, it was 
 impossible for settlers to know from which government 
 they could procure a good title. For this reason, chiefly, 
 the lands lying west of the Alleghanies, and upon the 
 streams which unite to form the Ohio, had remained 
 unvisited by any other Englishmen than the few traders 
 who found their annual profit in selling to the savages in 
 the neighborhood of their homes. To perplex matters still 
 more, the associates known as the Ohio Com^Dany obtained, 
 in 1749, a vague grant from the crown, vesting in them 
 vast but undefined tracts of land bordering on, if not 
 actually embracing, the very territory in dispute between 
 
 ' I. Entick, 126.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 25 
 
 Virginia, and Pennsylvania.^ All these circumstances 
 combined to render more easy of execution the manoeuvres 
 of the French in regard to the occupation of the forks of 
 the Ohio, and they were availed of without delay. The 
 history of their first settlement in that vicinity; of the 
 unsuccessful mission of Washington to procure their 
 departure; of the consequent collision that ensued 
 between the two parties ; and the English defeat at Fort 
 Necessity ; are prominent passages in history. It is from 
 these occurrences that we are to date the original concep- 
 tion, the organization and execution, and the disastrous 
 results, of the expedition commanded by Major-General 
 Braddock. 
 
 It is very true, that at the period in question both colo- 
 nies claimed that the lands comprehended within the forks 
 of the Ohio were included in their patents : yet, neverthe- 
 less, nothing can be more certain than that it rightfully 
 appertained to neither Pennsylvania nor Virginia. The 
 original patent, from James I. to the London and Plymouth 
 Companies, which was relied upon by Virginia, had been 
 legally overturned on a quo ivarranto in 1623.; and the tacit 
 acquiescence of those companies in the grant of Maryland 
 to Lord Baltimore by Charles L, in 1632, was considered to 
 have barred their right to open the case anew, after the in- 
 terval of an hundred years. The charter from the crown 
 to William Penn, in 1681, would appear to cover the wlwle 
 
 ' Perhaps the influence with the ministry of John Sargent, Thomas 
 Walpole, and the other associates of the Ohio Company, whose prospects 
 were entirely subverted by the presence of the French, may have contributed 
 more powerfully than any other cause to the expedition against Fort Du 
 Quesne.
 
 26 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 territory in dispute; but, hitherto, the^ proprietaries, to 
 whom alone belonged the power of purchasing the soil from 
 the Indians, had not come to any terms with their dusky 
 neighbors. The land, in fact, belonged absolutely to its 
 savage inhabitants ; and the utmost the province of Penn- 
 sylvania could claim was the exclusive right of purchasing 
 it from them. Nor had the French any better title : 
 perhaps, if the comity of Christian nations were to be 
 taken into the account, none so good. Thus, whatever it 
 might be alleged, neither crown had as yet any right to the 
 country west of the Alleghanies. But that was of small 
 consideration : a block-house once established, and a garri- 
 son maintained thereon some specious pretext; a judicious 
 distribution of red ochre, gewgaws, fire-arms, and rum ; 
 and it would be easy enough to get an absolute title from 
 the Indians.^ This was the end of the French, who were 
 not disposed to admit any English pretensions that con- 
 flicted with their own interests. When, therefore, in 1752, 
 on the first alarm of the threatened invasion of these 
 regions, the Penns instructed their Lieutenant-Governor to 
 lend all aid in his power to Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia, 
 in the erection of a fortress that might thwart their designs, 
 it was also provided that no rights of the proprietaries 
 
 ' Horace Walpole snecringly dwells on the methods by which England 
 and France seated themselves in America. " They enslaved, or assisted 
 the*wretched nations to butcher one another," says he, '^ instructed them in 
 the use of fire-arms, brandy, and the New Testament, and at last, by scat- 
 tered extension of forts and colonies, they have met to quarrel for the 
 boundaries of empires, of which they can neither use nor occupy a twentieth 
 part of the included territory.'^ (I. Mem. Geo. II., 343.) But " u-e do 
 not massacre," he adds, " we are such good Christians as only to cheat \" 
 (III. Corresp. 136.)
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 27 
 
 should be prejudiced thereby. Two years later, when 
 there was actual likelihood of such a fortress being erected, 
 and Dinwiddle had issued his proclamation, granting away 
 two hundred thousand acres of the soil upon part of which 
 Pittsburg now stands, a correspondence ensued between the 
 two governments, in which that of Virginia, while denying 
 the fact of the forks of the Ohio being within the jurisdic- 
 tion of Pennsylvania, very honestly conceded that if on 
 investigation this should prove to be the case, the rights 
 of that colony should not be at all impaired.^ 
 
 Previously, however, to the actual occupation of this 
 region, the French had been gradually strengthening their 
 hands, and drawing closer their lines in that quarter. 
 Their scattered posts upon the Mississippi, though few in 
 number and wide apart, gave them the command of that 
 stream ; and Miey had already a fortified establishment 
 upon the Ohio, at the mouth of the Wabash river. In 
 1745, the Marquis de la Galissoniere was appointed 
 Governor-General of Canada. Penetrated at once with 
 the immense advantage that would result from an arrange- 
 ment that should not only open the communication of 
 Canada with the mother country during those seasons 
 when all its natural outlets were closed by ice and frost, 
 but would likewise restrain and cripple the English colo- 
 nies upon the continent, he spared no toil to mature and 
 
 ' Minutes of Provincial Council of Pennsylvania, Vol. VI., pp. 4, 8. 
 I. Olden Time, 486. I am happy in joining my testimony with that of 
 Mr. Francis Parkmau (Conspiracy of Pontiac, 87.), as to the extreme value 
 of Mr. Craig's labors in regard to the earlier settlements beyond the 
 Alleghanies. So far, in particular, as relates to Western Pennsylvania, 
 his collections are worthy of much praise.
 
 28 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 put into shape the needful elements of its organization. 
 It was he who, in 1748, despatched Bienville de Celoron^ 
 with three hundred men, on a tour of inspection along the 
 Alleghany and the Ohio, depositing in various quarters 
 leaden plates on which were inscribed a memorial of his 
 master's title to those countries, and warning the English 
 traders whom he encountered, that henceforth they were 
 prohibited from visiting the Indians there. ^ In 1750, by 
 command of his successor, the Marquis de la Jonquiere, 
 harsher measures were resorted to. A body of troops 
 under Joncaire visited the Ohio country, seizing the pro- 
 perty and persons of such English traders as they found 
 there. The former they confiscated ; the latter they sent 
 prisoners to France.^ These scenes were the commence- 
 ment of a tedious and unresulting diplomatic correspond- 
 ence between the Earl of Albemarle, His Britannic 
 Majesty's Ambassador at the Court of Versailles, and the 
 
 ' I. Olden Time, 238, 268, 270, 289. II. Histoire du Canada, par F. 
 X. Garneau, 192. Craig's Hist, of Pittsburg, 20. 
 
 ^ Vide Lord Albemarle's letter to Lord Holdernesse, respecting the case 
 of John Patton, Luke Irwin, and Thomas Bourke. I. Entick, 45. The 
 Marquis de la Jonquiere arrived in Canada in August, 1749 ; and actinc 
 under positive instructions from his court, faithfully pursued the policy of 
 his predecessor in regard to shutting out the English from the Ohio. 
 Descended of a Catalonian family, he was born in Languedoc, in 1696; and 
 died at Quebec, May 17th, 1752. He was a man of superb presence and 
 undaunted resolution ; but, withal, prone to avarice. His whole career gave 
 abundant evidence of his courage and soldier-like bravery : but the world 
 ridiculed the passion that induced him, on his dying bed, to begrudge the 
 cost of wax candles while his coffers were overflowing with millions of 
 money. He enjoyed little peace towards the conclusion of his life, by 
 occasion of his efforts to suppress the order of Jesuits in his government ; 
 and, indeed, this dispute is supposed to have shortened his days. 11. Gar- 
 neau, liv. viii., c. 3.
 
 I N T R D U C T E Y MEMOIR. 29 
 
 Frencli authorities, which was prolonged without intermis- 
 sion upon either side of St. George's channel, until the 
 capture of the Alcide and the Lis, by Boscawen's fleet, 
 comjDelled the Due de Mirepoix to demand his passport, 
 and war was openly waged. ^ 
 
 In 1752, arrived in Canada, (to which government he 
 had been appointed by the King on the recommendation 
 of M. de la Galissoniere), the Marquis de Duquesne de 
 Monneville, a name destined to become indelibly impressed 
 upon the history of that land whence the golden lilies of his 
 nation, though watered by the best blood alike of friend 
 and foe, were so soon to be extirpated. xVll of his ante- 
 cedents that can be mentioned here are that he was a 
 captain in the royal marine, and born of the blood of 
 Abraham Duquesne, the famous admiral of Louis XIV. 
 
 ' Iloland-3Iichel Barrin, Marquis de la Galissoniere, and a Lieutenant- 
 General in the Frencli service, was one of the ablest men of his time. As 
 a scholar, a soldier, a statesman, his merit was deservedly esteemed. Born 
 at Ptochefort, Nov. 11, 1693, he entered the navy in 1710, in which he 
 served with distinction until he was appointed to Canada. In that colony, 
 his conduct was eminently conducive to the best interests of both the King 
 and his people. The Swedish traveller, Du Kalm, bears abundant testimony 
 to his scientific acquirements ; while even his meagre appearance and 
 deformed person added to his influence over the savages. " He must have 
 a mighty soul," they said; "since, with such a base body, our Great Father 
 has sent him such a distance to command us." De la Galissoniere 
 did not remain in America long enough to carry out the course he had 
 begun : he returned to France in 1749, where he was placed at the head 
 of the department of nautical charts. He is best known in English history 
 by his affair with the unfortunate Byng, in 175G, which resulted in the 
 judicial murder of that excellent officer, in order thereby to screen the 
 criminal derelictions of his superiors. He died at Nemours, Oct. 26, 1756, 
 full of glory and honour, and loudly regretted by Louis XV., who was so 
 sensible of his worth, that he had reserved for him the baton of a Marshal 
 of France. Biog. Univ. (ed. 1816), Vol. XYI., p. .367.
 
 30 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 His abilities were good; and during his brief career he 
 acquitted himself thoroughly of the duties of his j^osition ; 
 but the haughtiness of his character, and the lack of affa- 
 bility in his manners, prevented his ever attaining any 
 great degree of popularity with the Canadians. Neverthe- 
 less, he seems to have been jDOSsessed of some singularl}^ 
 generous dispositions. In October, 1754, an English 
 woman, nineteen years of age, arrived in Philadelphia 
 from Quebec. Twelve years before, while yet almost an 
 infant, she had been ca2:)tured by the savages, and by 
 them sold as a slave in Canada. In new scenes and the 
 lapse of time, the names of her parents, the yery place of 
 her birth, had entirely passed from her memory ; but she 
 still clung to the sounds of the tongue of her native land, 
 and dreamed of the day when she should be reunited to 
 her unknown kindred. By some chance, her pitiful story 
 reached the Governor's ears ; and, full of compassion, he at 
 once purchased her freedom and furnished her with the 
 means of returning to the British colonies. There she 
 wandered from city to city, vainly publishing her narra- 
 tion, and seeking to discover those joys of kindred and of 
 home that she had never known. An act of this kind 
 should, at any season, reflect credit upon the performer; 
 but considering its particular occasion, when war was 
 plainly looming in the horizon, to liberate and restore in 
 this manner a person abundantly qualified to reveal so 
 much of the local secrets of Quebec, must clothe the 
 character of M. de Duquesne with the attribute of magna- 
 nimity, as well as of generosity,^ In the latter part of 
 
 ' Pcnn. Gaz., No. 1319.
 
 INTRODUCTORY ME.AIOIR. 31 
 
 1754, however, he demanded his recall by the government, 
 in order to return to the naval service, and to encounter 
 the enemy upon a more familiar element. It will be 
 sufficient in this place to add, that his instructions while 
 in Canada, in regard to the Ohio, were of a piece with 
 those of La Jonquiere and Galissoniere, and that he faith- 
 fully obeyed them.^ In January, 1753, four traders on 
 
 ' II. Garncau, liv. viii., c. 3. I have been not a little indebted to this 
 valuable work (2nd cd. Quebec, 1852 : three vols. 8vo.), which, indeed, is the 
 best history extant of Canada from the earliest period to the present time. 
 In particular, I have occasionally found notices of the history of individuals 
 that I know not where else to look for. It is to be hoped that the new 
 edition of the Biographie Universdie, now being published at Paris by 
 Didot, will, in respect to the lives of French worthies, at least, be more 
 particular than that which it is designed to supplant. It is unjust to the 
 past age, that the names of such men as Duquesne, Dumas and Goutrccccur, 
 should be consigned to oblivion. Thus we are left in ignorance of the 
 period of Duquesne's death, and of all save a single circumstance in his 
 later career. In 1758, M. Duquesne, being in France, was appointed to 
 the command of all the forces, sea and land, in North America. In March 
 he sailed from Toulon, in command of a small squadron, which, however, 
 was utterly discomfited by the English. His own ship, the Foudroyant, 
 of 81 guns and one thousand men, was engaged, after a long chase in which 
 their comrades had been almost lost sight of, by the Monmouth, Captain 
 Gardiner, of 61 guns and 170 men. Captain Gardiner had served under 
 the murdered Byng in the Mediterranean, and the combat was a compulsory 
 one with him. On the eve of sailing on this cruise, whence he was never 
 to return, he mentioned to his friends that there was something which 
 
 weighed heavily on his soul; that Lord A had recently said to him, 
 
 that he was one of the men who had brought disgrace upon the nation; 
 and he was convinced that in this very voyage he should have an opportu- 
 nity of testifying to his lordship the rate at which he estimated the national 
 honor. As his ship was going into action, he made a brief address to his 
 crew : '' That ship must be taken : she looks to be above our match, but 
 Englishmen arc not to mind that; nor will I quit her while this ship can 
 swim, or I have a soul left alive !" Accordingly, he closed with the Fou- 
 droyant, and lay on her quarter within pistol-shot for several hours, till her 
 flag came down. Shot through the head, and death inevitable, he still
 
 dZ INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the Kantucqui river, near the Ohio, were captured by a 
 party of Caiighnawagas, or French Indians from Canada, 
 who divided their goods, to the value of several hundred 
 pounds, among themselves. This was undoubtedly done 
 in pursuance of instructions from Quebec. The captives 
 were carried as slaves to Canada, where they remained 
 until the summer of the succeeding year ; their new lords 
 refusing to suffer them to be ransomed under the price of 
 a negro slave for each. The province of Pennsylvania at 
 last, however, succeeded in purchasing their freedom for 
 the sum of seventy-five pounds sterling; a rate which 
 gave such umbrage to Ononraguiete, the chief sachem of 
 the tribe, that he wrote a furious letter to the Indian 
 Commissioner, declaring that for the future he should cause 
 all prisoners to be murdered, since no higher ransom was 
 to be paid for them.^ 
 
 It was under the administration of Duquesne that the 
 first steps were taken towards an armed occuj)ation of the 
 Ohio. It must not be forgotten, in referring to these pro- 
 ceedings, that so far as involved his duty to the King his 
 master, and his interpretation of that sovereign's rights, 
 his conduct was perfectly justifiable throughout. Though 
 neither power possessed the least claim in justice to that 
 territory, France as well as England had not hesitated 
 
 retained comprebensiou enough to say to bis first-lieutenant, that '' the last 
 favor he could ask of him was, never to give up the ship I" That gentle- 
 man pledged himself that ho never would ; and nailing the flag to the stafl", 
 he stood by it during the contest with a brace of pistols, resolved to slay 
 the first man, friend or foe, who approached to pull it down. A more 
 gallant or hardly-contested sea-fight than that of the Monmouth and Fou- 
 droyant was never fought. 
 
 ' Penn. Gazette, No. 1338. VI. Col. llec, 129.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 33 
 
 during many years to refer to it as their absolute inherit- 
 ance, and virtually to utterly ignore any title in its original 
 occupants to the sovereignty of the soil. No treaty with 
 the Indians inhabiting it had ever been made, by which, 
 even for the poor pittance of a few strings of beads or 
 barrels of whiskey, they had ceded it to the stranger. It 
 is true that the French assured them that their only object 
 was to found trading-posts; that they had no idea of cut- 
 ting down the woods, and tilling the fields,- after the fashion 
 of the English.^ The savage was not to be thus gulled ; 
 and he viewed their first encroachments with as great 
 repugnance as he did the more flagrant advances of the 
 British, who boldly penetrated into the most secret 
 recesses of his hunting-grounds, laying out the lines of a 
 future settlement without the least form of a purchase from 
 its outraged inhabitants." Nevertheless, regardless of the 
 Indian title, the King of France had, so early as 1712, 
 granted the district watered by the river Wabash in his 
 
 ' Shortly before quitting his government, Duquesne held a secret con- 
 ference with the deputies of the Six Nations, at Montreal, in which he 
 reproached them with their willingness to surrender the control of the Ohio 
 to the English rather than to the French. "Are jou ignorant," said he, 
 *'of the difference between the King of France and the English? Look 
 at the forts which the King has built; you will find that under the very 
 shadow of their walls, the beasts of the forest are hunted and slain; that 
 they are, in fact, fixed in the places most frequented by you merely to 
 gratify more conveniently your necessities* The English, on the contrary, 
 no sooner occupy a post, than the woods fall before their hand — the earth 
 is subjected to cultivation — the game disappears — and your people are 
 speedily reduced to combat with starvation." In this speech, as M. Gar- 
 neau well observes, the Marquis has accurately stated the progress of the 
 two civilizations. 
 
 == 11. Sparks's Washington, 43-t. II. Garneau, 201.
 
 34 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 letters patent creating the colony of Louisiana; and 
 following the explorations of La Salle in 1679, had fur- 
 thermore added all the streams flowing into the Mississippi 
 that were known to this discoverer. This liberality was 
 well matched by some of the English patents, which were 
 bounded by the Atlantic ocean on the east, and on the 
 west by the Pacific. It costs little to a monarch to be 
 generous in this style ; and no pope or king in Europe was 
 backward in thus gratifying the importunities of his 
 subjects. But when a nation undertakes to enforce such 
 grants of a foreign soil, it behooves it to sagely consider 
 whether, in so doing, the interests of its neighbor may not 
 be threatened. This was precisely the case here : the 
 English, Vvdiose claim was, where both were bad, no better , 
 than that of the French, saw, or thought they saw, in its 
 fulfilment, the ruin of all that they then lawfully and 
 actually held, and with wisdom resolved to oppose such a 
 consummation.^ 
 
 ' Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, whose opinion on such points must 
 have weighed greatly with the people, frankly declared, in his letter to 
 Governor Hamilton of Pennsylvania (March 4th, 1754), that the language 
 of King James the First, in the patents of the London and Plymouth 
 Companies, was " the only rule for the English Governors to judge of the 
 limits of the colonies under their respective governments, in all disputes 
 with the French Governors concerning the extent of his Majestie's terri- 
 tories upon this Continent, except in cases where the original limits declared 
 in these Letters Patent may be altered by treaty or other agreement 
 between the two Crowns; and those Patents extend the English territories 
 within the 32d and 48th degrees of northerly latitude, quite across this 
 Continent, viz. : from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea; and I can't 
 find that these eastern or western limits have been abridged by any 
 treaty." \ide Pcnn. Col. Eec, Vol. VI., p. IG. Mr. Shirley had lately 
 been acting at Paris as one of the British Commission to define the bound- 
 aries of Acadia and New England.
 
 INTKODUCTORY MEMOIR. 35 
 
 Strong in all the resources of civil and military centrali- 
 zation, the government of Canada moved with a resolution 
 and celerity that, for the time, set at defiance the efforts of 
 their slow-footed and divided adversaries. By the end of 
 1753, a connected line of forts existed, extending from 
 Montreal to what is now called French creek, in Pennsyl- 
 vania, but which was named by the French the Riviere aux 
 Boeufs, on account of the numbers of buffalo that were 
 found in its vicinity.' The nationality of its first European 
 settlers soon caused it to receive another title. It was to 
 this fort that in December, 1753, Major Washington 
 repaired on a fruitless mission from the Governor of Vir- 
 ginia, to warn the trespassers to retire ; and hei'e it was 
 that he observed the extensive preparations they had made 
 for still further encroachments in the ensuing spring.^ 
 Fifty birchen canoes, and one hundred and seventy of 
 pine, were, at that early stage of the winter, drawn up on 
 the shore, ready for the opening of the streams; and 
 numerous others were in progress of completion. In these 
 the troops were to be floated down Le Boeuf and the 
 Alleghany, on their way to tlie Ohio. For though but 
 some six or seven hundred, of the expedition of two thou- 
 sand men who had been sent in the preceding autumn to 
 erect these posts, remained in garrison there during the 
 winter, it was already settled that a large body was to 
 arrive in the spring for the further operations alluded to. 
 
 The private scandal of the place and period attributed 
 the building of these establishments and their dark train 
 of consequent calamities to the same cause as had since 
 
 ' II. Sparks's Washington, 43G. ' Ibid, 442.
 
 36 INTRODUCTORY ME MOIE. 
 
 long before the day of Helen of Troy, according to Flaccus, 
 brought about the waste of human life and the overthrow 
 of mighty empires. M. Pouchot, an officer of rank in 
 Canadn, does not scruple to insinuate that the new gover- 
 nor, shortly after his arrival in Quebec, became involved in 
 an intrigue with a beautiful woman, the wife of a resident 
 of that place. M. Bigot, who had recently passed from the 
 Intendancy of Louisbourg to that of Canada, had in like 
 manner contracted a liaison with a Madame Pean, the wife 
 of the aide-major of the city. Bigot being thus at the 
 head of the commissary department of the colony, it was 
 an easy affair for the Governor and liimself to arrange a 
 plan by which the willing husbands of the ladies in ques- 
 tion should be detached from an inconvenient vicinity to 
 their partners. Accordingly, it was decided to give them 
 lucrative employments in an expedition which, it was 
 gravely w^iispered, was concocted for the express purpose 
 of placing these gentlemen at a considerable distance from 
 home; and to Pean was assigned the command of the 
 forces which were marched in 1753. The forts then built 
 were furnished with numerous and expensive magazines 
 of merchandise and provisions; a precaution necessary 
 enough under the circumstances of their position, but 
 which, in the manner in which the business was managed, 
 must have afforded endless opportunities for the acquire- 
 ment of ill-gotten gains. Together with the proper 
 provisions and stores, all sorts of goods, always exj^ensive, 
 but here utterly useless, were purchased in the name of 
 Louis XV., and sent, for his service, into the Avilderness. 
 Stuffs of silk and velvet, ladies' slippers and damask shoes.
 
 INTRODUCTORY me:\i:oir. 37 
 
 silk stockings, and tlie costly wines of Spain, figure largely 
 in the categoiy, and enable us to conceive how it came 
 about that the French colonies cost the nation so much and 
 returned it so little/ In fact, it would seem that the 
 colonial stewards of the king were not unfrequently but 
 too wont to look upon their office in no other light than as 
 a source of revenue to themselves ; and when, like Uriah 
 the Hittite, the lords and masters of these new Bath-shebas 
 were sent down to the host, they doubtless felt no com- 
 punction in making their absence as remunerative to 
 themselves as possible. From Pouchot's position and 
 character, it is not unjust to admit the truth of the facts 
 upon which he bases his conclusions : but ignorant as, 
 from the very nature of his subordinate rank, he must 
 have been of the state arrangements and politic designs of 
 the former governors and the Court of Versailles, it is easy 
 to perceive how erroneous were his inferences. It may be 
 true enough that the husband of each fair Evadne was 
 
 ' In 1753, the exports of Canada amounted to but £68,000; its imports 
 •were £208,000, of which a great portion was on the government account, 
 and did not enter into the ordinary channels of trade. The exports of the 
 English provinces during the same year were £1,486,000 ; their imports, 
 £983,000. In 1755, the Canadian imports were 5,203,272 livres ; its 
 exports but 1,515,730. And while the population of British America was 
 1,200,000 souls, that of all Canada, Cape Breton, and Louisiana, could not 
 have exceeded 80,000. The policy of sustaining such a colony at such a 
 cost was thus doubted by the most brilliant if not the profoundest writer 
 of the day. " Le Canada coutait beaucoup et rapportait tr^s peu. Si la 
 dixierae partic de I'argent englouti dans cette colonic avait ete employe a 
 defricher nos tcrres incultes en France, on aurait fait un gain considerable ; 
 mais on avait voulu soutenir le Canada, et on h perdu cent annees de peiues 
 avcc tout I'argent prodigues sans retour. Pour comble de malheur on 
 accusait dos plus horrible brigandages presque tons ceus qui etaient em- 
 ployes au nom du Pioi dans cette malheurcuse colonic." — Voltaire.
 
 38 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 named to a high command in the new expedition, but 
 nothing can be more absurd than to imagine that to 
 procure their absence was the primary motive to its 
 undertaking.^ 
 
 It must not be supposed that the detachment ordered to 
 Lake Erie and the new forts by Duquesne consisted entirely 
 of regular troops. There were, at that time, probably not 
 more than one thousand regular soldiers in all Canada. 
 But an exceedingly well-organised militia, and the hardy, 
 active, semi-Indian class, half-trappers, half-traders, who 
 dwelt on the outskirts of French civilization, furnished 
 material for any enterprise involving war or adventure. 
 Woodsmen by education, full of courage and vivacity by 
 birth, the}' formed an admirable band for such ends as 
 they were now engaged in. To this day, the coureurs des 
 hois are of the primest favorites of the Indians, with whom 
 they intermarry and assimilate, and at whom they 
 "never laugh:" they were, therefore, just the men 
 
 ' Mimoires sur la Derniere Gxierve de V Amirique Septentrionale, par 
 M. Poucliot. (Yverdon, 1781), Vol. I., p. 8. These two volumes contain 
 much curious and authentic information respecting the subject to which 
 they relate. The author was born at Grenoble, in 1712, and at the age of 
 twenty-two was an officer in the regiment of Beam. His talents as an 
 engineer, cultivated under such masters as Vauban and Cohorn, early 
 pointed him out to favourable notice, and in season he acquired a captaincy 
 in that regiment, and was created a knight of St. Louis. He came to 
 America on the breaking out of the war of 1755, and gained much honor 
 by the part he took therein, particularly in the defence of Forts Niagara 
 and Levis, where he was in command. He was slain in Corsica, 8th May, 
 1769, during the warfare between the French and the natives of the island 
 His memoirs, prepared by himself for publication, did not see the light for 
 several years after his death. They are accompanied with explanatorv 
 notes, apparently by a well-informed hand. My opinion of their value is 
 confirmed by that of M. Garncau.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 39 
 
 required for a business that must depend for success 
 mainly on the good-will of the savages/ 
 
 Returning to Williamsburgh from his bootless errand on 
 the 16th of January, 1754, Washington made his report to 
 the Governor of Virginia j when it was instantly resolved, 
 in compliance with the King's directions, to fit out an 
 expedition which should proceed with all haste to the 
 confluence of the Alleghany and the Monongahela, where 
 the Ohio Comj)any had already commenced to build a 
 fortified trading-house, and there to erect such works as 
 might, for the season, prevent any further enterprise on 
 the part of the French. For this object, the Assembly of 
 Virginia voted the sum of £10,000, and the party was put 
 under the control of Colonel Joshua Frey, who, dying on 
 the 31st of May, was succeeded in office by Washington, 
 the second in command. His instructions were to capture, 
 kill, or destroy all persons who should endeavor to impede 
 his operations. Aid was also requested from the neighbor- 
 ing provinces ; but none seems to have reached Virginia in 
 time ; and she is thus entitled to the honor of having single- 
 handed first entered the lists against France, to struggle for 
 the mastery of the continent.^ 
 
 • Schoolcraft : Red Races of America, 134. 
 
 ^ Mr. Wheeler, iu his recent History of North Carolina (Vol. I., p. 46), 
 states that in compliance with Grov. Dinwiddle's request, the president of 
 that province '' issued his proclamation for the legislature to assemble at 
 Wilmington on the 19th February, 1754; who met and appropriated £1000 
 to the raising and paying such troops as might be raised to send to the aid 
 of Virginia. Col. James Innes of New Hanover marched at the head of 
 a detachment, and joined the troops raised by Virginia and Maryland. But 
 there being no provision made by Virginia for supplies or conveniences, the 
 expedition was countermanded, and Col. Innes returned with his men to
 
 40 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 The little army with which the beginning of all this w^as 
 to be accomplished, was to consist of but four hundred men. 
 In January, 1754, William Trent was commissioned to 
 enlist one hundred ; he succeeded in raising but seventy, 
 with whom he instantly marched for the Ohio : the 
 remaining three hundred were not raised so soon. They 
 were furnished with ten cannon and eighty barrels of 
 powder, and would, it was hoped, have succeeded in throw- 
 ing uj) a couple of forts before the arrival of the French. 
 If that were found impossible. Governor Dinwiddle looked 
 to their attacking and destroying the enemy by a coup de 
 main} 
 
 In the meanwhile, however, the French had not been 
 idle. Nearl}^ a year before, in the spring of 1753, they 
 had built, at Presqu'-Isle on Lake Erie, a strong fort of 
 chestnut logs, fifteen feet high, and one hundred and 
 twenty feet square, with a block-house on each side. 
 
 North Carolina." Besides these North Carolina troops, three of the Kino-'s 
 Independent Companies, two from New York and one from Carolina, had 
 been ordered to Virginia. As they were paid by the King, but retained in 
 the colonies for local protection, it was usual for the provinces to contribute 
 to their victualling expenses on any extraordinary service in which they 
 might be employed; which Virginia, on this occasion, refused to do. II. 
 Penn. Archives, 169. 
 
 ' The cannon sent towards the Ohio were four-pounders, selected from 
 thirty pieces presented by the King to his colony of Virginia. They went 
 from Alexandria to Will's Creek, and thence in wagons. Small arms and 
 accoutrements were also provided by Dinwiddle ; with thirty tents and six 
 months' provision of flour, pork, and beef. The uniform was a red coat 
 and breeches; and a half-pint of rum jjc?- diem was allowed each man. 
 The pay was as follows : To a colonel, 1.5s. per diem — to a lieutenant-colonel, 
 12s. 6d; a major, 10s.; a captain, 8s.; a lieutenant, 4s.; an ensign, 3s. 
 The privates received 8d. j;er diem and a pistole bounty. Vide Dinwiddle's 
 letter, in VI. Penn. Col. Rcc, 6.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 41 
 
 Leaving a strong garrison here, they marched to the 
 Riviere aux Boeufs, where they erected another fort, 
 cutting a wagon-road twenty-one feet in width between it 
 and that at Presqu'-Isle. Pie re garrisons were maintained 
 during the winter of 1753-4, and here strong reinforce- 
 ments from Canada were directed to rendezvous in the 
 spring of 1754, fully prepared to march to and occupy the 
 head of the Ohio.^ For this purpose, a corps of some 800 
 Canadians, under M. Marin, had been carefully raised and 
 accoutred. Every man was amply provided with the 
 needful equipments, while to each of the officers, naively 
 observes an old chronicler in his enumeration of the good 
 cheer provided for the detachment, was allotted a bottle 
 of wine every day, two gallons of brandy a month, and 
 food in proportion.^ Being thus prepared, M. de Contre- 
 coeur (who succeeded in the command at French creek to 
 
 ' YI. Col. Rec, 10. It is possible tliat the French had some sort of an 
 establishment at Presqu'-Isle so early as 1749 ; the ruins of the fort of 
 1753 are still perceptible within the limits of the town of Eric. It was 
 provided with bastions, a well and a ditch ; and was the head-quarters of 
 communication between Canada and the Ohio. Thirteen miles distant was 
 the fort de la Riviere aux Boeufs, on the spot where nowstands the village 
 of ^Yaterford (Erie county, Penn.). A small lake, and a stream rising 
 from it to fall into French Creek, still preserve the memory of the long- 
 vanished buffalo, which once fed on its fertile meadows. The last post on 
 the route to the Ohio was on the Alleghany at the mouth of French Creek 
 (where now is the village of Franklin), and was called Venango, being a 
 corruption of In-nun-gah, the name by which the Senecas knew the latter 
 stream. Its ruins are still to be seen. It was 400 feet square, with em- 
 bankments which are yet eight feet in height, and furnished with four bas- 
 tions, a large block-house, a stockade, and a ditch seven feet deep, and 
 fifteen wide, fed through a subterraneous channel of fifty yards by a neigh- 
 boring rivulet. See Day's Hist. Col. Penn., 812, 642. 
 
 2 1. Pouchot, 10.
 
 42 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Legardeur de St. Pierre, the one-eyed old warrior who had 
 received Washington), set out betimes in the spring of 
 1754. On the 17th of April, at the head of from five 
 hundred to a thousand men, with eighteen pieces of artil- 
 lery, he appeared before the incomjDlete and defenceless 
 works which occupied the spot where now stands the great 
 city of Pittsburgh. Ensign Ward, with his forty-one men, 
 was in no condition to resist such a force. Without a 
 struggle he was compelled to reluctantly abandon his post 
 to the enemy, and was suffered to retire unmolested to his 
 own country. The French set at once about the strength- 
 ening and perfection of their conquest. Under the direc- 
 tions of Mercier,^ a captain in the artillery, new works 
 were added and the former made more complete : till, by 
 the middle of May, 1754, it was placed in a position to 
 defy any force that could then be brought against it. Its 
 breast-works were probably calculated to resist such small 
 field-pieces as those which Washington had with him, as 
 
 ' Oa the fall of Fort Necessity, M. le Chevalier de Mercicr went back 
 to Canada, whence he was presently sent to France with an account 
 of the campaign on the Ohio. Here his advice was much regarded at 
 Versailles; and in 1755, he returned with Vaudreuil and Dieskau to 
 America. His counsels were received by the latter with implicit faith, and 
 eventually influenced Dieskau to measures which ended in his utter defeat 
 at Lake George, 8th Sept., 1755. In August, 175G, he directed with great 
 skill the works with which M. de Montcalm besieged Oswego, and on the 
 surrender of that place, according to Pouchot, secreted to his own use a 
 large share of the public property. In March, 1757, he was sent by M. 
 de Vaudreuil to demand the surrender of Fort William-Henry, but received 
 a peremptory denial from IMajor Eyres, its governor. (Vide Pouchot and 
 Mante.) This first architect of Fort Du Quesne seems to have been an 
 accomplished officer, but a leech on the public purse. He was probably 
 one of that large tribe of locusts who went to Canada determined to make 
 a fortune quociaique modo.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 43 
 
 they were made in part, at least, of earth, and were two 
 fathoms in thickness at the base.^ A force of some eight 
 hundred or a thousand men garrisoned the post, officered 
 by such men as Laforce, Drouillon, de VilHers, Jumonville, 
 Chauvignerie, de Longueil, and many others, whose names 
 were war-cries along the border; and from Contrecoeur, 
 who commanded the whole, it now for the first time 
 received its title of Fort Du Quesne.^ 
 
 Wasliington was at Will's Creek when the tidings 
 reached him of Ward's discomfiture ; and acting promptly, 
 on the same principle which had governed his mind in 
 originally urging the very measure that was thus defeated, 
 he was resolved to proceed to the mouth of the Ked-stone 
 Creek, and there to erect a fortification under whose 
 shelter he should await such things as time might 
 bring forth. With his scanty force, it was impossible to 
 think of the re-investment of Fort Du Quesne and its new 
 garrison until the arrival of the reinforcements which were 
 constantly expected ; but he wished to be as near to the 
 French as he possibly could get, and this spot ofiered too 
 many advantages to be passed over. By tedious marches, 
 and suffering under the greatest deprivations of food, rai- 
 ment, and stores, he had arrived at the Great Meadow, 
 when, on the 28th May, he encountered a detachment of 
 thirty-five men under M. de Jumonville, sent out from 
 Fort Du Quesne as ambassadors, as was alleged by M. de 
 Contrecoeur, to warn him to withdraw. Considering all 
 that we can learn of the characters of the two French 
 
 ' II. Sparks's Washington, 19. 
 
 ^ Dc Contrecoeur's summons to Ensign Ward is given at large in VI. 
 Penn. Col. Rec., p. 29.
 
 44 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 officers, and the circumstances of their position, it is to be 
 regretted that there seems some cause to believe the 
 truth of this story. Contrecoeur's treatment of Ward had 
 not been in anywise treacherous or unmanly : his demeanor 
 on other occasions seems to have been creditable and fair; 
 and it is difficult to believe that he would have wilfully 
 put his hand to a deliberate falsehood, to be echoed not 
 only by all his brother officers, but throughout France and 
 Europe. But, granting the doubtful story that Jumonville 
 was entrusted with such a commission, he bore about him 
 no reason to inspire Washington with the prescience of the 
 fact. An ambassador with thirty-five armed men at his 
 heels in an enemy's country, with the army of his friends 
 behind, his foe in front, and the shouts and clamor of 
 victory still ringing through the air, w^as an anomalous 
 character on that stage; and w^e humbly conceive that it. 
 was perfectly fair and just in Washington to defeat and 
 destroy his party in an}'- manner of law^ful war. Certainly, 
 no sane Englishman could have doubted Jumonville's object 
 was other than to gain scalps or intelligence : probably it 
 partook as much or more of the nature of both as of that 
 of a formal embassy. The strength of his party, and the 
 imjDressions entertained of its designs by the Indians who 
 Avere cognizant of its departure and brought the intelligence 
 to the Americans — impressions, the justice of which was 
 confirmed by the recorded testimony of officers of his own 
 nation — these facts abundantly warranted Washington in 
 treating him as an enemy in arms.^ Washington could not 
 
 ' I. Pouchot, 14. Since both the French and the English have published 
 their own stories, it is but fair to give the Indian version of this affair.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 45 
 
 but remember that Contrecoeur had but a few weeks before, 
 by dint of superior power, ejected Ward from Fort Du 
 Quesne (the first scene, by the way, of overt hostility in 
 the long and bloody drama that was about to be enacted) ; 
 and even at this day there is little reason to believe that 
 he would have hesitated for one moment in the commission 
 of any act which he supj)osed came within the line of his 
 duty and the service of the King. Be this as it may, 
 however, Washington, on the 24th of May, received notice 
 from a friendly Indian that a secret expedition had started 
 from Fort Du Quesne two days before, with intent to strike 
 the first English they might see. Thus forewarned, he 
 engaged them on the 28th, when Jumonville was slain in 
 a manner too often detailed to need repetition here.^ In 
 
 At a council held at PhiladelpLia, in December, 1754, ScaiToyaddy their 
 leader pointedly dwelt on the efforts Jumonville had previously made to 
 seduce him from the English (whom he was on the way to join), and how 
 he rewarded these insidious overtures by at once informing Washington of 
 their whereabouts, and aiding in the combat by way, as he told Washington, 
 of '"'a little bloodying the edge of the hatchet." John Davison, the inter- 
 preter, who was also in the battle, added that " there were but eight Indians, 
 who did most of the execution that was done. Coll. Washington and the 
 Half-King differed much in judgment, and on the Colonel's refusing to take 
 his advice, the English and Indians separated. Afterwards the Indians 
 discovered the French in an hollow, and hid themselves, lying on their 
 bellies behind a hill; afterwards they discovered Coll. Washington on the 
 opposite side of the hollow in the gray of the morning, and when the Eng- 
 lish fired, which they did in great confusion, the Indians came out of their 
 cover and closed with the French, and killed them with their tomahawks, 
 on which the French surrendered." VI. Col. Rec, 195. 
 
 ' Adam Stephen of Virginia, who served with distinction under Braddock 
 and in the war of the Revolution, gives a contemporaneous and interesting 
 notice of this skirmish, which seems to have escaped the notice of the his- 
 torian. On May 10th, Capt. Stephen was detached wath a reconnoitring 
 party towards Fort Du Quesne, whence, his vicinity being discovered,
 
 46 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 detailing this event to his Court, M. de Duquesne gave his 
 own version of the affair, the correctness of which was 
 ever denied by the Enghsh, and questioned by officers of 
 even his own army. Insomuch as he was taken by sur- 
 prise, the French insisted that Jumonville's death was 
 not only a base act, but a cowardly assassination ; and for 
 years, even down to our own times, their authors have 
 continued to misrepresent the occurrence, and to do an 
 injustice to him who was incapable of acting unjustly to 
 another. Chief among them was M. Thomas, an accom- 
 plished Jifierateiir o^ the day, and a member of the Academy, 
 who, in 1759, published his Jumonville, a lengthy poem in 
 four cantos, in which he not only painted the death of that 
 soldier in the most tragic colors, but traces all the subse- 
 quent misfortunes of the English to that unpardonable act. 
 His unseen shade is made to stand beside Washington on 
 the ramparts of Fort Necessity, freezing his blood with 
 supernatural fear, and calling into life poetic serpents to 
 hiss and gnaw within his breast ; or gliding through the 
 
 Jumonville •was despatclied against liim. Stephen fell back before bis 
 superior foe till be rejoined Washington, vfbo, at 11 o'clock at night, 
 through a heavily-pouring rain, went forth with forty men to the attack. 
 The French were lodged in bark cabins about five miles from "Washington's 
 position; but so dark was the night, and so bewildering the storm, that it 
 was not until four the next morning that they drew near the enemy. Here 
 it was found not only that seven men were lost on the journey, but that 
 their pieces and ammunition were so wet as to be in a measure useless. 
 They therefore charged the French with fixed bayonets, receiving their fire 
 as they advanced, and not returning it fill they were at close quarters. 
 Stephen adds, that three Indian men and two boys came up with the 
 English during the battle; and that he himself made the first prisoner, 
 capturing the Ensign M. Drouillon, "a j)crt fellow." Penn. Gaz., No. 
 1343.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 47 
 
 lines of his brethren, points at his bleeding wounds yet 
 
 — "and cries aloud — to battle!" 
 
 luirevenged, 
 
 Pursued thus by the inevitable sword of an avenging 
 Nemesis, the woes of the British during the next five years 
 — the heavy visitation of what the poet is pleased to con- 
 sider retributive justice, is finely given : " mcdheureux 
 Ancjlais ! " he exclaims ; " Oh, wretched people ! " 
 
 Je Yois, dans ses projets, votre audace trompee, 
 Des flots de votre sang TAraerique trempee. 
 Bradhoc, de vos complots sinistre executeur, 
 Des traites et des lois sacrilege infracteur, 
 Qui devait, en guidant vos troupes conjurees, 
 Au char de I'Angleterre enchainer nos contrees, 
 Sur des monccaux de morts, perce de mille coups, 
 Exhale ses furcurs ct son ame en courroux. 
 
 triste Virginie ! raalheureux rivages ! 
 
 Je vois vos champs en proie t\ des monstres sauvagesj 
 
 Je vois, dans leur berceaux, vos eufans massacres, 
 
 De vos vieillards sanglants les membres dechires, 
 
 Vos rcmparts et vos toits devorcs par les flammes, 
 
 La massue ecrascr vos filles et vos femmes, 
 
 Et, dans leur flanes ouverts, leur fruit infortunes, 
 
 Condamnes a perir avant que d'etre nes. 
 
 Votre sang n'eteint pas I'ardeur que les devore : 
 
 Sur vos corps dechires et palpitants encore, 
 
 Je les vois etendus, de carnage souilles, 
 
 Arracher vos chevaux de vos fronts depouilles; 
 
 Et fiers de ce fardeau, dans leur mains triomphantcs, 
 
 Montrer a leurs enfunts ces depouilles fumantes. 
 
 Quels que soicnt les forfaits que nous aient outrages, 
 
 Anglais, pcut-ctre, helas, sommes-nous trop vengcs ! ' 
 
 ' Oeuvres Comp. de Thomas (par M. Saint-Surin), torn. V., p. 47. Mr. 
 Sparks (II. Writings of Washington, p. 447), has gone at length into the 
 question of the death of Juinonvillc and has thoroughly cleared up the
 
 48 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 A terri^ed soldier, escaping the fate of his fellows, 
 returned to the fort with the sad tidings of Jumonville's 
 discomfiture ; and a council of war, to deliberate on what 
 
 clouds that in some minds had obscured the morning brightness of Wash- 
 ington's fame. He does not notice, however, M. Pouchot's version of the 
 affair, which is too significant to be passed over here. This writer says that 
 Jumonville was sent with a letter summoning the English commander to 
 retire. Being taken by surprise, and finding the enemy's strength so much 
 superior to his own, he endeavored to show them the despatch of which he 
 was the bearer ; but they, unwilling to compromise themselves by a parley, 
 poured in a volley, slaying Jumonville and some others. The remainder 
 were made prisoners. (Pouchot, Vol. I., p. 14.) His editor, it is true, 
 adds a note of dissent to the insinuation that Jumonville had any hostile 
 intentions; but the evidence of a brother officer, whose ideas were derived 
 from personal communications with those who were present at the fort at 
 the time, must be received with some deference. It is a little curious, that 
 while the French made so much capital out of this occurrence, their version 
 of its nature was very little considered in England. M. Thomas, for in- 
 stance, opens his preface with the declaration that his theme is " I'assassinat 
 de M. de Jumonville en Amerique, et la vengeance de ce meurtre.'^ During 
 fourteen years after the event, its mere mention had not reached the cars 
 of one of the greatest political gossips of the period in London. In Jul}', 
 1768, Horace Walpole had never heard of it, and was only then in posses- 
 sion of the news, through the intervention of Voltaire, who had made it a 
 subject of national reproach in his letters. (V. Walpole's Correspondence, 
 p. 212, ed. Lond. 1840.) It is due to a French historian, however, to add 
 that there is an impartial account of the aifair from the pen of M. Garneau. ■ 
 After considering the statements of either side, he says — ''II est probable 
 C[u'il y a du vrai dans les deux versions ; mais que I'attaque fut si precipitee 
 qu'on ne put rien dcmeler. Washington n'avangait qu'en tremblant tant il 
 avait pour d'etre surpris, et il voulait tout prevenir meme en courant le 
 risque de combattre des fantomes. Ce n'est que de cette maniire qu'on 
 peut expliquer pourquoi Washington avcc des forces si superieures montra 
 une si grande ardeur pour surprendre Jumonville au point du jour comme 
 si c'cut etc un ennenii fort a craindre ? Au rcste la mort de Jumonville 
 u'amena pas la guerre, car dtja clle etait rcsoluc, mais elle la precipita." (II. 
 Hist, du Can., 202.) The historical statements of M. Thomas's work are 
 ridiculously false : the only fact it contains is that Jumonville was really 
 dead.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 49 
 
 next should be done, was instantly assembled by Contre- 
 coeur. Here the opinions of all were given in writing. 
 The fiery Coulon-Villiers (known for his prowess as Le 
 Grand Villiers), burning to avenge after the fashion of the 
 savages his brother's death, was for violent and vindictive 
 measures : the more safe and moderate advice of M. de 
 Mercier prevailed.^ The desire professed on this occasion, 
 to avoid everything which might be construed into an 
 indefensible violation of the letter of the Treaty of 
 Utrecht, when its spirit and meaning were already 
 infringed by his very presence on the ground, shows how 
 clearly the Frenchman anticipated the approaching war; 
 and his anxiety to preserve, if not peace, at least appear- 
 ances with the world, Villiers, with some six hundred 
 men, was despatched to meet Washington, and Mercier 
 accompanied him as second in command.^ On the 29th 
 of June, Washington, who w^as then at Gist's plantation, 
 received intelligence of their advance ; and his council of 
 war resolved to await the attack at that spot. Entrench- 
 ments were at once undertaken; two detached parties 
 under Captains Lewis and Poison w^ere recalled ; and an 
 express sent to the Great Meadows to summon Captain 
 Mackay, wdth the Independent Company from South Caro- 
 lina. Mackay marched into camp that night, and the next 
 morning Lewis and Poison came in. Apprised now of the 
 enemy's overwhelming force, a second council on the 30th 
 
 ' I. Pouch ot, 15. 
 
 ^ The accounts of their number vary from three to nine hundred men, 
 besides Indians. Among the latter were many Dclawares and others who 
 had hitherto lived on terms of personal friendship with the English. Vide 
 Min. Pcnn. Col. Council, Vol. YL, p. 51. 
 4
 
 50 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 of June resol'ved, with one voice, to retreat to their former 
 position at the Great Meadows. Two miserable teams and 
 a few pack-horses being all their means of transporting 
 their ammunition, the officers at once added their own 
 steeds to the train ; and, leaving half his baggage behind, 
 Washington, for four pistoles, hired some of the soldiers to 
 carry the remainder. For twelve w^eary miles over the 
 Alleghanies did the Virginians drag wdth their own hands 
 the seven swivels that formed their park ; the Indepen- 
 dents obstinately refusing to bear any share of the burthen, 
 whether of drawing guns, carrying ammunition, or clearing 
 the road. On the 1st of July, the party arrived at the 
 Great Meadows in such a state of fatigue that, unless their 
 stores were abandoned, it was absolutely necessary for 
 them to pause there for a few^ days. They had a plenty 
 of milch-cows for beef, but no salt to cure their meat, so 
 it was not possible to lay in a stock of salt provisions ; and 
 as for bread, thougli they had been eight days without it, 
 the convoy from the settlements brought but a few bags of 
 flour, not more than enough for five daj'S. But learning 
 that the two Independent Companies of New York were 
 arrived at Annapolis on the 20th of June, they concluded 
 to make a stand here, in hope of receiving a speedy rein- 
 forcement. The spot selected for the works was well 
 chosen ; and to these rude defences was given the sugges- 
 tive title of Fort Necessity. To Robert Stobo, a captain 
 in the Virginia Regiment, the merit of being their contriver 
 is attributable. The fort w'as a log breast-work 100 feet 
 square, surrounded in part by a shallow ditch ; and was 
 commenced immediately on Washington's arrival. As day
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 51 
 
 broke on the morning of the 3d of July, the near 
 approaches of the enemy were prochximed bj some of 
 their scouts shooting down an English sentry; and at 11 
 A.M., the whole force ca.me in sight and invested the 
 petty fortress. Expecting to be stormed, the Indepen- 
 dents were posted in the ditch, the Virginians being drawn 
 up within their lines, intending to retain their fire till it 
 was certain to take effect. The enemy not adopting this 
 course, however, but sheltering themselves among the 
 trees that crowned a neighboring hill, the men were with- 
 drawn to the cover of their works, and a dropping, 
 desultory fire was kept up on either side during all the 
 day. When night fell, and their ammunition (which only 
 amounted to a handful of ball each, and powder in* 
 proportion), was nearly exhausted, the French repeatedly 
 called a parley, which at last was listened to by the 
 incredulous English ; and a capitulation was speedily 
 arranged.' To the besieged terms were proffered, not 
 to be lightly rejected by men in their position : for two 
 bags of flour and a little bacon now constituted all 
 the provisions of 300 men; their guns were. wet and foul, 
 and there were but two screws in the party with which to 
 clean them ; and, to crown all, one-half the garrison was 
 drunk. Yet even in this strait the capitulation produced 
 by Captain Van Braam, who, being the only officer (save 
 one who was wounded), that could speak French, wf^ 
 selected as his plenipotentiary, was considerably modified 
 by Washington. The French stipulated for the surrender 
 of the artillery and ammunition ; the English insisted on 
 
 ' MS. Gov. Sharpe's Corresp. iu Md. Hist. Soc.
 
 52 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 retaining the one and destroying the other ; and even this 
 was acquiesced in/ The cattle, etc., had already fallen 
 into the enemy's hands. The articles of surrender, how-- 
 e^'er, while they conceded all honors of war to the garrison, 
 contained one awkward provision to which Washington 
 unwittingly put his hand, in terms admitting that Junion- 
 ville's death was an assassination. This expression, by 
 " the too great condescension of Van Braam," had been 
 suffered to stand on the paper; and as his lender was com- 
 pelled to take his oral version of their nature (for it was 
 now nearly midnight, and the falling rain prevented a 
 candle's burning more than a moment at a time), which 
 substituted the word ''death" for this odious phrase; it 
 was not until afterwards that its real language was dis- 
 covered.^ In the meanwhile the negotiator, Captain Jacob 
 Van Braam, together with Captain Stobo, both Virginian 
 officers, were given up to the enemy as pledges of the 
 faithful performance of the articles of surrender.^ 
 
 ' These guns, which were probably merely spiked and abandoned, were 
 in later years bored out or otherwise restored to their former condition. 
 For a long time they lay on the Great Meadows, useless and disregarded. 
 After the Revolution, however, when bands of settlers commenced to travel 
 tov/ards the West, it was a favorite amusement to discharge these cannon : 
 the Meadow being a usual halting-place. They were finally transported to 
 Kentucky by some enterprising pioneers, and their subsequent fate is 
 unknown. 
 
 ^ II. Sparks's Washington, 51, 456. Stobo's Memoirs, 17. Capt. 
 Stephen's letter in Penn. Gaz., No. 1339. Col. Inncs to Gov. Hamilton, 
 VI. Col. Eec, 51 : where also a correct cojiy of the capitulation will be 
 found. II. Olden Time, 213. 
 
 ^ Robert Stobo was born at Glasgow, 1727, of respectable parentage, and 
 was settled in Virginia as a merchant when the French troubles began in 
 1754. Dinwiddle giving him a company in Frcy's regiment, he took an 
 active part in Washington's campaign. It is not impossible he was one
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 53 
 
 On the following morning, the fourth of July, 1754, 
 with drums beating and colors flying, the little garrison 
 evacuated its feeble entrenchments, and sadly turned their 
 faces homewards. Probably the memory of this day, 
 whose return, twenty-one years after, was destined to open 
 to him the gates of immortal fame, was for a season 
 
 of '' those raw, surly, and tyrannical Scots, several of them mere boys from 
 behind the counters of tlie factors here," with whom, according to Maury 
 (Huguenot Family, 404), the governor filled the corps. As the stipulations 
 for which he remained a hostage were not complied with, he was, with his bro- 
 ther captain, Van Braam, sent from Du Quesnc to Canada, but not before he had 
 contrived to transmit a plan of its works to the English. His letters and 
 drawings being found in Braddock's cabinet, excited no little odium against 
 him. At last he escaped from captivity (whether with or without Van 
 Braam is not certainly known to the writer), and after a series of romantic 
 adventures, reached England. His Memoirs were there published, a 
 reprint of which has lately been given at Pittsburg, by Mr. Neville 
 Craig, to whose notes the preceding remarks are due. The only remaining 
 feature in his story that has been discovered is the fact that on June 5th, 
 17G0, he was made a captain in the 15th Foot (Amherst's Regiment), then 
 serving in America; which position he held as late as 1765. He was an 
 eccentric creature; an acquaintance of David Hume and a friend of 
 Smollett, to whom he is said to have sate for the character of the immor- 
 tal Lismahago. As for Van Braam, his career is still more obscure. 
 Denounced as a traitor for his agency in the capitulation of Fort Necessity, 
 it must not be forgotten that three weeks before the surrender, Washing- 
 ton (to whom he had served as interpreter on the mission of 1753), pro- 
 nounced him '' an experienced, good officer, and very worthy of the com- 
 mand he has enjoyed :" that he consented to going as a hostage to the 
 French, with the certainty of his fraud being soon discovered by his own 
 party, had he committed one ; that he was detained rather as a prisoner 
 than a hostage ; and that he risked his life to return to the English. These 
 facts do not exculpate him from the charge of imbecility, but they are 
 inconsistent with the assumption of his deliberate treason. In 1770, too, 
 it v;ould appear that he claimed and obtained his share of the Virginia 
 bounty lands, with AYashington as Commissioner; and on 14th June, 1777, 
 was made Major of the Third Battalion of the 60th Foot, or Eoyal Ameri- 
 cans, then stationed in the West Indies.
 
 54 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 marked in Washington's calendar as the blackest, the most 
 melancholy epoch of his life;. His visions of future fame 
 in the service of his native land seemed to have received 
 a dangerous, perhajDS a fatal, downfall : nor could the 
 reflections that its immediate memory must have adduced 
 have been of a very cheering character. In spite of the 
 stipulation of the French commander, the Indians hung on 
 the skirts of his diminished band, plundering the baggage, 
 and committing a hundred annoyances and mischiefs. The 
 medical stores they entirely destroyed ; thus cruelly aggra- 
 vating the unhappy condition of the wretches, who, sick 
 and wounded, and without a horse to assist them, were to 
 traverse fifty miles of inhospitable forests, ere they could 
 reach the nearest halting-place on Will's Creek. The 
 number of savages, hitherto regarded as friendly to the 
 colonies, whom he recognised enlisted under the standard 
 of the enemy, was another source of regret. And so long 
 as the French preserved their local superiority, he very 
 well knew how little hope there was of these fickle people 
 returning to their ancient friendships : nor was he blind to 
 the unconcealed disgust at the result of the campaign of 
 even those wdiose lot was immutabl}' cast with the English.' 
 
 ' The celebrated Seneca cliief Thanacrishon (better known as the Half- 
 King), complained bitterly to Conrad Weiser of "Washington's conduct. 
 ''The Colonel/' he said, "was a good-natured man, but had no experience; 
 he took upon him to command the Indians as his slaves, and would have 
 them every day upon the scout, and to attack the enemy by themselves, 
 but would by no means take advice from the Indians. He lay in one place 
 from one full moon to the other, without making any fortifications, except 
 that little thing on the Meadow; whereas, had he taken advice, and built 
 such fortifications as he (the Half-King) advised him, he might easily have 
 beat off the French. But the French in the engagement acted like cowards,
 
 I K T R D U C T R T MEMOIR. 55 
 
 And above all other annoj'ances, the discovery of the un- 
 enviable and unmerited position in which Van Braam's 
 ''evil intentions or n(?gligence" had placed his character, 
 must have stung him to the quick. With reason, then, on 
 the morning of AVashington's departure from Fort Neces- 
 sity, dark visions swam before his eyes. He saw before but 
 the frowning forests ; behind,, the scene of his own and his 
 country's defeat. " At that moment," observes Mr. Ban- 
 croft, "in the whole valley of the Mississippi to its head- 
 springs in the Alleghanies, no standard floated but that of 
 France," Destroying, as he says, not only the cannon 
 surrendered by the English, but also the smaller piece 
 reserved by the garrison as a point of military etiquette, 
 but which it was incompetent to drag away ; and knock- 
 ing in the heads of the liquor-casks, to prevent a savage 
 debauch, " the Great Villiers " departed on the same day as 
 his adversaries, but in an opposite direction.^ Gracing his 
 triumph with the Virginia standard, which in the confusion 
 had been left at the fort, he turned his ste^DS toward Du 
 
 and the English like fools." — Enquinj into the Causes of the Alienation 
 of the Delaware and Shaivanese Indians, &c. (Lend. 1759) p. SO. This 
 volume, whose rarity is greater than even its value and importance, was the 
 work of Charles Thomson, subsequently Secretary of the Congress ; but in 
 175G, when he prepared his material, an usher in the Quaker grammar- 
 school at Philadelphia. He writes in honest but bitter opposition to the 
 Pcnns, on which account some allowances must bo made in perusing his 
 book. This Half-King, who was so free of his censure, was a pretty 
 shrewd fellow. It was he who advised Ensign Ward, when summoned by 
 M. de Contrecoeur to surrender his post, to reply that his rank did not 
 invest him with sufficient power so to do, and to desire a delay until his 
 chief commander might arrive; a suggestion which, though ineffectual in 
 practice, argues considerable astuteness on the part of its proposer. Sec 
 IT. Sparks's "Washington, p. 7.
 
 56 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Quesne, where he arrived on the 7th of July ; having de- 
 stroyed all the English settlements on the way, and detach- 
 ing also M. de la Chauvignerie for the same purpose. This 
 circumstance in itself shows that the country had not 
 utterly escaped the notice of colonists from the eastward, 
 although it is more than probahle that man}^ of the houses 
 so burned were trading-stations, or shelters recently erected 
 for the convenience of some of Trent's or Washington's 
 troops. On his journey, too, he encountered the place 
 where his brother had fallen ; and where mangled corpses, 
 their skulls bare and bloody from the knife, still strewed 
 the ground with shocking memorials of that scene of 
 slaughter. A decent, if not a Christian burial, in earth 
 best consecrated by the life-blood of a soldier, was bestowed 
 upon their remains; and the grave of Jumonville is still 
 shown to the curious traveller, who pauses, "by lonely 
 contemplation led," to muse u|)on the spot where, like 
 Philip's son, the future statesman and sage loosened the 
 tangled web of policy with his sword ; and invoking the 
 ultima ratio regum to decide whether to a Guelf or a 
 Bourbon North America should owe allegiance, the hands 
 
 ' In 1756^ M. de Villiers took an active part in the capture of Oswego, 
 (I. Garneau, 246 : I. Poucliot, 71.) Till 1759, be would seem to have still 
 been employed in that region, whore he was one of the defenders and probably 
 of the captives of Niagara : after which he is lost sight of. There were 
 six brothers of the Villiers family killed in Canada during this war, fighting 
 for France ; each of whom was distinguished by some local surname. The 
 seventh and last, also in the service, appears alone to have escaped. I. 
 Forster's Bossu, 185. From the language of M. Thomas (Jumonv., ch. 
 I.) we are at liberty to conjecture that they were natives of Old France.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 57 
 
 of the Father of bis Country were for the first time 
 steeped in human blood. ^ 
 
 In the meantime, since their arrival in the spring the 
 garrison under M. de Contrecoeur had experienced much 
 privation and suffering. An expensive and abundant 
 supply of provisions and stores had at an early day been 
 despatched to this post from Canada, under a strong escort; 
 but the difficulties incident on the portage at Niagara pro- 
 duced an unwelcome and unlooked-for delay. The want 
 of horses and suitable equipages to transport them from 
 the fort at Presqu'-Isle to the Ohio was also a great embar- 
 rassment. Four hundred of the party expired on the 
 route, either from scurvy or from the fatigues of bearing 
 all this burthen upon their shoulders. The provisions of 
 the escort were soon expended, and the magazines intended 
 for their comrades were put into requisition. Then their 
 contents became known, and every one took freely from 
 them such wares as pleased his fancy. The officers were 
 clad in rich velvets, and drank to their fill of the rare 
 wines with which, by the knavish connivance of the au- 
 thorities with some unknown parties in interest, the 
 detachment was charged. A scene of general waste and 
 confusion ensued ; and while the troops at Fort Du Quesne 
 profited slightly enough by the costly engagements that 
 had been criminally made for their benefit, the convoy 
 which Avas to return to Canada arrived there brilliantly 
 
 ' Journal of IM. de Villicrs : II. Olden Time, 213. Sharp's MS. Corresp. 
 The whole French and Indian loss at Fort Necessity is stated here to have 
 been but one cadet and two privates killed and seventeen dangerously 
 wounded.
 
 58 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 equipped, and with a report amply covering all their 
 delinquencies.^ 
 
 If the reception of the tidings of the compulsory evacua- 
 tion of tlie Ohio territories by the English gave any satis- 
 faction in France, the feeling was far otherwise in London. 
 Unwelcome enough was this news to a country whose 
 commercial prosperity was so largely identified with the 
 success of its colonial system ; nor v/ere the witticisms of 
 the young Comte d'Estaing (himself destined in time to 
 direct heavy and successful blows against British dominion 
 in America), sufficient to restore the good-humor of the 
 people. " Pardieu, Messieurs," said he to the English 
 courtiers, " ce seroit bien ridicule, de faire casser la tete a 
 dix milles hommes pour quelques douzaines de chapeaux." ^ 
 It was all very well to balance thus satirically the life of a 
 man against the skin of a beaver ; but the fur-trade on the 
 Ohio, now lost to the English, was worth, though but in 
 its infancy, no less than £40,000 a-year.^ The jDrivation 
 of such a profit, not less than the manner in which it was 
 lost, was eminently calculated to excite indignation ; and 
 ample details of the whole, forwarded to London by 
 Governor Dinwiddle and others, speedily brought about the 
 inception of those vigorous measures which it is the pro- 
 vince of these pages in part to chronicle. In the month 
 of August, 1754, the surrender of Fort Necessity and the 
 conduct of its commander were freely commented on in 
 the highest political circles. " The French have tied up 
 the hands of an excellent fanfaron, a Major Washington," 
 
 ' I. Pouchot, 12. ' IV. Mabou's Letters of Chesterfield, 146. 
 
 ' Ponn. Gaz., No. 1344.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 59 
 
 wrote Walpole, '-whom they took, and engaged not to 
 serve for a year."^ In several places, the same writer 
 repeats the anecdote of AVashington's desjDatcli on this 
 occasion : '• '1 have heard tiie bullets whistle ; and believe 
 me there is something charming in the sound.' On hear- 
 ing of this letter, the King said sensibly, ' He would not 
 say so, if he had been used to hear many.'"" And the 
 Duke of Cumberland avowed that '• rather than lose one 
 foot of ground in America, he would oppose the enemies 
 of his country in that part of the world himself" ^ But 
 the vacillating organization of the Ministry prevented, for 
 a season, any fruit ripening from these warlike blossoms. 
 The recent death of Henry Pelham, the only brother of 
 the Duke of Newcastle, and an exceliejit cabinet minister, 
 had occasioned a remodelling of that body; and for some 
 months, so considerable and uncertain were their various 
 alterations, there was nothing but change and inconsis- 
 tency displayed in the conduct of the official and salaried 
 advisers of the Crown. Newcastle, however, with his 
 great fortune and enormous borough-interest, remained 
 always at the head of affairs. Ambitious, but incapable, 
 his combined ignorance and vanity cause him too often to 
 appear in the memoirs of the period rather in the charac- 
 ter of a ridiculous buffoon than that of a politic statesman; 
 yet even to his understanding the necessity of a prompt 
 movement was evident. Such was his natural imbecility, 
 
 ' V. Walp. Con-esp., 72. 
 
 - I. Walpole's Memoirs of George II., 346. Walpole to Sir H. Mann, 
 V. Corresp., 71. And consult II. Sparks's Wash , 40. 
 3 Penn: Gaz., No. 1342.
 
 60 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 however, and his mean jealousy of all men in whom by 
 any chance his imagination could foresee future rivals to 
 himself, that a long and dangerous delay elapsed before 
 anything like form and coherence was given to the pro- 
 posed measures. Previously to considering these proceed- 
 ings, nevertheless, and having now shown, in their natural 
 course, the circumstances which had induced this crisis, it 
 may not be amiss to dwell for a moment upon the position 
 of affairs in those colonies for whose immediate protection 
 so much treasure was to be lavished, so many lives spent. 
 The provinces most directly affected by the presence of 
 the French upon the Ohio were those of Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania. In the former, everything was ripe for war. 
 Though its laws, forbidding the employment of the militia 
 beyond their own confines, had prevented that body being- 
 called upon for the occupation of a region whose situation 
 was well believed by many to be without its jurisdiction, 
 this infant state had gallantly volunteered four hundred 
 men for the undertaking, whose ill-success was crowned by 
 the surrender of Fort Necessity. A martial spirit pervaded 
 the land ; and the Governor was a man sagacious in his 
 views and devoted to the interests of his nation.' With 
 
 ' Very few colonial governors have obtained the popular verdict in their 
 praise, and certainly Robert Dinwiddle was not one of that scanty number. 
 His disputes with his Assembly in regard to his exaction of fees warranted 
 by law but obsolete in practice, and his difficulties with "Washington, have 
 left an unpleasant impression of his character on the American mind. Yet 
 he was an officer not unworthy of commendation. Eemarkablc integrity 
 and vigilance in other employments, had procured him the gov^ument of 
 Virginia; and the records of the day show very clearly how untiring were 
 his efforts to secure the colony from a foreign foe. A Scot by birth, he 
 perhaps retained too many of the prejudices of that people; but he was
 
 INTRODUCTORY M E ^[ I R . 61 
 
 the exception of the constant quarrels (incident almost to 
 the very existence of a colony), on the subject of money 
 between him and his Assembly, the people and their rulers 
 were generally united and strong in their views of foreign 
 policy, and, what was of even greater importance, were 
 firmly bound together by the common ties of domestic 
 associations. 
 
 The case was not similar in Pennsjdvania. Its popula- 
 tion at this period exceeded three hundred thousand souls; 
 its products, almost exclusively agricultural, were sufficient 
 to employ five hundred vessels, mostly owned in its capital, 
 that annually bore away to other lands provisions sufficient 
 to subsist one hundred thousand men/ The character of 
 this population was, however, as various as its numbers. 
 In the vicinity of Philadelphia, it is true, the descendants 
 of the original Quaker settlers, with all their purity of 
 morals and all the civilization that could have reasonably 
 been expected to arise from their pacific tenets, still pre- 
 vailed. But farther from the wealthier and more ancient 
 settlements were to be found large establishments of 
 Scotch-Irish and Germans, each strongly . preserving the 
 
 not -nithout their virtues : aud as though in accordance with his armorial 
 device — uhi lihertas, ibi patria — he liberally aided in the protection and 
 encouragement of knowledge and education, -without which liberty so soon 
 degenerates into license. The librai-y of William and Mary College still 
 preserves the evidences of his generosity; and Dinwiddle County, in the 
 State of Virginia, perpetuates the memory of bis name. 
 
 ' I am aware that Mr. James S. Pringle, in a valuable paper read before 
 the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in May, 1854, states the population 
 of the proviuce, in 1753, to have been but 250,000. Governor Moms, in 
 March, 1755, computes it at the number above mentioned; though proba- 
 bly even his calculation was but conjectural. \1. Col. Rec, 836.
 
 62 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 peculiar idiosyncrasies of their national origin. The 
 Germans, in particular, clinging tenaciously together, are 
 even to this day far from being undistinguishably absorbed 
 in the mass of their fellow-citizens ; but then, dwelling as 
 it were aloof from other settlements, they formed a clearly- 
 defined and distinct population. A description of the 
 manner in wdiich one of these settlements was formed may 
 not be devoid of interest. 
 
 On Christmas-day, 1709, ten ships set sail from London 
 for New York, freighted with some 4000 Protestant and 
 expatriated Germans, who had been supported in London 
 by the bounty of Queen Anne, and were now sent by that 
 benevolent sovereign to seek new homes in a new world. 
 On their arrival, they were soon dispersed over the whole 
 proyince, many seating themselves at Schoharie upon 
 lands which belonged to others. Discountenanced in their 
 conduct by Governor Burnet, and embarrassed by the op- 
 position of the lawful owners of the soil, they were finally 
 induced, in 1723, to set forth once more on their wanderings. 
 Like the Israelites of old, their spies had gone down before 
 them and searched out the fatness of the land, and had brought 
 back glowing accounts of the regions on the Swatara creek 
 in Pennsylvania, and the parts adjacent. Cutting wagon- 
 roads then from the Schoharie to the Susquehannah, they 
 transported their effects through the unbroken forest, and 
 in their rude canoes floated down the river to the mouth 
 of Swatara creek ; their herds following along the shore. 
 Thus were founded the Swatara and Tulpehockiiig settle- 
 ments. This was in the spring of 1723 : it Avas not until 
 1732 that Thomas Penn purchased the country compre-
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 63 
 
 hcnding portions of Berks and Lebanon counties from the 
 Indians ; and, in the meanwhile, the settlements had con- 
 tinued to increase, not only against the will of the Pro- 
 prietary, but to the annoyance and indignation of the 
 savages, who beheld their hunting-grounds thus forcibly 
 possessed by strangers/ 
 
 Intermingled with the rest at this time were numbers 
 of English churchmen and Irish Catholics, all contributing 
 to swell the mass of conflicting tongues and creeds that al- 
 ready was in itself sufficient to account for a certain degree 
 of absence of mutual sympathy which so long seems to 
 have prevailed among the people of Pennsylvania. In no 
 manner did the exceeding difference of condition and 
 feelings develope itself more plainly than in their inter- 
 course with the Indians. By all the ties of their faith, as 
 well as through their comparative freedom from the 
 troubles incident on a near neighborhood with the red 
 men, the influential Quakers were, as a general thing, 
 persuaded of the propriety of treating them in the same 
 honorable manner prescribed by the founder of the pro- 
 vince and their own great apostle. With the frontier 
 settlers, the case Avas otherwise. A hardy race, often of a 
 temper too prone to intlict an injury, and always prompt 
 to resent one, they were constantly, either in individual 
 instances, or as a people, embroiled with their neighbors. 
 Of the most important Indian tribes who were to be found 
 about this period within the limits of Pennsylvania, and 
 whose conduct and views would most materially influence 
 the scattered remnants of other nations that still existed 
 
 Register of Conrad Weiser : Penn. Hist. Soc. Coll., Vol. I., p. 5.
 
 64 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 there, were the Dehiwares and the Shawanoes. The former 
 had once been a powerful and a warhke tribe ; but before 
 the arrival of William Penn they were subdued by the Six 
 Nations of the north, whose hunting-parties roamed at 
 will, as feudal suzerains of old, through the whole region 
 as far as the Ohio and the Chesapeake bay. They were 
 compelled by their conquerors to put on petticoats, and 
 acknowledge themselves women ; terms so degrading that 
 nothing but the extreme awe inspired by the prowess of 
 the confederates of the lakes could have induced submis- 
 sion to — and they were not permitted in any way to 
 exercise the privileges of an independent people. When, 
 therefore, Penn, after purchasing from the Iroquois the 
 land upon which he proposed establishing the seat of his 
 budding empire, made furthermore a point of buying the 
 same lands from their occupants and ancient masters, he 
 acted towards the Del aw ares with a politic propriety not 
 less just in the abstract than soothing and grateful to their 
 pride. Henceforth the Delawares and the Quakers were 
 as brothers ; and the Shawanoes, an alien tribe supposed 
 to have found their way thitherward from the everglades 
 of Florida, participated in these sentiments. No land was 
 to be occupied by the wliitcs until it had been granted by 
 the Proprietary ; and the hitter's title must rest upon a 
 previous concession from the Indians. 
 
 But these halcj^on days were not long to endure. As 
 time wore on, and new settlers, impelled by adverse fortune 
 or aUured by the fertility of its soil, migrated to Pennsyl- 
 vania from other shores, the rights of the Indian became 
 more and more disregarded. His lands would be occupied
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 65 
 
 by a stranger, destitute of the shadow of a title, the rever- 
 berations of whose gun or the baying of whose hounds would 
 frighten off the game (the flocks and herds of the savage), 
 into still deeper recesses of the forest ; and his pride would 
 receive a constant shock from the imperious bearing and, 
 oftentimes, the brutal behaviour of the unlicensed and 
 unwelcome guest. The proprietary government, it is true, 
 sometimes endeavored to restrain its subjects within due 
 bounds ; but too frequently it was itself guilty of miscon- 
 duct not less flagrant. It would too often connive at white 
 settlements upon lands belonging to the aborigines ; or 
 worse still, engage in some disgraceful, dishonest swindle, 
 by which the savage would be cheated out of his inherit- 
 ance. By these means, it is not wonderful that his dispo- 
 sitions were gradually becoming hostile to the Europeans, 
 and that his ancient confidence in their friendly professions 
 was impaired. When, in 1741, that devoted New England 
 philanthropist, John Sergeant, bore to the Shawanoes on 
 the Susquehannah the tidings of salvation, they rejected 
 with disdain his pious overtures. They had learned to 
 hate the religion whose votaries corrupted their health, 
 cheated them of their substance, and debauched their 
 women. ^ And when the wiser and more foreseeing among 
 them complained of the outrages they were subjected to 
 by the traders, they met with but scanty redress. In 
 1727, the deputies of the Six Nations, who represented as 
 well their own tribes as the subject Delawares, complained 
 to Governor Gordon, at Philadelphia, of the traders who 
 
 ' Hopkins's Mem. of Housatannuk Inds., p. 90. Thomson's Alienation, 
 &c , p. 5G. 
 
 5
 
 66 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 came among them, getting all their skins at trifling prices. 
 " They get so little for them, that they cannot live ; and 
 can scarce procure powder and shot to bring more. That 
 the traders bring very little of these, but instead luring 
 rum, which they sell very dear." They further urged that 
 no more settlements should be made on the Susquehannah 
 above Pax ton ; and that no more rum should be sold there 
 to the Indians ; and that none of the traders to the Ohio 
 should be suffered to carry rum. To all which the Gover- 
 nor replied, that in regard to new settlements, as his people 
 increased they must necessarily spread; and as to the 
 traders — " they know it is the custom of all to buy as 
 cheap and to sell as dear as they can, and that every man 
 must be on his guard and make the best bargain he can : 
 the English cheat the Indians, and the Indians cheat the 
 English ; and that they were at perfect liberty to destroy 
 without compensation all the rum that was brought among 
 them, as the provincial laws forbade it being carried 
 thither." ' Perhaps the governors could not do any more 
 than they did to restrain the excesses of the traders ; but 
 all that they did do was ineffectual ; the abuse continued 
 to operate, undiminished by time.^ 
 
 ' Thomson, p. 13. 
 
 " Sec the Governor's message in 1744 : "1 cannot but be apprehensive 
 that the Indian trade, as it is now carried on, vrill involve us in some fatal 
 quarrel with the Indians. Our traders, iu defiance of the law, carry 
 spirituous liquors among them, and take the advantage of their inordinate 
 appetite for it to cheat them of their skins and their wampum, which is 
 their money, and often to debauch their wives into the bargain. Is it to 
 be wondered at then if, when they recover from their drunken fit, they 
 should take some severe revenges?" — Votes of Pain. Atiscmhli/, Vol. III., 
 p. .555. These traders generally consisted, according to the report of the 
 same legislature, in 1754, of the vilest of their own inhabitants, or of 
 transported convicts from Great Britain and Ireland.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 67 
 
 The result of the infamous Walking Treaty — as shame- 
 less a fraud as ever was perpetrated — had occasioned a 
 great and natural discontent on the part of the unfortu- 
 nates so unjustly and, as all will now concede, so illegally 
 ousted from their homes. The story of this transaction is 
 briefly as follows : 
 
 In 1686, as was alleged by the proprietaries and admitted 
 by most of the Indians, Penn had purchased from the 
 Delawares a tract of land comprehended within certain 
 boundaries. The line was to begin at a certain spruce-tree 
 on the river Delaware, above the mouth of Neshamony 
 Creek : thence by a course west-north-west to the Nesha- 
 mon}^ : thence back into the woods as far as a man could 
 walk in a day and a half; thence to the Delaware again, 
 and so down to the place of beginning. No steps were 
 taken to lay out this land until some sixty years afterward, 
 when, upon mature consideration of the subject, it was 
 decided by the proprietary to take formal possession of it. 
 Accordingly, every preparation was made to secure as good 
 a bargain as possible. A road was surveyed for the walk; 
 expeditious means of crossing the intersecting streams were 
 provided ; and the swiftest pedestrians in the province were 
 engaged to accomplish as great a distance as might be com- 
 passed within the time limited. This having been attained, 
 the next point was to run the line to the Delaware ; and 
 here, whatever may be thought of the mode in which the 
 first part of the business had been transacted, a glaring 
 wrong was perpetrated by the government. In the original 
 deed, a blank had been left for the direction which the pro- 
 posed line should take : and as the topography of this
 
 68 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 country could not, in 1686, have been accurately known, 
 this seems not unnatural. But now, by a foul advantage 
 of this omission, it was resolved to run the line, not by the 
 nearest course to the river, which would have been east- 
 south-east, or parallel to that by which they set out, but 
 by a north-east course for a hundred miles and more, till it 
 struck the Delaware near the mouth of Lackawaxen Creek, 
 far above Easton. A fortunate westerly bend in the chan- 
 nel enabled them to effect this, and to cover by their deed 
 at least a million of acres, when, by a fairer computation, 
 three hundred and fifty thousand should have confined 
 their claim, ^ 
 
 Their best lands, and even their accustomed villages 
 being invaded by this enormous fraud, the Indians on the 
 Delaware evinced a decided inclination not to submit to it. 
 To provide against any evil consequences on this head, a 
 number of deputies from the Six Nations were, in 1742, 
 invited to visit Philadelphia, nominally to transact public 
 business of a mutual importance, but really to persuade 
 them to overawe the Delawares into acquiescence in the 
 chicanery that had been practised upon them. Accord- 
 ingly, after having been conciliated with a few hundred 
 pounds' worth of presents, they were requested to prevail 
 on their cousins the Delawares to remove from the lands 
 in the forks of the river, which, it was pretended, their 
 fathers had sold and been paid for long before. The chiefs 
 of this tribe being assembled in the council-chamber, Avere 
 then earnestly addressed by the speaker of the Six Nations. 
 
 ' Thomson, pp. 34 ct scq. 70.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 69 
 
 In homely but forcible phrase he reproached them with 
 their misconduct. " They deserved," said he, " to be taken 
 by the hair of their heads and shaken severely, till they 
 recovered their senses and became sober. But how came 
 3^ou," he continued, " to take upon you to sell lands at all ? 
 We conquered you ; ^ce made women of you ; you know 
 you are women, and can no more sell land than women ; 
 nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands, 
 since you would abuse it. This land that ^^ou claim is 
 gone through your guts : you have been furnished with 
 clothes, meat, and drink by the goods paid you for it, and 
 now you want it again, like children as you are ! But 
 what makes you sell lands in the dark ? Did you ever tell 
 us that you had sold this land? Did ice ever receive any 
 part, oven the value of a pipe-shank, from you for it ? '=' * 
 For all these reasons, we charge you to remove instantly : 
 we don't give you the liberty to think about it. You are 
 women. Take the advice of a wise man, and remove im- 
 mediately. You may return to the other side of Delaware, 
 where you came from ; but we do not know whether, con- 
 sidering how you have demeaned yourselves, you will be 
 permitted to live there, or wdiether you have not swallowed 
 that land down your throats as well as the land on this 
 side. We therefore assign you two places to go, either to 
 Wyomen or Shamokin. You may go to either of these 
 places, and then we shall have you more under our eye, 
 and shall see how you behave. Don't deliberate, but 
 remove at once, and take this belt of wampum." Having 
 thus satisfactorily closed all debate, the speaker summarily
 
 70 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 ejected "his cousins the Delawares" from the apart- 
 ment.^ 
 
 It was impossible for the Indians to disobey so potent a 
 decree, and they removed as they were bidden. But the 
 acquirement of their fields, so inexpensive at the begin- 
 ning, in the end cost very dear. From that moment, they 
 were ready to listen to the overtures of the French, and to 
 contemplate with no great displeasure the discomfiture of 
 both the Iroquois and the English. For it was not within 
 the bounds of human endurance unmoved to see their wives 
 and little ones starving by their side, and to feel themselves 
 the sharp pangs of poverty and famine, while the whites v;ere 
 feasting on the fatness of their ancient inheritance. It is use- 
 less to tell a rudely-reasoning and famishing barbarian, or, 
 for the matter of that, a sage philosopher in the same condi- 
 tion, as did the deputies of the Six Nations at Philadelphia, 
 that he or his ancestors had long ago sold the millions of 
 acres along the Delaware, which they once occupied ; and had 
 enjoyed the full benefit of the ' two guns, six stroud-water 
 coats, six blankets, six duffel watch-coats, and four kettles,' 
 that were said to have been paid to them by William 
 Penn.^ An undisciplined feeling of natural equity, stimulated 
 perhaps by hunger, advised them that such a price, if the 
 story of its ever having been paid at all were true, was a 
 poor compensation for the abandonment of a region 
 abounding at the time in game and jdelding ready crops 
 of maize and pumpkins, for their new and dreary homes. 
 Conrad Weiser, that strange compound, to whom Indian 
 
 ' Thomson, p. 45. ' Ibid, p. 19.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 71 
 
 life and the Indian tongue were perhaps more fiimihar than 
 English, gives a piteous account of their condition in the 
 winter of 1737, when he passed from Tulpehocking in 
 Pennsylvania on his way to New York. Scattered through 
 the forests, they would fix their camps near a grove of 
 sugar-maple trees, the juice of which constituted the only 
 magazine of food upon which they could with any certainty 
 rely. Here the children searched along the loAvlands and 
 the banks of streams for nuts and esculent roots, ^ or 
 crowded weeping with their mothers around the traveller, 
 in whose exhausted pouch yet remained a few crumbs of 
 corn-meal. A handful of maize steeped in a pot of ash- lye 
 to make a kind of soup, constituted to them a most luxu- 
 rious but unwonted dish. In the meantime, the husbands 
 and fathers of the party, disdaining to rob their flimilies 
 of the miserable pittance which preserved them from death 
 though not from starving, would range for weeks at a time 
 through all the region between the Shamokin and the 
 upper waters of the Susquehannah in fruitless search of 
 game. By day he scouted through the dense spruce- 
 forests, beneath those evergreen boughs which the sun's 
 rays rarely pierced ; every sense painfully on the alert lest 
 the tread of a deer or the distant flight of a mountain 
 grouse should escape his observation ; or lest, by a misstep, 
 he should be cast headlong down some precipitous chasm, 
 or slipping between treacherous logs, be chilled in the icy 
 
 ' " The turkey-pea has a single stalk, grows to a height of eight or ten 
 inches, and bears a small pod. It is found in rich, loose soils; appears 
 among the first plants in the spring, and produces on the root small tubers 
 of the size of a hazel-nut, on which the turkeys feed. The Indians are 
 fond of, and collect them in considerable quantities." — Ilunfcr, 425.
 
 72 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 torrent of the dark, deei>flowing streams. Cold and 
 hungry, he would lie down at nightfall crouched beneath 
 a pile of boughs, the snow drifting the while in fierce 
 wreaths about his sleeping form; and in the morning 
 awake, stiff and cold, to find his fire still burning in the 
 hole, two or three feet deep, that it had melted during the 
 night in the snow. With returning light, the labors of the 
 chase are resumed. In vain he threads the Dia-dachlu or 
 Wandering River (as he named Lycoming Creek) ; its fords 
 at this season waist deep, its current swift and powerful 
 and icy cold ; or the fierce Oscohu, mountain-born, flowing 
 between fringing maples. Carefully avoiding the Aveird 
 ravine which superstition invested with mysterious horrors 
 as the home of the Otkon, an evil spirit who delighted in 
 blood and was only to be appeased by magical sacrifices, 
 he would shudderingly gaze from the brow of a distant hill 
 at the skulls wdiich, bleaching in the winter's storms, de- 
 clared at once the extent of the demon's power and the 
 place of his abode. Then turning to the north, he pene- 
 trates to the summit of the hill where, according to tradi- 
 tion, pumpkins, corn, and tobacco first grew for the benefit 
 of humanity; but only to find that they grew there no 
 longer. Exhausted and weary, the poor wretch turns his 
 face homewards, and with languid gait — sperans meliora 
 — seeks his camp by the water-side ; diverging perchance 
 on the way to visit the beaver-dam at the confluence 
 of the Towanda and Lycoming Creeks, where once 
 within his own memory many pipes of tobacco had been 
 smoked before " his grand-fathers the beavers." Now not 
 a sign of their presence remained. To supply the insatia-
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 73 
 
 ble maw of trafRc, not only the males of the colony, but 
 even the females, generally so sacred in the eyes of an 
 Indian, had long since yielded up their skins ; and the pool 
 was silent and unbroken. With a sinking heart he 
 invokes the Great Spirit to come to his relief lest he 
 perish, or to give him a reason why he and his people 
 should thus suffer ; and in a vision of the night, " when 
 deep sleep flilleth on men, fear comes upon him and 
 trembling which makes all his bones to shake." A spirit 
 passes before his face, and he hears the words of the 
 Manitou, pronouncing the doom of his race. Humbled 
 in soul, but callous through long endurance, he returns 
 empty-handed to his camp, happy if he finds there 
 some benevolent stranger, differing from his color in being 
 a Christian not only in name but in deed, who, as he 
 divides his few remaining ounces of corn-bread with 
 weeping, starving women and children, murmurs within 
 himself blessings on Plis name " who hath made in His 
 wisdom thistles to grow instead of barley in this land, and 
 the owners thereof to lose their life." ^ 
 
 ' There is not the least exaggeration in this sketch; every statement in 
 it is literally true. Vide Weiser's Narrative of a journey in 1737, pub- 
 lished in I. Coll. Penn. Hist. Soc., 17. In the revelation referred to, God 
 declared to the Indians: You inquire after the cause why game has hecome 
 scarce. I will tell you. You Jdll if for the sake of the sicins, ivhich you 
 (jive for strong liquor, and droion your senses and kill one another, and 
 carry on a dreadful debauchery. Tlierefore have I driven the loild animals 
 out of the country, for they are mine. If you will do good and cease from 
 your sins, I icill bring them back. If not, I will destroy you from of the 
 earth. Weiser asked if they put faith in this vision. " They answered, 
 yes ; some believed it would happen so : others also believed it, but gave 
 themselves no concern about it. Time will show, said they, what is to 
 happen to us. Rum will kill us, and leave the land clear for the Europeans 
 without strife or purchase."
 
 74 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 How changed was the Indian's condition since fifty 
 years before ! Then, save his own domestic broils, he had 
 no enemies to contend with. Game was not slaughtered 
 for the skin only, and food was therefore comparatively 
 abundant. The twanging bow-string then answered all his 
 purposes of destruction; the detonations of musketry had 
 not yet broken the silence of his hunting-grounds o,nd 
 frightened off both bird and beast, and they were therefore 
 easily accessible. Above all, rum, that scourge of the red 
 race, was not familiar to his taste, and he was therefore 
 indejoendent. Cruel he was, and revengeful; and his 
 social condition was marked with all those blemishes which 
 almost jDrevent our regretting the means by which he has 
 been destroyed in the reflection of the utter worthlessness 
 of his existence to the rest of the world : but we must not 
 forget that, so far as he was concerned, his lot was only 
 injured by the approach of civilization. Now, he is van- 
 ished ; passed away, with all his atrocious faults and noble 
 virtues, from the memory of the land, like a hideous 
 dream : then, he was its owner, its master, and was happy. 
 The Indian has no original wants that civilization can 
 gratify ; no aspirations that barbarism cannot fulfil. His 
 fields are tilled by the woman with whom he vouchsafes 
 to share his couch ; his lodge is raised upon poles hewed 
 from the nearest forest, and covered with the spoils of the 
 chase ; his most glorious furniture is the scalps that dry in 
 the smoke of his wigwam. His ornaments are arms, his 
 pastime is war; his highest luxury consists in repletion. 
 What to him are the rich marts of commerce, the narrow 
 streets, the busy hum of crowded cities !
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 75 
 
 Coarse are his meals — the fortune of the chase; 
 Amidst the running stream he slakes his thirst; 
 Toils all the day, and at th' approach of night, 
 On the first friendly bank ho throws him down, 
 Or rests his head upon a rock till morn : 
 Then rises fresh, pursues his wonted game ; 
 And if, the following day, he chance to find 
 A new repast, or an untasted spring, 
 Blesses his stars, and thinks it luxury. 
 
 A glance, now, at the character and condition of the 
 white settlers of those days, will not be out of place ; and 
 so different were they from the people of this generation; 
 that the sketch may not be uninteresting. The diversity 
 of national origin of the early population of Pennsylvania 
 has already been noticed : there was a still greater differ- 
 ence in their intellectual and moral developments. Set- 
 ting aside the shoals of convicts turned loose upon its 
 borders from the English gaols, there were hundreds of 
 other colonists arriving every year, whose presence, though 
 necessary, perhaps, to the ultimate prosperity of the grow- 
 ing State, could not have been calculated to promote the 
 immediate refinement and elevation of its character. In 
 every colony there must be a class of settlers who shall 
 there serve the same purpose as Linnaeus beautifully attri- 
 butes to the lichens and mosses of the physical world, 
 when he aptly describes them as the bond-slaves of 
 nature : they must form, upon the yet wild and unseated 
 rock, the earliest soil from which, in time, the choicest of 
 Nature's creations shall spring. Individuals must fall, and 
 die, and be forgotten, as the leaves in the forest, their 
 remains commingling with the mother earth, through long 
 and tedious time, ere the solitude and gloom of the wil-
 
 76 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 derness shall give place to the temples of luxury and civi- 
 lization. Thus it is ever in this world ; each man, each 
 plant, each insect, living or dying, has a part to play, 
 a place to fill. Change, eternal change, the imperish- 
 able secret of Nature, is the only immutable measure of 
 all her laws. 
 
 It is not designed in this place to dwell -upon the parti- 
 cular establishments that were from time to time made by 
 English, Scotch-Irish, or Germans, in the various parts of 
 the province ; but a few words respecting their distinctive 
 characters will be of service as tending to show the causes 
 of the conduct and sentiment of the people under peculiar 
 circumstances. In each of these classes were to be found 
 men of education, intelligence, and virtue. The English 
 naturally preponderated in characters of this stamp. The 
 amiable, honest, l^enevolent followers of Penn, who flocked 
 to the shores of the Delaware as to a haven of refuge, 
 comprehended within their ranks a degree of mental and 
 moral cultivation which would have reflected credit upon 
 any people in the world ; the wealth, too, of the province, 
 and the control of the Assembly, were chiefly in their hands. 
 Other English, of various denominations, were to be found, 
 not inferior in station or capacity to the discijoles of Fox ; 
 and although, at one time or another, the Presbyterians 
 thought themselves neglected, or the churchmen took 
 umbrage at the Quaker rule, yet, on the whole, we may 
 safely conclude that there has rarely been an instance of 
 religious power having been used with so much mildness. 
 Certainly, had the societies of either the Church of Eng- 
 land or the Westminster Assembly been in the position of
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 77 
 
 the Quakers, there is no reason to believe they would have 
 acted with a like tolerance to their fellow-citizens, while 
 the poor Indian would have suffered terribly in the ex- 
 change. 
 
 The Scotch-Irish, as they were called, were emigrants 
 from the northern part of the sister-kingdom, descendants 
 of the Scottish colonies planted there by Cromwell. They 
 were a hardy, brave, hot-headed race ; excitable in temper, 
 unrestrainable in passion, invincible in prejudice. Their 
 hand opened as impetuously to a friend as it clenched 
 against an enemy. They loathed the Pope as sincerely as 
 they venerated Calvin or Knox ; and they did not parti- 
 cularly respect the Quakers. If often rude and lawless, it 
 was partly the fault of their position. They hated the 
 Indian, while they despised him ; and it does not seem, in 
 their dealings with this race, as though there were any 
 sentiments of honor or magnanimity in their bosoms that 
 could hold way against the furious tide of passionate, blind 
 resentment. Impatient of restraint, rebellious against any- 
 thing that in their eyes bore the semblance of injustice, 
 we find these men readiest among the ready on the battle- 
 fields of the revolution. If they had faults, a lack of 
 patriotism or of courage was not among the number. 
 
 We have already alluded to a lawless settlement of the 
 Germans upon the Susquehannah ; and indeed the pro- 
 vince soon became a chosen harbor for these people, who 
 appear to have migrated from Germany in very much the 
 same sort as they do at this day. The Avanderers were 
 generally of the lower orders — peasants, mechanics, or 
 sometimes small farmers or tradesmen. Selling their use-
 
 78 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 less possessions at home, they would embark together in 
 droves for the promised land. Many were so poor (and 
 not of the Germans alone, but of all nations emigrating to 
 America), that it was a very customary thing for a pas- 
 senger to sell his or her labor for a term of years to the 
 captain of the vessel as a payment for the passage. These 
 the captain, upon his arrival, would in turn dispose of to 
 inhabitants of the province. Thus as slaves, or servants 
 for a fixed period, the unfortunate emigrants wore on their 
 life of toil. 
 
 More fortunate were many who had not found a neces- 
 sity of resort to this shift ; but brought with them to the 
 New World, if little pecuniary wealth, at least free limbs. 
 These, adhering together in a foreign land, preserved their 
 language and national characteristics for a surprisingly 
 long period. Phlegmatic, parsimonious, industrious, and 
 honest, their constant care was to accumulate wealth and 
 to avoid disturbance. Being chiefly of the inferior classes 
 at home, the first German settlers were not remarkable 
 for any very elevated notions either in religion or politics ; 
 nor, indeed, is it a matter for surprise, that among all the 
 frontier settlers (to whom, as a class, the remarks which 
 are now being made are generally applicable), a higher 
 value should be set on physical than on mental endow- 
 ments; on skill in hunting, or the practical arts of daily 
 life, and bravery in war, than on any polite accomplish- 
 ments or taste in the fine arts. 
 
 Thus, many of the vulgar superstitions which had at 
 one time held a place in the minds of the highest classes 
 of the Old World, and which were still nourished among
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 79 
 
 its peasantry, were transplanted to the wildernesses of 
 America. Here, in the gloomy, silent shadows of a virgin 
 forest, whose solitude was as yet uncheered by the mur- 
 murs of the honey-bee or the pleasant warbling of singing- 
 birds — those invariable attendants upon the axe of the 
 woodsman — the nightly howling of the dog, Avho bayed at 
 the moon; the shrill, startling whoop of the owl, from 
 some stridulous bough overhanging his camp-fire and bend- 
 ing to the evening breeze ; the sinister croak of the raven, 
 perched on the hollow oak, were notes of prophetic woe 
 that filled the bosom of the pioneer with dismal fore- 
 bodings.^ In dreams, he foresaw the good or ill success of 
 his undertakings; and after the fashion of the ancients, 
 prosperity or misfortune would appear to him in the sem- 
 blance of a female form. Over the low door of the Ger- 
 man's cottage one would be sure to find nailed the horse- 
 shoe, fatal to witches; and love-S2)ells and barbarous 
 charms against the dangers of the field were familiar to 
 their lips. Absurd incantations were held in supreme 
 repute as infallible remedies for hemorrhage, toothache, or 
 the fatal battle-stroke; nor was a belief in witches and 
 ghosts yet banished from the popular faith. The silver 
 bullet, however, was rarely found necessary for the over- 
 throw of a witch. The German who suspected his fire- 
 place of being a resort for such characters, readily expelled 
 them by burning alive a young dog or two therein. Nor 
 did the black cat, that old companion of sorcery, escape 
 
 ' Ante sinistra cava monuisset ab ilice cornix. — Virgil. The reader 
 ■will call to iinnd Tally's veneration for the same omen. Non temere est 
 quod corvus cantat mihi nunc ab IcCva nianu. — Cic. de Divin. 1.
 
 80 INTRODUCTORYMEMOIR."" 
 
 unscathed ; but, earless and tailless, wandered through the 
 neighborhood, a monument of the use to which its blood 
 had been put in the treatment of St. Anthony's fire.' 
 
 But recently escaped from the galling oppression of their 
 ancestral homes, the German settlers were as little disposed 
 as able to yield a perfect obedience to the minor require- 
 ments of laws of which they neither understood the lan- 
 guage nor comprehended the objects ; and from their own 
 lips we learn how, as of old, when in Israel there was no 
 king, every man did in those days what seemed good in 
 his own eyes.^ And if any reliance is to be placed upon 
 the testimony of competent and intelligent witnesses, the 
 earliest German colonists evinced, in the hour of necessity, 
 a conduct which shows very clearly how vague was their 
 comprehension of the new duties they had assumed. In 
 1753, Franklin, writing to Peter CoUinson, declared that 
 the Germans in Pennsylvania, being generally the most 
 ignorant of their own countrymen, were perfectly intoxi- 
 cated with the unwonted possession of a political power : 
 which they exercised, even upon their own preachers, with 
 equal bigotry and tyranny. Keeping apart from the Eng- 
 lish, they preserved with tenacity the usages of their 
 native land. Their conversation was carried on in Ger- 
 man ; their children were educated in ignorance of any 
 
 ' I cite almost the very words of the intelligent and pious Joseph Dod- 
 dridge, D.D. ; a backwoodsman by birth, who lived and died among the 
 people he taught. His Notes of (he Settkmevt, &c., of the Western Paris 
 of Virginia and Pennst/hania (Wellsburgh, Va , 1824), is one of the 
 most interesting works we have upon the subject, and will be often refeiTed 
 to in tliis volume. 
 
 ^ Conrad Weiser, Coll. Pcnn. Hist. Soc., A'^ol. I., p. 3. Doddridge, 
 pp. 23, 152, 166, &c.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 81 
 
 other tongue ; their books, their newspapers, their deeds 
 and legal instruments even, were in German. 
 
 " The French/' continues he, " who watch all advan- 
 tages, are now themselves making a German settlement 
 back of us in the Illinois country, and by means of these 
 Germans they may in time come to a good understanding 
 with ours ; and, indeed, in the last war the Germans showed 
 a general disposition that seemed to bode us no good. For, 
 when the English, w^ho were not Quakers, alarmed by the 
 danger arising from the defenceless state of our country, 
 entered unanimously into an association, and within this 
 government and the lower counties raised, armed, and 
 disciplined near ten thousand men, the Germans, except a 
 very few in proportion to their number, refused to engage 
 in it ; giving out, one amongst another, and even in print, 
 that if they were quiet the French, should they take the 
 country, would not molest them ; at the same time abusing 
 the Philadelphians for fitting out privateers against the 
 enemy ; and representing the trouble, hazard, and expense 
 of defending the province as a greater inconvenience than 
 any that might be expected from a change of govern- 
 ment." ' 
 
 ' Sparks's Franklin, Vol. VII., p. 71. In 1755, Franklin energetically 
 addressed the British public in favor of excluding any more Germans from 
 the colonies. "■ Since detachments of English from Britain sent to 
 America," said he, "will have their places at home so soon supplied, and 
 increase so largely here, why should the Palatine boors be suifered to 
 swarm into our settlements, and by herding together establish their language 
 and manners, to the exclusion of ours?" XXV. Gent. Mag., 485. 
 That the intelligent and educated portion of the German population did 
 not clearly comprehend and honestly conform to the requirements of their 
 novel condition, is not insinuated : yet, even in 1754, when Henry Muhlen- 
 
 6
 
 82 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 It is not with any desire to cast unmerited reproach 
 upon the character of any people that these remarks are 
 offered : the investigation has been made purely in a spirit 
 of seeking after historical truth, where the student can 
 never be considered at liberty to disregard the evidences 
 that stare him in the face. But, after all, nothing that has 
 been said is in conflict with the usual course of human 
 nature. Many of the earliest settlers were doubtless in 
 some respects better men than their descendants ; but they 
 were still far from being perfect. They were not less 
 governed by circumstances than human beings usually 
 are : their j udgment was as likely to err, or be warped by 
 passion. If the Quakers were sincere, pious, and benevo- 
 lent, it does not follow that they should be willing to 
 consent to what they conceived to be an unfair system of 
 taxation : if the Germans were frugal and industrious, it 
 does not necessarily involve the fact that they should wipe 
 out in a moment from their minds the memory of the 
 distant homes they had just left; or that they should 
 enter, heart and soul, into the merits of a controversy in 
 which they had no previous interest. It was natural 
 enough, then, that they should be indisposed to peril their 
 new-born independence and scanty fortunes in a quarrel 
 between George and Louis; being utterly indifferent 
 whether either succeeded, so long as they themselves 
 might enjoy repose. But when they conceived it neces- 
 
 bcrg and a number of the most influential and respected Germans in the 
 province (men of pure hearts, unblemished lives, and pious souls), addressed 
 themselves to Gov. Morris, loyally pledging their fidelity to the King, they 
 admit that there were '' a few ignorant, unmannerly people lately come 
 amongst us," who entertained contrary sentiments. 11. Penn. Arch., 201.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 83 
 
 sary to fight, the Germans acted with ample spirit, as was 
 abundantly testified in the war of the Revolution. 
 
 But while the masses of the people sought homes in 
 regions yet unsettled, they generally kept the frontier lines 
 considerably before them. Along the borders, however, 
 was to be found a population consisting indifferently of the 
 children of every nation, but uniting here in habits and 
 customs peculiarly their own. Wherever a fertile bottom 
 was spread along the banks of the stream, or a warm, 
 sheltered champaign stretched beneath the covert of a 
 range of hills, the steady, monotonous fall of the woods- 
 man's axe would soon be heard through the long morning 
 hours. Presently a dull crash would echo through the 
 forest, as some monarch of the grove fell prostrate, to rise 
 no more. Ere long, the circle of the sky would begin to 
 expand above the spot, and the sunlight, for the first time 
 during untold ages, bathe the earth beneath in a continuous 
 flood of warmth and brightness. A deadening once made, 
 a few acres of rustling corn would raise their heads and 
 reveal their golden treasures to the autumnal wind ; while 
 all around, mute mourners at the scene, tall, ghostly trees, 
 the springs of whose life had been destroyed by the girdling 
 axe, exalted their phantom forms and stretched sadly forth 
 their skeleton arms.^ Vainly they yearned for the nymph, 
 
 ' A deadening, in the rustic patois of Pennsylvania, signifies the effect 
 produced on the trees by girdling, or cutting a ring about their trunks. 
 The bark being thus completely severed, the sap ceases to communicate, 
 and the tree loses all its foliage and soon dies. A clearing, according to 
 the same authority, denotes a spot where the forest is cut down, and nothing 
 but the stumps remain. The ghastly aspect of the former process would 
 doubtless render it objectionable to the eyes of a landscape gardener; but
 
 84 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the tutelary divinity of their shade. Still deeper in the 
 forest gloom, by some distant spring or lonely mountain 
 tarn, the homeless Dryad bewailed the leafy shrine which 
 she should see no more. 
 
 During the dull, dark days of early winter or approach- 
 ing spring, the smoke of the consuming dead trees mounted 
 slowly on the air and lost itself in the cold grey above. 
 But when summer returned, the settler would find perhaps 
 a score of like clearings going on around him ; and as many 
 evening fire-sides welcomed the return of autumn. It did 
 not take long to build a house in those days. Logs were 
 felled and hewed of the proper length, and arranged with 
 friendl}' aid into the frame-work of a one-roomed log-cabin. 
 A roof of puncheons, rudely shaped with the broad-axe, 
 was placed upon it, and an outside chimney of stone and 
 sticks, filled in with clay, adorned one end of the edifice. 
 The interstices between the logs were then plastered up 
 with mud and moss : a door, and an aj)erture for a window 
 added, and, if the building were a luxurious one, a pun- 
 cheon floor : and the house was done. A block or two 
 served for stools ; a broad slab of timber for a table ; a rude 
 frame-work for a couch. Here in one chamber would sleep 
 all the family — men, women, and children, married or 
 single, young or old : here was their kitchen ; here did they 
 eat. In some more elegant establishments, a double-cabin, 
 or even a loft, was to be found. A few wooden bowls and 
 
 none such were probably to be found in the backwoods ; and the facility 
 with which a tract could thus be prepared for agricultural purposes, was no 
 small inducement to the settler. A good woodsman will soon deaden a 
 number of acres, which by the next seed-time will be ready for cultivation.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 85 
 
 trenchers, some spoons carved from a horn, a calabash and 
 an iron pot, with two or three forks and knives, completed 
 the simple furniture. China, or even ordinary delf-ware, 
 was unknown in those times ; a few pack-horses in their 
 annual journey Avere the only means of communication 
 with the sea-board. For food, the chief reliance was upon 
 the product of the chase, the corn, pumpkins, and potatoes 
 which were cultivated upon the little farm, and the invar 
 riable dish of pork. No settler was without his drove of 
 swine ; and ^' hog and hommony " is still a jDroverbial ex- 
 pression for western fare. Their cows yielded them milk ; 
 and corn-meal, either ground by hand or pounded in a. 
 wooden mortar, furnished their only bread. In times of 
 scarcity, such as were of too frequent occurrence, when 
 the granary was exhausted, the children were comforted 
 Avitli lean venison under the name of bread, till a new 
 harvest should come around. 
 
 Nor was their costume less primitive than their diet. 
 Petticoats and dresses of linsey-woolsey (a cloth, home- 
 woven, of wool and flax) filled the wardrobe of the 
 country maiden, innocent, save on state occasions, of super- 
 fluous shoes and stockings ; while the men were clad in a 
 coarse linsey or buckskin hunting-shirt, with breeches, leg- 
 gins, and moccasins. Their cattle were of too much value 
 living, to be slaughtered either for their flesh or their 
 skins, and the hide of the wild deer, tanned by their own 
 hands, was compelled to supply the place of leather. 
 Hardy as they were, however, the first settlers suffered 
 greatly from the inclemencies of the weather; against 
 which neither their clothing nor their dwellings afforded a
 
 86 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 sufficient protection. The seasons were then far more severe 
 than, even in the same country, they are at present. The 
 summers were shorter, and more damp and cold ; the win- 
 ters earher, and more stern. Rheumatic affections, and 
 the usual train of disorders consequent upon exposure, 
 were common afflictions ; and doubtless owing to the ex- 
 treme ignorance which prevailed in matters of medical sci- 
 ence, there were very many lives needlessly sacrificed from 
 a want of proper treatment. 
 
 But, after their own fashion, they were a happy race, 
 these backwoodsmen. Reckless of future danger, uncon- 
 scious of prospective woe, they lived very much in the 
 present. Full of animal spirits, the blood coursing through 
 their veins under spur of the excitement of a constant 
 peril, that at bed or at board, at seed-time and in the 
 harvest-field, was ever by their side, they embarked eagerly 
 in every homely sport or rustic revelry. The most unar- 
 tificial frolic Avas partaken of with a zest that would 
 astonish the tranquil tastes of one bred among more civi- 
 lized scenes. Athletic games — wrestling, running, or shoot- 
 ing at a mark — were the friendly arenas wherein each 
 strove to bear away an honorable fame. The boys were 
 taught to throw the tomahawk with unerring aim ; to imi- 
 tate the cries of the creatures of the forest with a fidelity 
 that would deceive the most practised ear, or to properly 
 wield a rifle. Other education they rarely had; for no 
 school-house, for many long years to come, was destined to 
 raise its low roof among them ; no church, no clergyman 
 taught them to think of higher aims. Sunday came, 
 indeed, a day of rest for the weary, but a day of mirth and
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 87 
 
 amusement to the young and gay ; nor was it, with all, 
 distinguished in even this extent from the other days of 
 the week. Yet it must not be supposed that it found the 
 people plunged in dishonorable vice or excessive immo- 
 rality. On the contrary, they were perhaps less so than 
 the inhabitants of many Christian cities. Profane they 
 undoubtedly were; in their most ordinary conversation, 
 " they clothed themselves with curses as with a garment," 
 and, in the gust of passion, were careless of the destruction 
 of limb or life. But lying and cheating were abhorred 
 among them, and a coward was the scorn of the commu- 
 nity. Their sons were brave and their daughters were 
 virtuous. The loss of female chastity was a calamity that 
 involved dishonor ; and instances of its violation or seduc- 
 tion were of rare occurrence, and usually swiftly and 
 bloodily revenged. Seldom was it for other cause than 
 a family feud that a youthful couple found any impedi- 
 ment in the path to matrimony; and such dissensions 
 were not likely to endure in a neighborhood bound toge- 
 tlier in a common danger. Indeed, the gaiety it produced 
 was frequently a sufficient inducement for a young man, 
 able to support her, to take unto himself a wife. Then 
 the whole country-side would assemble at the bride's 
 dwelling, and, with copious libations of whiskey, in which 
 the happy pair set them the example, exhaust the night 
 in merriment and sport. To the scraping of an old violin, 
 four-handed reels or Virginia jigs would endure till morn- 
 ing dawned or the performer's strength failed him. As 
 evening wore on, the blushing fair, with her lover by her 
 side, would clamber up the ladder which led from the
 
 88 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 lower chamber, filled with a boisterous crowd, to the loft 
 above, where the nujDtial couch was spread ; and at a later 
 hour, a substantial meal of pork, cabbage, and whiskey 
 would be served up to them in their privacy. Preposterous 
 as all this appears at this day, it was then the custom of 
 the country, and as such, honored in the observance. 
 
 The most important feature of a new settlement, was, 
 however, its Fort. This was simply a place of resort for 
 the people when the Indians were expected, and consisted 
 of a range of contiguous log cabins, protected by a stockade 
 and perhaps a blockhouse or two. It was chiefly in the 
 summer and fall that the approach of the savage was to be 
 dreaded ; and at this season families in exposed positions 
 were compelled to leave their farms and remove with their 
 furniture to the fort. Parties of armed men would sally 
 out by day, and in turn cultivate each plantation, with 
 scouts at a distance to warn them of the presence of the 
 foe. Every precaution that the swarthy warrior himself 
 could adopt was resorted to by his no less wily antagonist. 
 The earth beneath, the bushes around, the skies above, 
 were carefully interrogated ; and a broken twig, the impress 
 of a moccasined foot upon the dewy sod, or a distant 
 column of smoke faintly ascending to the heavens, were 
 infallible " Indian signs " to the uneasy husband or father. 
 Then women and children would be quickly brought 
 within shelter ; cattle and furniture placed in safety, and 
 a few of the most adventurous spirits thrown out to 
 observe or interrupt the progress of the suspected danger. 
 But let the panic once spread, and the alarm of a general 
 Indian onslaught along the frontiers get headway, and in
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 89 
 
 a moment plantations and settlements were abandoned. 
 The popular terror, like wildfire, commmiicating to every 
 quarter, would crowd the inland towns with anxious, care- 
 worn faces, and leave to the torch of the invader the 
 scenes of their late prosperity. But occasions such as 
 these, were, fortunately, not frequent ; and when the snows 
 of winter had begun to fall, and the improvident savage 
 could no longer find sustenance in the fields tilled by his 
 wife's hoe, he was conceived to have occupation enough in 
 the quest of game and in endeavoring to avoid starvation ; 
 and all fear of an attack faded away. Then the settler, 
 ensconced once more in his own cottage, would linger over 
 the fire during the long winter evenings, framing articulate 
 sounds in the wild wailings of the northern blast, that 
 piled up the deep snow-drift against his wooden walls, or 
 striving to decypher the phantasmagoria which played 
 among the lingering embers. Perchance the fierce bowl- 
 ings of a distant wolf would call his thoughts to his own 
 fold; and floundering through the snow, he would sally 
 forth into the darkness to assure himself that his treasured 
 herds were in safety. Shaking the white masses from his 
 burly form, he would soon resume his station by the ample 
 hearth, and 
 
 In social scenes of gay delight 
 Beguile the dreary winter night. 
 
 Some simple story of the cliase, or a yet more thrilling 
 tale of personal adventure, would arise. With open ears 
 and busy hands the little family would gather around or 
 within the roaring chimney ; one boy mending the lock of
 
 90 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 a gun, another adjusting the barb of an arrow or the 
 spring of a trap, and sighing for the day when he too 
 might bear a rifle and be acknowledged a man — 
 
 "When young and old in circle 
 
 Around the firebrands close; 
 When the girls are weaving baskets 
 
 And the lads are shaping bows : 
 
 the sire would, for the hundredth time perhaps, narrate to 
 unwearied ears some ancient fable of far beyond sea : of 
 knights and giants, and beauteous ladies ravished from 
 their bowers ; or, with innumerable variations of incident, 
 recite his valiant deeds who conquered Cormoran. Then, 
 from some half-lit corner, where the flickering flame from 
 the hearth (their only light), shaped monstrous, grotesque 
 shadows on the irregular log-walls, the sound of female 
 voices would rise ; and to the monotonous accompaniment 
 of the unceasing shuttle, would be sung in low, subdued 
 tones a ballad of '' bold Robin Hood that merrye outlawe;" 
 whose deeds furnished to these people the staple of their 
 poetry. Little skill or art was necessary to please a 
 willing ear : 
 
 They chaut their artless notes in simple guise; 
 They tune their hearts, by far the noblest aim : 
 
 and the cruelties of Barbara Allen, or the plaintive strains 
 of ' Willow, willow, willow,' were enough to excite every 
 emotion that these rough breasts could feel. Such ballads 
 were naively enough, but not unaptly, styled ' love-songs 
 about murder.' ' 
 
 ' Doddridge, from whom the above sketch is faithfully drawn, gives a 
 singular description of the garb which the young men sometimes assumed
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 91 
 
 Such as has been described is a fair picture of the 
 domestic scenery of the various portions of the land in the 
 middle of the last century. On the one hand were the 
 Anglo-Americans, eagerly j)ushing forward their borders, 
 careless of the lowering brows or half-uttered threats of 
 the Indians ; on the other were savage tribes who had 
 little love for the French, it is true, but whose dis23ositions 
 were ripe for trouble with the English. So deeply rooted, 
 indeed, was the lurking disaffection towards their ancient 
 allies, that so early as 1744, the Iroquois hjid warned the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania that in the event of another 
 French war the Delawares and Shawanoes would inevita- 
 bly be found in the ranks of the enemy. The latter had 
 in fact for many years previously spared no j)ains to bring 
 the Shawanoes into their interest.^ 
 
 Nevertheless, the presence of the French upon the Ohio 
 was exceedingly unwelcome to all the Indian nations. The 
 Iroquois, as Avell as the Delawares and Shawanoes, made 
 some overtures, in 1753, of removing by force of arms the 
 jDarty under M. de Contrecoeur, after two separate messages 
 had been vainly sent to persuade him to withdraw : and a 
 
 in times of Indian excitement. It consisted simply of a pair of moccasins, 
 leggins that reached to the thigh, and a breech-cloth twisted through a belt 
 so as to suffer a skirt some eight or nine inches broad to fall down before 
 and behind. The body, embarrassed by perhaps as scanty clothing as has 
 been worn since the days of Adam, wa,s thus perfectly free for action. 
 "The young warrior," continues the worthy divine, "instead of being 
 abashed by this nudity, was proud of his Indian-like dress. In some few 
 instances, I have seen them go into places of public worship in this dress. 
 Their appearance, however, did not add much to the devotion of the young 
 ladies." 
 
 ' Votes of Pcnn. Assembly, Vol. III., p. 555. Thomson, pp. 55, 25.
 
 92 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 deputation was despatched to Virginia and Pennsylvania 
 to desire the countenance of those provinces in the antici- 
 pated troubles and to put matters on a right footing between 
 all parties. At Carlisle they met the provincial commis- 
 sioners, whom they urgently pressed to call back the whites 
 already settled on the western side of the Alleghanies, 
 where as yet the Indians had sold not a foot of land. ^ And 
 though nothing came of this temper, which, if properly 
 managed, might have been used to immense advantage by 
 the English, yet it serves to show how powerfully old pre- 
 dilections and national traditions conspired to make these 
 people still disposed to friendship with the English and 
 hatred to the French. But, as has been well observed, 
 the Indian is to a certain extent a venal character. The 
 nature of his existence had by this time compelled him to 
 look to the whites for powder and ball; for rum and tobacco; 
 for blankets and vermilion. The simj^le weapons of 
 other days were no longer sufficient to enable him to pur- 
 sue successfully his prey. Unless he would starve, he 
 must resort to the store-houses of the trader; and once 
 there, soft words and flattering gifts would be very apt to 
 bring his will into the control of the donor. The lustre 
 of the benefaction last received seldom fails to obscure all 
 that preceded it ; and like a child with a new toy, he loses 
 all appreciation of former favors in the contemplation of 
 his present enjoyment. In this manner the French worked 
 upon the savages who visited them at Fort Du Quesne. 
 The needy warrior, who went empty-handed, would return 
 
 ' Thomson, p. 73.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 93 
 
 to Ins companions gratified with a new blanket, gun and 
 ammunition, and flaunting in the unwonted attire of a 
 laced coat and hat and a shirt streaming with ribbons. 
 Then he would contrast the generosity of the French with 
 the niggardliness of the English ; and the event would be 
 that his fellows would all hasten to participate in the pre- 
 cious harvest that awaited them.' The Canadian govern- 
 ment certainly dealt with an open hand; in this respect 
 possessing an immense advantage over its rivals, whose 
 bounty, diluted through a dozen provinces, could never be 
 brought to bear on a given point with the same efficacy 
 that attended the operations of one centralized power. 
 
 What finally tended perhaps more than anything else to 
 alienate the Indians of Western Pennsylvania from the 
 people of that province was the injudicious conduct of the 
 proprietary commissioners at the Congress of Albany, wdiere, 
 on the 19th of June, 1754, all the English colonies were 
 
 ' The two Ohio journals of Post exhibit very strongly this feature of 
 Indian character. In the one, just such a scene as is above described was 
 enacted ; poor Post himself being compelled to bear the odium of his em- 
 ployer's meanness. But by and by the tide changed ; the stock at the fort 
 perhaps ran low, and the bribes of the English told powerfully on the 
 savages; and Post made a second journey to endeavor to detach them from 
 the service of the enemy. Then he found the tables turned; nor could 
 even the presence of the French captain restrain the expressions of con- 
 tempt with which the chieftains spoke of him. " He has boasted much 
 of his fighting," said they; ''now let us see his fighting. We have often 
 ventured our lives for him, and had scarcely a loaf of bread when we came 
 to him, and now he thinks we should jump to serve him." It must not be 
 forgotten that it was to the presents and kind words of the Quakers, who 
 first set on foot these negotiations, that the merit of prevailing upon the 
 Indians to leave unopposed General Forbes's route to Fort Du Quesne, and 
 the consequent fall of that important post, are justly due.
 
 94 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 actually or constructively represented/ and where the Six 
 Nations were present to join in the deliberations concerning 
 their common interests. In their warrant for convening 
 this Congress, it is gratifying to observe how clearly some 
 of the causes of Indian discontent were comprehended by 
 the Lords of Trade ; and how alive they were to the 
 critical condition of the English interest. Smooth words 
 and liberal gifts are recommended as a cure for past sor- 
 rows ; and it was most imperatively urged that the allegations 
 of fraudulent occujDation of their land should be promptly 
 and satisfactorily investigated. Liberal gifts, too, were 
 sent from the Crown to buy the good-will of its dangerous 
 allies.^ On this occasion the Six Nations (claiming, it will 
 be recollected, to be the absolute proprietors of the country 
 in question, as well as protectors of their weaker nephews, 
 the Delawares), made a forcible reply to the reproach by 
 the Commissioners that the French had been permitted to 
 build forts on the Ohio. Old Hendrick, that doughty 
 Mohawk warrior (who the next year sealed with his life 
 his devotion to the English by the pleasant waters of 
 Horicon), answered that the conduct of the French had 
 received no favor at their hands : " The Governor of 
 Virginia and the Governor of Canada," said he, " are both 
 
 ' Commissioners from all the New England colonies, from New York, 
 Pennsylvania and Delaware, and Maryland, were in attendance ; and Vir- 
 ginia and Carolina desired to be considered as present. II. Doe. Hist. 
 N. Y., 330. 
 
 '^ VI. Col. Rec, 14. And see the proceedings of this conference, as 
 preserved in the Johnson MSS., and published under the care of Dr. 
 O'Callaghan in the second volume of the Documentary History of New 
 York, p. 325.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 95 
 
 quarrelling about lands which belong to us : and such a 
 quarrel as this may end in our destruction. They fight 
 who shall have the land. The Governors of Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania have made paths through our country to 
 trade and build houses, without acquainting us with it. 
 They should first have asked our consent to build there, 
 as was done when Oswego was built." ^ 
 
 This statement of the old Mohawk, like many other 
 Indian speeches, was true but in part; and the commis- 
 sioners, in turn, while they confessed that they ever had, 
 and still acknowledged, the Ohio country to belong to the 
 red men, reminded them that for thirty years traders from 
 Pennsylvania had, without interruption, been in the custom 
 of visiting the tribes dwelling there. All that was now 
 intended, it was said, was to protect them in the free en- 
 joyment of their own property, and to drive away the 
 intruding Frenchman. By these speeches, and a judicious 
 distribution of gifts, their savage ire was so far subdued, 
 that ere the council closed some of the Six Nations were 
 actually prevailed upon to sell to the proprietaries of Penn- 
 sylvania all the land in controversy ! This fatal purchase, 
 comprehending about 7,000,000 acres, was bounded on the 
 north by a line to be drawn north-west by west from Sha- 
 mokin, on the Susquehannah, to Lake Erie ; on the east, 
 by the Susquehannah ; on the south and wxst, by the fur- 
 thest limits of the province. It included not only the 
 hunting-grounds of the Delawares, the Nanticokes, the 
 Tuteloes, and other lesser tribes, but the very villages of the 
 Shawanoes and Delawares, of the Ohio ; who could not yet 
 
 ■' II. Doc. Hist. N. Y., p. 338.
 
 96 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 have forgotten that, by precisely similar means, they had 
 been driven hither from their former homes ; and they now 
 were to anticipate nothing less than the same fate. It is 
 possible that there might have existed, in some age or 
 country, a race base enough to submit to these degrading 
 conditions ; but no sane man could have anticipated such 
 a tame surrender from the American savage. The tribes 
 actually dwelling there were not consulted in the business. 
 They had no deputies at the council to join in the sale ; 
 and the whole transaction was smuggled through in an 
 unjust, underhanded manner. The chiefs of the Iro- 
 quois who conducted it were not authorized to act for 
 their people in the premises ; and, when it came to light, 
 the negotiation was solemnly repudiated b}^ the Grand 
 Council of Onondaga.^ All their discontents thus fanned 
 into a flame, the Ohio Indians honorably determined to 
 fight to the last in defence of their liberties; and in 
 revenging this last and crowning outrage, to wipe away the 
 well-remembered wrongs, real and fancied, which had 
 rankled in their bosoms for years. For their own protec- 
 tion, the tribes, on the Susquehannah formed a league, 
 which was strengthened by daily accessions of straggling 
 families, scattered, as chance or fancy dictated, along the 
 brook-sides or under the edge of some forestrglade of that 
 umbrose, scaturiginous land. At the head of this federacy 
 was placed Tadeuskund, a Delaware chieftain, well known 
 in border history ; who, after dallying a space with either 
 party, finally yielded to the pressure of the times, and 
 
 ' Thomson, 77.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 97 
 
 joined with his race in the warfare against tlie English/ 
 What share the Iroquois had in bringing about this con- 
 juncture;, can never, it is probable, be with certainty known. 
 Zeisberger, in Ettwein's narrative, it is true, openly charges 
 the Six Nations with having secretly placed the hatchet 
 in the hands of the Delawares, bidding them to strike ; 
 and afterwards turning treacherously against them for this 
 very conduct.^ But perhaps a just version of the affair 
 would be to suppose that individual warriors of the Six 
 Nations, acting on their own impulses (which in many 
 instances were abundantly hostile to the English), egged 
 on the Ohio Indians and the rest to a step which was never 
 recommended by the confederates in their national capa- 
 city. Subsequently, the Iroquois reluctantly, but vigor- 
 ously, entered into the measures of Sir William Johnson, 
 and were of great service in the ensuing contest. 
 
 As ill-blood in the human system first discovers itself in 
 
 ' Thomson, 84. Heckewelder's Hist. Account of Indian Nations, 301. 
 The latter author would lead us to suppose that the Wyoming .chief never 
 actually took up arms ; but Thomson, who knew him well, is explicit on 
 this point; and in the political tract called the Plaindcalcr, No. III. (Phil., 
 1764), p. 14, is an undeniable instance of his prowess against the settlers 
 of Northampton County. A memoir of Tadeuskund, the last sagamore of 
 the Lenape, who remained east of the Alleghanies, whose consequence was 
 so great as to win him the title of the ''King of the Delawares," is given 
 iu Ileckewelder, i(f siq). lie was burned in his lodge, in the spring of 
 17G3. In the language of Uncas, that grandest of Cooj>er's portraitures, 
 " he lingered to die by the rivers of his nation, whose streams fell into the 
 sea. His eyes were on the rising, not on the setting sun." 
 
 ^ I. Bull. Hist. Soc. Penn., No. 3. The Rev. John Ettwein was a Mo- 
 ravian missionary for many years among the savages. He died a bishop of 
 that church, at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, in 1802, in the 73d year of his 
 age. Bev. David Zeisberger was a devout brother of the same order, who 
 went hand and soul with Ileckewelder in his heroic laboi-s.
 
 98 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 eruptions and disorders, the malignity and unfriendly dis- 
 positions of the border tribes soon began to be manifested 
 in preparations for war, in casual rencontres, and other 
 sporadic acts of violence. Then, indeed, the proprietary 
 government, having unavailingly sought, with insufficient 
 means, to appease the ire of the foes whom hitherto it had 
 looked on almost as subjects, vainly having tempted 
 them to 
 
 Unthread the rude eye of rebellion, 
 
 And welcome home again discarded Faith, 
 
 undertook, as to a court of last resort, to bring the delin- 
 quents before the tribunal of their lords, the Six Nations. 
 These, entering warmly into the merits of the case, peremp- 
 torily charged the Delawares to forthwith repent, while 
 yet there was time ; to lay aside their arms, and make 
 their peace for past offences : "Get sober," said they, in the 
 metaphorical manner of Indian speech ; " your actions 
 have been those of a drunken man." But the palmy days 
 of yore were gone, when the trembling Delaware stood 
 cowering, like a whipped hound, before the frown of an 
 Iroquois, and quaked to his inmost soul at the awful voice 
 of the undying fire. A blind, unhesitating submission to 
 the imperious, unreasonable mandates of the tribes that 
 had so long oppressed and insulted his nation, was no 
 longer written on his heart. He had resolved to throw off 
 the petticoat, and to again assume the proud rank of a 
 warrior of the once dreaded Lenni Lenape — '^a son of the 
 Groat Unamis ' — among the children of the forest;' and 
 
 ' The true title of the gallant tribe -whom we call the Delawares was 
 Lenni Lenape — ''original people" — for they claimed to be of the pure,
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 99 
 
 to the words of the Iroquois, he returned scoff for scoff and 
 scorn for scorn. '• We are men," said the tribes on the 
 Susquehannah to the deputies who had borne them the 
 injurious behests of the Six Nations; "we are men and 
 warriors. We will acknowledge no superiors upon earth. 
 We are men, and are determined to be no longer ruled 
 over by you as women. We are warriors, and are deter- 
 mined to cut off all the English save those that make their 
 escape from us in ships. So say no more to us on that 
 head, lest we make women of you as you have done of 
 us." ^ Their day of serfdom had gone by ; and from that 
 time forth, the Delawares were once more an independent 
 nation. Nothing could now be done with them by threats ; 
 but it was soon discovered that long habits of association 
 still preserved their effect ; and the friendly influence of 
 the Six Nations being led to bear on them by Sir William 
 Johnson, the best beloved of all the white men, they were 
 eventually brought into measures of peace. To follow 
 this theme further, would be to transcend the proper limits 
 of our narrative. Suffice it to observe here, that many of 
 the Iroquois themselves joined heart and hand in the ori- 
 ginal designs of the Delawares, and would never consent 
 to come into the national views of their own people. 
 
 unmixed race, with which the earth was first populated, and would proudly 
 boast, " We are the grandfathers of nations." The river whose banks was 
 their chosen seat they named the Lcnapcwiliittuck, or, " the rapid stream 
 of the Lenape.'' And when the English renominated it in honor of Lord 
 De la Warre, the people, with whose name its own was previously wedded, 
 were still continued in the same connection. Ileckewelder gives a most 
 interesting account of the history of the Lenape. 
 ' Thomson, 87.
 
 100 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Even while the Six Nations were openly at war with 
 the French, many of their warriors were in arms at Fort 
 Du Qiiesne against the English, and using all their influence 
 to bring other Indians into the same views. When the 
 Delawares began to waver in the hasty course they had 
 adopted; we find these men using every argument to hold 
 them firm ; and it is curious to observe with what con- 
 temptuous indifference the lately subservient, "petticoated" 
 Delaware had already begun to treat "their uncles the 
 Iroquois." When Post brought overtures to Logstown, 
 near Fort Du Quesne, the Delawares received him kindly ; 
 but one of the Iroquois who were there, an old Onondaga 
 warrior, bitterly resented his presence. " I don't know 
 this Swannock (or Englishman)," said he; "it may be that 
 7J0U know him. I, and the Shawanoes, and our fathers 
 the French do not know him. I stand here," (stamping 
 his foot), " as a man on his own ground. Therefore I, and 
 the Shawanoes, and our fathers, don't like that a Swan- 
 nock come on our ground." This allusion to the ancient 
 claim of soverereignty by the Six Nations was too much 
 for Delaware patience to endure, and one of them instantly 
 rose and replied : " That man speaks not as a man : he 
 endeavors to frighten us by saying that this is his ground. 
 He dreams. He and his father have certainly drank too 
 much liquor : they are drunk. Pray let them go to sleep 
 till they are sober. You don't know what your own nation 
 (the Iroquois), do at home; how much they have to say to 
 the Sicannoclcs. You are quite rotten: you stink, {i.e. 
 Your sentiments are oflensive.) You do nothing but
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 101 
 
 smoke your pipe here. Go to sleep with your father, 
 and when you are sober we will speak to you." ^ 
 
 Nevertheless, if they slew the English, it was not for 
 love of the French. Equally jealous of both parties, all 
 the savage desired was to see his old hunting-grounds 
 unpolluted by the armies of the stranger, untrodden save 
 by its native denizens; and so that this object was 
 attained, the defeat of either or both would not seriously 
 discompose him : to him, the success of either was a 
 matter of as little importance — que le chien mange le loup 
 ou que le loup mange le chien. With accurate perception, 
 he gloomily dwelt on the idea that the permanent occupa- 
 tion of his lands was the real object of their controversy, 
 and he bitterly vowed this should never be.^ 
 
 But alas for the poor savage ! Driven before the ever- 
 onward surge of civilization, that may recede for a 
 moment, but only to return with a mightier force, his 
 shattered tribes — prostrated by the inherent defects in 
 their own character and debilitated by Christian vices, 
 their naturally ferocious tempers sharpened by the use of 
 rum, the presence of poverty, and the memory of better 
 days — have continued and shall continue to retire more 
 and more westwardly, till already the scanty remnants of 
 the people whose fathers are buried by the broad waters 
 
 ' Thomson, p. 142. 
 
 ^ "D — n 3'ou," said Shamokin Dauiel, a Delaware warrior on the Ohio, 
 to the English, ''why don't you and the French fight on the sea? You 
 come here only to cheat the poor Indians and take their lands from them I" 
 There was more of truth than of elegance in this pithy address, but it was 
 echoed by his fellows : " The French say they are come only to defend us 
 and our lands from the English, and the English say the same thing about 
 the French; but the land is ours and not theirs." Thomson, 152. 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 SANTA BARBARA
 
 102 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 of tlie Delavrare, who daily gazed uj^on the Atlantic waves 
 freshening in the light of the morning ; now linger out a 
 precarious life on the distant prairie whose face is Avasted, 
 as with fire, by the caravan of the emigrant ; and pitch 
 their lodges on declivities whose waters flow down into 
 another ocean. Already with prophetic ear they hearken 
 to the chafings of those billows which are the limit of an 
 existence that has held a continent in its span : already 
 they foresee the day when the wild cry of the sea-fowl, 
 circling over the faint, murmuring waves of the ultimate 
 Pacific, shall drown the parting sigh of the last of the 
 Lenni Lenape ! 
 
 Such then was the condition and disposition of Indian 
 sentiment in Pennsylvania previous to and during the 
 earlier stages of the war. "We have seen how readily, in the 
 summer of 1754, Major Washington had obtained the 
 services of a large body »of savages against the French : 
 and we may judge from this fact alone how practicable it 
 would have been to have enlisted them on the same side 
 during the whole contest. It Avas impossible for a fight to 
 come off at their very doors without their taking a share 
 in it, on one side or another; and £10,000 well and libe- 
 rally expended in presents at Fort Cumberland, with a 
 fair-dealing or at least a plausible exposition of the designs 
 of the English concerning their lands, would have bound 
 all the Pennsylvania Indians in a common interest. Had 
 such a consummation been effected, the scalp of every 
 Frenchman on the Ohio would have been smoke-dried in 
 the wigwams of Shamokin, or festooning the hoop-poles of 
 Shenango, }'ears before the British ensign was fated to be
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 103 
 
 displayed upon the ramparts of Fort Du Quesne. But n 
 different policy was unfortunately pursued, as will pre- 
 sently have to be noticed ; and the bloody trophies which 
 by hundreds graced the horrid triumph of the savage, were 
 torn from the bodies of the English. In the meantime, 
 let us resume the thread of our story. 
 
 When, in August, 1754, the tidings of the Ml of Fort 
 Necessity reached London, the exigencies of the case com- 
 pelled the ministry to an energetic action. The affairs of 
 the American colonies were at that time committed to the 
 care of the Secretary of State for the Southern Province, 
 assisted by the Board of Trade. ^ Since the days of Sir 
 Robert Walpole, this Board had lingered out a supine, 
 sinecure existence. The Secretary during all this period 
 was the Duke of Newcastle, who, like the Old Man of the 
 Sea in the Arabian tale, clinging about the neck of power 
 with a tenacity that effectually prevented any policy but 
 such as his own jealousy of merit or time-serving selfishness 
 dictated, had hitherto carefully suppressed any indication 
 of a desire on the part of his colleagues or subordinates to 
 deserve the public approbation by the exercise of a capa- 
 city to promote the public good. The records of the Board 
 of Trade were crowded with packages of remonstrances 
 from the colonies, its tables were covered with bundles of 
 unread representations and unnoticed memorials. It seems 
 indeed to have existed for no other object than, in the 
 language of Mr. Pitt, to register the edicts of one too 
 powerful subject. Of the nature of American affairs, of 
 the requirements and circumstances of the provinces he 
 
 ' I. Walpole's Memoirs of George II., 343.
 
 104 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 misruled with absolute sway, of their very geography he 
 was ludicrously ignorant.^ In the language of the great 
 critic and satirist of the day, he was the strangest pheno- 
 menon that ever appeared in the political world. " A 
 statesman without capacity, or the smallest tincture of 
 human learning ; a secretary who could not write ; a 
 financier who did not understand the multiplication-table ; 
 and the treasurer of a vast empire who never could balance 
 accounts with his own butler." It is not surprising, then, 
 that such a character should neglect or blunder through 
 his duties, careless of the result so long as his own im- 
 portance at court was not diminished. But fortunately for 
 
 ' When General Ligouicr hinted some defence to him for Annapolis, he 
 replied -with his evasive, lisping hum — " Annapolis, Annapolis ! Oh ! 
 yes, Annapolis must be defended ; to be sure, Annapolis should be 
 defended — vfherc is Annapolis?" (T. Walpole's Geo. II., 344). "He 
 was generally laughed at," says Smollett, ''as an ape in politics, -whose 
 office and influence served only to render his folly the more notorious." At 
 the beginning of the war, he was once thrown into a vast fright by a 
 story that 30,000 French had marched from Acadia to Cape Breton. 
 '•Where did they find transports?" was asked. "Transports !" cried he; 
 "I tell you they marched by land." "By land to the island of Cape 
 Breton!" "What, is Cape Breton an island? Are you sure of that?" 
 And away he posted, with an " Egad ! I will go directly, and tell the king 
 that Cape Breton is an island !" The weaknesses of this man afforded an 
 endless theme to the sarcasm of Smollett's muse. In another place, his 
 manner of farewell to a general departing for America is exquisitely satired ; 
 " Pray, when does your Excellency sail ? For God's sake have a care of 
 your health, and eat stewed prunes on the passage — next to your own pre- 
 cious health, pray, your Excellency, take care of the Five Nations — our 
 good friends, the Five Nations — the Toryrories, the Maccolmacks, the Out- 
 of-thc-ways, the Crickets, and the Kickshaws. Let 'em have plenty of 
 blankets, and stinkibus, and wampum ; and your Excellency won't fail to 
 scour the kettle, and boil the chain, and bury the tree, and plant the hat- 
 chet, ha!" In Bubb Dodington's Diary (181-4), will be found other 
 instances of the Duke's silliness.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 105 
 
 Britain as well as xlmerica, the presidency of the B -n-d of 
 Trade was filled at this juncture by the Earl of Halifax, a 
 man of parts and ambition, who was neither disposed to 
 slumber on his post, nor to omit any opportunity of strength- 
 ening his own official power by enlarging the scope of his 
 duties. We may fairly attribute to his energy the adoption 
 in the cabinet of a resolution no longer tamely to submit to 
 encroachments that, unless speedily checked, would inevit- 
 ably turn all the channel of Indian trade from our borders, 
 and immuring the colonies between the sea-board and the 
 mountains, leave them to wither and perish; as a pool 
 turned aside from its parent stream and enclosed with 
 embankments, dries up beneath the rays of the sun. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the first steps taken by the ministry on 
 this matter, Halifax was not consulted. The King had 
 already held two councils upon American affairs, and 
 instructions had been sent out to the provincial governors 
 to repel any French encroachments force by force. ^ This 
 policy had been decided upon ; it v.^as known how inglo- 
 riously its first practical workings under Washington had 
 failed. Fired with the consciousness that, vigorous mea- 
 sures to regain the ground thus lost must immediately 
 ensue, Newcastle resolved to arrogate the entire merit and 
 patronage of the plan to himself. Like the Athenian 
 
 ' "It is His Majesty's command, that in case the subjects of auy foreign 
 prince should presume to make any encroachments in the limits of His 
 Majesty's dominions, or to erect forts on his Majesty's lands, or to commit 
 any other act of hostility; and should, upon a requisition made to them to 
 desist from such proceedings, persist in them, they should draw forth the 
 armed force of their provinces, and use their best endeavors to repel force 
 by force." I. Entick, 111.
 
 106 INTEODUCTORY MEMOIE. 
 
 weaver, he would fain retain for his own glorification every 
 part in which there was the least ojjportunity of gaining 
 distinction, however incompetent he might be to fulfil it. 
 Summoning to his secret counsels the Lord Chancellor 
 Hardwicke and the Earl of Holdernesse, he endeavored 
 in vam to fructify a conception which might subserve 
 at once the public good and his private gain. 
 
 But natural incapacity, joined with talents which, 
 though great, were transplanted for the occasion to an alien 
 soil, could effect nothing. To organize military measures, 
 military men must be consulted ; to act with advantage in 
 the colonies, some little knowledge of colonial affairs was 
 required ; and the Duke of Cumberland, the head of the 
 army, and the Earl of Halifax, the best authority on plan- 
 tation questions, were both studiously excluded from the 
 deliberations of the triumvirate. Independent of any 
 other reason of jealousy, it v>^as evident that, in such an 
 undertaking, the properest persons to direct its appoint- 
 ments were Cumberland and Halifax ; and this was enough 
 to alarm the Duke of Newcastle. His policy was to cook 
 up, from the information of obscurer men, some scheme in 
 which himself should shine the magnus Apollo, the dis- 
 penser of fiivor, and the sole original of reward. He first, 
 therefore, summoned to his aid a Mr. Horatio Gates, a 
 young English officer, Avho had recently served with repu- 
 tation in America; and desired his advice.' Gates modestly 
 
 ' Horatio Gates, afterwards so distinguished in American history, is 
 said to have been the son of a respectable victualler in Kensington, and 
 the godson of Horace Walpolo. This latter circumstance may account for 
 Walpole's knowledge of the details of the interview with Newcastle, which 
 he certainly did not arrive at through the minister. Gates was born in
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 107 
 
 avowed his youth and inexperience ; pleaded that he had 
 seen nothing of America save the parts of Nova Scotia in 
 whicli his regiment had been quartered, and his consequent 
 incompetence to devise such an important operation. He 
 professed his willingness to answer any questions that 
 miglit be put to him; but he was too astute to be led into 
 the enunciation of any grand system, the burthen of which 
 he well knew would, in case of failure, break down his 
 own shoulders, while all the praise of success would accrue 
 to his suj)eriors. In short, he utterly declined acting as 
 he was desired. The trio next fell upon a Quaker gentle- 
 man, a Mr. Hanbury, whose connections were such that 
 he happened to know a little about America, though no- 
 thing, probably, of warfare ; and at his suggestion, Virginia 
 w^as selected as the basis of operations, and it was deter- 
 mined to entrust the whole conduct of the business to 
 Horatio Sharpe, Lord Baltimore's Lieutenant-Governor of 
 Maryland. Though Sharpe was a lieutenant-colonel in the 
 Royal Army,^ he had never been engaged. But when the 
 
 1728. Soon after his return to England from Nova Scotia, lie must have 
 gone back to America; since we find him in command of the King's New 
 York Independent Company under Braddock. It is believed these com- 
 panies were formed of the regiments disbanded in 17-48-9. Those sta- 
 tioned in Carolina were the remains of Oglethorpe's old regiment (Penn. 
 Gaz., No. 1338); and it may be noticed here that while a part of his for- 
 mer command was thus posted in his vicinity, others followed Oglethorpe 
 to hid new colony, and became founders of the State of Georgia. The 
 Independents do not seem to have had any field-ofBcers ; consequently, 
 promotion must soon have lifted Gates from this sphere, since we find him, 
 in 1759, acting as aide, with the rank of major, to Hopson, or his succes- 
 sor, Barrington, at the reduction of Martinico. In July, 17G0, he was 
 brigade-major, under Monckton, at Fort Pitt. (III. Shippen MSS., 392.) 
 ' This grade (which, however, was local, and confined to the West 
 Indies) Sliarpe received July 5th, 1751. lie held it so late as 1778.
 
 108 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 contrivers of his promotion laid their phnn Ijefore the king, 
 it was accompanied with a declaration that he had served 
 through the whole of the last war, and was well known to 
 possess the good opinion of the Duke of Cumberland : " So 
 good," replied the latter, " that if Sharpe had been con- 
 sulted, I am sure he would have refused." In the mean 
 while, however, his appointment was forwarded to him by 
 the hands of Governor Arthur Dobbs, of North Carolina.^ 
 His instructions would seem to have contemplated nothing 
 beyond the capture of Fort Du Quesne by a provincial 
 force, although there was an intimation of a considerable 
 body of regulars being shortly sent over from Great Bri- 
 tain. Proceeding at once to Williamsburg, he concerted 
 with Dinwiddie and Dobbs his measures to effect the de- 
 sired end. It was concluded to raise immediately 700 
 men, with whom, and the three Independent companies, 
 the French fort should be attacked and reduced, ere rein- 
 forcements could be brought thither from Canada or Louis- 
 iana. This effected, that post and another which he 
 thought it would be necessary to erect on a small island in 
 the river, were to be held for the king. To garrison these 
 and the fort at Will's Creek would require all his forces, 
 and he concluded it would be useless for them to attempt 
 anything further against the enemy on Le Boeuf and Lake 
 Erie " without they be supported by such a body of troops 
 from home as he dared not presume to hope for the direc- 
 tion of." But his enlistments went on slowly; and at 
 
 ' The governor, with bis son, Captain Dobbs, had arrived at Hampton 
 Roads, Oct. 1, 1754, in the Garland, after a stormy trip, in which the ship 
 lost her main and mizzen-masts. They brought with tlieni, also, £10,000 
 in specie for Virginia.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 109 
 
 Will's Creek, where his men were to rendezvous, he learned 
 that the French strength on the Ohio was much. increased 
 by the arrival of a number of Ottawas, Adirondacks, and 
 Caughnawaga Indians; and he therefore abandoned all 
 hope of striking an immediate blow. 
 
 As had been intimated to Sharpe, more effectual means 
 were on the tapis; but he was not destined to control 
 them. The most that his supporters could urge to the 
 king in his favor was, that if not remarkably able, he was 
 at least a very honest man. " A little less honesty," 
 shrewdly replied the monarch, " and a little more ability, 
 might, upon the present occasion, better serve our turn." 
 It was decided to make, forthwith, a general movement ; 
 and for once Newcastle was compelled to yield to the coun- 
 sels of abler men. At all events, it is certain that Cum- 
 berland's influence w^as eventually paramount in the forma- 
 tion of the scheme finally adopted.' Eather with a view, 
 we may believe, to conciliate by a show of confidence, than 
 to obtain the benefit of his advice, Newcastle sought to com- 
 municate the details of his plans to Mr. Pitt; but the dis- 
 appointed statesman gave him a curt interruption : " Your 
 Grace, I suppose, knows," said he, " that I have no capa- 
 city ibr these things ; and therefore I do not desire to be 
 informed about them." 
 
 While all these intrigues were going on, the ambassadors 
 of the two powers — the Due de Mirepoix and the Earl of 
 
 • I. Walp. Geo. II., 347. MS. Sharpe's Corresp. VI. Col. Rec, 40.5, 177. 
 Though Sharpe's views in regard to the campaign seem to have been very 
 sagacious, yet it appears clearly, from this correspondence, that it Avas 
 to his and Dinwiddle's suggestions that the royal order settling the com- 
 parative rank of provincial and regular officers was attributable — a step 
 fraught with dangerous consequences to the best interests of the crowu.
 
 110 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Albemarle, two very fine gentlemen, but sadly deficient in 
 the qualifications necessary for the place and the moment 
 — were frittering away their time in idle negotiations and 
 empty professions of pacific intentions. Neither kingdom 
 set the least practical store by these assurances, but busily 
 went on arming for the steps they respectively purposed 
 taking. Strong reinforcements were prepared in France 
 for its American possessions, with instructions to hold, a la 
 main forte, all they had hitherto acquired ; while, on the 
 other hand, the English ministry ordered their governors 
 to thrust out every intruder they found upon their back- 
 lands, at whatever cost. Some anxiety was also mani- 
 fested to enlist the services of the Indians ; who had, as 
 was well known in London, relaxed in their friendship. 
 From Virginia, Dinwiddle had written, in August, 1754, 
 to the other colonies for aid in men and money to defend 
 their common cause; while to England he had applied for 
 ordnance. This last demand was gratified by a present 
 of two thousand stand of arms and accoutrements. In- 
 deed, it was upon Virginia that the hopes of the crown 
 chiefly reposed ; for Pennsylvania politics, as will presently 
 be shown, were not such as to inspire much confidence in 
 the military capacity of that wealthy province. 
 
 While the eloquent Whitfield, and other religious lec- 
 turers at Philadelphia, availed themselves of the presence 
 of the enemy on their frontiers to lend an additional fervor 
 to their exhortations,' the Cabinet of London were pre- 
 paring more effective fulminations against the French. The 
 Duke of Cumberland (who, whatever may have been his 
 other demerits, was certainly possessed of a military capa- 
 ' Pena. Gaz., No. 1341.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. Ill 
 
 city) had been now Ccalled into the councils of the King ; 
 and, under his moulding hand, the preparations for an 
 expedition whose destination was, as yet, kept secret from 
 the public, began to assume some form and coherency. It 
 was soon known, however, that two regiments of the line 
 were designed for Virginia — the colony to which public 
 attention had chiefly been attracted. Nothing was, as yet, 
 said of their ulterior movements ; and it was a perfectly 
 reasonable thing for Great Britain to station so small a 
 force in her plantations — a force which, according to Ho- 
 race Walpoloj was too insignificant to be of any service if "* 
 the French intended to stand firm, but far too large to be 
 exposed to the certain destruction of health and constitu- 
 tion of an American climate.^ For the charges of this 
 expedition. Parliament, on the 28tli of November, 1754, 
 voted the following sums : ^ 
 
 For two regiments of foot to be 
 
 raised for North America ; . . £40,350 155. 
 For defraying the charges of the 
 
 officers appointed to go with the 
 
 forces commanded by General 
 
 Braddock; £7338 2^. Qd. 
 
 For defraying the charges of the 
 
 officers appointed to attend the 
 
 hospital for the expedition com- 
 manded by General Braddock; £1779 7s. Qd. 
 
 £49,468 5s. 
 
 ' Letter to Sir II. Mann, Oct. 6, 1754. III. Walp. Corrcsp. (ed. 
 Lond., 1840) 70. 
 == Univ. Mag., 1755.
 
 112 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Of the personal history of the gentleman to whom the 
 command in Virginia had thus been entrusted, little or 
 nothing more than what is contained in the public records 
 of the period has, with unwearied care and research, been 
 discovered to reward the student's curiosity. Before his 
 name had become inmiortal in the scanty annals of the 
 defeat and disgrace of British arms, Braddock had not done 
 anything to earn himself a place in the chronicles of the 
 times. Even the writers of memoirs, those gleaners in 
 tlie fields of historj^ had not stooped to bind up such a 
 « poppy blossom in their sheaves : no " snapper up of 
 unconsidered trifles" had sketched his biography. And 
 so great, so horrible was the inignoscible disaster that 
 crowned his existence, that only in vouchsafing him a sol- 
 dier's death does it fall short of tragic perfection. Then, 
 when the minds of men were exasperate with the thrill 
 of national dishonor, for the first and last time does 
 Braddock's name appear staining with its shameful cha- 
 racters the pages of history. Yet even the most bitter of 
 those who sate in judgment on him, allow him certain 
 merits, " Desperate in his fortune, brutal in his behavior, 
 obstinate in his sentiments," says Walpole, " he was still 
 intrepid and capable." Though a man of wit, his associa- 
 tions had probably not been such as to give him any jDlace 
 in the memorials of the literary characters of the day 
 previous to his campaign in America ; and perhaps for the 
 very reason, that merely as an officer of the Guards and the 
 eieve of the Duke of Cumberland, he was well known to a 
 certain portion of the court and city, and totally unknown 
 to the rest of the world, his conduct finds no jDlace in the
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 113 
 
 social history of the period. Though a professed man of 
 pleasure, it is not likely that the aristocratic doors of 
 Boodle's or White's were opened to an Irish adventurer ; yet 
 even there he would hardly have come in contact with many 
 of " the mob of gentlemen who write with ease." The few 
 noble literati of the time — the Walpoles, the Selwyns, and 
 the Herveys — do not seem to have had much personal 
 acquaintance with him. It was at some place of lower 
 resort that he pursued Fortune and staked his little means 
 at gleek, passage, or the E table. Still, even such 
 were not the accustomed haunts of the garreteers of Grub- 
 street or the habitues of the King's Coffee-House.^ Thus, 
 whether 
 
 Obliged by hunger — or request of friends — 
 
 the chronicler took his pen in hand, he was not often apt 
 to find food for his meditations in the behavior of Brad- 
 dock. It is in a letter of Mr, Shirley, his military secre- 
 tary, written in all the confidence of friendship to 
 Governor Morris, that the strongest picture of his charac- 
 ter is to be found. Shirley was evidently, like all of his 
 race, a man of ability and of ambition, and it Avas upon 
 the observations of several months that his remarks were 
 grounded. "We have a General," he says, "most judi- 
 ciously chosen for being disqualified for the service he is 
 in, in almost every respect. He may be brave, for aught 
 I know, and he is honest in pecuniary matters." Benjamin 
 Franklin, that sagacious and keen observer of human 
 nature, sums up in a few words his opinion of Braddock's 
 
 ' A place in Covent Garden Market, well known to houseless bards. 
 8
 
 114 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 capacity. " This General was, I think, a brave man, and 
 might probably have made a figure as a good officer in 
 some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, 
 too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, too 
 mean a one of both Americans- and Indians." ^ Not dis- 
 similar to this view is that of the English historian Entick, 
 who, besides being a contemporary of Braddock, seems to 
 have had access to very good sources of information in the 
 preparation of his volumes. " It has also been hinted," 
 says he, " that much of the disappointment in this expedi- 
 tion was owing to the General himself, in point of conduct. 
 The plan was laid, and his instructions settled in such a 
 manner, as to put him always on his guard against ambus- 
 cades, which were to be expected in a march through 
 woods, deserts, and morasses. But this gentleman, placing 
 all his success upon the single point of courage and disci- 
 pline, behaved in that haughty, positive, and reserved way, 
 that he soon disgusted the people over whom he was to 
 command. His soldiers could not relish his severity in 
 matters of discipline : and, not considering the nature of 
 an American battle, he showed such contempt towards the 
 Provincial forces, because they could not go through their 
 exercise with the same dexterity and ability as a regiment 
 of Guards in .Hyde Park, that he drew upon himself their 
 general resentment." ^ 
 
 From the confused and imperfect data that are obtain- 
 able at this day, it would seem that Braddock was an 
 
 ' I. Sparlcs's Franklin, IGO. VI. Col. Rec, 404. And Franklin's 
 notion is followed by Lord Malion. (IV. Hist. Eng., 69.) 
 « I. Entick, 143.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 115 
 
 officer well versed in military science and tactics according 
 to tlie sj'stem that then prevailed ; a rigid martinet, utterly 
 unforgiving to a neglect of duty; and a brave, unflinching 
 soldier. It was never said during his life that he ever bade 
 his men follow danger where he was not greedy to lead the 
 way; and it will be seen in the course of these pages that 
 he was as prompt himself to face perils and to encounter 
 hardships as to exact a like readiness from those under his 
 control. In short, his military character was precisely 
 calculated to meet the approbation of the raiser of such a 
 creature as the brutal Hawley; and, indeed, there were 
 very many points of resemblance between these favorites : 
 in the rebellion of 1745, the latter had even commanded 
 the identical troops which Braddock now led. But Hawley 
 proved himself in the field a braggart and a poltroon, and 
 if his defeat at the rout of Falkirk was not as fatal in its 
 consequences as that of the Monongahela, it was infinitely 
 more ignominious to the general who with bloody rowels 
 led a shameful flight. Braddock, whatever his defects, was 
 too much of an Irishman ever to show the white feather. 
 In private life, he was what would now be termed disso- 
 lute ; he was prone to the debaucheries of his day and 
 class, the bottle and the gaming-table ; he was imperious, 
 arrogant, and self-opinionated. But if dimmed by the 
 vices of his profession, his character was also brightened 
 hy many of its virtues. 
 
 AVhen or where Edward Braddock w^as born, there is no 
 
 means of ascertaining. Dr. Goldsmith, with a poet's 
 
 license, speaks of his family as one of the best in the 
 
 kingdom,^ and it is said to have been of Irish extraction; 
 
 ' Goklsmilh's Misc. Works, (ed. Prior, Lend. 1837), 294.
 
 116 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 but even this is doubtful/ The name is certainly of Saxon, 
 rather than Celtic or Erse, origin ; and so, indeed, is it 
 asserted, in a sort of monody, apparently by a friend, pub- 
 lished immediately after his death, in which its derivation 
 is said to be from two Saxon words, signifying Broad Oak.^ 
 It is possible his father or grandfather may have been one 
 of those English adherents of William of Orange, who 
 found, in Irish confiscated estates, the reward of their Pro- 
 testant zeal ; and this would, in a measure, account for the 
 favor which some of the members of this family seem to 
 have encountered at the hands of the House of Hanover. 
 All that can now be discovered in this regard, however, is 
 that, during the past century, with the exception of the 
 father of tlie hero of this volume and his immediate pos- 
 terity, there were none of the name who rose into 
 public notice ; and before and after that period, it is un- 
 known in British history.^ His father, who was also 
 named Edward Braddock, must have been born about the 
 middle of the seventeenth century, since we find him a 
 lieutenant in the Coldstream Guards at least as early as 
 1684. In 1690, he was their senior captain; on the 1st 
 
 ' The name, certainly, does not seem to appear at all in the Rotuli Hi- 
 berniae, published by the Record Commission. 
 
 ^ Vide Appendix, No. V. The words Broad and Oak are of direct 
 Saxon derivation. 
 
 ^ There was a Sergeant Braddock in General Forbes's army in 1758, and 
 the name occasionally occurs among tlic lists of London bankrupts and 
 traders that adorn the columns of Sylvanus Urban. But at present the 
 Post-OfSce Directory shows that there is not one of that name resident in 
 the 'royal city.' A highly respectable family in New Jersey, however, 
 still bear, as I am told, the name of Braddock; and it likewise occurs iu 
 the Philadelphia and Pittsburg directories.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 117 
 
 of October, 1702, he got his majority; and on the 10th of 
 January, 1704, was appointed their heutenant-colonel. 
 He was gazetted a brigadier on the 1st of January, 1707, 
 and a major-general on the 1st of January, 1709. In Sep- 
 tember, 1715, he retired from the service, and died at Bath, 
 on the 15th of June, 1725.' 
 
 This ''honest, brave old gentleman, who had experi- 
 enced some undeserved hardships in life," is buried there, 
 in the Abbey Church of St. Peter and St Paul.^ The old 
 general must have been in at least comfortable circum- 
 stances, since he left to his two daughters the sum of 
 £G000 : to his only son, in all probability, a much larger 
 amount descended. This son was the Edward Braddock 
 with whom we have now to do. In the Appendix to this 
 volume will be found the full particulars of the unhappy 
 fate of one of the daughters, Fanny Braddock, who com- 
 mitted suicide at Bath on the 8th of September, 1731. 
 Her sister, also unmarried, had died some years before. 
 Mistress Fanny Braddock — as the fashion of the day 
 styled all unmarried women — was a lady singularly gifted 
 with attractions of person and of mind, and was, by her 
 sister's death, in 1728-9, in possession of a competent for- 
 tune. But, yielding to an undisciplined impulse, she sacri- 
 ficed the latter to relieve the necessities of the man whom 
 she loved ; and the former speedily lost their lustre in the 
 e3'es of the gay throng whose esteem she coveted. With- 
 
 ' Gent. Mag. 1707-10. XL MacKinnon's Hist. Coldstreams; 453, 
 454, 404. III. Goldsmith's Misc. Works (Prior's ed., Lond. 1837), 294. 
 
 ^ I. Gent. Mag. (1731), 397. Tliis seems to have been the fashionable 
 place of sepulture for strangers : the reader will recollect Sir Lucius and 
 his '' I 'm told there is very snug lying in the Abbey."
 
 118 IlSrTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 out a stain upon her honor, she at length sank mto a con- 
 dition of despair, and at the gaming-tables — then the fre- 
 quent resort of ladies of fashion in England, as now on the 
 continent — she soon dissipated away the scanty remains 
 of her patrimony. Wearied of life, unable longer to endure 
 the painful contrast of her position as governess in the 
 family of a respectable tradesman with the brilliant place 
 she lately occupied, she resolved on self-destruction. During 
 the long night-watches in her lonely chaml3er, her mind 
 reverted to his infamy who had broken her heart and 
 squandered her fortune. To drive away these mournful 
 reveries, she took down a book and essayed to read. The 
 volume was the Orlando Furioso of Ariosto ; and she 
 opened it at that passage of the ninth canto where OWmpia 
 mourns the perfidy that had shut every avenue of hope 
 from her soul : 
 
 per lui toltomi il regno, 
 
 Per lui quel pochi beni, cbe restati 
 
 M'eran del viver raio soli sostegno 
 
 Per trarlo di prigione ho dissipati; 
 
 Ne mi resta ora, in che piu far disegno, 
 
 Se non d'andarmi io stessa in mano a porre 
 
 Di si crudel nimico, e lui disciorre. 
 
 The fatal similarity of fortune -weighed upon her mind 
 and confirmed her in her unhappy resolve. With a firm 
 step and unwavering will, she passed through the portals 
 of the house of life, and in a moment more, was beyond 
 the reach of human sympathy or human censure. 
 
 Nothing could increase the feelings of disgust with which 
 the conduct of Edward Braddock, on this sad occasion, 
 must inspire the reader. That, through her levities or his
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 119 
 
 own misconduct, liis affections should have been long since 
 alienated from his sister, seems natural enough ; but there 
 must have been an inborn, consummate brutality, to guide 
 the tongue Avhicli could frame no other expression of sor- 
 row than " Poor Fannj^ ! I always thought she w^ould 
 play till she would be forced to tuck herself up !" ^ No 
 sensibility could exist in his heart who could, for the sake 
 of a scurvy pun, jest upon the manner of a sister's death, 
 and say that she had adopted this plan ' to tie herself up 
 from cards /' ^ Surely on this occasion Walpole was justi- 
 fied in terming Braddock " a very Iroquois in disposition !" 
 
 ' III. Walp. Corresp., 142. Walpole tells us, that before making away 
 with herself, she ■wrote, with her diamond, these lines (from Garth's Dis- 
 pensary, Canto III.) upon her window-pane : 
 
 To die is landing on some silent shore, 
 
 Where billows never break, nor tempests roar : 
 
 Ere well we feel the friendly stroke, 'tis o'er. 
 
 The wise, through thought, th' insults of Death defy; 
 
 The fools, through blest insensibility. 
 
 'T is what the guilty fear, the pious crave ; 
 
 Sought by the wretch, and vanquished by the brave. 
 
 It eases lovers, sets the captive free ; 
 
 And, though a tyrant, offers liberty. 
 
 The truth is, that, speaking twenty years after the event, the great letter- 
 writer was led away by a similarity of sentiment and expression. The 
 actual inscription was this : 
 
 0, death ! thou pleasing end to human woe ! 
 Thou cure for life ! thou greatest good below ! 
 Still mayst thou fly the coward and the slave, 
 And thy soft slumbers only bless the brave. 
 
 See I. Hone's Every-Day Book, p. 1279. 
 
 ^ XXXIT. Gent. Mag., .542. To tie one's self up from play, was a cant 
 phrase for incurring some obligation which should act as a restraint upon
 
 120 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 There is another anecdote which does not any more tend 
 to give one a very elevated conception of his character. 
 It seems that his virtues, such as they were, had won the 
 favor of a certain Mrs. Upton, on whose infamous wages 
 he was not ashamed to live. By constant applications, he 
 had kept this poor fool's exchequer so dry, that one day 
 she frankly answered a demand for money hy pulling out 
 her purse with but twelve or fourteen shillings in it. With 
 the keen eye of an experienced forager, Braddock saw 
 cause to suspect this was not all its contents. " Let me 
 see that !" he cried, and snatched it from her hand. In 
 the other end he found five guineas. Coolly emptying all 
 the money into his pocket, he tossed the empty purse into 
 his mistress's lap. " Did you mean to cheat me ?" cried 
 he ; and he turned his back upon the house to see her no 
 more.^ This shabby transaction was a subject of town- 
 talk in the coffee-houses and lobbies of the day; and was 
 cleverly seized by Fielding and brought upon the Drury 
 Lane boards in 1732, in a witty but licentious play, called 
 the Covent-Garden Tragedy. Captain Bilkum (by whom, 
 it is said, Braddock was meant) is made to thus deny the 
 consolations of " the humming bowl :" ^ 
 
 Oh ! 'tis not in the power of punch to ease 
 My grief-stung soul, since Hecatissa's false; 
 Since she could hide a poor half-guinea from me ! 
 Oh ! had I searched her pockets ere I rose, 
 I had not left a single shilling in them ! 
 
 gambling. Thus, there was an instance of the Duke of Bolton receiving 
 a hundred guineas from Beau Nash on a contract to repay £10,000 if he 
 should ever lose as much at one sitting ; and the duke actually soon found 
 occasion, at Newmarket, to comply with his bargain, (III. Goldsmith's 
 Misc. Works., 281.) 
 
 ' III. Walp. Currcsp., 142. ^ A. I. sc 6.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEJIOIR. 121 
 
 If, indeed, the immortal satirist designed the wliole of 
 his character of Bilkum as a paraphrase of Braddock's, he 
 could have held him but in the light of one of those hired 
 ruffians whose office it is to awe into silence the poor cully 
 wdiom their partners have robbed. This is going infinitely 
 too far : an occasional solitary instance, such as has been 
 cited, may have stained his reputation, but it was not a 
 specimen of his general character. There were many better 
 things iu him than that : and perhaps it is pressing closely 
 the limits of moderation to say that he kept his flight so 
 near the ground that he could have stooped to such a 
 scene of self-degradation. His faults were evidently con- 
 sidered by men of worth rather as foibles than vices : his 
 intimacies were with persons of character and honor; and 
 in many respects he was w^orthy of their confidence, though 
 his excesses must often have lost it. It was thus that he 
 became embroiled with Colonel Gumley, an old comrade 
 and friend, whose sister was married to Pulteney, Earl of 
 Bath; and a duel was the result. As they met on the 
 ground, Gumley, knowing very well the state of his oppo- 
 nent's finances, coolly tossed him his purse. • " Braddock," 
 said he, " you are a poor dog ! Here, take my purse : if 
 you kill me, you will have to run aw^ay ; and then you 
 will not have a shilling to support you." His infuriated 
 adversary was galled to madness by this new provocation ; 
 he lost all command of his temper, and quickly saw his 
 sword fly from his hand ; but he was still too proud to ask 
 his life at the victor's hand.^ Another duel between Brad- 
 dock and Colonel Waller is recorded, fought with sword 
 
 ' III. Walp. Corresp., 142.
 
 122 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 and pistol in Hyde Park, on the 26tli of May, 1718 : but 
 of its cause or consequences nothing can be traced.^ 
 
 As may be judged from tlie date of his first commission, 
 Edward Braddock must have been born towards the close 
 of the seventeenth century. On the 11th of October, 1710, 
 he entered the army with tlie rank of Ensign in the grena- 
 dier company of the Coldstream Guards ; and on the 1st of 
 August, 1716, was appointed a lieutenant.^ In the columns 
 of the Gentleman's Magazine his steps may be traced as 
 follows: — On the oOth of October, 1734, Lieutenant 
 Braddock was gazetted to a captain-lieutenancy.^ On the 
 10th of February, 1736, he was appointed to a captaincy 
 in the Second Regiment of Foot-Guards,^ and on April 2nd, 
 1743, he had risen to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel in 
 the line, and was further advanced to be the second major 
 of this regiment.^ At that period, as at present, the 
 household troops were considered the choicest portions of 
 the army, and a commission in their ranks could not be 
 esteemed a light favor. 
 
 The Duke of Cumberland, the Captain-General of the 
 British Army (a dignity in which the great Churchill and 
 the good Ormond were his only predecessors), had been 
 Colonel of the Second and was now in command of the 
 First Regiment; and William Anne, Earl of Albemarle, 
 was Colonel of the Second, or Coldstreams, to which 
 Braddock was attached. It is more than probable, how- 
 
 ' Origin and History of tbe Coldstream Guards, by Col. Daniel Mac- 
 Kinnon. (Lond., 1833.) Vol. II., p. 473. 
 2 II. MacKinnon's Coldstreams, 45G, 472. 
 
 '^ IV. Gent. Mag., G28. II. MacKinnon, 476. " IT. MacKinnon, 456. 
 ' XIII. Gent. Mag., 219. 11. MacKinnon, 477.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 123 
 
 ever, tliat his father's position in the regiment may 
 have faciUtated the young ensign's entrance ; and it may 
 be worth noting that the total jDcriod of service in this 
 regiment of fatlier and son did not fall short of seventy 
 years, during all which period the name of Edward Brad- 
 dock appeared on its roster. Nor was there anything 
 unusual in a lieutenant-colonel of the line accepting an 
 inferior majority in the Guards, when a Field-Marshal was 
 their colonel, and the commissioned officers of other regi- 
 ments were taken from their rank and file.^ 
 
 The recruiting standard of the regiment, it is true, was 
 extraordinarily high : to be even a private in its ranks was 
 not a privilege open to every subject of the crown, no 
 matter how well he might by nature be qualified. No 
 papist, no Scot or Irishman, no " vagabond," was suffered 
 to be enlisted even as a private into this proud body; and the 
 popular satire of the day shows what vulgar consequence was 
 attributed to its non-commissioned officers.^ One may form 
 
 ' This was particularly the case in 1746, when no less than twenty-six 
 privates of the Life Guards were commissioned as lieutenants or ensigns 
 in other regiments, many of them on American stations. It is believed 
 that the famous geographer Thomas Hutchins, the historian of Bouquet's 
 expedition, on this occasion received his first commission as ensign in the 
 King's South Carolina Independent Company. Hist. lice, of the Life 
 Guards (Lond. 1835), p. 154. These Records of the British Army, which 
 have been more than once referred to, were commenced twenty years since 
 by command of William IV., and are intended to comprise a particular 
 history of every regiment. The few volumes hitherto published are as 
 elegant as useful; and it is to be regretted that so laudable an enterprise 
 should progress so slowly. 
 
 ^ Witness the case of poor Dick Ivy, in Smollett's inimitable tale ; the 
 poet whom not "disappointment, nor even damnation," could drive to des- 
 pair. And yet he could not make his quarters good in the milk-woman's 
 cellar in Potty France, but " was dislodged and driven up-stairs into the 
 kennel by a corporal in the Second Begiraent of Foot-Guards."
 
 124 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 an idea of its arrogance when we find in the orderly-book 
 of the Coldstreams a command to its men to behave civilly 
 towards and not to laugh at or make game of the other 
 troops, at a review by the King on the 26th of October, 
 1745.^ Originally raised by Monk from the elite of Hesil- 
 rige's and Fenwick's parliamentary regiments, it took its 
 name from its quarters at Coldstream, whence Monk 
 marched it on New- Year's day, 1660, " to restore the 
 monarchy and give peace to his distracted country." At 
 the Restoration it was specially exempted by Parliament 
 from the universal disbandment of the army, and was 
 retained as a Guard by King Charles ; and ever since that 
 period it has continued to deserve and to enjoy a distin- 
 guished share of royal favor and public regard.^ It would 
 be an interesting task to trace the means by which a man 
 destitute of all influence of family connection or prestige 
 of great wealth — a mere Irish soldier of fortune, as by 
 some he is termed — should have obtained and continued 
 to retain through a long series of years such a desirable 
 position. It may have been indeed that he purchased his 
 promotions; but the cost of such a step was always 
 enormous, and it is not likely that he should have had 
 sufficient resources at his command.^ It is to his merit 
 
 ' II. MacKinnon, 341. 
 
 ^ It is believed that the only occasions upon which any considerable 
 portion of this regiment was ever forced to ground its arms or surrender 
 its colours wore atOstend, in 1745, and at Yorktown, in 1781 : on this last 
 occasion the Guards either had no regimental flag, or it was secreted and 
 never delivered. 
 
 ^ In 1720, the King fixed the price of a Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the 
 Coldstreams at £5000; a Major's commission cost £8600; a Captain's 
 £2400; a Captain-Lieutenant's £1500; a Lieutenant's £900; an Ensign's 
 £450. In 17G6, these rates were about doubled; and at present the
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 125 
 
 and actual services that we are inclined to attribute his 
 success. At the period of his aiDpointment, a large por- 
 tion of the Second Foot-Guards were with Marlborough 
 in Flanders; and it is not improbable that thither the 
 young soldier was sent to learn the first rudiments of the 
 art of war. In March, 1713, the regiment was recalled to 
 London, and on September 18th of the next year, Brad- 
 dock's company was one of those which on his arrival re- 
 ceived the first Elector of Hanover who reigned over 
 England. In 1719, a part of the regiment took share in 
 the Vigo expedition, and in 1742, its first battalion was 
 sent to the Lov/ Countries, and Braddock undoubtedly 
 among them. At Dettingen, on the IGth of June, 1743, 
 the Second Guards, commanded by the second Duke of 
 Marlborough, behaved gloriously under the very eyes of 
 the King and the Duke of Cumberland. At the famous 
 battle of Fontenoy, fought on the lltli of May, 1745, 
 between Marshal Saxe, with Louis XV. and the Grand 
 Dauphin by his side, and the English and Dutch Allies, 
 wliose Captain-General was Cumberland, the Coldstreams 
 again won great honor, losing in killed and wounded two 
 hundred and forty men. 
 
 Every one knows what terrible slaughter took place on 
 that memorable defeat, when the Irish Brigade fiercely 
 swept away the thinned ranks of the British, and gratified, 
 for the first time since the fall of James the Second, the 
 feelings of triumphant revenge. But amid all the carnage 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonelcy is worth £9000, and an Eusigncy £1200. (T. Mac- 
 Kinnon, 347.) The purchaser, however, must pass a previous examination 
 to prove his competency, and the money, it is believed, goes to the retiring 
 officer.
 
 126 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 and confusion, the English Guards gained scarce less praise 
 by their cool retreat than by their furious charges, sullenly 
 moving off like a lion who, undismayed and almost disposed 
 to turn again, grimly recedes into the darkness from the 
 watch-fire of the hunters/ It was for his share in this 
 day's bloody work, we may presume, that Braddock 
 received, on the 27tli of May, 1745, his promotion to be 
 First-Major of his regiment,^ and on the 21st of the next 
 November, to be its Lieutenant-Colonel.^ In the summer 
 of 1745, he was with the Second in garrison at Ostend, 
 whence in July he repaired to England to acquaint the 
 Lords of the Regency with its condition, and thus probably 
 escaped being present at its surrender on the 12th of 
 August/ When Cumberland pursued Prince Charles's 
 army from England in the winter of 1745-6, we know 
 
 ' Perhaps history does not afford a more striking instance of undaunted 
 courage, joined with the perfection of discipline, than was displa^-ed by the 
 Guards on this memorable day. They were ordered to attack the French 
 Guards and the Swiss; who, in perfect confidence, awaited the onset. The 
 Engli.sh advanced, composed and steady as though on parade. As they 
 drew near, their officers, armed with nothing but a light rattan, raised their 
 hats to their adversaries, who politely returned the salute. " Gentlemen 
 of the French Guards," cried Captain Lord Charles Ila}^ "fire, if you 
 please." "Pardon, Monsieur!" replied they; "the French Guards never 
 fire first : pray fire yourselves !" The order was given, and the French 
 ranks were mowed down as ripe grain falls beneath the sickle. The Eng- 
 lish behaved throughout the conflict with the same steadiness ; their offi- 
 cers in the heat of the fight with their canes turning the men's muskets 
 to the right or the left as they seemed to require. (Voltaire: Precis 
 du Siede de Louis XV., c. xv.) After nearly fifty years' service iu 
 such a regiment, no wonder that Braddock had formed exalted ideas of 
 discipline. 
 
 2 XV. Gent. Mag., 333. I. MacKinnon, 373, II. ib. 478. 
 
 3 XV. Gent. Mag., 068. II. MacKinnon, 473. 
 * I, MacKinnon, 373.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 127 
 
 that Braddock was actively employed under his command,^ 
 and probably shared in the butcherly glories of Culloden. 
 In September, 174G, he commanded the battalions of the 
 First and Second Guards Avhich were embarked upon 
 the secret expedition of Lestock and Sinclair against 
 Quiberon and L'Orient; and in May, 1747, at the head of 
 the second battalion of the Coldstreams, was ordered to 
 Flanders, where the Allies, under the Prince of Orange, 
 were ineffectually striving to raise the siege of Bergen-op- 
 Zoom. He was quartered in the autumn at Bois-le-Duc ; 
 in the winter near Breda; and in July, 1748, after 
 marching to Ruremonde and encamping at Grave, was 
 cantoned at Eyndhoven, where Cumberland had fixed his 
 head-quarters. Peace having been declared in January, 
 1749, the Coldstreams were once again stationed at 
 London. As every company in this regiment has its own 
 standard, it may be noted here that Braddock's ensign 
 bore a star within a garter, with the union in the colour's 
 dexter-corner; this device had first been adopted" by 
 Charles II. The badge was red.^ 
 
 It is presumed that Lieutenant-Colonel Braddock conti- 
 nued attached to the Coldstreams until 1753; making a 
 total of forty-three years' service in that regiment. If we 
 suppose his age when he was made ensign to have Ijecn about 
 fifteen years, we may conclude him to have been at least 
 sixty years of age and upwards v/hen he was killed in 
 America. But, notwithstanding his appointment as briga- 
 dier-general on the 23d of April, 1746, he was now, through 
 debt or other causes, compelled to seek a temporary exile 
 
 ' I. MacKinuon, 381. ' Ibid, cc. 24, 25.
 
 128 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 from England; and on the 17th of February, 1753, was 
 nominated to the colonelcy of the Fourteenth Regiment of 
 Foot, then stationed at Gibraltar.^ Anxious to lose no time 
 at home, he hastened to join his post, and set out at once to 
 the Mediterranean ; where his stay, though but temporary, 
 was long enough to win the affections of a garrison rarely 
 conspicuous for aught but violence and sedition.^ During 
 his absence, nevertheless, he was not forgotten by his 
 patron and chief On the 29th of March, 1754, he was 
 gazetted a major-general;^ and, on the 24th of the ensuing 
 September, was appointed to the command of the troops 
 to be sent to Virginia, and Generalissimo of all His Ma- 
 jesty's trooj)s on the North American Continent/ 
 
 These are meagre details, it must be confessed; and 
 nothing can be unacceptable that will tend to clothe their 
 dry skeleton with even the semblance of vitality. It 
 may not, then, be amiss to refer to a tradition (albeit, 
 like most traditions, it be entitled to little credence) which 
 insinuates that the secret of Braddock's advancement is, 
 that he was a bold beggar — a sturdy tramp, so to speak — 
 who, with an untiring pertinacity that would not take No ! 
 for an answer, was forever dunning the authorities for 
 
 ' XXIII. Gent. Mag., 53. II. Mackinnoii, 473. 
 
 ^ Walpole erroneously asserts (III. Corrcsp., 145) that he had been 
 Governor of Gibraltar; "where, with all his brutality, he made himself 
 adored, and where scarce any governor wa.s endured before." But this is 
 so far from being true, that it does not appear that between 1749 and 1753 
 he ever officially even acted as commandant in the governor's absence 
 (Drinkwatcr's Gibraltar, 23). He surely was never governor : martinet 
 as he was, however, it is well to note this evidence of his pojiularity with 
 his men. 
 
 » XXIV. Gent Mag., 191. " Ibid, 530.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 129 
 
 renewed means of obtaining money and distinction. To 
 purchase at once relief from his importunities, and to pro- 
 mote the interests of the service, according to the same 
 unreliable authority, he was selected for a distant command, 
 the duties of which he was confidently esteemed capable 
 of perfectly fulfilling, while its emoluments would be some- 
 thing prodigious. Thus, it will be noticed, the foul finger 
 of scandal has soiled alike the refutations of the adverse 
 chiefs Braddock and Duquesne ; two characters opposite 
 as the poles in life, but destined in their memories to an 
 undying and indissoluble fraternity. 
 
 Such were the antecedents of the leader to whose hands 
 the control of an expedition of such vital importance to 
 the welfare of Great Britain and of America was com- 
 mitted. In the royal councils, the question had been 
 thoroughly considered in all its bearings, and the most 
 proper and feasible method of seizing the French forts and 
 resuming possession of the wilderness they controlled 
 was freely discussed. One voice — which we may well 
 believe to have been that of the sagacious Halifax — 
 earnestly opposed the whole notion of relying upon British 
 regulars to accomplish these desired ends : well aware of 
 the nature of the contest that would ensue, he was for 
 employing, at the government's expense, a provincial force, 
 which should be raised upon the spot, among men familiar 
 with the Indian warfare and the Indian country. Had 
 this plan been adopted, and a sufficient number of regular 
 troops added to preserve discipline and to garrison the posts 
 to be acquired, there can be little question of its having met 
 with perfect success. The standing army of Great Britain 
 9
 
 130 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 was at that time singularly small, and still further reduc- 
 tions were in contemplation : in fact, when Braddock 
 sailed, he left but three regiments in England; and so 
 jealous was Newcastle lest Cumberland should have the 
 filling up of commissions, that, in the very face of the 
 coming storm, he would consent to no more being raised/ 
 The rest of the army was scattered all over the world ; 
 and since the regular force was so incapable of enduring a 
 heavy drain, one would have thought the idea of employ- 
 ing irregulars would have been highly acceptable. The 
 king, likewise, had four Independent Companies quartered 
 at New York, three in South Carolina, and one at Provi- 
 dence.^ These were not ranked with the regular line, but 
 were retained in America at the expense of Great Bri- 
 tain ; and their services might have been most advan- 
 tageously availed of in this crisis. The chief difficulty 
 would have been the relative precedency of colonial and 
 royal commissions; but even this might have been easily 
 surmounted by making every officer receive his rank 
 from the crown through the medium of a provincial 
 authority; and the instances of Stanwix, Johnson, and 
 Bouquet show what popularity might have attended the 
 appointment of a commander not chosen from the regular 
 ranks. 
 
 Meritorious as was this plan, it was utterly incompre- 
 hensible to the Duke of Cumberland, whose judgment was 
 justly supreme in the cabinet on questions touching the 
 
 • I. Walpole's Mem. Geo. II., 382. 
 
 '^ Historical Memoirs of tue late Duke of Cumberland, (Lond., 
 1767), 403.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 131 
 
 art military. He was a person of fliir capacity, of a 
 thorough education in the German school of war — that 
 school of discipline whose exponent was the great Frede- 
 rick of Prussia — and was of the first rank in the service. 
 He had heard a great deal, ten ^^ears before, of the value 
 of irregulars : he had seen a whole empire trembling at 
 the feet of a mere handful of undisciplined mountaineers; 
 its armies blasted, its councils panic-struck, its rulers ripe 
 for flight. With a ready wit he had taught his grenadiers 
 to face and to foil this impetuous foe, and to turn the very 
 secret of their success into failure and ruin. He naturally 
 now thought that the barbarians of America were to be 
 encountered as successfully in 1755 as those of Scotland 
 in 1745 : and through his intervention, no other resolution 
 was adopted by the ministry than that of placing their 
 chief trust in a regular force. To Cumberland properly 
 belongs all the responsibility of the conception and organi- 
 zation of the exefiutive portion of this enterjDrise, and the 
 nomination of its leader.^ And conceding the question of 
 the expediency of his policy, and considering the lights 
 the Duke seems to have possessed of the character of the 
 war and the nature of the services expected from Brad- 
 dock, it is not fair to say that the selection of the com- 
 mander was an unwise choice. An enthusiast in the art 
 of war, in which at an early age he had distinguished 
 himself, the Duke exercised, or endeavored to exercise, an 
 impartial regard to merit in his appointments ; and we are 
 particularly told, in regard to this one, that General 
 
 ' I. Walp. Mem. Geo. 11., 390. Mems. of Cumberland, 496.
 
 132 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Bradclock's " courage and military discipline had recom- 
 mended him as of ability for so great a trust." ^ 
 
 The scheme which Braddock was to carry into effect 
 was a very comprehensive one ; and embraced nothing less 
 than the complete restoration of English power upon the 
 American Continent.^ As early as September, 1754, it 
 was decided that two regiments of foot, the Forty-fourth, 
 Colonel Sir Peter Halket, and the Forty-eighth, Colonel 
 Thomas Dunbar, then stationed in Ireland, should form 
 the stamina of the proposed expedition. These were at 
 once to be sent to the colonies, where, having eifected the 
 objects immediately in view, they were to remain three 
 years, to put the country and its people in a suitable 
 posture of future defence.^ It was intended that each of 
 these regiments should embark five hundred strong, and 
 that they should be recruited in America to a complement 
 of seven hundred. Two other regiments of one thousand 
 men each, to be commanded respectively by Sir William 
 Pepperell and William Shirley, Esq., the Governor of the 
 province of Massachusetts-Bay, were likewise to be raised 
 at the King's cost in America, and abundant stores of 
 
 ' I. Entick, 114. Smollett (Adv. of an Atom), says that Braddock 
 was "an obscure ofBccr, without conduct or experience, whom Cumberland 
 selected for thi.s service; not that he supposed him possessed of superior 
 merit, but because no officer of distinction cared to engage in such a dis- 
 agreeable expedition." lie further intimates, too, an invincible aversion 
 on the part of the Duke and his royal father to the employment of Indian 
 allies as scouts. But it is the satirist, not the historian, who speaks : the 
 whole volume is one continued tirade against every person in power during 
 the Seven Years' War, from Pitt and Mansfield to Frederick of Prussia and 
 the Empress-Queen. 
 
 2 See Appendix, No. I. = Penn. Gaz., No. 1365.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 133 
 
 artillery, provivsions, clothing, etc., were provided. In 
 addition to these forces, which would at most make uj) but 
 about thirty-five hundred men, the King's Independent 
 Companies in America were to be under Braddock's com- 
 mand; and Royal Instructions had been sent to the 
 different Governors, demanding not only the aid of the 
 colonial troops, but the services of as many Indians as 
 could be enlisted. What with regulars, militia, and 
 savages, it was hoped that England would thus be able to 
 bring from twelve to fifteen thousand men into the field. 
 With these a simultaneous movement was if possible to be 
 made against Forts Du Quesne, Niagara, and Crown Point; 
 while Colonel Lawrence, Vvdio v/as stationed in Nova Scotia, 
 was instructed to capture Beau-Sejour; all these places 
 being, according to British views, unlawfully occupied by 
 Fraiice. An English fleet, hovering on the coast, was to 
 intercept all military supplies from the French, and thus 
 prevent their adding any fresh strength to the posts in 
 question. 
 
 On the 14th of November, His Majesty opened Parlia- 
 ment with a speech which, after the usual self-congratula- 
 tory remarks on tlie pacific relations still existing, 
 announced his intention of improving the present advan- 
 tages of a general peace to promote the commerce and 
 protect the colonies in America. Parliament understood 
 these words as they were meant, and straightway voted 
 £4,000,000 for supplies; £1,000,000 of which was to 
 increase the army and navy. The French representative, 
 M. de Mirepoix, was not blind to this policy ; but the object 
 of his court was to stave off open hostilities, until it was
 
 134 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 thoroughly prepared for the conflict : and accordingly the 
 duke kept couriers flying from London to Paris, and from 
 Paris to London, while he vowed and protested his master's 
 intentions to be utterly pacific. But both countries perse- 
 vered, notwithstanding their mutual diplomatic tergiver- 
 sations, in steadily arming for the fray. 
 
 In the mean time, the preparations for the campaign 
 were carried on with vigor and activity. It was settled 
 that the 44th and 48th regiments should continue on the 
 Irish establishment despite their transportation to America; 
 thus saddling its equivalent of the charges of the war on 
 the sister kingdom, which, not being represented in the 
 British parliament, was not called on to vote supplies. 
 But their* ranks being thinner than even in time of peace 
 was customary, it was found necessary to recruit them by 
 considerable drafts from other regiments, particularly from 
 such as were then on duty in Ireland, unless stationed at 
 Dublin. A regiment of ten companies should have counted 
 seven hundred men at its musters : it was believed that 
 these would have mounted up to five hundred each, leaving 
 the additional two hundred to be engaged in America ; but 
 the result showed a greater failure even than this. To 
 supply this deficiency, prompt steps were taken. On 
 October 29th, 1754, one hundred men were drafted from 
 Lord Bury's regiment (the 20th) at Bristol, and as many more 
 from Colonel Buckland's at Salisbury, who were at once 
 ordered to Cork, whither Major-General Bligh had already 
 repaired from Dublin to superintend the proceedings for em- 
 barcation.^ Early in the same month. Sir Peter Halket had 
 
 ' Penn. Gazette, No. 13G0, No. 1362.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 135 
 
 picked up a few volunteers in London, and a sergeant and 
 corporal of each company in the artillery were despatched 
 to beat up recruits through the country.^ In Ireland, four 
 sergeants, four corporals, five drums and sixty-five privates 
 of Lieutenant-General Bragg's regiment (the 28tli), and 
 the same number from that of Colonel Pole (the 10th), at 
 Limerick, were drafted to Cork : and in the beginning of No- 
 vember drafts were also made from Lieutenant-General An- 
 strather's regiment (the 26 th), and from the second bat- 
 talion of th& Eoyals, at Galway.^ So odious was their 
 destined service, however, that every effort of the officers 
 could not restrain desertion. Many of the new drafts or 
 enlistments, too, consisted of the worst class of men, who, 
 had they not been in the army, would probably have been 
 in Bridewell ; and this did not tend to elevate the personal 
 standard of the two regiments. 
 
 The preparations in the way of military stores, ordnance, 
 etc., were also conducted upon an extensive scale. Till 
 the close of October, the workmen at the Tower were 
 busily employed in making artillery and ammunition 
 wagons, and putting up cartridges for the expedition. 
 Tents for eight thousand men, with marquees, drums, 
 arms, accoutrements, &c., &c., as well as great quantities 
 of ammunition, were shipped in the Thames for Cork.^ 
 Thither were also sent on the 9 th of November twelve 
 carriages with chests containing six hundred stand of arms 
 from Dublin Castle. A number of army officers upon half- 
 pay were recalled into service; and on the 19 th of October, 
 orders were issued to the artillery for a captain, four ser- 
 
 ' Penn. Gaz., No 1362. ^ Ibid, No. 1367. ' Ibid No. 1360.
 
 136 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 geanis. and sixty bombardiers and matrosses to hold them- 
 selves in readiness to embark at Woolwich for Virginia;* 
 upon the 28th, Mr. Montresor was gazetted as Chief En- 
 gineer, and James Pitcher, Esq., was named Commissary of 
 the Musters.^ Several additional surgeons were also pro- 
 vided; and James Napier, Esq., Master Surgeon of the 
 Hospitals in Flanders during the preceding war, was 
 appointed Director of the Hospitals belonging to the 
 forces on the American expedition.^ On the loth of 
 October, Sir John St. Clair, Lieutenant-Colonei of Offarrell's 
 regiment of foot (the 22nd), had already been gazetted as 
 Deputy Quarter-Master-General for all the forces in 
 America, to rank as a Colonel; who, with very little 
 delay, hastened to Virginia to acquaint himself with the 
 scene of his future duties. 
 
 Indeed, an unwonted energy reems at this time to have 
 inspired the ministry. Not only were six thousand troops 
 provided for the defence of the colonies at the cost of the 
 crown, with an ample provision of the proper munitions 
 of war;"* but liberal supplies of money or its equivalent 
 were granted to different provinces. To Virginia, for 
 instance, were sent £10,000 in cash, with authority to draw 
 for as much more ; and Pennsylvania, for purposes of war, 
 was furnished with six hundred firelocks (or muskets), 
 with bayonets, cartouche-boxes, &c., three tons of musket- 
 balls, fifteen barrels of gunpowder, and five thousand 
 flints.' 
 
 * A matross is an artillery soldier of a rank inferior to the bombardier or 
 gunner. 
 
 ^ VI. Penn. Col. Kec, 303. 
 
 ^ II. Penn. Gaz., No. 1360, No. 1369. 
 
 * II. Penn. Archives, 293. ^ jjtjj^j^ 3Q0.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 137 
 
 But all this unwonted display of vigor by a cabinet with 
 whom ignorance and imbecility were the only stars that 
 lighted the western horizon, was, more suo, destined to a 
 rapid decline. During the ensuing three months exertion 
 flagged, and nothing but delay and doubting appears to 
 have characterized its proceedings. Upon the Sunday 
 evening preceding the 12th of November, Braddock him- 
 self had arrived from France (on his route, we may suppose, 
 from Gibraltar), at his house in Arlington Street, London; 
 and on the same evening waited upon the King and the Cap- 
 tain-General. The latter had arrived but at 9 A. M, of that 
 same day, an-d had barely taken possession of his winter apart- 
 ments.^ During his brief stay in the metropolis, Braddock 
 had long and repeated interviews with the Duke, in which 
 he received full and careful directions for his conduct ; all 
 of which, however, will be found repeated in the formal 
 Letter of Instructions printed in the Appendix. On the 
 Saturday before the 30th of November, he left Arlington 
 Street for Portsmouth ; whence he embarked for Cork on 
 the Centurion, Commodore Keppel, to hasten and superin- 
 tend the departure of the troops.^ But, with all his impe- 
 
 ' Penn. Gaz., No. 13Cy2. 
 
 ^ The Hon. Augustus, second son of William Anne Keppel, 2d Earl of 
 Albemarle, was born April 2d, 1725. He entered the navy as a midship- 
 man at an early date, and received his first wound at the capture of Paita. 
 He met with rapid promotion, and at Goree and in the battle off Belleisle 
 distinguished himself for good conduct. In 1TG2, he was a commodore in 
 the fleet sent out under Sir George Pocock to the Havannah. In conse- 
 quence of grave charges brought against him by Sir Hugh Palliser, he was 
 court-martialled for his conduct in the sea-fight near Ushant on the 27th 
 of June, 1778 ; but was most honorably acquitted, while his accuser became 
 the object of general opprobrium. So strong was the sympathy with Kep- 
 pel, that Parliament went to the unusual length of voting him its thanks.
 
 138 INTRODUCTORY ME MOIE. 
 
 rious energy and impatience of delay, it was not until the 
 14tli of January, 1755, that his object was effected. The 
 transport-ships from England came in irregularly and 
 slowly. On the 19 th of November, the Seahorse, man-of- 
 war, had arrived there for this service ; and on the 21st, 
 the Prince Frederick transport. Burton master, of five 
 hundred tons, of and from London, with stores, &c., made 
 its appearance at Cork to take in troops.^ The Centurion 
 followed close after, with most of the remaining transports 
 and stores ; and orders were at once issued for the men and 
 baggage to be put on board. Still, there was a wearisome 
 delay. Some transports, absolutely necessary to carry a 
 portion of the expedition, which had duly sailed from Eng- 
 land, were not yet arrived at the River Lee. A violent 
 storm in the beginning of December had ravaged the coasts 
 of Britain, and one vessel, with eight ofncers and sixty 
 men on board, w^as lost off Falmouth.^ The same gale had 
 forced the Severn, Captain Rawlings, to put into Dart- 
 mouth, and the Molly, Captain Curling, to take refuge in 
 Torbay. 
 
 Determined to wait no longer upon the tardy movements 
 of the transports, Braddock, with his staff and a small part 
 of the troops, returned to England in the Centurion and 
 the sloop-of-war Cruizer, and on the 21st of December 
 sailed from the Downs for Virginia; leaving the main 
 
 He had already (1763) been appointed Groom of the Bedchamber to the 
 King; an office which he vacated in 1766. In 1782, he was made First 
 Lord of the Admiralty; and in April of the same year, advanced to the 
 peerage under the title of Viscount Keppel of Elvedon, in the County of 
 Suffolk. He died in 1786, when his title became extinct. 
 
 ' Penn. Gaz., No. 1368. ' III. Walp. Corresp., 88.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 139 
 
 body of the fleet to follow at their earliest speed. On the 
 20th of February, 17'55, Commodore Keppel's little squad- 
 ron, consisting of his own vessel, the famous Centurion, 
 the Norwich, Captain the Hon. Mr. Barrington, and the 
 Syren, Captain Proby, cast anchor in Hampton Roads. ^ 
 On board the Norwich were the General, Captain Robert 
 Orme, one of his aides, and Mr. William Shirley, his mili- 
 tary secretary ; and the arrival of the transports was daily, 
 if not hourlj^, expected. But the first intelligence that 
 reached the Commodore's ears was a report that two French 
 
 ' Not even the Victory, where Nelson died, was a more famou3 and 
 favorite ship among British sailors than the old Centurion. In 1740, it 
 was as her captain that Anson led his little squadron on their venturous 
 voyage to "put a girdle round about the earth." In 1749, we find Keppel 
 in command. In 1755, when he hoisted his broad pennant as commodore of 
 the Virginia fleet, William Mantell, Esq., was his captain. Towards the 
 end of July, the Centurion, along with the Nightingale and the Syren, 
 Captain Proby, sailed from Hampton Roads northwardly; and on the 4th 
 of September, she was with Boscawen's fleet (Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1389, 1393). 
 Though rated as of 400 men and GO guns, she mounted now but 54. lu 
 1759, she covered Wolfe's lauding at Quebec ; and it is a little odd, that 
 at the moment the two future circumnavigators, Cook and Bougainville, 
 armed on opposite sides, were present with the ship whose fame rested on its 
 having performed the same feat. When she at last was broken up, her 
 figurehead — a lion, so exquisitely carved in wood as to suggest the work- 
 manship of Gibbons himself — was preserved to delight the eyes of the 
 Greenwich pensioners. It is still preserved at their Hospital. 
 
 The Hon. Samuel Barrington, Captain of the Norwich, was the 5th son 
 of John, first Viscount Barrington. He was born in 1729, and died an 
 admiral of the white, and lieutenant-general of the marines, Gth August, 
 1800. His second-lieutenant on this Virginia voyage was the celebrated 
 Adam Duncan of Lundie, who had sailed with Keppel in the Centurion 
 as a midshipmen since 1749. The Commodore, recognizing his merit, 
 made a special point of obtaining his promotion on this occasion. In later 
 years, the great victory of Camperdown, which gave Duncan a peerage, 
 testified to the wisdom of Keppel's judgment.
 
 140 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 men-of-war had lately been seen hovering along the coast ; 
 and, fearful lest they should insult the coming fleet, the 
 Norwich and Syren were at once ordered to sea again to 
 look out for the enemy/ 
 
 Braddock's long-expected arrival was hailed with a 
 lively joy by the inhabitants of the colonies of Maryland, 
 Virginia, and Pennsylvania; who certainly contemplated 
 with enthusiasm the prospective discomfiture of the French ; 
 at the same time, perhaps, experiencing a secret satisfac- 
 tion that the cost of the undertaking should mainly fall 
 upon the mother country. Be that as it may, the expres- 
 sions of popular pleasure on the occasion were neither cir- 
 cumscribed nor scanty ; and to such gratulatory strains as 
 these were the cisatlantic muses compelled to tune their 
 unwonted lyres : ^ 
 
 Breathe, breathe, ye winds; rise, rise, ye gentle gales; 
 
 Swell the ship's canvass, and expand her sails ! 
 
 Ye sea-green Nymphs, the royal vessel deign 
 
 To guide propitious o'er the liquid main : 
 
 Freighted with wealth, for noble ends designed, 
 
 (So willed great George, and so the Fates inclined.) 
 
 The ponderous Cannon o'er the surges sleep ; 
 
 The flaming Muskets swim the raging deep; 
 
 The murd'rous Swords, conceal'd in scabbards, sail, 
 
 And pointed Bayonets partake the gale : 
 
 Ah ! swiftly waft her to the longing shore ; 
 
 In safety land her, and we ask no more ! 
 
 Under convoy of two men-of-war, thirteen transports 
 
 and three ordnance store-ships had left the Cove of Cork 
 
 on the 14th of January, 1755; having on the last day 
 
 taken on board £14,000 in specie.' The names of this 
 
 little fleet were as follows : 
 
 • Pcnn. Gaz., No. 1368. ^ Ibid, 1360. » j^^jj^ n^. 1371.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 141 
 
 TRANSPORTS. 
 
 Anna, Captain Nevin ; Hallifax, Captain Terry ; 
 
 Terrible, Captain Wright; Fame, Captain Judd; 
 
 Osgood, Captain Croolcslianks ; London, Captain Brown; 
 Concord, Captain Boynton ; Prince Frederick, Captain Burton j , 
 
 Industry, Captain Miller; Isabel and Mary, Captain Hall; 
 
 Fisbburn, Captain William Tipple ; Molly, Captain John Curling; 
 Severn, Captain Jehosaphat llawlings. 
 
 ORDNANCE STORE-SHIPS. 
 
 Whiting, Captain Johnson; Newall, Captain Montgomery; 
 
 Nelly. 
 
 Parting company on the voyage, two transports, the 
 Fishburn and the Osgood, each with one hundred men and 
 officers on board, were on the 2nd of March the first to 
 arrive at Hampton.^ The General's original notion seems 
 to have been to await here the presence of all the troops, 
 cantoning them as they came in according to a plan 
 of Sir John St. Clair's. But perceiving the objections to 
 this arrangement, he left orders with the commodore at the 
 port for each transport, as it should arrive, to take on board 
 fresh provisions for the men, and to proceed at once up the 
 Chesapeake to Alexandria or Belhaven (as it was indiffe- 
 rently styled) on the Potomac ; while he himself hastened 
 to Williamsburg to obtain an interview with Governor 
 Dinwiddie. It would seem that there may have been some 
 foundation for the rumor, that after conquering the French 
 Braddock was to remain in this country as Governor of 
 New York : but it was never aUuded to in his intercourse 
 with the colonies, ^ for the delays and difficulties of his 
 
 ' Penn. Gaz., No. 1370. ^ yj Col. Rec, 286.
 
 / 
 
 142 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 undertaking began already to be foreshadowed, and liis 
 mind was more than sufficiently occupied with what he 
 had in hand. The transports came in slowly : it was not 
 until the middle of March that the Severn arrived with 
 the last company of the 48th regiments Fortunately, 
 despite their long and stormy passage, the health of the 
 troops had continued good ; but one man dying on the way. 
 They were debarked at or hard by Alexandria, where they 
 were for the present quartered. St. Clair had arranged an 
 absurd plan for cantoning them in small divisions all over 
 the countrj^, which the General very wisely at once 
 ignored.^ 
 
 The sword was now drawn; it but remained to cast 
 away the scabbard. In London, the wits of the court with 
 profme levity cited Scripture for their purpose, and pre- 
 tended to find in the inspirations of Ezekiel (cli. xxxv., 
 1—10), an assured prediction of the success of their arms in 
 relation to the Ohio territories and Acadia. Punning on 
 the words Mount Seir, Lord Chesterfield thus announced 
 the prospective ruin of the French ; " Moreover, the word 
 of the Lord came unto me, saying. Son of man, set thy 
 face against Mount Seir and prophesy against it, and say 
 unto it. Thus saith the Lord God ; Behold, mount Seir, 
 I am against thee, and I will stretch out my hand against 
 thee, and I will make thee most desolate. '•' * * Because 
 thou hast said. These two nations and these two countries 
 shall be mine, and we will possess it." Meanwhile, the 
 pious Fontaine, secluded with his little flock in the western 
 
 ' Braddock's Despatches, in IT. Olden Time, 227. IT. Spai-ks's Wash- 
 ington, G8. II. Penn. Arch., 286.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 143 
 
 idlcls of Virginia, lamented the turbulent times that had 
 frustrated an expedition on the eve of departure for the 
 exploration of the remotest sources of the Red River and 
 the hardly-known Missouri, and the discovery of a water 
 communication, through the heart of the continent, with 
 the Pacific Ocean/ 
 
 It is here that the Journal of Mr. Orme commences ; and 
 in its pages the reader will find a lucid and particular ac- 
 count of the whole march. But since it is necessary to 
 continue the history of the campaign upon a broader plan 
 than that adopted by our Journalist, it will be endeavored 
 to pass over as cursorily as possible, consistently with the 
 preservation of the thread of the narrative, such circum- 
 stances as he has dwelt on at large, merely preserving a 
 sufficient connection to admit the introduction of many 
 collateral facts unknown to or unglanced at by him. 
 
 Upon the lOtli of March, shortly after his arrival, the 
 General had forwarded letters to the Governors of the 
 different colonies to meet him in council at Annapolis in 
 Marjdand, early in April, and urging on them the estab- 
 lishment of a common fund to promote the connnon end 
 of the protection of the English frontiers.^ With the 
 assistance of Sir John St. Clair, he next busied himself in 
 organizing the basis and plan of the coming campaign. 
 This officer had arrived in America about the 10th of 
 January, 1755, in the ship-of-war Gibraltar, Captain Spry; 
 and since had found active employment in acquainting 
 himself with the nature and scene of his future duties. 
 
 ' III. Walp. Corr., 110. Maury's Huguenot Fam., 391. 
 2 VI. Col. Rec, 332.
 
 144 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Having procured from the Governors of Pennsylvania and 
 Virginia, and from other sources, all the maps and infor- 
 mation that were obtainable respecting the country througli 
 which the expedition was to pass, he proceeded in company 
 with Governor Sharpe of Maryland upon a tour of inspec- 
 tion to Will's Creek. The fort here was garrisoned by 
 Rutherford's and Clarke's Independent Companies of Foot, 
 which, being ordered thither from New York by Governor 
 Dinwiddie, had arrived in Hampton Roads in H. M. S. 
 Centaur, Captain Dudley Digges, on the 8th of June, 1754.^ 
 On the 1st of September these troops were marched to 
 Will's Creek, where they were joined by Captain Demerie's 
 Independent Company from South Carolina ; and on the 
 12th commenced erecting the works. On the 26th of 
 January, 1755, Sir John and Governor Sharpe found the 
 gallant fellows had built a sufficient fort, witli several large 
 magazines, and barracks for all the expected army. The 
 latter were arranged in the manner of a fortified camp, 
 flanking and flanked by the fort : ten four-jDOunders and 
 some swivels constituted all their artillery. This post was 
 called Fort Cumberland, in honor of the Captain-General. 
 A company from Maryland had arrived there about the 
 end of November, 1754, and remained through the winter 
 quartered in huts they built for themselves. Later in the 
 season the Virginia troops made their appearance. On his 
 return. Sir John descended Will's Creek and the Potomac 
 two hundred miles in an open canoe, till he reached 
 Annapolis ; whence he repaired to Williamsburg to await 
 
 ' These were the troops so anxiously looked for by Washington at Fort 
 Necessity, in July, 175-4.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 145 
 
 the General's advent. He had inspected the Great Falls 
 of the Potomac, and had no doubt that, by the aid of gun- 
 powder, the rocks in the channel at that point might be 
 removed to an extent sufficient to permit the passage of 
 the flat-bottomed boats or batteaux in which the stores, 
 etc., were to be transported to Fort Cumberland ; and he 
 employed a number of men upon that river to prepare the 
 vessels. He also laid out a camp for the army at Watkin's 
 Ferry, although no use was ever after made of it.' It was 
 very unfortunate that Sir John had not with him an engi- 
 neer or two to whom a portion of these duties might have 
 been entrusted, leaving him leisure to occupy himself in 
 other quarters where his presence Avas not less needed. 
 Thus, the four hundred men who Avere to fill up the ranks 
 of the 44th and 48th regiments to seven hundred each, 
 were looked for by the Ministry to come from Pennsyl- 
 vania.^ This expectation was never fulfilled : so late as 
 June 9 til, 1755, we find Braddock w^riting to the Governor 
 of that province, entreating him to use his efforts for this 
 end, and offering a bounty of <£3 sterling for each man.^ 
 The same colony was also relied upon to cut a road from 
 a point on the Susquehannali, below the junction of the 
 Juniata, to the Turkey Foot or forks of the Youghiogeny, 
 by which flour and other stores might pass from Philadel- 
 
 ' Vr. Col. Rec, 299, 300. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1372, 13G5, 1364. 
 
 ^ In October, 1754, Sir Thomas Robinson advised the Governoi* of Penn- 
 sylvania of the King's wish that he should have at least 3000 men enlisted 
 from whom to fill up the ranks of the 44th and 48th regiments, as well as 
 of Shirley's and Pepperell's. The mandate, however, had no legal force, and 
 was never in the least degree complied with. See VI. Col. Rec., 200. 
 
 => VI. Col. Rec., 423. 
 
 10
 
 146 INTRODUCTOHY MEMOIR. 
 
 phica to the army. This road Sir John advised to be made 
 along the ridges of the hills, so as to avoid the washing of 
 the floods ; and, in f\ict, made every snggestion for its plan 
 that experience could prefer to his mind. The busy trade 
 which to their shame the northern colonies at that par- 
 ticular period carried on with the French also arrested his 
 attention; and on all these various topics, as well as in 
 regard to a commissary whom he had sent to purchase a 
 hundred wagon-loads of flour, he addressed the Governor 
 of Pennsylvania.^ Mr. Morris was anxious to do every- 
 thing that St. Clair could ask, but his power was limited 
 by the adjournment of his Assemblj^ Until it should vote 
 supplies, he could raise no recruits nor cut any road ; until 
 it sliould declare the supplying of the French colonies with 
 provisions illegal, he could not punish the offence. But 
 such powers as he was vested with he freely used in this 
 crisis. Pending the meeting of the Assembly, who were 
 at once summoned to come together in Philadelphia, the 
 Governor appointed commissioners to survey the country 
 and report on the most proper route for the desired road ; ^ 
 and in consequence of a letter from Commodore Keppel, 
 informing him that, by virtue of the King's command, he 
 
 ' VI. Col. Kec, 301, 337. When the prospect of a war between the 
 two countries was imminent, and the French in Canada were anxious to lay 
 in a store of provisions, the commercial colonics of New York, Rhode 
 Island, and Massachusetts hastened to supply them. Within three months 
 of the first battle, no less than forty English vessels lay at one time in the 
 harbor of Louisbourg. It is proper to say that Pennsylvania was not 
 otherwise engaged in this traffic tlian in selling flour to the mca-haiits of 
 other colonies, who pursued it until stopped by the stringent enactments 
 of their own legislatures. 
 
 2 VI. Col. Ilec, 318.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 147 
 
 should in future seize all ships carrying provisions and 
 stores to the French from Pennsylvania, he also issued 
 his warrant to all the collectors and port-officers within his 
 jurisdiction, forbidding them to suffer any vessel to pass 
 outwards respecting whose destination there could be the 
 least doubt. ^ By these means, much was effected towards 
 promoting the wished-for end. 
 
 It was in the course of this correspondence with Sir 
 John that the General first came into connection with Mr. 
 Morris, to whom he had brought introductory letters from 
 Lord Halifax and Thomas Penn, the Proprietary. On the 
 14 th of January, Dinwiddie wrote to Morris to ascertain if 
 six hundred thousand pounds of flour and a quantity of 
 salted beef could bo procured in Pennsylvania for the use 
 of the expedition ; promising to pay for it himself should 
 tliat province refuse. After some hesitation, fourteen thou- 
 sand bushels of wheat were voted to be delivered, in the 
 shape of flour, immediately upon the arrival of the troops 
 at the mouth of Conecocheague Creek ; a large stream 
 which flows to the Potomac through what "is now Franklin 
 County in Pennsylvania : this being a larger quantity 
 than was asked, and entirely at the cost of Pennsylvania.^ 
 Sir John having become involved in this negotiation, Mor- 
 ris's reply was submitted to Braddock, who had just then 
 arrived ; and it elicited from the General a communication 
 couched in no very gentle terms. After bitterly inveighing 
 against the conduct of a legislature which, in full view of 
 
 ' VT. Col. Rec, 819, 323. 
 
 2 Vr. Col. Ilec, 297. II. Ponn. Arch., 253. This flour was bought 
 ■with part of the £5000 presently to be spoken of.
 
 148 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the King's goodness in sending a large force to rescue their 
 country from the hands of the enemy, had done not a 
 thing to subsist the troops or to faciUtate their progress to 
 the Ohio, he employs the following significant threat in 
 relation to billeting his men for their winter-quarters : 
 
 "My Commission empowers me to settle the Winter as 
 I shall think most proper. You may assure your Assembly 
 I shall have Regard to the different Behaviour of the 
 several Colonies, and shall regulate their Quarters accord- 
 ingly, and that I will repair, by unpleasant Methods, what 
 for the Character and Honour of the Assemblies I should 
 be much hajDpier to see cheerfully supplied," ^ 
 
 As not only all of the General's correspondence, but 
 many historical accounts of these transactions, abound in 
 violent aspersions of the patriotism of Pennsylvania on 
 this occasion, it may be as well to give here an impartial 
 statement of the facts of the case. It seems the emission 
 of provincial paper money or bills had many years before 
 attracted the attention of the Crown. A legalized cur- 
 rency of notes that soon became ragged and defaced, and 
 for the redemption of which no assured fund was provided, 
 was certainly calculated to injure the trader at a distance 
 as well as the holder at home; and consequently, in 1740, 
 instructions were forwarded to Governor Thomas, of Penn- 
 sylvania, that he should in future pass no law for creating 
 paper money which did not contain a clause suspending its 
 ojjeration until it was confirmed by the King. The object of 
 these regulations was to prevent any sudden emission of a 
 fictitious currency, to be redeemed by posterity ; and Sir 
 
 ' Braddock's Letter of 28th Feb., 1755. VI. Col. Kec, 307.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 149 
 
 Dudley Ryder, the most eminent counsel of his time, hav- 
 ing been consulted on the question, had formally advised 
 Mr. Hamilton (Mr. Morris's predecessor) that he and every 
 other governor was fully bound by, and could not honor- 
 ably nor safely violate them. This was one cause of dis- 
 content between the Assembly and the Governor; for the 
 colony was not able to endure, or even to pay a very 
 heavy direct tax ; and the only mode in vogue of raising 
 a large sum to meet an emergency was by an emission of 
 bills. These the Crown was anxious to have redeemed in 
 not more than five years, while the Assembly naturally 
 preferred a longer day. Owing to the insuperable difficulty 
 of any agreement upon a system of taxation in which the 
 proprietary's unseated lands should pay their share with 
 the rest of the province, the Assembly were now driven to 
 a course which they perhaps hoped would place their 
 Governor absolutely and finally in a false position. They 
 resolved to issue £40,000 in paper money (£20,000 of 
 which should be for purposes of defence), to be redeemed 
 in twelve years; carefully excluding from the bill any 
 clause of suspension. They hoped that the crisis would 
 induce Mr. Morris to pass it into a law, and probably did 
 not believe that any harm would come to him for so doing. 
 But if he refused it, they would be in a position to charge 
 him with the interruption of their efforts to serve the 
 King. Of course, the Governor could not assent to such 
 an act with the written opinion before him of the man who 
 at that very moment was Chief Justice of England ; and 
 so he informed the Assembly. Warm bickerings at once 
 broke out between them. The Governor laid all the con-
 
 150 INTRODUCTOKY MEMOIR. 
 
 sequence of the French invasion at the doors of the legis- 
 lature ; and the legislature, in return, not only refused to 
 modify their bill, but even insinuated that there v/as no 
 invasion at all j that whether the territory on which Fort 
 Du Quesne was erected belonged to the English or the 
 French crown, it apparently was not within the limits of 
 Pennsylvania. And since the King, said they, wdio cer- 
 tainly was the best judge of the limits of his own domi- 
 nions, had already directed his attention to this question, 
 they declined taking any share in the business ; more espe- 
 cially as there was no war existing, in their eyes, between 
 England and France. Such was the satisfaction which 
 they gave to the requirements of Sir Thomas Robinson.' 
 Finding, however, that Mr. Morris was immovable, the 
 Assembly resolved to borrow £5000 on its own credit, 
 which was placed in the hands of a committee to be 
 applied in defending the colony; and then suddenly ad- 
 journed without the Governor's approbation. 
 
 It is so much the fashion in this generation to regard 
 
 ' VI. Col. Ilec, 192, 233. XXV. Gent. Mag., 230, 243. There had 
 been a general though a ridiculously absurd suspicion in Virginia, as well 
 as Pennsylvania, that the story of French encroachments, &c., in the West 
 was all a bugbear, gotten up by the Ohio Company in order to procure its 
 occupation by the British, and so facilitate its own settlement. Thus 
 Vt''ashington, who was interested in that concern, wrote, in 1757, to Lord 
 Loudoun : 
 
 " It was not ascertained until too late that the French were on the Ohio ; 
 or rather, that we could be persuaded they came there with a design to 
 invade His Majesty's dominions. Nay, after I was sent out in December, 
 1753, and brought undoubted testimony, even from themselves, of their 
 avowed design, it was yet thougbt a fiction, and a scheme to promote the 
 interest of a private company, even by some who had a concern in the 
 government." — 11. Sparks's Washington, 218.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 151 
 
 every ante-revolutionarj dispute between a governor and 
 bis assembly as a struggle between tyrannical oppression 
 and popular rigbts, tliat it is witli some diffidence an 
 opinion is bere ventured, tbat in tbis instance the legisla- 
 ture of Pennsylvania were altogetber in tbe wrong. Set- 
 ting aside all question of expediency or policy, tbeiri 
 object plainly was to force tbe Governor to infringe tbe 
 constitution. Failing tins, tbey blindly persisted in a 
 conduct wliicb eventually drencbed tbeir borders in the 
 blood of tbeir own sons, and raised a spirit wbicb in less 
 tban ten years tarnisbed tbe lienor of tbe province, 
 trampled on its laws, and tbreatened its integrity.^ But it 
 must be added tbat tbeir errors were of tbe bead, not of 
 tbe beart ; tbe tenor of tbeir wliole conduct compels tbe 
 belief tbat tbey were bonest and patriotic in tbeir inten- 
 tions, tliougb sometimes very sbort-sigbted. Tbe censure 
 wbicb tbey received, often descending to sbeer abuse, only 
 tended, by a confidence of its injustice, to confirm tbem in 
 tbe patb tbey bad adopted j and was quite as unmerited as 
 tbat wbicb tbeir j^^i'^izans liberally lavished on tbe 
 Governor. Tbe real secret of the trouble consisted in the 
 refusal of tbe Penns to be taxed. Every effort of the 
 province to circumvent or break down tbis odious and 
 unjust distinction was as violent as it was vain, until public 
 opinion compelled its abolition. 
 
 At tbis very moment, when tbeir government had refused 
 
 ' Allusion is here made to the Paxton riots, when a murderous array of 
 frontiers-men marched on Philadelphia, threatening to repeat there the 
 crimes they had already been guilty of at Lancaster. These shocking 
 scenes would never have occurred, had the Ohio Indians been enlisted in 
 time in the English interest.
 
 152 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 to agree on any plan by which a provincial force could be 
 raised in Pennsylvania to operate under Braddock against 
 Fort Du Quesne, the men of Pennsylvania were enlisting 
 by hundreds under the banners of Shirley and Pepperell, 
 or carrying their services to Virginia or New York. In 
 1758, when affairs were better managed, the province 
 raised 2700 troops for Forbes's army. But then, public 
 matters on both sides of the Atlantic had taken a vastly 
 different turn. In England, a Pitt had released the nation 
 from the ministerial incubus by which it was oppressed ; 
 in Pennsylvania, the provincial levies were placed in every 
 proper respect upon a level with the regulars; and a 
 community, which for three-quarters of a century had 
 existed without a militia law had at last (Nov. 1755), 
 been prevailed upon to consent to a measure, which at 
 least put it in the power of those who wished to learn how 
 to defend their country.^ 
 
 Unfortunately for himself, it was Braddock who was 
 destined to reap this untoward harvest of popular discon- 
 tent. Incapable of comprehending its origin, it was enough 
 for him to know that it actually existed, and that, by soft 
 words or wrathful, he could do very little with the legisla- 
 ture of Pennsylvania; or, indeed, with that of any other 
 colony. His temper naturally led him to take at once the 
 most unkind, and frequently unfounded, views of their 
 conduct. " Pennsylvania will do nothing," he wrote to 
 Mr. Fox, the Secretary of War, "and furnisheth the 
 French with whatever they have occasion for." And 
 again he writes to Lord Halifax and to Sir Thomas 
 
 ' Sparks's Wash., 289. XXVI. Gent. Mag., 83. VI. C. R., 337.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 153 
 
 Kobinson, one of the Secretaries of State : " I am very 
 sorry that I am obliged to say that the inhabitants of these 
 colonies in general have shown much negligence for His 
 Majesty's service and their own interests. Nevertheless, 
 they have not all equally deserved this censure ; and par- 
 ticularly this province where I am (Virginia), ought not to 
 be put in comparison with its neighbors, and may seem not 
 to have merited these reproaches. '•' '=' '•" I cannot suffi- 
 ciently express my indignation against the provinces of 
 Pennsylvania and Maryland, whose interest being alike 
 concerned in the event of this expedition, and much more 
 so than any other on this continent, refuse to contribute 
 anything towards the project ; and what they propose is 
 made upon no other terms than such as are altogether 
 contrary to the King's prerogatives and to the instructions 
 he has sent their governors. '=' ''''^- '•' I cannot but take the 
 liberty to represent to you the necessity of laying a tax 
 upon all His Majesty's dominions in America, agreeably to 
 the result of council, for reimbursing the great sums that 
 must be advanced for the service and interest of the colo- 
 nies in this important crisis." ^ In what he insinuates 
 respecting their connection with the French, Braddock was 
 utterl}' wrong : in his allegations of a niggardly disposition 
 on the part of the provincial Assemblies, he was perhaps 
 
 ' II. Olden Time, 225, 232, 235. Before blaming in to(o ccelo the rash 
 judgment that dictated these intemperate counsels, it will be ■well to recol- 
 lect that others besides Braddock (whether justly or not), were incensed 
 beyond bounds by the conduct of Pennsylvania : •' A people," said Wash- 
 ington, "who ought rather to be chastised for their insensibility to danger, 
 and disregard of their sovereign's expectations." I. Sparks's "Wash., 78. 
 The suggestion of taxing America by Britain is perhaps one of the earliest 
 en record.
 
 154 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 not wholly incorrect. Virginia indeed had granted 
 £20,000, Pennsylvania £5000, and North Carolina £8000 
 towards the common cause ; and even Maryland seems to 
 have voted £6000 — all, however, in their respective cur- 
 rencies, which were much less than sterling/ All of these 
 sums were expended under their own directions. The 
 contribution of South Carolina, amounting to £5714 55. 
 Sid. sterling, was all the American money that ever 
 reached Braddock's hands. As for the funds raised north 
 of the Delaware, they were very properly applied to ends 
 more immediately local. The main cost of the expedition 
 was compulsorily borne by Great Britain. 
 
 It is not surprising, then, that the General lost his 
 equanimity in contemplating not only the luiexpected 
 deficiency in that supply of money which he had been 
 taught to expect from the colonies, but also the first 
 examples of that miserable, equivocating system of shuffling 
 delay and petty economy which too often characterized 
 their action. Thus, all the provisions that Dinwiddle 
 was to have supplied were discovered, at the eleventh 
 hour, to be not forthcoming; and new and hurried 
 arrangements had to be entered into at a moment when 
 everything of the sort should have been finally concluded. 
 As the particulars of this transaction will be found at 
 large in the ensuing text, however, it need not be further 
 alluded to here. But with all the explosions of his temper, 
 there were many instances in which the General manifested 
 a spirit as wise as it was discriminating, doing equal honor 
 to his head and his heart. Of these, was the manner in 
 
 ' XXV. Gent. Mag., 308. II. Olden Time, 226.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 155 
 
 which he secured the services of Washington. The reader 
 need hardly be reminded that in consequence of the King's 
 order of November 12th, 1754, denying all precedence of 
 rank to the colonial military in comparison with the bearers 
 of commissions signed by himself or his American general- 
 issimo, Washington, with a soldier's just feeling, had 
 declined accepting any position in the troops raised by 
 Virginia; and had, in fact, almost abandoned (with what 
 reluctance may be conceived), every idea of serving his 
 country in the field. No man could more perfectly appre- 
 ciate the motives of such conduct than Braddock ; and 
 few could more delicatelj^, while tacitly acknowledging 
 their propriety, have fulfilled his duty of bringing to his 
 sovereign's service such valuable aid. On the 2nd of 
 March, he caused this letter to be addressed to Major 
 Washington : — 
 
 " Williamshurg, 2 March, 1755. 
 
 " Sir : — The General having been informed that you 
 expressed some desire to make the campaign, but that you 
 declined it upon some disagreeableness that you thought 
 might arise from the regulations of command, has ordered 
 me to acquaint you that he will be very glad of your com- 
 pany in his family, by which all inconveniences of that 
 kind will be obviated. 
 
 " I shall think myself very happy to form an acquaint- 
 ance with a person so universally esteemed, and shall use 
 every opportunity of assuring you how much I am, Sir, 
 your most obedient servant, 
 
 " Robert Orme, Ald-de-camp"
 
 156 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Washington's reply was couched in terms that evince 
 clearly his gratification at this compliment. He had 
 already addressed a congratulatory letter to the General 
 on his safe arrival in this country ; and he now ingenuously 
 confesses that the laudable desire he possessed to serve, 
 with his best abilities, his King and country, was not a 
 little biased by what he calls selfish considerations. 
 " To explain, sir," he continues, " I wish earnestly to 
 obtain some knowledge in the military profession; and 
 believing a more favorable opportunity cannot offer than 
 to serve under a gentleman of General Braddock's abilities 
 and experience, it does, you may reasonably suppose, not 
 a little influence my choice." But domestic cares for a 
 space prevented him from repairing to his post ; and it was 
 not until two months from this that he reported himself to 
 the General at Frederick Town, in Maryland ; his appoint- 
 ment, being proclaimed to the army on the 10th of May, 
 1755. In all this unavoidable delay, he had been treated with 
 the greatest consideration ; Captain Orme informing him that 
 " the General orders me to give you his comj)liments, and 
 to assure you his wishes are to make it agreeable to your- 
 self and consistent with your affiirs; and, therefore, he 
 desires you will so settle your business at home as to join 
 him at Will's Creek, if more convenient to you ; and when- 
 ever you find it necessary to return, he begs you will look 
 wpon yourself as entirely master, and judge what is neces- 
 sary to be done," ^ Indeed, throughout the campaign, the 
 General's appreciation of this illustrious man goes far to 
 soften the common impression of his brutality and haughti- 
 
 ' II. Sparks's Washington, 68 ei scq.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 157 
 
 ness. Waslilngton and Franklin were perhaps the only 
 two natives of America whom he distinguished with an 
 unstinted measure of approbation; and it certainly argues 
 no common character to have perceived in their dawning 
 the future meridian brightness of these glorious minds. 
 Washington never hesitated to express his convictions in 
 opposition to Braddock's. " From frequent breaches of 
 contract," he wrote/ '^' the General has lost all patience; 
 and, for Avant of that temper and moderation which should 
 be used by a man of sense upon these occasions, w^ill, I 
 fear, represent us in a light we little deserve ; for, instead 
 of blaming the individuals, as he ought, he charges all his 
 disappointments to the public supineness, and looks upon 
 the country, I believe, as void of honor and lionestj-. We 
 have frequent disputes on this head, which are maintained 
 with w^armth on both sides — especially on his, as he is 
 incapal)le of arguing w^ithout it, or giving up any point he 
 asserts, be it ever so incompatible wdth reason or common 
 sense." While all will agree with Mr. Sparks that the 
 General had but too good grounds for complaint, it is plea- 
 sant to see how anxious he was to render justice to even 
 American merit, and to fiivor his Virginia aid-de-camp's 
 desires for promotion in the regular army of his sovereign. 
 Governor Dinwiddle, after the General's death, wrote home 
 to Sir Thomas Robinson, the Secretary of State, his con- 
 victions that Braddock, had he survived, would have 
 warmly recommended Washington to royal favor. And 
 he afterwards repeated the same thing to the Earl of Lou- 
 doun when that incapable nobleman came to America to 
 
 ' Letter to W. Fairfax. II. Sp. Wash., 177.
 
 158 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 succeed Shirley in the chief command ; strongly urging 
 Washington's promotion in the regular establishment. 
 " General Braddock had so high an esteem for his merit 
 that he made him one of his aids-de-camp ; and if he had 
 survived, I believe he would have provided handsomely for 
 him in the regulars," are part of Dinwiddle's words. And 
 Washington himself says very strongly to Lord Loudoun, 
 " With regard to myself, I cannot forbear adding that, had 
 General Braddock survived his unfortunate defeat, I should 
 have met with preferment agreeable to my wishes. I had 
 his promise to that effect ; and I believe that gentleman 
 was too sincere and generous to make unmeaning offers 
 where no favors were asked. General Shirley was not 
 unkind in his promises, but he has gone to England."^ 
 These facts put a very different face upon a connection, 
 honorable to both parties, which Lord Orford so falsely 
 alludes to in his summing up of the Fort Necessity affair, 
 when he says, " This brave braggart learned to blush for 
 his rodomontade, and desiring to serve General Braddoch as 
 aid-de-canip, ncquiiied himself nobly !" ^ The insinuation 
 that Washington sought for the post was, under the cir- 
 cumstances, as ungenerous as untrue. 
 
 Owing to a delay in Shirley's progress, the congress of 
 the governors of five colonies met, on the 14 th of April, 
 at Alexandria, instead of Annapolis, where Braddock had 
 expected them ; when the plans for the summer's operations 
 were fully developed and explained. This having been 
 done (as will appear more fully in Captain Orme's Journal), 
 
 ' II. Sparks's Washington, 97, 162, 229. 
 2 1. Walp. Mem. Geo. II., 347.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 159 
 
 Mr. Morris laid before tlie meeting the report of his road 
 commissioners; who, in their portion of the embryo work, 
 liad succeeded beyond expectation. The document in 
 question, moreover, presented a very characteristic speci- 
 men of the feehngs with whicli those officers on whom the 
 responsibihty of faihire would have to rest, had come to 
 look upon the conduct of Pennsylvania. Sir John St. Clair 
 had visited the commissioners with his warmest indigna- 
 tion, storming "like a Lyon Eamj^ant," on account of the 
 expedition having been so retarded by the delay of the 
 road and the failure of the province to furnish provisions.' 
 
 ' Shippcn MSS., Vol. I. He threatened them " that instead of marching 
 to the Ohio, he would in nine days march his army into Cumberland 
 County (Penn.) to cut the Roads, press Horses, Wagons, &c. ; that he would 
 not suffer a Soldier to handle an Axe, but by Fire and Sword, oblige the 
 Inhabitants to do it, and take away every Man that refused to the Ohio, as' 
 he had, yesterday, some of the Virginians; that he would kill all kind of 
 Cattle and carry away the Horses, burn the Houses, &c. ; and that if the 
 French defeated them by the Delays of this Province he would with his 
 Sword drawn pass through the Province and treat the Inhabitants as a 
 parcel of Traitors to his Master; that he would to-morrow write to England 
 by a Man-of-war; shake Mr. Penn's proprietaryship ; and represent Penn- 
 sylvania as a disaffected province : that he would not stop to impress our 
 Assembly; his hands were not tyed, and that We should find: ordering 
 Us to take these Precautions and instantly publish them to our Governor 
 and Assembly, telling Us he did not value anything they did or resolved, 
 
 seeing they were dilatory and retarded the iMarch of the Troops, and 
 
 an (as he phrased it) on this occasion ; and told Us to gn to the Gene- 
 ral, if We pleased, who would give us ten bad Words for one that he had given. 
 * * * He would do our Duty himself and never trust to Us ; but we 
 should dearly pay for it. To every sentence he solemnly swore, and desired 
 we might believe him to be in earnest." The Shippen MSS. (consisting 
 of the original papers, &c., of Edward and Joseph Shippen, Col. James 
 Burd, and other members of a family that during the last century occupied 
 a most distinguished position in Pennsylvania) are in the library of the 
 Hist. Soc. of Penn. They contain a store of valuable information respecting
 
 160 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 It was not difficult to present this transaction in its true 
 light to the General, from whom St. Clair received a warm 
 and severe reprimand for his officious violence.^ The road, 
 in the meanwhile, went on slowly enough. The Assembly, 
 being sensible of the great advantage it would be to the 
 province to have a direct communication with Fort Du 
 Quesne, in time consented to its being made, and even pro- 
 jected another to Will's Creek ; but the Governor, ascer- 
 taining that they were not disposed to expend a sum suf- 
 ficient to half carry through both of these designs, contrived 
 that the latter road should be abandoned in favor of that 
 to the forks of Youghiogeny, which was of the most press- 
 ing importance.^ But even the cost of this alone gave 
 great offence, as it stood the province in £3000, while they 
 were willing to spend but .£800. As there were but about 
 one huudred men employed, its progress was very tardy. 
 Provisions were not regularly supplied them. The laborers, 
 too, were kept in constant alarm of the enemy; no guard 
 was allowed them by the province; and it was not until 
 the end of June that the General detached from his own 
 army Captain Hogg, with fifty men, for their protection. 
 Advertisements, in English and German, for more workmen 
 were vainly dispersed through the country. 
 
 So great was the necessity of opening a communication 
 by which provisions could be sent to the army from Penn- 
 sylvania, that Braddock at first declared he would not 
 advance beyond the place where it was to encounter his 
 
 the early history of the State, and an interesting corrcsponclence with many 
 of the chief characters in America. 
 
 ' II. Penn. Arch., 817. ' Pcnn. Gaz., No. 1397.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 161 
 
 own route, till it was made. " The general — the officers 
 — the whole army place their account upon this road," 
 wrote Richard Peters, the Secretary of the Province to the 
 Commissioners. Finally, however, on the 17th of July, 
 after they had once or twice been attacked by Indians and 
 most of the party half frightened out of their senses, the 
 chief commissioner, Mr. James Burd, received from Colonel 
 Innes, at Fort Cumberland, notice of the General's defeat, 
 and orders to retire without delay. Mr. Burd executed 
 this movement with coolness and sagacity, leaving nothing 
 behind him that he could possibly bring away, and indeed 
 meriting by his conduct the praise which he subsequently 
 received. It has been thought best thus to dispose, at one 
 view, of the fujl history of this provincial road as connected 
 with the campaign of 1755 :^ it is now necessary to return 
 to the Congress of Alexandria. 
 
 What had ever induced the Ministry to select Virginia, 
 instead of Pennsylvania, as the spot from which the expe- 
 dition was to march, cannot be discovered ; but the choice 
 was a most unfortunate one. The former province could 
 afford neither forage, provisions, wagons, nor cattle; in all 
 of which the latter abounded. To be sure, the land car- 
 riage between the heads of navigation in the Potomac and 
 the branches of the Ohio was less than a hundred miles ; 
 but this was a convenience of which Braddock could not 
 avail himself And it was computed at the time that had 
 he landed at Philadelphia his march would have been 
 shortened by six weeks, and £40,000 v.^ould have been 
 
 ' Sliippen MSS. 2Jass{m. II. Penn. Arch., 320, 345, 357, 363, 373. 
 VI. Col. Kcc, 433, 460, 466, 476. 
 11
 
 162 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 saved in the cost of the expedition. Carlisle would have 
 made an infinitely better frontier station than Will's Creek, 
 being far more accessible from Philadelphia than Fort 
 Cumberland was from Alexandria, and through a more 
 productive and cultivated country : the distance from Fort 
 Du Quesne was, however, much greater. This view is 
 sufficiently proved from the fact that Forbes, in 1758, after 
 full deliberation, judged it wiser to cut a new road through 
 this province than to follow the path already opened by 
 Braddock. The only motive, then, for the unhappy direc- 
 tions with which he was saddled must be believed to have 
 been one publicly suggested in London at the time ; namely, 
 that to gratify a political favorite with a commission of 2^ 
 j>er cent, on the funds sent to that country, Virginia was 
 fixed upon for the debarcation of the troops.^ The 
 moment the General began to investigate the prejDarations 
 made here for his subsistence, he perceived their utter 
 deficiency. The twenty-five hundred horses, two hundred 
 and fifty wagons, and eleven hundred beeves which were 
 promised him from Maryland and Virginia, were not forth- 
 coming : twenty wagons and two hundred horses were all 
 that could be produced ; and the provisions furnished by 
 Maryland were on inspection discovered to be utterly 
 worthless. Such disappointments as these were sufficient 
 to inflame even a placable temper; and in the general 
 failure, his wrath blindly vented itself upon the people of 
 that province which abounded in all that he desired, yet 
 from which he had received notliing. Fortunately, Governor 
 
 ' Lewis Evans's Second Essay (Phil. 1756), p. 7. XXV. Gent. Mag., 
 378; 388. Hanbury was probably the person alluded to.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 163 
 
 Shirley had insisted upon Franklin's accompanying him 
 to the Congress at Annapolis, where he remained after its 
 adjournment to establish a post-route between Will's Creek 
 and Philadelphia. He found the leading officers of the 
 army imbued with a fixed detestation of Pennsylvania, 
 alleging that the province had refused them wagons, horses, 
 and food itself at any price ; had denied them a road from 
 the camp to their back-settlements ; and was even in secret 
 correspondence with the French. Franklin could only 
 reply that the Assembly had, before their arrival, granted 
 £5000 to support the King's troops ; that it was understood 
 Virginia and Maryland were to furnish the wagons, etc., 
 and that Pennsylvania did not know that more were 
 wanted ; and that a committee was at that very time sur- 
 veying the ground to lay out a road. He added that it 
 was a pity the expedition had not landed in Pennsylvania, 
 where every farmer had his wagon. Catching at the hope 
 held out in this conversation, Braddock at once asked him 
 if he thought it possible still to procure horses and teams 
 for the expedition in Pennsylvania; and if so, would he, 
 at the General's cost, undertake to obtain a supply ? To 
 each part of this proposition Franklin cheerfully assented, 
 and at once set about carrying the idea into execution in a 
 manner not unworthy of his astute and usual worldly 
 Avisdom.^ He caused a handbill to be printed and widely 
 distributed through an extensive part of Pennsylvania, 
 then comprehended but in three counties; in which, after 
 an advertisement stating the terms upon which his natural 
 
 ' II. Olden Time, 237. I. Sparks's Franklin, 183. VII. ih., 96. II. 
 Penn. Archives, 295.
 
 164 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 son William Franklin or himself were desirous of hiring 
 for the General fifteen hundred saddle or pack-horses, and 
 one hundred and fifty wagons, each with a team of four 
 horses, was published the following letter : — 
 
 " TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE COUNTIES OP LANCASTER, 
 YORK, AND CUMBERLAND. 
 
 " Friends and Counirymen : 
 
 " Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days 
 since, I found the General and Officers of the Army ex- 
 treamly exasperated, on Account of their not being supply'd 
 with Horses and Carriages, which had been expected from 
 this Province as most able to furnish them ; but thro' the 
 Dissentions between our Governor and Assem.bly, Money 
 had not been provided nor any Steps taken for that 
 Purpose. 
 
 " It was proposed to send an armed Force immediately 
 into these Counties, to seize as many of the best Carriages 
 and Horses as should be wanted, and compel as many Per- 
 sons into the Service as should be necessary to drive and 
 take care of them. 
 
 '' I apprehended that the Progress of a Body of Soldiers 
 thro' these Counties on such an Occasion, especially con- 
 sidering the Temper they are in, and their Resentment 
 against us, would be attended with many and great 
 Inconveniences to the Inhabitants; and therefore more 
 willingly undertook the Trouble of trying first what might 
 be done by fair and equitable Means. 
 
 " The People of these back Counties have lately com-
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 165 
 
 plained to the Assembly that a sufficient Currency was 
 wanting : you have now an Opportunity of receiving and 
 dividing among you a very considerable Sum ; for if the 
 Service of this Expedition should continue (as it's more 
 than probable it will), for 120 Days, the Hire of these 
 Wagons and Horses will amount to upwards of Thirty 
 Thousand Pounds, which will be paid you in Silver and 
 Gold of the King's Money. 
 
 " The service will be light and easy, for the Army will 
 scarce march above 12 Miles per Day, and the Wagons and 
 Baggage Horses, as they carry those things that are abso- 
 lutely necessary to the Welfare of the Army, must march 
 with the Army and no faster, and are, for the Army's sake, 
 alwa^'s plac'd where they can be most secure, whether on 
 March or in Camp. 
 
 " If 3'ou really are, as I believe you are, good and loyal 
 Subjects of His Majesty, you may now do a most accept- 
 able Service, and make it easy to yourselves ; for three or 
 four such as cannot separately spare from the Business of 
 their Plantations a Wagon and four Horses and a Driver, 
 may do it together, one furnishing the Wagon, another one 
 or two Horses, and another the Driver, and divide the Pay 
 proportionably between you. But if you do not this 
 Service to your King and Country voluntarily, when such 
 good Pay and reasonable Terms are offered you, your 
 Loyalty will be strongly suspected. The King's Business 
 must be done ; so many brave Troops, come so far for your 
 Defence, must not stand idle thro' your Backwardness to 
 do what may reasonably be expected from you ; Wagons 
 and Horses must be had ; violent Measures will probably
 
 166 INTEODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 be used ; and you v,'ill be to seek for a Recompence where 
 you can find it, and your Case perhaps be little pitied or 
 regarded. 
 
 " I have no particular Interest in this Affair ; as (except 
 the Satisfaction of endeavoring to do Good and prevent 
 Mischief), I shall have only my Labour for my Pains. If 
 this Method of obtaining the Wagons and Horses is not 
 like to succeed, I am oblig'd to send Word to the General 
 in fourteen Days, and I suppose /Sir John St. Clair, the 
 Hussar, with a Body of Soldiers, will immediately enter 
 the Province, of which I shall be sorry to hear, because 
 " / am, very sincerely and truly, 
 
 " Your Friend and Well-toislier, 
 
 " B. Franklin." 
 
 Nothing could have better answered its purpose. St. Clair 
 had actually, it is believed, served in a Hussar regiment 
 abroad ; and usually wore a Hussar uniform on duty in 
 America. Of a violent, impetuous temper, he had on more 
 than one occasion threatened to dragoon the lukewarm 
 inhabitants into activity ; and his character and profession 
 forcibly recalling to the German farmers, who in great 
 numbers occupied the back counties, the scenes they had 
 witnessed at home, were artfully introduced by Franklin, 
 and must have excited much amusement among Sir John's 
 friends in camp. As for the English colonists, it was enough 
 for them to be reminded that such things as a Press of pri- 
 vate means for the benefit of the State still existed.^ In a 
 
 ' " I can but honor Franklin for y^ last clause of his Advertisement." — 
 W. Shirley to Morris. IT. Penn. Arch. 311. Gov. Morris was instructed 
 by the Crown to aid the army in impressing wagons, etc., if necessary : and
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 167 
 
 fortnight's space, the one hundred and fifty wagons and 
 teams and two hundred and fifty-nine pack-horses were 
 on their way to camp. In his letters to his government, 
 the General expressed great satisfaction at Franklin's con- 
 duct in this business, which he characterized as " almost 
 the first instance of integrity, address, and ability that he 
 had met with in all these provinces," It is a pity it should 
 be necessary to comment upon the difficulty which this 
 matter afterwards brought upon its undertaker. Had 
 Braddock lived, there would undoubtedly have arisen no 
 trouble; but his death left his contractor involved in a 
 debt of over £20,000, for wdiich the ovv^ners of the property 
 did not cease to importune him. Governor Shirley, it is 
 true, relieved him of the greater part of this responsibility, 
 with warm expressions of sensibility of his public services 
 in ''engaging those wagons without which General Brad- 
 dock could not have proceeded;" but he left a portion of 
 the accounts to be settled by Lord Loudoun, who, according 
 to his usual habits, utterly neglected doing anything in the 
 premises ; and it is believed the patriotic postmaster was 
 never wholly repaid. He very usefully employed Brad- 
 dock's new-born partiality, however, in procuring the 
 release of bought servants enlisted into the army, whose 
 time belonged to their masters.^ 
 
 we find bis warrant for that purpose issued to the Sheriff of Philadelphia, 
 in September, 1755. {lb. 432.) And see VI. Col. Rec, 203. 
 
 ' VII. Sparks's Franklin, 94, 138. See also Bouquet's testimony to bis 
 services on this occasion ; ib. 262. As for the Earl of Loudoun, nothing 
 could be juster than the comparison of his lordship to the figure of St. 
 George over the door of a country inn, always on horseback, yet never 
 going on !
 
 168 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Returning from the congress of Alexandria, each Go- 
 vernor sought his respective province, fondly imagining, 
 perhaps, that the work was done and the fall of the French 
 near at hand. This, at least, was the sentiment of the 
 populace, who welcomed the prospect with noisy gratula- 
 tion.^ In the meamvhile, the General busied himself in 
 getting the troops and stores advanced to Fort Cumberland, 
 whence his march through a hostile wilderness, if not an 
 enemy's country, was fairly to begin, and in concerting, 
 with the different authorities, various measures of public 
 convenience. Having fixed upon Winchester, Virginia, as 
 the place to which his letters should be sent, he procured 
 expresses to be laid by Pennsylvania and Maryland to that 
 town.^ Another object to which he devoted much atten- 
 tion was the obtaining of Indians to accomj^any his army. 
 There is no point on which his conduct has been more mis- 
 understood than this ; he has always been looked upon as 
 despising and refusing the services of the savages, and 
 as actually repulsing their proffered aid : let us see what 
 are the facts of the case. 
 
 Immediately upon the General's arrival in Virginia, he 
 had spoken with Governor Dinwiddle in regard to this 
 matter, and was given to understand that a large force of 
 Catawba and Cherokee Indians, under the influence of his 
 
 ' Thus Shirley, passing through New York, was encountered by a turn- 
 out of the militia and a display of enthusiastic gentry, with whom he drank 
 loyal healths and success to the King's arms; while "the doors, windows, 
 balconies, and tops of the houses, being particularly decorated with red 
 cloaks, &c., added," says the old chronicler, ''no small beauty to the 
 fame and diversion of the time." Penn. Gaz., No. 1376. 
 
 ^ Penn. Gaz., No. 1377. The mail-rider started from Philadelphia 
 every Thursday morning after the 15th of May, 1755.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 169 
 
 messengers, would presently arrive at Winchester, where 
 they were to meet the Six Nations in council. The Ca- 
 tawbas alone would amount to one hundred and twenty 
 warriors; and hopes of a considerable addition to this 
 number might be based upon the management of the other 
 tribes. The appointed time cauie, however, and brought 
 with it no Indians. It would certainly seem that Din- 
 widdle was very much to blame in his whole conduct of 
 this business. Other men, no better qualified than himself 
 to judge, put no reliance whatever upon the Southern In- 
 dians promised him by Mr. Gist; and there can be no 
 excuse for his utter neglect to send messengers w^ith pre- 
 sents to the Ohio savages, which should have been his first 
 care on receiving the funds from Great Britain. Taught 
 by injurious experience, however, to depend no more upon 
 the promises of colonial undertakers, Braddock, so soon as 
 he began to suspect Dinwiddle's arrangements would fail 
 him, addressed himself to the Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 In his letter (A23ril 15th, 1755), he states that he is told 
 of a number of savages living within that province who 
 formerly dwelt on the Ohio, who therefore were doubtless 
 well acquainted with that region. Sensible of the value 
 of such auxiliaries, he begged Mr. Morris to persuade their 
 warriors to join his camp, and to advise him with what 
 treatment he ought to greet them ; desiring, too, that they _ 
 should be informed he was on his way to remove the 
 French, and to restore the country they occupied to its 
 Indian proprietors, whose undisturbed enjoyment of it he 
 was determined to protect. A week after, the Governor 
 ordered George Croghan (who, with Conrad Weiser, had
 
 170 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the virtual management of the colony's intercourse with 
 the savages), to send belts of wampum to all the lake tribes, 
 the Delawares, the Shawanoes, the Wyandottes, Twight- 
 wees (or Miamis), and Piankeshaws, inviting them to join 
 the English without delay. As a matter of course, it was 
 now too late for such messages to produce any good effect j 
 and no good effect was produced. But in his immediate 
 neighborhood at Aughquick, Croghan managed to collect 
 a small party of Iroquois, whom he led to the camp. These 
 w^ere chiefly the same w^ho had been with Washington at 
 Fort Necessity and had retired with him to Virginia. 
 After remaining there some time, they repaired to Augh- 
 quick, in Pennsylvania; where they and their families 
 (homeless, now, since their places on the Ohio were under 
 the control of the French, whose blood they had shed) were 
 supported during the winter of 1754-5 by that province. 
 There were other Indians of the Six Nations who had in 
 like manner left the Ohio, who, as well as these, were main- 
 tained by the public ; the w^hole amounting to about three 
 hundred souls. In April, 1755, however, the Assembly 
 resolved to do nothing more for them ; and, left to their own 
 resources, the majority soon dispersed or went back to the 
 French. On the night of the 30th of April, Croghan 
 received the Governor's letter; on the 2d of May, he set 
 ^,out for Fort Cumberland, with his remaining Indians, to the 
 number of about thirty or forty men and sixty women and 
 children ; it being impossible for the warriors to leave their 
 flimilies behind them with no means of support. AVhen 
 the General arrived at Will's Creek on the 10th of May, 
 he found these people awaiting him ; and, after the usual
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 171 
 
 negotiations, they formally took up the hatchet against the 
 French, and agreed to follow his fortunes. These were the 
 hundred Indians of whom Franklin speaks, " who might 
 have been of great use to his army as guides or scouts, if 
 he had treated them kindly ; but he slighted or neglected 
 them, and they gradually left him." It is now a well- 
 ascertained fact that forty or fifty, at the very most, were 
 all the fighting men who joined Braddock ; the lesser num- 
 ber, perhaps, being nearest the mark. Of these, but eight 
 actually remained with him to the close ; and for permit- 
 ting the rest to leave him, Braddock is much to be blamed. 
 Captain Orme, it is true, says that they departed, with a 
 promise to return, under a pretence of placing their fami- 
 lies in safety upon the Susquehannah ; but their manager, 
 Mr. Croghan, clearly explains this business. Colonel Innes, 
 the Governor of Fort Cumberland, did not wish to have 
 the destitute families of these people on his hands during 
 the General's absence, and he accordingly persuaded him 
 that he had best intimate to the Avarriors the propriety of 
 taking them somewhere else. There thus being no provi- 
 sion for the entertainment of their children and wives 
 whilst they were on the war-path, a majority of the savages 
 were compelled to return to their late abode in Pennsyl- 
 vania ; the General retaining eight of them as scouts — a 
 number which Innes assured him would be perfectly suf- 
 ficient. At the same time, he seems to have labored under 
 the misunderstanding that the remainder of the warriors 
 would rejoin him on his march ; which was far from being 
 the case, albeit they were so anxious for war as to hang
 
 172 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 on to his array till he reached Dunbar's camp.^ Certainly 
 there is no reason to believe that Braddock was not desirous 
 of the services of the savages, though perhaps he was not 
 sufficiently versed in their nature to always employ the 
 properest measures of securing them. Another reason he 
 had for wishing the Indian women at once removed from 
 the neighborhood of the troops, was the licentiousness their 
 presence introduced into the camp. An eye-witness (Pe- 
 ters, the Secretary of Pennsylvania,) particularly states, 
 that besides other causes of discontent at not beiug more 
 frequently consulted with by the General, there were con- 
 stant and high quarrels among the Indians on account of 
 the amours of the royal officers with their squaws and the 
 largesses the latter received. These gentlemen " were so 
 scandalously fond " of their swarthy lovers, that an order 
 was issued forbidding their admission into camp. And 
 that Braddock's general deportment on the march was not 
 courteous and polite, ma}' readily be conceded. Such was 
 the impression it produced, that the Indians with him 
 sent belts to their Susquehannah friends, warning them to 
 keep away from the army, lest they should be mistaken 
 for allies of the French. - 
 
 ' II. Penn. Arch., 290, 308, 316, 318, 321. VI. Col. Kec, 375, 397, 
 4G0. II. Olden Time, 238. I. Sparks's Franklio, 189. And sec Ap- 
 pendix, No. III. Full details of the conduct and position of the Indians 
 who withdrew from the Ohio to Pennsylvania may be found in II. P. A., 
 259. VI. C. R., 130, 134, 140, 140, et seq. 189, 218, 257, 353, 
 398, 443. 
 
 ^ It is said that Braddock gave great offence to his Indians by forbidding 
 them to take scalps, when, in fact, he published a reward of £5 to every 
 soldier :is well as Indian of his command for each scalp of an enemy. The 
 sole authorit}' for the story appears to have been John Shiekalamy, father
 
 I N T R D U C T K Y MEMOIR. 173 
 
 Thus, in the next month after his defeat we tincl them 
 asserting to Mr. Morris that it was all caused by the pride 
 and ignorance of that great general who came from Eng- 
 land. '' He is now dead," quoth Scarroyaddy their chief; 
 "but he was a bad man when he was alive; he looked 
 upon us as dogs, and would never hear anything that was 
 said to him. We often endeavored to advise him and to 
 tell him of the danger he was in with his soldiers ; but he 
 never appeared pleased with us ; and that was the reason 
 that a great many of our warriors left him and would not 
 be under his command." ^ The reader has here three dis- 
 tinct versions of the secret of this savage exodus from the 
 tents of the English : namely, Scarroyaddy 's, Croghan's, 
 and Braddock's ov^^n — from wliich he may select such a 
 reason as best suits him. It is not difficult, however, to 
 reconcile and to combine them all.- 
 
 of Logan, whose speech is celebrated by Mr. Jefferson; an influential but 
 di.scontcnted Delaware, who, early in July, 1755, reported this tale among 
 bis kindred, and shortly after took up arms for the French. Penn. Gaz., 
 No. 13S5. 
 
 ' YI. C. R., 397, 589. II. P. A., 319. 
 
 ^ This chieftain, who played so active a part in Braddock's campaign, 
 was an Oneida Indian, and one of the mixed band of various tribes of the 
 Six Nations who lived, in 1754, near the Ohio. These people were used 
 to choose from their number a ruler ; and such for a time was Thanacha- 
 risson, the Half-King, who died at Aughquick in October, 1754, leaving 
 his family very destitute. (VI. Col. Rec, 159, 184, 193. II. Penn. Arch., 
 178, 219.) In the Washington papers, and in the ensuing Journals, he is 
 known by the name of Monacatootha, and it is well to note here that the 
 two appellations apply to the same individual. (TI. P. A., 114). As early 
 as 1748, however, and almost universally in Pennsylvania, he was called 
 Scarroyaddy, or perhaps more correctly, Skirooniatta. (II. P. A., 15. VI. 
 C. R., G16.) In the winter of 1754-5, he was sent by his people to Onon- 
 daga, to obtain the views of the confederates on the expected troubles, and 
 was about this time selected to succeed the Half-Kino:. His services under
 
 174 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 With a single exception, these were all the Indians whom 
 the General had any opportunity to secure. Between the 
 20th and the 27th of April, shortly after he had left Fort 
 Cumberland, a few Delawares presented themselves to him, 
 doubtless with no other view than to ascertain what terms 
 they could obtain from him, and what were his chances of 
 success. Whatever conclusion they came to, they never 
 reappeared. The fact is, that the Indians were now in a 
 state of high excitement and of bewildering doubt. There 
 were of course among them predilections for one side or 
 the other; but their wise men, whether of the French or 
 the English faction, were not unwilling to stand neuter and 
 lot the two European nations " fight it out themselves, and 
 
 Braddock were fully acknowledged at Philadelphia in August, 1755 : "You 
 fought under General Braddock," said Gov. Morris, "and behaved with 
 spirit and valor during the engagement. We should be wanting to our- 
 selves not to make you our hearty acknowledgments for your fidelity and 
 assistance. We see you consider yourselves as our flesh and blood, and fight 
 for us as if we were of your own kindred." (VI. C. E., 524.) He ever 
 continued a staunch ally to the English. In Sept. 1755, he headed a war- 
 party from Shamokin against the French (VI. C. R., 61G), and indeed the 
 records of the period abound in evidences of his usefulness, being constantly 
 employed in tbe quest of intelligence upon various missions, or the pursuit 
 of the foe. In the last object, he must have been tolerably successful. la 
 the Gent. Mag. for Sept. 1756 (Vol. XXVI., 414), is a fac-simile of his 
 hieroglyphical memoirs, drawn by himself; by which it appears he had 
 theretofore slain with his own hands no less than seven, and captured 
 eleven warriors; and had been present in thirty-one combats, the majority 
 of which were doubtless of a very trifling nature. On his breast was 
 tattooed a figure of a tomahawk, and that of a bow and arrow on each 
 cheek. It will be seen how unluckily his son was killed during Braddock's 
 march. In Dec. 1754, he had a wife and seven children M'ith him at Augh- 
 quick (II. P. A. 218), so there was still left him a numerous posterity. It 
 only remains to add that he was not free from the inevitable failing of his 
 race, and on occasion would, as Burns has it, be " fou for weeks thegither." 
 (VII. C. B., 87.)
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 175 
 
 the more they destroy one another the better." But, if 
 they were to be involved in the dispute, their anxiety was 
 to discover which would be the winnijQg side ; and this was 
 jDrobably the errand of the Delawares. So little trouble 
 had, however, been taken at the proper time by the pro- 
 vinces to convince them of their desire for their services, 
 that the conclusion arrived at by those who were really well 
 disposed towards the English was to endeavor to remain 
 neutral. Thus, the Delawares and Shawanoes living at 
 Kittaning, under Shingas and King Beaver and Captain 
 Jacob, as well as those at Log's-Town, although both 
 places were near to Fort Du Quesne, steadily resisted all 
 the blandishments of the French to join v/itli them against 
 their enemy; until in April or May, 1755, a party of 
 Canadian Indians visiting their towns, persuaded them to 
 the measure. Of the war-party which was at once sent 
 forth, it is not unlikely the Delawares who came to Brad- 
 dock formed a part.' That this should have been the state 
 of relations between the English and the savages, was a 
 fact as censurable as unfortunate ; but it was the inexcusa- 
 ble fault of none else than the authorities of the neighbor- 
 ing colonies, who utterly neglected to give them a single 
 opportunity of selling their assistance, after their own 
 national customs, and casting in their lot with the 
 British. They looked for a belt to be sent them, and a 
 supply of presents, ere they should engage in the war. 
 The whole burthen and responsibility of doing wiiat should 
 long before his arrival have been done by Dinwiddie or 
 Morris being thus cast upon a General who knew abso- 
 
 ' VI. C. K, 343, 781. II. P. A. 318.
 
 176 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 lutely nothing about the matter, it is no wonder it turned 
 out a bungling failure.^ 
 
 Even while at Will's Creek, the army was ill supplied 
 with provisions ; and what they had being chiefly salted, 
 were far from acceptable or even wholesome to men just 
 released from a long and tedious sea-voyage, where fresh 
 food was out of the question. The tables of the officers 
 themselves were scantily and meagerly furnished : very 
 little fresh meat, and that generally half-spoiled, was to be 
 found upon their boards; and butter (in a limited quan- 
 tity), at the General's alone. The men and the inferior 
 officers were actually in want of almost the necessaries of 
 life. Franklin, in his autobiographical sketch, mentions that 
 at Frederic-town, while supping with Colonel Dunbar, that 
 gentleman expressed a strong concern for the condition of 
 his subalterns, whose purses, never very deep, were now 
 utterly drained by the exorbitant prices exacted for every 
 sort of domestic stores needed for a long march through 
 
 ' " Certainly," says Mr. Secretary Peters, on the 12th May, 175o, ''some 
 general meeting was necessary and expected by the Indians, that both they 
 and we might see what number were for and what against the French en- 
 croachments; and in case it should have appeared a majority was on the 
 side of the French, then it might have been prudent to have tried to bring 
 the Indians over to a general neutrality — and it is the opinion of Mr. 
 Weiser, our Indian interpreter, and my own, that this could have been 
 effected, and would have saved the G-eneral an immense trouble, and the 
 Crown an heavy expense." (II. P. A., 308.) Nor was this fact unper- 
 ceived at the camp. On the 21st of May, Mr. W. Shirley thus writes : "I 
 am not greatly acquainted myself with Indian Affairs, tho' enough to see 
 that better measures with regard to 'em might and ought to have been 
 taken; at least to the Southw"". * * * Upon our Arrival at this Fort, 
 we found Indian Affairs so ignorantly conducted by Col. Innes, to whom 
 they were committed, that Novices as we were, we have taken 'em into our 
 Managcm*." {Ih. 321.)
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 177 
 
 the wilderness. On Franklin's return to Philadelphia, he 
 interested the Assembly's Committee to ai3ply a small 
 portion of the £5000 in their hands to procuring camp- 
 supplies for these gentlemen ; and accordingly by a special 
 detachment of horses from Lancaster a present of as many 
 parcels was sent to twenty subalterns of the 48th regiment; 
 each parcel, according to his own inventory, containing the 
 following articles : — 
 
 6 lbs. loaf sugar. 1 Gloucester cheese. 
 
 6 " Muscovado do. 1 keg containing 20 lbs. good butter. 
 
 1 " green tea. 2 doz. old Madeira wine. 
 
 1 " Bohea do. 2 gallons Jamaica spirits. 
 
 6 " ground coffee. 1 bottle flour of mustard. 
 
 6 " chocolate. 2 well-cured hams. 
 
 § chest best white biscuit. ^ doz. dried tongues. 
 
 1 lb. pepper. G lbs. rice. 
 
 1 quart white vinegar. 6 " raisins. 
 
 This little act of attention upon the then postmaster's 
 part (the details of which may well be repeated here), was 
 very kindly acknowledged by the recipients, and led the 
 way for other and more substantial provision for the sup- 
 port of the armj'.' The three lower counties upon Dela- 
 
 • VI. Col. Rec, 397, 636. I. Sp. Fr., 188. " Colonel Dunbar writes in his 
 letter of May the loth concerning the present of Refreshments and carriage 
 horses sent up for the subalterns : 'I am desired by all the gentlemen who 
 the committee have been so good as to think of in so genteel a manner, to 
 return thera their hearty thanks;' and again, on the 21st of May — 'Your 
 kind present is now all arrived, and shall be equally divided to-morrow 
 between Sir Peter Halket's subalterns and mine, which I apprehend will be 
 agreeable to the Committee's intent. This I have made known to the 
 officers of both Regiments, who unanimously desire me to return the gene- 
 rous Benefactors their most hearty thanks, to which be pleased to add 
 mine, &c. ;" and Sir Peter Halket, in his of the 23d of May, says, "The 
 Officers of my Regiment are most sensible of the Favors conferred on the 
 
 12
 
 178 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 ware (wliich now constitute the State of Delaware), 
 altlioiigli intimately allied with Pennsylvania and subjected 
 to the same proprietaries and governor, at this period 
 formed a distinct government from their more powerful 
 sister. Whether it was that its inhabitants were less opi- 
 nionated than those of his other colony or not, Mr. Morris 
 seems to have possessed more influence over them than he 
 could bring to bear in Philadelphia ; and he stirred them 
 up to forwarding to the camp a present of fifty fat oxen 
 and one hundred sheep for the use of the army, as well as 
 the following provisions for the General's own use : — 
 
 Twelve Hams. Four kegs of Sturgeon. 
 
 Eight Cheeses. One keg of Herrings. 
 
 Twenty-four flasks of Oil. T^o chests of Lemons. 
 
 Ten loaves of Sugar. Two kegs of Spirits. 
 
 One cask of Raisins. A cask of Vinegar. 
 
 A box of Spice and Currants. A barrel of Potatoes. 
 
 A box of Pickles and Mustard. Three tubs of Butter. 
 Eight kegs of Biscuit. 
 
 But it was not until late in the season that these wel- 
 come donations were despatched ; ^ and in the mean timQ 
 the progress of the expedition was fatally delayed at 
 Will's Creek for the want of stores. Not less time than a 
 month or six weeks, at the most moderate computation, 
 
 subalterns by your Assembly, who have made them so well-timed and 
 handsome a present. At their request and Desire I return their thanks, 
 and to the acknowledgments of the Officers beg leave to add mine, which 
 you, I hope, will do me the favor for the whole to ofier to the Assembly, 
 and to assure them that we shall on every occasion do them the Justice due 
 for so seasonable and well-judged an act of generosity.'" — Assemhli/s 
 Address, 29th Sept. 1755. 
 
 ' VI. Col. Bee., 408; 414. Pcnn. Gaz., No. 1380,
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 179 
 
 were thus consumed in awaiting the fulfihnent of contracts 
 for forage and food, which Braddock was ol3Hged to make 
 himself, in default of the proper and timely action of the 
 colonies. It will be observed in season how dearly this 
 shameful conduct was repaid ; for, setting aside the loss to 
 the crown of the whole cost of his undertaking, there is no 
 doubt that a fortnight's earlier arrival on the Ohio would 
 have given victory to his arms and peace to the borders of 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland. In lieu of this, 
 and in consequence of their own blind perversity, a deso- 
 lating and ruinous war steeped for years their land in 
 blood, and cost them eventually ten times as much as 
 would originally have ensured their perfect security. 
 
 No longer relying at all upon the faith of colonial assem- 
 blies or colonial contractors, the General, in the beginning 
 of May, set about procuring, on his own responsibility, as 
 representing the Crown, the stores necessary for his march 
 to Fort Du Quesne. On the 10th of May Captain Leslie, 
 who had been appointed Assistant to Sir John St. Clair, 
 was sent into Pennsylvania to purchase forage ; and on the 
 2ith, Mr. Morris was empowered to make further contracts 
 for flour and cattle, or in default of any other provision, 
 even salt fish, to support the troops after July, when their 
 present magazines would become exhausted. Through the 
 zealous cooperation of that energetic Governor, this busi- 
 ness was fortunately carried through satisfactorily; else, 
 to use Braddock's own language, he should inevitably have 
 starved : for it was not until the stores procured by Cap- 
 tain Leslie reached Fort Cumberland that the army was 
 able to move. Three precious months had already been
 
 180 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 consumed upon the two hundred miles that separated this 
 place from Annapolis ; and above one hundred and fifty 
 yet remained to be overcome ere the host should reach the 
 bourne of its desires/ 
 
 It is proper now to glance at the conduct of the ministry 
 of France in this conjuncture, and to observe what prepa- 
 rations they had made to repel the advances of the Eng- 
 lish and to preserve their own encroachments. Although 
 both governments had long persisted in positive declara- 
 tions of their amicable intentions, neither was weak enough 
 to place the least reliance upon assurances so thoroughly 
 contradicted by the ftxcts of their own conduct. Through 
 its agents in France, England was never left uninformed 
 of the extensive armaments that power was busily fitting 
 out for its American possessions ; while everything relative 
 to Braddock's and Boscawen's instructions was known to 
 the Cabinet of Versailles long before it was communicated 
 to the public at home. One Florence Hennessey, an Irish 
 physician, settled at London, was the spy employed. What 
 were his sources of information is a mystery that has never 
 been fathomed ; but he assuredly had often access to the 
 confidential secrets of the ministry, and was in possession 
 of every detail of their foreign policy. Detected at last, 
 he was convicted of high treason and sentenced to its 
 doom ; but, after several reprieves, was finally pardoned 
 by George III. at the intercession of, and as a personal 
 favor to, the French King. But being thus apprised in 
 abundant season of the designs of Great Britain, their 
 opponents hastened to take the precautions which were so 
 
 ' VI. Col. Rec, 383, 401, 408, 415, 430.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 181 
 
 necessary in the then condition of their own colonies ; and 
 ships and men were at once set in train for Quebec. The 
 original force of 5000 militia, 600 Indians, and 400 regulars, 
 which, in the year 1753, had been raised in New France 
 for the occupation of the Ohio,' almost exhausted the 
 strength of that province, and, its object being accom- 
 plished, was now entirely dissolved. Small but sufficient 
 garrisons were maintained in the posts thus erected, and 
 probably little alteration was made in their strength until 
 the troubles of 1754. In February of that year, a very 
 considerable number of French troops arrived in the Mis- 
 sissippi, some of whom were doubtless sent up to their 
 western stations ; while the Governor of Louisiana left no 
 stone unturned to engage every savage within his influence 
 in the general plan against the English.^ When M. de 
 Contrecoeur first came upon Trent, in April, 1754, he pro- 
 bably'' had not more than from 750 to 1000 men with him ; 
 but his whole command had not yet arrived. By July, he 
 was certainly strong enough to detach from 600 to 800 
 Indians, under M. de Villiers, against Fort Necessity ; and 
 at this period he probably had under him all the 2000 men 
 which were designed for him by his superiors."' But when 
 that victory was gained, and not an enemy remained 
 within a hundred miles and more of his position, most of 
 his troops were dismissed, and the fort remained, on the 
 25th of July, 1754, garrisoned by but 400 men, 200 of 
 whom were workmen. M. de Merrier, the engineer by 
 
 ' VI. Col. Rec, 20. 
 
 * Penn. Gaz., No. 1367. II. Garneau, 201. VI. Col. Rec, 32. 
 
 " II. Garneau, 201, 202. VI. Col. Rec, 33, 37, 51.
 
 182 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 whom the works were planned, had on that day departed 
 with about 1000 men. For this, and for other information 
 concerning the condition of the fort, we are indebted to the 
 indefatigable patriotism of Captain Robert Stobo, of Frey's 
 regiment; who, having been one of the hostages surren- 
 dered by Washington at Fort Necessity a few weeks before, 
 was now confined a prisoner within its walls. AVatching 
 his opportunity, he made the opposite plan of Fort Du 
 Quesne and forwarded it, as well as two letters describing 
 its weaknesses, to his countrymen, by the hands of a 
 friendly Indian/ 
 
 But a much fuller account is afforded in the Journal of 
 one John M'Kinney, who, in February, 1756, w^as captured 
 by the Indians and carried first thither and afterwards to 
 Canada; whence he in a few months made his escape and 
 returned, through Connecticut, to Pennsylvania. From a 
 collation of these two narratives a tolerably clear idea of 
 the nature and position of this slight but famous fortifica- 
 tion may be formed. 
 
 Fort Du Quesne was situated on the east side of the 
 Monongahela, on the tongue of land formed by the junc- 
 tion of that stream with the Alleghany. Though full of 
 faults in its original construction, and small, it was built 
 with immense labor, and it had " a great deal of very 
 
 ' In a former note, reference to Mr. Lyman C. Draper's notices of Stobo 
 and Van Braam (I. Olden Time, 369.) was unfortunately omitted. The 
 curious reader may consult them with advantage. A copy of Stoho's 
 drawing was probably made in the provinces before Braddock's departure, 
 since we find an engraved plan of Fort Du Quesne published and for sale 
 at London in August, 1755, immediately on the tidings of Braddock's mis- 
 adventure. (XXV. Gents Mag., 383.) It has vainly been sought to pro- 
 cure a copy of this engraving.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 183 
 
 strong works collected into very little room,"^ By the 
 doubtful evidences which we possess, its shape would seem 
 to have been a parallelogram, its four sides facing very 
 nearly to the points of the compass, but a bastion at each 
 corner gave it a polygonal appearance. Its longest sides 
 were fifty yards ; its shorter, forty. The position of these , 
 bastions (which were fewer in number in Stobo's time than 
 in M'Kinney's, and probably so continued till the summer 
 of 1755,) may be seen by reference to the engraved plan. 
 These were made of very large squared logs, to the height 
 of twelve feet, and compactly filled in with earth to the 
 depth of eight; thus leaving about four feet of ramparts 
 to shelter the plateau. The sides of the fort nearest the 
 rivers being comparatively protected by nature, were 
 not furnished with bastions ; but a strong stockade, twelve 
 feet high, and made of logs a foot in diameter driven pile- 
 wise into the ground, extended from bastion to bastion and 
 completely enclosed the area. This stockade was ingeni- 
 ously wattled crosswise with poles, after the fashion of 
 basket-work, and loopholes, slanting downwards, were cut 
 through them to enable the men to fire. At the distance 
 of some four rods from these walls, as they may be called, 
 a shallow ditch was dug completely environing them and 
 protected by a second stockade, seven feet high, built in a 
 manner similar to the first, and solidly embanked with 
 earth. If we assume the proportions of Stobo's drawing 
 to be correct, by a comparison of this work with the 
 dimensions of the liouse marked " Soldiers' Barracks " on 
 his plan, its extent M-ill be found to be about seven hun- 
 dred and seventy-five feet. 
 
 ' II. Garneau, 216. Bouquet in I. 0. T., 184.
 
 184 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Two gates opened into the fort ; the western from the 
 water-side, and the eastern, about ten feet wide, from the 
 land. Immediately between the eastern posterns was sunken 
 a deep well, whose diam.eter was the wddth of the gate- 
 Avay, and over which a drawbridge was placed that at 
 night, or in time of danger, was draw^n up with chains and 
 levers ; and these actually formed the gate. Both portals 
 were strongly framed of squared logs; but the eastern gate 
 opened on hinges, and had a wicket cut in it for ordinary 
 use. Within the fort, and hard by the eastern gate, were 
 placed the magazine and kitchen ; the former, twenty feet 
 wide by forty long, and but five feet high, was built of 
 heavy, hewed timber, deeply sunk into the ground to 
 almost its full altitude, and its roof plastered with a coating 
 of potter's clay nearly four feet in thickness. By this 
 means, it was comparatively secure from any missile save 
 bombs or hot-shot thrown from the brow of the adjacent 
 hills. It is to these precautions that we are indebted at 
 this day for the solitary vestige of Old Fort Du Quesne 
 that remains to us. Some workmen, in the summer of 
 1854 — just about a century after Stobo wrote — being em- 
 ployed in making excavations for the Pennsylvania Rail- 
 road Company, brought to light this building, which alone, 
 of all its comrades, had, from its peculiar formation, 
 escaped as well the destroying hand of Time as the torch 
 of its baffled creator, when, in 1758, he forever abandoned 
 his beloved fortress and fled before the approach of Forbes. 
 Leaves, dirt, and rubbish must soon have accumulated 
 above its neglected roof The storms of winter came, and 
 the freshets of the spring ; and ere long not a human being
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 185 
 
 had reason to believe that beneath his feet stood, intact 
 ahnost as on the day it was built, the Old French Magazine/ 
 Beside this, however, there were other buildings wnthin 
 the wallg ; heavy and substantial log-houses, such as the wants 
 of the garrison might require. Two were store-houses or 
 magazines ; two others were barracks ; a seventh was the 
 commandant's residence ; and lesser erections served for a 
 guard-house and a jDrison. The backs of these were at but 
 a yard's distance from the walls, which they aided greatly 
 to strengthen ; all the intervening space being filled in with 
 earth. Their roofs, covered with boards sawed by hand 
 upon the spot, were level at the eaves with the ramparts ; 
 nor were there any pickets or sharpened palisades crowning 
 the walls. Had Braddock reached this place, it was St. 
 Clair's proposition to erect a battery on the brow of the 
 opposite hill, which perfectly commanded the fort, and 
 thence, with hot shot, to set these buildings on fire, and so 
 subdue the post. All their artillery consisted of eight 
 cannon ; one-half of them three, and the remainder four- 
 pounders ; five of which were mounted on the north- 
 western bastion defending the Powder-Magazine. When 
 Stobo wrote, M. de Contrecoeur and a guard of five officers 
 and forty men were all who lodged in the fort ; bark cabins 
 were erected around it for the rest of the garrison. Every 
 preparation was made for their permanent comfort ; and 
 already kitchen-gardens upon the Alleghany and mills 
 upon the Monongahela, and a vast corn-field, extending for 
 
 ' la 177G, a slight inequality of the ground, a few graves, and the traces 
 of its fosse above denoted the site of the fort: in 1831, a boat-yard was 
 placed on the very spot : and at this day not a vestige of old Fort Du Qucsne is 
 visible save the lately-exposed magazine. (V. Haz. Reg., 191, YIII. ib. 192.
 
 186 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 a quarter of a mile up either stream, furnished promise of 
 future subsistence. The woods all around had been cut 
 down, and hardly a stump remained within musket-shot to 
 shelter the approach of a foe.^ 
 
 Although the Canadian militia returning to their homes 
 left but a small garrison of regulars to hold the fort towards 
 the end of the summer of 1754, 3'et, if any reliance may 
 be placed upon the reports which reached the English 
 provinces, there was still a plenty of aid within call ; no 
 less than 2200 fresh troops being sent thitherward from 
 Quebec during that season ; and on the 25th of September 
 300 Caghnawagas or French Indians and a convoy of pro- 
 visions from Quebec arrived.^ Five days before, when 
 Lieutenant Lyon with a flag of truce from Virginia and a 
 fruitless proposition to exchange La Force (the officer cap- 
 tured at Jumonville's defeat), for Captain Stobo, visited Du 
 Quesne, he found but one hundred men in the fort. But 
 despite their scanty numbers, they were pursuing a most 
 dangerous policy towards English interests by assiduously 
 tempting the Lidians of the Six Nations in the vicinity to 
 forswear their ancient alliances ; and sending their Cagh- 
 nawagas among the Shawanoes and other western tribes 
 to bring them into the interests of Canada. A number of 
 savages had frequented the post ever since the capture of 
 Fort Necessity, and among these numerous and valuable 
 
 ' VIII. Hazard's Penn. Eeg., 318. Stobo's Letters, VI. Col. Rec, 
 141, 161. 
 
 ^ II. P A., 172, 177, 264. The Caghnawagas, according to Coldea, 
 were deserters from the Six Nations, who, settling in Canada under the 
 auspices of that government, had, through continual accessions and their 
 own natural increase, grown in time to become a powerful and warlike 
 people.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 187 
 
 presents were distributed. Through the medium of the 
 Delawares, or perhaps more directly from Quebec and 
 France, through the intercession of the spy Hennessey, 
 they were in November advised of the expected reinforce- 
 ments from England ; and not comprehending a six months' 
 delay in the enterprise, the French had hastened at once 
 to reinforce Fort Du Quesne with eight additional cannon, 
 and a plenty of stores. The garrison was also increased 
 to 1100 men ; and nearly 400 Indians, Adirondacks, Cagh- 
 nawagas, and Ottawas, were sent thither from the confines 
 of New France. The cost of maintaining such a force 
 must have been enormous; and when the approach of 
 winter, filling the ravines with snow, and making the 
 mountains perfectly impassable, dissipated all apprehension 
 of present disturbance, the great bulk of this army retraced 
 its steps ; and a garrison of ])erhaps not more than two 
 hundred and fifty regular troops, under the veteran Con- 
 trecoeur, was left behind.^ About the same number were, 
 however, stationed within call at Venango; and some 
 allowance must be made for the neighboring savages, most 
 of whom Avould probably, though not certainly, have sided 
 with the French. The only Indians they could at this time 
 with positive assurance rely upon were they who occupied 
 the thirty or forty bark cabins that had grown up about 
 the fort, or they who had come from Canada, and of whom 
 very few remained through the winter. In April, 
 1755, there were scarce two hundred men, French and 
 Indians, to garrison the place ; and had Braddock then been 
 in a condition to have struck, his success would have been 
 
 ■ " An experienced and courageous soldier," says Garneau, II., 216.
 
 188 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 certain/ But by their scouting-parties, which were always 
 ranging the mountains between the Ohio and the EngHsh 
 settlements, they once more cauglit the alarm, and eagerly 
 solicited reinforcements from Canada. The Marquis de 
 Duquesne, however, though anxious enough to preserve a 
 maiden fortress the works which bore his name, could not 
 be easily brought to believe that it was yet seriously 
 threatened, and constantly treated with contempt the 
 rumors that during the past winter had from time to time 
 reached his ears ; pronouncing all the menaces and prepa- 
 rations of the enemy a mere fanfaronade — " un feu de 
 paille." Thus, in the early spring of 1755, no steps had 
 yet been taken in Canada for the relief of Fort Du 
 Quesne.^ 
 
 The conduct of the Court of St. James during this crisis 
 was as little to be reconciled to a just notion of frankness 
 and honorable dealing as that of its adversary. On the 
 15th of January — the very day after Braddock had sailed 
 for Virginia — the Due de Mirepoix proposed that each 
 crown should prohibit all present hostilities, and that the 
 matter of the Ohio territory should be left to an amicable 
 adjustment; the destination and motive of the expedition 
 which had just started being first pacifically explained. 
 The ambassador could not at that very moment have been 
 ignorant that his master was straining every nerve to throw 
 such a force into Canada as would defy any attack ; and 
 they whom he addressed were well aware that he knew all 
 
 VI. C. R., 162, 181. II. P. A., 213, 288. Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1379, 
 
 3. VIII. Ilaz. Penn. Ilcg., 319. 
 
 II. P. A., 288. And sec Appendix, No. IV.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 189 
 
 this. They, therefore, on the 22nd of the same month, 
 furnished him "with a Jesuitical reply, declaring that the 
 only end of Braddock's mission was the defence and pro- 
 tection of the King's dominions in America, without any 
 design to attack those of any other prince, or in any wise 
 open the door to war ; and that as to the Ohio country, the 
 French must abandon and destroy all their settlements 
 there, or, in other words, put matters in the condition they 
 were in before the Treaty of Utrecht, before a friendly nego- 
 tiation on that point could be thought of In order to gain 
 time, the French dallied with these propositions, at first 
 disputing, and then making a show of accepting them : 
 but the English in turn increased their demands to the 
 extent of all they could hope to gain by force of arms : 
 demands to which it was impossible for aught save the 
 •ultima ratio regum should justify Louis in yielding. Diplo- 
 macy thus kept up a feint of peace, until the tidings of 
 Boscawen's success reached Europe ; when triumph on the 
 one hand and rage and disappointment on the other rent 
 in twain the veil which shadowed the Q^^y of War. 
 
 In April, 1754, the most formidable armament that the 
 kingdom could produce was gathered in the harbor of 
 Brest. Twenty-two vessels of war, bearing the flags of two 
 admirals, were there assembled to receive the troops des- 
 tined for America. Six regiments whose names were 
 known on almost every battle-field of Europe, were there 
 arrayed for embarcation ; the regiments of Artois, of Bur- 
 gundy, of Guienne, of Languedoc, and of Beam, and the 
 famous regiment de la Eeine ; comprising fully 3000 men 
 destined to find, beyond the stormy sea, a painful exile or a
 
 190 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 bloody grave. With them embarked the German Baron 
 Dieskau, the favored pupil of Saxe, who was to command 
 in chief the armies in America/ and the Marquis de Vau- 
 dreuil de Cavagnac, late Governor of Louisiana, and the 
 second of his family to whom the government of Canada 
 had been entrusted, who was to succeed M. de Duquesne. 
 Perverse gales for a time prevented the squadron from 
 proceeding to sea ; but at 8 o'clock on the morning of the 
 3d of May the wind shifted to north-north-east, and the 
 signal was at once given to weigh anchor and to set all 
 sail.^ At half-past ten the voyage commenced. On the 
 7th of May the Formidable, the flag-ship of M. de Macna- 
 mara, who had hitherto accompanied the squadron, short- 
 ened sail, and with his particular command he presently 
 returned to France. A gun from the EntrejDrenant, at 
 whose mast-head floated the pennant of M. Dubois de la 
 Mothe, called the attention of the majority of the vessels. 
 Stretching; forward under a cloud of canvass, with a sisfnal 
 for the America-bound portion of the fleet to follow, the 
 Entreprenant soon was lost beneath the verge to the 
 anxious eyes not only of those who gazed from the 
 receding galleries of the Formidable, but to the diligent 
 espionage of half-a-dozen English frigates which had for 
 weeks been lying in wait to watch the every movement of 
 
 ' The high idea entertained of this officer's capacity may be seen in the 
 rate at which the French paid his services. They gave him a salary of 
 12,000 livres as major-goneral; of 25,000 more as commander of the 
 American expedition; and a retiring pension of 4000. Perm. Gaz., No. 
 1385. 
 
 ^ I. Pouchot, 25. M. Garncau fixes the date at the end of April; but 
 Pouchot's journal of the voyage is so minute and interesting, that I prefer 
 relying upon his statements.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 191 
 
 tlie French. But any information they could carry would 
 reach England too late to be of service, since Admiral 
 Boscawen had already, on the 27th of April, set sail from 
 Plymouth with instructions which, it may be confidently 
 asserted, though probably merely verbal, assured him that 
 if he should be able to thwart, at any price, the arrival of 
 the French at Canada, he would render a welcome service 
 to his King and Country. To this end he lay in wait for 
 them among the misty vapors of the banks of Newfound- 
 land : Init the same cloudy column that concealed the 
 attack, furthered the escape. He captured, indeed, the 
 Alcide, of 64 guns and 500 men, commanded by M. Hoc- 
 quart, and the Lis, pierced for 64 guns, but armed en fiute 
 for the transportation of troops, commanded by M. de 
 Lorgerie ; and he came very near catching the Entreprenant 
 itself.^ On board the ships captured, however, Avere Colo- 
 nel de Rostaing (the second in command of the Canadian 
 army), and several other officers of distinction, and eight 
 companies of the regiments of Langiiedoc and la Reine. 
 It has been alleged that Boscawen acted dishonorably in 
 this transaction, pretending peace with the French ships 
 till at half-pistol range he opened his fire upon them with 
 grape and caunister ; but this does not seem credible. The 
 conduct of his emploj'ers was much more censurable, who 
 had assured M. de Mirepoix that the admiral's orders were 
 not to act upon the offensive, and that whatever might fall 
 out, England would not begin the war. Such a mendacious 
 tale could hardly impose even upon that polite minister ; 
 
 ' The Entreprenant was finally destroyed by the English at the capture 
 of Louisbourg, 1758. Maute, 135.
 
 192 INTEODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 and he rather vaguely repHed " that the King his master 
 would consider the first hostile gun fired at sea as a decla- 
 ration of war." Lord Orford says that Newcastle, having 
 nobody left at home undeceived, had diligently applied 
 himself to humbug the ambassador; and succeeded. At 
 all events, one thing turned out exactly as Mirepoix had 
 predicted — Boscawen's trivial success was the signal for 
 open hostilities. " Je ne pardonnerai pas les pirateries de 
 cette insolente nation," exclaimed Louis XY. ; and war 
 was thenceforth inevitable.' 
 
 The safe arrival at Quebec of the rest of the fleet on 
 the 19th of June and the succeeding days, increased the 
 regular troops in Canada from 1000 to 3800 men. A 
 militia of 8000 men was already in the field, or in garrison 
 at the various forts. With all this numerous array, how- 
 ever, the Marquis de Duquesne was not at all aware of the 
 dangers which environed the Ohio establishments, and left 
 his government to his successor with the comfortable 
 assurance that it was not possible for the English to tra- 
 verse the Alleghanies in sufficient force to cause any un- 
 easiness. The experienced and courageous commander of 
 Fort Du Quesne was thus left to rely upon his own strength 
 and the aid derivable, in an emergency, from the 
 contiguous posts and such Canadians and savages as were 
 always, in greater or less numbers, near at hand. Fortu- 
 nately for him, though it was probably done with no idea 
 of its imminent danger, at least 950 men had been sent in 
 April from Canada to recruit the line of fortifications 
 
 ' Capt. Eicliard IIowc, afterwards the celebrated Admiral Earl Howe, 
 cbiefly distinguished himself in this action.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 193 
 
 between Lake Erie and the forks of tlic Ohio.' And while 
 every effort was made to obtain information of the inten- 
 tions of their enemy, a strict watch was kept to prevent 
 the betrayal of their own circumstances. One O'Conner, 
 an English subaltern officer, was hanged as a spy at Quebec 
 in the spring of 1755, and three others shared his fate; 
 and on the 1st of May, two more British spies were exe- 
 cuted.^ 
 
 As little as possible has been said in this introductory 
 sketch of the details of the march of the troops from their 
 quarters in Alexandria to Will's Creek, since every parti- 
 cular on that head finds its most appropriate place in the 
 ensuing Journals. But it may not be amiss to trace here, 
 for the guidance of the reader, the exact line of route 
 Avhicli they followed throughout the campaign. By St. 
 Clair's advice, the army was to start from Alexandria in 
 two divisions ; one regiment and a j)ortion of the stores to 
 Winchester, Virginia, whence a new road was nearly com- 
 pleted to Fort Cumberland, and the other regiment, with 
 the remainder, by way of Frederic, in Maryland. A por- 
 tion of the stores were to be conveyed in part by water- 
 carriage on the Potomac. Accordingly, on the 8th and 9th 
 of April, the provincials and six companies of the 44th, 
 
 ' I. Pouchot, 29. II. Garneau, 215. VI. Col. Rec, 411-12. Penn. 
 Gaz., No. 1379. 
 
 2 Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1394, 1396. XXV. Gent. Mag., 332. One of 
 these inquisitive but unfortunate gentry had in his pocket a list of all the 
 cannon cast at Quebec or imported thither since 1752, and of all the chief 
 houses, the forts, magazines, &c., not only there, but on cither side of the 
 8t. Lawrence to Montreal. Another was supplied with draughts of the 
 batteries. These two were on the point of departure when they were sud- 
 denly arrested and hanged. 
 
 13
 
 194 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 under Sir Peter Halket, set out for Winchester; Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Gage and four companies remaining to escort 
 the artillery. On the 18tli of April, the 48th, under 
 Colonel Dunbar, set out for Frederic, detaching a company 
 to the Conococheague to expedite the transmission of the 
 stores gathered there. Arriving at Frederic, however, it 
 was found there was no road through Maryland to Will's 
 Creek; and Dunbar accordingly was compelled, on the 1st 
 of May, to cross the Potomac at the mouth of the Conoco- 
 cheague, and strike the Winchester route. On the 5th, he 
 crossed the Little Cacapon ; and on the 8th, was again fer- 
 ried over the Potomac to Maryland from a spot, hard by 
 the mouth of Cacapon, which has since that day borne the 
 name of the Ferry Fields. Thence, along the river-side, 
 through Shawanoe Old Town, the dwelling-place of the 
 notorious Cresap, Dunbar passed through the Narrows at 
 the foot of Will's Mountain.^ At high noon on the 10th 
 of May, while Halket's command was already encamped 
 at their common destination, the 48th was startled by the 
 passage of Braddock and his staff through their ranks, Avith 
 a body-guard of light-horse galloping on either side of his 
 travelling-chariot, in haste to reach Fort Cumberland.' 
 The troops saluted, the drums rolled out the Grenadier's 
 March, and the cortege passed by. An hour after, they 
 heard the booming of the artillery which welcomed the 
 General's arrival ; and a little later, themselves encamped 
 
 • II. Olden Time, 541. 
 
 "^ He purchased this coach from Governor Sharpe, and left it at Cumber- 
 land during the rest of the march. Orme's Letter to Sharpe. (Sharpo's 
 MS. Corrcsp. in Maryland Hist. Soc.)
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 195 
 
 on the hillsides about that post. But in consequence of 
 the difficulty of procuring teams, the artillery, &c., did not 
 arrive until May the 20th. 
 
 The erection of Fort Cumberland and its strength have 
 been already described. It stood upon the bank of Will's 
 Creek, hard by its junction with the Potomac, on the site 
 of the present town of Cumberland, and within what is 
 now Alleghany County, Maryland.^ Here had probably, 
 in ancient days, been a Shawanoe village, and its Indian 
 name, Cucucbetuc, is still preserved ; and here, as we have 
 seen, after a series of most distressing delays, Braddock at 
 length succeeded in bringing together all his forces. As 
 nearly as can be ascertained, these consisted as follows : 
 The 44th and 48th regiments, originally 1000 strong, 
 were increased by the Maryland and Virginia Levies to 
 1400 men. Of the remaining levies, about one hundred 
 were formed by the General into two companies of Car- 
 penters or Pioneers, each composed of thirty men, two ser- 
 geants, two subalterns, and a captain. The duty of these 
 was to open the road and make the necessary repairs to 
 the wagons, &c., on the route ; and a few of the most 
 experienced of the others were received into a company of 
 Guides, composed of a captain, two aids, and ten men.^ 
 There was also a troop of provincial light-hoi'se which he 
 had procured to be formed, and which hitherto had served 
 as his body-guard ; and a detachment of thirty sailors, 
 with some half-dozen officers, furnished by Commodore 
 
 ' Cumberland is now a thriving town with about 7000 inhabitants. . It 
 is 179 miles west by north from Baltimore. 
 2 II. Olden Time, 227.
 
 196 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Keppel to assist in rigging cordages, &c., should it be found 
 necessary to build bridges on the waj.^ But the entire 
 force which eventually marched from Fort Cumberland, as 
 given by Captain Orme, consisted of 2037 men, out of a 
 complement of 2100. To these must be added the Guides, 
 the Light-horse, and the seamen ; in all not exceeding one 
 hundred, which, with the staff and the eight Indians, who 
 remained with the General unto the end, will make a total 
 of about 2150 souls. The usual train of non-militants who 
 always accompany an army was not wanting here — women, 
 who could not light ; Indians who would not ; and wagon- 
 ers who cut loose their horses and fled, to a man, at the 
 first onset. Early in June, too, the well-known Captain 
 Jack had repaired with his company to the camp and 
 offered his services for the expedition. His merits as a 
 
 ' The employinent of scamejj ou this service seems to have caused a little 
 natural surprise to those unacquainted with the circumstances of the case 
 (II. 0. T. 229) ; yet it was not a thing of unusual occun-ence in America 
 during this war. At Martinico and at Quebec they were employed to pull 
 the guns. " An hundred or two of them, with ropes and pulleys, ^ill do 
 more than all your dray-horses in London." At Quebec, when Wolfe 
 passed along the lines ere 
 
 "Fighting witli the French 
 
 On the Heights of Abram," 
 
 he found a number of jolly tars, who had been engaged in hauling up the 
 cannon, meekly sliding into the ranks of his soldiery. As they were 
 armed some with hangers, more with sticks, most not at all, he saw no 
 advantage in permitting them to stay, and, despite their petitions, bade 
 them retire. " God bless your honor !" they cried; " if we may not fight, 
 at least let us stop and see fair jplay between you and the French!" Wolfe 
 laughed at this droll request, and thanked them and sent them to their 
 ships. ]]ut they were not disposed, after all their toil, to go away without 
 a share in the battle; and lurking about till it actually begun, they took 
 an active part in its perils and glories. See XXV. Gent. Mag., 130, UO.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 197 
 
 guide and as an " Indian killer " were not unknown to 
 Braddock, but the proffered services were coupled with 
 some stipulations for freedom from the regular discipline 
 of the army, and were rejected. This singular man 
 was once a frontier-settler. Returning to his cabin one 
 evening after a long d-djs chase, he found it a heap of 
 smoking ruins, and the blackened corpses of his murdered 
 family smouldering in its embers. From that fatal hour, 
 he vowed never but with life to forgive the race who had 
 wrought his woe, and to his dying hour he was the most 
 dreaded enemy the Indians knew. In 1753, he held some 
 commission under Governor Hamilton ; and at this period, 
 he was at the head of a party of bold woodsmen, clad, like 
 himself, in Indian attire, and following very much the 
 Indian mode of warfare. His home was in the Juniata 
 country; but the celerity and extent of his movements 
 caused his fame to reach from Fort Augusta to the Poto- 
 mac. A mystery has always shrouded his personal history. 
 His swarthy visage (darkened, perchance, by a tinge of 
 baser blood) and destructive arm, however, live in the fire- 
 side legends of the West; and many a tale is told of the 
 deeds of the Black Rifle — the Black Hunter — the Wild 
 Hunter of the Juniata, or the Black Hunter of the Forest 
 — under all of which sobriquets he was known. It was 
 a misfortune for Braddock that he neglected to secure the 
 services of such an auxiliary.^ 
 
 Being at last, if not thoroughly prepared, at least suffi- 
 ciently so to warrant his undertaking the long and tedious 
 journey that was before him, Braddock issued his orders 
 
 • IV. Haz. Penn. Reg., 389, 390, 416. V. Ibid, 191.
 
 198 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 for tlie army to leave Fort Cumberland. On the SOtli of 
 May, Sir John St. Clair, with Major Chapman, of the 44.th, 
 and 600 men, set out to clear a road to the Little Meadows 
 on the Youghiogeny, thirty miles distant, where they were 
 to erect a fortified camp. The army followed in three 
 divisions : the first, under Halket, on the 7th of June ; the 
 next, under Gage, on the 8th ; and the third, under Dun- 
 bar, on the 10th ; Braddock delayed his own departure until 
 the last man had marched ; and the expedition was now 
 fairly on its way to the Ohio. The opposite map will 
 give the reader a perfect idea of its route, and in Captain 
 Orme's text almost every detail of the march is minutely 
 noted down.^ Owing to the innumerable difficulties of its 
 situation, the progress of the army was j)ainfully slow; 
 five miles being a good day's march, and even half this dis- 
 tance being sometimes barely accomplished. Eoads were' 
 to be cut through the forests and over the steep mountains ; 
 streams were to be bridged, and morasses made passable. 
 The number of wagons and pack-horses struggling through 
 this untravelled land protracted the line to a most dan- 
 gerous length, and all the difficulties predicted by Franklin 
 were in a fair way to be realized.^ Accordingly, at the 
 
 ' In 1847, Mr. T. C. Atkinson, of Cumberland, Maryland, being em- 
 ployed upon a railroad survey through this region, traced Braddock 's route 
 with great accuracy by means of the indications still remaining on the 
 ground; and under his supervision, an excellent map was prepared by Mr. 
 Middleton. This plan was subsequently engraved for the Olden Time 
 (Vol. II., p. 539), whei'b it appears with a very valuable explanatory paper 
 by Mr. Atkinson. It is to the politeness of Mr. Craig that we are indebted 
 for the original plate from which the impression that accompanies this 
 volume is taken. 
 
 ^ Entertaining some doubts of the result so confidently anticipated by 
 the General, Franklin had remarked to him, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive
 
 ^ Gillespie Sc. Pills'^
 
 f fc^^ HouuY
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 199 
 
 end of the first day's journey, it was resolved to consider- 
 ably lighten their numbers and burthens. A part of the 
 artillery and fifty men were sent back to Cumberland ; fifty 
 more, under Captain Hogg, were despatched as a covering 
 party to the workmen on the Pennsylvania Road; and 
 twenty-eight of the soldiers' wives were sent on their way 
 to Philadelphia. So far as their names are any indication, 
 they serve to show the Scottish complexion of the two 
 regiments.^ The officers, who even in the infantry always 
 rode upon a march, returned to Will's Creek all but such 
 luggage as was absolutely essential ; and over a hundred 
 of their superfluous horses were freely contributed to the 
 public service ; the General and his aides setting the ex- 
 ample by giving twenty. 
 
 The route pursued by Braddock was in many respects 
 an unwise one. Reference to the Journals will show what 
 difficulties it occasionally presented ; and the same pages 
 testify how indifferently, even in the region immediately 
 adjacent to Fort Cumberland, St. Clair had attended to its 
 
 well before Du Quesne with these fine troops, so well provided with artil- 
 lery, the fort, though completely fortified and assisted with a very strong 
 garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I 
 apprehend of obstruction to your march is from the ambuscades of the In- 
 dians; who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing 
 them ; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must 
 make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut, 
 like a thread, into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come 
 up in time to support each other." He smiled at Franklin's ignorance, 
 and replied, " These savages may indeed be a formidable enemy to your 
 raw American militia; but upon the King's regular and disciplined troops, 
 sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." I. Sparks'3 
 Franklin, 190. 
 
 • II. P. A., 348. VI. C. R., 426, 430.
 
 200 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 exploration. Much time and labor had already been ex- 
 hausted on the road over Will's Mountain, which Major 
 Chapman had surmounted, with considerable loss, on the 
 30th of May ; and the service was finally indebted to a 
 naval officer for the easy discovery of the valley path that 
 leads around its base, subsequently adopted for the United 
 States' National Road. As it was, marching on a newly- 
 opened track, Halket, who started three days before, had 
 got no further on the night of the lOtli than the men who 
 left Will's Creek that morning; a distance of five miles. 
 The truth is, that Sir John implicitly followed the path 
 that Nemacolin, a Delaware Indian, had marked out or 
 hlazed for the Ohio Company some years before, and which, 
 a very little widened, had served the transient purposes of 
 that association, and of Washington's party in 1754. To 
 be sure, with many windings, it led to the Ohio ; yet a few 
 intelligent scouts, sent out betimes, could not have failed 
 to discover a shorter and a better course. But precau- 
 tionary steps of this kind were not within the sphere of 
 Braddock's comprehension. 
 
 In addition to every other reason of delay, a general 
 sickness prevailed among the troops, caused by their long 
 and continued confinement to a salt diet ; from the effects 
 of which, though few died, few escaped. During a later 
 period of the march, even Washington's hardy constitution 
 succumbed ; and for many days he was severely, j^erhaps 
 dangerously, unwell. Convalescent, at length, through the 
 personal attention of the General, he was left on the road 
 with a guard, to rejoin his post as soon as his strength 
 would permit. Long ere these scenes occurred, however,
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 201 
 
 an important change had been made in the constitution of 
 affairs. The army had been ten days in reaching the Little 
 Meadows, but twenty-four miles from Cumberland, passing, 
 with a line sometimes four miles long, through numerous 
 spots too well adapted for an ambush or a surprise not to 
 arrest a soldier's eye. Such were those dark forests of 
 enormous white pines that shadow the region beyond the 
 Great Savage Mountain. The loneliness and perfect mo- 
 notony of such a scene are not readily to be described ; it 
 more resembles the utter stillness of the desert than any- 
 thing beside. No bird chirps among the foliage, or finds 
 its food in these inhospitable boughs ; no wild creature has 
 its lair beneath its leafy gloom. Liivc the dark nave of 
 some endless, dream-born cathedral, the tall columns rise 
 before, behind, on every side, in uncounted and bewildering 
 uuiltiplicity, and are lost in the thick mantle that shuts 
 out the light of heaven. The senses weary of the con- 
 fusing prospect, and imagination paints a thousand horrid 
 forms to people its recesses. At every step the traveller 
 half looks to find a bloody corse, or the blanched skeleton 
 of some long murdered man, lying across' his pathway 
 through these woods, so aptly named the Shades of Death ! 
 It was not until the 18th of June that the troops were 
 beyond these inauspicious scenes ; and Braddock, as, slowly 
 descending the shaggy steep of Meadow Mountain, 
 
 Ho wound, with toilsome marcli, his long array, 
 
 beheld his whole force in sight of the fortified camp erected 
 by St. Clair at the Little Meadows.' Here a council of 
 
 ' II. Sp. Wash., 79, 81. Consult, also, Mr. Atkinson's paper in 11. 
 0. T., 540.
 
 202 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 war was held, which is not noticed by Orme, and which 
 consisted, as usual, of all the field-officers present. A fur- 
 ther reduction of baggage was agreed upon, and a dozen 
 more horses given to the service ; among them, Washing- 
 ton's best charger, his luggage being retrenched to a single 
 portmanteau, half-filled. Before the council met, Braddock 
 also privately consulted him as to the propriety of pushing 
 more rapidly forward with a light division ; leaving the 
 heavy troops, &c., to follow by easy marches. This course 
 Washington warmly approved, urging the present weak- 
 ness of the garrison at Du Quesne, and the difficulty with 
 which, during the dry season, any supplies could reach 
 them from Venango by the Riviere aux Boeufs, whose 
 waters were then at a very low stage. His rank did not 
 permit him an opportunity of pressing these views at the 
 council-board ; but they were brought forward there by the 
 General himself, and it was decided that St. Clair, with 
 Gage and 400 men, should start on the 18th to open a 
 road. On the 19th, Braddock in person followed, with 
 Halket (who acted as brigadier). Burton, and Sparks, and 
 about 800 men, the elite of the army. Inasmuch as in 
 the selection of the troops for this manoeuvre he made a 
 point of choosing those he considered the best, without any 
 reference to the wishes of his subordinates, this stejD gave 
 great and lasting offence to Dunbar, Chaj)man, and the 
 others left behind.^ He took with him four howitzers, four 
 twelve-pounders, twelve cohorns, thirteen artillery-wagons, 
 and seventeen of ammunition. The provisions were borne 
 by pack-horses. His expectation was then to strike the 
 
 ' Pcnn. Gaz., No. 1392.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 203 
 
 fort by tlie 28th of June, at the furthest, ere the garrison 
 should receive its reinforcements ; five hundred reguLars 
 being reported to be at that moment on their way thither. 
 Four artillery-officers, eighty-four wagons, and all the ord- 
 nance-stores and provisions which were not indispensable 
 to the General's march, were left with Dunbar.^ 
 
 From the Little Crossings, on the upper waters of Castle- 
 man's River (a tributary of the Youghiogeny), to the Great 
 Crossings on those of the Youghiogeny itself, is but about 
 seventeen miles ; yet it was only on the 24th of June that 
 the latter was passed. The advanced party under St. Clair 
 was constantly engaged in cutting the road ; but its pro- 
 gression was necessarily slow, and the rest of the army had 
 to encamp at their heels and march within sound of their 
 axes. Steep, rugged hills were to be clomb, to whose 
 summits the artillery and baggage were wdth cruel labor 
 drawn ; headlong declivities to be descended, down which 
 the cannon and wagons were lowered with bloclvs and 
 tackle ; or deep morasses to be threaded, where the troops 
 sunk ankle or knee-deep in the clinging mire. The road, 
 too, was beset with outlying parties of the enemy, who 
 constantly aimed at embarrassing their march. On one 
 occasion, Scarroyaddy was even captured ; and his treat- 
 ment evidently shows that many of the savages in the 
 service of the French were of his old acquaintance in 
 
 ' II. Sp. Wash., 81, 83. Penn. Gaz., No. 1387. VI. C. R , 477. 
 Sbarpe (MS. Corresp.) says, "I think the General had with him 52 car- 
 riages; the artillery and 18 wagon-loads of amunition included." This 
 nearly tallies with the above statement; the 20 guu-carriagcs, 13 caissons, 
 and 17 wagons, making just 50.
 
 204 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Pennsylvania.' On another, three Mohawk Indians came 
 into camp with intelligence from Du Quesne, for which 
 they were well paid. But disgusted either by the Gene- 
 ral's indifference to their merits, or by the accounts of his 
 demeanor which they received from their brethren in his 
 ranks, they deserted during the night, and probably re- 
 turned to the French, whence they came. With them dis- 
 appeared, too, one of the General's Indians, who had long 
 manifested a disposition to slip off. During the march, he 
 would constantly conceal himself upon the flanks ; lying 
 down flat behind a stump or a stone, or creeping into a 
 clump of tall grass. But he was as constantly routed out 
 by the sergeants of the flanking parties, to Avhose surveil- 
 lance he had been especially commended; men, trained 
 in Ireland to find a hare squatting in her form beneath a 
 cluster of fern, whose keen eyes, ever on the watch, never 
 failed to discover the refuge of the would-be fugitive. But 
 on the very next night after his flight, three Englishmen, 
 straggling bej'ond the lines, were shot and scalped upon 
 the very edge of the camp ; in which affair he doubtless 
 had a hand. 
 
 Not satisfied with the small temporal assistance which 
 his province had afforded the expedition, Governor Morris 
 by proclamation enjoined his people to unite with him in 
 a solemn invocation upon Heaven to preserve and bless the 
 royal arms ; and the 19 th of June was appointed as a season of 
 public humiliation, of fasting, and of prayer. For that day, 
 all servile labor was discontinued throughout the province : 
 the sound of the mallet and the anvil w^as not heard ; the 
 
 ' See Captaiu Orme's Journal.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 205 
 
 fields were left untilled ; the unfettered waters glided idly 
 beneath the motionless wheel ; and no smoky columns 
 arose from the cold forge. An unwonted stillness prevailed 
 over the land, save where from the house of prayer was 
 uplifted the preacher's voice in supplication to xilmighty 
 God, " that He would be pleased to avert the punishments 
 due to their sins, favor them with a fruitful season, and 
 give success to the measures which His Majesty, ever 
 attentive to the good and welfare of his people, had 
 concerted for the security and preservation of their just 
 rights and commerce." ^ 
 
 While thus supernal succor was importuned, the arm of 
 flesh was slowly advanced, and was even now on the 
 borders. Until after it had forded Castleman's river, the 
 course of the army was generally a very little nortii of 
 west, and lay entirely through Maryland. On the 21st of 
 June, Braddock for the first time entered Pennsylvania. 
 Traversing the high and watery glades of Somerset county 
 and the precipitous region of Fayette, whose mountain-tops 
 attain an altitude of 2500 feet above the sea, with valleys 
 scooped between, 1000 feet below their summits, on the 
 30th of June he reached Stewart's Crossing on the Youghio- 
 geny, about thirty-five miles from his destination. So far, 
 the efforts of the hostile Indians were less a source of posi- 
 tive danger than of increasing annoyance. That indefati- 
 gable foe had by this time got into the rear of the army; 
 their spies environed it on every side, and watched its 
 every motion. As one said to an English captive at Du 
 Quesne : " Their scouts saw him every day from the 
 
 ' VI. C. R., 423.
 
 206 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 mountains — that he was advancing in close columns 
 through the woods" — (this he indicated by placing a 
 number of red sticks parallel to each other and pressed 
 closely together) — "and that the Indians would be able to 
 shoot them down ' like one pigeon.' " But so strict was 
 Braddock's police hitherto, that the English loss was very 
 inconsiderable, consisting but of a wagoner, three bat-men, 
 and a horse. Scattering in various directions, the savages 
 threaded the Avoods in hopes of scalps and plunder. On 
 the night of the 29th, they visited and fired into Dunbar's 
 camp at the Little Meadows, which had been well fortified 
 by St. Clair, and was entirely surrounded by an abattis. 
 They also kept the workmen and convoys on the Pennsyl- 
 vania road in such a state of alarm that in one day thirty 
 deserted in a body, and the road was soon at a stand.' 
 
 It was on the evening of the 3d of July at the camp at 
 Jacob's or Salt Lick Creek, ^ that Sir John St. Clair brought 
 forward his proposition to halt here until Colonel Dunbar 
 and the rest of the forces should come up. The continued 
 remissness in furnishing supplies had compelled these 
 troops to almost forego the use of fresh provisions, and 
 they were afflicted as generally and even more fatally than 
 those with Braddock by the disorders incident to such pri- 
 vations. Many had died ; and many more, officers as well 
 
 ' I. 0. T., 74. VI. C. K, 467. Pcnn. Gaz,, Nos. 1-386, 1387. A 
 batman is an officer's servant. IX. Notes and Queries, 530. 
 
 ^ Probably a salt lick or spring on a branch of Jacob's creek caused this 
 double nomenclature, which has led to some little confusion ; there being 
 another stream called Indian Lick falling into the Youghiogeny. Orme 
 styles it Salt Lick Creek; but Scull's large map (Lond. 1775), gives both 
 titles.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 207 
 
 as men, were on the sick list. On the 2nd of Ju\y, how- 
 ever, Dunbar had moved forward from the Little Meadows; 
 and his van was now not far from the Great Crossings, 
 eleven days' march from Jacob's Creek. Considering this 
 fact, and the disadvantages that would result from the 
 delay, it was wisely resolved by Braddock's council to push 
 forward. They conceived themselves to be (as in fact they 
 were), amply strong enough to conquer the fort should 
 they once sit down before it; and the absence of any 
 organized opposition to their previous progress was well 
 calculated to encourage the belief that, through the 
 enemy's weakness, none would be attempted. " Happy it 
 was," afterwards wrote Captain Orme, " that this disposition 
 was made : otherwise the whole must either have starved 
 or ftillen into the hands of the enemy, as numbers would 
 have been of no service to us, and our provision was all 
 lost." And had the General waited for Dunbar, it would 
 have been most probably the middle of August ere he left 
 Jacob's Creek. For so scanty in number were the miserable 
 jades on which he depended, that this officer could only 
 move one-half his wagons at a time. After one day's 
 march, the poor beasts were sent back to bring up the 
 remainder; and it was invariably two day's more ere the 
 detachment could start from the spot of the first night's 
 encampment. Truly said \yashington, " there has been 
 vile management in regard to horses."^ 
 
 ' VT. C. R , 477, 489. II. Sp. Wash., 83. Instead of proper draught- 
 horses, all sorts of broken-dowa hacks, and spavined, wind-galled ponies, 
 wore shamelessly palmed off upon the army by contractors who knew its 
 condition was such that nothing could be rejected. Besides, there were 
 (if not now, at least at a later period), scoundrels base enough to hang
 
 208 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 To an army that looked longingly forward to a respite 
 at Fort Du Quesne from the unwonted tasks to which it 
 had been so long subjected, and to whom the exciting 
 perils of the battle-shock offered far greater attractions 
 than a supine existence in the wilderness, where no friend 
 was to be encountered, no enemy to be met in open 
 combat, the orders to advance were welcome tidings. Ani- 
 mated by the confidence of success, it moved onward, re- 
 gardless of natural difficulties, with all that disciplined 
 courage and tenacity of purpose which have ever character- 
 ized the Anglo-Saxon race, eager to behold at length the 
 hostile hold, to tear down the hated banner that so 
 insultingly waved over British soil : — 
 
 Tho' fens and floods possesfc the middle space, 
 That -unprovok'd they -would have feared to pass; 
 Nor fens nor floods can stop Britannia's bands 
 When her proud foe rang'd on their border stands.' 
 
 But the fatal halts which Braddock had already too 
 often been obliged to make, proved in the end the cause 
 of his ruin. It will presently be seen of what importance 
 the saving of three days only would have been ; for it was 
 in those three days, the last of his march, that the whole 
 plan of attacking and destroying his army was conceived, 
 organized, and executed. The traditionary repugnance of 
 M. de Contrecoeur and his red allies to the hazardous ex- 
 periment would, in all probability, have prevented its 
 
 around Dunbar's camp, stealing every horse that was left to graze in tho 
 woods without a guard. Above three hundred were thus made away with. 
 (A^I. C. R., 547.) 
 
 ' Addison ; The Campaign.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 209 
 
 adoption at any other moment, as effectually as it did any 
 previous concerted opposition to the march of the English 
 through passes so admirably fitted by nature for defence, 
 that Braddock himself was amazed at their unoccupation. 
 And, as it happened, every account he received but tended 
 to confirm him in his security. On the od of July, he 
 had endeavored to prevail on his few Indians to go out for 
 intelligence; a thing he has always been blamed for 
 neglecting, but which he had constantly solicited at their 
 hands, and which they now declined as resolutely as before. 
 Perhaps it was a sense of their scanty numbers that 
 induced this conduct; perhaps a natural reluctance to 
 encounter their own brethren whom they knew to be with 
 the French ; but more probably, it was their extreme 
 discontent with the manners of the General that closed 
 their ears to all his suggestions. On the 4th of July, how- 
 ever, he was more successful. Urged by bribes, and the 
 promise of greater rewards, two Indians were persuaded to 
 depart on a scouting expedition ; and no sooner were they 
 gone than Christopher Gist, the General's guide, was pri- 
 vately despatched on the same errand. On- the 6th, both 
 Indians and Gist rejoined the army, having penetrated undis- 
 covered to within half a mile of the fort. Their reports were 
 favorable and similar ; they found the passes open, and no 
 indications of a heavy force about the works, although 
 there was evidence of outlj-ing parties, and perhaps rein- 
 forcements, within a moderate distance. The Indians had 
 even encountered a French officer shootinsi; in the woods 
 hard l)y Du Quesne, whom without hesitation they killed 
 and scalped. Gist was less fortunate. He, in turn, had 
 14
 
 210 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 been set upon by two hostile savages, and had narrowly 
 succeeded in escaping with his life. Welcome as was this 
 promise of an undisturbed advance, the day was clouded 
 by a fatal event that must have considerably disturbed 
 even savage equanimity. A number of French Indians had 
 beset and scalped a few loiterers, and a general alarm was 
 spread through the line. In the midst of the excitement, 
 Braddock's Indians in advance were met by a party of his 
 rangers, who, regardless of or blind to their signals of 
 friendship, fired upon them, killing the son of Scarroyaddy, 
 their chieftain. The General took wdiat steps suggested 
 themselves to his mind to prevent this misadventure im- 
 pairing the regard of the dead lad's kindred, and, as it 
 would appear, not without success. 
 
 Eager as was the army for the fray, it cannot be denied 
 that at this moment there was much in it to weaken its 
 efficacy. The soldiers complained bitterly of the severe 
 and unusual labors which they were compelled to undergo. 
 The quality of their food Avas not satisfactory, and the 
 quantity was thought too small ; nor was the time allotted 
 them in camp always sufficient to properly dress their 
 victuals. The same necessity which exacted this treat- 
 ment deprived them also of the hitherto invariable allow- 
 ance of spirits. They had nothing but water to drink, 
 and that often bad and unwholesome. To add to their 
 discomforts, the sagacious provincials w^ere fully impressed 
 Math the dangers of a battle to be fought in the woods and 
 against the savages upon the iDrinciples of European tac- 
 tics ; and by their constant predictions of calamity did not 
 a little dishearten the rec;ulars of the two regiments. Nor
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 211 
 
 were matters on a better footing in higher quarters. Dis- 
 putes and jealousies were rife among the leaders ; and by 
 this time the General was not even on speaking terms with 
 Halket and Dunbar. Braddock had already, however, 
 conceived a plan to benefit such of the officers as he looked 
 upon with favoring eyes. It was his intention, when Du 
 Quesne should have been captured, to incorporate the pro- 
 vincials into a royal regiment, the command of which was 
 to be bestowed upon Lieutenant-Colonel Burton of the 
 48th. His aid-de-camp. Captain Morris, was to have been 
 the Lieutenant-Colonel of the new regiment, and Captain 
 Dobson (the senior captain of the 48th), its major: wdiile 
 Orme was to succeed to Burton's position in the 48th. A 
 number of other promotions would necessarily have fol- 
 lowed these changes, in which it is not improbable Brad- 
 dock would have taken occasion to fulfil his promise of 
 providing for Washington. But his defeat and death 
 scattered all these politic schemes to the winds. ^ 
 
 We are now approaching the last dread scene of our 
 tragic story, and events crowd thick and rapidly upon us. 
 On the night of the 4th of July the army halted at 
 Thicketty Run, a petty branch of the Sewickly Creek, 
 where, by some dismal fatality, it seems to have remained 
 until the Gth, awaiting the return of its spies and the 
 arrival of a supply of provisions from Dunbar's camp, 
 under convoy of a captain and a hundred men. In the 
 rear of this party, which appeared on the 6 th, came 
 Washington. Debilitated by his recent sickness, he was 
 
 ' Sharpe's MS. Corr. Review of Military Operations ia North America, 
 &c., (Phil. 1757), p. 51.
 
 212 INTEODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 unable to endure on horseback the ordinary fatigues of 
 such a road, and journeyed in a covered wagon ; but it was 
 not until the 8tli that he rejoined the General. It was 
 perhaps to this unhappy delay of twenty-four hours that 
 the destruction of the army is attributable ; yet it was such 
 as even a more provident leader than Braddock might well 
 have been excused in making. By it he looked to gain 
 intelligence of his foe and subsistence for himself; both 
 objects of primary importance. 
 
 It must be borne in mind that the English were now on 
 the west side of the Monongahela, within the obtuse tri- 
 angle formed by the forks of the Ohio at whose apex stood 
 Fort Du Quesne ; but a glance at the maps will show how 
 far they had diverged from the direct line thither. As Mr. 
 Sj)arks has well pointed out/ it must have been Braddock's 
 original design to continue his march on the same shore, 
 were it possible to have avoided the passage of the Narrows 
 in so doing. His guides had rightly informed him that 
 this was a spot where the road must be made ujDon a 
 narrow, alluvial formation for some two miles along the 
 bank of the stream, with the river on his left hand and 
 the mountain-side upon his right; and that it would 
 require much labor ere it could be made passable. The 
 perils of such a route were self-evident; therefore aban- 
 doning all idea of pursuing it, he started on the morning 
 of the 7th, and leaving the Indian track which he had 
 followed so long, essayed to work his way across Turtle 
 Creek some twelve miles above its confluence with the 
 Monongahela : a step which, had it been carried out, would 
 
 ' II. Olden Time, 46G.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 213 
 
 have ensured his success. He ayouIcI then undoubtedly 
 have sat down before the fort with httle or no opposition 
 on his way. But the fates w^ere against him. On reaching 
 the eastern branch of Turtle Creek, or rather what is now 
 called Rush Creek, the road suddenly terminated in one of 
 those headlong, precipitous descents so common along the 
 edges of the water-courses of Alleghany County ; practica- 
 ble perhaps for footmen, or even sure-footed pack-horses, 
 but utterly impassable to artillery and wagons. A halt 
 was at once commanded, and St. Clair sent forth with a 
 suitable force to explore the country. He soon returned 
 with the pleasing intelligence that he had hit upon the 
 ridge which led directly to Fort Du Quesne. But after 
 reflection upon the labor it would require to construct a 
 road across the hill-environed head-waters of Turtle Creek, 
 it was finally decided to quit that rugged region altogether, 
 and to proceed directly to the Monongahela ; and at a place 
 where it makes a considerable bend to the north, to cross 
 at the upper arm of the elbow, to follow the chord which 
 would subtend the arc made by the river's curve, and to 
 recross the stream at a point just below the opposite mouth 
 of Turtle Creek. Two excellent fords with easy banks 
 afforded a strong inducement to pursue this plan : but had 
 he persisted in the movement across Rush Creek, he would 
 have marched through a country presenting comparatively 
 few facilities for an ambuscade or covers for an enemy ; 
 whereas in twice crossing the Monongahela he exposed 
 himself to the risk of encountering a determined opposition 
 at either ford. The further and really more hital hazard 
 of running headlong against a natural entrenchment im-
 
 214 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 pregnable to the most determined efforts of one ignorant 
 of its key, cannot be supposed to have entered into his 
 calculations. Nor would the Narrows route have saved 
 him from this danger, since, from the natural formation of 
 the country, it must at the second ford have become 
 identical with that Braddock actually pursued. Thus, in 
 either case, there was no possibility on the Monongahela 
 road of evading the spot where the enemy's ambush was 
 eventually laid. 
 
 Having settled upon his course, on the 8th of July 
 Braddock, following the valley of Long Run, marched 
 south-westwardly eight miles towards the Monongahela; 
 and pitched his camp for the night upon an inviting decli- 
 vity between that stream and another rivulet called 
 Crooked Run, some two miles from the river. He was now 
 within two easy marches of the Ohio, to gain which he 
 looked for no other opposition than what he might 
 encounter in the morrow's fordings; and so far as we can 
 discover, there were in his ranks but two individuals at all 
 diffident of success. William Shirley, the General's secre- 
 tary, was out of all patience at the manner in which the 
 expedition had been conducted; and was determined to go 
 back to England the moment a campaign was brought to 
 a close, of the success of which he was more than doubtful. 
 It is with a little surprise that we find reason to sup- 
 pose the second in command was not free from similar 
 forebodings. As though gifted with that mj'sterious poAver 
 of "second sight" which is attributed to the seers of his 
 native land. Sir Peter Halket, whose sands of life had but 
 twelve more hours to run, with a melancholy earnestness
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 215 
 
 pressed that night upon the General the propriet}^ of 
 thoroughly examining every foot of ground between his 
 present position and the fort, lest through this neglect he 
 should peril his army's existence, and as it were plunge his 
 head into the lion's jaws. The advice, as will be seen, was 
 not altogether neglected ; but its more important feature 
 of beating the forest as hunters of the Highlands would 
 drive their game was set aside by Braddock as unsuitable 
 to the exigencies of his position.^ With a sad presentiment 
 of undefined evil, Halket withdrew. Did he in sooth pos- 
 sess the fatal power of peering into futurity, and exploring 
 the secrets of unborn Time, what awful visions would have 
 pressed upon his soul ! Unconscious of their doom, around 
 him slumbered hundreds of gallant men, sleeping their last 
 sleep on an unbloody couch, nor heeding the tempest 
 gathering fast above, which, overcoming like a summer's 
 cloud, should pour destruction on their devoted heads. 
 Through the long summer's day, the wearied army, 
 anticipating aught rather tlian defeat, had marched steadily 
 onvvard. The encircling woods shut out all prospect of 
 the heavens save the serene blue sky directly overhead, 
 bright with meridian splendor : but all around, beyond 
 their narrow ken, a dark curtain hung like a pall upon the 
 skirts of the horizon, and driving clouds and gathering 
 eagles boded the coming storm. Footsore and toilworn, the 
 troops were now steeped in slumber ; and in dreams that 
 came from heaven through the ivory gates, they beheld 
 themselves 
 
 arrived at last 
 
 Unto the wished haven. 
 
 ' I. Entick, 145.
 
 216 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 They saw their labors crowned with glory, their wander- 
 ings rounded with well-earned repose. But through the 
 narrow passage that lay between them and their pro- 
 mised land rolled darkling the waters of an unseen stream, 
 blacker than night, deeper than the grave : for on its shore, 
 not death alone, but dishonor, and disgrace, and defeat, 
 with welcoming hands, 'awaited their approach. Behind 
 the western hills their sun had sunk for evermore, incar- 
 nadining in his parting rays the bright current of the Mo- 
 nongahela, overhung by stately groves bending to the 
 waters their pensile boughs ; 
 
 lucos, amcenre 
 
 Quos ct aqucG subeunt et aurae. 
 
 To the prophetic vision of the Scottish deiiteroscopia, these 
 waters would have curdled with the clotted gore of the 
 morrow's eve ; the moaning trees would have sighed respon- 
 sive to the sad wailings of the winds of night ; and along 
 the guilty shores would have flitted in griesly bands the 
 bloody ghosts of the unburied slain. 
 
 In the mean time, with a commendable discretion, (the 
 utmost, perhaps, that he was capable of,) Braddock had 
 concluded his arrangements for pa-ssing what he regarded 
 as the only perilous place between his army and the fort, 
 which he designed to reach early on the lOtli. Had the 
 proposition, started and abandoned by St. Clair, to push 
 forward that very night a strong detachment to invest it 
 before morning, been actually made to him, it is very j^ro- 
 bable he would have discountenanced it. As, in all human 
 likelihood, it would have been crowned with success, it is
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 217 
 
 as well for the General's reputation that the suggestion 
 aborted. 
 
 What precautionary steps his education and capacity 
 could suggest, were here taken by Braddock. Before three 
 o'clock on the morning of the 9th, Gage was sent forth 
 with a chosen band to secure both crossings of the river, 
 and to hold the further shore of the second ford till the 
 rest of the army should come up. At four, St. Clair, with 
 a working-party, followed to make the roads. At six 
 A. M., the General set out, and having advantageously 
 posted about 400 men upon the adjacent heights, made, 
 with all the wagons and baggage, the first crossing of the 
 Monongahela. Marching thence in order of battle towards 
 the second ford, he received intelligence that Gage had 
 occupied the shore according to orders, and that the route 
 was clear. The only enemy he had seen was a score of 
 savages, who fled without awaiting his approach. By 
 eleven o'clock, the army reached the second ford ; but it 
 was not until after one that the declivities of the banks 
 were made ready for the artillery and wagons, when the 
 whole array, by a little before two o'clock, was safely 
 passed over. Not doubting that from some point on the 
 stream the enemy's scouts were observing his operations, 
 Braddock was resolved to strongly impress them with the 
 numbers and condition of his forces ; and accordingly the 
 troops were ordered to appear as for a dress-parade. In 
 after life, Washington was accustomed to observe that he 
 had never seen elsewhere so beautiful a sight as was exhi- 
 bited durhig this passage of the Monongahela. Every man 
 was attired in his best uniform ; the Ijurnished arms shone
 
 218 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, 
 
 bright as silver in the glistening rays of the noonday sun, 
 as, Avith colours waving proudly above their heads, and 
 amid inspiring bursts of martial music, the steady files, 
 with disciplined precision, and glittering in scarlet and 
 gold, advanced to their position.^ While the rear was yet 
 on the other side, and the van was falling into its ordained 
 course, the bulk of the army was drawn up in battle array 
 on the western shore, hard by the spot where one Frazier, 
 a German blacksmith in the interest of the English, had 
 lately had his home. Two or three hundred yards above 
 the sjDot where it now stood was the mouth of Turtle 
 Creek (the Tulpewi Sipu of the Lenape), which, flowing 
 in a south-westwardly course to the Monongaheia that 
 here has a north-w^estward direction, embraces, in an obtuse 
 angle of about 125°, the very spot where the brunt of the 
 battle was to be borne. The scene is familiar to tourists, 
 being, as the crow flies, but eight miles from Pittsburg, and 
 scarce twelve by the course of the river. For three-quar- 
 ters of a mile below the entrance of the creek, the Monon- 
 gaheia was unusually shallovv" ; forming a gentle rapid or 
 ripple, and easily fordable at almost any point. Its com- 
 mon level is from three to four hundred feet below that of 
 the surrounding country ; and along its upper banks, at 
 
 ' " My feelings were heightened by the warm and glowing narration of 
 that day's events by Dr. Walker, who was an eye-witness. He pointed out 
 the ford where the army crossed the Monongaheia (below Turtle Creek 800 
 yards). A finer sight could not have been beheld ; the shining barrels of 
 the muskets, the excellent order of the men, the cleanliness of their ap- 
 parel, the joy depicted on every face at being so near Fort Du Quesue — 
 the highest object of their wishes. The music reechoed through the moun- 
 tains. How brilliant the morning; how melancholy the evening!" — Judge 
 Yeates' Visit to 13raddock's Field in ITTGj VI. Haz. Reg., 104.
 
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 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 219 
 
 the second crossing, stretches a fertile bottom of a rich 
 pebbled mould, about a fourth of a mile in width, and 
 twenty feet above low-water mark. At this time it was 
 covered by a fair, open walnut-wood, uncumbered with 
 bush or undergrowth.^ 
 
 The ascent from the river, however, is rarely abrupt; 
 but by a succession of gentle alluvial slopes or bottoms 
 the steep hill-sides are approached, as though the waters 
 had gradually subsided from their original glory to a narrow 
 bed at the very bottom of the ancient channel. At this 
 particular jolace, the rise of the first bottom does not exceed 
 an angle of 3°. Above it again rises a second bottom of 
 the same width and about fifty feet higher than the first, 
 and gradually ascending until its further edge rests upon 
 the bold, rocky face of the mountain-line, climbing at once 
 some two hundred feet to the usual level of the region around.^ 
 A firm clay, overlaid with mould, forms the soil of the second 
 bottom, which was heavily and more densely timbered 
 than the first; and the underwood began to appear more 
 plentifully where the ground was less exposed to the action 
 of the spring floods. In the bosom of the hill, several 
 springs unite their sources to give birth to a petty rivulet 
 that hurries down the steep to be lost in the river. Its 
 cradle lies in the bed of a broad ravine, forty or fifty feet 
 deep, that rises in the hill-side, and crossing the whole of 
 the second bottom, debouches on the first, where the waters 
 
 ' II. Sp. Wash., 470. XVI. Haz. Reg., 97. 
 
 ^ The frontispiece of this volume gives an exact view of the battle-ground 
 at this day. It is taken from the opposite side of the Monongahela. The 
 crossing is just above the upper part of the stream visible in the engraving. 
 The house and grove in the centre of the piece occupy very nearly the pre- 
 cise spot where was fought the hottest part of the action.
 
 220 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 whose current it so far guides, trickle oozily down through 
 a swampy bed. Great trees grew within and along this 
 chasm, and the usual smaller growth peculiar to such a 
 situation ; and a prodigious copse of wild grape-vines (not 
 yet entirely gone) shrouded its termination upon the first 
 bottom and shadowed the birth of the infant brook. About 
 two hundred yards from the line of hills, and three hun- 
 dred south of the ravine just described, commences ano- 
 ther of a more singular nature ; with its steep sides, almost 
 exactly perpendicular, it perfectly resembles a ditch cut for 
 purposes of defence. Eising near the middle of the second 
 bottom, it runs westwardly to the upper edge of the first, 
 with a depth at its head of four or five feet, increasing as 
 it descends, and a width of eight or ten. A century ago, 
 its channel was overhung and completely concealed by a 
 luxurious thicket of pea-vines and trailers, of bramble- 
 bushes and the Indian plum ; its edges closely fringed with 
 the thin, tall wood-grass of summer. But even now, when 
 the forests are gone and the plough long since passed over 
 the scene, the ravine cannot be at all perceived until one is 
 directly upon it ; and hence arose the chief disasters of the 
 day. Parallel with, and about one hundred and fifty yards 
 north of, this second gulley, ran a third ; a dry, ojDcn hol- 
 low, and rather thinly wooded ; but which afforded a hajDpy 
 protection to the enemy from the English fire. Either of 
 these ravines would have sheltered an army : the second 
 — the most important, though not the largest — would of 
 itself afford concealment to a thousand men.* 
 
 ' A close personal examination of these localities during the summer of 
 1854, h;is coiifirmed in my mind the conclusion long since arrived at by 
 Mr. Sparks.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 221 
 
 There is little reason to doubt that as Braclclock drew 
 near, M. de Contreeoeur was almost decided to abandon his 
 position without striking a blow, and, withi-awing his men, 
 as did his successor, in 1758, leave to the English a blood- 
 less victory. He certainly was prepared to surrender on 
 terms of honorable capitulation. A solitary gun was 
 mounted u^dou a carriage, to enable the garrison to eva- 
 cuate with the honors of war; it being a point of nice 
 feeling with a defeated soldier that he should retire with 
 , drums beating a national march, his own colours Hying, 
 and a cannon loaded, with a lighted match. This deprives 
 the proceeding of a compulsory air; and to procure this 
 gratification, Contreeoeur made his arrangements.^ The Bri- 
 tish army was so overwhelming in strength, so well appointed 
 and disciplined, that he perhaps deemed any opposition to 
 its advance would be not less fruitless than the defence of 
 the works. However this may be, he had as yet, on the 
 7th of July, announced no definite conclusion, though pos- 
 sibly his views were f)erceptible enough to his subordinates. 
 On that day it was known that the enemy, whose numbers 
 were greatly magnified, were at the head-waters of Turtle 
 Creek. On the 8th, when his route was changed, M. de 
 Beaujeu, a captain in the regulars, proposed to the com- 
 mander that he might be permitted to go forth with a 
 suitable band to prepare an ambuscade for the English on 
 the banks of the Monongahela, and to dispute with them 
 the passage of the second ford. If we may believe tradi- 
 tion, it was with undisguised reluctance that Contreeoeur 
 complied with this request, and even then, it is said, 
 
 ' Mante, 27.
 
 222 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 refused to assign troops for the enterprise ; bidding him 
 call for volunteers as for a forlorn hope. To that summons 
 the whole garrison responded. If this tale be true, Con- 
 trecoeur recanted his determination, and wisely preferred 
 making him a regular detachment, conditioned on his suc- 
 cess in obtaining the union of the Indians, who, to the 
 number of nearly a thousand warriors, were gathered at 
 the place.' Accordingly, the savages were at once called 
 to a council. These people, consisting of bands assembled 
 from a dozen different nations, listened wdth unsuppressed' 
 discontent to the overtures of the Frenchman. Seated 
 under the palisades that environed the fort, or standing in 
 knots about the speaker, were gathered a motley but a 
 ferocious crew\ Alienated from their ancient friends, here 
 were Delawares from the Susquehannah, eager to speed the 
 fatal stroke, and Shawanoes from Grave Creek and the 
 Muskingum ; scattered warriors of the Six Nations ; Ojib- 
 was and Pottawattamies from the far Michigan ; Abenakis 
 and Caughnawagas from Canada ; Ottawas from Lake Su- 
 perior, led on by the royal Pontiac, and Hurons from the 
 falls of Montreal and the mission of Lorette, whose barba- 
 rous leader gloried in a name torn from the most famous 
 pages of Christian story. ^ 
 
 To these reluctant auditors Beaujeu stated his designs. 
 
 • XVI. Haz. Penn. Reg., 100. 
 
 ^ "Went to Lorette, an English village about eight miles from Quebec. 
 Saw the Indians at mass, and heard them sing psalms tolerably well — a 
 dance. Got well acquainted with Athanase, who was commander of the 
 Indians who defeated General Braddock in 1755 — a very sensible fellow." 
 3fS. Journal of an English Gentleman on a Tour (Jiroiir/h Canada in 
 17G5; cited in Parkman, 97.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 223 
 
 " How, my fiitlier," said they in reply, " are you so bent 
 upon death that you would also sacrifice us ? With our 
 eight hundred men do you ask us to attack four thousand 
 English? Truly, this is not the saying of a wise man. 
 But we will lay up what we have heard, and to-morrow 
 you shall know our thoughts." On the morning of the 9th 
 of July, the conference was repeated and the Indians 
 announced their intention of refusing to join in the expe- 
 dition. At this moment a runner — probably one of those 
 dislodged by Gage in the early dawn — burst in upon the 
 assembly and heralded the advent of the foe. Well versed 
 in the peculiar characteristics of the savages, by whom he 
 was much beloved, and full of tact and energy, Beaujeu 
 took ready advantage of the excitement which these tidings 
 occasioned. " I," said he, " am determined to go out against 
 the enemy. I am certain of victory. What ! will you 
 suffer your father to depart alone ?" Fired by his language 
 and the reproach it conveyed, they at once resolved by ac- 
 clamation to follow him to the fray. In a moment, the 
 scene was alive with frantic enthusiasm. Barrels of bullets 
 and flints, and casks of powder, were hastily rolled to the 
 gates : their heads were knocked out, and every warrior 
 left to supply himself at his own discretion. Then, painted 
 for war and armed for the combat, the party moved rapidly 
 away, in numbers nearly 900 strong, of whom 637 were 
 Indians, 146 Canadians, and 72 regular troops.^ Subordi- 
 
 ' Another French account estimates the French and Canadians as 250, 
 and the savages as 641 : a third, at 233 whites and GOO Indians. See 
 Appendix, Xo. IV. The Enghsh rated their numbers from as high as 
 1500 regulars and GOO Canadians besides savages (XXV. Gent. Mag., 379), 
 to as low as 400 men, all told. (I. Sp. Franklin, 191. Drake's Indian
 
 224 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 nate to Beaujeu were MM. Dumas ^ and De Ligneris, both 
 captains in the regular army, four heutenants, six ensigns, 
 
 Captivities, 183); and Washington himself could not have believed they 
 exceeded 300. (II. Sp. Wash., 87). 
 
 ' For his conduct on the 9th of July, M. Dumas was early in the sub- 
 sequent 3^ear promoted to succeed M. de Contrccoeur in the command of 
 Fort Du Quesne. Here he proved himself an active and vigilant officer, 
 his war-parties ravaging Pennsylvania, and penetrating to within twenty 
 leagues of its metropolis. A copy of instructions signed by him, on 23d 
 March, 1756, was found in the pocket of the Sieur Donville, who, being 
 sent to surprise the English at Fort Cumberland, got the worst of it and 
 lost his own scalp. This letter concludes in a spirit of humanity honorable 
 to its writer. (II. P. A., 600.) In the spring of 1759, the king created 
 him a major-general and inspector of the troops of the marine, who seem 
 to have constituted the bulk of the usual Canadian army. At the siege of 
 Quebec and during the rest of the war he was actively employed. In July, 
 1759, he commanded in the unlucky coup des ecoUers, where 1500 men, 
 partly composed of lads from the schools, in endeavoring to destroy Monck- 
 ton's battery, became so bewildered in the darkness as to mistake friend for 
 foe, and nearly destroyed each other. We may presume he fought not 
 where Montcalm fell on the Heights of Abraham; since, after the sur- 
 render of the capital he held Jacques Cartier with 600 men by order of 
 M. de Levis. And when that general besieged Murray in Quebec, in 1760, 
 Dumas was in command of the lines from Jacques Cartier to Pointe-aux- 
 Trembles. At last, the capitulation of Montreal gave Canada to the Eng- 
 lish, and Dumas passed with his comrades in arms to France. Here I do 
 not doubt he was visited by the same persecutions that waited alike on 
 almost every man who had been in a Canadian public employ — on the 
 peculating Bigot and the upright Vaudreuil. Ultimately, however, and 
 after 1763, he was made a brigadier and appointed to the government of 
 the Isles of France and of Bourbon. (I. Pouchot, 41, 84. II. Garneau, 
 liv. ix., X., xi. I. 0. T., 75.) Thus much may be positively stated of 
 Dumas. To the romantic story of his persecution by Contrecceur wc can- 
 not attach implicit faith. It says that jealousy of his success induced Con- 
 trecceur to send Dumas home on a charge of purloining the public stores; 
 that he was tried and cashiered, and retired in disgrace to Provence ; that 
 during the revolutionary war Washington informed Lafayette of these cir- 
 cumstances, whose influence speedily brought Dumas in triumph to Paris 
 to receive the grade of a general officer. (XVI. Haz. Keg., 99. II. 0. 
 T., 475.) Since Pouchot deliberately insinuates (Vol. I., p. 84), that
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 225 
 
 and twenty cadets. Though his numbers were thus not 
 so greatly inferior to Braddock's, it is not likely that Beau- 
 jeu calculated on doing more than giving the English a 
 severe check, and perhaps delaying for a few days their 
 advance. It is impossible that he should have contem- 
 plated the complete victory that was before him.^ 
 
 On the evening of the 8th of July, the ground had been 
 carefully reconnoitred and the proper place for the action 
 selected. The intention was to dispute as long as possible 
 the passage of the second ford, and then to fall back upon 
 the ravines. But long ere they reached the scene, the 
 swell of military music, the crash of falling trees, apprised 
 them that the foe had already crossed the river, and that 
 his pioneers were advanced into the woodlands. Quicken- 
 ing their pace into a run, they managed to reach the 
 broken ground just as the van of the English came in 
 
 Dumas was inclined to such practices, we may conclude it not unlikely that 
 on his return to France his conduct was severely scrutinized ; but much of 
 the rest of the anecdote is palpably false. It is believed by many that 
 Alexandre Dumas, the famous novelist, is a son of this general ; but this 
 view is not confirmed by the Memoires of the former. He says that his 
 father, Thomas- Alexandre Davy de la Pailleteric, a genera:l of the Republic, 
 was born at St. Domingo in 1762, son of Marie-Alexandre-Antoine Davy, 
 uiarci[uis de la Pailleterie (born 1710, died 1786), a colonel of artillery, and 
 Marie Tessette-Dumas of St. Domingo. It is said this lastwas a quadroon. 
 Independent of the impossibility of the general, and the improbability of the 
 colonel, being the Dumas of Braddock's defeat, it is hardly likely that no 
 reference to the fact, were it so, would be found in the highly-colored pages 
 of our autobiographer. There was a Comte Mathieu Dumas, a French 
 general who served with Rochambeau in America, but lie certainly was not 
 this man. Indeed, the name is so common in France that there may well 
 have been several bearing it occupying high I'anks in the army at the same 
 time. Had we a series of the Almanach Royale to refer to, the point might 
 be settled. 
 
 ' Pouchot is clear on this point. (Vol. I., p. 38.) 
 
 15
 
 226 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 sight. Braddock had turned from the first bottom to the 
 second, and mounting to its brow was about to pass around 
 the head of the ravines to avoid the little morass caused 
 by the water-course before described. His route did not 
 lay parallel with the most dangerous defile, where the 
 banks are so steep and the cover so perfect, but passed its 
 head at an angle of about 45° ; thus completely exposing his 
 face and flanks from a point on the second bottom, at a hun- 
 dred yards distance, to another within thirty, where he 
 would turn the ravine. Of course the further he advanced 
 the nearer he would approach to its brink, till the whole 
 should finally be left behind : thus opening a line of two 
 hundred yards long, at an average distance of sixty, to the 
 enemy's fire. Had he possessed the least knowledge of 
 these defiles, he would undoubtedly have secured them in 
 season, since nothing would have been easier than their 
 occupation by Gage's advanced party. But not a man in 
 his army had ever dreamed of their existence. 
 
 The arrangement of the march from the river's bank 
 had been made as follows : The engineers and guides and 
 six light-horsemen proceeded immediately before the ad- 
 vanced detachment under Gage, and the working-party 
 under St. Clair, who had with them two brass six-pounders 
 and as many tumbrils or tool-carts. On either flank, parties 
 to the number of eight were thrown out to guard against 
 surprises. At some distance behind Gage followed the 
 line, preceded by the light-horse, four squads of whom also 
 acted as extreme flankers at either end of the column. 
 Next came the seamen, followed by a subaltern with 
 twenty grenadiers, a twelve-pounder and a compau}- of
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 227 
 
 grenadiers. Then the vanguard succeeded, and the wagon 
 and artillery train, which began and ended with a twelve- 
 pounder : and the rearguard closed the whole. Numerous 
 flanking-parties, however, protected each side ; and six 
 subalterns, each with twenty grenadiers, and ten sergeants, 
 with ten men each, were detached for this purpose. 
 
 The greater part of Gage's command was actually advanced 
 beyond the spot where the main battle was fought, and 
 was just surmounting the second bottom, when Mr. Gordon, 
 one of the engineers who were in front marking out the 
 road, perceived the enemy bounding forward. Before them, 
 with long leaps, came Beaujeu, the gaily-colored fringes of 
 his hunting-shirt and the silver gorget on his bosom at 
 once bespeaking the chief Comprehending in a glance the 
 position he had attained, he suddenly halted and waved 
 his hat above his head. At this preconcerted signal, the 
 savages dispersed to the right and left, throwing themselves 
 flat upon the ground, and ghding behind rocks or trees or 
 into the ravines. Had the earth yawned beneath their 
 feet and reclosed above their heads, they could not have 
 more instantaneously vanished. The French (some of 
 whom, according to Garneau, were mounted) ^ held the 
 centre of the semi-circular disposition so instantly assumed ; 
 and a tremendous fire was at once opened on the English. 
 For a moment. Gage's troops paused aghast at the furious 
 yells and strangeness of the onset. Rallying immediately, 
 he returned their fire, and halted a moment till St. Clair's 
 working-party came up ; ^ when he bade his men advance 
 at once upon the centre of the concentric line. As he drew 
 
 ' This is very improbable, however. ^ Sharpe's MS. Corresp.
 
 228 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, 
 
 near, lie was again greeted with a staggering discharge, and 
 again his ranks were shaken. Then, in return, they 
 opened a fire of grape and niusketrj", so tremendous as to 
 sweep down every unsheltered foe who was upon his feet, 
 and to utterly fright ' the savages from their propriety. 
 Beaujeu and a dozen more fell dead upon the spot, and the 
 Indians already began to fly, their courage being unable to 
 endure the unwonted tumult of such a portentous detona- 
 tion. But reanimated by "the clamorous exhortations of 
 Dumas and De Ligneris. and observing that the regulars 
 and militia still preserved a firm front, they returned once 
 more to their jDosts and resumed the combat. For a time 
 the issue seemed doubtful, and the loud cries of " Vive le 
 Koi" of the French were met by the charging cheers of 
 the English. But precision of aim soon began to prevail 
 over mere mechanical discipline. In vain the 44th "conti- 
 nued their fire ; in vain their officers, with waving swords, 
 led them to the charge : hidden beneath great trees, or 
 concealed below the level of the earth, the muzzles of their 
 pieces resting on the brink of the ravine, and shooting with 
 a secure and steady aim, the majority of the enemy rested 
 secure and invisible to their gallant foemen.^ 
 
 In the mean time, Braddock, whose extreme rear had 
 not yet left the river's bank, hearing the uproar in advance, 
 ordered Burton to press forward with the vanguard, and 
 the rest of the line to halt ; thus leaving Halket with four 
 
 ' " None of the English that were engaged saw more than 100, and 
 many of the Officers as well as Men who were the whole time of its Con- 
 tinuance in the Heat of the Action, will not assert that they saw an Enemy." 
 Sharpe's MS. Corresp.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 229 
 
 hundred men to protect the baggage while eight hundred 
 engaged the enemy. But just as Burton, under a galling 
 fire, was forming his troops upon the ground, Gage's party 
 gave way and precipitately endeavored to fall into his rear ; 
 confusing men who were confused before.^ The manoeuvre 
 was unsuccessfully executed, and the two regiments became 
 inextricably commingled. Vainly Braddock strove to sepa- 
 rate the soldiers, huddling together like frightened sheep. 
 Vainly the regimental colours were advanced in opposite 
 directions as rallying-points. 
 
 " Ut conspicuum ia proelio 
 
 Haberent signurn quod sequerentur milites." ^ 
 
 The officers sought to collect their men together and lead 
 them on in platoons. Nothing could avail. On every 
 hand the officers, distinguished by their horses and their 
 uniforms, were the constant mark of hostile rifles ; and it 
 was soon as impossible to find men to give orders as it was 
 to have them obeyed. In a narrow road twelve feet wide, 
 shut up on either side and overpent by the primeval forest, 
 were crowded together the panic-stricken wretches, hastily 
 loading and reloading, and blindly discharging their guns in 
 the air, as though they suspected their mysterious murderers 
 were sheltered in the boughs above their heads ; while all 
 around, removed from sight, but making day hideous with 
 their warwhoops and savage cries, lay ensconced a host insa- 
 tiate for blood. ^ Foaming with rage and indignation, Brad- 
 
 ' Penn. Gaz. No. 1393. = Phoed. Fab., liii. 
 
 ^ " The yell of the Indians is fresh on my ear, and the terrific sound 
 will haunt me until the hour of my dissolution. I cannot describe the
 
 230 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 dock flew from rank to rank, with his own hands endeavor- 
 ing to force his men into position. Four horses were shot 
 under him, but mounting a fifth, he still strained every 
 nerve to retrieve the ebbing fortunes of the day. His sub- 
 ordinates gallantly seconded his endeavors, throwing them- 
 selves from the saddle and advancing by platoons, in the 
 idle hope that their men would follow : but only to rush 
 upon their fate. The regular soldiery, deprived of their 
 immediate commanders, and terrified at the incessant fall 
 of their comrades, could not be brought to the charge ; 
 wdiile the provincials, better skilled, sought in vain to cover 
 themselves and to meet the foe upon equal terms : for to 
 the urgent entreaties of Washington and Sir Peter Halket 
 that the men might be permitted to leave the ranks and 
 shelter themselves, the General turned a deaf ear.^ Wherever 
 he saw a man skulking behind a tree, he flew at once to 
 the spot, and, with curses on his cowardice and blows with 
 the flat of his sword, drove him back into the open road.^ 
 Wherever the distracted artillerymen saw a smoke arise, 
 thither did they direct their aim ; and many of the flankers 
 who had succeeded in obtaining the only position where 
 they could be of any service, were thus shot down. Athwart 
 
 horrors of that scene. No pencil could do it, or no painter delineate it so 
 as to convey to you with accuracy our unhappy situation." Capt. Leslie's 
 Letter, 30th July, 1755. V. Haz. Reg., 19L 
 
 ' VI. Haz. Reg., 104. 
 
 ^ " The Enemy kept behind Trees and Loggs of Wood, and cut down our 
 Troops as fast as they cou'd advance. The Soldiers then insisted much 
 to be allowed to take to the Trees, which the General denied and stormed 
 much, calling them Cowards, and even went so far as to strike them with 
 his own Sword for attempting the Trees." Burd to Morris; VL 
 C. R, 501.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 23] 
 
 the brow of the hill lay a large log, five feet in diameter, 
 which Captain Waggoner, of the Virginia Levies, resolved 
 to take possession of With shouldered firelocks he marched 
 a party of eighty men to the spot, losing but three on the 
 way; and at once throwing themselves behind it, the 
 remainder opened a hot fire upon the enemy. But no 
 sooner were the flash and the report of their pieces per- 
 ceived by the mob behind, than a general discharge was 
 poured upon the little band, by which fifty were slain out- 
 right and the rest constrained to fly. 
 
 By this time, the afternoon was well advanced, and the 
 whole English line surrounded. The ammunition began to 
 fail, and the artillery to flag; the baggage was warmly 
 attacked ; and a runner was despatched to the fort with 
 the tidings that by set of sun not an Englishman would 
 be left alive upon the ground. Still, gathering counsel 
 from despair, Braddock disdained to yield ; still, strong in 
 this point only of their discipline, his soldiers died by his 
 side, palsied with fear, yet without one thought of craven 
 flight. At last, when every aide but Washington was 
 struck down ; when the lives of the vast majority of the 
 officers had been sacrificed with a reckless intrepidity, a 
 sublime self-devotion, that surpasses the power of language 
 to express ; when scarce a third part of the whole army 
 remained unscathed, and these incapable of aught save 
 remaining to die or till the word to retire was given; at 
 last, Braddock abandoned all hope of victory ; and, with a 
 mien undaunted as in his proudest hour, ordered the drums 
 to sound a retreat. The instant their faces were turned, 
 the poor regulars lost every trace of the sustaining power
 
 232 INTRODUCTORY ME MOIE. 
 
 of custom; and the retreat became a headlong flight. 
 *' Despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, 
 they ran," says Washington, " as sheep pursued by dogs, 
 and it was impossible to rally them." 
 
 Beneath a large tree standing between the heads of the 
 northernmost ravines, and while in the act of giving an 
 order, Braddock received a mortal wound ; the ball passing 
 through his right arm into the lungs. Falling from his 
 horse, he lay helpless on the ground, surrounded by the 
 dead, abandoned by the living. Not one of his transat- 
 lantic soldiery " who had served with the Duke " could be 
 prevailed upon to stay his headlong flight and aid to bear 
 his General from the field. Orme thought to tempt them 
 with a purse containing sixty guineas; but in such a moment 
 even gold could not prevail upon a vulgar soul, and they 
 rushed unheeding on. Disgusted at such pusillanimity, and 
 his heart big with despair, Braddock refused to be removed, 
 and bade the faithful friends who lingered by his side to 
 provide for their own safety. He declared his resolution 
 of leaving his own body on the field : the scene that had 
 witnessed his dishonor he desired should bury his shame. 
 With manly aflection, Orme disregarded his injunctions; 
 and Captain Stewart, of Virginia (the commander of the 
 Light-horse which were attached to the General's person), 
 with another American officer, hastening to Orme's relief, 
 his body was placed first in a tumbrel, and afterwards upon 
 a fresh horse, and thus borne away.^ Stewart seems to 
 have cherished a sense of duty or of friendship towards 
 
 • III. Wulp. Corresp., 144. II. Garneau, 227.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 233 
 
 his chief that did not permit him to desert him for a mo- 
 ment while hfe remained. 
 
 It was about five o'clock in the afternoon when the 
 English abandoned the field. Pursued to the water's edge 
 by about fifty savages, the regular troops cast from them 
 guns, accoutrements, and even clothing, that they might 
 run the faster. Many were overtaken and tomahawked 
 here ; but when they had once crossed the river, they were 
 not followed. Soon turning from the chase, the glutted 
 warriors made haste to their unhallowed and unparalleled 
 harvest of scalps and plunder. The provincials, better ac- 
 quainted with Indian warfare, were less disconcerted ; and 
 though their loss was as heavy, their behavior was more com- 
 posed. In full possession of his courage and military instincts, 
 Braddock still essayed to procure an orderly and soldierlike 
 retreat ; but the demoralization of the army now rendered 
 this impossible. With infinite difficulty, a hundred men, 
 after running about half a mile, were persuaded to stop 
 at a favorable spot where Braddock proposed to remain 
 until Dunbar should arrive, to whose camp Washington 
 was sent with suitable orders. It will thus be seen how 
 far was his indomitable soul from succumbing in the dis- 
 charge of his duties, beneath the unexpected burthen that 
 had been laid upon him. By his directions Burton posted 
 sentries here, and endeavored to form a nucleus around 
 which to gather the shattered remains of the troops, and 
 where the wounded might be provided for. But all was 
 idle. In an hour's time, almost every soldier had stolen 
 away, leaving their officers deserted. These, making the 
 best of their way off", were joined beyond the other ford by
 
 234 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Gage, who had ralhed some eighty men ; and this was all 
 that remained of that gallant army which scarce six hours 
 before was by friend and foe alike deemed invincible. 
 With little interruption the march was continued through 
 that night and the ensuing day, till at 10 P.M. .on the 10th 
 of July, they came to Gist's plantation ; where early on 
 the lltli some wagons and hospital-stores arrived from 
 Dunbar for their relief. Despite the intensity of his 
 agonies, Braddock still persisted in the exercise of his 
 authority and the fulfilment of his duties. From Gist's he 
 detailed a party to return towards the Monongahela with 
 a supply of provisions to be left on the road for the benefit 
 of stragglers yet behind, and Dunbar w^as commanded to 
 send to him the only two remaining old comjDanies of the 
 44th and 48th, wdth more wagons to bring off the 
 wounded; and on Friday, the 11th of July, he arrived at 
 Dunbar's camp. Through this and all the preceding day, 
 men half-famished, without arms, and bewildered with 
 terror, had been joining Dunbar; his camp was in the 
 utmost confusion, and his soldiers were deserting without 
 ceremony. 
 
 Braddock's strength was now fast ebbing away. Informed 
 of the disorganized condition of the remaining troops, he 
 abandoned all hope of a prosperous termination to the ex- 
 pedition. He saw that not only death, but utter defeat, 
 was inevitable. But conscious of the odium the latter 
 event would excite, he nobly resolved that the sole respon- 
 sibility of the measure should rest with himself, and con- 
 sulted with no one upon the steps he pursued. He merely 
 issued his orders, and insisted that they were obeyed.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 235 
 
 Thus, after destroying the stores to prevent then- faUing 
 into the hands of the enemy (of whose pursuit he did not 
 doubt), the march was to be resumed on Saturday, the 
 12th of July, towards Will's Creek. Ill-judged as these 
 orders were_, they met with but too ready acquiescence at 
 the hands of Dunbar, whose advice was neither asked nor 
 tendered on the occasion. Thus, the great mass of those 
 stores which had been so painfully brought thither were 
 destroyed. Of the artillery, but two six-pounders were 
 preserved ; the cohorns were broken or buried ; and the 
 shells bursted. One hundred and fifty wagons were 
 burned ; the powder-casks were staved in, and their con- 
 tents, to the amount of 50,000 pounds, cast into a spring : 
 and the provisions were scattered abroad upon the ground 
 or thrown into the water. Nothing was saved beyond the 
 actual necessities for a flying march ; and when a party of 
 the enemy some time afterward visited the scene, they 
 completed the work of destruction. For this service — the 
 only instance of alacrity that he displayed in the cam- 
 paign — Dunbar must not be forgiven. It is not perfectly 
 clear that Braddock, intelligently, ever gave the orders; 
 but in any case they were not fit for a British officer to 
 give or to obey. Dunbar's duty was to have maintained 
 here his position, or at the least not to have contemplated 
 falling back beyond Will's Creek. Tliat he had not horses 
 to remove his stores, was, however, his after excuse.' 
 
 • Sharpe's MS. Corresp. VI. C. R., 501. Penn. Gaz., No. 1392. The 
 people nick-named this man "Dunbar the tardy." I. Watson's Annals, 
 100. What provisions belonging to the army remained in Morris's hands 
 were afterwards applied to its uses or sold by him on its account. II. P. 
 A., 4G9.
 
 236 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 It was not until Sunday, July loth, that all this was 
 finished ; and the army with its dying General proceeded 
 to the Great Meadows, where the close was to transpire : 
 
 Last scene of all, 
 ' That ends this strange, eventful history. 
 
 Ever since the retreat commenced, Braddock had pre- 
 served a steadfast silence, unbroken save when he issued 
 the necessary commands. That his wound was mortal he 
 knew ; but he also knew that his fame liad received a not 
 less fatal stab; that his military reputation, dearer than 
 his own life to a veteran or those of a thousand others, 
 was gone forever. These reflections embittered his dying 
 hours ; nor were there any means at hand of diverting the 
 current of his thoughts, or ministering to the comfort of 
 his body : even the chaplain of the army was among the 
 wounded. He pronounced the warmest eulogiums ujDon 
 the conduct of his officers (who indeed had merited all he 
 could say of them), and seems to have entertained some 
 compunctions at not having more scrupulously followed the 
 advice of Washington, or perhaps at the loss of power to 
 provide for that young soldier's interests as thoroughly as 
 he would have done had he returned victorious. At all 
 events, we find him singling out his Virginia aide as his 
 nuncupative legatee, bequeathing to him his favorite 
 charger and his body-servant Bishop, so well known in 
 after years as the faithful attendant of the patriot chief.^ 
 
 ' So says Mr. Custis, in his Life of Martha Washington. Howe (Hist. 
 Coll. Virg., 184), recites the death in Augusta County, in Feb. 1844, of 
 the slave Gilbert, aged 112 years, whom he represents to have been Wash- 
 ington's attendant not only at Braduock's but at Cornwallis's defeat; and
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, 237 
 
 The only allusions he made to the fate of the battle was 
 to softly repeat once or twice to himself — " Who would 
 have thought it ?" Turning to Orme — " We shall better 
 know how to deal with them another time;" were his 
 jDarting words, A few moments later, and he breathed his 
 last.^ Thus at about eight on the night of Sunday the 13th 
 of July honorably died a brave old soldier, who, if wanting 
 in temper and discretion, was certainly, according to the 
 standard of the school in which he had been educated, an 
 accomplished officer; and whose courage and honesty are 
 not to be discussed. The uttermost penalty that humanity 
 could exact, he paid for his errors : and if his misfortune 
 brought death and woe upon his country, it was through 
 no shrinking on his part from what he conceived to be his 
 duty. He shared the lot of the humblest man who fell by 
 his side. 
 
 So terminated the bloody battle of the Monongahela ; a 
 scene of carnage which has been truly described as unex- 
 ampled in the annals of modern warfare. Of the four- 
 teen hundred and sixty souls, officers and privates, who 
 went into the combat, four hundred and fifty-six were slain 
 outright, and four hundred and twenty-one were wounded ; 
 making a total of eight hundred and seventy-seven men. 
 Of eighty-nine commissioned officers, sixty-three were 
 killed or wounded; not a solitary field-officer escaping 
 unhurt. The summing up of the whole loss is given as 
 follows : 
 
 "Washington himself (II. Sparks, 84), seems to refer to one John Alton as 
 his servant on this occasion. 
 ' I. Sp. Franklin, 193.
 
 238 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Rank. Killed. Wounded. Safe. 
 
 General 1 
 
 Secretary 1 
 
 Colonels and L. -Colonels 1 2 
 
 Major 1 
 
 Captains 7 7 7 
 
 Lieutenants 11 15 12 
 
 S. Lieutenants or Ensigns.... 3 5 6 
 
 Midshipmen 1 , 1 
 
 Chaplain 1 
 
 Quarter-Master 1 
 
 Surgeon's Mates 1 5 
 
 Sergeants 17 20 21 
 
 Corporals and bombardiers .. . 18 22 21 
 
 Gunners 6 8 4 
 
 Boatswain's Mates 1 1 
 
 Drummers 2 6 24 
 
 Matrosses and Privates 386 328 486 
 
 Total 456 421 583 
 
 The number of women and servants killed cannot be 
 ascertained, since they are not entered on the roster of an 
 army : certain it is, however, that but three of the latter 
 were spared. As for the Pennsylvania wagoners, they 
 escaped to a man. At the very first onset each driver cut 
 loose his team, and selecting the best horse, fled with 
 headlong precipitation. In fact, of the whole number 
 which originally set forth, but two never returned to their 
 homes; one of whom had died of disease and the other 
 been scalped on the march. The battle was fought on the 
 afternoon of Wednesday, the 9th of July; yet such was 
 their haste, that at 5 A.M. of Thursday their leader rushed 
 into Dunbar's camp with the dismal tidings that the whole 
 army was destroyed and himself the sole survivor ! ^ The 
 
 • Pcnn. Gaz., Nos. 1381, 1.392.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 239 
 
 enemy's loss was very inconsiderable, being but three 
 officers killed and two wounded; two cadets wounded; 
 twenty-five soldiers and savages slain ; and as many more 
 badly hurt. Beside the artillery abandoned by the English 
 to the victors, they lost everything they had with them 
 save the clothes on their backs and the arms in their 
 hands. ^ One hundred oxen that had just been brought 
 ujD ; all the wagons, provisions, baggage, and stores ; the 
 military chest, containing £2-5,000 in specie ; and the 
 General's cabinet with his instructions and private jDapers 
 fell into the enemy's power. These last were transmitted 
 at once to Canada ; and their contents soon made known 
 by the French government to every court in Europe, as 
 eternal monuments of the perfidy of Britain.^ 
 
 Whether we regard the cause, the conduct, or the conse- 
 quences of this battle, the retlections it gives rise to are 
 alike valuable and impressive. It brought together practi- 
 cally for the first time in our history the disciplined regular 
 of Europe and the rifleman of America ; and it taught the 
 lesson to the latter that in his own forests he was the supe- 
 rior man. It was the beorinnin"; of a contest in whose re- 
 volving years the colonies became a school of arms, and a 
 martial spirit of the people was fostered and trained till 
 they had attained that confidence which naught but custom 
 can afford. Had Braddock been successful, the great pro- 
 
 ' "Two 12-pounder cannon/' saj's Burd, "sis 4-pounders, four coliorns, 
 and two Hortts, with all the shells, &c." VI. C. R., 501. There is a 
 discrepancy between this statement and that of the park which the General 
 set forth with. 
 
 2 I. Pouchot, 43. VI. C. R., 514. Sharpe's MS. Corresp. II. 0. T., 
 140.
 
 240 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 vince of Pennsylvania, and probably those of New Jersey, 
 Maryland, and New York, freed from danger, would have 
 continued in their original ignorance and aversion of mili- 
 tary science. His failure left their frontiers open to the 
 enemy, and the spirit of self-preservation soon compelled 
 them to welcome the weapons from which they had once 
 recoiled with loathing. It was there and then that Morgan 
 and Mercer, Gates and Washington, first stood side by side 
 in marshalled array ; ^ and in that day's dark torrent of 
 blood was tempered the steel which was to sever the colo- 
 nies from the parent-stem. ''Had an enforced colonial 
 obedience to the omnipotence of Parliament been attempted 
 in 1754, instead of twenty ^-ears later," sagaciously observed 
 a soldier of the revolution, himself a captive at Fort Du 
 Quesne when Braddock w^as defeated, " it would have been 
 undoubtedly successful ; for with the partial exception of 
 
 ' Daniel Morgan was born in Pennsylvania, and was serving as an over- 
 seer in Virginia shortly before Braddock's arrival. Tbougb then a lawless, 
 dissipated cliaracter, be was the possessor of a wagon and a team of horses, 
 with which he engaged in the expedition. Being on an occasion behind 
 time with his wagon, he was sharply reprimanded by an officer. He replied 
 IH'obably with insolence, and the officer drew his sword upon him. Morgan 
 fell on him with his whip, knocked the weapon from his hand, and beat 
 him severely. For this offence he was sentenced to receive 500 lashes, but 
 fainting beneath the cat, 50 were remitted. According to his own story, 
 his adversary subsequently perceived that the original fault was his own, 
 and made the amende lionorallc to the wagoner. In the battle, or on some 
 occasion of the campaign, he was shot in the back of the neck, the ball 
 passing through his mouth and teeth. It is a little odd that Morgan, who 
 afterwards rose to the rank of General in the army of the Revolution was, 
 under the command of Gates, one of the most active opponents of Burgoyne 
 at Saratoga, in 1778. (Howe's Hist. Coll. Virg., 515.) As for Dr. Hugh 
 Mercer (the same that died so gloriously at Princeton, in 1777), he is con- 
 stantly said to have been engaged in Braddock's campaign. He certainly 
 played an active part in Pennsylvania during the remainder of the war.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 241 
 
 the people of New England, the Americans were equally 
 destitute of means of defence or skill to use them." ' The 
 power and policy of England gave them both -, Bouquet 
 and Amherst and Gage himself enured them to the hardy 
 toils of battle; every regiment that was sent to America 
 left skilful soldiers on its shores ; and when tlie fnial 
 struggle came, it was with the dagger itself had sharpened 
 that the fatal blow was struck ; and too late the mother- 
 country realized the fate of Waller's eagle : — 
 
 — Which on the shaft that made him die, 
 
 Espj'd a feather of his own 
 Wherewith he wont to soar so high. 
 
 But there are other and less satisfying lights in which 
 we must for a moment behold this scene. Never was there 
 an aftray, proportionably to the numbers engaged, more 
 awfully destructive of life. Not even at Waterloo, in all 
 the flush and pride of youthful valor and filled with the 
 recent memories of their distant homes, fell on their earliest 
 battle-field a larger share of officers. What terrible tales 
 the tidings of that dav of carnage bore to those remote 
 homesteads around which yet lingered the parting echoes 
 of their farewell, cannot be traced here. The fond eyes 
 still filled with the fading image of their youthful heroes, 
 too soon to be dimmed with bitterest tears — the hands that 
 dropped the half-twined chaplet of victorious laurel to pre- 
 pare the cypress-wreath — the hearts whose high triumphal 
 hopes were by one sudden stroke shaken witli the throb- 
 bings of despair — all are passed away like the objects they 
 lamented — gone 
 
 • Drake, 262. 
 
 16
 
 242 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 Ou va la feuillc de Rose 
 Ou ya la feuille de Laurier. 
 
 Early or late, the inevitable fate fell equally upon the 
 peaceful home-dweller beyond the wide-spread fields of 
 barren foam and the Avarrior upon the rugged banks of oc- 
 cidental streams : the mourned and the mourner have alike 
 disappeared and been forgotten : and they who rest by the 
 murmuring ripple of the Monongahela beneath the brown 
 shades of an American forest, as quietly sleep in their 
 confused and nameless graves as she who lies beneath the 
 church-j^ard walls of England, above whose mouldered 
 tomb sweep constant sounds of Christian bells. 
 
 Of the many melancholy passages of this most melan- 
 choly day, some not uninteresting incidents are still 
 recollected. The preservation of Washington is an anec- 
 dote of popular currency. With two horses shot under 
 him and four bullets through his coat, and a special mark 
 for the enemy's rifles, not a single stroke told upon his 
 person. In 1770, on tlie banks of the Great Kanhawa, an 
 aged chief journeyed from his distant lodge to see once 
 more the favorite of the Great Spirit against whom his 
 own gun and those of his young men were fifteen years 
 before so often turned in vain. Well might the eloquent 
 Davies express at the time the public conviction that the 
 signal manner in which Providence had hitherto watched 
 over the heroic youth clearly presaged his future import- 
 ance to his country.' 
 
 Nor was the salvation of two other officers less worthy 
 of remark, since the story disjDlays the exercise of some 
 
 'II. Sp. Wash., 91,476.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 243 
 
 of the noblest qualities that can inspire the heart of man 
 to innnortal deeds. When the retreat was sounded, Cap- 
 tain Treby of the 44th lay writhing on the ground, so 
 desperately wounded as to be unable even to crawl beneath 
 the shelter of the nearest bush. With death close following 
 at their heels, the human herd rushed by regardless of his 
 fate, when his situation arrested the attention of a gentle- 
 man volunteer named Farrel. Uncareful of the peril to 
 which he exposed his safety by such an action, Farrel 
 placed the helpless sufferer upon his own back, and in this 
 wise bore him to such a distance from the field as to be 
 able to procure further assistance and eventually place him 
 beyond the reach of danger.^ And equally magnanimous 
 was the enthusiastic bravery of the men of Captain John 
 Conyngham's company. At the first fire his horse was shot 
 down and he himself severely wounded. Falling beneath 
 the animal's body, all his efibrts to extricate himself would 
 have been in vain had not his soldiers, ''for the love they 
 bore him," rushed to his relief; and while many of their 
 number were shot dead in the attempt, succeeded finally 
 in bearing him in triumph from the spot.^ Such incidents 
 
 ' Mante, 28; where it is said that in 1772 Mr. Farrel was a captain in 
 the G2nd Foot. I take liim, however, to be the same Thomas Farrel who, 
 on March 15th, 1763, was appointed to a captaincy in the 65th Foot. 
 (Army Reg. for 1765, p. 120.) In 1763, Captain Jolm Treby still held 
 his rank in the 44th. (Army. Reg. 1763, p. 98.) About the close of 
 the century, we find "a Colonel Treby" apparently a man of fashion in 
 Wiltshire. Chafin's Cranbourne Chase, 18. 
 
 ^ Capt. Matthew Leslie's Letter of cOth of July, 1754. V. Haz. Reg., 
 191, where Conyngham's convalescence is indicated. In 1763 there was 
 no one of this name in cither the 44th or 48th regiment; but in 1765 a 
 John Conynghame appears as Lieutenant-Colonel of the 29th Foot (date
 
 244 INTEODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 as these are enough to brighten a thousand darker shades 
 of character. 
 
 Anions; the most distinguished of the dead was Sir Peter 
 Halket of Pitferran. Colonel of the 44th, and a gallant and 
 sagacious soldier ; whose two sons were fighting by his side 
 when he fell. One of these, Lieutenant James Halket of 
 his own regiment, hastened at the moment to his aid, and 
 with open arms bent to raise the dying form. But pierced 
 b}^ an Indian bullet his body dropped heavily across his 
 leader's corpse, and father and son lay in death together. 
 
 There is a generally accepted tradition that Braddock 
 was murdered by one of his own men. Thomas Fausett, 
 a subsequent resident of Fayette County, Pennsylvania, is 
 not only commonly believed to have been the perpetrator 
 of the deed, but actually, in later years, avowed the fact. 
 Such an interesting incident — paralleled only by the case 
 of Charles of Sweden — demands in this place a thorough 
 investigation ; and this more particularly since the tale, 
 mendacious as we now believe it to be, has been fortified 
 by such constant and positive assertion, and such popular 
 currency, that even Mr. Sparks has not disdained to sanc- 
 tion its naked repetition.^ A careful summary of the evi- 
 dence in this matter shall therefore be given ; and the 
 result will show what ridiculous forgeries may be foisted 
 off upon the student under the name of History. 
 
 of commission^ 13th Feb., 1762), and a John Conyngliam as captain in 
 the 7th Foot : (date of commission, 15th Oct. 1759.) Aniiy Reg. 1765 
 pp. 00, 82. 
 
 ' II. Sp. Wash., 475. Of course Mr. Sparks would not be justified in 
 omitting a mere allusion to a matter so confidently asserted by our local his- 
 torians. But the occurrence is pointed out here to show how widely error 
 may be diifused.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 245 
 
 It must be premised that not one contemporaneous au- 
 thority, either in public or in private, even breathed a sus- 
 picion of such a circumstance. Washington, who must 
 have participated sooner or later in the secrets of the pro- 
 vincial troops, knew nothing of it. Neither Orme, with all 
 his scorn of colonial morality, nor Sharpe, who hated Brad- 
 dock, and with his confidential correspondents spared not 
 his memory, once alludes to it. It is not hinted at in 
 Governor Morris's letters, nor in those of Franklin ; nor in 
 any of the numerous American and European writings of 
 the period that have been examined. The only original 
 passage that can be at all v/rested to bear on this point is 
 to be found in the Gentleman's Magazine for August, 1755. 
 In the first statement of the battle, abounding in pardon- 
 able but manifest inaccuracies, it contains this remark : 
 " It is, however, said that the slaughter among our officers 
 was not made by the enemy ; but as they ran several fugi- 
 tives through the body to intimidate the rest when they 
 were attempting in vain to rally them, some others, who 
 expected the same fate, discharged their pieces at them ; 
 which, though loaded, they could not be brought to level 
 at the French." ^ This assertion, though unsuj^ported by 
 contemporaneous or other respectable authority, possibly 
 may be true. In 1854, while the writer visited the locus 
 in quo in the hope of gaining some hitherto neglected cir- 
 cumstance of the expedition, he received a sufficient num- 
 ber of tales, it is true ; but of whi.ch all, save two, were 
 so absurdly false as not to merit even remembrance. An 
 aged man who said that he had known Fausett declared 
 that there were three brothers in the action, of wdiom one 
 ' XXV. Gent. Mag., 380.
 
 246 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 was slain by Braddock, and the other by the captain of 
 Thomas Faiisett's own company; and that in a like man- 
 ner the death of both was avenged. The importance of 
 this point will be presently seen.^ 
 
 Let us now take up Fausett's own assertions. In 1781, 
 (twenty-six years after the defeat,) a subsequent writer in 
 the National Intelligencer (believed to have been the late 
 AVilliam Darby, Esq.) was cognizant of the common report 
 in Fayette County that this man had killed the General. 
 In 1791, he put the plain question to liim : '' Did you shoot 
 General Braddock ?" and the reply was prompt and expli- 
 cit : " I did shoot him !" As an apology, he added that for 
 the preservation of the rest of the army, the instant re- 
 moval of such an obstinate leader was inevitable. And 
 this narrative is further confirmed by the testimony of the 
 Hon. Andrew Stewart, of Uniontown, who often heard • 
 Fausett make the same avowal. It also appears that he 
 Avas a man of unusual stature and of rude habits ; dwell-* 
 ing alone in a mountain-cabin, earning a precarious sub- 
 sistence by his rifle, and rarely herding with his kind but 
 to get drunk. His usual account of the transaction was 
 this: Joseph, his brother, in defiance of Braddock's injunc- 
 tions, persisting in sheltering himself behind a tree, was 
 finally cut down by his infuriated commander ; on which 
 Thomas, who from a little distance witnessed the whole, 
 instantly levelled his gun and shot Braddock down.^ So 
 
 ' At the time, I did not believe in the truth of a word of this storj. 
 
 ^ Day's Hist. Coll. Penn., 335. Here occurs, too, another inconsistency. 
 In 1794, says the writer in the Intelligencer, Fausett declared himself to 
 be in his 70th year. In January, 1828, he died at the Laurel Hill, aged 
 11-i years, says a clerical contributor to the Christian Advocate, who has 
 done much to extend the belief of the truth of the tradition. It is not
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 247 
 
 much for Fausett's own storj. It does not satisfactorily 
 appear that Tliomas Fausett had any other brother in the 
 action than Joseph ; therefore it may be concluded there 
 is cither confusion or a positive falsehood in the various 
 versions of the tradition lately cited. However this may 
 be, it is certain that Thomas Fausett was enlisted at Ship- , 
 pensburg, Pennsylvania, by Captain Poison, into Captain 
 Cholmondeley's company of the 48th regiment; and that, 
 deserting from the same subsequently to the battle, he was 
 not retaken by the 1st of September, 1755/ And as Cap- 
 tain Cholmondeley was killed in the fight, it is not impos- 
 sible that it was he who slew Joseph Fausett and was in 
 turn murdered by his brother. But, in the face of all the 
 negative testimony that has been adduced, it is useless to 
 propose the confessions of an ignorant peasant, uttered in 
 his cups twenty years after, as proof of the manner of 
 death of the chief of the army. Yet, it may be urged, 
 Fausett is not singular in his tale : it is supported by the 
 assertion of other witnesses. This is very true : let us 
 see what their assertions are worth. 
 
 The first and most important witness is William Butler ; 
 who served throughout the Seven Years' War, under Brad- 
 dock in 1755, under Forbes in 1758, and under Wolfe in 
 1759. He states that in Braddock's expedition he was 
 marched, with twenty-five hundred others, from the camp 
 
 doubted that the reverend annotator believed all that he recited to have 
 been a fact ; but it is impossible for a man who was but 70 yeare old in 
 1794 to have attained 114 by 1828. The age of 97, as given by Hazard 
 (T. Pcnn. Ixeg., 49), is patriarchal enough, and far more probable; but it 
 is equally irreconcilable with Fausett's own statement. 
 ' Penn. Gaz., No. 1894.
 
 248 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 at Philadelphia^ by way of Germantown and Reading, 
 towards Du Quesne ; that Dunbar, who had arrived at 
 Baltimore, joined them on the route ; and that Washington 
 led four hundred riflemen. " At the time of the action, he 
 was just off duty, near Washington's tent. Near there he 
 saw Generals Braddock, Forbes, and Grant talking, and 
 Braddock calling out to Captain Green to clear the bushes 
 ahead by opening a range with his artillery. Then Wash- 
 ington came out, put his two thumbs into the arm-pits of 
 his vest, made a little circle, and came into their presence 
 and said, ' General, be assured, if you even cut away the 
 bushes, your enemy can make enough of them artificially 
 to answer their purposes of shelter and concealment : it 
 w^ill not answer.' Braddock, upon hearing this, turning to 
 his officers, said sneeringly, ' What think you of this from 
 a young hand — a beardless boy ?' " " He was a great user 
 of snufiy adds Butler, "which he carried loose in his 
 pocket; of middle stature, and thick set." He then goes 
 on to the distinct declaration that the General was slain by 
 "one Fawcett, brother of one whom Braddock had just 
 killed in a passion : this last, who killed Braddock, was in 
 the ranks as a non-commissioned officer : the former was a 
 brave major, or colonel ; by birth an Irishman. The sol- 
 dier shot Braddock in the back ; and this man, he said, he 
 saw again in 1830, at or near Carlisle."^ 
 
 Now, we are willing to admit that Butler, being in his 
 104th year when he put forth this story, may have mis- 
 taken its last date ; since Fausett was dead and buried at 
 the period when he said he was at Carlisle ; but how shall 
 ' II. Watson's Annals Phil. 140.
 
 INTRODUCTORY ME.MOIR. 249 
 
 ■\ve get over the remainder of his chapter of bkmders? In 
 the first pLace, Braddock's army was never at Philadelphia ; 
 he never saw that city in his life. Nor did Dunbar join 
 him from, Baltimore, where he did not arrive, and probably 
 never visited. There was no Captain Green in the army, 
 nor any General Forbes, or Grant ; nor was any such order 
 given or conversation held. Washington had no command 
 whatever in the army ; he was merely attached to the staff; 
 and the four hundred riilemen are more like FalstafF's men 
 in green buckram than substantial beings of flesh and 
 blood. Nor were there any tents at all pitched " at the 
 time of the action." The last had been struck six hours 
 before. In short, poor old Butler had so lamentably jum- 
 bled together in his mind the two expeditions of Forbes 
 and Braddock (if, indeed, he ever served with the latter), 
 that in repeating the last rhodomontade that imagination 
 or some gasconading gossip had served him w^ith, he could 
 not keep the twain separate. At his age, vrhen an old 
 soldier shoulders his crutch and fights his battles o'er again, 
 he is too apt to repeat, as of his own memory, the last idle 
 tale that has been put into his mouth. But we cannot be 
 expected, after finding every other of his statements un- 
 founded, to place any credence in the most absurd of all.^ 
 
 ' Butler had another story, to the effect that he was sentinel before 
 Eraddock's tent one day when Washington approached. Instead of com- 
 ing to the tent diagonally, as any one else would have done, he came march- 
 ing down in a decided and — according to Butler's representation of the 
 perfonuance — in an exaggerated military step, and perfectly straight line. 
 "When parallel with the tent, he suddcnlj' fiiced about, marched to its door, 
 and informed Braddock that unless he procured a greater number of In- 
 dians and threw them out as scouts, the army would certainly be cut to 
 pieces. This advice Braddock disdainfully repulsed.
 
 250 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 The evidence of Billy Brown, a negro living at Frank- 
 forcl, Pennsylvania, taken in 1826, when he w^as ninety- 
 three years old, is next adduced to confirm Fausett's story. 
 But though he speaks with much hesitation and uncer- 
 tainty as to the important fact, he gives us a sufficient 
 number of other anecdotes to test the veracity of his recol- 
 lections. He, too, is alleged to have been at the deaths of 
 Braddock and Wolfe. Born in Africa, and brought a slave 
 to this country at an early age, he loved to tell his hearers 
 of the elephants of his native land, so prodigious as to 
 make " quite a fog with their breath !" " He was present 
 in that memorable fight as servant to Colonel Brown, of 
 the Irish regiment, and was most of the time near the 
 person of General Braddock. He said his character was 
 obstinate and profime. He confirmed the idea that he M'as 
 shot by an American because he had killed his brother. 
 He said that none seemed to care for it : on the contrary, 
 they thought Braddock had some sinister design ; for no 
 balls were aimed at him ! He kept on foot, and had all 
 the time his hat bound across the top and under his chin 
 with his white handkerchief. They suspected that the 
 white emblem was a token of his understanding with the 
 French. He told me," continues the relator of this con- 
 versation, '' that Washington came up to him in the fight, 
 and fell upon his knees to beseech him to allow him to use 
 
 Now, setting aside the improbability of this dramatic tale, let us simply 
 point out the f\xct that the sentries for the General's tent were taken exclu- 
 sively from the two regiments. Therefore Butler could not have been in 
 the position he alleges. But the anecdote may be worthy of preservation, 
 as showing a possible sentiment in the ranks that Braddock held "Wash- 
 insrtou's advice as nauQ-ht.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 251 
 
 three liunclred of his men in tree-fighting; and that the 
 General cursed him, and said, ' I 've a mind to run you 
 tlirough the body;' and swearing out, 'we'll sup to-day in 
 Fort Du Quesne, or else in hell !' " ' 
 
 Now, there was no Colonel Brown in the army. A 
 Colonel Burton, indeed, there was; and the negro may 
 have confounded their names; though, since he continued 
 to serve the same master for eight years, it seems a little 
 strange that he should stumble so on this point. Nor did 
 Braddock fight unaimed at or on foot. He was coatinually 
 mounted, and had four horses shot under him. The idea 
 of putting Washington on his knees is too palpably false 
 for comment. 
 
 The third and last account that remains to be examined 
 is fathered by Daniel Adams, of Newburyport, Massachu- 
 setts, and may be shortly dealt with. In 1842, he pro- 
 claims what he had been told by one who had it from ano- 
 ther, wdio was present at the occurrence. " He stated that 
 the principal officers had previously advised a retreat, 
 which the General pertinaciously refused ; that after nearly 
 all the principal officers were shot down, he was approached 
 by a captain to renew the advice, whom he forthwith shot 
 down. Upon seeing this, a lieutenant, brother of the cap- 
 
 ' I. Watson's x\nn., G02. II. ih., 141. Watson's MSS. in Penn. Hist. 
 Soc, 63. It is not pleasant to thus doubt the genuineness of some of 
 the stores garnered up by this worthy and laborious collector; but to ignore 
 them entirely, or to admit them as true, would be equally repugnant to our 
 convictions. It may be noted here, that as Braddock had no notion of 
 reaching Du Quesne before the 11th, his alleged invocation was, to say the 
 least, an oath of supererogation. It is odd that Ormsby puts the same 
 expression into Forbes's mouth : " he would sleep the next night in the 
 Fort or in hell !" II. 0. T., 2.
 
 250^ INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 tain, immediately shot Braddock. Several of the soldiers 
 saw the act, but said nothing. Braddock wore a coat of 
 mail in front, which turned balls in front ; but he was shot 
 in the back, and the ball was found stopped in front by 
 the coat of mail." ^ 
 
 The reader is now in possession, iofidem verbis, of all the 
 evidence in the case ; and may deduce his own conclusions. 
 He will bear in mind the character and circumstances of 
 the principal witness, and the inducements which a man 
 who had deserted from his colours may find in a moment 
 of intoxication to magnify his crime. Supposing he had 
 killed his captain, it was a simple murder, calculated to 
 excite disgust perhaps, but nothing further. But by sul> 
 stituting the commander's name, he became at once the 
 pot-house hero ; the cynosure of their neighboring eyes to 
 whom the slaughter of a British general was become to be 
 regarded as a praiseworthy achievement. He will likewise 
 consider the credibility of the remaining witnesses, not 
 one of whom could have known the fact of his own know- 
 ledge, since they unite in making poor Fausett a colonel, a 
 major, or at least a captain, when he was but a private at 
 sixpence ^^e?* diem ; and will notice the manifold errors 
 with which dotage or ignorance had embroidered the tissue 
 of their memory. No two unite on the same facts. If 
 there be any force in the good old law maxim — Qui falsus 
 in singulis, falsus est in omnibus — he will not be long in 
 coming to a conclusion ; but if he should still hold to the 
 Fausett story, we can only commend him to the pages of 
 Mandeville or Pinto; if any "historian" since the days of 
 
 ' II. Y\''atson, 142.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 253 
 
 Herodotus can pretend to appease such an appetite for tlic 
 marvellous. 
 
 In considering the conduct of this battle, it is easy to 
 perceive how readily victory might have been lured to 
 perch upon an opposite banner. Had the American method 
 of Indian-fiditing been followed from the outset, the whole 
 plan of the campaign must have been altered. But, pur- 
 suing the instructions under which he acted, there were 
 several occasions when malicious fate would seem to have 
 dashed the chalice from Braddock's lips. Thus, when he 
 abandoned the design of passing to Fort Du Quesne by the 
 head-waters of Turtle Creek, he lost a golden opportunity. 
 And as it was, had his advanced party been but half an 
 hour sooner in reaching the ravines, all might have been 
 well. The invisibility of their foe was the chief feature 
 in that contest which disconcerted the English. An enemy 
 sheltered by trees only could never have so surprised them ; 
 the dusky forms, flitting from cover to cover, would soon 
 have familiarized their ej-es with the tactics of the foe ; 
 and though perhaps with heavy loss, they would probably 
 have got the better of their adversaries. Instead of this, 
 wliile men were dropping by scores on every side, not more 
 than half a dozen Indians were seen by the majority of the 
 troops at any one time during the fight ; and the fire 
 appeared to issue from the very bowels of the earth itself. 
 So ignorant were all of the existence of the ravines, that 
 when convinced by subsequent reflection that some such 
 shelter must have been, it was the belief of the survivors 
 that the French had prepared elaborate and artful entrench-
 
 254 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 ments here, in wliich the army was involved.' Nothing 
 was more easy than, as the cokiran approached a part of 
 the defile hitherto undefended, for a hundred warriors to 
 glide unperceived under the cover to the spot, and at their 
 very feet to open an instantaneous and murderous fire 
 upon the hewildered troops. In vain the artillery swept 
 the scene. The harmless balls passed ten feet above the 
 heads of the savages, who lay concealed beneath the surface 
 of the earth. A more astute or experienced leader would 
 have had out his rangers beating tlie forest on every side, 
 peering into eyery thicket and tangled dell, and would 
 never have been left unacquainted with the precise topo- 
 graphy of such a dangerous spot. Even after the slaughter 
 had commenced, it would have been easy to have cleared 
 the ravines, by bringing a field-piece to their mouths and 
 with grape and cannister sweeping their channels from 
 bottom to top, sending their naked inhabitants scattered 
 and howlino: like wolves throuah the forest. Followins; 
 this manoeuvre, a column of grenadiers at the bayonet's 
 point and ^^roperly supported on the upper plains, would 
 have completed the business. The Indian has not that 
 moral courage — the child of discipline — which will enable 
 him to stand a charge. lie dreads the cold steel. And 
 though the front ranks of the storming party would per- 
 haps have fallen to a man, the very nature of the passage 
 would ]tave protected the remainder; and few of the enemy 
 would have had an opportunity of giving more than one 
 fire. But it is too plain why these methods were not 
 23ursued. 
 
 ' II. P. A., 383. VI. C. 11., 490.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 255 
 
 It is ever an invidious task to point out how a lost field 
 might have been won ; but it was reserved for another 
 leader in the same war to give a practical exemplification 
 of the stratagem which turned the battle of Hastings, and 
 of which Braddock might well have availed himself Had 
 he been as sagacious as Bouquet at Bloody Bun, he would 
 have exercised a manoeuvre so difficult and dangerous that 
 nothing but the last necessity can justify its use; so inge- 
 nious that no Indians can ever hold out against it, if pro- 
 perly carried out. 
 
 So soon as the fortune of the day seemed jicriious, had 
 the rear-guard and wagons been quietly moved back to the 
 river-side, and at least a portion of the pack-horses re- 
 convej-ed across the stream, it would greatly have facilitated 
 a retreat, without withdrawing any strength from the forces 
 at the time engaged. This being done, the army might 
 have countermarched in three divisions, as though retiring. 
 The two wings should have proceeded in opposite diagonal 
 directions towards the Monongahela, encouraging the enemy 
 with an appearance of haste ; while the centre slowly re- 
 traced its own steps, filling as it were in a perpendicular 
 line upon the base of the triangle whose subtense was 
 occupied by the rear-guard and whose sides were the 
 courses of the wings. The Indians would inevitably have 
 pursued, though at first with caution ; and beyond a doubt 
 a number of lives, particularly of the centre, would have 
 been sacrificed. But when both factions reached the open 
 woods of the first bottom, and the savages beheld the water 
 dotted with wagons and crossing horses, their exultation 
 would have known no limit, and hatchet in hand they
 
 256 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 would rush on the flight. Then would have heen the 
 moment to annihilate them. The rear-guard, widening its 
 ranks to receive the thinned centre and to enable the 
 artillery posted for the emergency to open on the foe, 
 should attack him in front while the wings, in like wise 
 facing about, fell upon his either flank. One discharge the 
 troops might have poured iii, and then given him the 
 bayonet. The result would have been instant and inevi- 
 table. Enclosed between three crashing fires of grape and 
 musketry, driven before three gleaming walls of steel, all 
 converging to a common centre, the enemy would have 
 been utterly and instantly crushed ; and before that even- 
 ing's sun was set. Fort Du Quesne would have been in 
 flames and abandoned. These are no idle speculations; 
 and though a manoeuvre like this requires a steady obe- 
 dience and abundant nerve, yet its efficacy has been amply 
 tested. And surely no men were more capable of its exe- 
 cution than Braddock's soldiers, whose discipline was per- 
 fect until three hours of unceasing disaster had thrown 
 their souls back into a chaotic confusion where self-preser- 
 vation was the only surviving thought. 
 
 The die was cast, however, and the victory was with 
 those wdio could only abuse it. In the exuberance of their 
 joy, the Indians had not bestirred themselves to make 
 prisoners. Scalps were the first object of their search; 
 and not only from the dead, but from the throl^bing temples 
 of the yet living, the bloody troj)hy was torn, and weltering 
 in his gore the wretch was left to die of his wounds, or, 
 more horrid still, to, perish beneath the fimgs of the wild 
 creatures of the forest or the obscene beak of the bird of
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 257 
 
 prey. Then the enraptured warriors turned to a harvest 
 of spoil such as never before or since gladdened a savage 
 eye. What share of the booty fell to the French or Cana- 
 dians, we know not ; probably, however, they managed to 
 secure the money and the more valuable stores, while the 
 ignorant native was busy in stripping the gaudy clothing 
 from the corpses on the plain, and, frantic with joy, 
 parading in the scarlet sash, brilliant gorget, and gold-laced 
 coat of a murdered officer. The artillery was claimed by 
 the garrison as the spoil of Louis XV. ; but such were the 
 difficulty of transporting the pieces and the apprehension 
 of Dunbar's vicinity, that the howitzers and twelve-pounders 
 were spiked and dismounted and left on the field, and the 
 shells bursted. The brass six-pounders only were taken 
 to the fort, where that very night a division of the plunder 
 was made.^ 
 
 Since nearly every Englishman with strength left to run 
 had fled from the field, few but the wounded fell into the 
 enemy's hands ; and it not being their use to cumber them- 
 selves with infirm captives, these were speedily put to 
 death. By an Indian report there were thirty prisoners, 
 men and women, carried off by the Chesagechroanus.^ But 
 the evidence of William Johnson, a Pennsylvania resident 
 during all this period at Venango, at Du Quesne, and among 
 the Ohio Indians, is positive that there were but three of 
 
 ' In March, 1756, the artillery (including the howitzers and mortars), 
 captured here was sent to Niagara, and afterwards to Frontcnac ; and served 
 the French a useful part in the war. In Aug-ust, 1756, Montcalm opened 
 bis lines against Fort Ontario with a part of it. I. Pouchot, 43, 67. 
 Pcnn. Gaz., Nos. 1389, 1393. I. Entick, 475. VI. C. R., 603. 
 
 ^ VI. C. R., 615. These may have been the Chaounaons or Shawanoes. 
 
 17
 
 258 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 the English saved ahve, and these women ; one of whom 
 was retained hy the French commander at Venango, and 
 the other two sent slaves to Canada.^ A score of regulars, 
 however, ignorant perchance of savage customs and not 
 dreaming of other treatment than that of prisoners of war, 
 being cut off from flight threw down their arms and sur- 
 rendered. A Virginian, too, w^as captured ; ^ and these are 
 the only English that so far as can be ascertained remained 
 in life when the victors left the field ; yet of even this little 
 band one-half were tomahawked ere they reached the Ohio. 
 A darker departure was reserved for their fellows. 
 
 During all that anxious day, James Smith, an American 
 captive languishing within the v/alls of Fort Du Quesne, 
 listened with careful ear for the roll of the English drums, 
 or explored with seeking eye the forest paths whence he 
 looked for the coming of his deliverers. 
 
 An hour before sunset the French and Indians returning 
 to the fort halted within a mile's distance and announced 
 their success by a joyful uproar, discharging all their pieces 
 and giving the scalp-halloo. Instantly the great guns 
 responded, and the hills around re-echoed to their roar. 
 Pushing hastily on, the majority of the savages soon 
 appeared, blood-stained and laden with scalps, and un- 
 couthly arrayed in the spoils of the army. Tall grena- 
 dier's caps surmounted their painted faces, and the regi- 
 mental colors trailed disgracefully at their heels. With 
 less disordered pace the French succeeded, escorting a long 
 train of pack-horses borne down with jDlunder. Last of 
 all, and while the parting light of day lingered on the 
 
 ' VII. C. K, 342. == Penn. Gaz., No. 1389.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 259 
 
 beautiful bosom of the Ohio, appeared a small party who 
 had dallied behind to make the needful preparations for 
 the crowning scene of horror. Before them, stripped per- 
 fectly naked, their foces blackened and their hands bound 
 behind their backs, with reluctant steps were driven 
 twelve British regulars on whom God's sun had shone for 
 the last time. Delirious with excitement, their barbarous 
 conquerors could hardly wait for the tardy night to con- 
 summate their unhallowed joy. A stake was at once sunk 
 on the opposite bank of the Alleghany, whither the crew 
 repaired; the prisoners lost in dumb sorrow at the surprising 
 fate which they now began to comprehend. Here one by 
 one they were given to the most cruel and lingering of 
 deaths. Bound to the post under the eyes of their remain- 
 ing comrades and of the French garrison, who crowded 
 the ramparts to behold the scene, they were slowly roasted 
 alive. Coals from an adjacent fire were first applied to 
 various parts of the victim's person. Sharp splinters of 
 light dry pine wood were thrust into his flesh, and ignited 
 to consume and crackle beneath the skin, causing the most 
 exquisite tortures. His trunk was seared with red-hot 
 gunbarrels ; blazing brands were thrust into his mouth and 
 nostrils ; boiling whiskey was poured in flames down his 
 throat, and deep gashes made in his body to receive burn- 
 ing coals. His eye-balls were gradually consumed by the 
 thrusts of pointed sticks or the application of a heated ram- 
 rod ; and the warrior was prized the most highly who could 
 furthest prolong sensibility in his prey, and extract a renewed 
 cry of anguish from the wretch who had almost ceased to 
 suffer : " his weary soul hanging upon his trembling lips —
 
 260 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 willing to take its leave, but not suffered to depart !" The 
 last expedient was generally to scalp the poor creature, and 
 on his bare, palpitating brain, flash gunpowder or throw a 
 handful of live embers. Terrible as it may seem, the 
 human frame will endure such torment for an hour or more 
 ere vitality ceases ; consequently the horrors of this night 
 endured till dawn, affording a scene unmatched by any 
 other out of Pandemonium. The dark back-ground of the 
 deep woods ; the river flickering in the glare of a score of 
 huge fires kindled on its shore ; the shrieking soldier bound 
 to the stake, and mingling his dolorous cries with those of 
 his companions, foretasting their own woe ; and, to complete 
 the picture, a thousand savages, their naked ghastliness 
 made more hideous by paint, yelling like famished wolves, 
 and waving aloft red torches or dripping tomahawks blood- 
 encrusted to the heft, as with maniac bounds they danced 
 like lubbar fiends around the prisoner. " It seemed," said 
 an eye-witness, " as if Hell had given a holiday and turned 
 loose its inhabitants upon the upper world." And, shame., 
 to tell, there on the opj)osite shore frowned the gloomy 
 bastions of Fort Du Quesne, from whose ramparts, with the 
 fair flag of France (never more sullied than on this occa- 
 sion), heavily drooping above their heads, Contrecoeur and 
 his brave garrison beheld unmoved to remonstrance the 
 terrific spectacle.' 
 
 ' Smith's Narrative, in Drake, 184. When we contrast the excesses 
 permitted to the savages in this war by Frenchmen of all ranks, from Con- 
 trecoeur to St. Veran, with the conduct of the English leaders, humanity 
 rejoices with national pride. Of 870 Indians in Amherst's army, 700 with- 
 drew in one body at the capture of Fort Levi in 1760. They insisted on 
 their right to massacre the captured Frenchmen ; but Sir Jeffrey sternly
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 261 
 
 Return Ave now to the army and its dead general. On 
 the morning of July 14th he was buried, " decently but 
 privately," in a spot purposely selected in the middle of 
 the road ; nor was care spared to close evenly the mouth 
 of his grave, and to pass the troops and the train over the 
 place, in order to efface any guide-marks by which sacrile- 
 gious and hostile hands might be enabled to disinter and 
 insult his remains.^ But this disgusting feat was reserved 
 for other days and other men.'' So soon as Braddock was 
 beneath the sod, the march was resumed under Dunbar, 
 
 warned tliem that the first blow struck in this design should be the signal 
 for his falling on them with his whole army. Even yictory was too dear 
 a purchase to a man of honor at such a rate. (Mante, 306.) But though 
 no punishment in kind was inflicted by Amherst, the French Indians 
 escaped not unscathed during the war. The destruction of Kittaning ; the 
 invasion of the Muskingum; the fall of Pontiac; — involved not only the 
 loss of much life, but of national pride ; and other scourges than the sword 
 wasted their borders. Within a year the Abenakis, so active against Brad- 
 dock, were visited with the small-pox, and nearly entirely extirpated. 
 (II. Garn., 252.) 
 
 ' Mr. Headley (XLIV. Graham's Mag., 255), gives a picturesque sketch 
 of Braddock's interment by torch-light, and adds that the services for the 
 burial of the dead were read by Washington ; but the Journal is distinct 
 that he was buried the next morning. It is probable, however, that the 
 services of the church were recited ; and since the chaplain was wounded, 
 it is not improbable that Washington, the only active member of his family, 
 paid this sad duty to his chief. 
 
 ^ Until the opening of the National Road, Braddock's was a thoroughfare 
 between Baltimore and the Ohio. About 1823, while working on it, some 
 laborers exposed his remains, still distinguishable by their " military trap- 
 pings." " One and another took several of the most prominent bones, and 
 the others were reinterred under the tree on the hill, near the National 
 Road. Mr. Stewart of Uniontown (fiither of the Hon. Andrew Stewart), 
 afterwards collected the scattered bones from the individuals who had taken 
 them, and sent them, it is believed, to Peale's Museuiu in Philadelphia." 
 I)ay's Penn., 834. I have essayed without success to trace further par- 
 ticulars of this disgraceful tale.
 
 262 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 who, with 300 wounded in his ranks, arrived at Fort Cum- 
 berland on Tuesday, July 22nd, at two in the afternoon/ 
 By his position in the rear and the sluggishness of his 
 motions, this officer had already acquired the unflattering 
 sobriquet of " Dunbar the Tardy ;" and liis conduct now 
 encountered the censure of his superiors, the disgust of his 
 equals, and even the criticism of his inferiors. At head- 
 quarters, his retreat was estimated as more disastrous than 
 the defeat itself.^ 
 
 During all this time, there was no thought in the colonies 
 but of Braddock's certain triumph. In Philadelphia the 
 warmer spirits, eager to echo back the first jubilant shout 
 from the western mountains, were already taking about 
 subscription papers, and preparing to kindle the staid city 
 w^ith festal fires. But the cooler counsels of Franklin 
 tempered their zeal.^ Upon the adherents of the Assembly, 
 in particular, the disastrous intelligence came with a double 
 sting, when tliey reflected how it would sharpen the 
 Governor's invectives on their obstinacy and neglect. 
 
 ' VI. C. R., 502. 
 
 2 II. P. A., 387. "What Dishonor/' writes Shirley, <'is thereby re- 
 flected on the British Army ! Mr. Dunbarr has ever been esteem'd an 
 exceeding good Officer, but nobody here can guess at y* Reason of his 
 Retreat in the Circumstances he was in, and some severe Reflections are 
 thrown out upon his Conduct ; Some would have him sent with 500 Men 
 to bi'ing back what he bury'd with 1500." 
 
 ^ '' I looked grave," he writes, "and said it would, I thought, be time 
 enough to prepare the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to 
 rejoice. They seemed surprised that I did not immediately complj' with 
 their proposal. ' Why, the d — 1 !" said one of them, "you surely don't 
 suppose that the fort will not be taken ?' < I don't know that it will not 
 be taken; but I know that the events of war arc subject to great uncer- 
 tainty.' " I. Sp. Fr., 194.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 263 
 
 At first, tliey would not confide in a syllable of the intelli- 
 gence ; and men even insulted Mr. Morris in the public 
 streets, " for giving out that General Braddock was 
 defeated ;" ^ nor, indeed, did he in turn omit any occasion 
 of blaming this matter on his opponents. 
 
 On July 11th, Col. Innes at Cumberland received ihe^ 
 first uncertain news, and hurried away expresses to the 
 neighboring provinces. Close at the heels of his flying 
 posts came the runaway wagoners seeking their Pennsylva- 
 niau homos. Morris was in the interior at the moment, 
 superintending the construction of the new road, and the 
 transmission of supplies ; and at Carlisle he satisfied himself 
 of the miserable fact. The wagoners, examined under 
 oath by him, in their confused accounts all united on the 
 main point — that the army was annihilated. To confirm 
 all the rest, moreover, came an open letter from one of 
 Braddock's messengers, sent from post to post, and spread- 
 ing terror as it passed ; for it was marked to be read as it 
 went at every hostel on the road; "by Mr. Bingham at 
 the Sign of the Whip, and from that to be told at the In- 
 dian Queen." On the IGtli, the Governor gave his Assem- 
 bly a week's notice to meet him at Philadelphia, and urged 
 the instant organization of such a force as should enable 
 Dunbar to resume the offensive, ere 3^et the defenceless 
 borders were overrun by the foe.^ This too he warmly 
 pressed on Shirley, to whom the chief command of all the 
 King's American armies was now fallen. Meanwhile 
 Dunbar announced his intention to abandon everything, 
 and to put his troops, in the month of Jnly, in winter- 
 
 • VI. C. R.. 480. 2 Ibid, 481.
 
 264 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 quarters at Philadel^^liia. Against this Morris remon- 
 strated, and effectively pleaded to have at least a few men 
 left in the posts west of the Susquehannah. Dunbar called 
 a council, whose report shows conclusively what cowardly 
 or stultified infatuation must have governed the destruction 
 near the Meadows ; since it appears that the troops being 
 now half-naked and the munitions naught, the army had 
 become more demoralized than ever. Leaving then a con- 
 siderable part of his still remaining stores with the Virginia 
 and Maryland troops at Fort Cumberland (of which place 
 Col. Innes had been appointed Governor), on the 2nd of 
 August he started, 1200 strong, for Philadelphia. Much 
 to Dinwiddle's indignation, who considered that these at 
 least had been ordered by the King for the especial service 
 of the Ohio campaign, he took with him too the three 
 Independent Companies. It may be noticed here that 
 beside those who had recovered, and the small proportion 
 that had succumbed after reaching it, there were still 300 
 of Braddock's army left at the fort wounded and unable to 
 travel.^ 
 
 General Shirley's first orders (Gth August) were that 
 Dunbar should march the 44th and 48th, by Philadelphia 
 and Jersey, direct to Albany ; leaving the three Indepen- 
 dent Companies at Cumberland. But by Morris's influence 
 on the 12th he issued supplementary orders that those of 
 the Gth should be followed only in case it were found im- 
 possible to carry out a renewed design against Du Quesne. 
 The army was to be put in the best order possible, and, 
 when united with the expected Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
 
 • VI. C. R., 496, 515, 521, 602. 11. P. A., 395.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 265 
 
 and Virginia provincials, to flill on Du Quesne or Presqu' 
 Isle. Failing success in this, he was to cover the English 
 frontiers.^ 
 
 This scheme was never undertaken. The Assembly and 
 the governor still persevered in their opposite stand-grounds ; 
 and no troops were raised in Pennsylvania. The three 
 colonies came into no concurrent measures ; and, to crown 
 all, Dunbar and his men had no notion to repeat the hor- 
 rors of the 9 th of July.^ In truth, he made a very rea- 
 sonable explanation of the impropriety of reattacking the 
 French, which Avas approved by every field-officer and 
 the five oldest captains of his command. He pleaded the 
 advanced season (it was now near the end of August) to 
 begin provincial preparations ; the f^ict that all his artillery 
 was but four six-j)ounders, the balance being destroyed or 
 strengthening the walls of the French Fort ; and the des- 
 titution of the troops. There were not half enough tents, 
 and all sorts of clothing and camp equipage was absolutely 
 required. Defections, too, were incessant. By September, 
 there were no less than one hundred and seventy-five 
 deserters from his immediate command.^ ' In short, as 
 Morris wrote at the time to Shirley, "they are in a very 
 bad order ; the officers disagreeing with one another, and 
 
 ' VI. C. R., 559. 2 11. P. A., 530. VI. C. R., 602. 
 
 ' See Gov. Morris's proclamation of Gth Sept., 1755 (Penn. Gaz., No. 
 1394), where a guinea a head is oflfered for their capture. In the long list 
 of names, it may be noticed that of the 74 deserters from the 44th, seventy- 
 one were American recruits; three only having come with it from Ireland. 
 So of the 48th, whose 40 deserters consisted of forty-three enlistments and 
 but three Irish drafts. The three Independents had fifty-five deserters. 
 In the same journal (No. 103) we find Capt. Adam Stephen advertising 
 four deserters from his command at Cumberland.
 
 266 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 most of them having a contempt for the Colonel that com- 
 mands them, while the men are in a poor and ragged con- 
 dition, and don't relish another campaign, as it is called." ^ 
 With a persistive aversion to the scene of danger, unusual, to 
 saj the least, in the history of British arms, the troops, with 
 their backs ever to the distant foe, attempted nothing more. 
 With all his faults, certainly Braddock could never have 
 counselled such a course. Moving languidly through Ship- 
 pensburg and Lancaster, the army, like a scotched snake, 
 " dragged its slow length along," till at last, on August 29th, 
 it reached Philadelphia and encamped on Society Hill ; the 
 city having refused to provide quarters.^ Here, with tender 
 solicitude, the suffering troops were cared for. The naked 
 were clothed, the hungry fed, the sick and wounded hospi- 
 tably treated. Churchman and Quaker united w^th cha- 
 
 ' VI. C. R., 596. "I find, also," continues Morris, "that the scheme 
 is to loiter as much time and make as many difficulties as possible, that 
 these troops may not move from this place (Philadelphia), or, if that can- 
 not be done, then, that they may go no further than Albany this seSson." 
 
 ^ VI. C. R., 533, 60-1. Society Hill was mainly comprehended within 
 Second and Front, and Union and Pine Streets; but its slopes probably 
 extended to Fourth and to Cedar Streets. It was then a considerable ele- 
 vation, mostly unoccuj^ied and unenclosed, and used for public purposes by 
 the citizens. Here was the provincial flag-staff, when, so early as 1730, the 
 Assembly ordered the royal standard to be displayed on Sundays and holi- 
 days ; and here Whitfield, with an eloquent vociferation, discovered to the 
 rapt multitude that Tillotson was no " Christian believer." A water- 
 battery (perhaps the earliest fortification here) was erected beneath its bank 
 by Franklin's famous "Association;" and whenever a salute was to be 
 fired, this hill was the chosen spot. The erection of the market-house in 
 Second Street at last caused this district to be built up and the hill to be 
 cut down and graded; and probably there are now comparatively few resi- 
 dents of Southwark who dream of its ancient elevation. Dunbar's troops 
 were encamped on the west of Fourth, between Pine and Cedar Streets. 
 I. Watson, 329, &c.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 267 
 
 racteristic zeal in the fulfilment of duties alike recom- 
 mended by Religion and Loyalty. In fine, the troops had 
 scarce been here three weeks ere the officers took occasion 
 to testify their gratitude or their gallantry by a ball to the 
 ladies ; which was given in the State House on Monday, 
 the 22d of September.' On October 1st, fifteen hundred 
 strong, the army marched for New York and Albany by 
 Perth Amboy.- 
 
 Dunbar's pusillanimous retreat before no foe (for their 
 own accounts show that the enemy, fearful of his advance, 
 scampered as quickly back to Du Quesne lest he should 
 fall on them, as he, dreading their attack, did from the 
 Great Meadow), if dictated by a cold valor, was surely not 
 executed in sound discretion.'^ • In every cjuarter the colo- 
 nies for whose protection he was sent were disconcerted by 
 his conduct. All who could, fled to the closer settlements; 
 
 ' I. Watson, 285. "When, during the revolution, each other religious 
 society in Philadelphia had given to the Whigs the use of a church for 
 their quarters or hospitals, the late Col. Biddle (father of Thomas Biddle, 
 Esq.,) was deputed to select a Quaker meeting-house for the like purpose. 
 Col. Biddle was himself a Friend, though, in girding on the sword and 
 becoming a man of war, he had greatly scandalized his brethren. He could 
 therefore say to his ancient associates, "We only ask you to treat the Con- 
 tinentals as you did Braddock's soldiers after their defeat : give them a 
 flannel jacket apiece and an apple-pie dinner !" 
 
 2 Penn. Gaz., Nos. 1397, 1399. 
 
 " Thomas Dunbar had been Lieutenant-Colonel of the 18th (Royal Irish) 
 Foot; and, 29th April, 1752, was named Colonel of the 4Sth. In Nov. 
 1755, his regiment was given to another; he being sent into honorable 
 retiracy as Lieutenant-Governor of the city and garrison of Gibraltar, with 
 a salary of £730, which post he filled so late as 17G5. Thougli he was 
 never again actively, or even independently, employed, he was made a 
 major-general Jan. 18th, 1758; and a Licutenant-General December 18th, 
 1760. He was dead before 1778.
 
 268 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, 
 
 and by early autumn, the borders were ravaged with fire 
 and sword/ The history of the steps that ensued in de- 
 fence of the middle provinces ; of the savage and desolat- 
 ing war that laid their confines in ruins, and swept, almost 
 unopposed, over the greater part of Pennsylvania ; or of 
 the subsequent career of Dunbar's soldiery, now withdrawn 
 from this portion of the stage, do not come within the com- 
 pass of our story. A brief glance at the fate of Fort Du 
 Quesne subsequent to the battle must conclude the nar- 
 rative. 
 
 Immediately on their victor}^, many of the French troops 
 seem to have been sent to the more northern posts ; whence, 
 probably, they had, for this urgency, been withdrawn. 
 The greater number of the Indians, too, were speedily dis- 
 persed ; seeking their homes ere yet the fresh lustre of vic- 
 tory began to dim. Nor did they all part from their allies 
 on friendly terms. The Ottawas, who are said to have 
 been five hundred strong in the battle, already provoked 
 by the conduct of the French on the field, now fell into 
 hot dispute with them in the division of the spoil. Casting 
 scornfully back the hatchet they had received from Con- 
 trecoeur, they vowed henceforward to ally themselves with 
 his enemies. As they left the fort, and under the very 
 eje of its garrison, they encountered two Frenchmen, whom 
 they unhesitatingly killed and scaljDcd. This done, they 
 disappeared in the forest gloom. ^ The troops, hastening to 
 Frontenac, uncertain if it had not already fallen before 
 Braddock's arms, on the 1st of August encountered other 
 savage bands, gay in the spoils they had stripped from the 
 
 ' II. P. A., 450. ' VI. C. V.., G02, 614. Pcnn. Gaz., No. 1403.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 269 
 
 slain; who, by the waters of Erie, gave them the first ad- 
 vices of the rout of the Monongalieha/ 
 
 For several months longer M. de Contrecoeur continued 
 in command at Fort Du Quesne. It does not appear that 
 he was considered to possess all the requisite talents for the 
 maintenance of his difficult and precarious position ; but it 
 was not until after Montcalm's arrival in May, 1756, and 
 his conference with Yaudreuil at Montreal, that he was 
 superseded by the more energetic Dumas. In anticipation 
 of the nine thousand men which the English were expected 
 to bring to bear upon this post and Niagara, thirty-five 
 hundred Canadians and savages were at this time posted 
 along the lines from Lake Erie, by the Ohio, to the Illinois ; 
 but the fall of Oswego, and the disarrangement of the Eng- 
 lish plans, prevented, for a season, the threatened attack. 
 The expense to France of its Ohio defences during the 
 year 1756 did not fall far short of three millions of 
 francs.^ 
 
 Meanwhile, the English, though they effected nothing, 
 were not idle. Instantly on Dunbar's retreat, Dinwiddle 
 proposed to Pennsylvania and Maryland to unite with his 
 government in building a fort at the Great Crossing or the 
 Meadow in the ensuing October. His notion was to furnish 
 it with six guns from Cumberland, and, burning the w^oods' 
 for a mile about to prevent covert for an enemy, to garrison 
 it during the winter of 1755-6 with eight hundred men.^ 
 Unfortunately, this plan fell through. Had it been adopted, 
 it would have been a mighty protection to the English set- 
 
 ' I. Pouchot, 37. ■' Ibid, 84. II. Garneau, 240, 253. 
 
 3 VI. C. K, 602.
 
 270 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 tlements. For two years, the French position on the Ohio 
 was as a floodgate to open ruin and woe upon the adjacent 
 colonies; and though its destruction was ever a main 
 object, yet opinions dijBfered as to the wisdom of attacking 
 it directly or through its connections on the Lakes. In 
 December, 1755, Shirley held a council at New York; where 
 the plans of the ensuing campaign, including the reduction 
 of all the Ohio establishments, were resolved on ; but, as has 
 just been noticed, they 'were not destined to any result. 
 In the early autumn of 1757, (or perhaps sooner,) M. de 
 Ligneris relieved Dumas in his command ; and about the 
 same time, reinforcements were furnished from Canada to 
 the number of four hundred men.^ In the summer of 1758, 
 however, Brigadier-General John Forbes had undertaken 
 its reduction. With three hundred and fifty men of the 
 Koyal Americans, twelve hundred of Montgomery's High- 
 landers, and sixteen hundred Virginia and twenty-seven hun- 
 dred Pennsylvania provincials (making a total of fifty-eight 
 hundred and fifty men, beside one thousand wagoners), he 
 set out from Philadelphia. At Raystown, he halted and 
 sent forward Bouquet, with two thousand men, to occupy 
 the Loyalhanna. Conceiving himself able to its capture, 
 this officer imprudently detached Major Grant, with eight 
 hundred men, to make the necessary observations ; but the 
 party was surprised and dreadfully cut up by M. Aubry, 
 with seven or eight hundred Frenchmen and an unknown 
 number of savages. Following up their victory, they soon 
 advanced against Bouquet himself, who was entrenched in 
 a position to which, in honor of a favorite general, was 
 
 ' Vir. C. R., 28. II. Garncau, 259.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 271 
 
 given the title of Fort Ligonier. It was with difficulty 
 that they were repulsed. At this juncture, Forbes was 
 almost tempted to abandon the enterprise ; but the good 
 news he presently received persuaded him to resume his 
 route. 
 
 Their triumph at Grant's Hill had wrought the ruin of 
 the foe. The Ottawas, Ojibwas, Pottawattamies, and Wy- 
 andots gathered thither, since July, from the distant lakes, 
 believing that the English were now entirely discomfited, 
 had returned to their deserted families and homes. The 
 troops from Detroit and the Illinois had likewi.se retired ; 
 and the utmost strength of De Ligneris, who was still in 
 command, did not exceed five hundred men. English 
 emissaries, too, among the neighboring Indians, and the 
 conciliating gifts and promises of the Quakers, had not been 
 working m vain. The Ohio tribes were inclined to a peace. 
 No persuasion could tempt them to come to the relief of 
 the French; and as the overwhelming army of Forbes 
 drew near, De Ligneris, after firing the buildings, and 
 destroying the stores and all that he could of the works, 
 retired with the garrison to Fort Machault, on Lake Erie, 
 embarking his artillery for the Illinois, and, without a blow, 
 abandoned the long-desired and dearly-bought prize to the 
 English. On the 25th of November, 1758, the standard 
 of Great Britain was unopposedly displayed upon the dis- 
 mantled fortress.^ 
 
 During the 24th, Forbes had encamped at Turtle Creek, 
 twelve miles' distance from the Ohio, where his council 
 advised him that the provisions and forage Avere so nearly 
 
 ' Garneau, 287. Smith's Narr., 233. Mante, 157.
 
 272 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 exhausted as to render a retreat a question of grave pro- 
 priety. With a furious oath he spurned their monitions, 
 resolved to carry the fort the next day, or to leave his body 
 beneath its walls ; and orders were issued for an early 
 march. That very evening his scouts reported that in the 
 distance they had discovered the smoke of a wide confla- 
 gration ; and at midnight the camp Avas startled by the dull, 
 heavy sound of a remote explosion ; and it was rightly 
 conjectured that the enemy, with purpose or by accident, 
 had destroyed their magazine. Encouraged by this view, 
 the army pushed eagerly on; the provincials in their 
 fringed hunting-shirts and modest uniform leading the 
 way.^ Next, with solid tread and disciplined array, came 
 the Royal Americans, their dark scarlet coats faced with 
 blue, and their drums beating a lively march. In a litter 
 in their midst reclined the wasted form of their dying old 
 general, known among the savages for his indomitable ob- 
 stinacy by the title of the Head of Iron, Last of all, in a 
 long and picturesque line, followed the 77th Highlanders in 
 kilts and belted plaids, the "petticoat warriors" of Indian 
 sarcasm.^ A^^prehensive of an ambush, the troops moved 
 on in wary step ; for Forbes alone was aware of the rumored 
 evacuation, and he was too cautious to be thrown off his 
 guard by placing implicit reliance on its truth. As they 
 
 ' Win. Butler (before cited), says it was green turned up with bufif. II. 
 Watson, 139. 
 
 ^ Notbing could surpass the borror of tbe Higblanders at tbe barbarous 
 customs of Indian battle, or their rage at the well-comprehended insults 
 which were offered to themselves. At Grant's defeat, a flying Scot reported 
 the fate of his comrades. "They were a' beaten," be said, "and be had 
 seen Donald M'Donald up to his hunkers in mud, and a' the skecn alf his 
 head !" (Howe's Virg., 205.)
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 273 
 
 approached the fort the route fell into a long, open race- 
 path, where the savage was wont to pass his prisoners 
 through the ordeal of the gauntlet; and here a dismal 
 jn-ospect met their eyes. On either side a long row of 
 naked stakes were planted in the ground, on each of which 
 grinned in decaying ghastliness the severed head of a High- 
 lander killed or captured under Grant; while beneath was 
 insultingly displaj'cd the wretch's kilt. Disgusted and 
 provoked at the scene, the Americans quickened their 
 pace and hastened on. The next moment the 77th came 
 suddenly upon the ground. 
 
 One who was present among the advanced provincials 
 relates, that the first intimation given by the Scots of their 
 discovery of the insulted remains of their butchered bro- 
 thers, was a subdued, threatening murmur, like the angry 
 l)uzzing of a swarm of bees. Rapidly swelling in violence, 
 it increased to a fierce, continuous, low shriek of rage and 
 grief, that none who listened to would willingly hear again. 
 In this moment, officers as well as men seem to have aban- 
 doned every sentiment but of quick and bloody vengeance, 
 and, inspired by a common fiuy, cast all discipline to the 
 winds. Their muskets were dashed upon the ground, and 
 bursting from the ranks, the infuriated Gael, with bran- 
 dished claymore, rushed madly forth with hope to find an 
 enemy on whom to accomplish retribution. Startled at 
 the sudden sound of swiftly-tramping feet, the amazed 
 provincial looked round to see the headlong torrent sweep 
 by, burthening the air with imprecations, and foaming, said 
 he, "like mad boars engaged in battle." When we consider 
 the provocation that had so excited their noble rage, it is 
 18
 
 274 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 almost a matter of regret that of all the cruel band there 
 remained not one behind. The fort was in flames, and the 
 last boat of the flying Frenchmen was disappearing in the 
 evening mist that hung around Smoky Island. The coro- 
 nach sung by the waters of fair Loch Lomond or in the 
 gloomy pass of Glencoe was not yet to awake a responsive 
 sorrow in the breast of the widows of the foe.^ 
 
 Since 1755 a smaller work had been added to the forti- 
 fications of Du Quesne ; built about two hundred yards 
 distant from the first, so as to more effectually command 
 the Alleghany, by which their connection with Canada was 
 preserved. The scientific Bouquet pays a suitable testi- 
 mony to their strength. But now they were a heap of 
 smoking ruins, and the stacks of thirty chimnies alone 
 remained to point out the place of the houses. The enemy 
 had departed in such haste as to leave unsprung the mine 
 which was to explode the magazine of Du Quesne; and 
 here the victors gathered the only spolia opima of the ex- 
 pedition ; sixteen barrels of powder and ball and " a cart- 
 load of scalping-knives." A tenable post was speedily erected 
 from the ruins of the old, to which was now given the 
 name of Fort Pjtt ; and leaving two lumdred men to gar- 
 rison it through the winter, Forbes soon wended his way 
 back to Philadelphia, where he died early in March, 1759. 
 
 ' I. 0. T., 181 ; II. ib., 2. It is sad to relate that after Grant's defeat M. 
 de Ligneris Avas so base as to deliver up five of the prisoners to be burned at 
 the stake on the parade-ground of the fort by his confederate savages. The 
 remainder vcre tomahawked in cold blood. What countless scenes of like 
 barbarity were enacted here during the war cannot be computed. The 
 narrative would defile a full page in History : but happily for human 
 nature, the memory of these infamies lies buried with their perpetrators.
 
 INTKODUCTORY MEMOIR. 275 
 
 His body rests in the chancel of Christ Church in that 
 city.' 
 
 Before marching from Fort Pitt, however, Forbes took 
 care to perform a sacred duty. It was well known that 
 the unburied bones of Braddock's army lay bleaching on 
 the ground, and he was resolved to pay this last, late tribute 
 to their memory. Himself not only a Scot but a native of 
 Halket's own shire, his affectionate zeal was prompted by 
 the presence of a son and brother. The then Sir Peter 
 Halket, a major of the 42nd, had come to America and 
 accompanied Forbes for no other end than to ascertain, 
 with what certainty he might, the fate of his father. A 
 lingeriug hope haunted his soul that his kindred might not 
 have been slain outright, and were possibly even }et cap- 
 tives among the foe. Accordingly, with otlier officers of 
 the Highland regiment. Sir Peter set forth with a company 
 of Pennsylvania Rifles under Captain West, an elder bro- 
 ther of Benjamin West the painter. With him as guides 
 went a few Indians from the neighborhood, who had fought 
 for the French on that fatal day. 
 
 '' Captain West and his companions proceeded through 
 the woods, and along the jjanks of the river, towards the 
 scene of the battle. The Indians regarded the expedition 
 as a religious rite, and guided the troops with awe and in 
 profound silence. The soldiers were affected with senti- 
 ments not less serious, and as they explored the bewilder- 
 ing labj'rinths of those vast forests, their hearts were often 
 melted with inexpressible sorrow; for they frequently 
 found skeletons lying across the trunks of fallen trees — a 
 
 I. 0. T., 183, 189.
 
 276 INTRODUCTORY lAIEMOIR. 
 
 mournful proof to tlicir imaginations, that the men who 
 sat there had perished of hunger, in vainly attempting to 
 find their way to the pLantations. Sometimes their 
 feelings were raised to the utmost pitch of horror by the 
 sight of bones and skulls scattered on the ground — a certain 
 indication that the bodies had been devoured by wild 
 beasts; and in other places they saw the blackness of ashes 
 among the relics — the tremendous evidence of atrocious 
 rites." ' 
 
 In reply to his anxious questions, one of his tawny 
 guides had already told Halket, that he recollected during 
 the combat to have seen an officer fliU beneath such a 
 remarkable tree as he should have no difficulty in recog- 
 nizino'; and that at the same moment another rushiuG: to 
 his side was instantly shot down, and fell across his com- 
 rade's body. As they drew near the spot, the detachment 
 was halted, and the Indians peered about through the trees 
 to recall their memories of the scene. With speaking 
 gesture, they briefly discoursed in their own tongue. Sud- 
 denly and with a shrill cry, the Indian of whoni we have 
 spoken sprang to the well-remembered tree. While the 
 troops rested on their arms in a circle around, he and his 
 companions searched among the thick-fallen leaves. In a 
 moment two gaunt sl\;eletons were exposed lying together, 
 the one upon the other, as thay had died. The hand tliat 
 tore away their scalps had not disturbed their position ; 
 but no sign remained to distinguish the relics from the 
 
 ' Gait's Life of West, p. G5. The unknown and innumerable cruelties 
 of the French savages, as has already been mentioned, can never be 
 demonstrated 3 and imagination itself can but faintly picture their liorrors.
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR, 277 
 
 hundred others that strewed the ground. At the moment 
 Sir Peter remembered him of a peculiar artificial tooth 
 which his father bore. The bones were then separated, 
 and an examination of those which lay undermost at once 
 solved all doubts. " It is my father !" exclaimed the un- 
 happy youth, as he sunk into the arms of his scarce less 
 aflected friends. 
 
 Brief and stern, as befits a soldier buried upon the battle- 
 field, were the rites that followed. Wrapped in a Highland 
 plaid, the twain who " in death were not divided," were 
 interred in a common grave. In lieu of solemn dirges and 
 the passing bell, the rattling sounds of musketry awoke 
 the long-slumbering echoes of the mountains as the custo- 
 marj- voUej-s were fired above their breasts. As the chasm 
 was being closed, a stone was brought from the hill-side and 
 placed within its mouth. Overgrown now with tall grass, 
 this and the waning memories of a few old men alone 
 point out the spot where for nine-and-ninety years have 
 slept well the brave, the accomplished, the unfortunate 
 representatives of a chivalrous line. 
 
 Thus, remote from the dust of their fathers, in unnoted, 
 unhonored graves, rest the bones of Braddock and of his 
 scarce less unfortunate subordinate. A forest oak appro- 
 priately points out the sepulture of the first ; but tliis me- 
 morial will not long serve to fulfil its task, since its system 
 is already touched by the finger of decay, and its blasted 
 crest seems to relate with a melancholy significance to not 
 only his fate to whom it owes a name, but to its own pros- 
 pective doom.^ Less perishable than the productions of 
 
 ' The wood-cut upon page 280 of this volume gives a very accurate 
 lepresentation of this tree. The original drawing was made, during the
 
 278 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 nature, the handiworks of art have remained to link the 
 interest of later times with the associations of the past. 
 The sash in which the body of the General was carried 
 from the field, is said to be yet preserved in the family of 
 the late President Taylor, to whom it was presented during 
 the Mexican campaign through the intervention of General 
 Gaines. Of its history during the interim, nothing is said ; 
 but a detailed description of its present appearance and the 
 circumstances under which it came into General Taylor's 
 hands are given us.^ The reader will recollect that for a 
 long period it was the custom of officers to wear with their 
 uniform a sash of scarlet silken net- work, the use of which 
 was to bear them, if wounded, from the ground. On that 
 of Braddock the date of its manufacture (1707) is wrought 
 in the woof; and the dark stains upon its texture still 
 exist, mute but unfailing v/itnesses of the fatal stroke. 
 
 After the burial of the Ilalkets, in a large shallow 
 pit hard by were cast what remained of about four hundred 
 soldiers ; this done, the troops returned to Fort Pitt, satis- 
 fied with having at least removed from sight so man}^ of 
 the most melancholy testimonials of their misfortunes. 
 But the work was incomplete : twenty-one years after, 
 when Jasper (subsequently Mr. Justice) Yeates visited the 
 field, he found it strewed with skulls and bones, and the 
 trees around, to the height of twenty feet from the earth, 
 scarred with musket bullets and cannon balls. ^ When 
 
 summer of 1854, by that skilful artist, Mr. Weber: by whom it was pre- 
 sented to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
 
 ' De Ilass : Hist. Western Virg., 129. 
 
 ^ Gait's West. VI. Haz. Reg., 104. In 1854 I was accompanied to 
 this spot by a garrulous old man alleging himself the son of one of the
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 279 
 
 peace returned and tlie fanner's plough was passed over 
 the spot, the scene of the thickest of the fight became 
 known as the Bullet Field. But fifty years of cultivation 
 have wrought their customary effect ; and where once 
 the hill-sides ran red with blood down to the stream 
 below, now 
 
 ; 
 
 Peaceful smiles the liaivcst, 
 And stainless flows the tide. 
 
 A more tranquil, rural landscape than that at this day 
 presented by the battle-ground of the Monongahela cannot 
 well be imagined. The ploughman no longer turns up in 
 his labors the evidences of war; and it is difficult, at first 
 blush, to recognize the features of the scene. As yet, how- 
 
 p;irty who Ijuried the Ilalkets. He was possessed with the vulgar idea that 
 there was considerable treasure upon the bodies, and only needed a little 
 countenancing to explore the ground. It is hoped that the discouragc- 
 iiKiit he received will preserve this grave from such an unhallowed violation 
 as attended Braddock's. It is singular what an infatuation on this subject 
 obtains in the common mind. The accidental discovery by an Irish laborer 
 on a railway cutting of twenty golden guineas among a mass of bones 
 sufficed to set in a ferment the souls of many of the lower classes about 
 Braddock's Field. If these may be relied on, it would seem that a little 
 harvest of dollars was once fished from the river where they had laid since 
 his defeat, by a neighboring farmer. But probably the tale is entirely the 
 creature of a clumsy imagination. There have, however, been found other 
 and more interesting relics of the French occupation of Du Quesue. Some 
 of their artillery they appear to have sunk in the Ohio, when they eva- 
 cuated the fort: and M'Kce's Bocks, just below the mouth of Chartier's 
 Creek, is pointed out as the particular spot. One of their gun-carriao-es 
 was not long since discovered Iiere; and in tlie siege of Fort Henry 
 (Wheeling), in 178*2, by the British and Indians, the defendants found 
 their account in the possession of a cannon similarly obtained. Be Ilass, 
 47, 2G6.
 
 280 
 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 
 
 ever, swpile and valley and ravine remain to mark the 
 various courses of the fray ; but ere long these too will be 
 obliterated or concealed by the growing hamlet that lies 
 hard hy ; and the physical traces of the event we have 
 sought to chronicle will be lost to sight forever. 
 
 BraJJock's Grave
 
 ©aptaiu $x\\ii% |nurual 
 
 [BRITISH MUSEUM: KING'S MSS., No. 212. PRESENTED 
 BY KING GEORGE IV.] 
 
 (281)
 
 Sir: 
 
 I am ordered to send this packet to you to be deliver'd to his Royal 
 Highness. I am sorry the plans are not finished, but I am to have them 
 to-morrow night. 
 
 Sir 
 
 Y*" most hum^''^ and obed* servant, 
 
 Rob"^. Orme. 
 Thursda}/ morning. 
 
 [This letter was doubtless addressed to Col. Napier, the Duke of 
 Cumberland's aid-de-camp.] 
 
 (282)
 
 A MAP Of THE COUNTRY BETWEEN WILLS CREEK » MONONGAHELA HIVEB .
 
 JOURNALS. 
 
 The General arrived at Hampton in Virginia, the 20th 
 of February, 1755, and set out immediately for Williams- 
 burgh, where Commodore KejDpel agreed to meet him, to 
 settle the properest place for the disembarkment of the 
 Troops. Orders were left on board the Centurion to be 
 delivered to each Transport as she arrived, directing the 
 commanding officer to send the sick on shore to the hospi- 
 tals provided for them by S'' John S* Clair; and orders 
 were given to Mr. Hunter, the Agent at Hampton, to 
 supply the sick and well with fresh provisions at the 
 fullest allowance.^ 
 
 ' Robert Orme, the author of this Journal, entered the army as an ensign 
 in the 35th Foot. On 16th Sept. 1745, he exchanged into the Coldstreams, of 
 which he became a lieutenant, April 24, 1751. He was never raised to a 
 cip'aincy, though always spoken of as such. (II. MacKinnon, 484.) He 
 probably obtained leave of absence to accompany General Braddock, with 
 whom he was a great favorite. He was an honest and capable man, says 
 Shirley (VI. C. R., 404), and it was fortunate that the General was so much 
 under his influence. He brought letters of introduction from Thomas Penn 
 to Gov. Morris (IT. P. A., 195), and seems to have made a most favorable 
 impression on all whom he encountered. Two months after the battle we 
 find him a guest of Morris's, and nearly recovered of his wound. '' Cap- 
 
 (283)
 
 284 JOURNALS. 
 
 The General acquainted Governor Dinwiddle with his 
 Majesty's pleasure, that the several assemblies should raise 
 a sum of money to be employed towards defraying the ex- 
 pences of the Expedition, And desired he would propose it 
 
 tain Orme is going to England," writes he to Gen. Shirley on Sept. 5th, 
 1755 (II. P. A., 400), " and will put the affair of the western campaign 
 in a true light, and greatly different from what it has been represented to 
 be; and you know his situation and abilities gave him great opportunities 
 of knowing everything that passed in the army or in the colony, relative to 
 military matters, and I am sure he will be of great use to the Ministry in 
 the measures that may be concerted for the future safety and defence of 
 these provinces." * * " The opportunities which Mr. Orme will have 
 with the Duke, and all the King's ministers, upon his return, of explaining 
 American affairs, makes it quite necessary that you should agree in general 
 in your repi'csentations, that both may have the greater weight; and my 
 friendship for you obliges me to hint this matter for your consideration, 
 that you may in your letters to the Ministry refer to him, and give him an 
 opportunity of enforcing what you may write; the substance of which you 
 will, I believe, think it necessary to communicate to him." Orme went 
 from Philadelphia to New York, whence, or from Boston, he embarked for 
 England. In Oct. 1756, he resigned his commission in the Guards (pro- 
 bably on occasion of his marriage), and retired into a private life. It seems 
 that Orme was as bold in the boudoir as on the battle-field, and had already 
 before going to America, "made some noise in London by an affair of gal- 
 lantry." On his return, a mutual attachment sprung up between himself 
 and the Hon. Audrey Townshend, only daughter of Charles, 3d Viscount 
 and the celebrated Audrey (Harrison), Lady Townshend. The lady had 
 no little motive of interest in one who had gone through an American 
 campaign ; for of her brothers, one, Lieut.-Col. Roger Townshend, was slain 
 in this very war at Ticonderoga (July 25, 1759) ; and another, George 
 (the first Marquess), succeeded to Wolfe's command at the capture of 
 Quebec. However, much to the displeasure of her family, who had des- 
 tined her for Lord George Lenox, she was married to Capt. Orme, and went 
 to reside at Hartford, Eng. Nothing further can be traced of Captain 
 Orme, save that he died in Feb, 1781. It is more than likely, however, 
 that he belonged to the family of that Robert Orme whose name seems 
 through continued generations to be identified with that of the East India 
 Company. (IIL Walp. Corr., 115, 144 II. Collins' Peerage, 473.)
 
 JOURNALS. 285 
 
 to his Assembly; x\iid that his Majesty also expected the 
 Provinces to furnish the Troops with provisions and car- 
 riages. The General desired the Governor would use all 
 imaginable dispatch in raising and convening the Levies 
 to augment the two Battalions to 700 each. lie also pro- 
 posed to the Governor to make an establishment for sojne 
 provincials, amongst Avhich he recommended a Troop of 
 light horse. 
 
 The Governor told the General his Assembly had voted 
 twenty thousand pounds, which sum was to be employed 
 in the purchasing provisions, and the payment of their 
 own troops. That many men were already raised, and 
 that S"" John S' Clair had promised him to select the best 
 for the two Regiments, and that the others should be 
 formed into Companies ; accordingly two of Hatchet men 
 or carpenters, six of Rangers, and one troop of light Horse 
 were raised, and their pay lixed at the same, in the Cur- 
 rency of that Country, as our Officers of the same rank in 
 sterling. Alexandria was named as the head Quarters, as 
 the most convenient place for forming and cloathing them. 
 
 S"" John S' Clair ' came to Williamsburgh and informed the 
 General of his having draughted the best men of the Vir- 
 ginia Levies for the two Battalions ; and that about three 
 hundred which were not of proj^er size remained for the 
 Provincial Companies. S'' Jolm S' Clair laid before the 
 
 ' St. Clair remained for a loup; time ia service in America. On the 20th 
 jMarch, 1756, he •wa.s made a Lieut. -Col. of the GOth; iu Jan. 1758, the 
 local rank of Colonel in America was bestowed on him; and on Feb. 19th, 
 17G2, he was made a full Colonel. He is said to have dwelt near Tarbet, 
 in Argyleshire. At the defeat ho " was shot through the body, under the 
 right pap," (Sharpe's MS. Corr.), but soon recovered.
 
 286 ' JOURNALS. 
 
 General a Roll of the InclepeDdent Companies, upon wliich 
 were several men from sixty to seventy years of age, lame 
 and everyway disabled ; many were inlisted, only for a term 
 of one, two, or three years ; some were without discipline 
 and very ill-appointed ; in short, they were Invalids with 
 the ignorance of militia. These were all to be recruited 
 with men who would otherwise have served in the 
 Regiments or Virginia Companies. 
 
 S"" John S' Clair gave General Braddock a plan for can- 
 toning the two Regiments ; one, with part of the Artillery, 
 was to disembark at Alexandria, where five Companies 
 were to remain ; two and a half were to canton at Fre- 
 derick in Maryland, half a one at Conegogee, one at Marl- 
 borough and one at Bladensburgh. The other Regiment 
 and the rest of the Artillery were to disembark about 
 twenty miles from Fredericksburg upon the Potomack, at 
 which place and Falmouth five Companies were to be can- 
 toned, and the other five at Winchester. As these Can- 
 tonments, of only a thousand men, took in a circuit of 
 more than three hundred miles, the General thought it 
 advisable to encamp them on their arrival; especially as 
 the severity of the weather was then over. He knew that 
 much confusion must arise in disembarking at different 
 places : That it would be impossible to cloath, arm and 
 discipline the Levies when so much dispersed, and that 
 soldiers are sooner and better formed in Camps than in 
 Quarters. He therefore, in conjunction with Mr. Keppel, 
 fixed upon Alexandria to disembark and encamj) at ; and 
 the Levies for the two Regiments were ordered to that 
 place.
 
 JOURNALS. 287 
 
 The General desired Governor Dinwiddle would inform 
 him of the present disposition of the Indians towards the 
 English ; what Nations and number he might expect, and 
 what steps were already taken to obtain them. 
 
 The Governor said he had sent a proper person ^ to bring 
 with him the Cherokee and Catawber nations, tlie latter 
 being about one hundred and twenty fighting-men, and 
 much the bravest of all the Indians j He added a 
 peace was to be concluded at Winchester in April, be- 
 tween the Catawbers and the Six Nations through the 
 mediation of his Government : That he had intended to 
 be present at the Congress; but that he should be pre- 
 vented by the meeting of his Assembly. However, he 
 would take care, at the Ratification of the Peace, that they 
 should take up the hatchet, and act under the General.- 
 
 M"" Dinv/iddie laid before the General contracts made for 
 eleven hundred head of cattle, eight hundred of which 
 were to be delivered in June and July, and three hundred 
 in August ; he said that he had also written to Governor 
 Shirley, for a large quantity of salt fish, that a great deal 
 of flour was already at Fort Cumberland, and that the 
 assemljly of Pensylvania had promised to deliver flour, to 
 the amount of five thousand pounds of their currency, at the 
 mouth of Conegogee, in April, which was to be carried up 
 the Potomack to Fort Cumberland : He had also ordered a 
 great quantity of bacon to be made at the Fort. There 
 
 ' Mr. Gist, son of Washington's guide in 1753. 
 
 "^ The Six Nations, 'who were not on friendly terms with these Southern 
 Indians, alleged that their refusal to assist Braddock was based on their 
 reluctance to be brought in contact with the Catawbas and Cherokees. II. 
 Doc. Hist. N. Y., 393.
 
 288 JOURNALS. 
 
 were on board the transports one thousand barrels of beef, 
 for which the General applied to M" Keppel and they w^ere 
 landed at Alexandria. Upon making a calculation on these 
 Estimates, there was found to be six months provisions for 
 four thousand men. 
 
 General Braddock apprehended the greatest difficulty in 
 procuring waggons and horses, sufficient to attend him upon 
 his march, as the assembly had not passed an Act for the 
 supplying them, but S'' John S^ Clair assured the General 
 that inconveniency would be easily removed, for, in going 
 to Fort Cumberland, he had been informed of a great 
 number of Dutch settlers, at the foot of a mountain called 
 the Blue Ridge, who would undertake to carry by the hun- 
 dred the provisions and stores, and that he believed he 
 could provide otherwise two hundred waggons and fifteen 
 hundred carrying horses to be at Fort Cumberland by the 
 first of May. The General desired him to secure the former 
 
 i' 
 
 of these, upon his return to the Fort. At Williamsburgh 
 the General wrote circular letters to all the Governors upon 
 the Continent, informing them of his Commission, and 
 recommending to them the constituting of a common fund, 
 and desiring them to assist and forward as much as pos- 
 sible the general service, that it might answer the end, for 
 which his Majesty had sent troops to their assistance. 
 And, in the letters to Governors Shirley, Delancey, Morris 
 and Sharpe, he 'desired they would meet him at Annapolis 
 the beginning of April, that he might confer with them on 
 some matters of the greatest importance to the Colonies,
 
 JOURNALS. 289 
 
 and settle with them a general plan of operation for the 
 apj^roaching Campaign/ 
 
 Two transports being arrived at Hampton, the General 
 and Commodore went thither immediately, and orders were 
 given to the Commanding Officer of each ship to sail as 
 soon as they had received their fresh provisions, and to dis- 
 embark their men at Alexandria. The soldiers were to 
 take their beds ashore, and Lieutenant Colonel Burton was 
 ordered to Quarter the troops in the town till tlie arrival 
 of more ships, in case the weather should prove severe. 
 The General waited here three days, but no more ships 
 arriving, he, and the Commodore, returned to Williams- 
 burgh. 
 
 The General applied to M"" Keppel for some Blocks, 
 Cordage, and other stores, and also for thirty seamen, who 
 he thought would be very serviceable on the march, if it 
 should be found necessary to pass the rivers in floats or in 
 boats. He also desired a carpenter to direct the construc- 
 tion of them ; with which the Commodore complied very 
 readily, constantly expressing an ardent desire to forward 
 the success of the expedition, and never, I- believe, two 
 men placed at the head of different Commands co-operated 
 
 ' Robert-Hunter, second son of Governor Lewis Morris of Morrisania, 
 after twenty years of public service in tbe council and as Cliief Justice of 
 New Jersey, was appointed Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania : a post he 
 filled during two stormy years. I do not learn that he left any descend- 
 ants; but the line was continued through those of his elder brother, 
 Lewis; one of whom married the celebrated Duchess Dowager of Gordon ; 
 and others established some of the more distinguished families in America. 
 
 A character of Mr. Delancy is given in the '' Review of Military Ope- 
 rations in North America;" and of Shirley, in I. Entick, 371. 
 
 19
 
 290 JOURNALS. 
 
 with more spirit, integrity and harmony for the publick 
 service. 
 
 In about ten days, all the transports being arrived, 
 orders were given for all the ships to proceed immediately 
 to Alexandria ; but so little care had been taken at Corke, 
 in the stowage of the cloathing, Arms, and camp necessa- 
 ries belonging to the Regiments of Shirley and Pepperell,^ 
 that some was put on board almost every ship; they were 
 removed into one Vessel, and dispatched immediately to 
 New York and Boston, which caused a delay of four or 
 five days.^ 
 
 Every thing seemed to promise so far the greatest suc- 
 cess. The Transports were all arrived safe, and the men 
 in health. Provisions, Indians, carriages and horses were 
 already provided ; at least were to be esteemed so ; consi- 
 dering the authorities on which they were promised to the 
 General. 
 
 The 22'^ of March the General set out for Alexandria, 
 
 ' "The Conduct of Major General Shirley," &c., (Lend., 1758,) which 
 •was perhaps prepared from materials furnished by himself, states that these 
 two regiments were the 50th and 51st. But the Army lists do not indicate 
 that Shirley or Pepperell were ever colonels of these regiments. Shirley was 
 indeed of the rank of a colonel in the line since August 31, 1745; but I 
 cannot learn of what regiment he was an actual leader. On 26th Feb- 
 ruary, 1755, he was made a major-general ; and on 30th January, 1759, 
 a lieutenant-general. The uniform of the 50th, hereabove alluded to, was 
 red faced with red, with white linings and white lace, which soiled so 
 readily as to give the regiment the sobriquet of "the dirty half-hundred." 
 That of the 51st differed but in having white buttons in lieu of white 
 linings. 
 
 ^ Under convoy of the Syren, Captain Proby, a transport, with the ' 
 clothing, &c., of Shirley's regiment on board, sailed from Hampton Ptoads 
 about March 10th ; arriving at Boston in four days. Peppcrell's clothing 
 did not follow till about the 20th. Penn. Gaz., No. 1371.
 
 JOURNALS. 291 
 
 accompanied by the Governor and M"* Keppel, where they 
 arrived the 26th. The next day the General named his 
 Aid de Camps, and the Major of Brigade and Provost 
 Mareschal, and gave out the following Orders, for the tetter 
 regulation of the camp. 
 
 Orders given out at Alexandria. 
 
 As the two Regiments now employed have served under 
 his Royal Highness the Duke,' they are consequently very 
 well acquainted with Military Discipline. The General 
 therefore expects their behaviour should be so conformable 
 to good Order, as to set the most soldierlike example to the 
 new Levies of this country. 
 
 As an encouragement to the men, they shall be supplied 
 with a daily allowance of provision gratis ; but if any man 
 be found negligent or disorderly, besides corporal punish- 
 ment, this gratuity shall be stopped. 
 
 The articles of war are to be immediately and frequently 
 read, and all orders relating to the men are to be read to 
 them by an Officer of a Company. 
 
 Any soldier that deserts, though he return again, shall 
 be hanged without mercy. 
 
 The Commanding Officers of companies are to be answer- 
 able that their men's Arms are kept in constant good order. 
 Every man is to be provided with a brush, picker and two 
 
 ' In the Scottish campaign of 174G. It may be noticed that these regi- 
 ments were of the youngest in the service : only dating from 1741. The 
 49th was at this time the single regiment junior to the 48th. The uniform 
 of the 44th was red faced with yellow; that of the 48th, red faced with 
 buff.
 
 292 JOURNALS. 
 
 good spare flints, and kept always completed with twenty 
 four rounds. 
 
 The Roll of each Company is to be called over, by an 
 Officer, every morning, Noon and night, and a return of 
 the absent and disorderly men is to be given to the Com- 
 manding Officer of the Regiment, who is to see them pro- 
 perly punished. 
 
 Each Regiment is to have Divine Service performed at 
 the head of their respective Colours every Sunday. 
 
 The two Regiments are to find the General's Guard 
 Alternately, which is to consist of a Lieutenant and thirty 
 men, and the Regiment which finds the General's Guard is 
 to find also the Adjutant of the day. 
 
 All Guards are to be relieved in the morning at eight of 
 the Clock. Guards, though ever so small, to be told off 
 into two divisions. 
 
 All reports and returns to be made at nine of the clock. 
 
 Guards, ordered at orderly time, are to remain for that 
 day ; and a new detachment is to be made for any ordered 
 afterwards. 
 
 All returns are to be signed by the Commanding Officers 
 of the Regiments. 
 
 Each Regiment, Troop, or Company, is to malsie a daily 
 return to the Major of Brigade, specifymg their Numbers 
 wanting to complete, who is to make a General return for 
 his Excellency. 
 
 A daily return of the sick is to be made to the General, 
 through an Aid de Camp. 
 
 In case of any Alarum, the \''irginia troops are to parade 
 before the Church.
 
 JOURNALS. 293 
 
 The Hue is to find daily one field-Officer, wlio is to be 
 relieved at nine of the clock. This duty is to be done by 
 the two Lieutenant Colonels and the two Majors. The 
 field Officer of the day is to visit all Guards and out-parties, 
 except the General's, and to go the rounds of the Picket, 
 which as well as the other Guards and out-parties, are to 
 report to him. He is to make his report of the whole at 
 nine of the clock to the General, and in case of any 
 Alarum, the field Officer is to repair with all expedition to 
 the place where it is, and to send for any necessary Assist- 
 ance to the two Eegiments which are immediately to 
 comply with his Orders. 
 
 The eldest Battalion company is to act as a second 
 Grenadier company, and to be posted upon the left of the 
 Battalion, leaving the same interval as the Grenadiers upon 
 the ritrht. 
 
 This company is to be kept complete of Officers, and two 
 of them, as well as of the other Grenadier companies are 
 to be posted in the front, and the other in the rear. 
 
 The eight Battalion companies are each of them to be 
 told off into two divisions, that they may either form eight 
 firings, or sixteen platoons, and are alwayes to be com- 
 manded by their own Officers, who are to be posted in the 
 same manner as the Grenadier Officers, and that every Com- 
 pany might be complete of Officers, the General made three 
 Ensigns to each Regiment, without pay. 
 
 Each Regiment is to mount a Picket guard, consisting of 
 one Captain, two Subalterns and fifty Men which are to 
 report to the field Officer of the day. 
 
 Upon any application from S'' John S' Clair to either of
 
 294 JOURNALS. 
 
 the Regiments for men, thej are immediately to furnish 
 them. 
 
 S"" Peter Halket is to regulate all affairs relative to the 
 provisions.^ 
 
 The Commissary of Provisions is to make two weekly 
 
 ' Sir Peter Halkett of Pitferran^ Fifeshire, a baronet of Nova Scotia, was 
 tbe son of Sir Peter Wedderburne of Grosford, who, marrying the heiress 
 of the ancient fiunily of Halkett, assumed her name. In 1734, he sate in 
 the Commons for Dunfermline, and was Lieutenant-Colonel of the 44th at 
 Sir John Cope's defeat in 1745. Being released on his parole by Charles 
 Edward, he was ordered by Cumberland to rejoin his regiment and serve 
 again against the Jacobites. With great propriety, he refused such a dis- 
 honorable duty, saying that '' His Royal Highness was master of his com- 
 mission, but not of his honor." The King approved of Sir Peter's course, 
 and he retained his rank. On the 26th Feb., 1751, he succeeded to the 
 colonelcy of his regiment. He was married to the Lady Amelia Stewart, 
 second daughter of Francis, 8th Earl of Moray, by whom he had three 
 sons : Sir Peter, his successor, who would also appear to have been in the 
 army; Francis, major in the Black "Watch; and James, a subaltern in his 
 own regiment, who died with him on the 9th July, 1755. (Burke's Peer- 
 age, &c.) High and generous talents seem to have been hereditary in Sir 
 Peter's family. His father's sister, Mrs. Elizabeth Wardlaw (whom Dr. 
 Percy thought he had sufficiently introduced to the public when he an- 
 nounced her as the aunt of the officer "killed in America, along with 
 General Braddock "), was the authoress of what Coleridge would have 
 styled " the grand old ballad " of Hardiknute. 
 
 " Let Scots, -while Scots, praise Ilardiknute." 
 
 What little we know of the good and noble hero who died on the banks 
 of the Monongahela, irresistibly leads us to the conclusion that in painting 
 her sketches of character Mrs. Wardlaw need not have gone (and perhaps 
 did not go), beyond the circle of her own fireside. It is discouraging to 
 reflect upon the fate of such a man : loyal, honorable, and sagacious, an 
 experienced soldier and a worthy gentleman, he died in the arms of defeat, 
 and the traditions of a foreign land alone preserve the memory of his vir- 
 tues. In another place we have recorded the horrid circumstances of his 
 death and the tardy burial of his bones. We would that we could here do 
 justice to the spirit which animated his living frame. Notices of Mrs. 
 Wardlaw will be found in IL Percy's Beliqucs, 105; and I. Blackwood's 
 Mag., 380.
 
 JOURNALS. 295 
 
 returns; one for the General, the other for S'' Peter 
 Halket. 
 
 When any man is sent to the General Hospital, he is to 
 carry with him a Certificate, signed by an Officer of his 
 Compan}^, setting forth his name, Regiment, and Company, 
 to what day he is subsisted, and what Arms and Accoutre- 
 ments he carries with him, which are to be bundled up and 
 marked with the man's name, regiment, and company. 
 
 Each regiment is to send to the Artillery for twenty five 
 thousand flints, out of which they are to choose five thou- 
 sand and send the remainder back ; and where any of the 
 troops have occasion for ammunition, or any military 
 stores, the commanding officers are to send to the train for 
 them, giving proper receipts. 
 
 The Captains of the two Regiments are to account with 
 their men for their sea pay, giving them credit for their 
 subsistence to the first of April, and for their Arrears to 
 the 24 th of February; and they are to stop for the watch- 
 coats, blankets, and flannel waistcoats. 
 
 The men enlisted or incorporated into the 44th and 48th 
 regiments are to have credit for twenty shillings, and are 
 to be charged with the above necessaries. 
 
 All casualties, or remarkable occurrences in Camp, are 
 to be reported, immediately, to the General, through an 
 Aid de Camp. 
 
 Whenever S'' John S' Clair has occasion for tools, the 
 commissary of the train is to supply them on proper receipts. 
 
 Those officers of Companies, who call the evening roll, 
 are to inspect the ammunition of their respective compa- 
 nies, and report the deficiencies to the commanding officer.
 
 296 JOURNALS. 
 
 No man, upon a March, is on any account to fasten liis 
 tent pole, to his firelock, or by any means encumber it. 
 
 The quarter-masters of each regiment are to apply to 
 the assistant quarter master-general, who will show them 
 their store-houses, in which their regimental stores are 
 immediately to be lodged. 
 
 The soldiers are to leave in the store, their slioulder-belts, 
 waist-belts and swords, the sergeants their halberts, and 
 those officers that can provide themselves with fusils, their 
 espontons.^ 
 
 The General enquired of S"" John S' Clair the nature and 
 condition of the roads through which the troops and artillery 
 w^ere to march, and also if he had provided the waggons for 
 the Ohio. S'" John informed the General that a new road 
 was near completed from Winchester to Fort Cumberland, 
 the old one being impassable, and that another was cutting 
 from Conegogee to the same place, and that if the General 
 approved of making two divisions of the troops and train, 
 he might reach Will's Creek with more ease and expedi- 
 tion. He proposed that one regiment with all the powder 
 and ordnance should go by Winchester, and the other regi- 
 ment with the ammunition, military and hospital stores by 
 Frederick in Maryland. That these should be carried ten 
 miles up the Potomack to Rock Creek, and then up the 
 Potomack to Fort Cumberland. 
 
 S' John assured the General that boats, batteaux, canoes 
 and waggons were prepared for the service, and also that 
 provisions were laid in at Frederick for the troops. A 
 return was called for of the waggons and teams wanted to 
 
 ' Spontoons; or a sort of bulf-pikcS; carried by infantry officers.
 
 JOURNALS. 297 
 
 remove the train from Alexandria, which S"" John \Yent up 
 the country to provide. 
 
 He told the General two men had undertaken to 
 furnish two hundred waggons and fifteen hundred carrying 
 horses at Fort Cumberland early in May. 
 
 Before the General reached Alexandria, the troops were 
 all disembarked, but, very little of the Ordnance stores or 
 provisions were^ yet on shore, the j^roperest places and 
 methods of unlading them were settled, and they were 
 landed with the utmost dispatch. 
 
 On the 3d of April, the General, Governor and Commo- 
 dore went to Annapolis to meet the eastern Governors.^ 
 The General found no waggons were provided for the 
 Maryland side of the Potomack. He applied to Governor 
 Sliarpe, who promised above one hundred, which he said 
 should attend at Rock Creek to carry away the stores as 
 fast as they could be landed. ^ 
 
 The General was very impatient to remove the troops from 
 Alexandria, as the greatest care and severest punishments 
 could not prevent the immediate ^ use of spirituous liquors, 
 and as he was likewise informed the water of that place 
 was very unwholsome : Therefore as the Governors were 
 not arrived, the General returned the 7th to Alexandria 
 for the Congress.'* 
 
 The Virginia troops being cloathed were ordered to 
 march immediately to Winchester, to be armed, and the 
 
 • Being (?). 
 
 ^ They arrived there the afternoon of April 3d. (Penn. Gaz., No. 1373.) 
 ^ Immoderate (?). 
 
 * With liim, on Monday morning, went Dinwiddie and Keppel, Orme 
 and W. Shirley. (Penn. Gaz., No. 1373.)
 
 298 JOURNALS. 
 
 General appointed ensign Allen of the 44th to make them 
 as like soldiers as it was possible. 
 
 Captain Lewis was ordered with his company of Rangers 
 to Green Briar River, there to build two stockade Forts, in 
 one of which he was to remain himself, and to detach to 
 the other a subaltern and fifteen men.^ These forts were 
 to cover the western settlers of Virginia from any inroads 
 of Indians. 
 
 The soldiers were ordered to be furnished with one new 
 spare shirt, one new pair of stockings, and one new pair of 
 shoes ', and Osnabrig waistcoats and breeches were provided 
 for them, as the excessive heat would have made the others 
 insupportable, and the commanding officers of companies 
 were desired to provide leather or bladders for the men's 
 hats. 
 
 S" Peter Halket with six companies of the 44'^ marched 
 on the O^"" to Winchester, and was to remain there till the 
 roads were completed from thence to Fort Cumberland, and 
 Lieutenant Colonel Gage^ was left with the other four 
 companies to escort the artillery. 
 
 ' Probably Andrew Lewis of Augusta Co., appointed Captain of the 
 Virginia troops, March 18tb, 1754, whose five brothers were enlisted 
 in his company. It would seem that he rejoined the main army and was 
 with the working-party at the opening of the action. This was the respect- 
 able Brigadier General Lewis, whom Washington at the commencement of 
 the llevolution had fixed upon as the foremost soldier in all America. 
 (Howe's Virg., 204. Sharpe's MS. Corr.) 
 
 ^ Thomas Gage was the 2nd son of Thomas, 8th Baronet and 1st Vis- 
 count Gage. His family, though noble, was poor. His father once 
 remarking in a political dispute that he always gave his sons their own 
 way : — " Yes," said Winnington, '^ but that is the only thing you ever do 
 give them !" Gage rose to high rank in the army, and was long employed 
 and conspicuous in American affairs. He married Margaret, daughter of
 
 JOURNALS. . 299 
 
 As boats were not provided for the conveying of the stores 
 to Rock Creek, the General was obliged to press Vessels, and 
 to apply to the Commodore for seamen to navigate them. 
 At length with the greatest difficulty they were all sent up 
 to Rock Creek, and an Officer with thirty men of the 48*^ 
 was sent thither with orders to load and dispatch all the 
 waggons as fast as they came in, and to report every 
 morning and evening to the General the number he had 
 forwarded. He was directed to send a party with every 
 division, and to apply for more men as the others marched : 
 and all the boats upon that part of the river were ordered 
 to assist in transporting over the Potomack the 48^^ Regi- 
 ment. 
 
 On the 18"', the 48*'' Regiment marched to Frederick in 
 Maryland. Colonel Dunbar was ordered to send one com- 
 pany to Conegogee to assist in forwarding the stores from 
 thence to Fort Cumberland, and to remain with the Corps 
 at Frederick till further orders. Thirty more men were 
 ordered to be left with the Officer at Rock Creek. 
 
 The sick men of the two regiments. Artillery, and Vir- 
 ginia Companies, were left in the Hospital at Alexandria, 
 and an Officer and twenty men were ordered for its guard 
 and escort. At this place a General Court Martial was 
 held, of which Lieutenant Colonel Gage was president; 
 the prisoner was ordered one thousand lashes, part of 
 which was remitted, and at this place the troops were also 
 mustered. 
 
 Peter Kemble, Esq., of the Coldspring (N. Y.), fiimily of that name, and 
 their son subsequently succeeded his uncle in the peerage. Gen. Gage died 
 in 1788.
 
 300 . JOURNALS. 
 
 On the 13^^ of April, the Governors arrived at Alexan- 
 dria, and with thetn Colonel Johnston ; and on the 14'^ a 
 Councell was held at which was present General Braddock, 
 Commodore Keppel, Governor Shirley, Lieut. Gov'" Delancy, 
 Lieut. Gov'' Dinwiddle, Lieut. Gov'" Sharpe, Lieut. Gov' 
 Morris.^ 
 
 At this Council the General declared to them his 
 Majesty's pleasure that the several assemblies should con- 
 stitute a common fund for defraying in part the expences 
 of the expedition. 
 
 He showed them the necessity of cultivating a friendship 
 and alliance with the Six Nations of Indians, and asked 
 their opinion if Colonel Johnson was not a proper person 
 to be employed as negotiator, also what presents they 
 judged proper, and how they should be furnished. 
 
 The General also acquainted them with his intention of 
 attacking Crown Point and Niagara at the same time with 
 Fort Du Quesne, and desired they would inform him if 
 they thought it advisable to attempt the reduction of 
 Crown Point with the forces agreed to be suj)plied by the 
 Provinces of New York, New Jersey, Connecticutt, Rhode 
 Island, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, amounting to 
 four thousand four hundred men ; and whether, as they 
 were all Irregulars, they did not think Colonel Johnson a 
 proper man to command this exj)edition. 
 
 The General told the Council his intention to reinforce 
 the fort at Oswego with two companies of S" William Pep- 
 perell's and one independant company of New York, as 
 
 ' The Diinutes of this Council are iu II. Doc. Hist. N. Y., 376. VI. C. 
 K, 305.
 
 JOURNALS. 301 
 
 this fort commanded the south east side of the lake Onta- 
 rio, and was a post of great consequence to facilitate the 
 attack, or to secure the retreat of the troops destined to 
 Niagara, and as the entire command of the Lake was of 
 the greatest consequence to cutt off the French communi- 
 cation with the western countries, and could only be 
 obtained by Vessels, he was of opinion two or more should 
 be built for that purpose, and desired their advice as to the 
 burthen and force of them. 
 
 The Governors said, they had severally applied to their 
 respective assemblies to establish a common fund, but could 
 not prevail. 
 
 They were of oj)inion it was necessary to make a treaty 
 with the Six Nations. That M"" Johnson was the proper- 
 est man to negotiate it, and that eight hundred pounds 
 should be furnished by the several governments to be laid 
 out in presents for them.^ 
 
 They approved of the attack of Crown Point by the 
 Irregulars, and also of Colonel Johnson's having the com- 
 mand of that expedition. 
 
 It was agreed two vessels of sixty tons should be built 
 upon the Lake Ontario, of which Commodore Keppel 
 undertook to furnish draughts, and to defray the expence 
 and the direction thereof was given to Governor Shirley.^ 
 
 ' For the details of Johnson's employments, see the Johnson MSS., II. 
 Doc. Hist. N. Y. 
 
 '^ " The scheme for a naval armament at Oswego was first proposed by 
 the Honorable Thomas Pownall to the Congress of Commissioners of the 
 several colonies, met at Albany in June, 1754. Copies were sent to Eng- 
 land, and taken by the Commissioners for the perusal of their respective 
 governments." Lewis Evans' Essays, No. II. (Phil. 175G), 17. The 
 vessels were not finished till Sept. 1755, and cost £22,000.
 
 302 JOURNALS. 
 
 The three Governments of Virginia, Maryland, and 
 Pennsylvania were to bear the expence of any additional 
 works at Fort Du Quesne, they were to maintain the Gar- 
 rison, and also to pay for any vessels that it should be 
 found necessary to construct upon the Lake Erie.^ 
 
 Orders were immediately sent to the commanding officer 
 of S"" William Pepperell's regiment to detach two complete 
 companies with all dispatch to Oswego, and also Capt. 
 King's Independent Company ^ was ordered to that Fort, 
 and the commanding officer was instructed to put the works 
 into the best repair the nature of them would admit of, and 
 Governor Delancey gave four thousand pounds out of the 
 money that was voted by the Assembly of New York to 
 be employed in the victualling of Oswego ; directions were 
 sent to New York to prepare ship carpenters and proper 
 persons of all sorts for constructing and completing the 
 
 ' When he had captured Du Quesne, Braddock proposed to march thence 
 to Niagara, reducing all the French posts on his way. A garrison of at 
 least 200 of the Maryland and Virginia provincials was to be left at the 
 fort, and anticipating that should the enemy evacuate it at his approach, 
 they would destroy as much as they could of its defences, he designed that 
 the provinces most concerned in the business should furnish its provisions 
 and artillery. He certainl}' would not be able to spare any from his own 
 train. Morris anticipated from the first that the furnishing of cannon and 
 stores of war would be repugnant to ' the non-resisting principles of his 
 Quaking Assembly;' and he came to no understanding with them on this 
 point. Virginia sent ten ship-cannon, mounted on trucks, with all the 
 appurtenances, by way of Rock Creek and Conocochcague, to Will's Creek; 
 thence, when the time arrived, to be transported to Fort Du Quesne. (VI. 
 C. R., 400, 409, 413, 405, 4G5. II. P. A., 347.) The general anticipated 
 an easy though an important capture, and already looked forward after all his 
 victories, to spending a merry Christmas with Morris at Philadelphia. 
 (VI. C. R., 400.) 
 
 '^ This was the remaining Independent Company of New York.
 
 JOURNALS. 303 
 
 Vessels intended for the Lake, and directions were given 
 to fell with all diligence proper timber for that purpose, 
 and circular letters were written to the several Eastern 
 Governments to raise and assemble as fast as possible the 
 troops designed for the Crown Point expedition. 
 
 It was proposed to Mr. Johnson to emjDloy him as Pleni- 
 potentiary to the Six Nations, which he at first declined, 
 as the promises made in the year 1746 in regard to these 
 Indians were not fulfilled, by which means he was then 
 laid under the disagreeable necessity of deceiving them. 
 And the French had made use of this neglect very much 
 to our disadvantage and their own Interest; However, 
 the universal and deserved opinion of the General's 
 integrity prevailed upon him to undertake their negotia- 
 tion.' 
 
 A speech was prepared for M" Johnson to deliver to the 
 Indians in the General's name, setting forth that his Ma- 
 jesty had sent a very considerable body of troops to drive the 
 French from the Encroachments they had from time to time 
 made on his Dominions, and on their lands and hunting- 
 grounds, which in the treaty of 1726, between the English 
 and them, they had given us in trust to be guarantied to 
 them for their use and benefit. And that his Majesty had 
 invested him with the supreme command upon the Conti- 
 nent, with orders to strengthen and confirm the Amity 
 which had so long subsisted between the English and 
 them. And that his Majesty had also ordered him to fulfil 
 the spirit of that treaty by building proper fortresses and 
 
 ' This is but one of the many testimonials to Braddock's character for 
 public honesty and truthfulness borne by the records of the time.
 
 304 JOURNALS. 
 
 securing to them those lands and hunting-grounds which 
 were given in trust by the said treaty. 
 
 The General also told them, that as his distance from 
 them made it impossible for him to meet them himself, 
 and finding their uneasiness at the improper appointment 
 and ill-treatment from the Commissioners of the Indian 
 affairs at Albany, and being also informed that they had 
 expressed a great desire to have Colonel Johnson, one of 
 their own sachems, intrusted with that business, he had 
 therefore given him a Commission appointing him whole 
 and sole director and manager of Indian afiiiirs ; That he 
 had also impowered Colonel Johnson to call them together, 
 to give them presents and to confirm, treat and conclude 
 with them the strictest and most lasting Treaty of Friend- 
 ship and alliance ; and the General engaged to confirm and 
 ratify all such promises as should be made to them by M"" 
 Johnson, and desired they would confirm and conclude 
 with him, as if the General himself was present. 
 
 A commission was given to Colonel Johnson appointing 
 him whole and sole manager and director of Indian affairs, 
 and also empowering him to convene, confer and conclude 
 any treaties with the Six Nations and their allies, at such 
 times, and in such places, as he should think proper for 
 the good of his Majesty's service and interest in America. 
 
 Colonel Johnson w^as also instructed to call them imme- 
 diately together to give them presents, and prevail upon 
 them to declare against the french, and also to prevail 
 upon the Six Nations to send Messengers forthwith to the 
 Southern and Western Indians to forbid them acting with 
 the french and to order them immediately to take up the
 
 JOURNALS. 305 
 
 hatchet and join the General upon his march or before. 
 He was to take especial care that in all meetings, con- 
 ferences, agreements, or treaties with the Indians, he was 
 always to have in view his Majesty's honour, service and 
 Interest. 
 
 And he was by the most early and frequent opportuni- 
 ties to remit to the General copies of all transactions of 
 every kind with the Indians, and also of the progress, 
 situation, and success relating to the expedition in which 
 he was employed. 
 
 Governor Shirley had orders to supply him with a sum 
 of two thousand pounds at such times, and in such pro- 
 portions, as he should choose to draw for it ; of which sum, 
 as well as all others, he might hereafter be entrusted with, 
 he was to dispose in the best manner for the most effectual 
 gaining and preserving the Indians to his Majesty's Inte- 
 rest, and he was to keep regular and exact Accounts of the 
 nature of the disbursements; as it was apprehended it 
 might more readily induce the Six Nations to take up arms 
 in our favour if they were employed upon a service imme- 
 diately under him, he was permitted to take with him such 
 as would declare upon the expedition against Crown point. 
 This commission and instructions bearing throughout the 
 whole a regard to the integrity of Colonel Johnson's cha- 
 racter engaged him to undertake and to proceed upon this 
 negotiation with the greatest spirit and zeal for the service. 
 
 Colonel Shirley liaving much interest in, and being 
 extremely well acquainted in the Eastern Governments 
 was supposed most capable of removing the principal dif- 
 ficulties attending the expedition to Niagara, which would 
 20
 
 306 JOURNALS. 
 
 arise from procuring provision and artillery, and from 
 transporting them and the troops. And M'" Shirley express- 
 ing the greatest desire to be employed upon that service, 
 he was appointed by the General to that command. 
 
 Letters of credit were accordingly given to him, and 
 instructions for that service, whereby he was directed to 
 take his own and S' William Pepperell's regiments and the 
 companies of New York under his command; and to pro- 
 ceed with the greatest diligence and dispatch to Niagara; 
 taking care to see the Vessels designed for the lake Ontario 
 built and equipt. He was also to order the works of Os- 
 wego to be put in the best repair, and to leave a proper 
 garrison for its defence. 
 
 He was directed to give frequent accounts to the General 
 of his situation, and proper marks were agreed between 
 them to render any letters useless which might be inter- 
 cepted by the enemy. 
 
 As the General judged the success of the several expe- 
 ditions would very much depend upon their being carried 
 into execution at or near the same time, and as the very 
 great distance at which they were to act, made it impos- 
 sible to be agreed by letter, he desired Colonel Shirley and 
 Colonel Johnson would fix the time in which they would 
 be able to appear before Niagara and Crown point. They 
 both agreed upon the end of June, nearly in July, and the 
 General assured them he would use his utmost endeavours 
 to be at Fort Du Quesne by that time. 
 
 The General dispatched a Courier to Lieutenant Colonel 
 Monkton to take upon him the Command of the troops
 
 JOURNALS. 307 
 
 destined for the attack of Beau Sejour upon the Isthmus 
 of Nova Scotia. 
 
 The business of the Congress being now over, the Gene- 
 ral would have set out for Frederick, but few waggons or 
 teams were yet come to remove the Artillery ; He then 
 sent an Express to S"" John S' Clair informing him of it, 
 and in a few days set out for Frederick in Maryland leav- 
 ing Lieutenant Colonel Gage with four Companies of the 
 44th regiment, who was ordered to dispatch the powder 
 and artillery as fast as any horses or waggons should arrive, 
 taking care to send proper escorts with them. 
 
 The General at Rock Creek called for a return of the 
 stores, and gave orders for such as were most necessary to 
 be first transported, and for some of the provisions, ord- 
 nance, and hospital stores to be left there, the Avaggons 
 coming in so slow as to render it impossible to convey the 
 whole to Fort Cumberland in proper time. 
 
 Upon the General's arrival at Frederick, he found the 
 troops in great want of provision ; no cattle was laid in 
 there ; The General applied to Governor Sharpe, who was 
 then present, for provision and waggons, but so little is the 
 Authority of a Governor in that Province, that he afforded 
 the General no Assistance ; Upon which the General was 
 obliged to send round the country to buy cattle for the sub- 
 sistence of the troops. 
 
 It was above a month before the necessary Ammunition 
 and stores could be transported from Rock Creek to Cone- 
 gogee, and as the Patomack was not then navigable, even 
 by the smallest Canoes, new difficulties arose in providing 
 Waggons to send them to Fort Cumberland ; proper per-
 
 308 JOURNALS. 
 
 sons were sent to the justices of peace of those Counties, 
 and at last by intreaties, threats, and money, the stores 
 were removed. 
 
 As the General had met with frequent disappointments, 
 he took the opportunity of M"" Franklin's being at Frede- 
 rick to desire he would contract in Pensylvania for one 
 hundred and fifty waggons and fifteen hundred carrying 
 horses upon the easiest terms, to join him at Fort Cum- 
 berland by the 10th of May, if possible; M"" Franklin pro- 
 cured the number of waggons, and about five hundred 
 horses.^ As those carriages were to pass through Conego- 
 gee in their way to Fort Cumberland, the General sent 
 orders to Cressop the Agent at that place to make use of 
 that opportunity of conveying to Fort-Cumberland the 
 flour which the Government of Pensylvania had delivered 
 there, it being much wanted at the Fort. 
 
 As no road had been made to Will's Creek on the Mary- 
 land side of the Patomack, the 48th Regiment was obliged 
 to cross that river at Conegogee, and to fall into the Vir- 
 ginia road near Winchester. The General ordered a bridge 
 to be built over the Antietum, which being furnished, and 
 provision laid in on the road. Colonel Dunbar marched 
 with his regiment from Frederick on the 28th of April, 
 
 ' In Jan. 1756, Governor Morris, under the instructions of General 
 Shirley, appointed a commission to audit, settle and adjust the claims of 
 Franklin and others upon the Crown for the hire of these waggons and 
 horses. In conjunction with Robert Leake, Esq., the King's Commissary 
 General, the board sate ten days in Lancaster to decide upon the accounts 
 of the Pennsylvania creditors, and then met in Philadelphia and passed 
 upon those from Maryland and Virginia. By their action, a saving of seven 
 thousand pounds accrued to the Government. II. P. A., 583, 598, 638.
 
 JOURNALS. 309 
 
 and about this time the bridge over the Ojoeccon -svas fin- 
 ished for the passage of the Artillery, and floats were 
 built on all the rivers and creeks. 
 
 The 31 of April the General set out for Winchester 
 hoping to meet the Indians, but as none were, or had been 
 there, he proceeded to Fort Cumberland, where he arrived 
 the 10th of May, and also the 48th Regiment. Sir Peter 
 Halket with six companies of the 44th, two independant 
 companies and the Virginia troops were already encamped 
 at this place. 
 
 The General had applied to Governor Morris for some 
 Indians who lived upon the Susque hannah ; about thirty 
 of them met him at this place. ^ The General shewed them 
 the greatest Marks of attention and esteem, and the next 
 day called them to his tent, and conferred with them agree- 
 ably to their forms and customs. 
 
 The General told them of the troops and Artillery his 
 Majesty had sent to their Assistance, and made use of 
 every argument to persuade them to take up the hatchet 
 
 ' These were the Aughquick Indians brought by George Croghan, whom 
 Braddock formally commissioned their captain for the campaign. Having 
 been long settled as a trader among the savages, he had acquired the lan- 
 guages of several of their nations, and possessed great influence over them. 
 By occasion of the war, he was unable to collect a great number of debts 
 due to him by the Indians, and became bankrupt. But the Pennsylvania 
 Assembly considering his value on the frontier, passed an act granting him 
 a freedom from arrest for ten years ) and he was soon made a captain in 
 the service of the colony. In 1756, he went to Onondaga, and probably 
 died in New York, a.s his will (dated 12th June, 1782) is recorded in the 
 Court of Appeals at Albany. He is styled as ''late of Passyunk, Pa. j" 
 and appears to have left but one child, Susannah, who married Lieutenant 
 Augustine Prevost. (II. P. A., 689. IV. Doc. Hist., N. Y. 420.)
 
 310 JOURNALS. 
 
 against the French, and to act with spirit and fideht j under 
 him. 
 
 A few days after, at another Congress, they informed 
 him of their resolutions to serve with him, and declared 
 war against the French according to their own ceremonies. 
 They desired leave to return to the Susque hannah with 
 their wives and children (to whom the General made con- 
 siderable presents) and promised to rejoin him in a few 
 days, only eight of them remaining with him, who were 
 immediately employed in getting intelligence.^ The others 
 
 ' None who left ever returned. Of the eight who remained one was 
 Scarroyaddy (or Monacatootha), already noticed; another was his son, 
 killed on the march. The names of the remainder we find in the proceed- 
 ings of a Council at Philadelphia on the 15th of August, 1755, where, 
 after condoling with Scarroyaddy on his loss, Mon-is thanks individually 
 and by name all the savages who fought with Braddock : viz., Cashuwayon, 
 Froson, Kahuktodon, Attscheehokatha, Kash-wugh-daniunto, and Dyoqua- 
 rio; all Iroquois. (VI. C R., 524. Du Simitiere MSS.) Doubtless 
 these were their formal and genuine names ; but they were known to the 
 whites by other titles, and nothing was more usual than for an Indian to 
 Lave two names ; so that it is now perhaps impossible to identify them all. 
 I take it, however, that Kash-wughdanionto was the Belt of Wampum 
 (YII. C. R., 0); a Seneca, who had contended with Scarroyaddy for the 
 succession to the Half-King. Cashuwayon, we are fortunately able to say 
 with certainty, was the well-known Captain Newcastle. In January 1756, 
 one Thomas Graeme being adopted by the Indians, he received Newcastle's 
 old name; the warrior thenceforth being called Ah Knoyis (YII. C. R., 6). 
 He died at Philadelphia, of small-pox, during the same year. Perhaps 
 Aroas (or Silver-Heels), a Seneca; lagrea, Scarroyaddy's son-in-law; and 
 the Mohawks Esras and Moses (or the Song), his wife's brothers, may have 
 been of the others. This last was one of Stobo's messengers from Du 
 Quesne. An inventory of the morrice-bells, tobacco, knives, cloths, pow- 
 der, &c., presented to these savages by Morris in August, 1755, may be 
 found in VI. C. R., 566. They were all constant and active allies of the 
 English ; but it is not within the compass of this design to dilate upon 
 their exploits.
 
 JOURNALS. 311 
 
 never returned to the General, but about sixteen of them 
 advanced as far as Colonel Dunbar's Camp. The General 
 sent Messengers to the Delawar and Shawnoe Indians to 
 invite them to join him. 
 
 We had been promised the greatest plenty of all kinds 
 of provisions at this j)lace, but none fresh could be pro- 
 cured. The General was greatly concerned to see the 
 want of all refreshments begin so early, fearing it would 
 disable the men from undergoing the fatigues and hard- 
 ships they were to meet with on their March to the Ohio. 
 They had already marched two hundred miles through an 
 uninhabited wilderness without any other but the salt pro- 
 vision that they had carried with them, or that had been laid 
 in for them upon the road. The General offered large rewards, 
 and lent several people his own money to enable them to 
 provide the camp, and gave all manner of encouragement 
 to such as would bring provision. Everything brought to 
 camp was to be sold at a particular place, and any person 
 was to suffer death who should dare to interupt or molest 
 anybody bringing provision, or should offer to buy of them 
 before it was carried to the publick market, which was put 
 under the care and ins^oection of the Captains of the Picket, 
 and a Sergeant with a small Guard of the Picket attended 
 the market to prevent all quarrels or confusion. 
 
 As a further encouragement, the price of provisions was 
 raised a penny in the pound, and no good meat was to be 
 sold at less than the fixed price, lest the Peasants should 
 be distress'd when they had brought it many miles. These 
 regulations and encouragements produced some supplies, 
 tho' by the nature of the country inadequate to the wants 
 of the camp.
 
 312 ' JOURNALS. 
 
 About the 20th of May, the Artillery, which marched 
 in two divisions, arrived. They had remained at Alex- 
 andria a fortnight after the General had left it, through 
 the want of waggons and horses, nor could they at last 
 have marched without press parties, which Lieutenant 
 Colonel Gage sent for many miles round, and he was 
 obliged to continue this method the whole march, having 
 neither pasture nor forage on the road, not even at those 
 places where it had been said to have been provided. This 
 march was over a prodigious chain of mountains, and 
 through deep and rocky roads. The troops w^ere now 
 joined, except a North Carolina company, commanded by 
 Capf" Dobbs,^ which was daily expected. 
 
 The General had now frequent ojDportunities of seeing 
 and hearing of the appearance and disposition of the Vir- 
 ginia Recruits and companies. M"" Allen had taken the 
 greatest pains with them, and they performed their evolu- 
 tions and firings as Avell as could be expected, but their 
 languid, spiritless, and unsoldierlike appearance considered 
 with the lowness and ignorance of most of their Officers, 
 gave little hopes of their future good behaviour. 
 
 Guards were posted upon the Patomack and Will's Creek, 
 and two other guards were ordered for the security of the 
 horses that were grazing in the woods ; and Detachments 
 of the Picket lay advanced from retreat beating till day- 
 light, having been informed some Indians had been seen 
 near the Camp. 
 
 About the latter end of May, the Pensylvania waggons 
 came up to us, but brought very little flour from Conego- 
 
 ' Son of the Governor of the colony.
 
 JOURNALS. 313 
 
 gee, occasioned by the infamous neglect of Cressop the 
 Agent at that phace, who suffered ahnost all the waggons 
 to pass without giving them the Order before mentioned. 
 Much about the same time this man's father was employed 
 by Governor Sharpe to salt a quantity of beef for the use 
 of the Maryland troops ; which beef had been reckoned in 
 the estimate of those provisions designed for the March ; it 
 was no sooner brought to Camp but it was condemned to 
 be buried by a survey. The Surveyors reported that it 
 had no pickle, and that it was put into dry casks, which 
 could never have contained any.^ 
 
 Being thus disappointed in flour and beef, the General 
 sent away that night thirty waggons with a Captain's 
 detachment to Winchester for provisions over sixty miles 
 of Mountainous and rocky country; and also three hundred 
 carrying horses for flour, with part of the troop of light 
 horse, to Conegogee, ninety miles distance, Avith orders to 
 bring up Cressop, another commissary being appointed. 
 
 Most of the horses which brought u]) the train were 
 either lost, or carried home by their owners, the nature of 
 the country making it impossible to avoid this fatal incon- 
 venience, the whole being a continued forrest for several 
 hundred miles without inclosures or bounds by which 
 horses can be secured : they must be turned into the woods 
 for their subsistance, and feed upon leaves and young 
 shoots of trees. Many projects, such as belts, hobles, &c., 
 were tried, but none of these were a security against the 
 wildness of the country and the knavery of the people we 
 
 ' These men were Colonel Thomas and Captain Michael Crcsap. See 
 Mr. Brautz Mayer's paper, read before Md. Hist. Soc, iMay, 1S51.
 
 314 JOURNALS. 
 
 were obliged to employ : by these means we lost our horses 
 almost as fiist as we could collect them, and those which 
 remained grew very weak, so we found ourselves every day 
 less able to undertake the extraordinary march we were to 
 perform. 
 
 The General, to obviate as much as possible these diffi- 
 culties, appointed a waggon Master General, and under him 
 Avaggon masters over every forty waggons ; and horse Mas- 
 ters over every hundred horses, and also a drover to every 
 seven horses ; the waggon and horse masters with the drovers 
 were to go into the woods with their respective divisions, 
 to muster their horses every night and morning, and to 
 make a daily report to the waggon master General, who 
 was to report to the General. 
 
 These regulations remedied in a great measure that evil. 
 
 Some Indians arrived from the Delawars, with whom the 
 
 General conferred, and to whom he made presents. They 
 
 promised to join him with their Nation upon the march, 
 
 which they never performed. 
 
 Of all the Indians promised by Governor Dinwiddle, 
 none had joined the General; and a few days before we 
 marched the person sent to the Catawbers and Cherokees 
 returned ; He informed the General that three hundred of 
 their warriors had marched three or four days with him in 
 their way to the Camp ; but one Pearus ^ an Indian Trader 
 had by means of a quantity of liquor diverted them from 
 their undertaking; advising them to call upon Gist (who 
 was the person employed) to shew some written and sealed 
 authority by which he acted ; who not being provided with 
 
 ' Perhaps Paris, who commanded at the defeat of Donvillc in 1756.
 
 JOURNALS. 315 
 
 any instrument of this nature from the Government of Vir- 
 ginia, they judged him an imposter, and returned to their 
 towns. 
 
 ! The General wond'red that the Governments of Caro- 
 lina had not been applied to for obtaining these Indians, as 
 being their natural allies. 
 
 AVhile these disappointments were still fresh, one Hile a 
 Virginian, with whom the commissaries appointed by Go- 
 vernor Dinwiddle had made a contract for five hundred 
 Beeves to be delivered at Fort Cumberland, came to the 
 Camp and informed the General, the Committee of the Vir- 
 ginia Assembly would not confirm the contract, and that 
 it was consequently void. He had already received a part 
 of the money, and the General ofiered to pay him the bal- 
 lance, but he said he had recalled his Factors from Caro- 
 lina, and would not make another contract without an 
 advanced price ; and even then would not engage to per- 
 form 'till September. The General therefore resolved to 
 supply himself elsewhere. 
 
 General Braddock had applied to the Governor of Pen- 
 sylvania, soon after his arrival in America, to open a road 
 from that country towards the Ohio, to fall into his road 
 to that place from Fort Cumberland, either at the great 
 meadows, or at the Yoxhio Geni, that he might keep open a 
 communication with Pensylvania either for reinforcements, 
 or convoys. The Governor had laid this before his As- 
 sembly, and had represented to them in the strongest terms 
 the use, and indeed necessity, of such a measure ; but they 
 Avould pay no regard to it. Upon a farther acquaintance 
 with the nature and state of Virginia, and the frequent
 
 316 JOURNALS. 
 
 disappointments the General experienced from that Pro- 
 vince, he thought it would be imprudent to depend entirely 
 upon contracts made with, or promises received from them ; 
 he therefore wrote again to Governor Morris to desire he 
 would once more apply to his Assembly to open a road, 
 and as he was every day the more convinced of the neces- 
 sity of such a communication, he desired that it might 
 immediately be begun and carried on with all possible 
 expedition, and that he would undertake to defray the 
 expence of it, in case they should again refuse it. The 
 Governor through his Zeal for his Majesty's- service, had it 
 carried into great forwardness in a very short time. 
 
 M" Peters the Secretary of Pensjdvania, who had been 
 to inspect the road, waited upon the General at Fort Cum- 
 berland to inform him of its progress ; The General desired 
 M" Peters would in conjunction with Governor Morris 
 make a contract in his name for a magazine of provisions 
 to be formed at Shippensburgh, sufficient to subsist three 
 thousand men for three months, and to be completed by 
 the beginning of July; he desired they would appoint 
 some proper person to forward the whole or part with 
 all expedition when demanded. This contract was con- 
 cluded, and the deposit made agreeable to the time men- 
 tioned. The General also fixed with M' Peters that the 
 junction of the two roads should be at the Crow foot of 
 the Yoxhio Geni.^ 
 
 ' The union of the Yougbiogeny proper, the Laurel Hill Creek, and 
 Castleman's River, in Somerset County, is comuionly called the Turkey 
 Foot, or the Crow Foot of the Youghiogeny.
 
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 11 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
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 JOURNALS. 317 
 
 The General called a Council of War consisting of 
 
 Colonel S" Peter Halket. Colonel Dunbar. 
 
 Lieut'. Colonel Gage. Lieu*. Col° Burton.^ 
 
 Major Chapman.^ Major Sparks.^ 
 
 Major S-- John S' Chiir, D. Q. G. 
 
 The General acquainted the Council he had formed a 
 plan of March and encampment upon the Nature of the 
 service, Country, and Enemy he was engaged in and 
 expected to be opposed by ; That he offered it to them for 
 their opinions, in which he desired they would be very 
 exj)licit, and make such objections, and offer such amend- 
 ments, as they should judge proper, by which some general 
 plan might be formed which would effectually answer the 
 end proposed, of marching and encamping with the greater 
 security. He said he should be very much encumbred with a 
 vast number of carriages and horses, which it was absolutely 
 necessary to secure from the insults of the Indians from 
 whom he apprehended frequent annoyance. It would be 
 therefore necessary to divide the troops into small parties 
 
 ' R.alph Burton, lieutenant-colonel of the 48th, seems to have been a 
 favorite of Braddock's. In January, 1748, he received the local rank of 
 a colonel in North America, and commanded the right wing at the capture 
 of Quebec. After its fall, he was made governor of the department of 
 Trois-Puvieres. (II. Garneau, 374, 380.) He was a colonel in the line, 
 December 10, 1760, and of the 3d Foot (Buffs), 22d Nov., 1764. He 
 was created major-general 10th July, 1762. 
 
 ^ On 7th March, 1751, Russel Chapman was appointed major of the 
 44th, and on 20th March, 1750, was gazetted lieutenant-colonel of the 62d 
 regiment. 
 
 ^ All I can learn of this ofl&cer is that he marched with Dunbar to Phila- 
 delphia, and that his name was William Sparkes. (VI. C. B., 594.)
 
 318 JOURNALS. 
 
 to cover as much as possible the baggage, which would be 
 obliged to march in one line through a road about twelve 
 foot wide, and that it appeared to him also necessary to 
 extend small parties very well upon the flanks, in the front, 
 and in the rear, to prevent any surprise which the nature 
 of the country made them very liable to ; and he proposed, 
 as it would be impracticable to have a regular parade, that 
 every commanding officer of a company should regulate 
 that company's duty by detaching always upon his flanks 
 a third of the effectives with a Sergeant, which Sergeant 
 was to detach a third of his men upon his flanks with a 
 Corporal ; these out parties were to be relieved every night 
 at retreat beating, and to form the advanced pickets. 
 
 Each regiment was to find one Captain and three subal- 
 terns for the picket of each flank ; and the independent 
 companies, Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina rangers, One 
 Captain and two Subalterns for each of the flanks of their 
 division ; and the field Officer of the day was to command 
 the whole. The officers of the pickets were to march upon 
 their respective flanks. The waggons. Artillery, and 
 carrying horses were formed into three divisions, and the 
 provisions disposed of in such a manner as that each divi- 
 sion was to be victualled from that part of the line it 
 covered, and a commissary was appointed to each. The 
 waggon masters were to attend their respective divisions to 
 proportion the goodness of teams, and to assist at every 
 steep ascent by adding any number of horses from other 
 waggons, till their respective divisions had passed. 
 
 The waggons were subdivided again into smaller divisions, 
 every company having a certain number which they were
 
 JOURNALS. 319 
 
 to endeavour to keep together, however the line might be 
 broke : The Companies were to march two deep that they 
 might extend the more, be more at Hbertj to act, and less 
 liable to confusion. 
 
 A field officer was to march with a van, and another 
 with a rear guard. S" Peter Halket was to lead the column, 
 and Colonel Dunbar to bring up the Rear. The field officer 
 of the Picket had no fixed posts. There was also an ad- 
 vanced party of three hundred men to precede the line to 
 cut and make the roads, commanded by a field officer or the 
 quarter master generaL This detachment was to be either 
 a day's march before the line or to move earlier every 
 morning, according to the country Ave were to pass through, 
 or the inteUigence we could get of the enemy. 
 
 The form of the encampment differed very little from 
 that of the march. Upon coming to the ground, the 
 waggons were to draw up in close order in one line, the 
 road not admitting more, care being taken to leave an 
 interval in the front of every company. When this was 
 done the whole was to halt and face outward. The Ser- 
 jeants' flank parties were to divide, facing to the right and 
 left, and to open a free communication by cutting down 
 saplings and underwood, till they met the divisions of the 
 other Serjeants' parties : they were then to open a commu- 
 nication with the corporal in front, who was to keep his 
 men under arms. The serjeant was then to advance half 
 of his partj^, which was to remain under arms whilst the 
 corporal opened his communications to the right and left. 
 All this was carried on under the inspection of the Picket 
 Officers of the respective flanks. Whilst this was executing,
 
 320 JOURNALS. 
 
 half of each Company remamed under arms, whilst the 
 other half opened the communication to the right and left, 
 and to the Serjeants in front, and also cleared ground for 
 the tents, which were pitched by them, and placed in a single 
 row along the line of baggage, facing outwards. These 
 parties were then to be relieved, and the corporal's party 
 was all posted in centinels, which made a chain of centinels 
 round the camp. The grenadiers were to encamp across 
 the road, and each company^ to advance a Serjeant's party. 
 
 Upon beating the General, the men Avere to turn out, 
 but not to strike their tents till they received orders ; upon 
 the Assembly the horses were to be loaded; and upon 
 beating the March the Corporals were to join their parties, 
 and the whole was to face upon the right and left. 
 
 When the waggons were all closed up, the waggon and 
 horse-masters were to assemble in some particular place 
 their respective divisions, and to give their orders to the 
 waggoners and drovers. The horses were then to be 
 turned out w^ithin the centinels, every centinel having 
 orders not to suffer any horse to pass him. 
 
 It was the opinion of the Council this line of march and 
 plan of encam^Dment would answer extremely well for the 
 service we were engaged in ; every field officer was to have 
 a copy of it, and they were desired to assemble the Cap- 
 tains and explain to them fully the duty they w^ere to 
 perform. 
 
 Some Indians returned from a reconnoitring party, and 
 informed the General about a hundred soldiers Avere then 
 in Garrison at Fort Du Quesne, but that they soon expected 
 greater reinforcements from Montreal and Quebec.
 
 JOURNALS. 321 
 
 Two days after, the General called another Council of 
 War. He informed them of the present state of the Gar- 
 rison, and read to them some letters of intelligence, that he 
 had received from the Governors of New York and Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 The General told the Council, that he found by his 
 returns, that he had not above forty w^aggons over and 
 above the hundred and fifty he had got from Pensylvania, 
 and that the number of carrying horses did not exceed six 
 hundred, which were insufficient to carry seventy days 
 flour and fifty days meat, which he was of opinion was the 
 least he could march with without running great risques 
 of being reduced to the utmost distress before the Convoy 
 could be brought to him if he should meet with any oppo- 
 sition at the Fort. And he desired to know their opinions 
 of a measure he had formed for carrying eight days more 
 provision and for saving some days in the march. 
 
 The General reminded the Council of the Waggons sent 
 to Winchester for provisions, wdiich could not return in less 
 than seven days, and this time would absolutely be lost if 
 the march of the whole was delayed for their return. The 
 General therefore proposed the sending forwards of a party 
 of six hundred men, workers and coverers, with a field 
 officer, and the Quarter-master-General ; that they should 
 take with them two six-pounders, with a full proportion of 
 ammunition ; that they should also take with them eight 
 days provision for three thousand two hundred men ; that 
 they should make the road as good as possible, and march 
 five days towards the first crossing of the Yoxhio Geni, which 
 was about thirty miles from the camp, at which place they 
 21
 
 322 JOURNALS. 
 
 were to make a deposit of the provisions, building proper 
 sheds for its security, and also a place of arms for its defence 
 and the security of the men. If they could not in five days 
 advance so far, they were at the expiration of that time to 
 choose an advantageous spot and to secure the provisions 
 and men as before. "When the waggons were unloaded, 
 the field officer with three hundred men was to return to 
 camp, and S'' John S* Clair with the first engineer was to 
 remain and carry on the works with the other three hun- 
 dred. The General proposed marching from Fort Cumber- 
 land to the first camp in three divisions, as it would be 
 impossible for the whole line with the baggage to move off" 
 the ground in one day. 
 
 S"* Peter Halket with the 44*^ Regiment was to march 
 with the first division, taking with him about a hundred 
 waggons of provisions, stores and powder. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Burton with the independent Com- 
 panies, Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina rangers, was to 
 march with the artillerj^, ammunition, some stores and 
 provision, and to form the second division. 
 
 Colonel Dunbar, with the 48*'', was to make the third 
 division, and to take with him the provision waggons from 
 Winchester, the returned waggons from the advanced 
 party, and all the carrying horses. 
 
 The whole of the General's plan was universally 
 approved of, and agreed to; and the Resolutions of the 
 first, and of this Council of War were signed by the 
 members.' 
 
 ' The following sketch of the character and condition of the army at 
 this moment will not be out of place here. I cite from W. Shirley's Letter
 
 JOURNALS. 323 
 
 This detacliment of six hundred men commanded by 
 Major Chapman marched the 30''' of May at daybreak, 
 and it was night before the whole baggage had got over a 
 mountain about two miles from the camp. The ascent and 
 descent were almost a perpendicular rock ; three waggons 
 were entirel}^ destroyed, which were replaced from the 
 camp ; and many more were extremely shattered. Three 
 hundred men, with the miners (of whom the General had 
 
 to Gov. Morris, dated at Fort Cumberland, 23rd May, 1755. (VI. C. K., 
 404.) "It is a joke to suppose that secondary Officers can make amends 
 for the defects of the First. The main spring must be the mover; others 
 in many cases can do no more than follow and correct a little its motions. 
 As to them, I don't think we have much to boast. Some are insolent and 
 ignorant; others capable, but rather aiming at showing their own abilities 
 than irfaking a proper use of them. I have a very great love for my friend 
 Orme, and think it uncommonly fortunate for our Leader that he is under 
 the influence of so honest and capable a man, but I wish, for the sake of 
 the Publick, he had some more experience of business, particularly in 
 America. As to myself, I came out of England expecting that I might 
 be taught the business of a militar}' secretary, but I am already convinced 
 of my mistake. I would willingly hope my time may not be quite lost to 
 me. You will think me out of humor. I own I am so. I am greatly 
 disgusted at seeing an Expedition (as it is called), so ill-concerted originally 
 in England and so ill-appointed, so improperly conducted. in America; and 
 so much fatigue and expense incurred for a purpose which, if attended with 
 success, might better have been left alone. I speak with regard to our 
 particular share. However, so much experience I have had of the injudi- 
 ciousness of public opinion, that I have no little expectation, when we 
 return to England, of being received with great applause. I am likewise 
 further chagrined at seeing the prospect of affiurs in America which, when 
 we were at Alexandria I looked upon to be very great and promising, 
 through delays and disappointments which might have been prevented, 
 grown cloudy and in danger of ending in little or nothing." The writer 
 was destined never to enjoy his country's predicted applause. He was shot 
 through the head at the first fire on the fatal 9th of July, just six weeks 
 after the date of this letter.
 
 324 JOURNALS. 
 
 formed a company), had already been employed several 
 days upon that hill. 
 
 The General reconnoitred this mountain, and determined 
 to set the engineers and three hundred more men at work 
 upon it, as he thought it impassable by Howitzers.^ He 
 did not imagine any other road could be made, as a recon- 
 noitring party had already been to explore the country ; 
 nevertheless, Mr. Spendelow, Lieutenant of the Seamen, a 
 young man of great discernment and abilities, acquainted 
 the General, that, in passing that mountain, he had dis- 
 covered a Valley which led quite round the foot of it. A 
 party of a hundred men, with an engineer, was ordered to 
 cut a road there, and an extreme good one was made in 
 two days, which fell into the other road about a mile on 
 the other side of the mountain. 
 
 From this place the General wrote to Colonel Shirley 
 and Colonel Johnson, desiring them to use all possible dis- 
 patch in the carrying their expeditions into execution, and 
 he wrote also to the Governor of New York, to desire he 
 would afford them all possible assistance in his Govern- 
 ment, as they must necessarily depend entirely upon it for 
 their subsistance. 
 
 Mr. Shirley represented to the General the weakness of 
 Sir William Pepperell's regiment, and applied for the five 
 hundred men under the command of Colonel Schyler, who 
 were raised in New Jersey for the Crown Point expedition; 
 which men the Governor, Assembly, and Colonel Schyler, 
 
 ' A howitzer is a short gun for throwing shells, and is mounted on a 
 field carriage. It differs from a mortar mainly in having its trunnions in 
 the middle.
 
 JOURNALS 325 
 
 were willing should join Mr. Shirley. The General there- 
 fore acquiesced, and wrote to that purpose to Governor 
 Belchier.' 
 
 The Governor of South Carolina sent the General bills 
 for four thousand pounds, being part of six thousand which 
 was voted by that Assembly towards a common fund. 
 These bills were remitted to Governor Morris to pay in 
 part for the magazine at Shippensburgh.^ This was the 
 only money raised by the Provinces which ever passed 
 through the General's hands. 
 
 The General wrote to the Governors of Virginia, Mary- 
 land, and Pensylvania, desiring the two former to have 
 their Militia ready to escort his convoys, if he should not 
 be able to detach a sufficient number of men from his own 
 body ; and also desired the three Governments to provide 
 Artillery for the Fort, in case he should make himself mas- 
 ter of it, as he could not leave any of his Ordnance in that 
 place. He also informed them that the French had threat- 
 ned to fall with their Indians upon the back Inhabitants 
 as soon as the Army should march, and the General desired 
 they would make the best use of that information.^ 
 
 A proper Commissary was appointed at Conegogee, with 
 
 ' Pepperell's regiment was not more than half-filled when, on the 26th 
 Jlay, he wrote from New York to his old friend Gov. Morris, asking per- 
 mission for his recruiting officers to 'raise a hundred or two of brave men' 
 in Pennsylvania. (II. P. A., 329.) It has already been observed how 
 many hundreds from this province were enlisted in the northern campaigns 
 of the war. The New Jersey troops alluded to in the text were commanded 
 by Colonel Peter Schuyler, of whose family was Philip Schuyler of the 
 Revolution. John Belcher was governor of this latter colony. 
 
 - See VI. C. R., 42G, 429. 
 
 ^ See VI. C. R., 400, 413. This threat was considered a mere bravado.
 
 326 JOURNALS. 
 
 orders to send up all the flour to Fort Cumberland, and 
 directions were given for gathering to that place all the 
 provision which had been left for want of carriages at Alex- 
 andria, Rock Creek, Frederick, and Winchester. Thus two 
 Magazines were formed in different parts of the country, 
 from either of which the General might supply himself as 
 he should find most convenient. 
 
 It appearing to the General absolutely necessary to leave 
 some proper person to superintend the commissaries, and 
 to dispatch the convoys, and also to command at the Fort, 
 Colonel Innys was appointed Governor of it. Instructions 
 were given to him, and money was left with him for contin- 
 gent expences, lest the service should for want of it meet with 
 any checks. The General fixed with the several Governors 
 of Virginia, Maryland, and Pensylvania proper places for 
 laying horses for the more ready conveyance of their ex- 
 ■ presses : men were also emj)loyed with proper badges ; and 
 orders were given in the several Governments to supply 
 them with horses upon a proper application. 
 
 A company of guides were established under two Chiefs ; 
 each regiment had three guides. The General had one, 
 and the Quarter-master General three. 
 
 An Hospital was left at this place, and the most infirm 
 Officers and men remained in Garrison. 
 
 Every thing being now settled, S"" Peter Ilalket with the 
 ^^th regiment marched the 7'^ of June. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Burton with the independent Comj^a- 
 nies and Rangers on the 8**", and Colonel Dunbar with the 
 4gth regiment on the 10*'', with the proportions of baggage, 
 as was settled by the Council of War.
 
 JOURNALS. 327 
 
 The same day the General left Fort Cumberland, and 
 joined the whole at Spendelow camp, about live miles from 
 the Fort. 
 
 Orders given at Fort Cumberland. 
 
 None of the men that came with the Regiments from. 
 Ireland to be suffered to act as Bat-man. 
 
 All the troops to be under arms, and to have the Arti- 
 cles of War read to them, at which time the servants and 
 followers are to attend. 
 
 A return to be made of such men as understand mining, 
 to whom proper encouragement shall be given. 
 
 The troops to begin immediately their field days, each 
 man to have twelve rounds of powder. 
 
 The troops are to be immediately brigaded in the follow- 
 ing manner : 
 
 The first Brigade, Commanded hi/ Sir Peter Halket. 
 
 Compliment. Effective. 
 
 44'" Regiment of Foot 700 ... 700 
 
 Capt° Rutherford's ' ) ludependant Comp'' ) ,^^ qp. 
 
 Capt" Gates 3 of New York j '"■•■ 
 
 Capt. Poison's^ Carpenters 50 ... 48 
 
 ' Capt. Jolin Rutherford was stationed at Will's Creek in March, 1755; 
 an Interesting letter from him will be found in II. P. A., 277. At the 
 end of the year, he held the rank of major under Shirley at New York. 
 (VII. C. R., 23.) 
 
 ^ "William Poison was probably a Scot who had been concerned in the 
 rebellion of 1745 ] since, early in 1755, he writes to James Burd com- 
 plaining bitterly of a report that assigned him in that affair "such a low 
 station as I detest as much as the author of such a falsehood." (I. Ship- 
 pen MSS. 18.) In 1754, he served under Washington, and received the 
 thanks of the Virginia Burgesses and Governor for his good conduct. His 
 captaincy in the Virginia services dated from 21st July, 1754. (Sharpe's
 
 328 JOURNALS. 
 
 Compliment Effective. 
 
 Capt. Peronnee'sM Virginia Rangers 50 ... 47 
 
 Capt. Wagner's^ j " Virginia Rangers 50 ... 45 
 
 Capt. Dagwortluy's' Maryland Rangers 50 ... 49 
 
 Second Brigade, Commanded hy Colonel Dunhar. 
 
 48'" Regiment of Foot 700 ... 650 
 
 Capt. Demerie's* South Carolina Detach' 100 ... 97 
 
 MS. Corr.) Being killed in 1755, an annual pension of £'2G was bestowed 
 by Virginia upon his widow. (VII. Sp. Wash., 87.) I believe, too, a 
 lieutenant's commission in the 60th, of which Gage was commandant and 
 Gates major, was given to his son John on 5th May, 1756. (II. Sp. 
 Wash., 127.) He was made captain June 16tli, 1773, which rank he held 
 in 1778. 
 
 ' William, Chevalier de Peyronie, was a French Protestant, settled in 
 Virginia, and highly esteemed. At Fort Necessity he was an ensign under 
 Washington, whose warm favor he enjoyed. Being desperately wounded 
 in that action, he obtained leave to wait upon the Assembly to petition for 
 some recompense for his personal losses of clothes, &c. On 30th Aug., 
 1754, the Burgesses voted him their thanks, and especially desired the 
 Governor to promote him ] and he accordingly received a captain's commis- 
 sion to date from 25th August, 1754. He died unmarried. (II. Sp. 
 Wash. Sharpe's MS. Corr.) 
 
 ^ Thomas Waggener (Capt. Virg. troops, July 20th, 1754), was a lieute- 
 nant in the campaign of 1754, and was slightly wounded at Jumonville's 
 defeat. He had previously served under Gov. Shirley, in the projected 
 Canada expedition of 1746. At Fort Necessity he was a lieutenant, and 
 was one of those thanked by the Virginia legislature. His gallant conduct 
 in Braddock's campaign has been noticed ; it may be added, that so late as 
 1757, he continued actively engaged in the war. (II. Sp. Wash. II 
 Belknap's Hist. N. H. Sharpe's MS. Corr.) 
 
 ^ Ely Dagworthy had held the King's commission in the previous French 
 war, and was engaged in Shirley's Canada design. For this reason, he 
 esteemed himself superior to any mere provincial officer, though he was 
 himself considered in that very light by Braddock, insomuch as he had no 
 other command than that of a Maryland company. In the fall of 1756, 
 his impudent assumptions of superiority to Washington were summarily 
 put down by Gen. Shirley (II. Sp. Wash.); and not long after he seems 
 to have obtained one of the lieutenancies in the 44th, made vacant by the 
 action of 9th July. His commission dated from 15th July, 1755. la 
 1765, he had risen no liigher. 
 
 * Paul Dcmerio, who was killed by the Cherokees in 1760, during the 
 Indian war of South Carolina. I. Ramsay's S. C, 182.
 
 JOURNALS. 329 
 
 Complimont. Eflective. 
 
 Capt. Dobb's Xorth Carolina Rangers ... 100 ... 80 
 
 Capt. Mercer's ' Company of Carpenters 50 ... 35 
 
 Capt. Stevens's^ ^ Virginia Rangers 50 ... 48 
 
 Capt. Hogg's^ y Virginia Rangers 50 ... 40 
 
 Capt. Cox's'* j Virginia Rangers 50 ... 43 
 
 The Detachment of Seamen to encamp with the Second 
 Brigade and the Troop of light horse separately. 
 
 The General is to be acquainted through an aid de Camp 
 the night before the regiments are to exercise. 
 
 Prohibitory Orders were given against spirituous liquors 
 being sold to the Indians, or any soldiers going into their 
 camp. 
 
 Proper Victualling returns were ordered to be given in 
 to the Commissary General of the stores, signed by the 
 commanding officers of the Regiments and Artillery, the 
 several Companies, Detachment of Seamen and Troop of 
 light horse, the 'Director of the Hospital, Waggon-Master 
 General, and Indian manager, specifying the names and 
 qualifications of those persons, who drew provisions under 
 their command or directions. 
 
 ' I do not know if this was George or John Mercer. Both were at Fort 
 Necessity, and thanked by the Burgesses : the former was a Virginia cap- 
 tain, June 4th, 1754, and in 1760, agent of the Ohio Company at London. 
 The latter was a lieutenant, 21st July, 1754, and Washington's aid in 1756; 
 in which year he was killed by the enemy. 
 
 ^ Adam Stephen was, in 1754, perhaps the senior captain in Frey's regi- 
 ment. He rose to be colonel of the Virginia troops, and v,'as a general 
 officer in the Revolution. 
 
 ' Peter Hogg was a captain, March 9th, 1754; and so late as the end of 
 1757 was still in the Virginia service. Being detached on the march, he 
 and his command escaped the dangers of the 9th of July. 
 
 * Probably Thomas Cocke, commissioned as captain in the Virginia 
 troops, Dec. 13th, 1754.
 
 330 JOURNALS. 
 
 All the troops were to account to the director of the 
 hospital once in three months for stoppages at the rate of 
 four pence sterling per day for every man that was admitted 
 into the General Hospital. 
 
 It was also ordered, that no suttler should dare to sell 
 any more spirits to the men than one gill a day to each, 
 which an Officer of the Picket was to see delivered out at 
 eleven of the clock and mixed with three gills of water; 
 and any suttler offending against this order was to be sent 
 to the Provost. 
 
 If any non-commissioned Officer or soldier shall be found 
 gaming, he shall immediately receive three hundred lashes, 
 and the standers by shall be deemed principals and punished 
 as such. 
 
 If any Soldier is seen drunk in Camp, he is to be sent 
 immediately to the Quarter Guard, and to receive two 
 hundred lashes the next morning. 
 
 Agreeably to a resolution of a Council of War, it was 
 ordered that every Subaltern superintending the work upon 
 the road should receive three shillings per day ; each Ser- 
 jeant one shilling ; each corporal nine pence ; and every 
 drum or private man six pence. But as it was thought 
 this would weaken too much the Military Chest, and there 
 being no publick markets, the General promised to settle 
 with them in their winter quarters. 
 
 Any soldier or follower of the Army that shall be 
 detected in stealing or purloyning any of the provisions, 
 shall suffer death.
 
 journals. 331 
 
 Spendelow Camp. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Burton represented to the General 
 that he had been two days in marching about five miles on 
 a better road than we were to expect afterwards, occasioned' 
 by the extreme faintness and deficiency of the horses. 
 
 The General thereupon called together all the Officers, 
 and told them, that through this inconvenience it would be 
 impossible to continue the March without some alterations, 
 which he was convinced they would readily assist in, as 
 they had hitherto expressed the greatest sjDirit and inclina- 
 tion for the service. He recommended to them to send to 
 Fort Cumberland all such baggage as was not absolutely 
 necessary, and told them, if any of them had able horses, 
 which they could spare to the publick cause, he would take 
 care that such testimonies of their regard to it should not 
 be forgotten, and excited them to it by his example ; he 
 and his family contributed twenty horses. This had such 
 an efiect, that most of the Officers sent back their own, and 
 made use of Soldiers tents the rest of the Campaign, and 
 near a hundred able horses w^ere given to the publick 
 service. 
 
 June 11'^. The General called a council of war, consist- 
 ing of 
 
 Colonel S'' Peter Halket, Colonel Dunbar, 
 
 Lieut. Col°. Gage, Lieut. CoP. Burton, 
 
 Major Chapman, Major SjDarks. 
 
 In which it was agreed to send back two six-pounders, 
 four cohorns, some powder and stores, which cleared near 
 twenty waggons. All the King's waggons were also sent
 
 332 JOURNALS. 
 
 back to the Fort, they being too heavy, and requiring large 
 horses for the shafts, which could not be procured ; and 
 country waggons were fitted for the powder in their stead. 
 
 This day was employed in shifting the powder, fitting the 
 waggons, and making a proj)er asortment of the stores. 
 
 The loads of all the waggons were to be reduced to 
 fourteen hundred weight; seven of the most able horses 
 were chose for the Howitzers, and five to each twelve- 
 pounder, and four to each waggon. The other horses were 
 all to carry flour and bacon. Every horse was b}^ the 
 contract to have carried two hundred weight, but the con- 
 tractors were so well acquainted with our situation (which 
 did not permit us to reject anything), that most of the 
 horses furnished by them were the offcasts of Indian traders, 
 and scarce able to stand under one hundred weight. 
 
 A detachment of a Captain, two subalterns, and fifty 
 men, were sent as a covering party to the workers upon 
 the Pensylvania road ; and fifty of the worst men from 
 the Independents and Rangers were ordered to reinforce 
 the Garrison at Fort Cumberland ; and only two women 
 per company were allowed to be victualled upon the March, 
 but proper j^rovision was made for them at the Fort, to 
 which place they were sent back.' 
 
 Some orders were found necessary for the farther regu- 
 lation and security of the Camp. 
 
 We were now encamped according to the plan approved 
 of by the Council of War. When the carriages were 
 closed up, leaving proper intervals of communications, the 
 extent of the Camp, from the front to the rear guard, was 
 less than half a mile. 
 
 ' They were, however, sent to I^hiladelphia. II. P. A., 348.
 
 journals. 333 
 
 Orders given at Spendelow Camp. 
 
 The captains of the picket are to be at the field officer 
 of the day's tent to receive the countersign, which they are 
 to give to the subalterns, the subalterns to the Serjeants, 
 the Serjeants to the centinels, who are not to suffer any 
 person to come within ten paces without receiving the 
 countersign ; and all advanced corporals and centinels are 
 to have their bayonets fixed. 
 
 The field officer of the picket is to be received as grand 
 rounds, whenever he goes his rounds either night or day. 
 
 No person whatever to fire a piece within a mile of the 
 Camp. 
 
 No hutts or bowers to be built by the advanced pickets 
 or centinels. 
 
 One tumbril with tools is to march in the front and 
 another in the center of the carriages, and one engineer 
 with part of the pioneers is to march in the front, and 
 another with the rest of the pioneers in the center. 
 
 It required two days to new load the waggons, and put 
 everything in order, which being settled we marched on the 
 13'^ to Martin's plantation, being about five miles from 
 Spendelow Camp. The first brigade got to their ground 
 that night, but the second could not get up before the next 
 day at eleven of the clock, the road being excessively 
 mountainous and rocky. This obliged the General to halt 
 one day for the refreshment of the men and horses. 
 
 Orders given at the Camp at Martin's Plantation. 
 Upon the beating of the General, which is to be taken 
 from the 44th Regiment, all the troops are to turn out, 
 accoutre and form two deep at the head of their encamp-
 
 334 JOURNALS. 
 
 ments upon all halts, tho' ever so small ; the pickets and 
 companies are to face outwards. The officers of the pickets 
 are to take care that their pickets keep at a proper distance 
 upon their flanks. Upon the firing of a cannon, either in 
 front, centre or rear, the whole line is to form, to face out> 
 wards, and to wait for orders. 
 
 The field officers, excepting him that commands the Van 
 Guard, are to take no particular post, but to see that the 
 men assist in getting up the waggons at any steep ascent, 
 or difficult pass. 
 
 In case any waggon should break down, it is immediately 
 to be drawn out on one side of the road, and a report of it 
 with its lading to be sent to the Waggon Master-General, 
 who is to order it to be repaired and fall in the rear, or the 
 load to be divided among the other waggons, as he shall 
 think proper. 
 
 The carrying horses having suffered very much by bear- 
 ing their loads so long the day before, they were ordered 
 with an escort of two companies upon the right of the 44*'' 
 to proceed to the little meadows, at which place S"" John S* 
 Clair was encamped with the three hundred men, not 
 having been able to proceed further in the five days. 
 
 June 15'''. The line began to move from this place at 
 five of the clock ; it was twelve before all the carriages 
 had got upon a hill which is about a quarter of a mile from 
 the front of the Camp, and it was found necessary to make 
 one-half of the men ground their arms and assist the car- 
 riages while the others remained advantageously posted for 
 their security. 
 
 We this day passed the Aligany Mountain, which is a
 
 JOURNALS. 335 
 
 rocky ascent of more than two miles, in many places ex- 
 tremely steep ; its descent is very rugged and almost per- 
 pendicular; in passing which we intirely demolished three 
 waggons and shattered several/ At the bottom of the 
 mountain runs Savage river, which, when we passed was 
 an insignificant stream ; but the Indians assured us that in 
 the winter it is very deep, broad and rapid. This is the 
 last water that empties itself into the Potomack. 
 
 The first Brigade encamped about three miles to the 
 westward of this river. Near this place was another steep 
 ascent, which the waggons were six hours in passing. 
 
 In this day's march, though all possible care was taken, 
 the line was sometimes extended to a length of four or five 
 miles. 
 
 June IGth. We marched from the Camp near Savage 
 river to the little meadows, which is about ten miles from 
 Martins' Plantations, where the first brigade arrived that 
 evening, but the second did not all arrive till the IS'''. 
 A great part of this day's march was over a bogg which had 
 been very well repaired by S"" John S* Clair's advanced 
 party with infinite labour." 
 
 By these four days' marches it was found impossible to 
 proceed with such a number of carriages. The horses grew 
 every dfiy fainter, and many died : and the men would not 
 have been able to have undergone the constant and neces- 
 sary fatigue, by remaining so many hours under arms; and 
 
 ' Mr. Atkinson (TI. 0. T., 542) very justly points out the error of not 
 pasf-ing this mountain by the spur since adopted for the National lload. 
 
 ^ The route this day lay through the region of dense pine forests called 
 the Shades of Death.
 
 336 JOURNALS. 
 
 by the great extent of the baggage the line was extremely 
 weak'ned. 
 
 The General was therefore determined to move forward 
 with a detachment of the best men, and as little incum- 
 brance as possible. 
 
 Therefore a detachment of one field-officer with four hun- 
 dred men and the deputy quarter master general marched 
 on the IS"" to cut and make the road to the little crossing 
 of the Yoxhio Geni — taking with them two sixpounders 
 with, their ammunition, three waggons of tools, and thirty 
 five days provision — all on carrying horses. And on the 
 lO**" the General marched with a detachment of one Colonel, 
 one Lieutenant Colonel, one Major, the two eldest Grena- 
 dier Companies, and five hundred rank and file. The 
 party of Seamen and eighteen light horse, and four how- 
 itzers with fifty rounds each, and four twelve pounders with 
 eighty rounds each, and one hundred rounds of ammuni- 
 tion for each man, and one waggon of Indian presents ; the 
 whole number of carriages being about thirty. The How- 
 itzers had each nine horses, the twelve pounders seven, and 
 the waggons six. There was also thirty five days provi- 
 sion carried on horses. 
 
 This detachment marched and encamped according to 
 the annexed phm. 
 
 The Indians were ordered to march with the advanced 
 party; this day Monocatuca the Indian chief being at a 
 small distance from the party was surrounded and taken 
 by some French and Indians. The former were desirous 
 of kilHng him, but the Indians refused, declaring they 
 would abandon them and join with us if they persisted in
 
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 JOURNALS. 337 
 
 their design. The}' agreed at last to tye him to a tree, and 
 leave him : But his son who was with him escaj^ed, and 
 informed our Indians, who went soon after and brought 
 him off. 
 
 "We this day crossed the first branch ' of the Yoxio Geni, 
 which is about four score yards over and knee deep. After 
 having marched four miles from the little meadows we 
 came up with the rear of the advanced party, and were 
 obliged to encamp, as they were then at work in cutting a 
 travers-road over an immense mountain, which could not 
 be finished till the next day. Immediately upon coming 
 to our ground, some guides ran into us, extremely fright- 
 ened, and told us a great body of the enemy were march- 
 ing to attack our advanced guard. The General sent for- 
 ward an aid de camp to know the truth of this report, who 
 found Lieutenant Colonel Gage in possession of the top of 
 the mountain, and his men very advantageously posted. 
 Our Indians had discovered the tracks of several men very 
 near the advanced party, which had given rise to this alarm. 
 Lieutenant Colonel Ga^e remained about two hours under 
 arras, but no enemy appearing he sent parties to scour the 
 neighboring woods, and upon their return j)roceeded with 
 the work, leaving proper parties to secure the heights, and 
 encamped there that night. 
 
 As the advanced party was to move forward early in 
 the morning, the General ordered a detachm*. of a Captain 
 and one hundred men to march at daybreak, and to occupy 
 that eminence till he should pass it with the Artillery and 
 baggage. 
 
 ' Castleman's River : the ford is called the Little Crossings. 
 22
 
 338 JOURNALS. 
 
 Every field-officer had an orderly light horseman by 
 whom they were to inform the General of all accidents, 
 stops or delays in their respective parts of the line; by 
 which means, the extent of the carriages, upon the march, 
 was very seldom above half a mile ; and the encampments 
 was but three hundred yards from the front to the rear. 
 
 Orders at the Camp on the West Side the Little 
 Crossing of the Yoxhio Geni. 
 
 June 19. The quarter masters are constantly to see the ; 
 communications opened. l 
 
 The pickets of the detachment to consist of two captains 
 and the subaltern officers parties that are advanced upon \ 
 the flanks in the front and in the rear. 
 
 The eldest captain of the picket is to command and visit 
 the pickets of the front Grenadiers and the left flank, and 
 the youngest captain the picket and the rear Grenadiers 
 and the right flank. The retreat is to beat an hour before 
 sunset, at which time the picket is to be relieved, that the 
 officers may have light to reconnoitre the ground and to 
 2)ost their centinels. 
 
 From thence we marched about nine miles to Bear 
 Cam^D over a chain of very rocky mountains and difficult 
 passes. We could not reach our ground 'till about 7 of the 
 clock, which was three hours later than common, as there 
 was no water, nor even earth enough to fix a tent, between 
 the great Mountain and this place. 
 
 We halted here two days, having a road to cut in the 
 side of a mountain, and some swamps to make passable.
 
 JOURNALS. 339 
 
 Orders at Bear Camp; June 20tJi. 
 
 The men of the pickets are always to load afresh when 
 they go on dut}^, and to take particular care to save the 
 ball, which the commanding officers of companies are to 
 see returned to the train. 
 
 The troops that are encamped here are to be formed into 
 Companies according to the number of Captains present. 
 
 The Articles of War are to be read to the men, and that 
 article relating to the alarming of camps to be particularly 
 explained to them. 
 
 The General having observed upon the March some 
 neglects upon the out detachments, orders that for the 
 future the subalterns' parties, wlien the ground will j)0ssibly 
 admit of it, keep at least one hundred yards distance from 
 the line, and that the Serjeants keep their parties within 
 sight of the subaltern's from which they are detached ; and 
 upon every halt, though ever so small, the men are to form 
 tvv'o deep, face outwards, and stand shouldered. 
 
 The Officers and Serjeants are to be very attentive to the 
 beat of the drum, taking care always to halt when they 
 hear the long roll beat at that part of the line from which 
 'they are detached, and to march upon beating the long 
 march. 
 
 The field officers and all officers commanding any part 
 of the line are to be particularly careful to beat the loug 
 roll and long march upon their halting and marching. 
 
 Exact victualling returns are to be given in to the com- 
 missaries, signed by the commanding officer. 
 
 The quarter masters of the two regiments are always to
 
 340 JOURNALS. 
 
 attend at the delivery of provisions, and to receive from 
 the commissary the full quantity for their respective corps, 
 which they are to distribute to the Serjeants of the compa- 
 nies, who are to issue it to the men. The Artillery, seamen, 
 and light horse, and waggon masters, are to do the same. 
 
 On the 23'''^ of June we marched from this Camp to the 
 Squaw's fort, making about six miles of very bad road. 
 
 Three Mohawk Indians pretending friendship came to 
 the General and told him they were just come from the 
 French fort. They said that some reinforcemen*^ were 
 arrived from Montreal, and that they were in expectation 
 of many more : that they had very little provision at the 
 fort, and that they had been disappointed of their supplies 
 by the dryness of the season having stopped the navigation 
 of BufHer river. ^ 
 
 The General caressed them, and gave them presents, but 
 they nevertheless went off that night, and with them one 
 of our Indians, whom we had very long suspected. This 
 fellow had frequently endeavored to conceal himself upon 
 the flanks on the March, but was always discovered by the 
 flank parties. Notwithstanding this, we could not punish 
 him, as the Indians are so extremely jealous that we feared 
 it would produce a general disaffection. 
 
 The 24^'' of June we marched at five in the morning, 
 and passed the second branch of the Yoxhio Geni, which 
 is about one hundred yards wide, about three feet deep, 
 with a very strong current.^ 
 
 ' The Riviere aux Boeufs, or French Creek, is here signified. 
 '^ This was at the Great Crossings. "The route thence to the Great 
 Meadows or Fort Necessity was well chosen, though over a mountainous
 
 JOURNALS. 341 
 
 In the clay's march, we discovered an Indian Camp, 
 which they had just abandoned: our Indians informed us 
 that, by their hutts, their number was about one hundred 
 and seventy. They had stripped and painted some trees, 
 upon which they and the French had written many threats 
 and bravados with all kinds of scurrilous language. 
 
 We marched this day about six miles, and at night 
 joined the two detachments. 
 
 Orders at the Camp on the East Side the Great 
 
 Meadows. 
 
 At daybreak the men of the advanced pickets are to 
 examine their panns and to put in fresh priming. 
 
 The subalterns upon the advanced parties are to keep 
 one of their men within sight of the line, whom they are 
 to have always in view ; and the Serjeants are to do the 
 same by the subalterns. 
 
 The General is determined to put the first officer under 
 arrest whom he shall find any ways negligent in any of 
 these duties. 
 
 On the 25*^, at daybreak, three men who went without 
 the centinels, were shot and scalped. Parties were imme- 
 diately sent out to scour the woods on all sides, and to drive 
 in the stray horses. 
 
 This day we passed the Great Meadows, and encamped 
 
 tract, conforming very nearly to the ground now occupied by the National 
 Road, and keeping on tlie dividing ridge between the waters flowing into 
 the Youghiogeny on the one hand, and the Cheat River on the other." II. 
 0. T., 543.
 
 342 JOURNALS. 
 
 about two miles on the other side.' We this day saw 
 several Indians in the woods ; the General sent the light 
 horse, our Indians, and some volunteers, to endeavour to 
 surround them, but they returned without seeing them. 
 
 About a quarter of a mile from this camp, we were 
 oblisred to let our carriacces down a hill with tackles, 
 which made it later than usual before we got to our 
 ground. 
 
 The soldiers w^ere now so accustomed to open the com- 
 munications, and understood so well the reason and method 
 of our encampment, that they performed this work with 
 great alacrity and dispatch ; and the marching through the 
 woods, which they at first looked upon as unnecessary 
 fatigue, they were now convinced to be their only security, 
 and went through it with the greatest cheerfulness. 
 
 Some French and, Indians endeavoured to reconnoitre, 
 the camp, but wherever they advanced, they were dis- 
 covered and fired upon by the advanced Centinels. 
 
 Two Captain's Detachments of 50 men each, Avere 
 ordered to march at 10 o'clock in the morning with guides. 
 One party was to march out at the front and the other in 
 the rear. They were to divide the detachments into small 
 parties, and to lie upon their arms about half a mile wide 
 upon each flank of the encampment. At break of day the 
 pickets were to advance, and at the same time these small 
 parties were to move forward towards the camp. By this 
 
 ' A mile west of the Great Meadows Braddock must have passed over 
 the very spot destined for his grave. The Mouut Braddock farm occupies 
 a portion of the route.
 
 JOURNALS. 343 
 
 measure, any Indians who had concealed themselves near 
 the camp must have been taken ; but these parties returned 
 without having seen any of the enemy. 
 
 Orders at the Camp on the West Side of the Great 
 Meadows, June the 25*''. ^ 
 
 The advanced pickets are to take no more blankets than 
 will be sufficient to cover their centinels. 
 
 The line is never to turn out upon any account but by 
 order from the General, or the field officer of the picket. 
 
 Every soldier or Indian shall receive five pounds for each 
 Indian scalp. 
 
 June the 26"\ We marched at five o'clock, but by the 
 extreme badness of the road could make but four miles. 
 At our halting place we found another Indian camp, which 
 they had abandoned at our approach, their fires being yet 
 burning. They had marked in triumph upon trees, the 
 scalps they had taken two days before, and a great many 
 French had also written on them their names and many 
 insolent expressions. We picked up a commission on the 
 march, which mentioned the party being under the com- 
 mand of the Sieur Normanville. This Indian camp was 
 in a strong situation, being upon a high rock with a very 
 narrow and steep ascent to the top ; it had a spring in the 
 middle, and stood at the termination of the Indian path to 
 the Monongehela, at the confluence of Red-stone creek. 
 B}^ this pass the party came which attacked Mr. Washing- 
 ton the year before, and also this which attended us. By 
 their tracks, they seemed to have divided here, the one 
 part going straight forward to fort du Quesne, and the other
 
 344 JOURNALS. 
 
 returning by Red-stone Creek to the Monongoliela. A 
 Captain, four subalterns, and ninety volunteers, marched 
 from this camp with proper guides to fall in the night upon 
 that party which we imagined had returned by the Monon- 
 goliela. They found a small quantity of provisions, and 
 a very large Batteau, which they destroyed, and the Cap- 
 tain according to orders joined the General at Gist's planta- 
 tion, but saw no men. 
 
 June 27'''. We marched from the camp of Rock fort to 
 Gist's plantation, which was about six miles ; the road still 
 mountainous and rocky. Here the advanced party was 
 relieved, and all the waggons and carrying horses with 
 provision belonging to that detachment joined us, and the 
 men w^ere to be victualled from us. 
 
 June the 28*^. The troops marched about five miles to 
 a camp on the east side of the Yoxliio Geni.^ 
 
 Orders at the Camp on the East Side of the Yoxhio 
 Geni, June the 2'd'^. 
 
 Whereas by the connivance of some officers several of 
 the men have fired their pieces in a very irregular and un- 
 military manner; The General declares that, for the future, 
 if any officer, of whatever rank, shall suffer the men to 
 fire their pieces, he shall be put under arrest. And it is 
 ordered, that whenever it is found necessary to fire any of 
 the men's pieces, that cannot be drawn, the commanding 
 officers of the several troops are to apply to the General 
 for leave, through an Aid de Camp. 
 
 ' From the Great Meadows, the route had diverged in a north-westwardlv 
 direction, to gain a pass through Laurel Hill ; it then struck the river at 
 Stewart's Crossing, half a mile below Connellsvillc. See 11. 0. T., 543.
 
 JOURNALS. 345 
 
 The commanding officers of regiments, troops, and com- 
 panies, are to send to the train all their damaged cartridges, 
 and to apply to the commanding officer of the Artillery for 
 fresh ones in the lieu of them. 
 
 June the 30'^. We crossed the main body of the Yoxliio 
 Geni, which was about two hundred yards broad and about 
 three feet deej). The advanced guard passed, and took post 
 on the other side, till our Artillery and baggage got over; 
 which was followed by four hundred men who remained on 
 the east side 'till all the baggage had passed. 
 
 We were obliged to encamp about a mile on the west 
 side, where we halted a day to cut a passage over a moun- 
 tain. This day's march did not exceed two miles. 
 
 Part of the flour having been unavoidably damaged by 
 severe rains, the General sent an order to Colonel Dunbar 
 to forward to him with the utmost diligence one hundred 
 carrying horses with flour, and some beeves, with an escort 
 of a Captain and one hundred men. 
 
 Upon this day's halt the men's arms were all drawn and 
 cleaned, and four days provision served to the men that 
 they might prepare a quantity of bread, and dress victuals 
 to carry with them. 
 
 Orders on the West Side of the Yoxhio Geni. 
 
 The men's tents are to be pitched in a single line facing 
 outwards, and no officer is to pitch his tent or have his 
 picket of horses in front of the soldiers tents. And that 
 there may be sufficient room for this, it is the General's 
 order that as soon as the troops come to their ground and 
 the carriages close up, that the commanding officers of each
 
 d4b JOURNALS. 
 
 regiment order their several detacliinents to advance twenty 
 five paces from that part of the hne of carriages which 
 they covered, and there to pitch their tents. No fire upon 
 any account to be lighted in front of the pickets. 
 
 On the first of July, we marched about five miles, but 
 could advance no further by reason of a great swamp 
 which required much work to make it passable. 
 
 On the 2"'^ J^dy, we marched to Jacob's cabin, about 6 
 miles from the camp. A field officer was sent from the 
 line to take the command of the advanced guard, and the 
 disposition thereof was settled according to the annexed 
 plan. 
 
 Orders at Jacob's Cabin. 
 
 No more bell tents are to be fixed : the men are to take 
 their arms into their tents with them ; and an officer of a 
 company is to see at retreat beating that the men fix on 
 their thumb stalls. 
 
 July 3'''^. The swamp being repaired, we marched about 
 six miles to the Salt Lick Creek. ^ S"" John S' Clair pro- 
 posed to the General to halt at this Camp, and to send 
 back all our horses to bring up Colonel Dunbar's detach- 
 ment. 
 
 The General upon this called a council of war consist- 
 ing of 
 
 Colonel S-- Peter Halket, 
 Lieu*. Colonel Gage, Lieu*. Colonel Burton, 
 
 Major Sparks, Major S"- John S* Clair, D. Q. G., 
 
 ' Now known as Jacob's Creek.
 
 JOURNALS. 347 
 
 And informed them of the proposition made to him by S"^ 
 John, and desired their opinions thereof Then the folloAV- 
 insr circumstances Avere considered : 
 
 That the most advanced party of Colonel Dunbar's de- 
 tachment was then at Squawse fort, and the other part a 
 day's march in the rear, from which place with our light 
 detachment we had l:K3en eleven days. And tho' we had 
 met with some delays while the roads were making, yet, 
 when the badness of them was considered, and the number 
 of carriages Colonel Dunbar had with him, it was judged 
 he could not perform the march in less time : 
 
 That the horses could not join him in less than two 
 days : 
 
 That no advantage seemed to accrue from this junction, 
 as the whole, afterwards, could not move together : 
 
 That Colonel Dunbar was unable to spare many men : 
 
 That, besides, he would be more liable to be attacked 
 than at his present distance : 
 
 That the horses through their weak situation were not 
 judged capable of performing it : 
 
 That by the loss of so many days the provision brought 
 with us from Fort Cumberland would have been so near 
 expended, as to have laid us under the necessitj^ of bringing 
 up a convoy, had we met with any opposition at the fort : 
 
 That by these delays the French would have time to 
 receive their reinforcements and provisions, and to entrench 
 themselves, or strengthen the fort, or to avail themselves 
 of the strongest passes to interrupt our march : 
 
 That it was conjectured they had not many Indians or 
 great strengtli at the fort, as they had already permitted
 
 348 JOURNALS. 
 
 US to make many passes wliicli might have been defended 
 by a very few men : 
 
 Upon these considerations, the council were unanimously 
 of opinion not to halt there for Colonel Dunbar, but to pro- 
 ceed the next morning. 
 
 The General sent for the Indian manager, and ordered 
 him to endeavor to prevail with the Indians to go towards 
 the fort for intelligence, which the General had often as- 
 sayed, but could never prevail upon them since the camp 
 at the great Meadows. They now likewise refused, not- 
 withstanding the presents and promises which he constantly 
 made them. 
 
 Orders at Salt Lick Camp. 
 
 The commanding officers of companies are to view their 
 men's arms this evening before retreat beating, and to see 
 them put in the best order. 
 
 At the beating of the assembly to-morrow, all the troops 
 are to load with fresh cartridges. The centinels upon the 
 advanced pickets for the future to be doubled at night, by 
 placing two centinels at every post. 
 
 The officers upon the advanced pickets during the night 
 time are to have half their men constantly under arms with 
 fixed bayonets and to relieve them every two hours ; and 
 the half that is relieved may lye down by their arms, but 
 are not to be suffered to quit their piclcets. 
 
 When the captains of the pickets are not going their 
 rounds, they are to remain at the head of the center picket 
 of that flank which they are appointed to visit. 
 
 Whenever any advanced centinel fires his piece in the
 
 JOURNALS. 349 
 
 night, the captain of the picket of that flank from which 
 the shot is fired is immediately to go a visiting round to 
 that part of the picket, and to send word to the field officer 
 of the occasion of the shot being fired. 
 
 July 4"". We marched about six miles to Thicketty- 
 run ; the country was now less mountainous and rocky, and 
 the woods rather more open, consisting chiefly of white 
 oak.^ 
 
 From this place two of our Indians were prevailed upon 
 to go for intelligence towards the French fort; and also 
 (unknown to them). Gist, the General's guide : 
 
 The Indians returned on the 6'\ and brought in a French 
 officer's scalp, who Avas shooting within half a mile of the 
 fort. They informed the General that they saw very few 
 men there, or tracks ; nor any additional works. That no 
 pass was possest by them between us and the fort, and that 
 they believed very few men were out upon observation. 
 They saw some boats under the fort, and one with a white 
 flag coming down the Ohio. 
 
 Gist returned a little after the same day, whose account 
 corresponded with theirs, except he saw smoke in a valley 
 between our camp and Du Quesne. He had concealed 
 himself with an intent of getting close under the fort in 
 the night, but was discovered and pursued by two Indians, 
 who had very near taken him. 
 
 ' " From the crossing of Jacob's Creek, which was at the point where 
 Welchhansc's Mill now stands, about Ij miles below Mount Pleasant, the 
 route stretched off to the north, crossing the Mount Pleasant turnpike near 
 the village of the same name, and thence, by a more westerly course, pass- 
 ing the Great Sewickley near Painter's Salt Works, thence south and west 
 of the post-office of Madison and Jacksonville, it reached the Brush Fork 
 of Turtle Creek." II. 0. T., 544.
 
 350 JOURNALS. 
 
 At this camp the provisions from Colonel Dunbar with a 
 detachment of a Captain and one hundred men joined us, 
 and we halted here one day. 
 
 On the 6*^ July Ave marched about six miles to Monaka- 
 tuca Camp, which was called so from an unhappy accident 
 that happened upon the march. 
 
 Three or four people loitering in the rear of the Grena- 
 diers were killed by a party of Indians and scalped. Upon 
 hearing the firing, the General sent back the Grenadier 
 companj^, on whose arrival the Indians tied. They were 
 discovered again a little after by our Indians in the front, 
 who were going to fire upon them, but were prevented by 
 some of our out-rangers, who mistaking these our Indians 
 for the enemy, fired upon them and killed Monakatuca's 
 son, notwithstanding they made the agreed countersign, 
 which was holding up a bough and grounding their arms. 
 AVhen we came to our ground, the General sent for the 
 father and the other Indians, condoled with and made 
 them the usual presents, and desired the officers to attend 
 the funeral ; and gave an order to fire over the body. 
 
 This behaviour of the General was so agreeable to the 
 Indians, that they afterwards were more attached to us, 
 quite contrary to our expectations. 
 
 The line of carrying horses extending very often a pro- 
 digious length, it was almost impossible to secure them from 
 insults, tho' they had yet marched without any interrup- 
 tion, every Bat-man having been ordered to carry his fire- 
 lock, and small parties having kept constantly upon the 
 flanks. The disposition of march for these horses had 
 varied almost every day, according to the nature of the
 
 JOURNALS. 351 
 
 country ; but the most common was to let them remain 
 upon the ground an hour after the march of the line, under 
 the guard of a Captain and one hundred men : by which 
 means there was no confusion in leaving the ground, and 
 the horses were much eased. They were now orderVI, 
 when the woods would permit, to march upon the flanks 
 between the subalterns' picket and the line ; but whenever 
 the country was close or rocky, they were then to fall in 
 the rear, and a strong guard marched thither for their 
 securit}^, which was directed to advance or fall back in 
 proportion to the length of the line of carrying horses, 
 taking particular care always to have parties on the flanks. 
 
 Orders at Moxakatuca Camp. 
 
 If it should be ordered to advance the van or send back 
 the rear guard, the advanced parties detached from them 
 are to remain at their posts, facing outwards. 
 
 Whenever there is a general halt, half of each of the 
 subalterns' advanced parties are to remain under arms with 
 fixed bayonets, facing outwards, and the other half may sit 
 down by their arms. 
 
 On the 7'^ July we marched from hence, and quitting 
 the Indian path, endeavored to pass the Turtle Creek about 
 12 miles from the mouth, to avoid the dangerous pass of 
 the narrows. We were led to a precipice which it was 
 impossible to descend. The General ordered S"" John S' 
 Clair to take a captain and one hundred men, with the 
 Indians, guides, and some light horse, to reconnoitre very 
 well the country. In about two hours he returned and 
 informed the General that he had found the rld<j;e which
 
 352 JOURNALS. 
 
 led the whole way to fort Du Quesne, and avoided the nar- 
 rows and Frazier's, but that some work which was to be 
 done would make it impossible to move further that day. 
 We therefore encamped here, and marched the next 
 morning about eight miles to the camp near the Monon- 
 gahela.' 
 
 When we arrived here, S" John S' Clair mentioned (but 
 not to the General), the sending a detachment that night 
 to invest the fort; but being asked whether the distance 
 was not too great to reinforce that detachment in case of 
 an attack, and Avhether it would not be more advisable to 
 make the pass of the Monongaliela or the narrows, which- 
 ever was resolved upon, with our whole force, and then to 
 send the detachment from the next camp, which would be 
 six or seven miles from the fort, S"" John immediately 
 acquiesced, and was of opinion that would be a much more 
 jjrudent measure. 
 
 The guides were sent for, who described the Narrows to 
 be a narrow pass of about two miles, with a river on the 
 left and a very high mountain on the right, and that it 
 would recpiire much rej^air to make it passable by carriages. 
 They said the Monongehela had two extreme good fords, 
 which were very shallow, and the banks not steep. It was 
 therefore resolved to pass this river the next morning, and 
 Lieutenent Colonel Gage was ordered to march before break 
 of day with the two companies of Grenadiers, one hundred 
 
 ' Abandoning thus the passage of the Brush Fork of Turtle Creek, 
 Braddock here turned into the valley of Long Run, near where now is 
 Stewartsville, and encamped on the 8th July at two miles distance from 
 the Monongahela. On the 9th, he followed the valley of Crooked Run to 
 the river.
 
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 JOURNALS. o53 
 
 and sixty rank and file of the 44^^ and 48^'', Captain Gates's 
 independent company, and two six-pounders, with proper 
 guides ; and he w\as instructed to pass the fords of the 
 Monongehela and to take post after the second crossing, to 
 secure the passage of that river. 
 
 S' John S' Chair was ordered to march at 4 of the clock 
 with a detachment of two hundred and fifty men to make 
 the roads for the artillery and baggage, which was to march 
 with the remainder of the troops at five. 
 
 Orders at the Camp near the Moxongahela. 
 
 All the men are to draw and clean their pieces, and the 
 whole are to load to-morrow on the beating of the General 
 with fresh cartridges. 
 
 No tents or baggage are to be taken with Lieutenant 
 Colonel Gage's party. 
 
 July 9*^. The whole marched agreeably to the Orders 
 before mentioned, and about 8 in the morning the General 
 made the first crossing of the Monongahela by passing over 
 about one hundred and fifty men in the front, to whom fol- 
 lowed half the carriages. Another party of one hundred 
 and fifty men headed the second division ; the horses and 
 cattle then passed, and after all the baggage was over, the 
 remaining troops, which till then possessed the heights, 
 marched over in good order. 
 
 The General ordered a halt, and the w^hole formed in 
 their proper line of march. 
 
 When we had moved aljout a mile, the General received 
 a note from Lieutenant Colonel Gage acquainting him with 
 23
 
 354 JOURNALS. 
 
 his having passed the river without any interruptionj and 
 having posted himself agreeably to his orders. 
 
 When we got to the other crossing, the bank on the 
 opposite side not being yet made passable, the artillery and 
 baggage drew up along the beach, and halted 'till one, when 
 tlie General passed over the detachment of the 44"', with 
 the pickets of the right. The artillery waggons and carry- 
 ing horses followed ; and then the detachment of the 48*^, 
 with the left pickets, which had been posted during the 
 halt upon the heights. 
 
 When the whole had passed, the General again halted, 
 till they formed according to the annexed plan. 
 
 It w^as now near two o'clock, and the advanced party 
 under Lieutenant Colonel Gage and the working party 
 under S'' John S* Clair were ordered to march on 'till three. 
 No sooner were the pickets upon their respective flanks, 
 and the word given to march, but we heard an excessive 
 quick and heavy firing in the front. The General ima- 
 gining the advanced parties were very warmly attacked, 
 and beino; willino; to free himself from the incumbrance of 
 the baggage, order'd Lieutenant Colonel Burton to reinforce 
 them with the vanguard, and the line to halt. According 
 to this disposition, eight hundred men were detached from 
 the line, free from all embarrassments, and four hundred 
 were left for the defence of the Artillery and baggage, 
 posted in such a manner as to secure them from any attack 
 or insults. 
 
 The General sent forward an Aid de Camp to bring him 
 an account of the nature of attack, but the fire continuing, 
 he moved forward himself, leaving S"" Peter Halkct with the
 
 ' jr^iiT y*'i7.-.5. 
 
 I !'..■".( ^' 
 A J.lnii>.:.t i:h„„i, .<r3<li> m^n 
 
 
 r: .:,njint.l.l..i.- uilli 111.- 
 X-.,/. tlhl V.rJle.
 
 JOURNALS. 355 
 
 command of the baggage. The advanced detachments soon 
 gave wa}' and fell back upon Lieutenant Colonel Burton's 
 detachment, Avho was forming his men to face a rising 
 ground upon the right. The whole were now got together 
 in great confusion, Tlie colours were advanced in different 
 places, to separate the men of the two regiments. The 
 General ordered the officers to endeavour to form the 
 men, and to tell them off into small divisions and to 
 advance with them ; but neither entreaties nor threats 
 could prevail. 
 
 The advanced flank parties, which were left for the 
 security of the baggage, all but one ran in. The baggage 
 was then warml}^ attacked ; a great many horses, and some 
 drivers were killed ; the rest escaped by flight. Two of 
 the cannon flanked the baggage, and for some time kept 
 the Indians off: the other cannon, which were disposed of 
 in the best manner and fired away most of their ammuni- 
 tion, were of some service, but the spot being so woody, 
 they could do little or no execution. 
 
 The enemy had spread themselves in such a manner, 
 that they extended from front to rear, and fired upon every 
 part. 
 
 The place of action was covered with large trees, and 
 much underwood upon the left, without any opening but 
 the road, which was about twelve foot wide. At the dis- 
 tance of about two hundred yards in front and upon the 
 right were two rising grounds covered with trees. 
 
 When the General found it impossible to persuade them 
 to advance, and no enemy appeared in view ; and never- 
 theless a vast number of officers were killed, by exposing 
 
 L
 
 356 JOURNALS. 
 
 themselves before the men ; he endeavored to retreat them 
 in good order; but the panick was so great that he could 
 not succeed. During this time they Avere loading as fast 
 as possible and firing in the air. At last Lieutenant Colonel 
 Burton got together about one hundred of the 48tli regi- 
 ment, and prevailed upon them, by the General's order, to 
 follow liim towards the rising ground on the right, but he 
 being disabled by his wounds, they faced about to the right, 
 and returned. 
 
 Wlien the men had fired away all their ammunition and 
 the General and most of the ofiicers were wounded, they *>, 
 by one common consent left the field, running off with the 
 greatest precipitation. About fifty Indians pursued us to ' 
 the river, and killed several men in the passage. The offi- 
 cers used all possible endeavours to stop the men, and to 
 prevail upon them to rally; but a great number of them 
 threw away their arms and ammunition, and even their 
 cloaths, to escape the faster. 
 
 About a quarter of a mile on the other side the river, 
 we prevailed upon near one hundred of them to take post 
 upon a very advantageous spot, about two hundred yards 
 from the road. Lieutenant Colonel Burton posted some 
 small parties and centinels. We intended to have kept 
 possession of that ground, 'till we could have been rein- 
 forced. Tlie General and some wounded officers remained 
 there about an hour, till most of the men run off". From 
 that place, the General sent M' Washington to Colonel 
 Dunbar with orders to send waggons for the wounded, some 
 provision, and hospital stores; to be escorted by two 
 youngest Grenadier companies, to meet him at Gist's plan-
 
 JOURNALS. 357 
 
 tation, or nearer, if possible. It was found impracticable 
 to remain here, as the General and officers were left almost 
 alone ; we therefore retreated in the best manner we were 
 able. After we had passed the Monongahela the second 
 time, we were joined by Lieutenant Colonel Gage, who had 
 rallied near 80 men. We marched all that night, and the 
 next day, and about ten o'clock that night we got to Gist's 
 plantation. 
 
 Gist's Plantation. 
 
 July 11*^. Some waggons, provisions, and hospital stores 
 arrived. As soon as the wounded were dressed, and the 
 men had refreshed themselves, we retreated to Colonel Dun- 
 bar's Camp, which was near Rock Fort. The General sent 
 a Serjeant's party back with provision to be left on the road 
 on the otlier side of the Yoxliio Geni for the refreshment 
 of any men who might have lost their way in the woods. 
 Upon our arrival at Colonel Dunbar's camp, we found it in 
 the greatest confusion. Some of his men had gone off upon 
 hearing of our defeat, and the rest seemed to have forgot 
 all discipline. Several of our detachment had not stopped 
 'till they had reached this camp. 
 
 It was found necessary to clear some waggons for the 
 wounded, many of whom were in a desperate situation ; 
 and as it was impossible to remove the stores, the How- 
 itzer shells, some twelve pound shot, powder, and provi- 
 sion, were destroyed or buried. 
 
 July 13"". We marched from hence to the Camp, near 
 the great Meadows, where the General died. 
 
 I
 
 358 JOURNALS. 
 
 GENERAL COURT MARTIALS. 
 
 Alexandria. 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel Gage, President. 
 The prisoner ordered one thousand lashes, but part of 
 punishment remitted. 
 
 Fort Cumberland. 
 12tli May. Major SiKirhs, President. 
 Luke Woodward, of the 48*^ regiment, condemned to 
 dje, but pardoned.^ 
 
 Several other prisoners sentenced to corporal punishment, 
 but part of them remitted. 
 
 2iith May. Lieutenant Colonel Gage, President. 
 The punishments put in execution, all corporal ones. 
 
 26^/i May. S'' Peter Halkef, President. 
 To try Lieutenant M^Leod, of the Artillery.^ 
 Part of the sentence remitted. 
 
 od June. Major Sparhs, President. 
 The punishments put in execution, all corporal ones. 
 [End of Orme's Journal.] 
 
 ' The pardou seems to have made little impression on this fellow. He 
 had been enlisted by Captain Poison, at Shippcnsburg, and was drafted 
 into Captain Mercer's company of the 48th. Deserting a second time from 
 Dunbar's camp, he was not retaken on 6th Sept., 1755. Penn. Gaz., 
 No. 1394. 
 
 ^ William McLeod was made a captain of the Royal Hcgiment of Artil- 
 lery, Oct. 21st, 1758, which position he held in 1703. In 1705, his name 
 docs not appear on the register.
 
 COPY OF A DOCUMENT 
 
 GIVEN BY CAPTAIN HEWITT, E. N., TO HIS FRIEND CAP- 
 TAIN HENRY GAGE MORRIS, R. N., WHOSE FATHER 
 WAS AN AIDE DE CAMP WITH WASHINGTON TO MAJOR 
 GENERAL BRADDOCK IN THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 Wi7ichester, 9th Juhj^ 1827. 
 
 From Alexandria to the Little Meadows by this Journal 
 216 miles. 
 
 [I do not know who was the author of this Journal : possibly ho may 
 have been of the family of Capt. Hewitt. He was clearly one of the naval 
 officers detached for this service by Com. Keppel, whom' sickness detained 
 at Fort Cumberland during the expedition. There are two documents from 
 which the ensuing pages are printed. The first, which is the text followed 
 here, appears to have been a revised copy of the second. It is in the pos- 
 session of the Rev. Francis-Orpen Morris, Nunburnholmc Rectory, York- 
 shire, to whose father it was given by Capt. Hewitt. The other and perhaps 
 the original journal is written in a looser and less particular style, and in 
 point of extent is inferior to its companion. It is preserved in the library 
 at Woolwich. W^hat passages of this latter document have seemed to the 
 Editor to differ from the former iu any degree save of a clerical error, are 
 appended by way of notes; which are distinguished from his own by alpha- 
 betical instead of numeral references, and by being enclosed witliin brackets. 
 For the rest, so far as the lesser MS. goes, its language is so similar to that 
 
 (359)
 
 360 
 
 JOURNAI. S, 
 
 General Braddock was 22 days marching from the little 
 Meadows to the fatal Monongahela river, Avliich appears to 
 be within eight miles of the French fort Dii Quesne, with- 
 out a single Indian in his Army, or the least suspicion of 
 falling into an ambush, although he was in a country, of 
 all the Globe, the most adapted for one to encounter an 
 enemy whose mode of fighting is confined to that 
 method. 
 
 List of those Officers that were jyresent and of them that teas 
 JciUed and wounded in the action on the hanks of y"- Monon- 
 gohela River, ?/* 9 th July, 1755. 
 
 Officers' Names. 
 
 Eank. 
 
 Killed or Wounded. 
 
 His ExcellencyEdward 
 
 General and comm'' in 
 
 Died of his wounds on 
 
 Braddock, Escf 
 
 chief. 
 
 the 12th. 
 
 Robert Orme, Escf '^ 
 
 
 
 Roger Morris, Esq"" 1 
 
 ^Viu de Camps. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 Ueorge vV asnington, ' 
 Escf ^ 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 William Shirley, Esq'' 
 
 Secretary. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Sir John Sinclair, Bart. 
 
 py. Q^ M^ G\ 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 M.Leslie, Escf ' 
 
 G\ Assist, do. 
 
 a 
 
 Eras. Halkett, Esq^.. 
 
 Major Brigade. 
 
 
 of the greater as would render its publication here a mere repetition. It is 
 proper to add that in the summer of 1854 (and since the advertisement of 
 this volume), the Journal in the possession of the Rev. Mr. Morris was 
 published in pamphlet form by him for a charitable end : (Lond. Groom- 
 bridge & Sons, 8vo, pp. 10).] 
 
 ' Lieut. Matthew Leslie of the 44th : promoted to a captaincy, 29 Sept. 
 1760.
 
 JOURNALS, 
 
 361 
 
 LIST OF OYFICFMS — Cant uiucd. 
 
 4:4:^^ Refjiment. 
 
 Officers' Names. 
 
 Rauk. 
 
 Killed or Wounded. 
 
 Sir Peter Halkett 
 
 Gage, Esq'" 
 
 Tattou 
 
 Hobson ' 
 
 Colonel. 
 Lieut. Colonel. 
 Captain, 
 a 
 
 u 
 li 
 
 Lieutenant. 
 li 
 
 11 
 
 a 
 
 11 
 il 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 li 
 
 Ensign. 
 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 li 
 11 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Slightly wounded. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 11 
 
 Wounded. 
 li 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 Died of his wounds. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 il 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 Killed. 
 
 (I 
 
 Beckworth- 
 
 Githius 
 
 Falconer ^ 
 
 Sittler 
 
 Kailcy 
 
 Dunbar'' 
 
 Potten O'er 
 
 Halkett 
 
 Treby 
 
 Allen^ 
 
 Simpson 
 
 Lock« 
 
 Disney^ 
 
 Kennedy* 
 
 Townsend 
 
 Preston 
 
 Clarke 
 
 Nortlow 
 
 Pennino'ton^ 
 
 
 ' In the Army Hegister for 1765, Thomas Hobson ranks as a lieutenant 
 of the 44th from 5 Nov. 1755. This and other instances authorize us to sup- 
 pose that the above list was made rather from memory than authentic records. 
 
 ^ John Beckwith : major of the 54th, 18 July, 1758 : lieut.-col. in the 
 line, 13 Jan. 1762. 
 
 ' Thomas Falconer : captain of the 44th, 5 Nov. 1755. 
 
 ■• For an anecdote of Capt. Dunbar, see XVIII. Sparks's Am. Biog., 11. 
 
 ^ This may be a mistake. In 1765, James Allen was a lieut. of the 
 44th; and though his commission dates but from 9 Nov. 1755, it is as old 
 as those of many others who were in the action. 
 
 '^ Robert Lock : lieut. of 44th, 27 June, 1755, which rank he held ten 
 years after. 
 
 ' Daniel Disney : capt. in the line, 4 Oct. 17G0 ; of the 44th, 22 Sept. 
 1764; major in the line, 7 Aug. 1776; of the 38th (which regiment he 
 accompanied to America), 10 March, 1777. 
 
 * Primrose Kennedy : lieut. of the 44th, 6th June, 1757 ; capt. 15 May, 
 1772. In 1778, he seems to have been with his regiment in America. 
 
 ® George Penington : a lieut. of the 44th, 6 June, 1755. When he
 
 362 
 
 JOURNALS. 
 
 LIST OF OFFICERS — Continued. 
 
 48*^ Rerjiment. 
 
 Officers' Names. 
 
 Bank. 
 
 Killed or Wounded. 
 
 Burton Esq"" 
 
 Lieut. Col. 
 
 Major. 
 
 Captain. 
 
 11 
 
 11 
 
 li 
 
 Lieut. 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 
 Ensign, 
 a 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 
 " 
 
 Slightly wounded. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Wounded. 
 (( 
 
 Killed. 
 
 (( 
 11 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 11 
 
 Killed. 
 
 11 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 11 
 11 
 11 
 
 Sparks Esci"" 
 
 
 
 35owyer Esc| "" 
 
 
 Barbutt Epq"" 
 
 "Walsliam, Esq"" 
 
 Crymble Esq'' 
 
 ^Vidiuan E'^ci'' 
 
 
 Gladwin, Esq''" 
 
 Hothaui, Esq"" 
 
 Edmonstone, Esq'^... 
 ( 'nr>f> Esfi'' 
 
 Brereton, Esq"" 
 
 Stuart Esq'" 
 
 ^lontresore * 
 
 Dunbar 
 
 Harrison 
 
 Colcbatt 
 
 Macniullcn 
 
 
 Stirlino"^ 
 
 
 arrived at Philadelphia, after the fight, he sought out the residence of Ed- 
 ward Penington, a leading merchant there, with whom he claimed kindred 
 and resided until his regiment marched for Albany. He was probably of 
 the Dysart family. 
 
 ' Ptobert Pioss : liout-col. in the line, 6 Jan. 1762 ; of 48th, 2 Sept. 1702. 
 
 ^ Henry Gladwyn, who achieved great distinction in the remainder of the 
 war, was made It. -col. 17 Sept. 1763, and Deputy Adjutant General in 
 America. His gallant defence of Detroit against Pontiac and his Icaguering 
 hordes is familiar to the reader in the pages of Park man. He was made a 
 colonel, 49 Aug. 1777; and maj.-gen. Nov. 26, 1782. 
 
 ^ William Edmcstonc : capt. in the 48th, 23 March, 1758; It.-col. in the 
 line, 29 Aug., 1777 ; and in Oct. 1777, was major of the 48th, and a 
 pri.soncr of war at Easton, Pa. 
 
 ■* John Montresor : It. in the 48th, 4 July, 1755. 
 
 ^ Among the officers of the 48th who were left with Dunbar, and there-
 
 JOURNALS. 
 
 LIST OF OYFlGEnS — Cant uiucd. 
 
 48"^ Regiment. 
 Independents. 
 
 Officers' Names. 
 
 Kank. 
 
 Killed or AA'ounded. 
 
 Gates 
 
 Captain. 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 (( 
 
 Wounded. 
 Killed. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 a 
 
 Sumain 
 
 Miller 
 
 Ha worth 
 
 Grey 
 
 Virginia Officers. 
 
 Stevens 
 
 Captain. 
 
 u 
 
 <i 
 u 
 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 (( 
 
 u 
 u 
 u 
 a 
 a 
 
 Wounded. 
 Killed. 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 Wounded. 
 Killed. 
 
 Wa o-o-oner 
 
 Poison 
 
 Perinie 
 
 Stewart' 
 
 Hamilton- 
 
 Woodward'' 
 
 Wright" 
 
 Spidolf= 
 
 Stewart'' 
 
 Wa "'goner ^ 
 
 M'NeaP 
 
 
 fore do not find a place in this list, were Capts. Gabriel Christie (afterwards 
 It.-col. of the 60th in 1775), Mercer, Morris, and Boyer; Ca])t. Lieut. 
 Morris, and Lts. Savage, Caulder, and Hart. (Penn. Gaz., No. lo94.) 
 
 ' Piobert Stewart; commissioned 1 Nov. 1754. Of his 29 light horse, 
 25 were killed in the action. See Penn. Gaz., No. 1391 : where it is justly 
 observed that "the Virginia officers and troops behaved like men and died 
 like soldiers I" 
 
 ^ John Hamilton : commissioned Nov. 2, 1754. 
 
 ^ Henry Woodward : commissioned Dec. 13, 1754. 
 
 ■* John Wright: commissioned Nov. IS, 1754. 
 
 ^ Ensign Carolus Gustavus de Spiltdorph : commissioned July 21, 1754. 
 I follow Washington's orthography, under whom he served in 1754. He 
 was the officer selected to escort to Virginia the prisoners captured in 
 Jumonville's affair. 
 
 * Ensign Walter Stewart : commissioned Aug. 25, 1754. I apprehend 
 him to have been the same who was an additional lieutenant in the 44th 
 during the war, retiring on half-pay in 1763 ; and who afterwards was con- 
 spicuous in our Army of the Revolution. 
 
 ' Ensign Edmond Waggener: commissioned Jan. 1, 1755. 
 
 « If this was Lt. John M'Neill (Nov. 1, 1754), or Ensign Hector M'Neill 
 (Dec. 12, 1754), I do not know.
 
 364 
 
 JOURNALS. 
 
 LIST OF OFFICERS — Co»/i»u«7. 
 
 48^'^ Regiment. 
 Artillery. 
 
 Officers' Names. 
 
 Kank. 
 
 Killed or AVoundcd. 
 
 Orde' 
 
 Smitli 
 
 Buchanan^ 
 
 M'Cloud 
 
 Captain. 
 Capt. Lieut. 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 Killed. 
 Wounded. 
 
 M'Culler 
 
 
 Engineers. 
 
 M'Keller, Esq-* ) 
 
 Williamson, Esq'"'... V 
 Gordon, Esq--^ ) 
 
 Engineers. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 u 
 
 ' Thomas Orde in 1759 became It.-col. of the R. R. of Artillery. He 
 ■was an excellent officer, and stood high in Cumberland's esteem, by whom 
 he was especially selected for this service. Landing in Newfonndland, he 
 hastened to take command of Braddock's artillery, arriving from New York 
 at Philadelphia, June 7, 1755. (IT. P. A., 346.) He was accompanied 
 by 13 non-commissioned officers; and was in such an enfeebled condition as 
 to render his joining the army a work of much difficulty. The Assembly's 
 committee not feeling themselves called upon to provide conveniences for 
 his journey, Mr. Morris was compelled to procure him a horse and chaise 
 at his own cost; at the same time issuing a warrant of impressment for 
 waggons for the rest of the party. (lb. 356, 358. VI. C. R., 417.) Capt. 
 Orde took a conspicuous part in his line of service during the rest of the 
 war. 
 
 ^ Sir Fr. Ja. Buchanan : capt. 1 Jan. 1759. 
 
 ^ Patrick Mackellar : Sub-Director and Major of Engineers, 4 Jan. 1758; 
 Director and It.-col. 2 Feb. 1775; col. in the line, 29 Aug. 1777. 
 
 ■• Adam Williamson : Engineer Extraordinary and capt. lieut. 4 Jan. 
 1758. 
 
 ^ Harry Gordon: Engineer in Ordinary and captain, 4 Jan. 1758; It.- 
 col. in the line, 29 Aug. 1777.
 
 JOURNALS, 
 
 365 
 
 LIST OF OFFICE'RS — Contmued. 
 
 4:8''' Becjiment. 
 Naval Officers. 
 
 Officers' Names. 
 
 Rauk. 
 
 Killed or Wounded. 
 
 Spendelowe 
 
 Hayncs 
 
 Lieutenant. 
 
 Mid. 
 
 a 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Talbot 
 
 Volunteers. 
 
 Stone 
 
 Captain. 
 
 Killed. 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 Ha3'er ' 
 
 Captain Stone was a captain in Lascelle's, and Ha^^er in 
 
 Warburton's Regiment. 
 
 ^ Mr. Morris prints this name Flayer. 
 
 ' Those were the 45th and 47th rcg'ts. The late venerable Bishop White 
 well remembered the corpse of one of Braddock's officers being brought to 
 Philadelphia after the battle, where it lay in state for some days at the old 
 Norris or Pcnn House at the corner of Second St. and Norris's Alley.
 
 366 JOURNALS 
 
 (a.) A Journal of the proceedings of the Seamen {a detuch- 
 ment), ordered hy Commodore Kepi^el. to assist on a late 
 expedition to the Oldo^ from the 10^^ of Apr U, 1755, when 
 they received their first orders from the Army at Alexan- 
 dria in Virginia, to the 18"' day of August following, 
 ichen the remaining part of tJte Detachment arrived on 
 hoard His Majesty's ship) ^^ Garland'' at Hampton : icith 
 an impartial account of the action that ]iap>pened on the 
 hanlcs of the Monongohela, and defecd of Major Ge?ie7rd 
 Braddoch on the 9*^ of July, 1755. (?>.) 
 
 April 10"', 1755. Moderate and fair but sultry weather; 
 to-day we received orders to march tomorrow morning, and 
 6 Companies of Sir Peter Halket's Regiment to march in 
 their way to Wills's Creek. 
 
 (fl.) Here begins the lesser MS., previously referred to, as follows : 
 [Journal of M. General Braddock's March, &c., towards Fort Du Quesne, 
 
 1755. 
 
 Kamcs of the Princqml French and Canailian Officers. 
 
 Mods'". Beaujeu Captain Commanding the French and Canadians. 
 
 Mons"". Dumas Captain and Second in command. 
 
 Mons*". Derligniris Captain. 
 
 Mons"". Montigny Captain. 
 
 Messieurs Moutesamble, Normanville, &c., &c., subalterns. 
 
 The Canadians say, 600 savages joined the French and Canadians after 
 
 the Attack began two hours. 
 
 F. M., Montreal, 1769.] 
 
 (6.) [Extracts from a Journal of the Proceedings of the Detachment of 
 Seamen, ordered by Commodore Kepple, to assist on the late Expedition 
 to the Ohio, with an impartial Account of the late Action on the Banks 
 of the Monongohela the 0th of July, 1755; as related by some of the 
 Principal Officers that day in the Field, from the lOth April, 1755, to 
 the 18th August, when tlic Detachment of Seamen embarked on board Ilis 
 Majesty's ship Guarland at Hampton in Virginia.]
 
 JOURNALS. 367 
 
 April 11"\ Our orders were countermanded, and to 
 provide ourselves with 8 days provisions, and to proceed to 
 Rock Creek, 8 miles from Alexandria, in the Sea Horse 
 and Nightingale's boats tomorrow. 
 
 On the 12"', agreeably to our orders we proceeded and 
 arrived at Rock Creek at 10 o'clock. This place is 5 
 miles from the lower falls of Potomack, and 4 from the 
 eastern branch of it. Here our men got quarters, and wo 
 pitched our tents : found here Colonel Dunbar, whose orders 
 we put ourselves under. 
 
 On the 13'^'': — We were employed in getting the Regi- 
 mental Stores into Waggons, in order to march tomorrow : 
 This is a pleasant situation, but provisions and everything 
 dear. 
 
 On the 14th: — We began our march at G, and were 
 ordered with our Detachment to go in front, and about 2 
 o'clock at one Lawrence Owens, 15 miles from Rock Creek, 
 and 8 miles from the upper flxlls of Potomack ; and en- 
 camped upon good ground. 
 
 On the 15^^: — Marched at 5 in our way to one Dow- 
 den's a Public-house 15 miles from Owen's, and encamped 
 upon very bad ground on the side of a hill. We got our 
 tents pitched by dark, when the wind shifted from the 
 South to the North — from a sultry hot day it became 
 excessively cold, and rained with thunder and lightning 
 till about 5 in the morning, when in 10 minutes it changed 
 to snow, which in 2 hours covered the ground a foot and a 
 half.
 
 368 JOURNALS. 
 
 Oil the IG"' : — On account of the bad weather, we halted 
 to-day, though a terrible place, for we could neither get pro- 
 visions for ourselves, nor fodder for our horses, and as it 
 was wet in the Camp it was very disagreeable, and no house 
 to go into. 
 
 On the 17'^ : — Marched at 6 on our way to Frederick's 
 Town, 15 miles from Dowden's ; the roads this day were 
 very mountainous. After going 11 miles, we came to a 
 river called Mouskiso, which empties itself into the Poto- 
 mack; it runs very rapid, and after hard rain is 13 feet 
 deep : we ferried the Army over here in a flatt for that 
 purpose, and at 3 o'clock arrived at the town, and put our 
 men and ourselves into quarters, which were very indif- 
 ferent. This town has not been settled above 7 years, and 
 there are about 200 houses and 2 churches, one English, 
 one Dutch ; the inhabitants, chiefly Dutch, are industrious 
 but imposing people : here we got plenty of provisions and 
 forage. 
 
 On the 18^^ : — At 10 the drums beat to arms, when the 
 Army encamped at the North end of the town, upon good 
 ground : we got our tents pitched and lay in the camp, and 
 the Sutler dieted us here : orders came for us to buy horses 
 to carry our baggage, as there will be no more waggons 
 allowed us. We found here an Independent Vessel belong- 
 ing to New York under the command of Captain Goss. 
 
 On the 19"' : — The weather here is very hot in the day, 
 but the nights are very unwholesome, occasioned by heavy 
 dews.
 
 JOURNALS. 369 
 
 On the 20"': — A guard turned out to receive the 
 General. 
 
 On the 21'*: — At noon the General arrived here at- 
 tended by Captains Orme and Morris ' his Aids de Camp, 
 and Secretary Shirley, and went to the Head Quarters, a 
 house provided for hitn ; and Sir John St. Clair arrived 
 here. 
 
 ' Roger 3Iorris, descended from one of the most ancient families in Bri- 
 tain, was born 28 Jan., 1727. At an early age adopting the profession of 
 arms, he obtained a captaincy in the 17th Foot -when but 17 years old. 
 After Braddock's defeat, he continued to serve with reputation in America; 
 and married, 19 Jan., 1758, Mary, daughter of Frederick PLilipse, of New 
 York ; a great heii-ess, who is said to have been unsuccessfully wooed by 
 Washington, and whose character is beautifully drawn by Cooper in the 
 heroine of " The Spy." It affords a curious speculation to consider how 
 circumstances might have moulded the future career of the Father of his 
 Country had his lot been linked with that of Mary Philipse instead of 
 Martha Custis. The landed possessions of the Philipse family were enor- 
 mous, embracing much of the site of the city of New York, and coverinnf 
 an area twice as great as all Yorkbhire. 3Iorris continued to reside in New 
 York, where he occupied a seat in the Council, till the breaking out of the 
 Revolution. Adhering to the Crown, his estates and those of Lis wife 
 were confiscated, anil he returned to England. By a marriage contract, 
 however, Mrs. Morris's prop3rty had been settled on her children, and these 
 being omitted in the act of confiscation, the ministry conceived their rights 
 remained unaffecteJ. Therefore but £17,000 were granted from the trea- 
 sury to Mr. Morris iu satisfaction of his life-interest. After the peace, it 
 was f nin 1 impracticable to reinstate the children in their possessions, and 
 iu ISOO their claims were purchased by the late Mr. John Jacob Astor for 
 £20,000. The estimated value of the property in question was then nearly 
 £1,000,000; at this day, the sum would be incalculable. On 19 May, 1760, 
 Morris was made Lieutenant-Colonel of the 47th Foot, and died 13 Sept., 
 1794. His widow, who was born 5 July, 1730, survived to 18 July, 1825. 
 Their only surviving son was the late Admiral Ilcury Gage Morris, R. N., 
 of Keldgate House, Yorkshire. Colonel Morris is sometimes confounded 
 with his cousin, Lieutenant-Colonel Roger Morris, of the Coldstreams, an 
 intimate of the Duke of York, under whose command he fell in Holland. 
 
 24
 
 370 JOURNALS. 
 
 On the 24^^: — Very liard showers of rain, and from 
 being very hot became excessively cold and blew hard. 
 
 On the 25th : — Received orders to be ready to march 
 on Tuesday next. Arrived here 80 recruits and some 
 ordnance stores. 
 
 On the 27^^: — We sent 3 of our men to the hospital, 
 viz*., John Philips, Edw'^ Knowles and James Connor. Em- 
 ployed in getting ready to march. 
 
 On the 29"': — We began our march at C, but found 
 much difficulty in loading our baggage, so that we left 
 several things behind us, particularly the men's hammocks. 
 We arrived at 3 o'clock at one Walker's, 18 miles from 
 Frederick, and encamped there on good ground ; this day 
 we passed the South Ridge or Shannandah Mountains, 
 very easy in the ascent. We saw plenty of Hares, Deer, 
 and Partridges : This place is wanting of all refreshments. 
 
 On the 30"': — At 6, marched in our way to Conneco- 
 chieg, where we arrived at 2 o'clock, IG miles from Walk- 
 er's : this is a fine situation, close by the Potomack. We 
 found the Artillery Stores going by water to Wills's Creek, 
 and left 2 of our men here. 
 
 May 1'*, 1755. At 5, we went with our people, and 
 began ferrying the Army &c. into Virginia, which we com- 
 pleted by 10 o'clock, and marched in our waj^ to one John 
 Evans, where we arrived at 3 o'clock — 17 miles from Con- 
 necochieg, and 20 from Winchester. We got some provi-
 
 JOURNALS. 371 
 
 sloiis and forage here. The roads now begin to be very 
 indifferent. 
 
 On the 2°'^ : — As it is customary in the Army to halt a 
 day after 3 days march, we halted to-day to rest the 
 Army." 
 
 On the 3"': — Marched at 5 on our way to one Widow 
 Barringer's, 18 miles from Evans: this day was so exces- 
 sively hot that several officers and many men could not 
 get on till the evening, but the body got to their ground at 
 3 o'clock. This is 5 miles from Winchester, a fine station 
 if properly cleared. 
 
 On the l*"" : — Marched at 5 in our way to one Potts — 
 9 miles from the Widow's — where we arrived at 10 o'clock. 
 The road this day very bad : we got some wild turkeys 
 here : in the night it came to blow hard at N. W. 
 
 On the r5"' : — Marched at 5 in our w^ay to one Henry 
 Enock's, being 16 miles from Potts, where we arrived at 2 
 o'clock. The road this day over prodigious mountains, and 
 between the same we crossed over a run of water 20 times 
 in 3 miles distance. After going 15 miles we came to a 
 river called Kahapetin, where our men ferried the Army 
 over and got to our ground, where we found a company of 
 Peter Halket's encamped. 
 
 On the 6th : — We halted this day to refresh the Army."^ 
 
 " [May 2""^ : — Halted, and sent the horses to grass.] 
 
 ^ [May 5'": — Marched to Mr. Henry Enock's, a place called the forks 
 of Cape Capon. * * * 
 
 May Gth. Halted, as was the Custom to do so every third day. The 
 Officers, for passing away the time, made Horse Races, and agreed that no 
 Horse should run over 11 Hands and to carry 14 Stone.]
 
 372 JOURNALS. 
 
 7'^: — We marched at Sin our way to one Cox's,' 12 
 miles from Enoclv's. This morning was very cold hut by 
 10 o'clock it was prodigiously hot. We crossed another 
 run of water 19 times in 2 miles, and got to our ground at 
 2 o'clock, and encamped close to the Potomack. 
 
 On the 8"": — We began to ferry the Army over the 
 river into Maryland, Avhicli was completed at 10, and 
 then we marched on our way to one Jackson's, 8 miles from 
 Cox's. At noon it rained very hard and continued so till 
 2 o'clock, when we got to our ground, and encamped on 
 the banks of the Potomack. A fme situation, with a good 
 deal of clear ground about it. Here lives one Colonel Cres- 
 sop, a Rattle Snake Colonel, and a vile Rascal;" calls him- 
 self a Frontier man, as he thinks he is situated nearest the 
 Ohio of any inhabitants of the country, and is one of the 
 Ohio Company. He had a summons some time ago to 
 retire from the Settlement, as they said it belonged to 
 
 ' I take this person to be the same alluded to iu tlie following paragraph : 
 " There has a strange affair happened in Virginia : one Cox, which, you 
 may remember by the Gazettes, behaved gallantly against the Indians some 
 time ago, and another person, thinking their services not taken pro}x;r 
 notice of, dressed themselves up like Indians and attacked a house a few 
 miles from Winchester. The in-dwellers were so fortunate as to escape, 
 altho' Cox and his partner fired on them several times. An OtEcer, being 
 informed that the house was attacked by the Indians, sent a detachment to 
 pursue the Enemy, who, finding tracks, pursued by them until they came 
 near the place where the fellows, Cox and the other, were sitting by a fire ; 
 fired on them — killed Cox on the spot and wounded the other so mortally 
 that he had scarce time before his departure to disclose who they were." 
 David Jameson to Lieutenant-Colonel Burd. Philadelphia, April 25, 1758. 
 (Shippcn iNISS.) 
 
 ' [There lives Colonel Cressop, a Rattle Snake Colonel and a D d 
 
 Rascal. J
 
 JOURNALS. 373 
 
 them, but lie refused, as be doiit want resolution; and for 
 bis defence bas built a log fort round his house. This 
 place is the track of the Indians and Warriors when they 
 go to war, either to the Northward or Soutlnvard. There 
 we got plenty of provisions, &c., and at G, the General 
 arrived here with his Attendants, and a Company of Light 
 Horse for bis guard, and lay at Cressop's. As this was a 
 wet day, the General ordered the Army to halt tomorrow. 
 
 On the 10"': — Marched at 5 on our way to Will's Creek,- 
 IG miles from Cressop's; the road this day very pleasant 
 by the water side. At 12 the General passed by, the 
 drums beating the Grenadier March. At 1 we halted and 
 formed a circle, when Colonel Dunbar told the Army that 
 as there were a number of Indians at Will's Creek, our 
 Friend.-!, it was the General's positive orders that they do 
 not molest them, or have anything to say to them, directly 
 or indirectly, for fear of affronting them. We marched 
 again, and heard 17 guns fired at the Fort to salute the 
 General. At 2 we arrived at Will's Creek, and encamped 
 to the Westward of the Fort on a hill, and found here 6 
 Companies of Sir Peter Halket's Reg*., 9 Companies of 
 Virginians, and a Maryland Company. Fort Cumberland 
 is situated within 200 yards of Will's Creek, on a hill, 
 and about 400 from the Potomack ; its length from east 
 to west is about 200 3'ards, and breadth 4G yards, and 
 is built by logs driven into the ground, and about 12 feet 
 above it, with embrasures for 12 guns, and 10 mounted, 
 4 pounders, besides stocks for swivels, and loop holes for 
 small arms. We found here Indian men, women and chil-
 
 374 JOURNALS. 
 
 dren, to the number of about 100, who were greatly sur- 
 prised at the regular way of our soldiers marching, and 
 the numbers. I would willingly say something of the cus- 
 toms and manners of the Indians, but they are hardly to 
 be described. The men are tall, well made, and active, 
 but not strong, but very dexterous with a rifle barrelled 
 gun, and their tomahawk, which they will throw with 
 great certainty at any mark and at a great distance.- The 
 women are not so tall as the men, but well made and have 
 many children, but had many more before spirits were 
 introduced to them. They paint themselves in an odd 
 manner, red, yellow, and black intermixed. And the men 
 have the outer rim of their ears cut, wliich only hangs by 
 a bit top and bottom, and have a tuft of bair left at the 
 top of their heads, which is dressed with feathers. Their 
 watch coat is their chief clothing, which is a thick blanket 
 thrown all round them, and wear moccasins instead of 
 shoes, which are Deer skin, thrown round the ankle and 
 foot. Their manner of carrying their inftints is odd. They 
 are laid on a board, and tied on with a broad bandage, with 
 a place to rest their feet on, and a board over their head to 
 keep the sun off, and are slung to the women's backs. 
 These people have no notion of religion, or any sort of 
 Superior being, as I take them to be the most ignorant 
 people as to the knowledge of the world and other things. 
 In the day they were in our Camp, and in the night they 
 go into their own, where they dance and make a most hor- 
 rible noise. 
 
 On the 11''' : — Orders that the General's Levee be .always 
 in his tent from 10 to 11 every day.
 
 JOURNALS. 375 
 
 On tlie 12tli: — Orders this morning tliat there will be 
 a congress at the General's tent at 11 o'clock, at which 
 time all the officers attended the General, and the Indians 
 were brought; the Guard received them with their Fire- 
 locks rested. The Interpreter was ordered to tell them 
 that their Brothers, the English, who were their old friends, 
 were come to assure them that every misunderstanding 
 that had been in former times should now be buried under 
 that great mountain (a mountain close by). Then a string 
 of w^ampum was given them; then a belt of wampum was 
 held forth with the following speech, viz*. : that this wam- 
 pum was to assure them of our friendship ; that everybody 
 who were their enemies were ours ; and that it was not 
 the small force only that we had here, but numbers to the 
 northward under our great War Captains, Shirlej^, Peppe- 
 rell, Johnston and others that were going to war, and that 
 we would settle them happy in their countrj^, and make 
 the French both ashamed and hungry : But that whatever 
 Indians after this declaration did not come in, would be 
 deemed by us as our enemies, and treated as such. The 
 General then told them he should have presents for them 
 in a few days, when he should have another speech to 
 make to them, so took their leaves after the ceremony of 
 Drams round. In the afternoon Mr. Spendlowe and self 
 surveyed 20 casks of beef by order of the General and 
 condemned it, which we reported to the General. This 
 evening we had a gust of W'ind, with lightning, thunder 
 and rain, which drove several tents down, and made the 
 camp very uncomfortable.
 
 376 JOURNALS. 
 
 On tlic 13^'' : — The weather is now extremely hot. This 
 day as the Corporal came to exercise onr men in the even- 
 ing, I went to see the Indian camp, i mile from ours, in 
 the woods. Their houses are 2 stakes driven into the 
 ground, with a Ridge pole, and bark of trees laid up and 
 down the sides, but they generally have a fire in them. 
 This is all the shelter they have from the weather when 
 they are from home.^ As soon as it was dark tliey began 
 to dance, which they do round a fire in a ring. Their 
 music is a tub with a sheep skin over it, and a hollow thing 
 with peas to rattle.' It is a custom with them, once or 
 twice a year, for the women to dance and all the men sit 
 by. Each woman takes out her man that she likes, dances 
 with him and lies with him for a week, and then return to 
 their former husbands, and live as they did before. 
 
 On the 14*'' : — This day 2 of our men arrived from Fre- 
 derick hospital, and our men from Connecockieg that were 
 left to assist the Artillery. Orders to send the returns of 
 our people to the Brigade major every morning. 
 
 ' This day's journal ia the lesser MS. concludes here thus : [The Ame- 
 ricans and Seamen exercising.] 
 
 ' The Tay wa' egun (struck-sound-instrument) is a tambourine, or one- 
 headed drum, and is made by adjusting a skin to one end of the section of 
 a moderate sized hollow tree. When a heavier sound is required, a tree 
 
 of larger circumference is chosen, and both ends covered with skins. 
 
 The Shesiiegwon, or Eattle, is constructed in various ways, according to 
 the purpose or means of the maker. Sometimes it is made of animal blad- 
 der, from which the name is derived ; sometimes of a wild gcurd ; in 
 others, by attaching the dried hoofs of the deer to a stick. This instru- 
 ment is employed both to mark time, and to produce variety in sound." 
 (^Schoolcrn// ; lied Race of America, 223.)
 
 JOURNALS. 877 
 
 On the 15"": — Mr. Spcndlowe and self surveyed 22 
 casks of beef, and condemned it, which wc reported to the 
 General. 
 
 On the IG"^— Arrived here Lieut. CoL Gage, Avith 2 
 Companies of Sir Peter Halket's, and the hist division of 
 the train, consisting of 3 field pieces, 4 howitzers, a number 
 of cohorns, and 42 waggons with stores. Departed this 
 life Captain Bromley of Sir Peter Halket's. 
 
 On the 17'"': — Had a survey of our men's arms, and 
 found several of them unserviceable. All the officers are 
 desired to attend Captain Bromley's funeral tomorrow 
 morning, and at the General's tent at 12. 
 
 On the 18*'^: — Excessively hot. At 10 o'clock we all 
 attended the funeral, and the ceremony was a Captain's 
 guard marched before the corpse, with the Captain of it in 
 the rear, and the fire locks reversed, the drums beating the 
 dead march. When we came near the grave, the guard 
 formed 2 lines flicing each other; rested on their arms, 
 muzzles doAvnwards ; and leaned their faces on the butts : 
 the Corpse was carried between them, the sword and sash 
 on the coffin, and the officers following two and two. After 
 the Clergyman^ had read the service, the guard fired 3 vol- 
 lies over him and returned. At 12 we attended the Gene- 
 ral's tent, when all the Indians came, and the General 
 made a speech to them to this purpose. He desired they 
 would immediately send their wives and children intoPen- 
 
 ' The chaplain of the 4tth was Mr. Philip Hughes : that of the 48th 
 I do not know. One of these gentlemen marched with the expedition, 
 and was wounded at the defeat.
 
 378 JOURNALS. 
 
 sylvania, and take up the Hatchet against the French : that 
 the great King of EngLand, their Father, had sent them the 
 presents now before them for their famiUes, and that he 
 had ordered arms &c. to be given to their Warriors ; and 
 expressed concern for the loss of the Half-King killed last 
 year. The presents consisted of strouds, rings, beads, linen, 
 knives, wire, and paint. They received their presents 
 ■with 3 belts and a string of wampum, and promised their 
 answer next day. And to show they were pleased, they 
 made a most horrible noise, dancing all night. 
 
 On the IQ**": — Captain Gate's New York Company ar- 
 rived here. This evening the Indians met at the General's 
 tent to give their answer, whicli was, that they were greatly 
 obliged to the Great King their Father, who had been so 
 good as to send us all here to fight for them, and that they 
 would all give their attendance, and do what was in their 
 power of reconnoitring the country and bringing intelligence. 
 That they were obliged to the General for his expressing 
 concern for the loss of the Half-King our Brother, and for the 
 presents he had given them. Their chief men's names are 
 as follows : Monicotoha, their wise man who always speaks 
 for them ;^ — Belt of Wampum or White Thunder, who has 
 a daughter called Bright Lightning — he keeps the wam- 
 pum : the next is the great Tree and Silver Heels,^ with 
 many others belonging to the Six Nations. The General 
 told them he was their Friend, and never would deceive 
 them, after which they sung the war song, which is shout- 
 ing and making a terrible noise, declaring the French their 
 
 ^ [Monicatoha their Mentor.] *" [Jerry Smith and Charles.]
 
 JOURNALS. 379 
 
 perpetual enemies, which they never did before. After 
 tliis the General carried them to the Artillery, and ordered 
 3 Howitzers, 3 12-Poimders, and 3 Cohorns to be fired, all 
 the drums and fifes playing, and beating the point of war, 
 which astonished and pleased the Indians greatly. They 
 then retired to their own Camp, where they ate a bullock, 
 and danced their war dance, which is droll and odd, show- 
 ing how they scalp and fight, expressing in their dance the 
 exploits of their ancestors, and warlike actions of them- 
 selves. 
 
 On the 20*^: — Arrived here 80 waggons from Pennsyl- 
 vania, to assist in the expedition, and eleven waggons from 
 Philadelphia, with presents for the officers of the Army.' 
 An Indian arrived from the French fort in 6 days, and said 
 they have only 50 men in the fort, but expect 900 more ; 
 that when our Army appears they will blow it up. I 
 believe this fellow is a villain, as he is a Delaware, who 
 never were our friends. 
 
 On the 21'*: — There are 100 Carpenters employed, 
 under the Carpenter of the " Sea-horse," in building a 
 Magazine, completing a Flatt, and squaring timber to make 
 a bridge over Will's Creek ; the Smiths in making tools ; 
 the Bakers baking biscuits ; and Commissaries getting the 
 provisions ready for marching. Arrived here a troop of 
 light Horse, and 2 companies of Sir Peter Halket's.'' On 
 the 22nd, the Indians had arms and clothes given them. 
 
 ' [Arrived 80 Waggons from Pennsylvania with Stores; and 11 likewise 
 from Philadelphia, with Liquors, Tea, Sugar, Coffee, &c., to the Amount 
 of £400, with 20 Horses, as presents to the Officers of the 2 Regiments.] 
 
 J [A Troop of Light-Horse and 2 Companies of Sir P. Ilalket's Regi- 
 ment; under the couiniand of 3Lijur Chapman, came in from Winchester.]
 
 380 JOURNALS. 
 
 Oil the 23'''': — Both the Eeghnents exercised and went 
 through their firings.'' Sent 3 of our men to the Provost 
 for neglect of duty and disobedience of orders. 
 
 On the 24*'': — Our Force liere no^y consists of 2 Regi- 
 ments of 700 men each ; 9 companies (Virginia) of 50 men 
 each; 3 Independent Companies of 100 men each; one 
 Maryland Company of 50 men; 60 of the train' and 30 
 seamen. This day 2 men Avere drummed out of Sir Peter 
 ITalket's Regiment for theft, after receiving 1000 lashes, 
 and preparations making for marching. 
 
 On the 27''' : — We have now here 100 waggons, which 
 the Commissaries are loading w^ith provisions. In the even- 
 ing a Captain's Guard marched for Winchester, to escort 
 the provisions to the Camp. Some Indians came in here 
 belonging to the Delawares. 
 
 On the 28*^: — At 11, the Delawares met at the Gene- 
 ral's tent, and told him that they were come to know his 
 intentions, that they might assist the Army. The General 
 thanked them, and said he should march in a few days 
 towards Fort De Quesne. The Indians told him they would 
 return home and collect their warriors together, and meet 
 him on his march. These people are villains, and always 
 side wdth the strongest. At noon it blowed and rained 
 hard. 
 
 On the 29"": — A detachment of GOO men marched 
 towards Fort de Quesne, under the command of Major 
 Chapman, with 2 field pieces, and 50 waggons with provi- 
 
 ^ [ — formings.] 
 
 ' 2 New York, 1 Indepcndant CaruUna Companies of 100 men, * * * 
 1 Company of Artillery of CO.]
 
 JOURXALS. 381 
 
 sions. Sir John St. Clair, 2 Engineers, Mr. Spendlowe, & 
 G of our people to cut the road, and some Indians went 
 away likewise."' 
 
 On the 30*^': — Arrived here a Company from North 
 Carolina, nnder the command of Captain Dobbs. 
 
 June 1st: — We hear the Detachment is got 15 miles: 
 Mr, Spendlowe and our people returned. 
 
 On the 2iid : — Col. Burton, Capt. Orme, Mr. Spendlowe 
 and self went out to reconnoitre the road. Mr. Spendlowe 
 left us, and returned to Camp at 2 o'clock, and reported he 
 had found a road to avoid a o;reat mountain. In the after- 
 noon we went out to look at it, and found it would be 
 much better than the old road, and not above 2 miles 
 about. 
 
 On the ord : — This morniu!? an Enii;ineer° and 100 men 
 began working on the new road from Camp, and Mr. 
 Spendlowe and self with 20 of our men went to the place 
 where the new road comes into the old one, and began to 
 clear away, and completed a mile to-day. . 
 
 On the 4"": — Went out to-daj-, and cleared another 
 mile.° 
 
 On the otli : — We went out as before, and at noon, Mr. 
 Spendlowe and I went to the other party to mark the road 
 
 ■" [ — and 6 seiimcn with some luJiaus were ordered to clear the Hoads 
 for them.] 
 
 " [ — Mr. Engineer Gordon.] 
 
 " [1 Mid.sbipman and 20 men cleared J of a ^lilo.]
 
 382 JOURNALS. 
 
 for tliem, but at 1, it came to IjIow, rain, thunder, and 
 lighten so much, that it split several tents, & continued so 
 till night, when we returned to the Camp. 
 
 On the 6"': — We went out as usual, and at 2 o'clock 
 completed the road, & returned to Camp. This Evening 
 I was taken ill. 
 
 On the 7th : — A rainy day, with thunder and lightning. 
 Sir Peter Halket and his Brigade marched witli 2 field 
 pieces, and some waggons with provisions. A midshipman 
 & 12 of our people went to assist the train. 
 
 On the 9*^ : — Orders for Col. Dunbar's Brigade to march 
 tojnorrow morning. 
 
 On the lO^*": — The Director of the Hospital came to see 
 me in Camp, and found me so ill of a fever and flux, that 
 he desired me to stay behind, so I went into the Hospital, 
 & the Army marched with the Train &c., and as I was in 
 hopes of being able to follow them in a few days, I sent 
 all m}' baggage with the Army, and in the afternoon the 
 General, his Aids de Camp &c., with a company of Light- 
 Horse, marched.' 
 
 ' The long and fatal delay of the English at Fort Cumberland was un- 
 doubtedly produced, in great part, by the necessities of the case : but a 
 different view of the matter was taken by some of the subordinates of the 
 army. Thus Captain Iluthcrford, after pointing out the success which 
 crowned Ilr.lket's command of the encampment at that ])lace, pictures 
 Braddock arriving there to waste the precious moments like a second Han- 
 nibal at Capua. According to his letter (Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, 
 Sept 19th, 1849), the General there "spent a month idly with his women 
 and feasting." It will be noticed that the writer was a professed supporter 
 of the inefficient Dunbar, and that the whole burthen of his strain is the
 
 JOURNALS. 383 
 
 On the 24'^ : — A man came into the Fort, and reported 
 that a party of Indians of about 20 had surprised, killed 
 & scalped two families to the number of al)out 14 or 15 
 people, and not above 3 miles from this place. 
 
 On the 2G''' : — An account came in of 2 more fiimilies 
 being scalped within 2 miles of us. The Governor sent 
 out a party to bury the dead, as well as to scour the woods 
 for the Indians. They found a child of about 7 years old, 
 standing in the water scalped & crying; they brought it 
 into the Fort and the Doctors dressed it : it had 2 holes in 
 its skull, besides being scalped, but was in spirits, and had 
 its skull not been wounded might have lived, but as it was 
 it died in a week. It would be too tedious to recount 
 every little incident here in the Fort, therefore will return 
 to the Army, and give an account of their proceedings from 
 the time they left us. 
 
 June 10"', 1755. The last division of His Majesty's 
 Forces marched from Will's Creek or Fort Cumberland, 
 with General Braddock and his Aides de Camp, &c. 
 
 The 15^^". — The General and all the Army arrived at the 
 little Meadows, which is 22 miles from the Fort. He found 
 here that the number of carriages, &c., that he had with 
 him occasioned his marches to be very short, and that in 
 all probability if they continued to dp so, the French fort 
 Avould be reinforced before he got before it. He there- 
 fore thought proper to take 1200 of the choicest men, 
 
 laudation of that incompetent man and depreciation of Braddock. The 
 measures adopted by the General upon the suggestion of Washington 
 appear to have elicited his warmest indignation 
 
 I
 
 384 JOURNALS. 
 
 besides Artillery and Sailors, -with the most necessary 
 stores that would be wanted to attack tlie Fort, making up 
 in all 51 carriages, and left all the beavy baggage, &c. witb 
 Col. Dunbar, and tbe rest of tlie forces to follow bim as 
 fast as possible, and marcbed accordingly, and continued so 
 to do witbout being molested (except now and tben losing 
 a scalp, wbicb in tbe wbole amounted to 8 or 9, a number 
 far less tban expected), till tbe 8'''^ of July, wben be en- 
 camped witbin 8 miles of tbe Frencb Fort, and tbere beld 
 a Council of War, wbicb agreed tbat as tbey were to pass 
 over tbe Mongobela river twice (tbis river is a i mile 
 broad, and 6 miles from tbe Frencb Fort), tbat tbe 
 Advance party sbould parade at 2 o'clock to secure tbat 
 pass, as on tbe contrary if tbe Enemy sbould bave posses- 
 sion of it, tbey would not be able to get over witbout a 
 great loss. Tbey likewise agreed tbat tbe Army should 
 marcb over tbe river in tbe greatest order, witb tbeir 
 bajonets fixed. Colors flying, and Drums and Fifes beating 
 and playing, as tbey supposed tbe Enemy would take a 
 view of tbem in tbe crossing. 
 
 On tbe 9^'' Jul\-, 1755. — Tbe advance party consisted of 
 400 men and upward, under tbe command of Lieut. Col. 
 Gage, and marcbed accordingl}-; and about 7 o'clock started a 
 part_y of about 30 Indians, but tbey got off.^ Tbey marcbed 
 on and secured botli, crossings of tbe river witbout inter- 
 
 '■ [About 7 o'clock, some Indians Rushed out of the Bushes, but did no 
 Execution. The party -went on and secured both Passes of the River; 
 and at 11 the Main Body began to cross, with Colours flying, Drums beat- 
 ing, and Fifes playing the Grenadiers' JMarch, and soon formed : when they 
 thought that the French would not Attack them, as they might have done 
 it witli such Advautajrc in crossing' the ]\Ionona;ohcla.1 
 
 C O O -I
 
 JOURNALS. 385 
 
 ruption. The main body m;irclied about 6 o'clock'and about 
 11 began to cross over as proposed in the Council of War, 
 and got over both passes, when they began to think the 
 French would not attack them, as they might have done 
 with so many advantages a little time before. 
 
 The Advance Party was now about i of a mile before 
 the Main Body, the rear of which was just over the river 
 when the front was attacked. The 2 Grenadier Companies 
 formed the 2 flank advance Picquets, 2 Companies of Car- 
 penters cutting the Roads, and the rest covering them. 
 The first fire our men received was in front, and on the 
 flank of the flank Picquets, which in a few minutes nearly 
 cut off the most part of the Grenadiers and a Company of 
 Carpenters,'^ As soon as the General with the Main Body 
 heard the Front was attacked, they hastened to succour 
 them, but found the Remains retreating. Immediately the 
 General ordered the cannon to draw up and the Batallion 
 to form. By this time the Enemy began to fire on the 
 Main Body, who faced to the right and left and returned 
 it, and the Cannon began to play, but could not see at 
 what, for our men were formed in the open road they had 
 just cut, and the Enemy kept the Trees in front and on 
 the flanks. On the right they had possession of a hill, 
 which we could never get possession of, though our Officers 
 made many attempts to do it : but if the Officers dropped, 
 which was generally the case, or that the Enemy gave a 
 
 1 [The first fire the Enemy irave was in front, and they likewise galled 
 the Picquets in flank, so that in a few minutes the Grenadiers were nearly 
 cut in pieces, and drove into the greatest confusion, as was Captain Poison's 
 company of CarpentersJ 
 
 25
 
 386 JOURNALS. 
 
 platoon of ours advancing up the hill a smart fire, they 
 immediately retreated down again. As numbers of our 
 Officers declared they never saw above 4 of the Enemy at 
 a time the whole day, it struck a panic through our men 
 to see numbers daily falling by them, and even their com- 
 rades scalped in their sight. As soon as the General saw 
 this Avas the case, he ordered that our men should divide 
 into small parties and endeavour to surround the Enemy, 
 but by this time the greatest part of the Officers were either 
 killed or wounded, and in short the Soldiers deaf to the 
 commands of those few that were left alive.' By this time, 
 too, the greatest part of the Train were cut off, having 
 fired between 20 and 30 rounds each cannon, for the Enemy 
 made a mark of them and the officers. 
 
 The General had 4 horses shot under him before he was 
 wounded, which was towards the latter end of the Action, 
 
 '' [It was in an open E-oad that the Main Body were drawn up, but the 
 Trees were excessive thick around them, and the Enemy had possession of 
 a Hill to the Right, which consequently was of great advantage to them. 
 Many officers declare that they never saw above 5 of the Enemy at one time 
 during the whole affair. Our soldiers were encouraged to make many 
 attempts by the Officers (who behaved Gloriously), to take the Hill, but 
 they had been so intimidated before by seeing their comrades scalped in 
 their sight, and such numbers falling, that as they advanced up towards the 
 Hill, and their Officers being pict off, which was generally the case; they 
 turned to the Right About, and retired down the Hill. When the General 
 perceived and was convinced that the soldiers would not fight in a regular man- 
 ner without Officers, he divided them into small parties and endeavoured to 
 surround the Enemy, but by this time the major part of the Officers were 
 either killed or wounded, and in short the soldiers were totally deaf to the 
 commands and persuasions of the few Officers that were left unhurt. The 
 General had 4 Horses shot under him before he was wounded, which was 
 towards the latter part of the Action, when he was put into a Waggon with 
 great difficulty, as he was very solicitous for being left in the Field.]
 
 JOURNALS. 387 
 
 for when the General was put in a Waggon the men soon 
 dropped out of the field, and in a little time became too 
 general after standing three hours, and with much difficulty 
 got the General out of the Field (for he had desired to be 
 left.) ^ It was the opinion of most of the Officers there, 
 that had greater numbers there, it would have been the 
 same, as our people had never any hopes of getting the 
 field, for they never got possession of the ground the front 
 was attacked on. But very luckily for us they pursued us 
 no further than the Water, and there killed and scalped 
 man3\ One of our Engineers, who was in the front of the 
 Carpenters marking the road, saw the Enemy first, who 
 were then on the run, which plainly shews they were just 
 come from the Fort, and their intention certainly was to 
 secure the pass of the Monongahela, but as soon as they 
 discovered our Army, an Officer at the head of them dressed 
 as an Indian, with his gorget on, waved his hat, and they 
 immediately dispersed to the right and left, forming a half- 
 moon.^ It was impossible to judge of their numbers, but 
 it was believed they had at least man for man. 
 
 ' According to Geo. Croghan, the grenadiers delivered their fire at 200 
 )'ards distance, completely throwing it away. (Chas. Swayne's letter in 
 Phila. Evening Bulletin, Sept. 19th, 1849.) The same authority estimates 
 the French in the action at 300, 'clad in stuff's;' besides the naked Indians. 
 400 Onondagos, he says, came into the fort the day before; and there were 
 also ' 100 Delawares, 60 Wiandots, 40 Puywaws, 300 Pawwaws, the Shaw- 
 nees who lived about Logtown, and some of all other tribes.' In conclu- 
 sion, a curious anecdote of Braddock is given : when Croghan approached 
 him, after he was wounded, the General sought to possess himself of the 
 former's pistols, with a view to self-destruction. The story is given here 
 for what it is worth. 
 
 ^ [Mr. Engineer Gordon was the first Man that saw the Enemy, being 
 in the Front of the Carpenters, marking and picketing the Roads for them,
 
 ^88 JOURNALS. 
 
 Our remains retreated all niglit, and got to Col. Dunbar's 
 Camp the next da}^, which was near 50 miles from the field 
 of action, and then the General ordered Col. Dunbar to pre- 
 pare for a retreat, in order to which they were obliged to 
 destroy all the Ammunition and provisions they could not 
 possibly carry, and the reason of so much was the absolute 
 necessity there was for a number of waggons to carry the 
 wounded officers and men : The General's pains increased 
 in such a manner — for he was shot through the arm into 
 the body — together with the great uneasiness he w\as under, 
 that on the 12*^, at 8 at night, he departed 'this life, much 
 lamented by the whole Army, and was decently, though 
 privatel}^ buried next morning. The number killed, 
 w^ounded, and left on the Field, as appeared by the returns 
 from the different companies, was 896, besides Officers, but 
 cannot say any particular Comj^any suffered more than 
 another, except the Grenadier Companies and Carpenters; 
 for out of Colonel Dunbar's Grenadiers, who were 79 com- 
 plete that day, only 9 returned untouched, and out of 70 
 of Halket's, only 13.* Amongst the rest, I believe I may 
 say the Seamen did their duty, for out of 33, only 15 
 escaped untouched:" and every Grenadier Officer either 
 killed or wounded. Our loss that day consisted of 4 field- 
 
 and he declared when he first discovered them, that they were on the Run, 
 which plainly shows they were just come from Fort Du Qucsne, and that 
 their principle Intention was to secure the pass of Monongoliela River, but 
 the Officer who was their leader, dressed like an Indian, with a gorget on, 
 waved his hat by way of signal to disperse to the Right and Left, forming 
 a half Moon. 
 
 * [Sir P. Halket's were 69, and only 13 came out of the Field.] 
 " [The Seamen had 11 killed and wounded out of 33.]
 
 JOURNALS. 589 
 
 pieces, 3 Howitzers, and 2 Waggons, with Cohorns,'' together 
 with the 51 carriages of provisions and Ammunition, &c., 
 and Hospital stores, and the General's private chest with 
 .£1000 in it/ and about 200 horses wdth officers' baa:o;a2;e. 
 
 Col. Dunbar with the remains of the Army continued 
 their retreat, and returned to Will's Creek, or Fort Cum- 
 berland, the 20'^ of July.^ 
 
 August 1'*, 1755. — Colonel Dunbar received a letter from 
 Commodore Keppel, desiring the Remains of the Detach- 
 ment of Seamen might be sent to Hampton in Virginia. 
 Colonel Dunbar gave us our orders, and on the o'*^ we left 
 the Army, marched down through Virginia, and on the 
 18*^ we arrived on board His Majesty's ship "Garland" at 
 Hampton.^ 
 
 ^ [4 sis pounders, 2 twelve-pounders, 3 howitzers, 8 cohorns.] 
 
 ' Probably a clerical error for £10,000. 
 
 ^ [On the 21st, the wounded ofiScers and soldiers were brought in.] 
 
 * [.30th July. Orders were given for the Army to march the 2nd August. 
 
 1st August. Colonel Dunbar received a letter from Commodore Kcpple 
 to send the Seamen to Hampton, and accordingly the 2nd, they marched 
 with the Army, and on the 3rd August left them. 
 
 August 5th. Arrived at Winchester. 
 
 August 11th. Marched into Fredericksburgh, and hired a Vessel to 
 carry the Seamen to Hampton yvhere they embarked on board His Majesty's 
 ship Guarland the 18th August, 1755.]
 
 Ipni^itfS. 
 
 (891)
 
 APPENDIX No. I. 
 
 BRADDOCK'S INSTRUCTIONS, ETC. 
 
 [The first paper that ensues is printed from a contemporaneous copy in 
 II. Penn. Arch. 203, -which more than probably was given to Gov. Morris, 
 if not by the general himself, at least by one of his family; by Shirley or 
 Orme. It naturally differs materially from the copy translated from Eng- 
 lish into French and back again into English, published in the American 
 version of the French Memoire. (II. Olden Time, 217.) The second 
 document is that taken from the Memoire as above, collated with the 
 garbled fragments in XXVI. Gent. Mag., 269.] 
 
 ©■♦ 3X* Instructions for our Trusty & well beloved Edid'd Braddoch, 
 Usq'r. Major General of all our Forces, and whom We have appointed 
 Gen' & Commander of all & singular our Troops & Forces y' are now in 
 North America, & y* shall be sent or raisd there to vindicate our just Rights 
 & Possessions in those Parts. Given at our Court, at S' James, y" 25"^ 
 day of Nov, 1754, in the 28"* Year of our Reign. 
 
 Whereas, We have by our Commission, bearing date the 24"* day of 
 Sepf last past, appointed you to be Gen' & Commander of all & singular 
 our Forces, y* are or shall be in North America. For your better direction 
 in discharge of y® Ti*ust thereby reposed in You, We have judged it proper 
 to give You the following Instructions. 
 
 1^*. We having taken under our Royal & serious Consideration the 
 Representations of our Subjects in North America, & y^ present State of 
 our Colonies, in order to vindicate our just Rights and Possessions from all 
 Encroachments, & to secure y'' Commerce of our Subjects, We have given 
 
 (393)
 
 394 APPENDIX NO. I. 
 
 direction y' Two of our Regiments of Foot now in Ireland, commanded bv 
 S"" Peter Ilalket & Col. Dunbar, & likewise a suitable Train of Artillery, 
 Transports & Store Ships, together with a certain Number of our Ships of 
 War, to convey the same, shall forthwith repair to North America. 
 
 2*. You shall immediately, upon y" Receit of these our Instructions, 
 embark on board one of our Ships of War, and you shall proceed to North 
 America, where you will take our said Force under your Command. And 
 We having appointed Aug. Keppel, Esq""., to command y* Squadron of our 
 Ships of War on y^ American Station, We do hereby require & enjoin you 
 to cultivate a good underetanding & correspondence with y"" s"" Commander 
 of our Squadron during your continuance upon y^ Service, with which you 
 are now entrusted. We having given directions of y* like nature to y** s* 
 Commander of our Squadron, with Regard to his conduct & correspondence 
 with you. 
 
 3'*. And Whereas, there will be wanting a number of men to make up 
 y^ designed complements of our said Regiments, from 500 to 700 each : 
 And Whereas, it is our Intention y* Two other Regiments of Foot, to con- 
 sist of 1000 men each, shall be forthwith raised & comanded by Gov'' 
 Shirley and S"" W". Pepperell, whom We have appointed Col' of y'' same 
 in our Provinces & Colonies, in North America, and have given directions 
 y* y* Regiment under y* command of y^ former should rendezvous at 
 Boston, & y* under y" command of y' latter at New York and Philadel- 
 phia ; and We having given orders to our several Governors to be taking 
 the previous steps toward contributing, as far as they can, to have about 
 3000 men in readiness to be enlisted for these Purposes, & to be put in 
 Proportion as they shall be raised under your command, & be subject to 
 your distribution into the corps above mentioned. And We having thought 
 proper to dispatch Sir John S*. Clair, our deputy Quarter Master Gen', & 
 Ja^ Pitcher, Esq""., our Commissary of y*" musters, in North America, to 
 prepare every thing necessary for y"" arrival of y* Two Regiments from 
 Europe, and for y^ raising of y^ Forces above mentioned, in America. You 
 will inform yourself of such of our Governors as you can most conveniently 
 upon your arrival, & of all of them in due time, & likewise of our s* deputy 
 Quarter Master Gen' & Commissary of y^ musters, concerning y Progress 
 they shall respectively have made in y* Execution of our commands above 
 mentioned, in order y* you may be enabled without delay to act accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 4"'. Whereas, it has been represented to Us y* y Forces, which arc to 
 go from Cork under your command, may be in want of Provisions upon y" 
 arrival in America, We have caused in consideration thereof 1000 Barrels 
 of Beef and 10 Tons of Butter, to be put on board the Transport Vessels,
 
 APPENDIX NO. I. 395 
 
 & to be delivered to you upon your arrival in America, in case you sLall 
 find y same to be necessary in order to be distributed among y^ officers & 
 Troops, & y" several Persons belonging to y" Train of Artillery. But it is 
 our Koyal "Will & Pleasure, y* in case y^ Gov" of our Colonies sball bave 
 provided a proper Quantity of Provisions for our Troops upon tbeir arrival, 
 you will then signify y'' same to y" Commander in Chief of our Fleet in 
 those Parts, y' y^ s'* 1000 Barrels of Beef and 10 Tons of Butter, or such 
 Part thereof as shall not be expended may be applied to y* Use of our 
 Eoyal Navy. 
 
 5"'. "Whereas, "We have given Orders to our said Gov" to provide care- 
 fully a sufficient Quantity of fresh victuals for y^ use of our Troops at their 
 arrival, & y* they should also furnish all our officers vrho may have occasion 
 to go from Place to Place, with all necessaries for travelling by Land, in 
 case there are no means of going by Sea ; & likewise, to observe & obey 
 all such orders as shall be given by You or Persons appointed by you from 
 time to time for quartering the Troops, impressing Carriages, & providing 
 all necessaries for such Forces as shall arrive or be raised in America, and 
 y* the s* several Services shall be performed at the charge of y" respective 
 Governments, wherein the same shall happen. It is our Will & Pleasure 
 y* you should, pursuant thereto, apply to our s^ Governors, or any of them, 
 upon all such Exigencies. 
 
 G"*. And "Whereas, "We have further directed our said Gov' to endea- 
 vour to prevail upon y* Assemblies of their respective Provinces to raise 
 forthwith as large a sum as can be afforded as their contribution to a 
 common Fund, to be employed provisionally for y- general Service in 
 North America, particularly for paying the charge of levying y'^ Troops to 
 make up y* complements of y' Regiments above-mentioned. It is our Will 
 & Pleasure y* you shou'd give them all y* advice & assistance you can 
 towards effectuating these good Purposes, by establishing such a common 
 Fund as may fully supply y" intended Service ; But you will take particular 
 Care to prevent y* Payment of any money whatever to y" Troops under 
 your command, except such as shall be, pursuant to y^ Beturns, made to 
 you of effective men. 
 
 7"'. We having likewise directed our s"" Gov*"' to correspond, advise & 
 confer with you about all such matters as may tend to y* promoting the 
 said Levies in their respective Provinces, you are hereby required to be 
 aiding & assisting to them in y^ Execution of our s* Instructions, for which 
 purpose you will not only keep a constant & frequent correspondence in 
 writing with them, but will likewise visit the s'^ Provinces, or any one of 
 them y' you shall think it necessary for our Service so to do. And you 
 will remind our said Governors to use all possible dispatch, that y" Execution
 
 396 APPENDIX NO. I. 
 
 of our design may not be retarded by y* Slowness of Levies to be made 
 in their respective Provinces, or for y* Want of Transports, Victuals, or 
 any other necessaries, at such times & Places as you shall think fit to ap- 
 point for their General Rendezvous. And if any Preparation should be 
 necessary for carrying on our Service, which is not contained in these our 
 Instructions, you shall, with y" concurrence of the Governors who are to 
 assist in any such Service, make any such Preparations, provided y' y« 
 same shall appear to you absolutely necessary for y* Defence of our just 
 Rights and Dominions ; and you will, in all such Emergencies & occurrences 
 y* may happen, whether herein mentioned or not provided for by these 
 Instructions, not only use your best Circumspection, but shall likewise call 
 to your assistance a Council of War when necessary, which We have 
 thought fit to appoint upon this occasion, consisting of yourself, y* Com- 
 mander in Chief of our Ships in those Parts, such Governors of our 
 Colonies or Provinces, & such Colonels & other of our Field officers as 
 shall happen to be at a convenient distance from our s* Gen^ & Commander 
 of our Forces, and you shall with y« advice of them or a majority of them, 
 determine all Operations to be performed by our said Forces under your 
 command, and all other important points relating thereto, in a manner y* 
 shall be most conducive to y^ Ends for which y« s** Forces are intended, & 
 for y" faithful discharge of y* great Trust hereby committed to you. 
 
 8'". You will not only cultivate y* best Harmony & Friendship possible 
 with y^ several Governors of our Colonies & Provinces, but likewise with 
 y* Chiefs of y Indian Tribes, & for y* better Improvement of our good 
 Correspondence with y"" s* Indian Tribes, you will find out some fit & 
 proper Person agreeable to the Southern Indians to be sent to them for this 
 purpose, in like manner as we have orderd Col. Johnson to repair to y* 
 Northern Indians, as y' person thought to be most acceptable to them, to 
 endeavour to engage them to take part & act with our Forces, in such 
 operations as you shall think most expedient. 
 
 O*"". You will inform yourself from time to time, of y* Nature & Value 
 of y* Presents y* shall be voted or orderd by y* Assemblies of our different 
 Colonies & Provinces, in y' accustomed manner of the inviting & engaging 
 y* Indian Tribes to our Alliance & Interest, and you will be very watchful 
 y* a just & faithful distribution be made of y^ same, by all such Persons 
 who shall be entrusted therewith, and you shall assist y' s* Persons with 
 your best advice in y° s* distribution. You will likewise give a particular 
 attention to y° prudent disposal of such Presents as shall be made upon 
 any Occasion, or such as shall have been prepared by Lieut. Governor Din- 
 widdle, for y" said Indians, out of y* money already vested in his Hands 
 or otherwise.
 
 APPENDIX NO. I. 397 
 
 10**'. Wherca?, it has been represented to Us, y* an illegal Correspond- 
 ence & Trade is frequently carried on between the French & our Subjects 
 in y" several Colonies, you will diligently take all possible measures to pre- 
 vent the continuance of all such dangerous Practices, particularly that the 
 French should not, upon any account whatever, be supplied with Provi- 
 sions, &.G^. 
 
 11*''. Whereas, We have thought it necessary upon this occasion to 
 establish & ascertain the Rank that shall be observed between the officers 
 bearing our immediate Commission, & those who act under the Commis- 
 sions of our Goveraors, Lieu* or Deputy Governors, or y' Presidents of our 
 Colonies, for the Time being. "We have orderd several printed Copies 
 thereof to be put into your Hands, to be affix'd or dispersd as you shall 
 judge proper in America. 
 
 12*''. You will herewith receive a Copy of y' early directions that were 
 sent by our Order on y° 28*'' August, 1753, to our several Governors, en- 
 joining & exhorting our Colonies & Provinces, in North America, to unite 
 together for their common & mutual defence, & you will sec by our direc- 
 tions of S*"" July, Copies whereof are now also delivered to you our repeated 
 commands, for enforcing the Observance of our said orders of y^ 28*'' 
 August, 1753, and y* We were graciously pleased to order the Sum of 
 £10,000 to be remitted in Specie to Lieu* Gov"" Dinwiddle, to draw Bills 
 for a farther Sum of £10,000, upon y^ conditions mentioned in our War- 
 rant of the 3* July last, & transmitted to y° s* L* GoV Dinwiddle, on y' 
 27th Sepf following, by our Order for y" general Service & Protection of 
 North America, and y' several other Letters of October y* 25 & 26, & of 
 Nov"" y" 4*'', to our Gov''% to Sir W"". Pepperell & Col. Shirley, Copies of 
 whicli will be delivered to you herewith, will fully acquaint you with our 
 Orders & Instructions which have been signified to our officers & Governors 
 upon this Subject, at those respective Times, wilt enable you to inform 
 yourself what Progress has been made in the Execution thereof; And as 
 Extracts of Lieut* GoV Dinwiddle's Letters of May 10*", June 18'", & 
 July 24*", relating to the Summons of the Fort which was erecting on y* 
 Forks of y° Monongahela, and y' Skirmish y* followed soon after, & likewise 
 of y' action in the Great Meadows, near the River Ohio, are herewith de- 
 livered to you, you will be fully acquainted with what has hitherto hap- 
 pened of a hostile Nature upon the Banks of that River. 
 
 13'". You will not fail to send Us by the first, & every occasion that 
 may oifer, a full and clear account of your Proceedings, & of all material 
 Points relating to our Service, by Letter, to one of our Principal Secreta- 
 ries of State, from whom you shall receive, from time to time, such farther 
 Orders as may be necessary for your Guidance and Direction.
 
 398 APPENDIX NO. I. 
 
 A LETTER WRITTEN BY COLONEL NAPIER AND SENT TO 
 GENERAL BRADDOCK BY ORDER OF THE DUKE OF CUM- 
 BERLAND. 
 
 London, November 25th, 1754. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 His Royal Highness the Duke, in the several audiences he has 
 given you, entered into a particular explanation of every part of the ser- 
 vice you are about to be employed in ; and as a better rule for the execu- 
 tion of His Majesty's instructions, he last Saturday communicated to you 
 his own sentiments of this affair, and since you were desirous of forgetting 
 no part thereof, he has ordered me to deliver them to you in writing. His 
 Royal Highness has this service very much at heart, as it is of the highest 
 importance to his majesty's American dominions, and to the honour of his 
 troops employed in those parts. His Royal Highness likewise takes a par- 
 ticular interest in it, as it concerns you, whom he recommended to his 
 majesty to be nominated to the chief command. 
 
 His Royal Highness's opinion is, that immediately after your landing, 
 you consider what artillery and other implements of war it will be neces- 
 sary to transport to Will's Creek for your first operation on the Ohio, that 
 it may not fail you in the service ; and that you form a second field train, 
 with good officers and soldiers, which shall be sent to Albany and be ready 
 to march for the second operation at Niagara. You are to take under 
 your command as many as you think necessary of the two companies of artil- 
 lery that are in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland as soon as the season will 
 allow, taking care to leave enough to defend the Island. Captain Ord, a 
 very experienced officer, of whom his Royal Highness has a great opinion, 
 will join you as soon as possible. 
 
 As soon as Shirley's and Pepperel's regiments are near complete, his 
 Royal Highness is of opinion you should cause them to encamp, not only 
 that they may sooner be disciplined, but also to draw the attention of the 
 French and keep them in suspense about the place you really design to 
 attack. His Royal Highness does not doubt that the officers and captains 
 of the several companies will answer his expectation in forming and disci- 
 plining their respective troops. The most strict discipline is always neces- 
 sary, but more particularly so in the service j'ou are engaged in. Where- 
 fore his Royal Highness recommends to you that it be constantly observed 
 among the troops under your command, and to be particularly careful that
 
 APPENDIX NO. I. 399 
 
 they be not thrown into a panic by the Indians, with whom they are yet 
 unacquainted, whom the French will certainly employ to frighten them. 
 His Royal Highness recommends to you the visiting your posts night and 
 day ; that your Colonels and other officers be careful to do it ; and that you 
 yourself frequently set them the example ; and give all your troops plainly 
 to understand that no excuse will be admitted for any surprise whatsoever. 
 
 Should the Ohio expedition continue any considerable time, and Peppe- 
 rell's and Shirley's regiments be found sufficient to undertake in the mean 
 while the reduction of Niagara, his Royal Highness would have you con- 
 sider whether you could go there in person, leaving the command of the 
 troops on the Ohio to some officer on whom you might depend, unless you 
 shall think it better for the service to send to those troops some person 
 whom you had designed to command on the Ohio ; but this is a nice affair, 
 and claims your particular attention. Colonel Shirley is the next com- 
 mander after you, wherefore if you should send such an officer he must 
 conduct himself so as to appear only in quality of a friend or counsellor in 
 the presence of Colonel Shirley : and his Royal Highness is of opinion 
 that the officer must not produce or make mention of the commission you 
 give him to command except in a case of absolute necessity. 
 
 The ordering of these matters may be depended on, if the expedition at 
 Crown Point can take place at the same time that Niagara is besieged. 
 
 If after the Ohio expedition is ended it should be necessary for you to 
 go with your whole force to Niagara it is the opinion of his Royal High- 
 ness that you should carefully endeavour to find a shorter way from the 
 Ohio thither than that of the Lake ; which however you are not to attempt 
 under any pretence whatever without a moral certainty of being supplied 
 with provisions, &c. As to your design of making yourself master of Ni- 
 agara, which is of the greatest consequence, his Royal Jlighness recom- 
 mends to you to leave nothing to chance in the prosecution of that enter- 
 prize. 
 
 With regard to the reducing of Crown Point, the provincial troops being 
 best acquainted with the country, will be of the most service. 
 
 After the taking of this fort his Royal Highness advises you to consult 
 with the Governors of the neighboring provinces, where it will be most 
 proper to build a fort to cover the frontiers of those provinces. 
 
 As to the forts which you think ought to be built (and of which they 
 are perhaps too fond in that country), his Royal Highness recommends 
 the building of them in such manner, that they may not require a strong 
 garrison. He is of opinion that you ought not to build considerable forts, 
 cased with stone, till the plans and estimates thereof have been sent to 
 England and approved of by the Government here. His Royal Highness
 
 400 APTENDIX NO. I. 
 
 thinks that stockaded forts, with pallisadoes and a good ditch, capable of 
 containing 200 men or 400 upon an emergency, will be sufficient for the 
 present. 
 
 As Lieutenant Colonel Lawrence, who commands at Nova Scotia, hath 
 long protracted the taking of Beau-Sejour, his Royal Highness advises you 
 to consult with him, both with regard to the time and the manner of exe- 
 cuting that design. In this entcrprize his E-oyal Highness foresees that 
 his majesty's ships may be of great service, as well by transporting the 
 troops and warlike implements, as intercepting the stores and succours that 
 might be sent to the French either by the Baye FranQoise, or from Cape 
 Breton by the Baye Verte on the other side of the Isthmus. 
 
 With regard to your winter quarters after the operations of the campaign 
 are finished, his Royal Highness recommends it to you to examine whether 
 the French will not endeavor to make some attempts next season and in 
 what parts they will most probably make them. In this case it will be most 
 proper to canton your troops on that side, at such distances, that they may 
 easily be assembled for the common defence. But you will be determined 
 in this matter by appearances, and the intelligence, which it hath been 
 recommended to you to procure by every method immediately after your 
 landing. It is unnecessary to put you in mind how careful you must be 
 to prevent being surprised. His Royal Highness imagines that your 
 greatest difficulty will be the subsisting of your troops. He therefore 
 recommends it to you to give your chief attention to this matter, and to 
 take proper measures relative thereto with the Governors and with your 
 quarter-masters and commissaries. 
 
 I hope that the extraordinary supply put on board the fleet, and the 
 1000 barrels of beef destined for your use, will facilitate and secure the 
 supplying of your troops with provisions. 
 
 I think I have omitted nothing of all the points wherein you desired to 
 be informed : if there should be any intricate point unthought of, I desire 
 you would represent it to me now, or at any other time ; and I shall readily 
 take it upon me to acquaint his Royal Highness thereof, and shall let you 
 know his opinion on the subject. 
 
 I wish you much success with all my heart; and as this success will infi- 
 nitely rejoice all your friends, I desire you would be fully persuaded that 
 no body will take greater pleasure in acquainting them thereof, than him, 
 who is, &c. 
 
 (Signed.) ROBERT NAPIER. 
 
 (A. D. C. to the Duke.;
 
 APPENDIX No. II. 
 
 FANNY BRADDOCK. 
 
 Goldsmith's Miscellaneous Works [London, 1837), Vol. 111., p. 294. 
 [Life of Richard N'ash.') 
 
 " Miss Sylvia S was descended from one of the best families in the 
 
 kingdom, and was left a large fortune upon her sister's decease. She had 
 early in life been introduced into the best company, and contracted a pas- 
 sion for elegance and expense. It is usual to make the heroine of a story 
 very witty and very beautiful, and such circumstances are so surety 
 expected, that they are scarce attended to. But whatever the finest poet 
 could conceive of wit, or the most celebrated painter imagine of beauty, 
 were excelled in the perfections of this young lady. Her superiority in 
 both was allowed by all who either heard or had seen her. She was natu- 
 turally gay, generous to a fault, good-natured to the highest degree, affable 
 in conversation, and some of her letters and other writings, as well in verse 
 as prose, would have shone amongst those of the most celebrated wits of 
 this, or any other age, had they been published. 
 
 " But these qualifications were marked by another, which lessened the 
 value of them all. She was imprudent. But let it not be imagined that 
 her reputation or honour suffered by her imprudence : I only mean, she 
 had no knowledge of the use of money; she relieved distress by putting 
 herself into the circumstances of the object whose wants she supplied. 
 
 " She was arrived at the age of nineteen, when the crowd of her lovers 
 and the continued repetition of new flattery had taught her to think she 
 could never be forsaken, and never poor. Young ladies are apt to expect 
 
 26 (401)
 
 402 APPENDIX NO. II. 
 
 a certainty of success from a number of lovers ; and yet I have seldom 
 seen a girl courted by a hundred lovers that found a husband in any. 
 Before the choice is fixed, she has either lost her reputation or her good 
 sense; and the loss of either is sufficient to consign her to perpetual 
 virginity. 
 
 *' Among the number of this young lady's lovers veas the celebrated 
 
 S , who, at that time, went by the name of ' the good-natured man.' 
 
 This gentleman, with talents that might have done honour to humanity, 
 suffered himself to fall at length into the lowest state of debasement. He 
 followed the dictates of every newest passion ; his love, his pity, his gene- 
 rosity, and even his friendships were all in excess ; he was unable to make 
 head against any of his sensations or desires; but they were in general 
 worthy wishes and desires, for he was constitutionally virtuous. This gen- 
 tleman, who at last died in a gaol, was at that time this lady's envied 
 favourite. 
 
 "It is probable that he, thoughtless creature, had no other prospect 
 from this amour but that of passing the present moments agreeably. He 
 only courted dissipation, but the lady's thoughts were fixed on happiness. 
 At length, however, his debts amounting to a considerable sum, he was 
 arrested and thrown into prison. He endeavoured at first to conceal his 
 situation from his beautiful mistress; but she soon came to a knowledge of 
 his distress, and took the fatal resolution of freeing him from confinement 
 by discharging all the demands of his creditors. 
 
 " Nash was at that time in London, and represented to the thoughtless 
 young lady, that such a measure would efi'ectually ruin both ; that so warm 
 
 a concern for the interests of Mr. S would in the first place quite 
 
 impair her fortune in the eyes of our sex, and what was worse, lessen her 
 
 reputation in those of her own. He added, that this bringing Mr. S 
 
 from prison would be only a temporary relief; that a mind so generous as 
 his would become bankrupt under the load of gratitude ; and instead of 
 improving in friendship or afiection, he would only study to avoid a creditor 
 he could never repay ; that though small favours produce good-will, great 
 ones destroy friendship. These admonitions, however, were disregarded; 
 and she found, too late, the prudence and truth of her adviser. In short, 
 her fortune was by this means exhausted ; and, with all her attractions, 
 she found her acquaintance began to disesteem her in proportion as she 
 became poor. 
 
 '' In this situation she accepted Nash's invitation of returning to Bath. 
 He promised to introduce her to the best company there, and he was 
 assured that her merit would do the rest. Upon her very first appearance, 
 ladies of the highest distinction courted her friendship and esteem; but a
 
 APPENDIX NO. II. 403 
 
 settled melanclioly had taken possession of her mind, and no aniusomcnts 
 that they could propose were sufficient to divert it. Yet still, as if from 
 habit, she followed the crowd in its levities, and frequented those places 
 where all persons endeavour to forget themselves in the bustle of ceremony 
 and show. 
 
 " Her beaut}', her simplicity, and her unguarded situation soon drew the 
 attention of a designing wretch, who at that time kept one of the rooms at 
 Bath, and who thought that this lady's merit, properly managed, might 
 turn to good account. This woman's name was Lindsey, a creature who, 
 thougb vicious, was in appearance sanctified, and, though designing, had 
 some wit and humour. She began by the humblest assiduity to ingratiate 
 herself with Miss S ; shewed that she could be amusing as a compa- 
 nion, and, by frequent offers of money, proved that she could be useful as 
 a friend. Thus by degrees she gained an entire ascendency over this poor, 
 thoughtless, deserted girl; and in less than one year, namely, about 1727, 
 
 Miss S , without ever transgressing the laws of virtue, had entirely 
 
 lost her reputation. Whenever a person was wanting to make up a party 
 for play at dame Lindsey's, Sylvia, as she was then familiarly called, was 
 sent for; and was obliged to suffer all those slights which the rich but too 
 often let fall upon their inferiors in point of fortune. 
 
 '* In most, even the greatest minds, the heart at last becomes level with 
 the meanness of its condition ; but in this charming girl, it struggled hard 
 with adversity, and yielded to every encroachment of contempt with sullen 
 reluctance. But though in the course of three years she was in the very 
 eye of public inspection, yet IMr. Wood, the architect, avers, that he could 
 never, by the strictest observations, perceive her to be tainted with any 
 other vice than that of suffering herself to be decoyed to the gaming-table, 
 and at her own hazard playing for the amusement and advantage of others. 
 Her friend Nash, therefore, thought proper to induce her to break off all 
 connections with dame Lindsey, and to rent part of Mr. Wood's house, in 
 Queen's square, where she behaved with the utmost complaisance, regula- 
 rity, and virtue. 
 
 " In this situation, her detestation of life still continued. She found 
 that time would infallibly deprive her of a part of her attractions, and that 
 continual solicitude would impair the rest. With these reflections she 
 would frequently entertain herself and an old faithful maid in the vales of 
 Bath, whenever the weather would permit them to walk out. She would 
 even sometimes start questions in company, with seeming unconcern, in 
 order to know what act of suicide was easiest, and which was attended 
 with the smallest pain. When tired with exercise, she generally retired 
 to meditation, and she became habituated to early hours of sleep and rest;
 
 404 APPENDIX NO. II. 
 
 but when the weather prevented her usual exercise, and her sleep was thus 
 more difficult, she made it a rule to rise from her bed, and -walk about her 
 chamber, till she began to find an inclination for repose. 
 
 " This custom made it necessary for her to order a candle to be kept burn- 
 ing all night in her room ; and the maid usually, when she withdrew, locked 
 the chamber door, and pushing the key under it beyond reach, her mistress, 
 by that constant method, lay undisturbed till seven o'clock in the morning, 
 when she arose, unlocked the door, and rang the bell as a signal for the 
 maid to return. 
 
 " This state of seeming piety, regularity, and prudence continued for 
 some time, till the gay, celebrated, toasted Miss Sylvia was sunk into a 
 housekeeper to the gentleman at whose house she lived. She was unable 
 to keep company, for want of the elegancies of dress, which are the usual 
 passports among the polite ; and was too haughty to seem to want them. 
 The fashionable, the amusing, and the polite in society now seldom visited 
 her; and from being once the object of every eye, she was now deserted 
 by all, and preyed upon by the bitter reflections of her own imprudence. 
 
 '■'■ Mr. Wood and part of his family were gone to London, and Miss Sylvia 
 was left with the rest as governess at Bath. She sometimes saw Mr. Nash, 
 and acknowledged the friendship of his admonitions, though she refused 
 to accept any other marks of his generosity than that of advice. Upon 
 the close of the day upon which Mr. Wood was expected to return from 
 London, she expressed some uneasiness at the disappointment of not seeing 
 him, took particular care to settle the affairs of his family, and then as 
 usual sat down to meditation. She now cast a retrospect over her past mis- 
 conduct, and her approaching misery ; she saw that even affluence gave her 
 no real happiness, and from indigence she thought that nothing could be 
 hoped but lingering calamity. She at length conceived the fatal resolution 
 of leaving a life in which she could see no corner for comfort, and termi- 
 nating a scene of imprudence in suicide. 
 
 ''Thus resolved, she sat down at her dining-room window, and with cool 
 intrepidity wrote the following lines on one of the panes of the window : 
 
 ' Death ! thou pleasing end of human woe ! 
 Thou cure for life, thou greatest good below! 
 Still mayst thou fly the coward and the slave 
 And thy soft slumbers only bless the brave.' 
 
 " She then went into company with the most cheerful serenity, talked 
 of indifferent subjects till supper, which she ordered to be got ready in a 
 little library belonging to the family. There she spent the remaining hours 
 preceding bed-time, in dandling two of Mr. Wood's children on her knees.
 
 APPENDIX NO. II. 405 
 
 In retiring from tlionce to her clunnbcr, she went into the nursery to take 
 her leave of another child, as it lay sleeping in the cradle. Struck with 
 the innocence of the little babe's looks, and the consciousness of her medi- 
 tated guilt, she could not avoid bursting into tears, and hugging it in her 
 arms; she then bid her old servant a good-night, for the first time she had 
 ever done so, and went to bed as usual. 
 
 '' It is probable she soon quitted her bed, and was seized with an alter- 
 nation of passions, before she yielded to the impulse of despair. She then 
 dressed herself in clean linen and white garments of every kind, like a 
 bride-maid. Her gown was pinned over her breast, just as a nurse pins 
 the swaddling clothes of an infant. A pink silk girdle was the instrument 
 with which she resolved to terminate her misery, and this was lengthened 
 by another made of gold thread. The end of the former was tied with a 
 noose, and the latter with three knots, at a small distance from one another. 
 
 "Thus prepared, she sat down again and read; for she left the book 
 open at that place, in the story of Olympia, in the Orlando Furioso of 
 Ariosto, where, by the perfidy and ingratitude of her bosom friend, she was 
 ruined and left to the mercy of an unpitying world. This fatal event gave 
 her fresh spirits to go through her tragical purpose; so, standing upon a 
 stool, and flinging the girdle, which was tied round her neck, over a closet- 
 door that opened into her chamber, she remained suspended. Her weioht, 
 however, broke the girdle, and the poor despairer fell on the floor with such 
 violence, that her fall awakened a workman that lay in the house, about 
 half an hour after two o'clock. Recovering herself, she began to walk 
 about the room, as her usual custom was when she wanted sleep; and the 
 workman imagining it to be only some ordinary accident, again went to 
 sleep. She once more, therefore, had recourse to a stronger girdle, made 
 of silver thread, and this kept her suspended till she died. Her old maid 
 continued in the morning to wait as usual for the ringing of the 
 bell, and protracted her patience, hour after hour, till two o'clock in 
 the afternoon ; when the workmen at length entering the room through 
 the window, found their unfortunate mistress still hanging and quite cold. 
 The coroner's jury being impanelled, brought in their verdict lunacy; and 
 her corpse was next night decently buried in her father's grave. 
 
 " Thus ended a female wit, a toast, and a gamester; loved, admired, and 
 forsaken ; formed for the delight of society, fallen by imprudence into an 
 object of pity. Hundreds in high life lamented her fate, and wished, when 
 too late, to redress her injuries. They who once had helped to impair her 
 fortune, now regretted that they had assisted in so mean a pursuit. The 
 little effects she had left behind were bought up with the greatest avidity, 
 by those who desired to preserve some token of a companion that had once
 
 406 APPENDIX NO. II. 
 
 given them sueli delight. The remembrance of every virtue she was pos- 
 sessed of was now improved by pity. Her former follies were few, but the 
 last swelled them to a large amount; and she remains the strongest 
 instance to posterity, that want of prudence alone almost cancels every 
 other virtue. 
 
 " In all this unfortunate lady's affairs Nash took a peculiar concern : he 
 directed her when they played, advised her when she deviated from the 
 rules of caution, and performed the last offices of friendship after her 
 decease, by raising the auction of her little effects."
 
 APPENDIX No. III. 
 
 GEORGE CROGHAN'S STATEMENT. 
 
 " The Government continued to maintain the Indians that lived at my 
 house till the Spring, when General Braddock arrived. They then desired 
 Governor Morris to let me know that they would not maintain them any 
 longer, at which time Governor Morris desired me to take them at Fort 
 Cumberland to meet General Braddock, which I did. On my arrival at 
 Fort Cumberland, General Braddock asked me where the rest of y* Indians 
 were ? I told him I did not know : I had brought with me about 50 men 
 which was all which was at that time under my care and which I had 
 brought there under direction of Gov. Morris. He replied ' Governor Din- 
 widdle told me at Alexandria that he had sent for 400 which would be here 
 before me.' I answered I knew nothing of that, but that Capt. Montour 
 the Virginia Interpreter was in camp and could inform his Excellency ; on 
 which Montour was sent for, who informed the General that Mr. Gist's 
 son was sent off some time ago for some Cheroquees Indians, but whether 
 they would come he could n't tell : on which the General asked me whether 
 I could not send for some of y° Delawares and Shawnese to Ohio. I told 
 him I could ; on which I sent a messenger to Ohio who returned in eight 
 days and brought with him three chiefs of the Delawares. The General 
 had a conference with these chiefs in company with those 50 I had brought 
 with me, and made them a handsome present, and behaved as kindly to 
 them as he possibly could during their stay, ordering me to let them want 
 for nothing. The Delawares promised in council to meet y' General en 
 the road, as he marched out, with a number of their warriors, but whether 
 the fjriner breaches of faith on the side of the English prevented them, 
 
 (407)
 
 408 APPENDIX NO. III. 
 
 or that they had before engaged to assist the French, I cannot tell : but 
 they disappointed the General and did not meet him. 
 
 Two days after the Delaware Chiefs had left the camp at Fort Cumber- 
 land, Mr. Gist's son returned from the Southern Indians where he had 
 been sent by Governor Dinwiddle, but brought no Indians with him. Soon 
 after the General was preparing for y'' march with no more Indians than 
 those I had with me, when Col. Innis told the General that the women 
 and children of the Indians which was to remain at Fort Cumberland 
 would be very troublesome, and that the General need not take above ten 
 men out with him, for if he took more, he would find them very trouble- 
 some on the march, and of no service : on which the General ordered mo 
 to send all the men, women and children back to my house in Pennsylva- 
 nia, except eight or ten which I should keep as scouts : which I accord- 
 ingly did. 
 
 But I am yet of opinion that had we had fifty Indians instead of eight, 
 that we might in a great measure have prevented the surprise, that day of 
 our unhappy defeat." (George Croghan's Journal to the Ohio during Mr. 
 Hamilton's and part of Mr. Morris's administration, taken from the origi- 
 nal delivered by himself to Mr. Peters. August 18th, 1757. — Du Simi- 
 tiere MSS., Library Co. of Philadelphia.)
 
 APPENDIX No. IV. 
 
 THE FRENCH EEPORTS OF THE ACTION OF THE Oxn 
 
 JULY, 1755. 
 
 The ensuing three papers are taken from copies procured by Mr. Sparks 
 from the originals in the Archives of the War Department at Paris : and 
 it is to his kindness that they are now for the first time published en bloc. 
 Their "ist has indeed been <A\cu in the second volume of his AVashinfrton. 
 
 I. 
 
 Relation du Combat du 9 Juillet, 1755. 
 
 Monsieur de Contre-coeur Capitaine d' lufanterie commandant au fort 
 Duquesne sur la belle riviere, ayeut ete inforrae que les Anglois armoient 
 dans la Virginie pour le venir attaquer, fut averti peu de temps apres 
 qu'ils etoient en marche, il mit des decouvreurs en campagne que s'infor- 
 merent fidellement de leur routtc. Le Sept du courant il fCit averti que 
 leur armee composee de 3000 hommcs de troupes de la vieille Angleterre 
 etoient a Six lieux de ce fort : Cet officier employa le landemain a faire ses 
 dispositions, et le neuf il detache Monsieur de Beaujeu et lui donna pour 
 second Monsieur Dumas et de Lignery, tous trois Capitaines, avec quatres 
 Lieutenants, 6 Enseignes, 20 Cadets, 100 Soldats, 100 Canadiens et GOO 
 Sauvages, avec ordre de s'allcr embarquer' dans un lieu favorable qu'il 
 avoit fait reconnoitre la vieille. Le detachemcnt se trouva en presance do 
 
 * Embusquer ? 
 
 (409)
 
 410 APPENDIX NO. ly. 
 
 I'ennemi a trois lieux de ce fort avant d'avoir pu gagncr son poste. Mon- 
 sieur de Beaujeu voyant son embuseade manquee prit le parti d' attaquer : 
 il le fit avec tant de vivacite que les ennemis qui nous attendoient dans le 
 meilleur ordre du monde en parurent etonnees, mais leur artillerie chargee 
 a cartouche ayent commence h faire feu, notre trouppe fut ebranlee a son 
 tour. Lcs Sauvages aussi, eprouvantcs ' par le bruit du canon plutot que 
 par le mal qu'il pouvoit faire, commencoient a perdre leur terrain. Lorsque 
 Monsieur de Beaujeu fut tue, Monsieur Dumas s'appliqua aussitot a rani- 
 mer son detachement : il ordonna aux officiers qui conduisoient les Sau- 
 vages de s'etandre sur les aisles pour prendre I'ennemi en flane, dans le temps 
 que lui, Monsieur de Lignery, et les autres officiers qui etoient a la tete 
 des fran(;ois attaquoient de front. Get ordre fut execute si promptement 
 que les ennemis qui poussoient deja leurs cris de Vive le Roi ne furent 
 plus occuppes que de bien deffendre. Le combat fut opiniatre de part et 
 d' autre, et le succes longtemps douteux, mais enfin 1' cnnemi pliat. II 
 chercha inutillement de" mettre quelques ordres dans sa retraite : les cris 
 des Sauvages, dont les bois retantissoient, porterent I'epouvante dans tons 
 les cocurs des ennemis. La deroutte fut complette : le champ de bataille 
 nous resta avec six pieces de canons de fonte de douze et de Six, quatre 
 afFuts a bomb de 50, 11 petite Mortiere a grenade Royale, touttes leur mu- 
 nitions et generalement tons leurs bagages. Quelques deserteurs qui nous 
 sont venus depuis nous ont dit que nous avions eu affaire qu'a 2000 
 hommes, le reste de I'arraee etant a quatre lieux plus loin. Ces memes deser- 
 teurs nous ont dit que les ennemis se retiroient en Virginie, et des decouv- 
 reurs qu'on a envoye presqu'a la hauteur des terres nous I'ont confirmees 
 en nous rapportant que les milles hommes qui n'avoient point combatu 
 avoient egallement pris 1' epouvante, et abandonnes vivres et munitions en 
 chemin, sur cette nouvelle Ton a envoye un detachement sur la routte qui 
 a detruit ou brule tout ce qui pouvoit rester en nature. Les ennemis ont 
 laisses plus de 1000 hommes sur les champs de bataille. lis ont perdu vue^ 
 grande partie d' artillerie et de munitions de vivres, ainci que leur general 
 nomme Monsieur Bradork et presques tons les officiers. Nous avons eus 
 3 officiers de tues et 2 de blesses ; 2 Cadets blesses. Un tel succes que 
 Ton avoit pas lieu de se promettre, vu I'inegalite des forces, est le fruit de 
 I'experiance de Monsieur Dumas et de I'activite et de la valeur des offi- 
 ciers qu'il avoit sous ses ordres. 
 
 ' Epouvant^s ? = Une ?
 
 APPENDIX NO. IV. 411 
 
 II. 
 
 Relation depuis le dkpart des trouppes de Quebec, jusqu' au 
 30 DU Mois de Septembre, 1755. 
 
 Les regimans partages par division do quatre et cinq compagnies etoient 
 partis pour se reudre en partie au fort frontenac ou nous devions former 
 un camp et dela aller faire le siege de chozcn ; ce projet n'a pu avoir son 
 execution, ajant ete oblige de les faire marcher pour empeclier les ennemis 
 de faire se lui du fort St. frederic, et on fut dans I'obligation de faire re- 
 descendre le regiment de la Regne et notre premiere division qui etoit deja 
 fort avancee. Les ennemis avoient trois corps d'armee, I'une etoit desti- 
 uee pour les trois Rivieres, ou ils ont ecboues. Le corp etoit de trois mils 
 hommes comraandes par le General Braudolk ; Leurs intentions etoit de 
 faire le Siege du fort du Quesne. lis avoient beaucoup d' artillerie, beau- 
 coup plus qu'il neu faut pour faire le Siege des forts de ce pais, la plus part 
 ne valent rien, quoiqu'il ayent beaucoup coute au Roi. Monsieur de Beau- 
 jeu qui commandoit dans ce fort prevenu de leurs marche et fort embarasse 
 de pouvoir, avec le pcu de monde qu'il avoit, empecher ce Siege, se deter- 
 mina a aller au devant de I'ennemi. II le proposa aux Sauvages qui etoient 
 avec lui, qui dabord rejetterent son avis, et lui dire quoi, mon pere, tu 
 veus done mourir et nous sacrifier, les Anglois sont plus de quatres Mils 
 hommes et nous autres nous ne Somraes que huit cent, et veus les aller 
 attaqucr; tu vols bien que tu n'a pas d'esprit : Nous te demandons jusqu'a 
 deraains pour nous determiner. lis tinrent conseil entre eux ils ne mar- 
 chent jamais qu'il ne fassent de meme. Le landeraain matin Monsieur de 
 Beaujeu sorti de son fort avec le peu de troupes qu'il avoit et demanda 
 aux Sauvages qu'elles avoient etc leurs deliberations. lis lui repondirent 
 qu'ils ne pouvoient marcher. Monsieur de Beaujeu, qui etoit bon, affable 
 et qui avoit do I'esprit, lour dit : Je suis determine a aller au devant des 
 ennemis : quoi — laisserez-vous aller notre' pere seul ? Je suis sur de les 
 viancre. lis ce deciderent alors ii le Suivre. Ce detachement etoit com- 
 pose de 72 hommes de trouppes, de 14G Canadians et 637 Sauvages : La 
 rencontre s'est faitte a 4 lieux du fort le 9 du Juillet a, une heure aprcs 
 midi; la faire^ a dure jusqu'a cinq. Monsieur de Beaujeu a ete tue a la 
 premiere discharge. Les Sauvages qui I'amoient beaucoup vangerent sa 
 mort avec toutte sa^ bravoure imaginable. Ils obligcrent I'ennemi a 
 prandre la fuitte apres un perte considerable.- Cela n'ost pas extraordinaire; 
 leur fa5on de se battre est bien dififerentc dc celle de nous autres Europeens, 
 la quelle ne vaut rien en ce pais. lis se mirent en battaille, presanterent 
 un front, a qui, a des hommes caches derriere des armes'' qui chaque coup 
 
 ' Voire ? ' L'affaire ? ' La ? ' Arbres ?
 
 412 APPENDIX NO. ly. 
 
 de fusil en culbutoient un ou deux : c'est ainsi qu'ils defirent presquc en- 
 tierement les Anglois et cela presque tous de vieilles troupes qui arvient 
 passe I'hiver dernier. On fait ujonter la parte des ennemis a 1500 
 hoiumes. Monsieur de Braudolk leur general y a ete tue et quantite d'offi- 
 ciers. On leur a pris 13 pieces d'artillerie, beaucoup de boulets et de 
 bombes, cartouches et poudres, et farines, 100 boeufs, 400 cbevaus tues, 
 ou pris, tous leur chariots pris ou casses. Si nos Sauvages ne S'etoient pas 
 amuses a piller, il ne s'en seroit pas retourne un. II y a grande aparence 
 qu'ils ne tanteront plus rien pour cette partie, puis qu'en se retirant ils ont 
 brule un fort qu'ils avolent etablis pour leurs retraites. Nous avons 
 perdus trois officiers, dont Monsieur de Beaujeu, 25 Soldats, Canadiens, ou 
 Savages, environ autant de blesse. Nous n'avons pas ete aussi heureux 
 dans notre partie : rcvenons a nous autres. 
 
 IIL 
 
 De Monsieur Loteiniere X Monsieur le Comte D'Argenson. 
 
 Au camp de CariUuUj le 2-4 Octohrr, 1755. 
 Des I'automne derniere corame j'eus I'honneur de vous le marquei', 
 r Anglois coiumenca un fort au pied des montagnes d'Aliganai qu'il nomma 
 fort de Comberland : le fort est eloigne du notre sur la Belle riviere de 
 110 miles suivant leur estime. Its ont fait partir d'Europe dans I'hiver 
 deux regimens de troupes regies de 500 hommes chacun sous le commande- 
 mcnt de idonsiur Braddock qui est arrive a Alexandrie en Virginie le 24 
 fevrier. Ce roi lui avoit donne la commission de general dc toutes les 
 forces du nord de I'Amerique et c'est lui qui dcvoit presider aus operations 
 preparees a, la Cour dc Londrcs tandis qu'on amusoit la cour dc franco de 
 Mile propositions de pais pour etre un 6tat d'Envahir plus surement ce 
 pays. Le general Braddok, sitot son arrivee en Virginie, fit ses prepa- 
 ratifs pour se mettre en carapagne dans le premiers jours d'Avril. II 
 se reserva la reduction du fort de TOliio, et asemble prendre toutes ses 
 precautions pour s'assurer de la reussite. Cependent comme il n'a pas et6 
 servi par les provinces de la nouvelle Angleterre suivant ses desirs et qu'on 
 la fait attendre un temps infini pour les chariots et autres choses qui devoient 
 lai Gtre fourui par les provinces il n'a pu laisser le fort de Comberland que 
 dans les premiers jours de juin. Nos sauvages nous ont rapporte dans 
 I'hiver qu'il se fasoit de grands preparatifs chez I'Anglois, mais Monsieur 
 Duqucsne, a qui cette nouvelle fut raporte, bicn des fois traita ce la de fan- 
 farronade et dit que ce n'etoit qu'un feu de paille. En consequence, il ne 
 prit aucun des precautions necessaires pour un mouvcment si general.
 
 APPEXDIX XO. IV. 413 
 
 Monsieur de Yaudreuil arriva dans le mois de Juin, a qui Ton dit que le 
 gouvernement etoit dans un ctat mcrvillieux. Monsieur Duquesne, arriva 
 dans les derniers jours de juin qui confirma k son successeur ce qu'il lui 
 avoit deja ecrit et deux jours apres on sut la prise de Beausojour. Mon- 
 sieur Duquesne, qui avoit su son fort menace, avoit envoye a son secours, 
 negligeant totalement les autres cotes. Secours arriva a point nomme et 
 le General de Guillet sachant que Tennemi n'etoit qu'a trois lieux du fort 
 Duquesne, on fit partir 891 hommes dont 250 fran^ais le reste sauvage sous 
 le commandement de Monsieur de Beaujeu, Capitaine de nos troupes, qui 
 se trouva vis-a-vis de I'ennemi a 11 heurcs du matin. II I'attaqua avco 
 beaucoup de chaleur et apr^s 5 heures de combat notre detachment reussit 
 a mettre totalement en deroute un avant-garde de 13 cents et quelques 
 hommes, non couipris les voituriers, on se trouva le general Braddock. Son 
 arriere-garde de 700 hommes etoit a environ huit lieux et ne fut point 
 attaque. II se trouva dans cet avant-garde le regiment d'halke, complette 
 depuis son arrivee en Virginie a 700 hommes, 3 compagnies franches de 
 100 hommes chacune, le reste etoit troupe de province. II resta sur la 
 place plus de 600 morts, un nombre tres grand de blesses qui sont mort au 
 retour : le general lui meme y fut blesse et mourut a quelques lieux du 
 Champs de Bataillc. En un mot il n'a retourne de ces 1300 hommes qu'- 
 environ 300 hommes dont 11 officiers de plus de 150 qu'ils etoient. Nous 
 n'y perdimes que le commandant avec deux auti'es officiers, 30 et quelques 
 Canadiens et sauvages, et a peu pres meme nombre de blesse. Toute 
 I'Artillerie de I'ennemi, ces chariots et tous ses equipages resterent au 
 champs de battaille : ce qui fit un pillage considerable qui arreta notre 
 troupe. On eut les papiers du General Braddock parmi lesquelles se re- 
 trouverent les instructions du Roi donne avec reserve, qui se trouverent 
 plus ctendu par une lettre de Colonel Napier adjutant General eerite par 
 ordre du Due de Comberland pour lui servir de conduite dans toutes ses 
 operations.
 
 APPENDIX No. V. 
 
 The poetical sensibilities of the nation do not seem to Lave been very 
 strongly afifected by the inception or by the failure of Braddoek's Expedi- 
 tion. A few copies of contemporaneous verses having fallen in my way, 
 however, they are preserved here, as part of the res gestse. 
 
 I. 
 
 [This jingling provincial ballad was composed in Chester County, Penn- 
 sylvania, while the army was on its march in the spring or early summer 
 of 1755. During the Revolution it was still a favourite song there, the 
 name of Lee being substituted for Braddoek's. It has never, I believe, 
 appeared in print before. There is no doubt of its authenticity.] 
 
 To arms, to arms ! my jolly grenadiers ! 
 Hark, how the drums do roll it along ! 
 To horse, to horse, with valiant good cheer; 
 We'll meet our proud foe, before it is long. 
 
 Let not your courage fail you : 
 
 Be valiant, stout and bold ; 
 
 And it will soon avail you, 
 
 My loyal hearts of gold. 
 Huzzab, my valiant countrymen! — again I say huzzah ! 
 'Tis nobly done — the day's our own — huzzah, huzzah ! 
 
 (414)
 
 APPENDIX NO. V. 415 
 
 March on, march on, brave Bradilock leads the foremost; 
 The battle is begun as you may fairly see. 
 Stand firm, be bold, and it will soon be over; 
 We'll soon gain the field from our proud enemy. 
 
 A squadron now appears, my boys; 
 
 If that they do but stand ! 
 
 Boys, never fear, be sure you mind 
 
 The word of command ! 
 Huzzah, my valiant countrymen ! again I say huzzah ! 
 'Tis nobly done — the day's our own — huzzah, huzzah! 
 
 See how, see how, they break and fly before us ! 
 See how thoy are scattered all over the plain ! 
 Now, now — now, now, our country will adore us ! 
 In peace and in triumph, boys, when we return again ! 
 
 Then laurels shall our glory crown 
 
 For all our actions told : 
 
 The hills shall echo all around, 
 
 My loyal hearts of gold. 
 Huzzah, my valiant countrymen! — again I say huzzah! 
 'Tis nobly done — the day's our own — huzzah, huzzah! 
 
 II. 
 
 [The following lines are from the Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. XXV., p. 
 383 (Aug. 1755). It would seem that they were first published as a 
 broadside and sold through the streets.] 
 
 On the Death of Gen. Braddock, said to he slain in an Ambuscade hy the 
 French and Indians, on the Banlcs of the Ohio, July 9, 1755. 
 Beneath some Indian shrub, if chance you spy 
 The brave remains of murder'd Braddock lie, 
 Soldiers, with shame the guilty place survey, 
 And weep, that here your comrades fled away. 
 Then, with his brother-chiefs' encircled round, 
 Possess the hero's bones of hostile ground. 
 And plant the English Oak,- that gave his name, 
 Fit emblem of his valour and his fame 1 
 Broad o'er this stream^ shall thus his honours grow, 
 And last as long as e'er its waters flow ! 
 
 ' His officers. 
 
 ^ Brad in old Saxon-Euglish is the same as Broad, and Brad-oke the same as Broad-oak. 
 
 " The Ohio.
 
 -116 APPENDIX NO. V. 
 
 III. 
 
 [From XXV. Gent. Mag. (Sept. 1755), p. 421.] 
 
 A-pologu for the Men iclio deserted Gen. Braddock when surpi'iz'd hy the 
 
 ambuscade. 
 
 Ah ! BraddocJc, why did you persuade 
 To stand and fight each recreant blade, 
 
 That left thee in the wood ? 
 They knew that those who run away, 
 Wight live to fight another day, 
 
 But all must die that stood.
 
 APPENDIX No. VI. 
 
 SHADDOCK'S LAST NIGHT IN LONDON. 
 
 Since the preceding pages were in press, the editor has been referred 
 to a passage in the "Apology for the Life of George Anne BeUamy" of 
 too interesting a character to be entirely omitted ; though, unfortunately, 
 it is now impossible to introduce it in its proper connection. It seems 
 that from her earliest youth Braddock had been the constant friend of 
 this beautiful and accomplished, although sometimes frail, actress. He 
 had, at her request, given the agency of his regiment to her putative husband, 
 Mr. Calcraft; and on the eve of his departure he came, with Colonel Burton 
 and Captain Orme, to take a last farewell. Miss Bellamy was at this time 
 living, under a contract of marriage, with Mr. John Calcraft, as his "do- 
 mesticated wife," and the mistress of an establishment in Brewer Street. 
 " Before we parted," continues she, " the General told me he should never 
 see me more; for he was going with a handful of men to conquer whole 
 nations; and to do this they must cut their way through unknown woods. 
 He produced a map of the country, saying, at the same time, ' Dear Pop, 
 we arc sent like sacrifices to the altar.' The event of the expedition too 
 fatally verified the General's expectations. On going away, he put into 
 my hands a paper, which proved to be his will. As he did not doubt my 
 being married to Mr. Calcraft * * * he made him his sole executor; 
 leaving me only the plate which he had received as the usual perquisite 
 from government on his nomination." (Vol. I. p. 194, Vol. V., p. 15.5.) 
 This plate, which had, " besides the royal arms, a greyhound for the crest," 
 the Treasury officers were so moan as to endeavor afterwards to recover, 
 but were cast in the courts. What were the grounds of their demand is 
 
 27 (-iiT)
 
 418 APPENDIX NO. VI. 
 
 not known. The value of Braddock's estate was £7000 (Vol. V., p. 192). 
 Certainly, the fate of '' her second father " would appear to have brought 
 no common shock to the mind of the flxir Apologist; and we are indebted 
 to her memoirs for a further anecdote : 
 
 " This great man having been often reproached with brutality, I am 
 induced to recite the following little anecdote, which evidently shows the 
 contrary. As we were walking in the Park one day, we heard a poor fel- 
 low was to be chastised ; when I requested the General to beg off the 
 offender. Upon his application to the general oflaeer, whose name was 
 Dury, he asked Braddock, How long since he had divested himself of bru- 
 tality and the insolence of his manners? To which the other replied, 
 'You never knew me insolent to my inferiors. It is only to such rude 
 men as yourself that I behave with the spirit which I think they deserve.' " 
 (Vol. III., p. 55.) 
 
 In the same work (Vol. II., p. 129, Vol. III., pp. 116, 153), may be 
 found some notices of Colonel Burton's first wife (Miss St. Leger, of Ire- 
 land) and her family. After her death, and while yet in this country, he 
 became enamored of an Indian beauty ; but he seems to have subsequently 
 married an American lady.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abandonment of Fort Dii Quesne, 
 
 221. 
 Adams, Daniel, 251. 
 Ais-la-chapelle, treaty of, 15. 
 Alexandria, congress at, 300. 
 Allen, Lieut. James, 361. 
 Ambuscade planned, 221. 
 American affairs, administration of, 
 
 108. 
 Amherst, Sir Jeffrey, 260. 
 Army, Braddock's; its cliaracter and 
 
 condition, 210, 217, 323. 
 Artillery, fate of Braddock's, 257. 
 Athanase, 222. 
 
 Barrington, Hon. Samuel, 139. 
 
 Battle-ground described, 219. 
 
 Beck with, Capt. John, 361. 
 
 Belcher, Gov. John, 325. 
 
 Beaujeu, M. de, 221, 227 
 
 Bocufs, Riviere aux, 35. 
 
 Boundaries of Pennsylvania and 
 Virginia, 24. 
 
 Bouquet attempts Du Quesne, 270. 
 
 Braddock, Edward ; his parentage, 
 115; personal history, 112, 126; 
 character, 113, 132; fate of his 
 sister, 117, 401 ; appointed to 
 command Virginia expedition, 
 128; arrives in England, 137; 
 
 his instructions, 394 ; sails for, 
 and arrives in America, 138, 139; 
 council with Indians, 375, 377 ; 
 intercourse with Washington, 155, 
 157, 158; incensed at Pennsylva- 
 nia, 147, 152; his coach, 194; 
 his success doubted by Franklin, 
 199; his route, 193, 198, 212; 
 designs after capture of Du Quesne, 
 302 ; offers reward for scalps, 
 172 ; passes Monongahela, 216, 
 217; ill condition of his army, 
 210 ; meets the enemy, 226 ; re- 
 fuses cover to his men, 230 ; re- 
 treats and is shot, 232; destroys 
 stores, 238 ; story of his assassi- 
 nation, 244; his last passages, 
 236; dies, 237; his burial and 
 grave, 261, 277 ; his disinterment, 
 261 ; his sash, 278 ; defeat un- 
 looked for, 262 ; first news of it, 
 260 ; burial of his dead, 275 ; 
 the battle-field, 278 ; his strategic 
 errors, 254; verses on him, 414. 
 
 Braddock, Miss Fanny, 117, 401. 
 
 Bromley, Capt., 377. 
 
 Brown, Billy, 250. 
 
 Buchanan, Lieut. Sir F. J., 364. 
 
 Burton, Col. Kalph, 211. 
 
 Butler, William, 247. 
 
 (419)
 
 420 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Camps, 331, 333, 335, 338, 340, 
 341, 343, 344, 345, 346, 349, 
 350, 352. 
 
 Canada, its resources, 37. 
 
 Cantonment of Ann}', 28G. 
 
 Captives at Braddock's defeat:, 258. 
 
 Centuiion, 139. 
 
 Cholmondeley, Capt., 247. 
 
 Cocke, Thomas, 329. 
 
 Coldstream Guards, 122; prices of 
 commissions, 124. 
 
 Congress of Alexandria, 300 
 
 Contreeceur, M. do, 41, 221. 
 
 Conyngliam, Capt. John, 243. 
 
 Contrast of English and French 
 treatment of prisoners, 260. 
 
 Councils of War, 317, 321, 331, 
 346. 
 
 Courts-martial, 358. 
 
 Cox, , 372. 
 
 Cressap, Capt., 313, 372. 
 
 Croghan, George, 309; his state- 
 ment, 407. 
 
 Crooked Run, 214. 
 
 Crow Foot, 316. 
 
 Cruelties of French, 260, 272. 
 
 Cumberland, Duke of, 130. 
 
 Cumberland, Fort, 144. 
 
 Darby, William, 246. 
 Dagworthy, Ely, 328. 
 Demcrie, Paul, 328. 
 Deserters, 265. 
 D'Estaing, Corate, 58. 
 « Dieskau, Baron, 190. 
 
 Dinwiddle, Gov. Ilobert, 60. 
 Disney, Ensign Daniel, 361. 
 Dobbs, Capt.^312. 
 Dobson, Capt, 211. 
 Dumas, M., 224, 269. 
 Duncan, Lieut. Adam, 139. 
 Dunbar, Col. Thomas, 267; his re- 
 treat, 262, 264. 
 
 Duqucsne, M. de, 29, 33, 35, 192. 
 
 Du Quesne, Fort ; founded, 42 ; con- 
 dition of, 181; English projects 
 against, 268 ; to be garrisoned by 
 colonists, 302 ; abandoned, 221 ; 
 reduction of, 274. 
 
 Edmestone, Lieut. William, 362. 
 
 Encroachments in America, 22. 
 
 Ettwcin, Rev. John, 97. 
 
 Expedition to Virginia determined 
 on, 103; parliamentary supplies, 
 111, 133; organization, 129, 134, 
 145; Braddock takes command, 
 137 ; delayed by storms, 138 ; 
 sails from Cork, 140 ; list of 
 sliips, 141 ; arrives in Virginia, 
 141 ; why sent thither, 161 ; can- 
 tonments, 286; anticipated suc- 
 cess, 142 ; failure of supplies, 
 162, 169; route, 193, 198; its 
 character, 323 ; con.scc[uenees of 
 defeat, 239; English loss, 239; 
 reception in Philadelphia, 266. 
 
 Falconer, Lieut. Thom.as, 361. 
 
 Farrel, Thomas, 243. 
 
 Fausett, Joseph, 247. 
 
 Fausctt, Thomas, said to have killed 
 Braddock, 244. 
 
 Forbes, Brig. John, reduces Fort 
 Du Quesne, 270. 
 
 Fort Du Quesne, founded, 42 ; suf- 
 fers for supplies, 57. 
 
 Fort Necessity, capture of, 51, 57; 
 Indian account of, 54 ; English 
 comments, 58; Virginia feeling, 
 60. 
 
 Fort Pitt, 274. 
 
 Franklin ; his services to Braddock, 
 163; his claims audited, 308; 
 prognosticates ill-success, 109, 
 262^
 
 INDEX. 
 
 421 
 
 French Creek, 35. 
 
 French spoliations, 36. 
 
 French colonies, union of, '21. 
 
 French forts, 40. 
 
 French encroachments, dan<rerous, 
 23 ; resented by Virginia, 39 ; re- 
 inforcements sent to America, 189. 
 
 French reports of the battle, 409 ; 
 their officers, 306, 409, 411; 
 their Indians after the battle, 208. 
 
 Gage, Thomas, 217, 298. 
 
 (lalissonidre, M. de la, 27. 
 
 Gates, Horatio, 106. 
 
 General orders, 291, 327, 333, 338, 
 339, 341, 343, 344, 34.5, 340, 
 348, 351, 353. 
 
 Gist, Christopher, 209. 
 
 Gladv>'yn, Lieut. Henry, 362. 
 
 Gordon, Lieut. Harry, 364; disco- 
 vers the foe, 227. 
 
 Grant, Major, defeated, 270. 
 
 Halifax, Earl of, 105. 
 Halket, Lieut. James, 244. 
 Halket, Sir Peter, notice of, 244, 
 
 294; recommends caution, 214; 
 
 diffident of success, 214; burial 
 
 of, 275. 
 Hamilton, Lieut. John, 363. 
 Hanbury, Mr., 107. 
 llewitr, Capt., 359. 
 
 Hile, , 315. 
 
 Hogg, Peter, 320. 
 llobson, Capfc. Thomas, 361. 
 Hughes, Uev. Philip, 377. 
 llutchins, Thomas, 123 
 
 111 condition of Eraddock's army, 
 
 210. 
 Independent companies, 107, 130. 
 
 Indians, their character and condi- 
 tion, 70, 93, 102 ; neglected by 
 English, 168; gained over by 
 French, 175, 186; accompany 
 Braddock, 310, 314; go out as 
 spies, 209. 
 ! Innes, Col. James, 326. 
 
 Jack, Capt., 196. 
 
 Johnson, Sir W, 300, 303, 304, 
 I 306. 
 
 Jonquiere, ^l. de la, 28. 
 j Jumonville, 31. de, 43, 56. 
 ! ^ 
 
 I Kennedy, Ensign Primrose, 361. 
 Keppel, Hon. Aug., 137. 
 King, Capt., 302. 
 
 I Leake, rtobert, 308. 
 
 I Leslie, Lieut. Matthew, 243, 260. 
 
 ' Lenni Lenape, 98. 
 
 ■ Lewis, Andrew, 298. 
 
 Ligncris, M. de, 224, 271. 
 ' Lock, Lieut, llobert, 361. 
 
 Long Run, 214. 
 
 Mackellar, Capt. Patrick, 364. 
 Martin's Plantation, camp at, 333. 
 M'Leod, Lieut. W., 358. 
 M'Xeill, Ensign Hector, 363. 
 M'Xeill, Lieut. John, 363. 
 Menuevillc, M. de Duquesae de, 29, 
 
 So o - 
 O, OD. 
 
 Mercer, George, 329. 
 
 Mercer, Hugh, 246. 
 
 fiercer, -John, 329. 
 
 Mercier, M. de, 42. 
 
 Mcnacatootha, 173. 
 
 Money from South Carolina, 325. 
 
 Monkton, Lieut. -Col, 366. 
 
 Monongahcla, passage of, 216, 217; 
 
 battle of, 227; English Ixis at, 
 
 238.
 
 422 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Montresor, Lieut. John, 362. 
 Morgan, Daniel, 240. 
 Morris, Lewis, 289. 
 Morris, Capt. Roger, 211, 369. 
 Morris, Robert Hunter, 289 
 
 Narrows, the, 212. 
 
 Necessity, Fort, 51 ; its cannon, 52. 
 
 Newcastle, Duke of, 103. 
 
 Officers give a ball, 267. 
 Oglethorpe's regiment, 107. 
 Ohio company, 24, 25. 
 Ohio Territory, occupation of, 35; 
 
 its cost to the French, 269. 
 Onongaruiete, his letter, 32. 
 Orde, Capt. Thomas, 364. 
 Orme, Robert, 211, 284; letter to 
 
 Washington, 155. 
 
 Penington, Ensign George, 361. 
 
 Pennsylvania, its population in 1755, 
 61; character of people, 63, 76; 
 their intercourse with Indians, 65 ; 
 Scotch-Irish settlers, 77 ; Quakers, 
 76; Germans, 61, 77, 80; fron- 
 tier settlers, 83; superstitions, 
 78; Indian antipathy, 91, 93; 
 disputed boundary, 24; domestic 
 troubles, 148 ; conduct in 1755, 
 146 ; disappoints the crown, 145 ; 
 builds a road , 160 ; presents to 
 army, 177, 178, 379. 
 
 Peyronie, Chevalier William de, 328. 
 
 Pitt, Fort, 274. 
 
 Poison, Capt. W., 327. 
 
 Pouchot, M., 38. 
 
 Provincials, to have formed a royal 
 regiment, 211. 
 
 Provisions, scarcity of, 311, 315. 
 
 Regiments, Shirley's and Peppe- 
 
 rell's, 290, 324, 325; 44th and 
 
 48th, 291. 
 Return of loss at defeat, 238. 
 Ross, Capt. Robert, 362. 
 Rush Creek, 213. 
 
 Sailors in the army, 195. 
 
 Scarroyaddy, 103, 173; his son 
 killed, 210. 
 
 Schuyler, Col. Peter, 325. 
 
 Seven Years' War, causes of, 18. 
 
 Sewickly Creek, 211. 
 
 Sharpe, Gov. Horatio, 107. 
 
 Shippen MSS., 159. 
 
 Shirley, Gov. W., 305; his opinion 
 on American boundaries, 34. 
 
 Shirley, W., junior, diffident of suc- 
 cess, 214. 
 
 Smith, James, 258. 
 
 Society Hill, 266. 
 
 South Carolina contingent, 325. 
 
 Sparks, Jared, 212. 
 
 Spendclowe, Lieut., 324 ; camp, 331. 
 
 Spies, 180, 193. 
 
 Spiltdorph, Ensign C. G. de, 363. 
 
 St. Clair, Sir John, 285; sent to 
 America, 136, 144 ; occupation 
 there, 144; incensed at Pennsyl- 
 vania, 159; proposes a canton- 
 ment, 286; his propositions, 210, 
 216, 352. 
 
 Stephen, Capt. Adam, 45, 329. 
 
 Stewart, Hon. A., 246. 
 
 Stewart, Capt. Robert, 363. 
 
 Stewart, Ensign Walter, 363. 
 
 Stobo, Robert, 50, 52, 182. 
 
 Stores destroyed, 235. 
 
 Syren, 290. 
 
 Tadeuskund, 97. 
 Thickctty Run, 349. 
 Thomas, M., 46.
 
 INDEX. 
 
 423 
 
 Treby, Capt. John, 243. 
 Troops, their reception at Philadel- 
 phia, 267. 
 Turkey Foot, 316. 
 Turtle Creek, 212, 213, 218. 
 
 Union of French colonies, 21. 
 
 Yanbraam, Jacob, 51, 53, 182. 
 Verses on Braddock, 414. 
 Villiers, M. de, 49, 56. 
 Virginia, disputed boundary of, 24 ; 
 equipment of troops, 40. 
 
 ^Yaggener, Ensign Edmond, 363. 
 AYaggener, Capt Thomas, 231, 328. 
 Walking treaty, 67. 
 
 Walpole on European settlements, 
 
 26. 
 War, councils of, 331, 346. 
 Washington engages in campaign, 
 
 155; rejoins Braddock, 212; 
 
 opinion of him, 157; unwound- 
 
 ed, 242. 
 White, Bishop, 365. 
 Williamson, Lieut. Adam, 364. 
 Women sent back, 332. 
 Woodward, Lieut. H., 363. 
 Woodward, Luke, 358. 
 Wright, Lieut. John, 363. 
 
 Yeates, Jasper, 218. 
 Youghiogeny, forks of, 316. 
 
 Zeisberger, Rev. David, 97. 
 
 THE END.
 
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