01 m -< •I — 4 m • i V 2.. q IEISH EDUCATION I.'.N li >\ : PUIS I : D m SPOTTISWO n : 1KB CO., '. n -l lli'l.l A.\l> PAIIMAMKS1 SQIMIIN -Jyft^/n U. f -s> THE PEOBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION AN ATTEMPT AT ITS SOLUTION i;v ISAAC BUTT, M.P. ,.,..!.. * O O 3 JO » O ,11., . , ... • ■ ■ . LONDON LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 1875 All right* reserved • * ■ • • • • • • • I • • • o CD LA 81* A, ADVERTISEMENT. «2 The matter contained in the following pages is partly a fragment — partly a compression — of the materials of a larger essay, m the preparation of which I have for ; 2 some time been at intervals engaged. In that essay I had hoped, in a more full and deliberate manner, to have invited the attention both of the English and Irish public to the position of this great question of Irish education, and to have made an attempt to place before them the principles upon which a fair and just settlement of that question should be made. Other avocations have prevented me from corn- ea. capleting that design ; and there are many reasons whicli induce me to desire that the plan which these pages contain should at once be placed in a formal shape before the public. I believe the time is come when the friends of relioious education of all creeds should endeavour, if i possible, to press their views upon the attention of «| Ministers and of Parliament. Something, perhaps, may be done to bring this about by the presentation of ■ : : vi ADVERTISEMENT. a detailed proposal, which, even in its defects, may give rise to discussion and fasten public attention upon the principles of the question itself. Although I have described this tract as in a sense a fragment, a larger iy would have added little or nothing to the plans which I propose either for Primary or University edu- cation. The object of this tract is to present those plans in a Bhape as formal and complete as is fitting for one who is suggesting measures, not presenting them with all the minute details which would belong to an Act of Parliament intended to carry them into effect. I have, in one of the chapters of this essay, given my reasons for believing that the present time is a favourable one for making for Ireland that demand for religious education which certainly represents the true feeling of the nation. "When I first resolved to submit this essay in its present form to the indulgence of the public, I deter- mined to avoid argument, and confine these pages to a simple statement of the plan which I proposed. As I .•night have expected, I found a strict compliance with this determination to be impossible. The very un- folding of the plan involved often explanation of the reasons on which it was founded; and these explanations -timed the form of an argument. I have thus been led almost insensibly into discussions which have given to this tract a character somewhat different from that which I originally intended. Still, I must ask the reader to remember that these pages are not intended to be a full discussion of the plan which they suggest. They pass by many objec- ADVERTISEMENT. Vli lions to which it were easy to give an answer, and I hey leave many principles in their naked statement without the support of the reasonings by which they might be maintained. This is the necessity of an at tempt to treat a great question in a condensed form. I may, perhaps, plead for many defects in execution tlic excuse, that, at the last moment, circumstances compelled me to send it to the press under a severe pressure as to time — a pressure not the less embarrassing because I was endeavouring to compress into a small compass the thoughts of many years. For anything that is defective in the substance of the proposal I have no such excuse. That proposal has long been the subject of careful and anxious reflec- tion in my own mind. So far as it relates to the Uni- versity it is identical with that which I put forward in March 1872, on the first occasion on which I addressed the House of Commons after my return for Limerick in 1871. Since then I have frequently thought over the subject, All thought and reflection have confirmed me in the views I then expressed. I am sure that there are many Protestants who have hitherto kept aloof from this question who are dissatisfied with the surrender of the religious principle of education into which they have been apparently drawn. If those who feel so will only have the courage of their convictions our downward course may yet be stayed. The principle involved is one worth any sacrifice or any effort. I cannot express the satisfaction with which I find that ;i plan identical at all events in its main principle with Yin ADVERTISEMENT. that which I have proposed is advocated by one of the mi '-r fearless and independent, as well as one of the ablest, thinkers among our University Professors. The pam- phlet published by Dr. Mclvor, the Professor of Moral Philosophy, a gentleman of whose ' Protestantism ' no suspicion will probably be entertained, is an admirable and philosophic argument in favour of the institution of a Roman Catholic College as a second member of the University. Whatever is the result of this proposal, I offer it to my countrymen as a sincere, although it may be a mis- taken, effort to secure for our common country advan- tages that I believe to be beyond all price. I have an earnest wish to place on record my own opinions on this subject. However the}' may now be received by any portion of my countrymen, I am content to abide the judgment which the progress of events and the passing of time will pronounce. Let me say distinctly that these opinions are entirely my own. I speak the sentiments of no party. These pages have not been written to please any party or any body of men. No one fit to deal with any political question would say that in treating a question like this he had not taken into account the wishes and the feelings of those for whom he proposes to legislate. I have but a poor opinion of the political wisdom that finds a reason for supporting a measure of University education in the fact that it is rejected by all sections of the Irish nation. 1 have endeavoured, to the best of my skill and knowledge to frame a plan which would give to ADVERTISEMENT. IX all classes of Irishmen an education in accordance with their sentiments and their convictions. I feel confident I have succeeded in suggesting measures which, in their essential characteristic.-, will be found acceptable to those whose opinions and wishes we are bound to consult. But I have no authority to speak for anyone but myself, and, as speaking for myself, I ven- ture to ask for these pages the attentive consideration of those who desire to see the question of Irish education settled on the principles of liberality and justice. I can, at all events, say that the plan they contain is that which recommends itself to my own judgment as that best suited to the circumstances of the country. It is that which I would bring forward if I were charged with the responsibility of making proposals to an Irish Parliament. It is one which I do not fear to urge upon that British Parliament that has now the power, and with the power the great and solemn duty, of determining this question for the Irish people. I. B. 64 Ecclbs Street, Dublin: January 20th, 1875. a CONTENTS. I. The Problem Stated 1 II. Existing Educational Endowments .... 8 III. The True Plan of Primary Education . .17 IV. The Primary Schools. The Practical OrERATiON of the Plan ........ 23 V. The University Question. A National University . 30 VI. Recent Changes in Trinity College . . . .35 VII. The Plan of a National University . . . .52 VIII. The Site of the New College C2 IX. The Position and Powers of the Colleges . . . 6 I X. A Movement for Religious Education. Probabilities of its Success 69 XI. Mr. Gladstone's University Bill of 1873 . . .71 XII. Concluding Remarks ....... '•"'• THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. CHAPTER I. THE PROBLEM STATED. Ever since the education of the mass of the people has been admitted to be an object deserving of the attention of statesmen, the question of public education in Ireland has been a source of difficulty and embarrassment to those directing the government of that country. In former years, this embarrassment was felt only in the administration of the funds appropriated for the mainte- nance of primary schools; that is, the schools in which the great body of Irishmen were to receive an education suited to their circumstances and position. Lately, however, that embarrassment has become more serious in respect of the education intended for the higher classes in the Universit}^ The demand made on behalf of the Roman Catholic people for a University of their own, and the conviction that has forced itself upon the mind of everyone, that once the principle of religious equality was established, the old system of University endowments could not be maintained, have raised up a new question, the importance and difficulty of which it is not easy to overrate. The attempt to deal with it by a great Minister — an attempt, unhappily, made in ignorance of the real feelings of the nation, and under the influence of misinformation as to those feelings — destroyed a powerful administration. Although at this B 2 Tilt: rROELEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. moment there may be no appearance of an immediate I r< ssure, obliging the existing Ministry to propose any measure upon the subject, the question is one which no statesman really anxious to frame his conduct by con- siderations above the pettiest exigencies of party can overlook. The day is not distant when, even in the view of the exigencies of party, this question, if left unsettled, will prove a difficulty to a Conservative Ministry as embarrassing, and probably as fatal, as it was to their predecessors. With all the consciousness that I expose myself to the charge of presumption, I yet venture to say that I offer in these pages a settlement of this question by which it can be set at rest. I use the words ' set at rest ' in no sense that relates to the interests of party or the conve- nience of statesmen. Even if I had any anxiety, which I have not, for the advancement of any party in preference to any other, there are interests connected with this education question of a character far too sacred to admit of such considerations affecting it. I mean that the question can be set at rest by a measure which will satisfy all the legitimate wishes of all sections of the Irish people, and which, dealing impartially with all religious persuasions, yet meeting the earnest yearn- ings of the Irish people for religious education, will make every Irishman feel that everything is done in this matter of education to satisfy the wishes, provide for ilif wants, and promote the highest interests of the nation. So far as University education is concerned, the time is come when such a proposal ought to be made Two events have recently occurred, which, to the obser- vant, mark an era in the history of Irish public education. The one is tin 1 election of the new Academic Council in the University ofDublin; the other the proposal, coming THE PROBLEM STATED. from the authorities of the disestablished Church, to separate their Divinity school from that University. These events forcibly remind every Erishman how far and how fast we arc proceeding in asystem which is to separate religious teaching from all education that is endowed or aided by public funds. They mark the triumph of the secularists — of those who would abso- lutely prohibit religious teaching in our public semi- naries, or who would so restrict and limit it, that it should not be interwoven with the general instruc- tion they impart. The strangest thing of all is that this triumph is being achieved in a country in which, among all classes and creeds, the feeling in favour of religious education is strong almost to fanaticism. For more than forty years the members of the Protestant Church have re- sisted all the efforts of Government to force on them a system of national education in which they would not be permitted to make the Bible a text-book in their schools. The Protestant clergy and laity have, over and over again, in declarations the most solemn, de- nounced the separation of religious teaching from edu- cation. With equal distinctness, although with less vehemence, the Roman Catholic priests and people have asserted the principle that all education must be based upon religion. The instincts, the prejudices, the traditions, the whole genius and spirit of the Irish nation are against the separation of education and religion, and yet we are, in the face of these feelings, witnessing the establishment of the principles of that which was once branded as a 'godless' education. This strange feature in the history of this subject suggests reflections which I cannot attempt to pursue- The only question which I desire to canvass is the great and important one — whether we are to acquiesce in the establishment of a B 2 4 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. public education in which religious teaching is to be placed under a prohibition and a ban, or whether we may still make an effort to preserve for all classes of Irishmen educational institutions in accordance with their convictions and their feelings — institutions in which religious teaching shall still take its distinct and its honoured place. For Englishmen this question is not without its vital interest and its deep importance. I address the :ippeal contained in these pages as much to the good sense, the wisdom, and the justice of Englishmen as I do to the convictions of my own countrymen. It cannot be a matter of indifference to any right-minded Englishman, to feel that, on a question of such domestic import as education, a sj^stem is forced on Ireland to which all the strong instincts of the countr} 7 are opposed. An Englishman of those opinions which are often de- scribed as extreme liberal, who may earnestly desire for his own country the establishment of a purely secular education, may well hesitate before he regards it as consistent with liberal opinions to compel the adoption of that system by a people all whose instincts and convictions lead them — I do not use too strong language — to abhor it. Englishmen who are attached to the principle of religious education ought surely to pause before they permit a blind hatred of 'Popery' to lead them to deny to the Irish people, whether Pro- testant or Roman Catholic, the advantages of such an education, and to hand over Ireland to that 'secular' system against which, in England, they are, by an appeal t<» the most sacred principles, raising their protest. But to Irishmen, bound by every tie of duty to look to the future of the land of their birth, to those Irishmen who think with me — and they are the over- whelming majority of my countrymen — this subject THE PROBLEM STATED. ."> has an importance which it is impossible to exag- gerate. There are those who think that it involves the ques- tion whether Ireland is to continue a Christian country; that is, a country in which the inhabitants generally believe in the teachings of the Christian faith. This is an exaggeration. I do not believe that the State . . i establishment of any system of secular education will ever succeed in destroying that deep religious feeling which is a part of the nationality of. the Irish race. Against any such system, no matter how dexterously framed, the national feeling will find means of vin- dicating its power. I am quite sure that it does involve the question, as to many of the next and future generations, whether they shall leave their edu- cational training with a belief in those teachings, or with minds imbued with that scepticism which is spreading itself so widely in other countries, and the wave of which has at last reached and agitated our own. The character and convictions of every man must be more or less moulded or, at least, influenced by the institutions in which his youth is passed. We cannot discard religion from the school or the college and expect its impressions in the man we educate. There are other matters of the deepest national im- portance which arise in connection with this subject. Upon the manner in which it is dealt with it de- pends whether wc are to have in Ireland any higher University education at all. Sure I am that it is impossible for that University, of which, after all, every Irishman is proud, to survive the destruction of that religious life with which all her traditions arc inseparably interwoven. A very few years of 4 secularism ' will reduce that once great and vene- rable institution to the level of a not very creditable 6 THE PROBLEM OE IRISH EDUCATION. provincial school. The absence of religion from the University, which is now being forced on ns, will be disastrous to all creeds and classes of Irishmen ; but 1 entertain the deepest conviction that it is the Pro- testant portion of the Irish people who in every respect will suffer most. Upon the full discussion of these matters I cannot enter in these pages. I had hoped to have given at length my reasons for these beliefs in a full and careful investigation of the effects of the adoption of the secular and the religious principle in our educational institutions. I have, however, set a shorter task before myself. I propose to submit practical proposals on the subject of education, by which I believe each section of the Irish people could enjoy the blessing of educational institutions associated with religion without giving undue advantage to any, and dealing impar- tially with all religious creeds. I venture to ask for this proposal the earnest atten- tion of all classes of my countrymen. Perhaps I may venture to say, above all I ask the attention of those who would desire to secure to the Protestant people the advantages of an education in accordance with their own convictions, and those who would look with regret and dismay upon the destruction of that old college which is associated in our minds with so many of those recollections which nothing in the later years of our life can displace. The problem which I attempt to solve is this : How can we so mould our educational institutions as to give to all religious persuasions educational institu- tions in accordance with their own convictions without violating any principle of religious equality, or doing anything that will interfere with the concession of perfect freedom of conscience to all? THE PROBLEM STATED. 7 1 state the problem in this way because this is the only poinl of view in which any one worthy of the name of statesman can regard the question of Irish education. To those who may be disposed to lake a lower, or at least a narrower view of the subject, 1 may venture to suggest that it is impossible to main- tain for Protestants educational institutions associated with religion without conceding similar privileges to our Roman Catholic countrymen. If the history of the altered position of Protestantism in Ireland teaches any- thing, it teaches us this — that privileges attempted to be maintained in a system founded on an exclusion of the mass of the nation must perish. It is the lesson taught by the extinction of the old Irish Parliament — by the destruction of the old Protestant corporations, and with them of real municipal government in Ireland — above all by the confiscation of the property which in ancient days had been set apart by Irishmen for the religious instruction of the people. If there be Irish Protestants who are not taught by these lessons how vain it is to attempt to maintain privileges for themselves which they will not share with the mass of their countrymen — let me add how easy it would be to maintain them if they were willing so to share them — they richly deserve the reproach which was cast upon those French Bourbons upon whom the lessons of experience were thrown away. In their vain dreams of an ascendency that is gone for ever, they have failed to comprehend the events that arc passing before their eyes. They have forgotten nothing, and they have learned nothing. 8 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. CHAPTER II. EXISTING EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS. Before entering on the general question it may be well to consider the amount and the quality of the provision of anything like a permanent character already made for educational purposes in Ireland. I apply the word endowments to designate that provision, no matter from what source it is derived, including in this, of course, those grants which, though depending on an annual vote of the House of Commons, we may calculate on having annually renewed. These ' endowments ' may be divided into three classes. 1st. Those providing for the education of the great mass of the people in schools under the control of the National Board. 2nd. Those belonging to schools which it is the fashion to call, for want of a more appropriate name, schools of intermediate education, more generally de- scribed as tin- Endowed Schools. 3rd. The revenues devoted to the purposes of Uni- versity education. 1st Class, There are provisions made for schools of primary education independent of any moneys under the control of the National .Board. The estates left by Erasmus Smith ^till provide, in some places, for the establishment EXISTING EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS. \) of such schools. Private benefactions in several dis- tricts have created more or less of an endowmenl for such schools.* As I do not propose at all to deal with these things, which are of very minor amount, I confine the present inquiry to that great endowment by an annual vote of Parliament which has constituted the Commissioners of National Education a great and wealthy and powerful educational corporation in the land. The revenues of the National Board are derived entirely from the annual grants included in the estimates of each year. The sum voted last year amounted to £546,946. Of this grant a sum of about £400,000 was expended on schools that may properly be called primary schools. Of the residue a considerable propor- tion was devoted to objects which admit of considera- tions very different from those which apply to the primary schools.*!* The grant appears, no doubt, a liberal and even a lavish one. It is a strange subject of reflection to mark the gradual growth of these education votes from the ' All these endowments would, indeed, seem more properly to fall under the second class I have specified. Most of the schools supported by them partake more or less of the character of intermediate schools. Probably, after a better arrangement of the grant for primary education, all these endowments might, with advantage and propriety, be so applied. t In 1874 the sum voted was thus applied : — £ Administration 20,044 Inspection ....... '33,171 Normal Establishment 7,646 Model Schools 32,339 National Schools ....... 404,690 Agricultural Establishments .... 6,106 Book Department 40,600 Poundage . . . • • • • 2,3o0 Total . . .£546,946 The last item is a curious one. I understand it to represent the expense of obtaining post-office orders sent to the several schoolmasters in payment of their salaries. 10 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. modest -rant of £10,000, which, given to the Kildare Place Sui,i\ . was sufficient to set all Ireland in a blaze. The sum placed at the disposal of the Education Com- missioners for carrying out Mr. Stanley's new plan amounted in 1831 to only £30,000. That grant has grown year by year to its present dimensions. It must be remembered that just the same process has been going on in other parts of the United Kingdom. The education vote for England and Wales was £1,356,852. The latter grant is made to a country in which primary education is aided by many local en- dowments, and in many districts of which a local rate is levied for educational purposes. Compared with England, it cannot be said that Ireland is receiving more than her fair share of the funds voted for education in the two countries.* In England the entire grant is applied to the pur- poses of the primary schools. No portion of it is applied either to the upper class education of model schools or the maintenance of Albert model farms. The com- parison of the two grants must be made irrespective of these expenditures in the administration of the Irish one. 2nd Class. In the year 1854 a commission was issued to Com- missioners to inquire into the condition of the endowed schools of Ireland. Their report, which was made in 1857, occupies, with the evidence and appendix, five * These figures completely dispose of an argument which has been used on the subject of Irish national education. It has been said that England has a right to take her own way in Irish education because she provides the funds to pay for it, and it has been flippantly said that England must be content to pay for it because she will not let the people indulge their wishes for a ' Popish ' education. A comparison of the English and Irish grants is sufficient to show that this argument has just as little foundation in fact as, even if the assumed tacts existed, it would have iu reason or common sense. EXISTING EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS. 11 bulky volumes, and supplies full and .accurate informa- tion on the subject. The revenues derived from purely public sources are miserably small. The incomes of the seven Royal schools, derived from Royal grants of land, do not amount to £7,000 a year. Contrasted with the rich Royal grants which have studded England with I loyal i'vi'd and grammar schools, those that have been made for similar purposes in Ireland are insignificant. The poverty of the Irish grants becomes the more re- markable when we remember the enormous and repeated confiscations which so often placed whole tracts of the country at the disposal of the Sovereign.* Out of the nine confiscated Ulster counties, James I. assigned to Royal schools lands now producing about £5,000 a year. Both in Ulster and Minister domains that constituted principalities were granted to adventurers and favourites, while no reservation was made out of the forfeited lands for those purposes of education or charity for which, in England, the King had so often munificently provided out of the Crown estates. It is vain to regret the opportunities that were then lost. We must only, in our generation, deal with the resources that we have. The munificence of a private individual has done more in this respect for Ireland than the bounty of Kings. The estates left by Erasmus Smith to promote the purposes of education in that country appear to yield an annual income of nearly £10,000. This revenue is administered by a Board under the authority of Acts of Parliament. A considerable portion is * Lord Chancellor Clare stated, in a memorable speech in the Irish House of Lords, that ' the whole of the island has been confiscated, with the exception of the estates of live or six old families . . . and no incon- siderable portion of the island has been confiscated twice, or perhaps thrice, in the course of a century.' 12 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. devoted to other educational purposes than those of ( rrammar schools. ' The Incorporated Society for Promoting English Protestant Schools in Ireland' has estates yielding a rental of about £6,000 a year. In addition to these there are smaller and separate endowments, derived chiefly from private sources, scat- tered through Ireland, the exact amount of which it is not easy to ascertain. The subject of intermediate education in Ireland is one the importance of which it is impossible to overrate. It is of far too great importance and also complexity to be dealt with in this tract. It is, how- ever, necessary to allude to it, were it only to remind the reader that in framing a University system we are making a provision for something quite distinct from ' intermediate education.' We are framing a system which is to be supplemented by one of intermediate schools. When the University question is settled on the basis of religious education combined with perfect impartiality to all religious creeds it will not be difficult to apply the same principles to schools intended for intermediate education; nor will it, let us hope, to find, from some source or other, funds sufficient to establish a scho- lastic system throughout the island, and thus give to the country the almost inestimable advantages which such a system, well devised and well administered, would afford. Although perfectly prepared to suggest the mode in which this great question should be dealt with, I yet feel that to enter on it even cursorily at present would be to distract my own attention and that of my readers from the question which is now of pressing moment. EXISTING EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS. 1 l\ 3rd Class. In Ireland we have two Universities established and endowed by the authority of the State — the Dublin University and the Queen's. The Dublin University has but one College, the Queen's University consists of three. The Dublin University has no income whatever. All the expenses both of the University and the Col- lege have been hitherto defrayed out of the revenues of Trinity College. The endowments of Trinity College consist chiefly of the rents of lands obtained by Royal grants. These rents now amount in round numbers to about £3G,000 a year. In addition to this an estate bestowed by the Corporation of Dublin, and which may fairly be con- sidered as derived from public sources, produces a re- venue of about £2,000 a year. Lands left by Provost Baldwin now yield an income about equal to that of the city estate. This latter is entirely a private bene- faction of comparatively recent times. AVe cannot carry the public revenues of Trinity Col- lege beyond the sum of £38,000 a year. The entire external* income of Trinity College — that is, of the College and the University — does not much exceed £40,000 a year. To this we must add the sum of £140,000, which the College has received as the value of its advowsons under the Church Disestablish- ment Act.f * ' External income ' is the phrase used in the Reports of all the Royal University Commissions to denote the income derived from property, as distinctive from that arising from the fees of students, the rent of College chandlers, and any other internal sources of a like nature. ' In 1854 the Royal Commissioners of Inquiry estimated the ' external ' imome of Trinity College as amounting to fot^OOO a year. It would appear, from a return moved for by Mr. Errington during the last session, that the rental of the College estates has been since increased, 1-4 TIIE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. The expenses of the Queen's University are provided by an annual vote included in the Parliamentary Esti- mate-. In the estimates of this year the sum voted has been £4,000. Each of the Queen's Colleges is secured, by the Act establishing them, an annual grant of £7,000 out of the Consolidated Fund. In the estimates of this year this is supplemented by a vote in aid of the Colleges amounting to £-4,186. In addition, all repairs and en- largements of the collegiate buildings are provided for by a Parliamentary vote. The amount required varies in each year. This year the vote was unusually small, a little over £800. In the present year the Queen's University, including its three Colleges, is receiving out of public sources an endowment of £30,000. The two revenues of £38,000 and £30,000 con- stitute the entire endowments provided from any public source for the University education of the Irish people. It may startle those who have been accustomed to hear of the overgrown wealth of the Dublin University to find that its income only exceeds by one-fourth that of the Queen's University. I am not anxious to draw any invidious comparisons, but the same fact may pos- sibly suggest the reflection, how much more good to the country may result from an endowment adminis- tered by an independent body than from the same find that the total amount of the external income amounted last year to about £43,000. This, however, includes the dividends on the sum paid as compensation for the ancient advowsons, as distinguished from those ac- quired by purchase, which, it appears, amounting to £08,000, has been, under the advice of counsel, invested in the funds. It also includes a number of email sums left to the College to provide prizes and medals on different subjects, and other benefactions of this nature. But this income, if I rightly understand the report and the return, is independent of an estate left separately to the Provost for the time being, and which produces to him, in augmentation of his salary, a rental of about £1,000 a year. EXISTING EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS. 15 amount of endowment disposed of under Government direction and control. It is, however, when we contrast this allowance with the endowments of the English Universities that we become really sensible of its meagreness. The University of Oxford, in its corporate capacity, distinct from any of its Colleges, has an external income, chiefly derived from lands, of £'20,000 a year ; its internal income, derived in some degree from the wealth of its Colleges, brings a further sum of £18,000 a year. Its Colleges and Halls have external incomes from property in endowments amounting to £307,000 a year! The endowments of the University of Cambridge, in its corporate capacity, amount to £13,000 a year ; those of its Colleges and Halls to £264,000. So that the annual income in England from property devoted to the two Universities, including their Colleges, amounts to no less a sum than £631,000. In Ireland the provision for the same purposes does not exceed £70,000 a year.* The Queen's University is a foundation of the last few years ; for many a generation the Dublin University, with its income of less than £40,000 a year, competed with the English Universities dividing between them * Mr. Gladstone was really using a play upon words when he spoke of Trinity College as the richest College in the Kingdom. He forgot that for the purposes of comparison of revenue it must he treated hoth as a College and a University. If it is a College defraying its own collegiate charges, and also burdened with all the expenses of the University, ft is, too, the only College in the Dublin University, and the proper comparison is that instituted in the text between the property of Trinity College and tbe property of the entire University of Oxford or Cambridge. And, after all, there are single Colleges at Oxford of which the external income equals that of Trinity. That of Magdalen amounts to £:U,000 a year, applicable altogether to collegiate expenses. If, as I think he did, he spoke of Trinity after deducting from its income the £12,000 a year which, under his proposed measure, the College was to contribute to the endowment of the University, the statement is certainly not borne out by the facts. 1G . THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION." an income of £(500,000. No Irishman need be .ashamed of the manner in which it has kept its place. Bnt this is not all. The English Universities have means in their Church livings of rewarding, or perhaps it may be said, of superannuating their fellows and tutors, for which nothing in the past history of the Irish Uni- versity suggests a parallel. The annual income of the benefices in the gift of the Oxford University and its Colleges is £137,000 a year ; of those at the disposal of Cambridge, £135,000.* If results are to be measured in proportion to the endowment devoted to their production, the University of Dublin may well challenge comparison with either of her proud and wealthy English sisters. She may challenge it in the amount of hi^h-class education she has given to the country, in the men she has trained to do service to the State, in the European reputation of many of her members, and in the contributions she has made to every department of scientific knowledge and research. * It is scarcely worth while to add that the University of London receives an annual vote in the estimates amounting to mere than £0,000 a year, a sum about equal to the vote for the use of the Queen's L'niversity. THE TRUE PLAN OF PRIMARY EDUCATION. 17 CHAPTER III. THE TRUE PLAN OF PRIMARY EDUCATION. Passing by the subject of intermediate schools — a subject great enough to deserve a separate consi- deration — and confining myself to the questions of primary and University education, I begin with that which is the most important, as it affects by far the largest number; I mean the schools for primary education. Following the plan I have sketched out for myself, I do not stop to inquire into the reasons which make it desirable that there should be a change in the plan upon which the Parliamentary grant is at present distributed. For myself I have, several years ago, fully stated the reasons which have led my own mind to that conclusion.* I was then, indeed, only expressing con- victions which I had long previously declared. No one can deny that the national system of education has achieved great good. It is, in my mind, equally impos- sible to deny that it would achieve more good if it con- ciliated the constant goodwill of the people. It is noto- rious that it has failed to satisfy the requirements of the Roman Catholics. Far stronger terms must be applied * In a tract published in the year 18G5. The title page indicates its object. It made proposals the same in principle as those contained in these pages. ' The Liberty of Teaching Vindicated. Reflections and Proposals on the subject of Irish National Education. With an Introductory Letter to the Right Hon. Wm. E. Gladstone, M.P.' By Isaac Butt. Dublin : W. B. Kelly, 8 Grafton Street. London : Simpkin, Marshall, & Co., 18G5. C 18 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. to express the dissatisfaction with which the Protestant people of Ireland have regarded, and still regard it. It is not too much to say that it is really accepted only when all its principles and rules arc substantially evaded. The great majority of its Presbyterian and Roman Catholic schools are in reality denominational, carried on under rules which have scarcely indeed the semblance of preventing this. These rules are only efficacious in giving rise to irritation and discontent. They have had the effect of keeping aloof from the system the great body of the clergy of the Anglo- Irish Church. At one time this was carried so far that the Irish Protestant people were left without any aid in the education of their children from the State. If, in many instances, they have been starved into compliance — if they have submitted to rules of which they disap- proved rather than leave their flocks without educa- tion — this has not been a cordial acceptance of a system which is forced on them. Passing by all the multiplied and, it may be, per- plexing considerations into which the investigation of these things would lead us, I proceed to state the plan by which all the fair requirements of Roman Catholic and Protestant would alike be satisfied; by which religious instruction would be conveyed to the minds of the rising generation, combining itself with all the knowledge they would receive; by which the great principles of perfect respect for parental responsibility and perfect freedom of conscience would be maintained; by which all religious persuasions would be treated with perfect impartiality, and the rights of all respected ; and by which that which is called the national system of education would be brought into harmony with the feelings and sentiments of the nation. To do this we liave only to accept in sincerity, and THE TRUE PLAN OF rRIMARY EDUCATION. l!» fearlessly to act on the principle which is pressed on us by the advocates of secular education. Let those who administer the State grants ignore altogether the religious question in their distribution; let them de- clare that religious instruction is a matter with which, as administrators of the public fund of a mixed community, they will not meddle, and that their only business and duty is to aid the people in obtaining for their children a good secular education — to see that, in return for the aid which the State affords, good secular education be obtained. But this principle of non-interference with the religious element is not honestly or fairly carried out when restrictions are placed on religious teaching, and aid is denied to schools because they make that teach- ing an essential part of their education. To prohibit religious teaching is not to ignore it. To prevent that teaching is the very reverse of non-interference; is meddling with it, and meddling with it in the most mischievous sense. To insist on religious teaching in every school is not one particle more intermeddling than it is either to prohibit, or to regulate, or re- strain it. I propose, therefore, that the rules regulating the distribution of the Parliamentary grant be so modi- fied that such shall not be withheld from any school merely on the ground that it makes religious instruc- tion an essential part of its education. Guarantees should be taken in every case, which would secure that the good secular education for which the State makes the grant should be given. Submission should be required to a few simple rules — the fewer and sim- pler the better — which would ensure the observance of decency and order, and the moral training of discipline in the school. But, these objects attained, the State, if 20 THE TROBLEM OF IKISII EDUCATION. it does not intermeddle with the religions question, has nothing more to require. The managers of the school ought to be left free to deal with religious teaching exactly as they think tit. A submission to inspection and to periodical exami- nation of the scholars must necessarily be an essential condition of obtaining aid from the grant. The aid given would of course depend upon the actual good which the school managers could show done. It does not follow that those payments should be absolutely by results, or in the form of a capitation grant for every child that passed the required standard of examination. It might be expedient that other considerations should determine the amount of assistance which might fairly be o-iven to the school. But still the main element in determining this must of necessity be the efficiency of the school in imparting that secular education for which the State is willing to pay in the form of grants. Whether the school did give this, and to what extent and amount, the inspections and examinations would sufficiently show. The nearer the amount of assist- ance was brought to a capitation grant, the less room there would be for jealousy or complaint. But it is very easy to conceive cases in which it would be in- expedient and unjust to enforce as a rigid rule that the aid to the school should be exactly proportioned to the number of children instructed to the required standard. From such a rule the managers of the grant should certainly have the power of making exceptions. The result of the plan I propose would be to leave to the local managers the power of determining for themselves all questions of religious teaching without any interference of the central authority. To entitle them to a share of the grant they need only show THE TRUE PLAN OF PRIMARY EDUCATION. 21 that the school was needed in the locality ; that there were pupils attending or ready to attend it ; and that arrangements had been made to ensure a good education, coming up to the required standard. If, doing this, the managers thought it expedient either wholly to omit religious instruction, or to allow it to be given under restrictive regulations, this would not disentitle them to assistance ; neither would it so disentitle them if it were made a strictly Church of England school, or strictly Presbyterian, or strictly Methodist, or strictly Roman Catholic, regarding as an essential part of its teaching instruction in the Holy Scriptures, or in the formularies of any particular persuasion. All these things would be regulated by local wants and local feelings. The only thing that the representatives of the State should insist on would be that the State got that for which it made the grant, the imparting a good and sufficient secular education to the child. But while those locally interested in the school would be left free to exercise their own judgment as to religious teaching, every parent would be free to follow the con- victions of his own conscience in selecting the education which he wished his child to receive. There are Pro- testant parents in Ireland who believe that they do not do justice to their children if they send them to a school in which instruction in Holy Scripture is not made a chief and paramount part of the education. There is many a Roman Catholic parent who believes that he does not fulfil his duty to his child if he does not take care that in his daily instructions he shall be reminded of the teachings and observances of his Church. These convictions as to education are in each case a part of his religious faith. The system does not respect freedom of conscience which, as the price of his child's education, insists on either the Catholic or Protestant 22 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. parent surrendering these cherished convictions of his conscience and his heart. I am deeply persuaded that in a country like Ireland, in which the people are divided into clearly marked forms of religious belief, a plan such as I propose is the only one by which it is possible to establish a really national system of education ; that is, a system which would satisfy the religious convictions of all without doing violence to those of any. Any other plan will infallibly exclude from its benefits some portion of the people, do violence to the convictions and feelings of many even of those who accept it, and introduce into our educational administration the elements of contro- versial bitterness and strife. TIIK PRIMARY SCHOOLS. L'."i CHAPTER IV. THE PRIMARY SCHOOLS. THE PRACTICAL OPERATION OF THE PLAN. Let us dwell for a few moments upon the practical working of the plan suggested in the preceding chapter. There is a parish in which there is an honest and hard-working minister of the disestablished Protestant Church, who has established a scriptural school for his people. He cannot get aid for it from the National Board, because, steadfast in the principles which a few years ago were, by the whole voice of the prelates, the clergy, and laity of his Church, declared to be sacred and unalterable, he believes he would be doing wrong if he did not make religion the basis of all the instruction of his school. Under the plan I propose that aid would not be withheld. With full and perfect liberty to act on his own religious convictions by making religious teaching an essential part of the education afforded in the school, he would receive assistance pro- portioned to the number of children who availed them- selves of his school, provided only he took care that they were really well taught in secular knowledge. In the same parish, and just on the same conditions, the Christian Brothers would obtain aid for a school in which, while they taught the children the elementsof secular knowledge, they took care, after their own be- 24 THE PROBLEM OF IKISH EDUCATION. lief, to instruct them also in the knowledge of religious truth. And besides both these schools, another would be also aided in which those pious ladies who have devoted their lives to religion, give up their time to the teaching of the children of the poor. Their school receives the same assistance as the others, and they pursue their work of charity without the check of any irritating and vexatious rules, the only object of which in such a school appears to be to remind them that in the matter of religious teaching they are not free. It might happen — it often, no doubt, would happen — that different denominations of Protestants might unite in maintaining one common school in which no Church formularies would be used, but in which the reading of the Bible would be a part of the daily education of all the pupils; aid would be extended to such a school as freely and unreservedly as to those which might be termed denominational. Or it might be that, for some local or other reason, the managers of a school might see fit to adopt rules as to religious instruction like those which are now forced on all schools by the National Board. Such a school would receive the same support as the others, exactly in the proportion in which the people of the locality showed their approval of its principles by sending their children to receive instruction within its walls. It would be a mistake to describe such a system by the epithet denominational. No doubt, very many of the schools aided by it would be denominational ; that is, they would be managed in the interest of one religious persuasion, and would be under the control of the rules of that persuasion. But this would be an accident, not the essence of the system. The managers of a school would not be required to declare it to belong to any THE PRIMARY SCHOOLS. -"> particular denomination; the central authority would not undertake to enforce upon them any rules intended for schools of any particular denomination. The same rule would be applicable to all: that every child who was capable of receiving should receive a sound secular education. If the majority of the schools were denomi- national, it would be only because the majority of the people preferred such schools for their children. If the people ] (referred a purely secular instruction divorced from religion, the schools would be secular in their character. All matters of this nature would be left to the regulation of the local managers, controlled by the ultimate appeal to the conscience of each parent, with whom the decision as to the nature of the education he wishes his child to receive must rest. It is difficult to conceive upon what grounds such a system could be now objected to, except by those who would desire to force an irreligious, or, if the expression be better liked, a godless education on the people. The days are gone by when anyone could in Ireland maintain the principle as one practically to be adopted, that the State should, in its provisions for national edu- cation, seek to force upon the people the doctrines of any particular Church or creed. Rightly or wrongly, all approach to such a principle has been definitely aban- doned. No one will now seriously contend that it would be possible to maintain a system in which Protestant teaching would be allowed and Roman Catholic teaching prohibited. I cannot suppose that any rational man will permit a secret longing after the overthrown prin- ciple of Protestant ascendancy to induce him to reject a plan which would give full liberty to Protestants because it gives equal freedom to others. No one, we may assume, will now advocate as a practical measure the enforcing of any particular 26 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. religious teaching upon the schools supported by the State. We must not forget that it may be an equal tyranny to enforce upon them the negation of all religion. This may be a violation of conscience as complete and as cruel as the obliging the parent to accept for his child religious teaching of which his conscience disapproves. It is an obvious and no mean advantage of a system such as I propose, that it never can come into collision with the conscience of any individual. There may, for instance, be Protestants who might have a conscientious objection to sanction the teaching of Roman Catholic doctrine in a school. But the man who takes aid for his own Protestant school is not asked in any way to sanction it any more than the Catholic priest is asked to sanction the teaching of the Articles of the Protes- tant Church. Each in his own school is left free. His conscience cannot be affected by the fact that in other schools other persons are also left free. No Protestant clergyman objects to receive the salary of chaplain of the county gaol because, by the same law and out of the same rates, provision is made for the services of a Roman Catholic priest. It would be another and great advantage, that, by establishing such a system, we should eliminate from the administration of the education grant all those wretched questions about religion which have so often created disunion in localities, and occupied the time of the inspectors, perplexed the counsels of the P>oard, and been the subject of fierce contention even in the Imperial Senate. Those who are acquainted with the history of national education need not be reminded of the scenes of angry strife which have been caused by allegations of the trifling violation of some rule restricting religious teaching. Some of these disputes are really THE PKIMAUY SCHOOLS. 27 a burlesque upon all religious conviction. It will doI be forgotten that in the attempt to deal with the religious question differences have arisen which have brought scandal even upon the proceedings of the Board. Many years have passed since the same attempt led to the secession of some of the most dis- tinguished members of the Board — a secession which seined, at one time, to threaten the shipwreck of the system itself. It will be remembered that the plan I propose places at once within the reach of the Protestant clergy and people a system of education in which the principles of their religion might be fully and freely inculcated. It gives them at once that ' Free Bible' for which, during the last forty years, so many passionate appeals have been made. I might, I think, confidently appeal to each Protestant clergyman whether the establishment for his own people of a school in which the education was based upon religion would not be a boon which would be cheaply purchased by allowing a similar privilege to his Roman Catholic friends, and whether he would not hail it as a relief from a sore embarrass- ment to be able to secure for his people the advantages of a good education without being asked to subscribe to a single condition regulating it which his conscience would tell him was wrong. Such is the plan I propose for the solution of the education problem in our primary schools. How far its adoption would solve that problem it must be for others to judge. I believe it would secure to all classes of the Irish people the blessings of an education based upon religion without violating the principle of religions equality. I do not know how far it may still be an objection with any of our rulers that it would tend to engage local interest and local energy in the great work 28 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. of education. In throwing upon local managers the responsibility of framing school rules, it would teach us to depend less upon Government and more upon our- selves ; it would give to the people an effective voice in the matter of their children's education by practically leaving them the choice of their school ; and in the management of our national education it would leave some room for the development — I might, perhaps, say, as far as this question is concerned, the creation — of national energy and life. I have, however, heard an objection to this plan : that in remote districts in which the Protestant population is small it would leave Protestants without any national school to which they could send their children, as no doubt the Roman Catholic population around them would prefer and maintain a Roman Catholic school, while the number of Protestant children would not be sufficient, even with any aid that could be asked from the public grant. The objection has come from Protestants, but it is said that it might also happen to Roman Catholics. The answer surely is an obvious one: all general systems must be framed upon general principles and for the general good. If a system that allows parents to have religious education for their children be good and desirable, can it be said that this boon is to be denied to millions of Protestants and Catholics through- out Ireland for the convenience of a few in a very few isolated cases? But I am sure that, upon examination, the instances in which this inconvenience would occur would dwindle down to so few that no one could seriously say they were to be taken into account. The exact extent of the objec- tion could be measured by ascertaining how many Protestant children in these remote districts are now receiving their instruction in schools under the National THE PRIMARY SCHOOLS. 29 Board in cases in which it would be impossible to establish a Protestant school. I venture to think that under such an inquiry the objection would wholly disappear. If there were a district in which the inconvenience would practically be felt, it is just one of those cases in which a liberal management of the fund for educa- tion ought not to measure the aid to be given solely by the result. ;;<> THE PROBLEM OF IRISII EDUCATION. CHAPTER V. THE UNIVERSITY QUESTION. A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. I come now to the second part of my subject, that of the higher University education. The problem as to this is not quite so easy of solu- tion. It is surrounded with all the difficulties that arise from prejudice and the religious intolerance which still actuates many. But if we look at the question fairly and honestly, with a determination to carry out in its settlement the great principles of justice, those difficulties will not be insuperable. There are one or two facts and principles which we may assume as guiding us in dealing with this question. Trinity College, constituting in itself the University of Dublin, has fully and effectually fulfilled the pur- pose of giving to the Protestant population of Ireland the advantages of a University education. Its revenues are not greater than those which are needed for a University calculated to meet the wants of a commu- nity like that which consists of the Protestant people of this country. It has done more than this. It has admitted to the benefits of its education such of the Roman Catholic people as desired to avail themselves of those benefits. Its degrees have been open to Roman Catholics since the year 1793, and those degrees have been obtained by numbers of Catholics, without any attempt at inter- THE UNIVERSITY QUESTION. 31 ference with their religious belief. It opens its doors to all classes. Trinity College, in days when religious freedom was but little understood, went as far as it could do in the path of liberality without destroying its distinctive character as a religions :mf the said Universities .'> s THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. belief. It is not only possible, but probable, that in the next generation — if I may use the expression — of fellows not a single clergyman will be found. It is very possible that there may not be a single member of the Protestant Church; not impossible, if disbelief makes the same rapid progress in the next few years as it has done in the last, that there may not be one pro- fessing Christian — I mean a person acknowledging his belief in the generally received doctrines of Christianity — among them all. I admit at once that an Act framed on the principle of the English one would not have suited the object of the framers of the Irish statute. An Act that admitted Roman Catholics to the three lay fellowships could not have been offered to the Irish Roman Catholics as a satisfaction of their claims in the matter of Irish University education. Hence arose the necessity of proposing a measure of secularisation such as no one would have ventured to suggest for the Universities of Kngland. I say sincerely that I mean no disrespect to the heads of the College in the observation that this mea- sure was not in accordance with their own convictions on the subject of University education. It was, I need not say, directly opposed to all their previous declara- tions and to their frequently recorded opinions. It was avowedly a surrender of all their convictions to a sup- posed necessity. This statement is far from implying any charge approaching to misconduct or unconscien- tiousness against the eminent and excellent men of whom J write. In political affairs we must yield to circum- stances. The policy which is right in one state of things may be quite wrong in another. If legislative changes and the establishment of new principles made it- impossible to maintain the system to which their RECENT CHANGES IN TRINITY COLLEGE. 39 convictions were attached, duty as well aa wisdom would lead them to adopt the change which, under the altered circumstances., they thought best. I may be- lieve — I do believe — that they made a great — God grant it may not l>e a fatal — mistake in their judgmenl ; hut this is very different from impugning the uprightness of their motives or the sincerity of their conduct. There are, indeed, principles in politics of so high and sacred a character that no motives of expediency can justify men in being parties to their violation. There have been men in the position of the heads of the University who would have forfeited their lives before they would have been parties to the breaking up of all the trusts upon which the property of the College had been confided to them. But these are matters upon which the conscience of every man must be its own judge. We are living in days when these old examples of inflexible and what we should now call dogged adherence to crotchets of prin- ciple are to be read rather for instruction in doctrine than for imitation of life. Judged by the standard of the yielding faith of our days, a compromise of convic- tion with circumstances, even on a question so vital as that of the principles which ought to guide us in educa- tion, involves no wrong. They thought they could not carry out their own convictions, and they proposed what they fancied was the best substitute they could. But there is a sense in which the observation is of moment. The policy which is now being carried into effect is not that of which the very men who promoted it would approve if they could carry their own convic- tions into effect. Their authority cannot be quoted in support of that secular system to which they have yielded only in extremity and as a matter of the direst necessity. It may, perhaps, also be said thai a measure framed 40 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. by those who yielded to the claims of Roman Catholics only as a necessity can scarcely be expected to meet the real exigency of those claims. But these considerations are beside the merits of the policy itself. Let us inquire whether that policy meets the two requirements which I have pointed out as the essential conditions of a true solution of the problem. Does it give to the Catholics perfect equality in the matter of University education? and does it supply Ireland with University institutions in harmony with the feelings of the nation ? Surely the answer of anyone who will fairly investi- gate the subject, with an honest endeavour to clear his mind from the mists of prejudice that surround it, must be that it does neither. The first and most obvious consideration arises in estimating the time that must elapse before Roman Catholics will acquire anything like a fair share of the elements that compose the constitution either of the College or the University. At present there are thirty-three fellows of Trinity College. The time at present occupied in reaching the senior appears to be about thirty years. In thirty years from the present day, if a Roman Catholic should happen to be elected to the next vacancy, the next generation may happen to see a Roman Catholic take his place on the senior Board of the College. One junior fellowship would appear to fall vacant on an average in each year. Suppose the Roman Catholic students to fill up these vacancies in proportion to their relative numbers, it would be an extravagant calculation that a Roman Catholic would succeed to a vacancy once in every ten years. At the end of thirty years those who expect to outlive that period may hope to see justice done to the Roman Catholics of Ireland in the matter RECENT CHANGES IN TRINITY COLLEGE. -i 1 of University education by the magnificent representa- tion in the College of three junior and one senior fellows.* This, no doubt, is assuming thai there will not be an influx of Roman Catholic students, consequent or the new arrangements, sufficienl t<> alter materially the proportions in which future fellowships could be divided between the two religions. He is a very sanguine man who will expect this; but even if it did occur, if Roman Catholics generally accepted the new arrangement as perfectly satisfactory; if we could suppose all Eo- man Catholics willing to avail themselves of the new arrangement, how many years must elapse be* fore they will be even represented among the College authorities? How many Roman Catholics will become fellows within the next twenty or even thirty years? The lapse of those years would still, under the most favourable circumstances, see the fellowships tilled by an overwhelming preponderance of Protestants, or, to speak more correctly, of men who are not Catholic. Even if the scheme were otherwise unobjectionable, its adoption is asking the present generation to be content to pass away without any effectual redress of the inequalities and injustices of the past. But even if we are content so to wait, are we sure — * I am, of course, aware that it may be said that by the recent Act of Parliament the management of the College is in a good measure transferred from the senior Board to the new Academic Council, a body t < > which Roman Catholics are immediately eligible. But that Council is to be elected one- fourth by the senior, one-fourth by the junior fellows, one-fourth by the professors, and one-fourth by the senate. As long as these electoral bodies consist, some of them exclusively, all of them preponderatingly, of Protestants, the new arrangement leaves the injustice pretty much where it was. I am not insensible to the fact that at the first election of the Council two Roman Catholics have been chosen. I have a very great respect for both the gen- tlemen so elected, but 1 do not think anyone will seriously say that — how- evei useful that presence maybe — the presence of Sir Robert Kane and Master Pigott on the Academic Council ought to be accepted as a satisfaction ■ if Catholic claims in the matter of University Education. 42 THE PROBLEM OE IRISH EDUCATION. will the Roman Catholics of Ireland be sure — that the Protestant influence now and for some time to come paramount will not, it may be insensibly and uncon- sciously, retard the advent of the era of equality? There is one effect in this direction which it must have. There are many Roman Catholic parents who will be unwilling to send their children to a University entirely under Protestant control. They will be even more unwilling to send them when those Protestant managers deal at all with the question of their religious obser- vances or their religious education. The very offer of these from Protestants will inspire the fear and the distrust which was long ago justified by the result. Tiineo Danaos et dona ferentes. But it is on the present advent of Roman Catholic students that you depend for redressing the balance. Every student that is withheld diminishes the chances of a Roman Catholic fellow ; every diminution of the chances postpones the day of redress. Even in estimating this part of the question, we must remember that up to the present moment no actual practical change has been effected in the old constitu- tion of the College. The Roman Catholic student who enters the College next year will find it exactly the same as it was found by the student who entered it twenty years ago. The recent statute will only take effect when an actual election to a fellowship takes place upon which its provisions have the effect of admitting some one whom the old statutes would exclude. It would appear to be conceded that further and great changes must be made if there is any intention of really carrying out the object of the statute, which was to abolish all religious ascendency within the College walls. It was said in Parliament that the further RECENT CHANGES IN TRINITY COLLEGE. L3 reforms were to be effected by the collegiate authorities themseh es. The Act of Parliament, it will be observed, docs not meddle with the statutes of the « e except so far as it abrogates all religious tests. But the statutes while unaltered impress upon the. whole course and system of the College a religious and Protestant character. The combined eil'ect of the Act and the un- altered statutes would be to have a Protestant institution ea fried on in a religious spirit by men who may be of any religion and need not be of any religion at all. The fellows are exempted from attending the College chapel, but the College chapel must still be maintained for the worship according to the forms of the Church of England. No provision is made for any other religious service ; indeed all other is prohibited. Until the statutes arc accommodated to the new order of things the College remains in all its arrangements a Protestant institution, although it requires no religious profession from the men who are to be its managers. That this should be the permanent state of things was not, of course, the intention of the Act. We cannot yet tell how far the changes in the statutes are to be carried. The letters patent already issued do little more than repeal those parts of the statutes of which the Act of Parliament forbids the enforcement. It is quite plain that the changes must be carried much further if anything like even nominal equality is to be established. In this one instance of public worship either the College chapel must be altogether abolished, or another chapel erected for the Roman Catholic service. It must not be made, even in appearance or in name, in the slightest degree inferior to its Protestant rival. The one must be the College chapel as much as the other. Whatever of academic 4-i THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. dignity or respect attends the ministrations of the Protestant worship must be equally accorded to the ervices of the Mass. Is it, let me ask, so easy to arrange all these things? Bave the difficulties 'which have occurred in ob- taining Deans of Residence been overlooked? Have men ever thought of the difficulties that may arise in selecting the Catholic clergymen who may act as chaplains in the College? of the numberless questions that may start up to kindle the most contemptible and at the same time the most mischievous strifes. ' Behold howgreat a fire a little matter kindleth ' will surely be the exclamation of everyone who creates the occasion for the jealous war of ecclesiastical contest. The position of the chapel, the neglect of some formula of deference on one side or the other may give occasion of offence. But let us suppose all these things overcome, and the two religions installed as joint tenants of the religious services of the College, or the Avorship of God banished altogether from its walls in order to treat all forms of religion with impartial disrespect. Will any man tell me that questions may not arise the decision of which by Protestant authority will throw back the clay when Catholic and Protestant will be equal in the College? I do not profess to predict the nature of such questions ; I could easily imagine many. If you establish your Catholic College chapel, who will say that no ' burning ' question will arise some day as to the chaplains? that some Father O'Keefe may not rudely disturb the repose of the authorities? Who will tell me that no complaints will be made of proselytism on the part of the Protestant fellows? Who is to adjudge those complaints? Who is to try similar accusations on the other side? Any one of these things — trifling it may be in themselves — may RECENT CHANGES IN TRINIT1 COLLEGE. 45 raise elements of strife which will throw hack the (low of Catholic students to the College. Making even a very small allowance lor these things, we can scarcely expect that many men now grown to man's estate will live to see the day when the Protestant ascend ncy that now exists in the College will have expired hy efflux of time. But these calculations are on the supposition thai the Catholic people generally accept the offers of University education in the reformed Trinity College. If anyone entertains any such expectations, they will be disappointed. I am perfectly certain that, generally speaking, Roman Catholic parents would rather trust a Church of England institution with the secular education of their children than send them to one in which infidels and men of all religious persuasions might have a place, even although with them might be classed some who professed their own faith. This I believe would be the spontaneous feeling of the majority of Catholic parents, even if no inlluence was brought to bear upon them from their Church. But it is vain to expect that ecclesiastical influence will not be exerted to dissuade men from sending their children to a University in the constitution of which there will be found, at all events, all men must admit, something like a good reason for the advice. Catholics, no doubt, will be found — as they have been found in similar cases — to exercise their own judgment on the question; but the support which may be thus given to the institution will not be that of the ( Jatholic community at large. It will not be such as to make Catholics feel that their religion has the place in the Irish University to which their position and the number of its adherents are entitled. It may be, and it has been said, that this will be 4G THE PROBLBM OF IRISH EDUCATION. their own fault. We offer them, say the advocates of the present policy, equality; if they will not come and have it, it is their own fault. Arguments like these seem to indicate a consciousness on the part of those who use them that this theoretic equality will never be realised in fact. It has been said by Protestants who have objected to the opening of the College that the present heads of the College would never have con- sented to it if they had not known that during their time at least the College would continue substantially Pro- testant, and that they did not trouble themselves with a care for that which was to come after. But when men meet the argument that Catholics will not come to the open College by telling us that it will be their own fault. it suggests another and perhaps a deeper reproach. The offer may be given with the consciousness that it will be practically refused, and the whole arrangement may be branded with the suspicion that it is a device to wear the appearance of liberality and yet keep the management in the hands of Protestants, not merely lor the lives of the present managers, but for many a day to come. But the real and practical question is, not whether Roman Catholics will be open to blame if they do not acquiesce in the new arrangements as satisfactory, but whether, taking into account all the disturbing elements and influences which must be encountered, we can cal- culate on these arrangements as supplying an academic system in which, in actual and practical reality, the Roman Catholic people of Ireland will be placed on an equality by enjoying their just share in that system. There is no man who will really weigh the forces with which he has to deal who will honestly say that there is any rational ground for believing that they will. The question is a practical one. To exclude from it all con- RECENT CHANGES IN TRINITY COLLEGE. IT sideration of the convictions or even the prejudices that are facts in all such calculations is absurd. All insti- tutions will be failures thai are framed for men qoI as they arc, but as we think they ought to be. Indeed, if this reasoning is to prevail, we need not trouble our- selves about making any provision for Roman Catholics at all. There are many who will be quite ready to say — it has been said — that they are very unreasonable in being Roman Catholics at all. If we provide for them the iu.»st excellent Protestant teaching, we have done everything; if they do not accept it, it is their own fault. The reasoning is at least as logical as that which tells us that unless they do not accept institutions framed according to Protestant notions, or the notions of the Seven Senior Fellows and Mr. Fawcett, of what ought to suit them, they are very unreasonable, and if they are left without University education it is their own fault. I am, indeed, but saying, in other words, that the policy we are entering on fails to meet the second condition requisite for the solution of the problem ; and this brings us to the second question I propound. Will that policy supply us with University Institutions that will meet the wants and be in harmony with the wishes, the sentiments, and the opinions of the people? If ever the voice of a nation has been expressed upon any subject with practical unanimity, the Irish people of all creeds and classes have over and over again declared ihat they desired to see religion and education united. The policy we are entering on— let us not disguise it— is that of unchristianising our College in the vain hope of conciliating all the conflicting sections into which Christians are divided. The institution thus produced will most assuredly not meet the wishes of the Pvoman Catholic people. 48 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. Differences of opinion may, indeed, exist among that people as to the details of an educational institution. It may be that many would be indisposed to concede in the details of its management as much of clerical contr< >1 as others would desire to see established ; but upon one thing I believe almost the whole Roman Catholic body — clergy and laity — would be united, and that is in the desire that the education of Roman Catholic children should be based upon religion, and that in our educa- tional institutions Christianity should be taught. There is no Roman Catholic parent who does not desire that in his collegiate education his son may be still trained in the doctrines and observances of his Church; at all events there is none who would not shrink with horror from the idea of exposing him to the danger of tamper- ing with his faith. He wishes for an institution which would carry out the first; he would reject with abhorrence any one in which there was danger of the second. Do you meet these feelings in your offer of a reformed University? It is the vainest of dreams to suppose that by unchristianising Trinity College you make it an institution that will meet the sentiments of the Catholic population of Ireland. Will it satisfy the feelings of the Protestant portion of the people? Is the question not answered in the proposal to sever from your reformed College the divinity school of the Protestant Church? That separa- tion everybody feels will be a blow equally to the College and the Church. It is made under a sense of necessity by the trustees of that Church, because they cannot trust an institution the governing body of which may, in a few years, be composed of men who are its enemies. Will no similar distrust be felt by the Protestant who has to determine where lie will seek a University RECENT CHANGES IN TRINITY COLLEGE. I'.l education for his child? The question is a serious, a very Berious one for the future fate of our University. The. Protestant people of Ireland have been more de- voted, if possible, than even the Catholic to the union of education and religion. Have they abandoned at once all the convictions which they have cherished from their youth up? Will they send their sons to an unchris- tianised College? The decision of this question will be arrived at with feelings very different from those which prompt men to shout against Ultramontane influence whenever any rational settlement of this University ques- tion is proposed. Let us suppose that the new proposal was to a large extent successful — that in a few years a large proportion of the fellows were Roman Catholics, it may be some of them actively and publicly maintain- ing those very ' Ultramontane ' doctrines against which there is so much railing; does any man who knows the class from which Protestant students are largely sup- plied to Trinity College believe that there will be the same anxiety to send their children to an institution in which these men are teachers? Let us test this question by the supposition that the last and greatest triumph of the new policy had been achieved ; its greatest triumph if the offer of equality be a real one. I have asked before, I now ask again, if a Roman Catholic ecclesiastic were appointed Provost of Trinity College, would it alienate Pro- testant sympathy or support? I do not believe that the great mass of the Protestant people of Ireland will ever consent to the education of their children in anv Col- lege that is not essentially Protestant in its constitution. They may be slower, perhaps less energetic, in manifesting it; but I am equally sure that their objec- tion will be as strong to a College in which no account is taken of the belief or disbelief of it- teachers in E ')<» THE PROBLEM OE IRISH EDUCATION. Christianity Itself. The declaration of sceptical senti* ments by any of its fellows (who can say how soon this may occur?) would create doubt and dissatisfaction quite sufficient to deter multitudes of people from suf- fering their children to come within its walls. And all this might occur — all this, 1 believe, would occur — while the new system had failed in conciliating the attachment of the Roman Catholics. The result is not difficult to foresee. It would be impossible to maintain the University with its diminished number of students, especially in the face of the strong opposition by which it would be assailed. It may be, if the present mode of administering Irish affairs be continued, that empty halls and deserted chambers would supply tosome Govern- ment a fair pretext of turning it into a Government de- partment — possibly some general school of science and art, enjoying the same independence and holding among academic institutions the same rank as are now possessed by the establishment that bears that name in Stephen's Green. These anticipations may seem far-fetched ; but anyone who knows the deep attachment to religious education — I must add the strong anti-Papal feelings that are passions in the hearts of a large portion of the Protestant community — will think it either impossible or improbable that the new arrangements will stop the flow of students which that community now sends to the College. The richer among them will send their sons to Oxford and Cambridge, where richer prizes and increased facilities of communication are already attracting them. Those who cannot afford this will dispense with a University education for their children. There are many causes at this moment leading strongly to both these results. They will acquire a rapidly increased action when, by destroying RECENT CHANGES IX TRINITY COLLEGE. 5 1 the religious character of the College, we bave made it unsuited to the Protestant, most assuredly without adapting it to the requirements of the Roman Catholic, people. Iii even glancing at these dangers to the very existence of our time-honoured University, I am wan- dering beyond the limits which in this essay 1 have assigned to myself. Enough for my presenl purpose to say that the changes made in Trinity College and the University will not place the Roman Catholic portion of Ireland in that position of equality in respect to University education to which they are entitled ; they will not give to Ireland University institutions suited to the wants and meeting the wishes of her people. IX ,S2 THE PROBLEM OF IKISII EDUCATION. CHAPTER VII. THE PLAN OP A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. In forming a new constitution for the University, I purpose to leave Trinity College in, or very nearly in, the position as a College in which it was before the recent changes were made. The provisions of Mr. Fawcett's Bill should be confined to the University so as to leave it in the power of the authorities of that College to require for any office they thought fit the qualification of religious belief. In this respect the new statute should be modified. Above all things, the religious teaching of the College should not be inter- fered with. Whatever liberality might be shown in the admission of persons of different persuasions to its honours or emoluments, its character as connected with religion should be maintained. I give no opinion as to the desirability of removing all religious requirements from many of the offices, as has been done in Oxford and Cambridge. This should be left to the authority which would have power to revise the statutes — a power which should be placed in the hands of the College authorities, under the control, not of the University Senate as at present, but of the Sovereign. Leaving Trinity College to discharge for the Protestant people, and for such Roman Catholics as choose to avail themselves of its education, the functions which it has so long and so honourably fulfilled, I would place beside it, and in the same University, THE I'LAN OF A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. 53 another College that would fulfil the same functions for the Roman Catholic people and for any Protestants who would seek education within its walls. It appears by the report of the Science and Art Commission, presented to Parliament in the lasl Ses- sion, that there has been already subscribed to establish the Catholic University in Ireland, a sum amounting to nearly X'200,000.* Much of this sum has been unavoid- ably spent, but the remnant of it would be a nucleus for the endowment of a College sufficient toentitle us to treat those who have the control of it as the founders of the new College, with powers within certain limits to make the rules and regulations by which it was to be governed, including in this the constitution of the governing body. If they were willing to accept the position of a Col- lege in the Dublin University, they should receive a Royal Charter incorporating them as such a College. This charter, like all charters, would or should prescribe cer- tain essential conditions, from which no laws or rules made by the College would depart. Subject to the pro- visions of the charter I would leave these rules and regulations to the discretion of the College itself. There ought to be provided for this College an endowment substantially equal to that enjoyed by Trinity College. This should be made up of any money or pro- perty which the founders of the College would bring with them; of a grant from the funds of Trinity College, which would probably not be unwillingly made; and of a supplemental grant out of the surplus of the revenues of the disestablished Church. Out of the latter fund there should be appropriated an additional sum, to pro- vide academic buildings for the new College. f ' In L874 it amounted to £ 187,000; £10,000 of it had been Bubacribi d in the previous year. t Mr. Gladstone's Bill proposed, we abal] Bee presently, a tax on the .")4 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. I would give to each College full and absolute con- trol over the education of its students, and over the discipline which they might prescribe. To obtain a University degree the student should be required to have spent four years in his College, to have attended lectures and examinations, and to obtain from that College a certificate that he was, by proficiency in all the studies required by them, fitted to obtain a University degree. In addition to this, he ought to be required, as at Oxford and Cambridge, to pass a University examination at the end of his first two years, and again at the close of his course and examination for his degree. The control of these examinations should be vested in an Academic Council, consisting of six, eight, or twelve members, one-half to be chosen by the governing body of each College. The subjects of the University examinations should be those into which differences of religious opinions never could intrude. All other subjects should be left to the teaching of the respective Colleges. AVhether the pursuit of any of these studies in the Colleges should be required from a candidate for a degree, is a matter lor consideration. If it were required, a certificate from the College that the candidate had passed a satisfactory examination in that subject should procure his admis- sion to the degree examination. I would allow each College to have, if its govern- ing body thought proper, a professor of theology, and to give, of its own authority, degrees or diplomas funds of Trinity College for his new University to the extent of £12,000 a year, commutable on payment of a bulk sum of £.300,000. That Jiill also proposed an appropriation to the same purposes of a portion of the surplus of Church property. And lastly, it proposed a grant of £ 10,000 a year from the Consolidated fund. THE PLAN OF A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. 55 in divinity equivalent to those now granted by the University. No statute should be passed by the Senate of the University except with the assent of the Academic Council, and no change should be made by that body in the course required for the University examinations, or in any law of the University, except with the consent of three-fourths of the body, and the further assent of the governing body of each College. I cannot pretend to fill up this sketch with all the minute details of such an arrangement. These details must be the subject of careful and minute inquiry and consultation with those whose wishes and opinions must be consulted. If the general principles were once accepted, there would be very little difficulty in arranging the details. O CD Even in the matter of professorships, I do not see that any difficulty would arise. All the professorships are virtually professorships in Trinity College, deriving their University character from the fact that the College is the University. Following the precedent of Mr. Gladstone's Bill, they might all be made nominally as well as really professorships of Trinity College, unless any which, by common consent, the Academic Council, with the consent of the University Senate, should declare to be a University professorship in such terms as the statute declaring it so might prescribe. Of course the newly created College should have the same power of appointing professors of its own. But the attendance of the students on the lectures of any profes or diould be ;s matter entirely within the control of the College to which he belonged. Each of the Colleges should have sizarships or bursarships of its own. In addition to these it would probably be desirable that each should hav me 5G THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. scholarships to be exclusively held by its own students. But tin.' greater proportion of the scholarships should be University scholarships, open to competition by all students of the University, given as the scholarships now are, some for proficiency in scientific and some in classical knowledge. The fellowship must of course belong to each College, to be provided out of its own funds, and sub- ject to rules and regulations of its own. But even out of the limited funds appropriated to University purposes in Ireland provision might be made for some University fellowships, open to the competition of all. If the national University succeeded in conciliating general good will, a very few years would probably see means provided for the endowment of more, so as to constitute rewards like those which the wealth of Oxford and Cambridge has enabled them to provide for so many of their more disthiiniished students. So far I have pointed out how University degrees might be obtained by persons entering themselves as students in either of its Colleges. But there is no reason why the advantages of the University should not be extended to those who for any reason might not wish to matriculate in either. Trinity College has allowed non-resident students to keep their terms (to use the academic phrase) by attending so many examinations in the year. Regulations could easily be framed by which all students who might wish to graduate in this way might be matriculated in the University without entering either of its Colleges. They should pay their fees to the University chest, and be required to attend examinations held under the control of the Academic Council, in addition to the two general University examinations already proposed. W ithin the last few years, a system has been THE PLAN OF A NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. 57 established both at Oxford and Cambridge of admitting students to the University who are not required to become members of any College. In the English Universities residence has always been necessary for obtaining a degree. There is no reason why the Dublin dispensation of residence might not be extended to non- collegiate students.* The experience of Oxford and Cambridge, even for the few years in which the system has been tried, would be useful in framing those regulations. I believe it would be a great evil to carry the dispensation of residence further than it has been carried in Trinity College ; but even within those limits a system might be established under which men might be left to acquire education anywhere they please, or, if they were equal to it, to educate themselves. l>iit to make this a University education, the Uni- versity examinations ought to be frequent, in a course prescribed to direct the studies of the pupil from time to time in every part of his academic career. If this were done, the resort of students to the Colleges would depend upon the advantages in real education which they would offer to the student, and on the amount of additional credit which he would obtain with the public by being able to add the name of his College to his degree. If any motive made a student unwilling to become an inmate of either of the Colleges, the path of University studentship would be open. Such, in an imperfect outline, is the plan I propose The system of University as distinctive from Collegiate studentship would be greatly helped by giving facilities for the institution and recognition • ■I' Halls in Dublin. A Hall might be under the control of any religious body that desired to erect one. I would not depart from the old traditi of Universities, which require all Colleges and Halls connected with the 1 diversity to bo in the same locality. Hut there are students who would not .ntcr either of the Colleges who would gladly avail themselves of the dif- ferent regulations of a Hull. THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. for the settlement of a question which never can be settled unless the Roman Catholic portion of our people are satisfied with the arrangement. Any plan that will not give that satisfaction would only be the beginning of agitation and strife, which will probably, if our present system of Irish Government is continued, end in altogether depriving Ireland of any high -class University education. Whether the plan I propose, of two Colleges in one i'niversity, will be deemed, under present circum- stances, the most advisable for Roman Catholic inte- rests, I have no certain means of knowing. This essay is written entirely on my own responsibility, and with- out communication with anyone. When, two years ago, in speaking in the House of Commons on Mr. Fawcett's Bill, I sketched out a plan of this nature, the manner in which the proposal was spoken of induced me to believe that it would not be unfavour- ably received. The only other plan of solving the problem is to establish a Catholic University, with equal powers, privileges, and endowments to those possessed by the Protestant one. It occurs to me that the proposal I make is in every respect preferable. Anxious as I am to maintain the principle of a religious education, I do not wish to make a separation between Protestant and Catholic wider than the necessity of maintaining that principle involves. A newly established Catholic University, no matter how well or successfully conducted, could not for many years acquire the prestige and character for its decrees or its distinctions which are attached by many great memories to those of our old University. In the rich inheritance of these memo- ries the Catholic people of Ireland have a right to a full share. I am struggling that they should have it in the University institutions of the land. THE PLAN OF A NATIONAL UNIVEESITY. 59 Lastly, I believe it is possible to obtain lor a plan such as I propose the assent of many who would not acquiesce in the establishment of a separate Catholic University. Furthermore, I am sure that in the open competition of the members of each College with the members of the University at large, a manly and independent spirit would be maintained. Anything like the narrowness of spirit which might possibly result from an exclusive and separate training would be effectually guarded against, and the intellectual distinctions which were won in an arena in which all Irishmen were entitled to meet, and Irishmen of different persuasions were the judges, would have a value in the estimation of the country, which could never belong to any awarded in a less national tribunal. In this system of distinct Colleges in a common University, we should combine the advan- tages of the separate system of education with all those which the most enthusiastic secularist can possibly point out as following from the mixed. But this is a matter CD for the Catholics themselves. If they prefer a Catholic University, or if the difficulties of uniting a Catholic and Protestant College in one University be insuperable, then. I say, much as I myself might regret their decision, we should have no alternative but cordially and loyally to accept it. The statesman who leaves this question unsettled is leaving the germs of many evils to Ireland. Settled it never can be until some plan is carried into effect which will make the Catholic people feel that they have been fairly treated on this question, and that they have academic institutions in which provision is mad- for their wants, and in which their wishes are consulted. Of the evils which will result from the unsettled condition of this question, I repeat my con- viction thai the heaviest will fall upon the Protestant portion of the people. GO THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. I ought perhaps to say, when I wrote the greater part of this chapter I had not read the splendid tract which has been given to the public on this question by Mr. Mclvor, the Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University. Upon two points he has cited testi- monies of great value in relation to the subject discussed in this chapter, in an extract from the Pastoral of the Roman Catholic prelates in 1871 — an extract sufficient to assure us that no objection will be made by the Catholic hierarchy to the combination of two Colleges in one University. The other is an extract from a pamphlet, published in 1869 by Dr. Woodlock, in which the effects of the wholesome effects of competition are traced with so much wisdom and true liberality and philosophy that I cannot deny myself the pleasure of reproducing it. Dr. Woodlock is, I need not say, the accomplished rector of the Catholic University. In 1869 he thus wrote upon the subject of bringing all classes together in open competition : — ' I. The great, indeed the paramount, advantage of competition is admitted upon all hands. By it emulation is kept up among youth, their latent energies are evoked, and their intellectual powers developed to the utmost. A system, then, which brings into competition all the youth of the nation, must possess great educational advantages above any other, and such precisely is a National University, where all the intellect of the country would have to compete in a common arena for degrees, honours, and other literary and scientific dis- tinctions. Moreover, this emulation would be increased by the fact that there would be among the various Colleges a struggle for intellectual superiority, which could not fail to be productive of the greatest advantages to literature and science, each striving to outdo the others in the race in which all would be entered. T1IK PLAN OF A NATIONAL DNIVERSITT. 61 'II. Again, the students of the Catholic College having won, as no doubt they would win. distinction in the intellectual arena, not only would their equality or superiority with respect to their Protestant fellow- countrymen be admitted at once, and this without any of that hesitation or delay which is sure to occur before their literary or scientific standing will be recognised if their passport to distinction bear the signature of an exclusive institution; but also the great question whether in truth Catholic education does cramp the human mind would be decided by a tribunal whose authority Protestants and Catholics must admit alike. In a mixed community, such as exists in these countries, it is of the greatest moment that the University stamp should not be one which would almost ostracise the bearer, and cut him off from his fellow-countrymen, either by his own act or by their unwillingness to admit the value of the coinage ; the literary and scientific coin should be such as would run current throughout the realm, because its value would be known to all. In other words, it is most important for the social interests of Catholics that the University degree borne by them should be a bond fide mark of distinction, won in open competition with their fellow-countrymen of all denominations ; and not the result of a hole-and-corner examination, and the fruit of work done under the inspection of a few Catholic teachers, approved and rewarded by them, and of the value of which others would know little or nothing. It is also of the greatest importance that the true intellectual value of Catholic education should be publicly proved and recognised by all.' The institution which is guided by sentiments thus wise and liberal is one with which the proudest of our existing Colleges need not fear to be connected. 62 THE PROBLEM OE IRISH EDUCATION. CHAPTER VIII. THE SITE OF THE NEW COLLEGE. The place where the new College is to be built appears to be, and no doubt is, one of those matters of detail which must be left to the unfettered discretion of its own authorities. The question is not, however, without some little importance. I venture to suggest that it should be placed as close as possible to Trinity College. Room might easily be obtained at the eastern end of the present College park by taking a very small angle of the park and purchasing the buildings in its vicinity. The front of the new College could thus be in West- land Row, and ample space could be obtained for all the College buildings at a moderate expense. The students of the two Colleges could thus be brought together, in many of the occupations and amusements which, after all, form no small portion of the brother- hood of academic life. In a common recreation ground they would have their common cricket ground, and their common attention to those athletic exercises which, under the fantastic name of ' Muscular Christianity,' are now supposed to form no unimportant share of a true University education. Probably in a common debating or historical society they would vie with each other in maintaining the traditions of the old College society, which trained in past days Burke and Grattan and Curran and Plunkett and Bushe. Even in these THE SITE OF I'llK NEW COLLEGE. <*••'> traditions I would wish the Catholic students of the University to have their full share. It would, uodoubt, be unwise to exaggerate the importance of this proximity of situation, but it would, perhaps, be still more unwis< to undervalue it. It would tend in no small degree to that complete identification of the new Catholic College with the best memories of the old University. It is not trifling to say, that among its advantages would be that the members of both Colleges would be able to resort to the common University buildings without leaving the precincts of the University. Desirable, however, as I think this, it is not essen- tial. If for any reason it cannot be accomplished, it will be easy to find a place for the new College, it may be, on the present site of the Catholic University, or on the piece of ground near ClonlifFe, some time since pur- chased by its trustees. If the Colleges must be apart from each other, there will be no difficulty in finding an eligible situation for the new one. It would be easy to suggest pleasant situations by the seaside, placed in which the new College would have, in all that constitutes desirableness of residence, a great advantage over the old. I have, however, endeavoured to mark my sense of the importance of this subordinate question by devot- ing to it a separate chapter in this book. (il THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. CHAPTER IX. THE POSITION AND POWERS OF THE COLLEGES. In what has been already said I have sufficiently shown in general terms the powers which I would entrust to each of the two Colleges of which I propose that, at all events in the first instance, the University should consist . Each of them should have entire control over the education within its own walls, except so far as the terms of its charter might oblige the society to main- tain o-eneral education; but no student in either could obtain a University degree unless he had attained a proficiency tested by examination in the prescribed academic course. To each of them I propose to give the power, possessed by many of the Oxford and Cambridge Colleges, of appointing public Lecturers or Professors of their own. The subject is of so much importance that it may be dwelt upon a little more particularly. As I propose to retain Trinity College as an essen- tially Protestant institution, it would be necessary to exempt it from the restrictions imposed by the recent Act. How or in what way that governing body should be constituted I do not stop to inquire ; but to that governing body the power should be entrusted of framing new statutes, with the assent of the Crown, and there should be no legislative prohibition against the requirements of a religious qualification for all or any of its offices as might be thoughl expedient. THE POSITION AND I'OWKKS OK THE COLLEGES. 65 There are at present thirty-four Professorships in the University. All of these really belong to Trinity, and many of them would continue to do so in name as well as in fact. Several of them mighl probably be dis- pensed with. It seems scarcely necessary to maintain both a Regius Professor of Hebrew and another as Erasmus Smith's Lecturer in Hebrew. Both these offices, as well as the Regius Professor of Divinity, Archbishop King's Lecturer in Divinity, together with the Professorships of Ecclesiastical History and Biblical Greek, may all be considered as belonging to the Divinity School.* That school I propose to maintain under the direction of the heads of the College. I attach a very high value to the maintenance of that school within the University. No one, no matter of what creed, can be indifferent to the character of a body occupying so influential a position as that which must be filled by the clergy even of the disestablished Protestant Church. The disestablishment has made it necessary to hold out every inducement to those clergy to receive a University education. Were the College and the Divinity School separated a University edu- cation in the case of a Protestant clergyman would, I fear, be the exception and not the rule. There is an obvious advantage in having 1 the Divinity School of the Protestant Church subject to the steady rule of College authorities, and not the shifting supervision of a popular assembly. Of the other Professorships, two are legal and :it least seven are medical. f 1 should hope that, both :i- to the Legal and Medical Schools, means might be Among the Oivinity Professorships which it suppressed, Mr. Glad- stone's lull classed that of the Irish language. I have hesitated to include the Professor of Botany among the medical. If he is so to lie included, they amount to eight, F GO TIIE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. found of making them University and not College institutions. There are several other of the Professorships which probably might be attached to the University instead of to the College. Anyone who will take the trouble of running his eye down the list of Professors in the Dublin University Calendar will easily calculate how many of the chairs might be University ones. There are others, such as that of Moral Philosophy and of History, as to which each College would probably desire a separate appointment of its own. Education, then, in Trinity College would go on just as it does at present, with such alterations and improvements as its rulers might from time to time think expedient. The College would have full power of regulating that education ; of introducing any new subject; if dissatisfied with any of the University Professors, of appointing a Lecturer or Professor of its own. Its authorities would have perfect power to give such religious instruction and require such religious observances as they thought fit. The only power they would lose would be that of conferring degrees, which could only be obtained by submitting to an examination under the control of the University Council.* I cannot but think that this is a provision for the University education of Protestants with which any rational Protestant must be satisfied — a provision far * The recent changes have transferred the nomination of the Professors from the Senior Board to tho Council elected partly by the Senate. The Senate ought not to have any interference in the domestic affairs of either College. If it were thought expedient to give any control to the general body of graduates, then it might be exercised, not by the Senate but by a congregation (a name not unknown in the English Universities), which might for either College be composed only of those who were graduates of its own. THE POSITION AND POWERS OF THE COLLEGES. (i7 more in accordance with the feelings and the principles of the Protestant clergy and laity than the proposal altogether to destroy the religious character of the ( 'ollege. The new Catholic College would be equally free and equally independent; with the same power of regulating the education its students should receive; with the same power of teaching in all subjects it thought fit ; of appointing all Professors or Lecturers it though I proper ; of providing for the religious instruction and religious discipline of its students ; of establishing a Divinity School if it were judged necessary or expe- dient;* of doing all for the education of Catholics that could or would be done if they had a University of their own. Free Colleges in a free University would be in effect the motto of the academic arrangement I have pro- posed. But let me observe that neither College would be without the check of a wholesome competition. This check would be found in the power of obtaining a degree without residence in either of them. Each College must depend for its students upon its character and the inducement it could hold out to students to be residents within its walls. If either of them failed in providing all the appliances of a good liberal education, if either of them drew the cords of discipline so close as to create dissatisfaction, every parent would have the remedy in his own hands. Instead of sending his son as a resident in a College, he would find means of edu- cation nearer home, and avail himself of the privilege of graduation without collegiate membership, which is a part of the plan. * 1 have Blreadv- said thai I propose that each College should have the power of conferring a diploma in Divinity equivalent to a degri r 2 G8 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. I enter upon no discussion as to the constitution of the new College ; I think this should be left alinosl entirely in the hands of its founders. Just as in the case of the primary schools, I would secure that a good secular education should be given. Beyond inserting in the charter provisions which would make this impera- tive, I would leave, as far as possible, the rules and regulations of the College to those who would be most interested in its working. I may be asked why in this plan I make no provision for the third great division of the Irish community, the members of the Presbyterian Church. To them, as to all other Irishmen, the plan offers perfect freedom in securing a University degree. It docs not offer to them a separate College. They have never asked for it ; they seem content with the education which the Queen's Colleges afford; and they are not separated as the Roman Catholics are from Trinity College by wide differences of religion. But if the Presbyterian body should desire to be represented in the proposed University by a Pres- byterian College, and manifest their earnestness by contributions like those which have proved the sincerity of the Roman Catholics, and if, which I think doubtful. a sufficient number of such students could be found to incur the trouble and expense of a residence in Dublin, arrangements could easily be made for the esta- blishment of such a College as a part of the University * * I am disposed to think it may be found that the wants of the Pres- byterian community will be better provided by some arrangement connected with the Belfast College. Belfast, and not St. Patrick's Hall, oujjht certainly to be the sent of the Queen's I'niversity. A MOVEMENT FOR RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. 69 CHAPTER X. A MOVEMENT FOR RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. PROBABILITIES OF ITS SUCCESS. [ know that it will be said, and said with some show of reason, that it is vain to expect that any measure of education like that which these pages indicate will be conceded by an English Parliament to the Irish people. I, perhaps, ought not to dissent from a statement which really affirms the inability of that Parliament to deal fairly and efficiently with any Irish interests; but I cannot honestly subscribe to the belief that it is hopeless to press this question upon the attention of the Govern- ment and Parliament. I will endeavour briefly to give my reasons for the opinions which, on this subject, I have formed. First and above all, I believe the proposal is one that commends itself to the fairness and the sense of justice of every reflecting man. In a country in which public questions are dealt with in open and free discus- sion — in which on all such questions an appeal is made to public opinion, and in which they are ultimately disposed of in an assembly professing to be deliberative — there is, after all, a great advantage in being in the right.* * It is in the absence of any such deliberative assembly in Ireland t « > give expression to t lie varying tonus of public opinion, that the moral evil of our provincialism is perhaps must severely felt. 70 THE PROBLEM OF IKIS1I EDUCATION. Men interested in political questions too often fail in the very necessary task of calculating the favouring or the opposing forces with which they must deal; but I cannot help thinking that the most common error in our generation is to leave out of account the moral power which, after all, even in the face of adverse prejudices and hostile majorities, constitutes the strongest of all forces — the power of justice and truth. But the constitution of the present House of Com- mons is by no means unfavourable to the demand for an educational system based upon religion. They are prepared to maintain the principle in England. It is not so easy to refuse it to Ireland, especially as that refusal involves the denial of a true education to the Protestant and Catholic people alike. I am per- fectly convinced that if we could agree upon a proposal for establishing religious educational institutions, which we could present alike in the name of the Protestants and Roman Catholics, the present House of Commons would not refuse its assent. Again, we are constantly assured by their friends that the present Ministry would gladly seize any fair opportunity of conciliating the Irish people. No ques- tion could present at present an opportunity as favour- able as that which is afforded by this very question of education. And let me add that I feel convinced that, even among those English Liberals who make secular educa- tion a part of their political creed, there is a growing and a spreading conviction that it is not quite consis- tent with their own principles of government to force their views upon this subject upon the Irish people. I believe there are many of them who would hesitate long before they would vote against any educational A MOVEMENT FOB RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. 71 proposal which was brought forward with the united support of all sections of the Irish nation. Many who are anxious to uphold the present arrange- ments between the countries are beginning to see how impossible it is even to defend them if they result, upon a question so purely domestic as that of education, in overruling by English prejudices the wishes and convic- tions of the Irish nation. They know and feel that this is something which, if it occurred in any other country in Europe, they would themselves be the first indig- nantly to denounce. Lastly, I am sure that the spread of open and avowed infidelity is alarming many earnest and thinking Pro- testants both in England and Ireland. Even amidst the excitement which the marvellous pamphlet of the late Prime Minister has produced on the subject of the Vatican decrees, there is the consciousness in the hearts of all thinking men that the real danger to the Protestant religion is not from Rome, and that the con- flict which will try the strength and the power of that religion will be one in which disbelief in all revela- tion will assail alike all Christian creeds. These con- victions will indispose men to the handing over to secularism the control of all Irish education. We must, no doubt, take into calculation the forces of intolerance and bigotry wdrich would be arrayed against anyproposal which would seem even to tolerate the teach- ing of the doctrines of the Roman Catholic faith. But these forces are not so strong as on a, superficial observation they appear. They have never yet been boldly encoun- tered that they have not been defeated. Fifty years ago i he unreformed 1 louse of Commons — the very I louse i hat rejected the proposal of Emancipation — carried by a large majority a resolution in favour of making State provi- 72 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. sion for the Catholic clergy of Ireland.* Twenty years later Sir Robert Peel was supported by great majorities in his bill for the permanent endowment of Maynooth. A similar success would unquestionably attend a wise and statesmanlike bill brought forward by the present Ministry to establish religious equality in the University system of Ireland. I know not how far these considerations ought to lead us to hope for success in a battle to maintain the great principle of Christian education, and this possibly may depend upon the attitude which will be assumed by the Irish Protestants. If, in opposition to all the principles which for three generations they and their fathers have solemnly asserted, they declare themselves on the side of secular education, and in favour of the banishment of religion from our schools, it is impossible not to see that ' a heavy blow and great discourage- ment ' will be dealt to the cause of Christian education. If they are true to their own principles, I believe the success of that cause is certain. But, be these things as they may, of one thing I am certain — no matter what is to be the issue, the battle ought to be fought. The issue is forced upon us by the process which has been begun of unchristianising the Dublin University under the marvellous pretence of making it national! national to the Irish people, the most reli- gion-loving people upon earth! The principles involved are of breadth and height and sacredness enough to jus- tify us in warring for them, even if we had, what we are far from having, the certainty of defeat; and even if our protest were to be unavailing it would justify us, when happier times come — and assuredly they will come — in * On the 29th of April, 1825, after an animated and very instructive debate, Lord Francis LevesonGowcr carried a resolution having that object by a majority of 205 tu 10:.'. A MOVEMENT FOR RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. 73 reversing the policy which we now indignantly denounce as an outrage upon all (lie feelings and convictions of a Christian, a believing, a religion-loving, and a Clod- fearing nation.* * I have no wish to intrude into theso pages any discussion of my opinions upon the great rrish question; the one that after all absorbs all others — the necessity for Ireland of that self-government which lias come to be known by the familiar name of Home Rule. But I ought to say, that in thus pressing this question upon the Imperial Parliament and upon an English 1 'nrliament, nay, more, in avowing my hope that it is at least possible to obtain a settlement of it from that Parliament, lam not in the slightest degree compromising those opinions. I know assuredly that Ireland will never enjoy real good government except through an Irish Parliament managing Irish affairs. Our most complete success upon this education question could not in the slightest weaken that conviction. But while the Imperial Parliament does manage our affairs I believe it my duty, as a member of that Parliament, honestly and to the best of my power to impress on it that policy which in my conscience I believe best for my country. I believe it is by placing before Englishmen the necessities and the wants of Ireland that we shall most effectually exhibit to them the incapacity of any but an Irish Parlia- ment to legislate so as to provide for them. "Whatever may be the fate of our efforts it is our duty to make our declaration of our country's needs, above all, our protest against measures and principles of government which involve to our country grievous wrong. This much I have felt bound, more than this I am not anxious, to Bay. 74 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. CHAPTER XI. mr. Gladstone's university bill of 1873. It might be thought that this tract was incomplete if it contained no special reference to the measure introduced by Mr. Gladstone in 1873. I am not about to enter on a discussion of that memorable measure, under the weight of the failure of which a strong administration broke down. It may yet be well to offer a few observations on the provisions of that bill, and on its defeat. It is, perhaps, the more necessary to do so, as Mr. Gladstone has, if I understand him, recently declared that the rejection of that bill disentitles the Irish nation to any further concessions, and that henceforth we have nothing to expect from Liberal statesmen, except angry demands upon the Roman Catholics for definitions and disclaimers upon the subject of the theological and political effects of the late Vatican decrees. Those decrees, let me say, whatever were their import and effect, had been adopted before the introduction of the measure I am commenting on. They had been published in July, 1870, nearly three years before Mr. Gladstone had framed his Irish University Bill. If it be of importance now to demand explanations or pledges from our Irish Roman Catholic countrymen it was of equal importance then. It may be sufficient to disconnect them wholly from the dis- cussion of this education question to say that no reference whatever was made to them in the exhaustive speech M r. Gladstone's univeksity bill of 1873. 75 in which Mr. Gladstone introduced his measure at the opening of the Session of 1873. In all the discussions which followed the introduction of that bill I cannot remember that the slightest allusion was made to them, either in the animated debates in Parliament, or in the still more animated controversies of the press. The rejection of Mr. Gladstone's measure is still associated with so many memories that awake all the spites of party bitterness that it is difficult to comment on it without stirring up passions not quite consistent with the calm review of events which are already taking their place in the history of the past. Nevertheless, I feel that in any proposal for the settlement of the Irish University question it is impossible to avoid a refer- ence to the history of that measure. I do not conceal from myself that in making that reference I am tread- ing on ground that is still tender. I endeavour to approach it in that spirit of impartiality which may not suit the heated views of partisans on either side, but which assuredly best becomes, even after the interval that has passed, the discussion of such a question. It was the misfortune of Mr. Gladstone and of the Irish nation that he framed that measure on complete misinformation of the opinions and feelings of the Irish people. It was, perhaps, the inevitable result of the system under which Ireland has always been governed that he took his information from those secret and irresponsible advisers who are always leading British Ministers astray. It can scarcely be said to have been the fault of the Irish people that he was so deceived. If expectations he had been led to form as to the manner in which his measure would be received were wofully, perhaps cruelly disappointed, this surely sup- plies no reason for denouncing a whole nation. His 7G THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. measure was, with an unanimity almost unparalleled, re- jected by all classes and creeds of the Irish people, for the very sufficient reason that it was one which most signally tailed to meet the requirements of the country. That measure proposed, as does the plan proposed in these pages, to retain Trinity College as a member, indeed it made it the leading member, of the University. It left it its endowments, diminished by a contribution of £12,000 a year to the funds of the University. It left it the existing professorships — except those which it suppressed as unfitted for its new constitution — with a provision like that proposed in these pages, that any of them might be transferred to the University by an agree- ment between the College and the University authorities. But it absolutely suppressed all the professorships of the Divinity School, including in these the professor- ship of the Irish language; and it further suppressed the professorships of history and moral philosophy, with a prohibition against the future revival of any of these professorships. It then proceeded to enact, with reference to religious tests, the provisions contained in Mr. Faweett's bill. The effect of these provisions upon the character and well-being of the College has been already pointed out. In prohibiting, however, the maintenance of any theological school in the College, it expressly provided that the authorities of the College might provide for persons in statu pupillari any religious instruction they thought fit. There can be no doubt that the practical effect of this enactment would have been to maintain in Trinity College for many years to come the present system of religious instruction. Like Mr. Faweett's bill, it left all the College statutes in force, except those which imposed religious tests or required the attendance of any student MR. Gladstone's university bill OF Is?;'.. 77 at religions instruction or religious worship.* But iu all oilier respects it left the statutes untouched. I have already shown that all (hose statutes were, ami still are, essentially Protestant in their character. Those statutes were not to be changed except by the governing body of the College itself. It was the intention of the bill, and it was so stated by Mr. Gladstone, to deprive the Crown of the powers, reserved to it by the ancient charters, of making new statutes, and to prevent any alterations being made except with the consent of the College itself. Under the measure of Mr. Gladstone the heads of the College would probably not have felt themselves called on to make any essential change, f and Trinity College would have retained the form of an in- stitution essentially Protestant, but framed on principles of the widest toleration. Having thus dealt with the College, the measure proceeded to reconstitute the University by vesting all its powers in a Board of twenty-eight members, virtually nominated by the authority which in Irish politics is not very favourably known as the Castle of Dublin. The original twenty-eight members were to be named in a schedule to the bill. The bill was brought in with- out the schedule ; and before the stage at which the schedule should have been added the measure came to * The bill, in fact, only extended the ' dispensation ' from the statutes already carried into effect by the Royal letter of 1793. That letter dis- pensed with the statutes so far as was necessary to enable Roman ' !atholics to become students and to take degrees; the measure of Mr. Gladstone dispensed with them so as to enable all persons of any religious belief to become fellows or scholars, or to fill any oilice in the ' lollege. t In tliis respect it is fair to Bay thai Mr. Gladstone's bill was more favourable to the maintenance of the Protestant character of tin- College than the measure which has been actually passed. A measure which Ieavi - Trinity College the one College in a national University — in fact the national University — bears with it, in respect to its religious character, con- sequences very different from those which would have followed from one that deprived it of all pretence to that character. 78 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. an end. For ten years these twenty-eight members were to keep their places if they lived so long. Vacancies occurring within that ten years were to be filled up alternately by the nomination of the Lord Lieutenant and that of the Council itself. At the end of ten years another system of election was provided, but the in- fluence of Government nomination would have been felt for many a year. The naming of the original twenty- eight in the bill would scarcely have altered this. The submission of the names to Parliament might have pre- vented the proposal of some outrageous appointment. But Parliament is not the tribunal to determine, or even to discuss, questions of personal fitness. The nomination of the Government must virtually have been accepted ; and the result would have been that, among the twenty- eight ordinary members of the University Council, espe- cially among the Roman Catholic portion of them, would have been found men the very last to whom the free choice of the Irish nation would entrust the control over national education. The nominated members of Council were to be supplemented by collegiate members elected by such 4 Colleges ' throughout the country as the Council might see fit to declare members of the Universitv. As the bill was brought in it referred to a schedule in which some Colleges were to be named as members of the University ; but this schedule and a third schedule, which was intended to contain a number of well-framed University ordinances, like that which ought to have given the names of the Council, never found their way into the bill. It may, however, be assumed that if the bill had proceeded, Trinity College and the two Queen's Colleges which were preserved — that of Galway was doomed to destruction — would have been among those, finally appearing in the schedule. In MR. flLADSTONtt's UNIVERSITY RILL OF 1873. 7!> addition to these, Mr. Gladstone, in his opening speech, stated his intention to propose the Presbyterian Colli in Deny, known as the Magee College, and the College known as the Catholic University — five Colleges in all — as original members of the new University. In addition to these any College affiliated by the Council, if it had fifty pupils matriculated as Btudents in the University, would have been entitled to send one member to the Council. If it had 150, it would bave sent two. No one acquainted with Ireland could suppose that the addition of these collegiate members would have prevented the Council from being really controlled by the Government nominees. To my mind this in itself would have been an insuperable objection. The intermeddling of Govern- ment in these matters is one of the greatest evils that attends the present mode of administering Irish affairs. A national University administered from the Castle of Dublin is in name and in effect an insult to the nation. Tliat nothing might be wanting to complete its sub- servience, it was specially enacted that the present Chancellor of the University was to be displaced, and the Lord Lieutenant for the time being was to be it- Chancellor. During any vacancy in the office of Lor d Lieutenant, the highest in rank of the Lords Justices, most probably the Commander of the Forces, was to fill the place of our Chancellor. It was the sending of the University, its Senate, and its authorities, to pass under the caudine yoke. The placing of the University under the control of a Council of Castle nomination was to convert Irish University education into a State machine, which might possibly have been worked to advance that which is supposed to be the English interest in Ireland; very probably to forward the views "1" English SO THE PROBLEM OF JEISII EDUCATION. faction; more likely still for the purpose of the coteries that for the time had the ear of the Castle or the ascendency in the Council; most certainly not for the benefit of Ireland or the development of her intellectual life. The University thus constituted was endowed with £12,000 a year from the revenues of Trinity College, with £10,000 a year from the Consolidated Fund, and with a further contribution from the surplus of the revenues of the disestablished Church ; the amount of the latter was not named. Mr. Gladstone estimated the revenues intended for the new University at £50,000 a year. These revenues were all under the absolute control of the University Council. They were to be spent in providing for the expenses of the University examinations for degrees, in paying such Professors as the Council might see fit to appoint, in endowing Uni- versity Fellowships, tenable for five years — the holders of which were to have no duties to discharge — and, lastly, in founding exhibitions and bursarships for matri- culated students, the holders of which were to be under no obligation of residence or otherwise. These latter were, in fact, prizes for proficiency, not aids or helps, unless as the recipients themselves chose, to a collegiate or any other education.* While the University had the power of appointing Professors, the bill expressly provided that no student * Mr. Gladstone, in Lis opening speech, proposed ten fellowships of £200 a year each, twenty-five exhibitions of £o0, and 100 of £2->. The exhibi- tions and bursarships could only be obtained within the first year after a student's matriculation, and were to be held, according to the period at which they were obtained, for three or four years. These prizes would have been the only ones open to all students of the University. In addition to the chance of competing for them, those students who were members either of Trinity or the Queen's Colleges would have been exclusively entitled to the scholarships and other emoluments existing in their own College. mk. Gladstone's oniveesity bill of 1873. 81 in the Dniversity should be under any obligation to attend them. \<> provision whatever was made for the institution of any new Colleges. The Council had the power of declaring any College to be a member of the I Imversil v ; but beyond this power (if I may use the expression, which would not, 1 suspect, have been altogether inappropriate) of creating new boroughs to return members to the University Council, it did not appear that this was to be attended by any practical result. No advantage was given in any way to any person by becoming a member of one of these l affiliated' Colleges. In the new University the only ' endowed Colleges ' would have been Trinity College and the Queen's Colleges of Dublin and Belfast. The measure left collegiate teaching in Trinity College and the two Queen's Colleges to be provided out of the endowments the}' retained; in all other Colleges to depend upon their own unaided resources. The only new teaching machinery proposed to be created was that of the professorial staff, which, in the City of Dublin, the Council were empowered to create. It may be doubted how far these professors would have de- served the name of teachers in any sense that connected them with University education. There would have been no obligation on any student to attend their lectures. The enforcement of any such obligation was expressly prohibited by the bill. They would^have been public lecturers much more than professorial teachers. In the former capacity they might, and probably would, have exercised some influence over society in the metropolis, and, as a portion of that society, over any of the students who might for any reason have been attracted to lectures which they were under no obligation to attend. G 82 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. With the exception of the subjects of theology, mental and moral philosophy, and modern history, these professorships might have embraced every conceivable department of human knowledge. In many of these departments the contact with religion might have been at least as vital as it would be in some, at least, of the forbidden subjects. In lecturing on modern history a professor might very easily offend sectarian prejudice, but he could hardly strike at the foundation of all re- ligion, as might be done by a lecturer on any so-called science which mio-ht include in its investigations an inquiry in f o the origin of the world or of man. The only restrictions on these professors was the provision that the Council might punish, even by deprivation, ' any professor or other person having authority in the University, who, when in discharge of his functions as University officer, might, by word of mouth, writing, or otherwise, be held by them to have wilfully given offence to the religious convictions of any member of the University.' The protection would, of course, have applied to members of the Mahomedan or Jewish persuasion, as well as to all who held any form of that which they might choose to call Christian belief. Such a prohibition would have been perfectly insufficient to prevent the dexterous inculcation of any infidel theorv in scientific lectures. There was no limitation in the number or character of the Colleges to be affiliated. It did not appear what advantages were to be conferred upon those who became residents in the Colleges, as non-residents in any College were to be permitted to obtain degrees under such regulations as the Council might prescribe. This measure, as I have said, was condemned by the almost absolutely unanimous voice of the Irish nation. The reason of this is found in the nature of the pro- mb. Gladstone's i niversity bill op 187.;. 83 posal. It Palled to meet the wishes of the Irish people on the great question of religious teaching; ii placed University education under the control of thai which would have been in reality a Governmenl Board. It reserved all public endowments for those Colleges in which I lie system of teaching was thai stricth opposed to i In- wishes and convictions of the Roman Catholic people. While it left these Colleges richly endowed, it made no provision whatever for the education to which the Roman Catholic people have proved their devoted attachment. Nay. more ; in the prizes and emoluments reserved exclusively lor the students of those Colleges, it pro- vided the means of attracting students from the other Colleges to their walls. In the professorships of the new University it established another Queen's College in the metropolis of Ireland. It formed a University which might he composed of small academic institutions scattered over every part of Ireland. In doing this it necessarily discouraged a resort to the College in Dublin which, if the Act had been accepted, would have repre- sented the present Catholic University. The effect of it on Trinity College would have been similar, excepl so far as it might have been counteracted by the peculiar prizes reserved for the students of thai College. But, beyond all question, the tendency of the measure would have been to distribute collegiate teaching among a number of rural seminaries, a system incompatible with the maintenance of the high requirements of University education. It is not surprising that the belii f was gene- rally entertained that the effect of it would be to establish a system calculated to degrade the standard of a Univer- sity degree. No one acquainted with Ireland could study its provisions without seeing plainly thai its tendency was to Lower all the University system; in fad to destroy all high-class University education in Ireland. 84 THE TEOBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. Such, at least, was the opinion of its character which was almost universally formed. It was condemned by the vote of the Senate of the Dublin University ; it was rejected by the Roman Catholic prelates as entirely failing to redress the grievances of which Roman Catholics justly complained.* When it came to a * The resolutions of the Roman Catholic prelates, adopted on the 28th of February 187."., were nine in number. The first two condemned the mea- sure as unsuited to Catholic youth, as being framed on the principle of purely secular and mixed education ; the 3rd, 4th, and oth were as follow : — 3rd. ' That the distinguished proposer of this measure proclaiming as he does in his opening speech that the condition of Roman Catholics in Ireland in regard to University Education is " miserably bad "-—" scan- dalously bad," and professing to redress this admitted grievance, brings forward a measure singularly inconsistent with his professions, because, instead of redressing, it perpetuates that grievance, upholding two out of three of the Queen's Colleges, and planting in the metropolis two other great teaching institutions the tame in principle with the Queen's Colleges.' 4th. ' That putting out of view the few Catholics who may avail them- selves of mixed education, the new bill, without its being avowed, in point of fact gives to Protestant Episcopalians, to Presbyterians, and to the new sect of Secularists the immense endowments for University Education in this country while to the Catholic University is given nothing ; and furthermore, the Catholic people of Ireland, the great majority of the nation, and the poorest part of it, are left to provide themselves with endow- ments for their Colleges out of their own resources.' 5th. ' That this injustice is aggravated by another circumstance. The measure provides that the degrees and prizes of the new University shall be open to Catholics; but it provides for Catholics no endowed intermediate schools, no endowment for their one College, no well-stocked Library, Museum, or other collegiate requisite, no professorial staff, none of the means for coping on fair and equal terms with their Protestant or other competitors; and then Catholics, thus overweighted, are told that they are free to contend in the race for University prizes and distinctions.' In the 6th resolution, the Bishops, as the legal owners of the Catholic University, refused their assent to the affiliation of that University to the new University, ' unless the proposed scheme be largely modified.' The 7th resolution was as follows:— ' That we invite the Catholic clergy and laity of Inland to use all con- stitutional means tu oppose the passing of this bill in its present form, and to call on their Parliamentary representatives to give it their most energetic opposition.' And in their final resolutions they determined to present a petition to mk. Gladstone's university bill of l.s7.">. 85 second reading in the House of Commons all the influence of the Government could only obtain for it the votes of eleven Irish, members. It is a significanl foci thai of its eleven supporters not one is now a member of that House. Two of them enjoy seats in the hereditary chamber; one was transferred there before the general election, the other was elevated after he had been a de- feated candidate at that election. The calm examination of impartial criticism must confirm the judgment of the Irish nation. I have no desire to revive an extinct controversy. The measure was but a makeshift, intended to satisfy the demand for some legi.-dat ion. and framed with more thought of the pre- judices that were to be appeased or avoided than regard for the true interests of education in Ireland. One thing may, at Least, with confidence he said, that it failed to satisfy the wishes or requirements of the people for whom it was intended. I may be pardoned for adding that the vision must be a singular one which could in its defeat see a very grievous calamity to the Irish nation. It really did nothing for Irish education, except in the establishment of fellowships, the only use of which was to help the graduates to a profession, and in its bursarships and exhibitions, which might have helped poor scholars to acquire an education. This is really the only thing of the slightest value that has been lost. The hill made no single provision to secure for any single Irishman a good education. This was left to the chances of those schools which existed independent of the st:it ute. and which were to continue after its passing exactly as they did before. Parliament, embodying their previous resolutions mid 'praying for the amendment of the hill.' 1 It is iinjii.ssilil.' tn say t lint tli use resolutions in any manner misrepn Bented the effects of the measure ; very difficult to say that, if they did not, it would hav<> bft'ii possililf fur the prelates to have given it their assent. 80 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. As is the case witli reference to most Irish questions, there has been a strange misapprehension as to the causes of that defeat. It is said every day that the downfall of Mr. Gladstone's Ministry was caused by his tampering with the demands of the Catholic hierarchy on the subject of Irish education. The bill iva.s sup- ported by almost the whole strength of the Nonconformist party in the House of Commons. The fact that it was disapproved of both by the Senate of the University and by the Catholic prelates might suggest that there were reasons for its rejection which affected all classes. Comments still more unfounded have been made upon the resolutions which were passed at the meeting of the Catholic prelates, and which are said to have led to the rejection of the bill. Of the motives which led to its rejection by these prelates I have only the knowledge which public records supply. Their resolutions set out with singular clearness the grounds upon which they acted. The declarations so frequently made by the authorities of the Roman Catholic Church, and. it must be added, the experience of the Queen's Colleges, justified the assertion that those parts of the proposal which provided a mixed and purely secular education could not be regarded as supplying in any fail* sense the wants of the Roman Catholic people. In those [tortious were included Trinity College, the two Queen's Colleges, and the whole pro- fessorial establishment of the University. All these were institutions upon which rich endowments were lavished to maintain a system of education unsuited for the use of Roman Catholics, and condemned by their Church authorities as actually antagonistic to their faith. But anyone reading the resolutions will see that this endowment of a great system of what was once called mil Gladstone's university bill of 187:;. 87 ' godless,' l»ut which might be fairly termed .nit i - ( iathoiic teaching, is qoI assigned by the prelates as their Bole reason for the rejection of the bill. There can be aodoubl that they must have regarded these provisions as highly objectionable. Bui their refusal to accept of the bill La rested on the character of the measure, as it dealt with Roman Catholics receiving thai which may be called Catholic in opposition to Secularist education. The hill recognised this education by affiliating the Catholic University as one of the new ( Jolleges; but, so recognising it, it left religious education to struggle unaided against Secularist education, supported by public moneys to the amount of nearly £100,000 a year. All that the bill provided for those availing themselves of the religious education was the power of obtaining a University degree through their own College, and an admission to compete for those exhibitions and bursarships and fellowships which were not reserved exclusively for those who enrolled themselves in the Secularist Colleges. Even in competing for the prizes which were left open to him, the student who preferred religious education entered on that competition under a great disadvantage compared with the Secularist student, who came to the contest with all the helps and aids of the appliances of learning which for him were richly provided by the bounty of the State. Pointing out these inequalities and injustices, the prelates came to the conclusion thai they could uol accept the proposed affiliation of their own ( Jollege unless the scheme were largely modified, and they condemned the measure as inadequate to redress those grievances which Mr. Gladstone had described in terms unusually strong even in his forcible and energetic diction. The\ did so after full deliberation, and availing them- selves of every assistance that could enable them to 8*8 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. understand the real purport of the measure. It is only the blindness of disappointed expectation or the bitter- ness of party spite that will not see in all the cir- cumstances the proof that their conduct was influenced by the highest patriotism and principle.* One of the great mistakes which were made by the framers of the bill was the miscalculation of the means by which their assent miidit be won. No doubt the bill offered in- ducements for that assent. It proposed to diminish the resources and the power of a rival College ; it offered to the students in diocesan seminaries the power of obtaining degrees and the chance of obtaining the bursarships and the prizes for which provision was to be made. It is enough to say that these offers failed to secure the approval of the Catholic hierarchy to a measure which did not meet the requirements of the Irish people. Sure I am that this decision will long be remembered with gratitude and affection by the nation. * I do riot know that I am influenced in this judgment by an incident ■which was, I am not ashamed to say, the occasion to me personally of great satisfaction and even pride. A few days before the meeting of the prelates I was requested to prepare, for the use of the Bishops, in a plain form, a summary of the nature and effect of the provisions of the bill — a bill which was drawn, as most Acts of Parliament are drawn, in a verbiage which often prevents persons not accustomed to it from at once apprehending the real effect of the provisions that are intended to be passed. The paper which I prepared was printed and placed in the hands of the Bishops. That it was some aid to their deliberations I have the satisfaction of believing, from the vote of thanks with which they honoured me. I need not say that I endeavoured to execute my task with the most sacred fidelity, in giving an analysis, to the best of my ability and understanding, of the provisions of the bill. I need scarcely add that I did not presume to wander beyond the proper limits of that task ; but in making that analysis I could not but feel, perhaps more sensitively than if I had read the bill for another purpose, both the inducements which it held out for its acceptance by the prelates, and its deficiencies in the provisions without which no measure of University education could really meet the just requirements of the people. mr. Gladstone's university bill of 1873. 89 I cannot close this brief reference to the history of the rejection of this measure without adverting to a statement which has been made by one in authority — a statement eminently calculated to convey to the English mind an entirely erroneous impression of the circum- stances which attended thai rejection. In his recent, ' expostulation' on the subject of 'the Vatican Decrees,' Mr. Gladstone makes the strange and startling state- ment that, although he had, since the year 1870, felt on the subject of these decrees as be dues now, he had con- cealed, or, at least, not stated his opinions until the r< jec- tionof his University Bill by 'the Irish Roman Catholic prelacy' had changed the situation. In that expostula- tion he writes thus: 'The Roman Catholic prelacy of Ireland thought fit to procure the rejection of that measure by the direct influence which they exercised. over a certain number of Irish Members of Parliament, and by the temptation which they thus offered — the bid which they made to attract the support of the Tory ' O] >position.' ' Their efforts,' he goes on to tell us, ' were crowned with a complete success. From that time forward I have felt that the situation was changed, and that important matters would have to be cleared by suitable explanations. The debt to Ireland had been paid : a debt to the country at large had still to be disposed of, and this has come to be the duty of the hour.' This singular passage invites comments from which, as not relevant to the purpose of this tract, I refrain.* * I might, •with perfect relevancy, ask how possibly a debt to Ireland in tin' matter of Iniversity education was paid by framing a measure which was, with wonderful unanimity, rejected by the whole Irish nation ? or even by tli>' rejection of the British House of Commons of a measure ititi nded to re- in* dy the grievance which was admitted to exist ? Leaving apart the consideration of 'this new way to pay old debts,' there are others who might nsk with reason, why, if the Vatican Decrees 90 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. It is necessary to say a few words on the statement in reference to the action of the Roman Catholic prelates, in which they are charged with l offering a temptation ' — ' making a bid to attract the support of the Tory Opposition.' I do so because this implies that the opposition to the bill originated with the Bishops, and that the expression of their hostility in- duced the Conservative or, as Mr. Gladstone terms them, k the Tory ' Opposition to seize on an opportunity of defeating a Ministerial measure. Such a statement wholly misrepresents the origin and nature of the opposition to the bill. It could only have been hazarded in a strange forgetfulness of all the facts. The opposition to the bill did not originate with the Roman Catholic prelates. Their resolutions on the sub- ject were not adopted until Friday, the 28th of February. The second reading of the bill was fixed for the follow- ing Monday, the 3rd of March. No one knew before- hand what the decision of the Bishops would be, although the friends of the Government confidently announced that it would be in favour of the measure. But on the day when, just on the eve of the second reading, their resolution was announced, public opinion in Ireland had already condemned the bill. The Con- were it subject of such vital importance, Mr. Gladstone should for four years have kept this secret so successfully hidden in his own breast? At all events, from February 187.">, the time of the rejection of his University Bill, the debt to Inland having been paid, the debt to the country — by which we must understand the writing of the expostulation — had still to be disposed of and became the duty of the hour. Why was no hint given of this debt or this duty of the hour for two whole years, in which many hours passed away? Why was I'arliaiiient dissolved a year afterwards, and an elaborate appeal made to the constituencies, without a single hint of the question which was the pressing duty of the hour? Why, in the end, was the fulfilment of that duty the result of an accident —an angry retort upon sonic angry comments of Irish newspapers upon a chance expression in a tract defending Mr. Glad- stone's course upon the bill intended to suppress ritualistic observances in the English Church ? MR. Gladstone's university hii.l op 1K73. 91 servative party had marshalled their forces and chosen their ground of battle to resist it; and even among the Irish members sitting on the Ministerial side of the House active measures had been taken to organise a resistance to its passing. There is no doubl thai the resolutions oftheBishopa gave strength and power to the opponents of the measure. I am quite sure thai they influenced votes, and that the votes so influenced were more than suffi- cient to turn the scale on a division in which the majority by which the bill was defeated was only three.* Bui this is a state of tacts wholly different from that which is conveyed in the statement that the Bishops made a bid for the support of the Tory Opposition. There was on that occasion bidding — and bidding by high personages — for support, but it was not from ' the Roman Catholic prelacy ' to ' the Tory Opposition,' nor yet from 'the Tory Opposition' to 'the Roman Catholic prelacy.' Mr. Gladstone introduced his measure on the 13th of February. The speech in which he introduced it * The opinion of the Roman Catholic Bishops was A pact in the con- sideration of this question which ought to have had a great weight in determining the vote of anyone anxious to arrive ;it a right conclusion. It sometimes occurs to me that, with all our boasted liberality, we might, even in that respect, learn something from less enlightened days. In the year 1811, in the palmy days of Protestant ascendancy, the late Baron (then Mr. Leslie) Foster did nol hesitate, in a letter written by him as a member of the Board of Education, to urge the propriety of consulting the prelates of the Roman Catholic Church a^ to any plan oi education intend) d for the Roman Catholic people: — 1 Whatever plan may appear to this Board to be most eligible, it should be laid before the heads of the Roman Catholic clergy before oturreport No person acquainted with the discipline of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland can doubl that on the Bentiments of the Bishops will depend degi f resistance or co-operation which such a plan would receive from the subordinates of their religion.' — See Baron Hughes's Letter to the Kndowed Schools Comini.v-ioii oi 1R")4. 92 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. carried away his audience,* and the impression produced in the House extended itself to the country. That impression lasted but a very few days. An interval of more than a fortnight was allowed between the first and second reading. Scarcely had the bill been printed when the real character of its provisions began to be understood and, once understood, to be con- demned. Opinion in Ireland was decisively expressed. The journals which at first had been disposed to approve of the measure joined in the condemnation. The revul- sion in public feeling was the stronger because men felt they had permitted a speech to lead them astray. The opposition to the bill had something of the ingre- dient of indignation which is created in men by the con- sciousness that they have in some sense been deceived. The Protestant Senate of the University of Dublin had anticipated the Bishops in their condemnation of the measure. The debates which took place for several days in that Senate, the only deliberative assembly in Ireland in which the provisions of the bill were dis- cussed, exercised a great influence on public opinion. In that assembly there were few dissentients to the condemnation which was pronounced upon the bill as lowering University education in Ireland. Even in that assembly a minority not large in number, but, I venture to say, not altogether uninfluential, had voted for a motion condemning it on the ground that it did not do justice to the claims of the Roman Catholic people. f ' It would appear that only one Irish member was able to resist the immediate influence of that speech. In the midst of the tumult of appro- bation with which it was received, Mr. Mitchell Henry rose and declared his conviction that the measure which it indicated would never prove satisfactory to the Irish people. t On the 2-Jth of February the University Senate met to consider the provisions of the Ministerial bill. mr. Gladstone's university bill of Is?:;. 93 All this, and more than this, had passed before the Bishops adopted those resolutions in which they are Baid to have been only bidding for the support of the Tory < Opposition — resolutions in which they gave expression to an opinion which the whole country had already formed.* With every desire to speak of Mr. Gladstone with the respeel which is so eminently due to his character, his genius, and the sympathy he has so often shown for Ireland, I cannot help saj ing that a statement like that on which 1 am compelled to comment is not the less mischievous because it was reserved to the eve of his di\ esting himself of the en res and the responsibilities of a great political leader. It was scarcely worthy of him- self to minister to a vulgar prejudice by the insinuation A petition to Parliament was submitted by the Provost Hnd Senior Fellows against tin- provisions of the bill. The discussions lasted several days. The most remarkable delate was that which followed a proposal of the Rev, Dr. Houghton to insert in the petition the Following clause: — 'That we fully admit that the Roman Catholics of Ireland bave a just cause of complaint in thfl presenl condition of University education in this country, and we feel that the grounds of that complaint will not be removed by the Government "proposal, which provides no endowment for denomina- tional Colleges, whih> it lowers the standard of education throughout the country to the permanent injury of all classes of Irishmen.' The motion was lost, on a division, by 42 to 12. In the minority were numbered two of the Senior Fellows, and it must be admitted thai some of the speeches of those opposing the motion were far from expressing an] irreconcilable hostility to its principle. On Thursday, the 20th, the Senate, by a majority of 40 to G, adopted the petition, with amendments which made it a direct and unqualified prayer for the rejection of the bill. It is not too much to say that these debates in the University Senate excited a lively interest and produced a deep impression throughout Ireland, ially anion- the Roman Catholic portion of the people. * The members of the Catholic University have not the same oppor- tunity of meeting in Senate as those of the Dublin University. I Jut t lit ir opinion was just as decidedly expressed. A memorial to the Roman Catholic Bishops was signed by nearly all the students and ex-students resident in Dublin, protesting strongly against the measure as one which, if passed in the form in which it was introduced, would be ' fatal to tin- higher educa- tion of Catholics.' ill THE PROBLEM OF IEISB EDUCATION. that tliere are Irisli members who vote under the dictation of their Bishops ; and there is a vexed and angry tone in the very language which almost pain- fully suggests the feeling that the writer of the passage was influenced by a lingering feeling of resentment which we might have hoped Mr. Gladstone was both too wise and too generous to entertain. Tantjfine anhnis co^lestibus ira?. After all, although the angry passions of any of us may distort our views of recent events, they cannot alter the real import of those events. The University Bill of 1873 was rejected, not by any episcopal or party intrigue, but because it failed to meet the exigencies of the question witli which it attempted to deal, and because it was condemned by all classes of the Irish nation. The resolutions of the prelates contain their own vindication. It is impossible to deny that they truly describe the unjust and unequal effects of the provisions of the bill ; and, accepting that description as accurate, it is impossible for any fair man not to feel that, in its profession of redressing the grievances of Roman Catholics, the bill was, to use an expression that has become classical in Irish politics, ' a mockery, A DELUSION, AND A SNARE.' A very moderate acquaintance with the feelings of the Irish nation would have enabled any man to predict with certainty its fate. Those who hereafter deal with the question of Irish education may take warning from the failure of this weak and ill-contrived measure. The boldest course in politics is generally the wisest ; and the Minister who will on this question think only of the educational interests of Ireland, and will throw himself fearlessly on the sympathies of the Irish and the sense of justice of mr. Gladstone's university bill of 1s7.">. 95 the English people, will have a far better chance of settling it than if he evaded greal principles and yielded to petty prejudices in framing a measure which affects the highesl interests of a nation. Perhaps, too, the study of tins measure, although ii proved abortive, may help us to the conclusion of the whole matter. The task <>f giving equality to the Roman Catholics of Ireland in our University institu- tions is one vet to be begun. It is a task worthy of the highesl genius thai can be devoted to its accomplishment, worthy of the best efforts of any Minister who has the noble ambition of associating his name with institu- tions to which generations that are yet unborn will look in future times with reverence and respect. 96 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. CHAPTER XII. CONCLUDING REMARKS. I have already said that I do not intend in this tract to enter fully on the arguments in favour of the plan which it proposes. I have aimed at little more than a clear statement of that plan, and the suggestion of thoughts and reasoning which I leave it to my readers to follow out. I cannot, however, close these pages without a few words of comment on the general features of the proposal. Its leading principle is, no doubt, to secure for the Irish people a system of University education of which religious teaching shall be a part; and, moreover, reli- gious teaching after their own convictions and in their own way. To vindicate this proposal it is enough to say that such is the system which the Irish people desire — the only one that will satisfy their wishes or meet their wants — the only one by which you can really make the ad- vantages of University education available to the nation at large. Any other system will fail in attracting to it those sympathies without which the best devised insti- tutions must fail. It is on this ground that I venture to appeal to a great and influential section of politicians, many of whom have shown a true and honest disposition to do justice to the Irish people, but whose convictions on the subject of education are altogether opposed to those CONCLUDING REMARKS. !>7 which thai people entertain. There are those who earnestly and with a sincerity which no one can ques- tion desire a purely secular system of education. It is not necessary to argue with them on this question. It is enough to remind them that true liberality consists in meeting the wishes of the people, not in forcing on them measures to which their convictions are opposed, and that true statesmanship is that which will frame institutions suited to the feelings and the genius of each country. There is no wisdom in establishing insti- tutions which will be at perpetual war with the strong feelings of a nation. Even the great principle of religious toleration de- mands that on this question we should yield to the wishes of the Irish people. It has been well said that there is a religion in this question of education. There is a deep conviction in the heart of the Irish parent that education without religion is an evil and not a good. You violate his conscience, you wound his religious faith, when yon bribe or compel him to accept an education of which his religious convictions for they are religious convictions — disapprove. ^ ouobject to an endowment for the teaching of any religious faith. But yon do not hesitate to insist on the endowment ami establishment of a great system of education which the great majority of the Irish people believe to be the training up of the rising gene- rationin principles destructive of all their religious belief. There is only one way by which true Liberals can ape the conflict between their own principles of free governmenl and the attempt to force their own views of education on the Irish people. True liberality can speak hnt one language. Let the Irish people have their own way. Of all political subjects that can be conceived, this n D8 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. question of education would seem to be one of the most purely domestic concern. It is a matter in which you can make no real progress without the cordial and hearty co-operation of the people. You must take the parent into partnership in your efforts to educate his child. To do so you must take his convictions, it may be even his prejudices, into account. Let us, in the name of true liberality, in the name of common sense, instead of making war upon all the Christian convictions of the people, conciliate that people to the institutions we frame, and we may rest assured that, in securing for those institutions the cordial attachment instead of pro- voking the hostility of the very people for whose good we profess to create them, we shall do more to advance the cause of enlightened education and to spread free opinions than we ever could do by a coercion which would not be the less odious because practised in the name of liberality and freedom. And perhaps I may venture to remind those with whom I am now reasoning that for the endowment of any collegiate institution I do not propose to take one penny from any English or Imperial fund. The surplus of the Church property is essentially and purely an Irish one. That property existed before an English monarch ever had authority over an acre of Irish soil. It was appropriated in early ages for purposes of piety and religion. Great and rich endowments were set apart for these uses by Irish munificence. When England assumed the management of Irish affairs there were Church endowments which, had they been pre- served, would now be sufficient to provide amply for the religious teaching of the whole nation, and leave rich provision for Universities and schools. All this property has been squandered away, except a miserable — miserable compared with the vast possessions of which CONCLUDING REMARKS. !»!> it is the remnanl — a miserable surplus of five millions; a sum not equal to one-half of thai which has been spenl out of Church property in disestablishing the Church. I pass by the foci that for three centuries the property intended for the benefil of the whole Irish people was applied nominally for the benefil of a Bmall minority, in reality to create and maintain what was called an English, but which meant an anti-Irish, interest in Ireland. My complaint is a different one; ii is that the property is actually gone. All the great endowments which ought, on the disestablishment of the Church, to be available for national purposes are now represented by five millions of money. Had the property been preserved it would now form a fund of more than icn times the amount. I ask of any right-minded Liberal whether the Irish people are making an unfair demand if they ask for a small grant out of the remnant of these magnificent en- dowments for the purposes of an education suited to the wishes and wants of the people. I might ask, is nothing due to the Catholic people of Ireland, whom English power so long deprived of all benefit from these endow- ments? Will the granting of the poor pittance be any- thing like reparation for that gigantic wrong? Will not its refusal be the perpetuation of the very spirit of intolerance and injustice which prompted the infliction of that wrong? Will it not falsity and discredit all the declarations in which the Legislature has professed to renounce and abandon that spirit? Will it teach Ireland to see in the act of disestablishment any real desire to redress? The grant even of that pittance, if cordially and promptly made, would do much to mak< Irishmen believe that their English rulers had really abandoned the policy which so long trampled down the religion of the ma>> of the Irish people. No one can 10(J THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. tell what that conviction would be worth to the peace of Ireland, and to the permanence of the connection between the countries. I know that there are those who will see with sur- ] >rise this reference to the act of Church disestablishment — an act which proceeded on the maxim that revenues de- voted to the religions purposes of the whole people ought no longer to be applied for those of a small minority. I know it has been said that in this very legislation a general principle has been established which forbids us to maintain a University system of which religious teaching forms a part. No proposition was ever put forward more destitute of all foundation, either in reasoning or in fact. In fact it wholly fails; for the very men who urge the argument are preparing to maintain, in the reformed Trinity College, not only one form of worship, but two at the least. Even the bill of Mr. Gladstone, the author of the disendowment, left Trinity College free to provide any religious instruc- tion the authorities thought fit, provided it was not made compulsory on any student to receive it. But a moment's reflection will show how utterly groundless the argument is. I have, let me say, a great distrust of political reasonings which are rested on general principles. In most instances a resort to them is an evasion of the considerations which ought to determine any question of practical politics. You cannot find a general algebraic formula by the blind application of which you may solve all the problems that from time to time may arise in the affairs of men; ' dolus versatur in generalibus' is a maxim, the application of which to practical politics is abundantly justified by the experience of this generation. But, in the name of common sense, upon what does the argument nst? The Act of Parliament that dis- CONCLUDING REMARKS. 1<>1 established the Church was noi intended to make the people less religious than they were before. It was not intended to make even the disestablished Church Li distinctive than it was before. The [rish people, it was assumed, would have exactly the same ecclesiastical establishments that they had before, although voluntary contributions must now sustain them all. Then is this a precedent to be copied in legislation in which we propose not to disendow a University but to endow it? It does, indeed, lend us to the conclusion that no one religious persuasion has any exclusive right to these endowments, but it carries us no further. We absolutely refuse to follow in our University legis- lation the precedent of the Church Act. By the provi- sions of the Church Act we have no endowed Church. If the analogy is really to guide us the inference is that we should have no endowed University. [f it does not prove this it proves nothing. But if we are to have endowed Universities, and if, for all practical purposes, religious teaching is, from the feelings of the nation, an essential part of a University, what is there in the disestablishment of the Church that obliges us to leave this out? If we give a University we must give that which will answer the purposes of one, and answer it according to the constitution of the people for whom Ave intend it. We do not give this if Ave banish all religious teaching. As reasonably might it have been proposed to carry out the principle of religious equality in relation to Church endowments by establishing a new Church from which all distinctive religious teaching should be rigidly excluded, and whose religious services should be so framed that persons of all the differenl religious persuasions ought, in the opinion of the framers of those services, to be perfectly content to unite in their use. 102 TIIR PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. These are arguments which I may address even to those who would most widely dissent from the prin- ciple of religious education. But if I rest the appeal to them upon grounds the justice of which they must re- cognise and to which they ought to yield, however much they might wish that, the Irish people took other views upon this question, I do not do so from any wish to conceal my own convictions. There is that in man's nature — call it what you will, the k spiritual,' the ' emo- tional,' or by whatever name you will — which is as real a part of our being as our intellectual qualities, or even as our physical frame; to neglect this in education is to omit the training of the highest and noblest faculties of man. But to this portion of man's nature — to its instinc- tive yearnings after realities that are not within the poor range of our senses — you can only present a belief in the existence of something higher and better than ourselves. But to do this is religious education; erro- neous, imperfect, it may be, but it is nevertheless reli- gious education. The very constitution of human nature compels us to this. If we believe in any religion, it is this religion that we must present to the youthful mind. If that religion be true, to teach it imperfectly is to teach it wrongly; not to educate in belief is to educate in un- belief. It is vain to separate religious and general education. You must teach religiously or you must teach irreligiously. To the education of youth with especial force apply the words, ' he that is not with me is against me.' The man who undertakes to educate the young without teaching them religion is doing all in his power to make them irreligious in after life. It was by the deep requirements of human nature that in all ages the best and wisesl of men have, been found to make reverence and respect for religion an essential part of the education of the young. CONCLUDING REMARKS. 103 No one, I am sure, will understand me as making any statement so absurd as that knowledge cannot be com- municated on many subjects without the slightest referenee to religion ; nay, that this is true of perhaps the greater portion of tin; knowledge we acquire in education. Yet it is not, after all, perhaps, so easy to draw the line between knowledge that is purely secular and that which involves contact with religious belief. Bui this is not the question. A man is not educated when he is taught mathematics or astronomy. His education does not consist wholly even of the acquisi- tion of knowledge ; it is made up of the impressions which all his surroundings have upon his mind. In collegiate life these impressions will depend upon the manner in which religion is treated in the College. Collegiate institutions may be so framed as to impress upon the mind of every student the daily lesson that religion is a matter of secondary importance, that there is no certainty in religious belief, and that the real end of his existence is to acquire the knowledge of material things which will tit him to make his way in the world. It is well and necessary that, amid the pursuits of material knowledge, the young man should be surrounded with something that may remind him that he has a higher destiny than any which these pursuits can ever realise, hopes greater than they ever can unfold, and faculties and aspirations which all the knowledge he can acquire by them can never satisfy. And surely to those of every creed who believe in the Christian revelation there is reason for asking if this is just the time when we ought to sever religious teaching from any portion of our education. No one can read the signs of the times without perceiving thai men's minds are agitated everywhere by doubts and 104 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. perplexities as to the very foundations of all religious belief. Within twenty years the tone of society is completely changed. Opinions are now everywhere avowed which but a few years ago nobody would have promulgated in mixed companies. In England, and even in Ireland, there are many who think it fashion- able, and a mark of superior intellect, to express a refined scepticism. Nothing could more indicate how far even in Ireland we have gone upon this path than the strange spectacle which was witnessed at the open- ing of the recent meeting of the British Association at Belfast. There may be those who will think that enough has been said on this subject already, and that it is one which is too far past to be now made the subject of comment. Such a feeling is exactly the proof how far the public mind of the upper classes of Ireland is becoming reconciled to attacks upon the Christian faith. Can such things be, And overcome us like a summer cloud, Without our special wonder ? But surely such an occurrence was more than a pass- ing cloud upon a summer sky; although, be it remem- bered, even small clouds are tokens which the wise do not disregard. In the view which I am taking of the question of education this incident is far too important and signifi- cant to be entirely passed over. One clothed with the official authority of the president of that Association took the occasion of his official position to deliver an address, in which he deduced, from speculations which are called scientific, conclusions which he directly and boldly put forward as subversive of all known forms of religious belief. The address was not only tolerated, but rewarded with a unanimous vote of thanks, in a CONCLUDING REMARKS. L05 mixed assembly convened in the capital of Protestant and religious Ulster. I know if may be said thai this was bul a proof of the 'liberality' of those who recognised the perfect freedom of thought and of inquiry, and were ready to give their due meed of praise to intellectual power of research, no matter how inconsistent with their own opinions or convictions might be the result at which that research was said to have arrived. But something very differenl from this was involved in the approval of that address. With all the authority of an Association professing, no matter how truly or untruly, to represenl the scientific thought and intellect of this generation, a statemenl was given to the Irish public that certain theories of the origin of the world were now established to be untrue, and, more than this, that these theories were inconsistent with the beliefs thai are plainly taught in the revelation which is the foundation of all Christian faith. Either assertion was unsuited to the place from which, and the occasion on which, it was put forward. The address threw all the authority of the British Association on the side of unbelief. 1 cannol but think that if [rish public opinion was as sensitive as it once was upon this subject, the sanction thus given would hardly have been permitted to pass unchallenged. But, let me ask, will not the same liberality that saw nothing to be disapproved of in such an address from the president's chair of the British Association be equally tolerant of similar sentiments delivered from the chair of one of the professorships in our reformed or unchristianised University? "When indifference to religious belief is made the principle of the existence of that University, what right, what power, is there to prevent the professor of any science or so-called science from pointing out to his class all the conclusions to 106 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. which he may think the teachings of his science lead. Are we really prepared for this? Will any man tell me that he would desire that the address which has excited so much attention at Belfast should be delivered sur- rounded by ' all the pomp and circumstance ' of academic authority, from the professorial chair, or, it may be, the Provost's seat in the Dublin University ? Is there any believer in the truth of Christianity who would desire that his son should be subject to such teaching as a part of his University education ? But who will assure us that with our new arrangements this will not take place — that it may not happen, before even a few years have passed, that the same or another Tyndall may tell us from those seats that all the beliefs which have sustained the hearts of men for eighteen centuries must yield and be crushed before the inexorable discoveries of the new Gospel of man's origin and fate, and from the College of Usher, of Berkeley, of Bedell, and of Magee, the voice of authority come forth to proclaim that no creative power was exerted in the making of man upon the earth ; that the belief in man's creation by God is but the dream of an ' anthromorphic ' super- stition that has vanished before the light of scientific truth; that the book of Genesis is a poem; and that all the mysteries of our being are solved by the chance meeting of atoms moving from an infinite period of time through the regions of illimitable space, and the power that resides in material substance containing the ' potency and promise of all terrestrial life ' ? I would avert this, I must say, profanation from our old College, even at the cost of doing justice by giving my Roman Catholic countrymen the perfect freedom of religious teaching in a College of their own. Let no man misunderstand me. I know how vain CONCLUDING REMARKS. L07 would be the attempt to stay or check the progress i »r even the eccentricities of humao thought. To fear for religion the investigations of science or research is the evidence of weakness, not of strength, of belief. Wherever research into nature leads us we ought boldly and fearlessly to follow, with but one thought and one anxiety, thai of attaining to the truth. He who has a well assured belief in a Supreme Power will feel that wherever his furthest researches lead him — in the far-off fields of his deepest inquiries — even l if he take the wings of the morning and remain in the uttermost parts of the sea,' there will that Power be found. In the very confidence of his faith he will not shrink from the discovery of any fact, however it, may seem opposed to the religious convictions of his mind. If he feels these convictions to be true, he will feel also that further investigation will reconcile and harmonise apparently conflicting truths. He will not stay, but the more earnestly pursue the investigation in that spirit of cautious and reverent inquiry which besl befits the readier after truth. As well might we attempt to put chains upon the winds of heaven as to fetter the free thought of man. ' The wind bloweth where it listeth, and we hear the sound thereof, but cannot tell whence it cometh or whither it goeth ;' but even in the ravings of its wildest tempests we hear the voice of its Creator speaking in the storm, and even in the most wilful and wayward wanderings of the human intellect, even in those times in which its most daring specula- tions startle, when we almost question the source from which they are derived, and are sore perplexed to tell whither they are leading us, we still recognise the workings of that mysterious power of immeasurable thought with which the great Creator endowed OUT 103 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. nature when lie breathed into the first human form the breath of life, and man became a living soul. But knowing and feeling all this — knowing it so truly, feeling it so deeply, that I would not, even if I could, put stay or check upon the unmeasured progress of human thought — I also know and feel that it is one thing to give perfect freedom to the speculations of the human mind, and another and a very different thing to invest those speculations with the authority that belongs to those whom we appoint as the instructors of the rising generation, as the teachers of men in that time of their life which is the period of confidence, of suscepti- bility to impression, when knowledge is more or less taken upon trust. But more than this, if we have a belief in the Christian revelation, is it not fitting that in our great educational institutions we should make provision for its teaching and its defence? Is it unwise — if I may continue the analogy — to pro- vide some refuge against these storms, which may in their progress bring ruin, even though in the end they expand and purify the air? Are we forbidden to profit by the experience of all ages, and not fore- cast the time when the pride of human intellect, rejecting the restraints of religion and contemptuously disregarding the facts of religious history, may lead men and nations not into truths, but into the wildest and most destructive errors? There are signs abroad, clear and distinct, of a coming struggle, nay, of one that is already come ; a struggle not between any one Christian Church and its opponents, but between Christianity itself and the denial of all revelation and all providence. I desire that the authority of the institutions of a Christian country should be on the side of Christianity; that in our Irish University we should not recklessly and wildly fling away all those CONCLUDING REMARKS. L09 traditions of pasl agea which have associated the verj name of University with the maintenance of the Christian faith. I do nol desire thai the voice of infidelity should be heard teaching from the high seats of learning in our land. I do nol desire thai unbelief should gain that tremendous sanction which it does gain when from our national temples of knowledge religion is driven out. I do desire thai the voice of authority should be heard from those Beats and those temples, still handing down to new generations the faith and the traditions of the olden time. And surely, if on this solemn subject I may speak all thai is passing in my mind, in that struggle a Protes- tant community will need the aid of such institutions more than the Roman Catholics. In the latter, strictni of discipline, submission to authority, the whole genius and spirit of the system supply elements of cohesion and strength which are wanting in the less organised framework of the Protestant Church. If the members of that Church refuse to join in seeking for freedom in religious teaching, and give up their own College to secularism rather than accede to it, the day is not distant when the best friends of that Church will un- ;i willingly regret that they rejected the opportunity of securing a safe and an honoured place in a national University in which Christian teaching would still be maintained. I cannot pursue these hints; but is there anyone dull enough not to see that the new system cannot lasl ? May I venture to reason with those who suppose that in all that has been done, or all that may be done, in secular- ising Trinity College they have set agitation at rest? You have but given it tenfold force and tenfold reason. You have admitted that in this mat ter of University education the Roman Catholics have a grievance which 110 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. must be redressed. Two or three years will make it a matter of demonstration that your new system lias aggravated instead of redressing the grievance. Your University will be regarded as an aggressive one against the Catholic religion — a system of proselytism, bribing men by the offers of emolument to desert the principles and the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. The life of your new University will be one of contest with the religious feelings of the people. Instead of the respect and affection with which, notwithstanding its Protestant character, Trinity College is now regarded, it will become the object of bitter, if not fierce, hostility. In the meantime the attachment of Protestants will be alienated by the surrender of its Protestant character. The mass of the people will still press for a Catholic University; as the old College declines that demand will acquire new reason and fresh force. These are days in which the will of the great mass of the people is sure, in the long run, to prevail ;* and in a very few years you will discover, when it is too late, that you had the power to fritter away and destroy your own Protestant institutions; you had not the power to prevent the Irish people having those Roman Catholic ones for which they wish. Even in the narrow view of their own interests as a * I should be sorry that this passage should he interpreted as referring to that establishment of self-government in Ireland, which I know must come sooner or later, and which, I firmly believe, will come in a very few years. The experience of Irish affairs abundantly proves that, under our present system of government, whenever the interests of English party require it, the popular, or what is supposed to be the popular, will of Ireland exerts an influence which controls the course of legislation. I am quite sure that if the final settlement of this question is arranged, as very probably it may be, by an Irish Parliament, it will be adjusted with more regard to the feelings and wishes of Irish Protestants than it will be if ever it is settled by a hurried concession to catch votes in a scramble between two English parties at Westminster for place. CONCLUDING REMARKS. 1 1 1 religious community, I am sure thai the true policy of Irish Protestants is steadfastly to maintain their own principles of religious education, conceding to others that which they claim for themselves. But the subject must be viewed with reference to other and higher considerations. Never was there a time when it was more accessary to bear in mind thai 'man does not live )>v bread alone, Ian by every word that proeeedeth out of the mouth of God.' The sublime truth has an applica- tion to national even more direct than it has to indi- vidual life. The nation that rests on its material prosperity for its greatness is not far from its fell. The higher life of a nation, like that of the individual, con- sists in the things that are not material. These are truths which all the tendencies of social progress and of the advance of modern society lead men to forget. These are not the days when we should abandon those old institutions that keep the recollec- tion of them in the national mind. They are days in which we ought not, by tearing the religious element from the heart of our collegiate institutions, to impress upon our vouth the lessons of that low materialism which is too much and too subtly pervading our social system, and take from the memories of collegiate life all that really elevates and ennobles them, all that makes them elevating and ennobling to the man. And shall I be told by Protestants— by Protestants, the assertors of the right of private judgment, the upholders of religious freedom — that we cannot do this in Ireland; that we must abandon for our country all these gnat principles because the majority of the Irish people abide by the faith of their lathers, the faith which is professed by millions throughout Christendom? Such an argument lias but one logical conclusion— the repeal of the Emancipation Act and the exclusion of 112 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. our Roman Catholic countrymen from all civil rights. To deny to them a system of University education which we would give to them if they were Protestants is to make religion the ground of refusing them a full parti- cipation in civil privileges * Shall 1 be told that this proposal is one to hand over the education of the country — to use the common cant that covers a multitude of follies— to ' Ultramontane' control? If men would say exactly what they mean by Ultra- montane control there would be something definite in the objection. If it be meant that the proposal places the whole education of the country under the control of the prelates or clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, I deny it. It provides amply and fully for Protestant education, both in the primary schools and in the Univer- sity system. Even in the case of the Roman Catholic people it gives no compulsory power to any clerical authority ; it makes it no condition of education that * Such was Mr. Gladstone's opinion in 1873. He thus spoke in intro- ducing- his University Bill on the 13th of February in that year:— ' I cannot wonder that apprehensions as to Ultramontane influence should enter into the minds of the British public whenever legislation affecting the position of the Roman Catholics in Ireland is projected ; and we cannot, 1 think, be surprised that the influences which appear so forcibly to prevail within the Roman Communion should be regarded by a great portion of the people of this country with aversion, and by some portion of them with unnecessary dread. It appears to us that we have one course only to take and one decision only to arrive at with respect to our Ronfan Catholic fellow-subjects. Bo we intend or do we not intend to extend to them the full benefit of civil equality on a footing exactly the same as that on which it is granted to members of other religious persuasions ? If we do not, the conclusion is a most grave one; but if the House be of opinion that it ia neither generous nor politic, whatever we may think of this ecclesiastical influence within the Roman Catholic Church, to draw distinctions in matters purely civil adverse to our Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen — if we hold that opinion let us hold it frankly and boldly, and having determined to grant measures of equality, so far as it may be in our power to do so, let us not attempt to stint our actions in that sense when we come to the execution of that which we have announced as our design.' CONCLUDING REMARKS. I L3 the people shall submit t<> any ecclesiastical super- vision or control. I admit, ii permits them to do so if their conscience tells them it is their duty ; but, as far as is possible in any system, each individual parenl is Left free to choose his own mode of education. In the University system he is absolutely so. He may, if he only exercises due diligence, pass his child through the 1 ni- versity and let him obtain his degree without his ever hearing the voice of Christian teaching, lie may do the same while he brings him up in the strictesl forms of any religious persuasion to which he is himself attached. The Roman Catholic parent is just as free as the Pro- testant. He is under no compulsion to submit his son to a collegiate system under the control of the ministers of his Church. I propose to give him the opportunity of doing so if he wishes. This is just what I am bound to do if I maintain the principle of religious freedom — if I do not make the conscience of Protestant zealots the measure of his obligations.* * If by the objection be meant that the proposed College would train up its students in a narrow or illiberal bigotry, or fail to give them the advan- ce of a high and general education, the apprehension is utterly unfounded. In Irish Catholic seminaries there is not the slightest disposition to limit scientific or general education. There is, on the contrary, an earnest and manifest anxiety on the part of their managers to impart to their pupils an education of a higher class than might be supposed to be called for by the circumstances ol many of them in life. I need not point to all the con- siderations which would ensure that the same thing must occur in the new Catholic College even if we had not the guarantee of the past conducl ofthe men who are likely to be its managers and teachers. Abundance of unsus- picious testimony has been borne to the liberality and excellence of the teaching afforded in the Catholic University. I pon the first point we can happily refer to experience. We have had opportunity of judging of its training, and I believe that I may confidently appeal to those acquainted with the Roman Catholic gentlemen educated there whether they are not jusf the men upon whom they would unhesita- tinglj depend for true and genuine liberality of sentimenl and honest and manly independence of thought. An exemption from anything like bi ir intolerance is a characteristic ol everyone I know who bas received hi 1 114 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. It is absurd to say that such a system hands over the education of the people to the control of any body, lay or clerical, in the land. There are, indeed, those who demand that the whole education of Ireland shall he handed over to them" ; but they are the Secularists, the men who say that secular education must be given apart from religious teaching. They form a sect, very respectable in the character of those who compose it, but very insignificant in their number. The pecu- liar dogma of this sect happens to be rejected by the overwhelming majority of the Irish nation. But their demand is that all our schools and Universities should be framed according to their own views ; that is, in other words, the whole education of the country shall be handed over to them. I know of no other demand of the same kind being made. There were days, both in England and Ireland, when no man could teach school without the licence of the Bishop. Up to very recent times there were Roman Catholic countries in which the law prohibited all education that was not under the control of the Church. Laws of the same nature were, for a century after the revolution, cruelly in force in our own. education in that place. It has been my privilege to be present and take part on some of those occasions when students of the University have been called on to deliver those addresses which are part of the proceedings of their historical society. They have always been marked not only by great ability and evidences of a general and varied knowledge, but by an entire freedom of inquiry and thought, which, in addresses delivered in the presence of the University authorities, proved that those who uttered them did not feel that they were under any restraint, or that their studies are expected to be narrow or confined. My experience is that the students of that University are a body of young men as liberal, as manly, and as independent as the students of any College in the United Kingdom. I know not what value will be set upon this personal testimony. I do know that it will be confirmed by that of others, which will carry more wi ight. From myself it is extorted by the claims of justice and of truth. CONCLUDING REMARKS. 1 15 While the Protestant Church was established many of its clergy asserted thai they were, by the law and the constitution, the guardians of the education of all the inhabitants, and that the State ought to support no Bystem of education excepl thai which they con- trolled. 1 knowthal the Roman Catholic prelates have declared that Roman Catholics ought not to accepl an education from which their control and superintend* ence arc shutout; I know that the Protestant clergy have made i heir most solemn declaration againsl any school from which the reading of the Bible is excluded ; but these latter are demands affecting the education of their own people. In the present day I know of no demand that is made by any body of men, except this little sect of Secularists, that the whole education of the country should be handed over to themselves. But the real meaning is, that if we gave the Roman Catholic people freedom in this matter of education, in practice they would prefer the education which would be under the control of their clergy, and that the result would be that they would be taught doctrines of which the objectors disapprove. I believe that this would be so. But is this a reason for refusing them justice ? Beneath this objection there lies a question thai is broader and deeper than the objection itself. There never can be real religious peace in Ireland until we honestly and in sincerity renounce the policy of any interference, covertly or otherwise, with the Roman Catholics in respect of the teaching of their Church. If, indeed, aggressions were made by any Church up<»n public liberty, these aggressions must In' sternly but openly resisted. If force or violence, or fraud were employed by Catholic or Protestant to coerce the meanest individual in the land into submission to any authority to which he did not wish 116 THE PROBLEM OF 1KISII EDUCATION. to yield, the law, which protects personal freedom, must be impartially maintained, as no doubt it would be, by our Courts of Justice. But the interference of which I speak is the effort, by devices introduced into the ad- ministration of affairs like education, to withdraw from the teachings of their religion the voluntary submission of the people. Until all interference of this kind is in good "faith and sincerity abandoned — until an anti- Catholic policy ceases to influence the mode in which Government deals with a Catholic people — there never can be religious peace in Ireland, nor, let me add, will the government of the country be administered upon the true principles of religious freedom or even religious toleration. But in truth even this is but part of a larger and broader principle — a principle that is almost an axiom in political science, but which, unhappily, in Irish statesmanship has no place. The Government of any country ought to be one in sympathy with its people, and not one in which they feel the constant pressure of a power that is alien to their feelings, and which, therefore, they not unnaturally regard as hostile to their interests.* * I may, perhaps, be forgiven, if I venture to reproduce, from the tract to which I have already referred, the following passage, in which, ten years ago, I expressed sentiments upon this subject which I feel now as strongly as I did then : ' I confess I entertain no exalted opinion of the political wisdom which distracts itself with the crossings and genuflexions of little girls in a convent school. But I have more than a contempt, I have a thorough hatred, for that system of petty, but not the less galling, tyranny, which delights in the torment which consists in thwarting and vexing the instincts and feelings of those with whom it has to do. In Ireland, I am sure, more ill-will and discontent is caused by such ill-advised and paltry interferences than by matters which supply graver causes of com- plaint. The life of a community, as of an individual, is, after all, made up of little things. None of us would like the companion who was all day long thwarting us in little things. And no people can be attached to a Government which is constantly interfering with their feelings and their wishes by a thousand annoyances, that are not the less vexatious because they are mean.' CONCLUDING REMARKS. 117 On the question of religion the disregard of this maxim is peculiarly unwise. The attempt to carry on a petty warfare against the religion of a nation, especially a nation which feels upon this Bubject as strongly as the Irish do, is utterly inconsistent with any liberal or enlightened political philosophy. Is it really consistent with any religions principle ? Its only effect, even if it could be successful, is to weaken the power of their religion over the minds of the people. Is this an object at which we can feel sure it is right to aim? In these pages I have no room or place for theo- logical discussion; but let me ask of any Irishman or any person, Irish or English, who will have a voice in deciding this question, whether he has no misgiving of the policy of attempting to weaken the teaching of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, in this instance even at the cost of degrading all Irish education and lessening the influence of Christianity If? In the first place it will fail. The Roman Catholic Church has, as I have pointed out, re- sources which enable her to bear up against the want of those institutions with which Protestantism cannot so well dispense. But I would further ask of anyone, no matter what extreme Protestant opinions he may hold, to think of all that the Roman Catholic Church has done, and is doing, for the Irish people. Let him judge it by the manner in which it has brought to the hearts of the Irish people a knowledge of those great truths which he himself accepts as essential. In the humblest cottage in the land he will find among its inmates a knowledge of those truths. \\ it Ii all that he himself most values he will find man and woman and child familiar. In knowledge of our common Saviour, in a belief in his Divine mission, in love of that Saviour, in reverence for God, in all the pious charities 118 THE PROBLEM OF IRISH EDUCATION. of life, in submission to the Divine Will in misfortune, in hope and trust in the Providence of a Heavenly Father, in all the beliefs and aspirations which may excite the smile of the philosopher, but which are the hopes and the sustainmentof Christians in every country and in every clime ; in all these things he will find that the Irish people will not suffer by a comparison with the most favoured people upon earth. And if, as he contemplates the deep and reverent piety, the undoubting faith, and the large-hearted charity of the Irish peasant, he asks himself by what teaching all this has been brought about, although that teaching may not conform in all things to his notions, he will, if he loves Christianity better than his sectarian prejudices, hesitate long and often before he will destroy or weaken the teaching that has produced these results, until at least he is quite sure that he can replace it by one that will do as much. To the mind that feels the solemnity of these things, the responsibility that would rest on him who would interfere with anything that can bring the influence of Christian teaching to bear on man, they suggest con- siderations from the force of which it is difficult for anyone who believes in the truth of that teaching to escape; above all difficult for anyone who freely and unreservedly accepts the principle of respecting freedom of conscience and acknowledges the right of each man — the right as far as human laws are concerned — to judge for himself. If there be a Roman Catholic parent who, sending his child to that University life which often brings him in contact with the trials and tempta- tions of the world, desires, in the exercise of his judg- ment, that that child, in all his collegiate life, shall have the guidance of a religious training — who wishes to guard his belief by the influence of religious instruc- CONCLUDING REMAKES. 11!) tion, and to guard his conduct by a constant regard to the observances of his Church — I do not envy the man who will take on himself the responsibility of denying him that right. And it maybe, after all, that by an appeal to higher although simpler maxims, we may solve a problem which all the most elaborate calculations of political ex- pediency may fail to make plain. Of all the maxims that, through the lapse of eighteen hundred years, have come down to us from Him who spake as never man spake, that which bears the strongest marks of its Divine origin is the golden rule which tells us ' to do unto others as we would they should do unto us.' In an humble effort to obey the teaching of that Divine precept, I will struggle in this great matter of education to do unto my Roman Catholic brother as I would he should do unto me. 1 OX DON' : PRINTED BY SrOTI ,-'.V ■■.;.,,,. jj i ■•. . HARK ,\\h pa R| i \vi x i - ii, ; 39 Patern< London, November 187 |. GENERAL LIST OF WORKS Messrs. Longmans, Green, and Co. PAGE '■i inufa< i ores, &c. ... 25 Astronomy & Meteorology . . 17 Biogk \iiiic-\i. Works 6 Chemistry & Physiology ... 23 Dictionaries ,v ether Books of Rei e i.j I'm Arts & [llustrated Edi- tions 24 Poli 1 K s, Historical Memoirs, &c 1 Index 41 to 44 Kv iv. 1 1 1 the You NG ... 40 TAGE Mental & P m. 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The Stepping-Stone to Geo- graphy : Containing several Hun- dred Questions and Answers on Geographical Subjects. l$;/io. is. The Stepping-Stone to Eng- lish History; Questions and An- swers on the History of England. \%mo. is. The Stepping-Stone to Bible Knowledge; Questions and An- swers on the Old and JVew Testa- ments. iSmo. is. The Stepping-Stone to Bio- graphy; Questions and Answers on the Lives of Eminent Men and I Vomen. lS//!0. is. The Stepping-Stone to Irish History: Containing several Hun- dred Questions and Answers on the History of Ireland. iSmo. is. The Stepping-Stone to French History : Containing several II u 11 - dred Questions and Answers on the History of France. iSmo. is. for the YOUNG. The Stepping-Stone to Roman History: Containing several Hun- dred Questions and Answers on the History of Rome. 1S//10. is. TJic Stepping-Stoneto Grecian History: Containing several Hun- dred Questions and Answers on the History of Greece. iStno. is. The Stepping-Stone to Eng- lish Grammar : Containing seve- ral Hundred Questions and An- swers on English Grammar. I'imo. Is. The Stepping-Stone to French Pronunciation and Conversation : Containing several Hundred Questions and Answers. i8w6>. is. The Stepping-Stone to Astro- nomy: Containing several Hun- dred familiar Questions and Answers on the Earth and the Solar and Stellar Systems. iS/uo. is. The Stepping-Stone to Music: Containing several Hundred Questions on the Science; also a short History of Music. iSmo. is. The Stepping-Stone to Natu- ral History : Vertebrate or Back- boned Animals. Fart I. Mam- malia; Part II. Birds, Reptiles, Fishes. 1 Saw. is. each Part. The Stepping-Stone to Archi- tecture; Questions and Answers explaining the Principles and Progress of Architecture from the Earliest Times. With 100 Woodcuts. iSmo. is. INDEX. Acton's Modern Cookery 39 Aird's Blackstone Economised 39 Alpine Club Map of Switzerland 33 Alpine Guide (The) 33 Atnos's [urisprudence 10 Primer of the Constitution 10 Anderson's Strength of Materials 20 Armstrong's prganic Chemistry 20 Arnold's (Dr.) Christian Life 29 Lectures on Modern I listory 2 Miscellaneous Works 12 School Sermons 29 Sermons 29 (T.) Manual of English Literature 12 Anion Li's Life of Lord Denman 7 Atherstone Priory 39 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 13 Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge 38 Bacon's Essays, by Whately 10 Life and Letters, by Spedding ... 10 Works 10 Bain's Mental and Moral Science 11 on the Senses and Intellect 11 Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 32 Ball's Guide to the Central Alps 38 Guide to the Western Alps 38 Guide to the Eastern Alps 38 Broker's Charicles and Gallus 34 Black's Treatise on Brewing 39 Blackley's German-English Dictionary 15 Blaine's Rural Sports 36 Bloxam's Metals 20 Boultbce on 39 Articles 28 Bonnie's ( 'atechism of the Steam Engine . 27 Handbook of Steam Engine 27 Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 27 Improvements in the same 27 Bawdier' s Eamily Shakspcarc 35 Bra in ley-Moore's Six Sisters of the Valley . 39 Brandc's Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art 22 Bray's Manual of Anthropology 22 Philosophy of Necessity 11 Brinklcy's Astronomy 17 Browne's Exposition of the 39 Articles 28 Brunei 's Life of Brunei 7 Buckle's History of Civilisation 3 Posthumous Remains 12 Bull's Hints to Mothers 39 Maternal Management of Children. 39 Burgomaster's Eamily (The) 39 Burke's Rise of Great Families 8 Vicissitudes ol Families 8 Busk's Eolk-lorc of Rome 34 Valleys of Tirol 32 Cabinet Lawyer 39 ( 'ampbcW s Norway 33 Cafes 's Biographical Dictionary 8 and Woodward's Encyclopaedia ... 5 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 13 Chesney's Indian Polity 3 Modern Military Biography 3 Waterloo Campaign 3 dough's Lives from Plutarch 4 Colenso on Moabite Stone &c 32 's Pentateuch and Book of Joshua. 32 Speaker's Bible Commentary ... 32 Collins s M ineralogy of Cornwall 27 Perspective 26 Commonplace Philosopher in Town and Country, by A. K. H. B 13 Conite's Positive Polity 8 Comyn's Elena 34 Congreve's Essays 9 Politics of Aristotle 10 Conington's Translation of Virgil's /Eneid 36 Miscellaneous Writings 14 Con fa 11 scan's Two French Dictionaries ... 14 Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul 29 Cotton's Memoir and Correspondence 7 Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 13 Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology 4 Crusades 6 History of Greece 4 » Tale of the Great Persian War 4 Tales of Ancient Greece ... 34 and Jones's Teutonic Tales 34 Crawley's Thucy dides 4 Creasy on British Constitution 3 Cresy's Encyclopaedia of Civil Engineering 27 Critical Essays of a Country Parson 14 Crookes's Chemical Analysis 24 Dyeing and Calico-printing 28 Cullcy's Handbook of Telegraphy 26 Cusack's Student's History of Ireland 3 D ' Aubigni's Reformation in the Time of Calvin NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS & CO. Davidsons Introduction to New Testament 31 Dead Shot (The), by Marksman 37 tisne and Le Maouts Botany 23 De Morgan's Paradoxes 13 De Tocqueville's Democracy in America... 9 Disraeli's Lord George Bentinck 7 Novels and Tales 35 n on the Ox 36 r Law of Storms iS Doyle's Fairyland 24 Drew's Reasons of Faith 29 ■ lie Revival 25 ■ ■ Hints on Household Taste 20 rds's Rambles among the Dolomites 33 Elements <>\ Botany 22 Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians 30 Galatians 30 Pastoral Epist. 30 Philippians,&c. 30 Thessaloniahs . 30 Lectures on Life of Christ 29 Epochs of History 6 Evans's Ancient Stone Implements 22 Ewalds History of Israel 30 Fairbairn's Application of Cast and Wrought Iron to Building... 28 Information for Engineers 23 Treatise on Mills and Millwork 27 Farrar s Chapters on Language 13 families of Speech 13 Fitzwygram on Horses and Stables 37 Forsyth's Essays ,. 9 Fowler'sO and Colliers 38 Francis's fishing Book 36 Freeman's Historical Geography of Europe 5 from January to December 14 Froude's English in Ireland 2 History of England 2 Short Studies 12 Gairdnfr's Houses of Lancaster and York 6 Gamgee on Ho 3 U Ganot's Elementary Physics 19 Natural Philosophy 19 Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles 3 Life of Christ 32 Thirty Years' War 6 Gilbert and Churchill's Dolomites 32 GirdL ! Bible £ iQnyms 29 Goodeve's Mechanics 20 Mechanism 20 Grunt's Ethics of Aristotle 10 r Thoughts of a Country Parson 14 ille's Journal I Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 20 Griffith's Sermons for the Times 29 Grove on Correlation of Physical Forces ... 18 Gwill's Encyclopaedia of Architecture 26 I lure on Election of Representatives 14 Harrison's Political Problems 8 Har twig's Aerial World 21 Polar World 21 Sea and its Living Wonders ... 21 Subterranean World 21 Tropical World 21 'l ton's Animal Mechanics 19 Haywards Biographical and Critical Essays 7 Heer's Switzerland 22 Helmholtz's Scientific Lectures 18 Helmsley's Trees, Shrubs, and Herbaceous Plants 23 Herschefs Outlines of Astronomy 17 nd's Recollection* 7 Rural Life of England Visits to Remarkable Places Humboldt's Life 7 Hum, - 11 Treatise on Human Nature ji J 'hut's 1 1 istory of Rome 5 Ingelow's Poems 36 Jameson's Legends of Saints and Martyrs. -25 Legends of the Madonna 25 1 -egends of the Monastic Orders 25 Legends of the Saviour 25 Jenkins Electricity and Magnetism 20 Jerram's Lycidas of Milton 35 Jerrold's Life of Napoleon 1 Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 17 Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible 30 Keith's Evidence of Prophecy 30 Kenyon's ( I .ord ) Life 7 Kerls Metallurgy, by Crookesand Rohrig. 27 Kirby and Spence's Entomology 21 Knatchbull-Hugessen's Whispers from Fairy-Land 34 Landscapes,* hurches, &c. by A. K. H. B. 13 Lang's Ballads and Lyrics 33 Latham's English Dictionary 14 Laugh ton's Nautical Surveying 18 Lawlor » lentulle 34 Lawrence on Rocks 22 v's History of European Morals 5 Rationalism 5 Leaders of Public Opinion 7 ire Hours in Town, by A. K. H. P..... 13 Lesson- of Middle Age, by A. K. II. B.... 13 Lew, j Biographical History of Philosophy 5 Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicons 13 Lite of Man Symbolised 25 Lindley and Moore's Treasury of Botany... 23 Lloyd's Magnetism 20 Wave-Theory of Light 20 NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS & CO. Longman' s\ hi lOpeninj 39 Edward the Third 3 Lectures on His tor} oi England 3 Old and New St. Paul's.. 26 Loudon's Encyclopaedia ol Agriculture ... 28 Gardening 28 Plants Lowndes's Engineer's Handbook Lubbock's Origin ol Civilisation 12 Lyra < iermanica - 1 day's (Lo 2 Historj "i England ... 2 Laysol Ancient Rome Miscellaneous Writing Speeches 1-' Works 2 McCulloch's Diclionar) "I < merce 16 ■■'. od s l'i iiu iples "i l .> 1 'I" imical Phili 1 sophj Theorj and Practice of Banking Markham '.. History of Persia 1 Marshall's PhysiologJ 24 Todas Marsh-man's History of India 3 Life of Havelock 3 Martineau's Christian Life 31 Hymns 31 Maunders Biographical Treasur) 38 Geographical Treasury 38 I [istorical Treasury 38 Scientific and I .iterary Treasury 38 - Treasury of Knowledge 38 Treasury of Natural History ... 38 l/./.i ,V(7/'.> Theory of 1 [eat 20 May's 1 listen of I >emocrac) 2 Historj of England 2 Melville's Digbj Grand 39 General Bounce 39 Gladiators 39 Good for Nothing 39 Holmby House 39 Interpreter 39 Kate Coventry 39 Queen's Maries 39 Mendelssohn's Letters 8 Menzies' Forest Trees and Woodland Scenery 23 Merivale's Fall of the Roman Republic ... 4 Romans under the Empire 4 Merrifield 's Arithmetic and .Mensuration... 20 Magnetism 18 Miles on Horse's Foot and Horse Shoeing 37 on Horse's Teeth and Stables 37 Mill(J.) on the Mind 10 1 1. S.) on Liberty 9 Subjection of Women 9 on Representative Government 9 Utilitarianism 9 's Autobiography 6 Dissertations and Discussions 9 Essays on Religion &c 29 Hamilton's Philosophy 9 System of Logic 9 Mill's Political Economy 9 Unsettled Questions 9 Miller's -Elements of Chemistry 23 Inorganic Chemistry 20 Minto's (Lord) Life and Lettei 6 Miti hell 1 Manual of Architecture 2; Manual ol A Library ; MonselVs ' Spiritual Songs ' 31 I > I n-li Meli die . illustrated 35 I.alla Rookh, illustrated Morelts Elements ol Psychologj 11 Mental Philosophy 11 Mon Re\ olution a Mailer's ( 'lii|)s from ■ man Workshop, 12 Science ol ige 12 Si I 5 New Testament Illustrated with Wood Engravings from the Old Masters •) Norlluott on Lathes and Turning or's* ..nun. ntarj on Hel 30 Romans 30 St. John 30 Odling's Course ol Practical Chemistry ... 2| Owen r< omparative Anatomj and Physio- logy ol Vertebrate Animals 20 Owen' s Lecture on the Invertebrata 20 1 .nidi- tu the I'\ n nei 5 35 Pattisot r Casauban 7 Payetl's Industrial Chemistry Pewtticr's Comprehensive Specifier 39 Pierce's Chess Problems 39 Pole's Game of W'liist Prendergasfs Mastery of Languages 1; Present-Day Thoughts, by A. K. II. B, ... 13 Proctor's Astronomical Essays 17 Moon j 7 Orbs around Us 17 Other Worlds than Ours J7 Saturn 17 Scientific Essays (New Series) ... 20 Sun -. 17 Transits of Venus 17 Two Star Atlases 18 Universe 17 Public Schools Atlas 10 Modern Geography 16 Ancient Geography 16 •n on Strains in Trusses iliiison's Parthia 4 Sassanians 4 Recreations ol a ( Country I 'arson 1 \ , 1 l in tionar) of Artists ; Reilly's Map of Mont Blanc Monte Rosa Reynardson's Down the Road Rich's Dictionary of Antiquities 1; River's Rose Amateur's Guide fs's Eclipse of 1 aith 2<> Defence of Eclipse of Faith 29 Essays. y 44 NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS & CO. •fs Thesaurus of English Words and Phrases 14 Ronald's Fly-Fisher's Entomology 37 Rothschild's Israelites 30 Russell on the Christian Religion 6 English Constitution 2 's Recollections and Suggestions ... 2 Sandars's Justinian's Institutes 10 San ford's English Kings 2 Savory's Geometric Turning 26 Schelleris Spectrum Analysis 18 Scott's Albert Durer 24 Papers on Civil Engineering 28 Seaside Musing, by A. K. II. B 13 Seebohm's Oxford Reformers of 1498 3 Protestant Revolution 6 Sai'clfs History of the Early Church 5 Passing Thoughts on Religion 31 Preparation for Communion 31 Principles of Education 14 Readings for Confirmation 31 Readings for Lent 31 Examination for Confirmation ... 31 Stories and Tales 35 Thoughts for the Age 31 Thoughts for the Holy Week 31 Sharp's Post-office Gazetteer 16 Shelley's Workshop Appliances 20 Short's Church History 5 Simpson's Meeting the Sun 32 Smith's Paul's Voyage and Shipwreck 30 (Sydney) Essays 12 Life and Letters 7 Miscellaneous Works ... 12 Wit and Wisdom 12 (Dr. R. A.) Air and Rain 18 Sneyds Cyllene 34 Southey's Doctor 13 Poetical Works 35 Stanley's History of British Birds 21 Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 7 Freethinking and Plainspeaking 9 Stepping Stones (the Series) 40 Stirling s Secret of Hegel 11 Sir William Hamilton 11 Stonehcnge on the Dog 37 on the Greyhound 37 Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of a University City, by A. K. H. B 13 Supernatural Religion 31 Taylors History of India 3 Manual of Ancient History 6 Manual of Modern History 6 (Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden. 31 'V>