THE HISTORY OF NATIONS SPAIN-PORTUGAL *7^l^- IL* i il^ I OK. AhOT *3 Si CO Q :^ CO CO o o o CO s CO hi o CO c^ Q O 05 o CO CO e>o ^ >** C.2 THE HISTORY OF NATIONS HENRY CABOT LODGE ,Ph.D.,LLD. EDITOR-IN-CHIEF SPAIN AND PORTUGAL Erdited from Standard Authorities by G.ME.RCI:R ADAM With Introduction by WILFRED M MUNRO . Ph.D. Professor of History Brown University Volume VIII Illustrated The H .W. Snow and Son Company Chi c a 9" o Copyright, 1907. by JOHN D. MORRIS & COMPANY Copyright. IKJO THE H. W. SXOW & SOX COMPANY THE HISTORY OF NATIONS EDITOR-IN-CHIEF HENRY CABOT LODGE, PLD., L.L.D. Associate Editors and Authors ARCHIBALD HENRY SAYCE, LL.D., SIR ROBERT K. DOUGLAS, Professor of Assyriology, Oxford Uni- Professor of Chinese, King's College, Lon- versity don JEREMIAH WHIPPLE JENKS, Ph.D.. LL.D.. CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON. M.D., Ph.D.. Professor of Political Economy and Pol- Associate Professor of Oriental History and itics, Cornell University Archaeology, Johns Hopkins University KANICHI ASAKAWA. Ph.D., <- nr <^ m>i>iu r t T^ Instructor in the History of Japanese C. W. C. OMAN, LL.D., Civilization, Yale University Professor of History. Oxford University WILFRED HAROLD MUNRO. Ph.D.. THEODOR MOMMSEN. ^'university ^"'P^^" ^'''''''' ^^"'^^ G. MERCER ADAM. Historian and Editor Late Professor of Ancient History. Uni- versity of Berlin ARTHUR C. HOWLAND, Ph.D.. ?y1v'anfa ' ^ "''""''' '^"'^^''^''^ ^ '''""- FRED MORROW FLING. Ph.D.. Professor of European History, University of Nebraska CHARLES MERIVALE, LL.D., Late Dean of Ely, formerly Lecturer in FRANCOIS AUGUSTS MARIE MIGNET, History, Cambridge University Late Member of the French -Academy JAMES WESTFALL THOMPSON, Ph.D., J. HIGGINSON CABOT. Ph.D., Department of History. Uinversity of Department of History, Wellesley College Chicago SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER. LL.D., SIR WILLIAM W. HUNTER. F.R.S.. Professor of Modern History. King's Col- Late Director-General of Statistic*; in India lege. London R. W. JOYCE, LL.D., GEORGB M. DUTCHER, Ph.D., Commissioner for the Publication of the Professor of History, Wesleyan University Ancient Laws of Ireland ASSOCIATE EDITORS AND AUTHORS-Continued josTiN McCarthy, ll.d.. Author and Historian PAUL LOUIS LEGER, Professor of the Slav Languages, C611eso de France AUGUSTUS HUNT SHEARER, Ph.D.. Instructor in History, Trinity College. WILLIAM E. LINSLEBACH, Ph.D., Hartford Assistant Professor of European History, University of Pennsylvania W. HAROLD CLAFLIN, B.A., Department of History. Harvard Uni- BAYARD TAYLOR, versity Former United States Minister to Germany CHARLES DANDLIKER, LL.D-, President of Zurich University SIDNEY B. FAY, Ph.D., Professor of History, Dartmouth Colleg* ELBERT JAY BENTON. Ph.D.. Department of History, Western Reserve University SIR EDWARD S. CREASY. Late Professor of History, University Col- lege, London ARCHIBALD GARY COOLIDGE, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of History, Harvard University WILLIAM RICHARD MORFILL, M.A., Professor of Russian and other Slavonic Languages, Oxford University CHARLES EDMUND FRYER, Ph.D., Department of History, McGill University E. C. OTTE, Specialist on Scandinavian History J. SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D., President Royal Geographical Society ALBERT GALLOWAY KELLER, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of the Science of So- ciety, Yale University EDWARD JAMES PAYNE, M.A., Fellow of University College, Oxford PHILIP PATTERSON WELLS, Ph.D., Lecturer in History and Librarian of the Law School, Vale University FREDERICK ALBION OBER, Historian, Author and Traveler JAMES WILFORD GARNER, Ph.D., Professor of Political Science, Univeraity of Hlinois EDWARD S. CORWIN, Ph.D., Instructor in History, Princeton Vni- versity JOHN BACH McMASTER, Litt.D., LL.D., Professor of History, University of Paan- sylvania JAMES LAMONT PERKINS, Managinif Editor The editors and publishers desire to express their appreciation for valuable advice and suggestions received from the following: Hon. Andrew D. Vv'hite, LL.D., Alfred Thayer Mah.'\n, D.C.L., LL.D., Hon. Charles Emory Smith, LL.D., Professor Edward Gaylord Bourne, Ph.D., Charles F. Thwing, LL.D., Dr. Emil Reich, William Elliot Gkiffis, LL.D., Professor John Martin Vincent, Ph.D., LL.D., Melvil Dewey, LL.D., Alston PZllis, LL.D., Professor Charles H. McCarthy, Ph.D., Professor Herman V. A.mes, Ph.D., Professor Walter L. Fleming, Ph.D., Professor David Y. Thomas, Ph.D., Mr. Otto Reich and Mr. (). M. Dickerson. INTRODUCTION SPAIN PAST AND PRESENT By Wilfred Harold Munro, Pii. D. Professor of History, Brown University INTRODUCTION SPAIN PAST AND PRESENT FROM the beginning of the Christian era to the dose of the fifteenth century the history of the Iberian Peninsula is wonderfully rich in romantic incident. Of this earlier period most readers know little. With the Spain oi the " Catholic kings," of Charles V. and of Philip II. they are familiar, because authors like Irving and Prescott have reproduced the " form and pressure " of those times in their fascinating pages. With just as much fidelity, Dunham has written of the earlier Spain. The ob- ject of this preface is to call attention to the points which he has clearly brought out, and also to show the gradual development of the Spanish character and to indicate briefly the possibilities yet in store for the land. Let us begin with the Roman domination. An incident in connection with the Roman conquest will illustrate the character of the people at that time. Saint Augustine, greatest of all the early Christian writers, deems it worthy of mention in his " City of God." The legions conquered only w^hen they occupied the land. For six years Numantia defied them. Then the stern edict, " Dclcnda est Numantia," was proclaimed, and Scipio, Rome's greatest general, was sent against the city. His genius brought about its destruction, but its defenders were conquered only by starvation. When the skeletons who patrolled the walls found they could no longer repel the attacking forces they resolved upon self-slaughter. First they set fire to the buildings of the city, and then cast themselves into the flames. Numantia has vanished from the earth. It exists only in legends, yet its story has in- fluenced mightily the character of the Spanish race. That the story is still potent may be judged from the fact that one of the best warships in the Spanish navy to-day bears the name Nninantia. Rome erred in treating its provincials as a conquered peo- ple, a mistake which Spain has constantly repeated in her colonies. xii INTRODUCTION Yet some of the provincials rose to the highest position in the Roman state. The first to sit upon the imperial throne was the Spanish Trajan, one of the greatest of the " Good Emperors." The last monarch to reign over an undivided Roman world was the Spanish Theodosius. In him we see many of the traits that still characterize the nation. He was passionate but devout, bigoted yet noble minded. In ungovernable rage he ordered the horrible massacre at Thessalonica, yet with great nobility he, the " Lord of the World," humbled himself before Saint Ambrose, when that great bishop of Milan showed him the enormity of his crime. The ideas of Theodosius governed many of the Spanish monarchs. He was really the first " Inquisitor," and his edicts concerning heresy might have been penned by Philip II. In the days of that emperor the people of Spain had become completely Romanized. They fought as soldiers in the legions, were found in the offices of the state, had entered the ranks of the priesthood. Then the Vandals came down upon the land and conquered it almost without a struggle. The old fighting spirit had well- nigh disappeared. Five causes had brought about this result: First, the unwise system of taxation. The taxes were " farmed " by the publicans, as elsewhere in the empire, and individual inde- pendence was thereby crushed out. Second, the Latifundia. These " broad fields " were held by a few owners and were tilled not by a " brave peasantry," but by serfs. Third, the legions. The men who took service in them never came back. Disease, wounds, and dissipation carried them to their death. Fourth, slavery. The fifth and most potent cause was Christianity. The best men were found within the walls of the churches. Enrolled as servants of the Cross, they did no military service. Happily the domination of tlie Vandals was short. The regions about Carthage (whence other conquerors of Spain were to come) had for them greater attractions. Their stay is commemorated in the name Andalusia and in not much else. Far otherwise was it with the Visigoths. Ataulphus, the " Moses " who only showed to them the land he was not permitted to dwell in, was their chief. To him not a few Spaniards look as to a model knight-errant. In him they saw displayed the chivalrous characteristics they would fain possess. This " Barbarian's " treatment of Galla Placidia, his fair Roman bride, was such as would do honor to the highest type of gentleman. No wonder that the proudest boast of tlie INTRODUCTION xiii Spanish noble is still the Sangre Azul, the " blue blood," he in- herits from his Visigothic ancestors. Strangely enough the stay of the Visigoths is perpetuated in a word which gives an entirely erroneous impression concerning their character the word " bigot." Originally this meant a detested foreigner as well as a heretic. Because they were Arian Christians the Visigoths were heretics to the orthodox people about them; but they were never bigots in our sense of the word. Having once settled in the land they gradually became amalgamated with its inhabitants. Com- mon hatred of the Moor at last welded them together. Two traits especially marked these invaders : their love for fighting and their regard for written laws. When the evil trait was conquered by the good the race perished! Subject to written laws, the war- riors surrendered to the priesthood. The Visigothic element was perhaps the most potent in shaping Spanish character. Then came the Mohammedan conquest. Its story reads like a wild romance. First Tarik appears upon the scene. With five hundred followers *' more wicked than himself " this brigand crosses the Strait of Gibraltar and riots in the rich fields along its northern shore. Nothing is farther from his thoughts than the establishment of a new kingdom. Going back to his own, he displays the spoils of his foray, and tells of the rich lands Allah has prepared for their swords. Then the hero of the romance appears with twelve thousand Moors. Tarik lands near the rock which still bears his name. He burns his ships behind him, and in one battle routs Roderic and his more than sixty thousand men. The Visigothic king had apparently every advantage, yet his ad- versary wiped away all traces of his power. In the tale of the con- quest there were some redeeming incidents. Of all the men in Orihuela only its governor and a single page were left. Women masqueraded as sentinels upon the walls. With his one attendant the governor rode into the camp of his foes and arranged honor- able terms of capitulation. The Moorish commander was charmed by this resourceful daring. He not only scrupulously carried out the terms agreed upon, but made Theodemir governor of iMurcia. The Spaniards learned much of courtesy from the Moors, and the rule of the IMoor was easy. His laws were few, his taxes were light ; he tolerated all religions even the Jews were accorded religious and civil liberty. So, cut off from frequent communica- xiv INTRODUCTION tion with the rest of Christian Europe, Spanish Christianity de- veloped along lines that were peculiarly its own. The Christians came to be called Mozarabs, and mass was celebrated according to the Gothic ritual (as it is even to this day, four times each year, in one of the chapels of the great Cathedral of Toledo). The conquerors divided with the conquered the use of the churches. They even bought from the Christians the basilicas they sometimes wished to convert into Mohammedan mosques. Happily the northward march of the Moslem hosts w^as checked at Tours. The unwisdom of any further attempt at con- quest in that direction having been demonstrated, the Moslem leaders set about developing the territory already won. The king- dom of Cordova straightway became the marvel of those ages, as it would have been the wonder of any age. Its rulers governed as did the " Good Emperors " in Rome, and its citizens enjoyed a greater degree of personal liberty than any other people of Europe. The first of the great monarchs who influenced not Christian Spain only, but the Christian world, was Abderahman, a contemporary of Charlemagne, king of the Franks. His realm was not too large for personal government, and he accordingly gave his personal attention to all the business of the state. Toward enemies of his own faith he was fierce and cruel, but was always kind and lenient toward his Christian subjects. In the reign of Hisham, his successor, a man beloved of all men, the Mezquita was begun, and the bridge which still spans the Guadal- quiver River was finished. Where now the great cathedral stands had once been a Christian basilica. For many years Moor and Christian used it in common. When a grander structure was de- termined upon by the conquerors, they bought out their Christian neighbors. He who sees the building to-day can have but a faint idea of its ancient splendor. In the days of the Emperor Charles V. the cathedral chapter pulled down many of its columns that they might erect in the center of the structure a very ordinary Christian church, and yet, disfigured as it is, it is one of the grandest church edifices in the world. Abderahman H. made of Cordova a second Bagdad. When the cities of northern Europe were hardly more than collections of hovels, Cordova was filled with palaces. Through its well-lighted and well-paved streets a man could walk for miles without soiling the hem of his garment, in the years when the people of Paris went staggering in darkness INTRODUCTION xv through mud that clasped the ankles. No unarmed man ventured forth alone after nightfall in the streets of Paris or London; but Mohammedan, Christian, and Jew knew no fear in the Moorish capital. When the Christians in the north hardly realized that a bath was ever to be taken, except as a penance, the aqueducts of Cordova were each day bringing rivers within the city walls, and its people were reveling in the delights that come from cleanliness. Later, when Christian conquered Moor, all this was changed. The streets no longer ran with water, aqueducts fell into disuse, foun- tains ceased to play, the orange trees and flowering shrubs that had made the courtyards beautiful died from lack of moisture; the highways were no longer cared for. Save the great mosque and the bridge no traces of its ancient glories remain. The last of its fountains was destroyed by Philip IL, once the husband of Mary Tudor, in the days when Mary's sister, Elizabeth, sat upon the throne of England. Abderahman III., who died in 961, was one of the great men of history. His influence was potent for years after his death. He ruled as did Louis XL of France, choosing men of humble birth as his agents. As these men owed their advancement en- tirely to him, he found in them most efficient servants. Like Louis, he also formed a bodyguard of foreigners, a guard even more de- voted to him than Louis' Scotchmen were to the French king. Deeds of cruelty are charged against him by the Christian histor- ians, but it must be acknowledged that he had cruel foes to deal with, and that we know him almost entirely through his foes. The Christian barbarians against whom he fought in Leon nailed the head of one of his defeated generals upon a wall and beside it they nailed the head of a pig. Such antagonists would not be likely to speak well of a man. The fact stands that he influenced mightily the character of his adversaries and that under him Cor- dova became one of the great centers of civilization. Historians are fond of comparing him with Charlemagne, but he was a greater man than Karl. The northern king ruled over a race of barbarians. He was the only prince in a long" line who really showed indications of ideas akin to those of modern times. The southern monarch was only one of a line of enlightened rulers. In the realms of the man who on Christmas Day. 800. was crowned emperor at Rome there was no edifice which could for a moment be compared with Ez Zahra, the wonderful palace on xvi INTRODUCTION the banks of the Guadalquiver. The famous " School of the Palace " at Aachen was far inferior to the Moslem schools at Cor- dova. Hakam II., Abderahman's successor, was like the most famous of the Medici in his zeal for learning. Not only did he possess the largest library of his day, but he actually read his books. His passion was not that of the book collector. He loved learning for its own sake, and was accustomed to carry a number of his favorite volumes with him upon all his campaigns. Of Almanzor, his successor, marvelous stories are told. His resources were endless, no difficulties seemed to trouble him. One instance will suffice for illustration. Once upon a foray in an unfamiliar country he found his troops enclosed within a defile which had but one possible outlet. This was already blocked by the enemy. Provisions to support his troops were lacking. Ap- parently his fate was sealed, and his foes were correspondingly elated. To the'ir amazement they saw his troops begin the culti- vation of the fields about them. And to the emissaries who came to demand his surrender Amanzor calmly made answer that as the season was so far advanced, and as his own land was so dis- tant, he had determined to winter where he was. No wonder that his antagonists eagerly furnished him all necessary supplies in order to rid themselves of the pressure of such an incompre- hensible foe. The Christian scribe later disposed of him in con- cise language. " In 1002 died Almanzor, and was buried in hell." The long contest with men like these, who were so much superior in many ways to the rulers of Christian Europe, in- fluenced mightily the character of the Spanish race. We see that most perfectly idealized in the " Cid." The story of this famous champion, with his steed Babieca and his sword Tizona, has been familiar for centuries to the youth in all lands. The real Cid was a freebooter. Ruthless and cruel, he plundered Moor and Christian alike, as did all the robbers of those days. No man was less worthy to be canonized as a national hero, yet the people endowed him with all the virtues they wished their champion to exemplify, and set their "perfect one" upon a pedestal that all mankind might bow in admiration before him. This was because the real Cid had in his day asserted the rights of the individual against both lord and king. " The person of the Cid is a paean of triumphant democracy." The legends told respecting the champion illustrate the ideas of the time. From the chest still INTRODUCTION xvli nailed against the wall of one of the chapels of the Burgos Cathedral are reflected the sentiments entertained toward the Jews. This chest, the Cid told some Jewish money-lenders, was filled with jewels. He proposed to leave it with them as security for money borrowed. It was filled with sand. To plunder the Hebrew was meritorious in the sight of all men. The crusade against the Moors served to increase the zeal of an intensely religious people, a people always remarkable for orthodoxy. No heresies have ever flourished among them. Even in the days when Europe was almost overwhelmed by the move- ment with which Luther's name is connected, hardly a ripple of excitement was felt in Spain. The national reputation for ortho- doxy goes back to the first council of the Christian church. In the Council of Nicaea, 325 a. d., Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, was the leading western ecclesiastic. To him the Emperor Constantine especially looked for instruction and guidance. The Eastern church was torn by schisms and the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome was not universally recognized. Until that supremacy was established men turned to Cordova, to Sevilla, and to Toledo for authoritative interpretation of the Christian doctrines. It was not entirely an accident, therefore, that the clause " filioque " was first inserted in the Nicene creed at the Council of Toledo, 589. Later the mantle of Hosius seemed to have fallen upon Isidor of Sevilla, one of the most learned men of the ages. He codified the laws whicli had been set forth by the Christian church. To this code was given the name of the Isidorian Decretals. Years after his death the sanction of his great name was thrown around that other collection which all men now call the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals. The national reputation for orthdoxy was not injured by the Moorish domination. If anything, it was intensified. It was long before the old Mozarabic ritual was superseded by that of Rome. The contest for supremacy that was waged between them is one of the most interesting episodes in history. First two mailed champions fought in the lists, and victory came to the Spanish champion ; matters then rested for a time. but the Roman advocates were only waiting. For the second con- test two bulls were brought into the arena and the Spanish bull defeated the Roman. Again matters rested. An ordeal l)v fire w'as next arranged. Copies of the two missals were cast into rag- ing flames. The Roman massbook was at once consumed, the xviii INTRODUCTION Mozarabic was plucked out almost uninjured. But the Spanish king was not as persistent as his clergy-. He was tired of a con- test which was apparently to be endless. He threw the Mozarabic missal again into the flames, and it was at last consumed. Such was the popular test, picturesque in accordance with the naivete of the times. Of course when the ecclesiastical authorities sub- sequently passed judgment upon the subject it was by decrees and pronouncements and not by bull-fights or fiery ordeals. The religious fervor of the nation found expression in the military orders. These orders were not as famous as those that fought in the Holy Land, because the eyes of all Europe were not turned upon them. Yet the knights of the Order of Santiago, and their compeers, were quite as devoted to the service of the Cross as were the Templars and the Knights of the Hospital of St. John. The shrine of Santiago de Compostella was one of the great pilgrim resorts of the world. Santiago himself, mounted upon a snow-white steed, men often thought they saw leading the Spaniards to victory, when, without his aid, defeat seemed inevitable. It was to be expected then that after the military orders had done their work, other organizations, like those that observed the " rule " of Dominic, should take their place. The " Black Friars " did not intensify, they only reflected, the religious spirit. The inquisition they directed existed elsewhere; it flour- ished only in Spain. And yet toleration was the rule until the Moor was cast out. The inquisition established in the thirteenth century was designed " to bring all mankind into one fold under one shepherd." It had no real existence until the days of Ferdi- nand and Isabella. Thomas de Torquemada was the first great inquisitor. It was intense religious zeal that determined the policy of Isabella. "For the love of Christ and of his Maid Mother" she consented to the deeds which marked her reign in Castile. The policy of her successors was an inherited policy. Philip II. thought it was better not to rule at all than to rule over a nation of heretics. But religious zeal was not the most noticeable feature in the history of mediaeval Spain ; constitutional government was there first developed. In 1162 the General Assembly of Aragon and Catalonia met to deliberate concerning measures of public utility. It was not until 1265 that the famous parliament of Simon de Montfort was summoned in England. Free municipal institu- INTRODUCTION xix tions were first developed in Barcelona. Her merchants and tradesmen exercised sovereign rights. In that city also the first bank was established. The " Consulado del Mar "' formed the basis of the laws that govern shipping. In Aragon the individual enjoyed such rights as nowhere else were tolerated. One mem- ber of the Cortes might veto a bill. The famous oath its king was made to swear asserted in the strongest terms the sovereignty of the people. One need not go far to discover the reason. The pride of the nobles was immense, but their castles could be taken. On the other hand, walled cities were virtually impregnable. Upon them the sovereigns were forced to rely, because with their aid only could they hold the robber-barons in check. So municipal privileges grew. Combinations between citizens led to combina- tions between cities. The " Hermandad " which was formed in 1295 was an immense power for order and for security of life and property. It had no counterpart in Europe. Isabella wisely adopted its name and methods, when in 1495 she reduced her nobles to submission and gave security to her people by means of the arrows and archers of the Santa Hermandad. The conquest of Granada took away from the Spanish nobility their stimulus to action. Their energies were dormant until the discoveries in the west roused them once more. It was a new crusade upon which Columbus and Cortez felt that they had embarked. Their zeal was quite as fervent as was that of the men who in the twelfth century gathered around the standard of the Norman kings of Jerusalem. The intellectual development of the nation kept pace with the discoveries. The Philippian age corresponds with the Elizabethan age in England. The marvels of the New World stimulated the imagination in all lands. But while Elizabeth was wise enough always to yield to the plainly expressed wishes of the English people, Philip regarded the de- sires of the people of Spain as entirely unworthy his considera- tion. The Spanish Estates lost power almost in proportion as the Commons of England increased in importance. There was no longer a force working in the Spanish Peninsula similar to that in England which the development of commerce afterwards indi- cated. The personal government of Philip II. had crushed the last remnants of Spanish liberty. r\Iodern Spain is a surprise to the traveler who visits it for the first time. He has very likely been told that there is no energy XX INTRODUCTION among its people, that it is a land of beggars, that it is gov- erned by the priesthood through the medium of the confessional, that the Octroi throttles commerce, and that its politicians are even more corrupt and unpatriotic than men of the same breed elsewhere. Some of his ideas are well grounded. " Mariana " (to-morrow) is the watchword of many of its people, and the beggar is almost everywhere a horrible pest. The mendicity and mendacity of the lower classes still curse the land, but there is another and very different Spain above these classes. This other Spain is full of energy and of hope, anxious to develop the immense natural resources of the land. You see its thoughts reflected in the newspapers. You find its enterprise manifested in the new buildings that are everywhere going up. The Spain which knew not gas is everywhere lighted by electricity. Cities like Bilbao and Barcelona are hives of industry, grow- ing in a way that would be deemed phenomenal in any coun- try.- Soon these overgrown hives must swarm and new manu- facturing centers be developed elsewhere. Once all the sugar used in the Peninsula came from abroad ; now the beet sugar factories are planning for an export trade. The loss of the colonies which resulted from the Spanish-American War was a terrible blow to the country, but thinking men everywhere now freely admit that it was really a blessing in disguise. The life blood of the land is no longer drained away in the West Indies or the Philippines. The young men are kept at home and are not sent abroad to die as soldiers under tropical suns. Frugal, temperate, and indus- trious, they are building up a stronger and more powerful Spain than has been known since the earliest years of Philip II. The burdens of taxation are gradually being reduced. The politician is giving place to the statesman. For generations to come there may not be a stable republic in the Peninsula, but the land where modern republican institutions had their earliest development will be ruled by a monarch v/hose power will be limited by constitu- tional provisions, and Spain will slowly but surely press forward once more to a conspicious place among the nations of Europe. A^^^.tL^A Madrid, Spain CONTENTS PART I HISTORY OF THE PENINSULA TO THE DECLINE OF ROME. 402 A. D. CHAPTER PAGE I. Early History ....... 3 II. The Romans in Spain. 218 b. C.-409 a. d. . .16 III. Political and Religious State under the Romans 28 PART II THE PENINSULA UNDER THE GOTHS 409-755 A. D. IV. History of tpie Goths. 409-755 a. d. . . .35 V. Condition of the People under the Goths . . 53 PART III THE PENINSULA UNDER THE ARABS AND THE MOORS. 711-1492 VT. Dominion of the Arabs. 711-1031 . . ^3 VII. Dominion of the Africans. 1031-1238 . . -85 VIII. Kingdom of Granada. 1238-1492 .... 104 PART IV CHRISTIAN SPAIN. 718-1516 IX. The Asturias, Leon and Castile. 713-1230 . . 129 X. Kingdom of Xav^\rre. Circa 885-1512 . . . 194 XI. Counts of Barcelona. 801-1162 .... 218 XII. Kingdom of Aragon. 1035-151G .... 230 XIII. Establishment of Portuguese Kingdom. 1095-1 5 K) 272 xxi ixii CONTENTS PART V THE SPANISH MONARCHY. 1516-1788 CHAPTER PA(;E XIV. The House of Austria. 1516-1700 . . . 339 XV. House of Bourbon. 1700- 1788 .... 386 XVI. General Condition of the Monarchy. 1516-1788 . 421 PART VI THE PORTUGUESE MONARCHY. 1521-1788 XVII. Last of the Ancient Dynasty. 1521-1640 . . 433 XVIII. House of Braganza. 16401788 .... 462 PART VII THE ERA OF SPAIN'S DECLINE. 1788-1910 XIX. Events of the Critical Era to the Close of the First Carlist War. i788-i8-:10 . . . 479 XX. Last Years of Maria Christina, and the Era of Queen Isabella II. 1840-1868 . . . 499 XXI. The Brief Reign of Amadeus, and the Bourbon Restoration. 1868-1910. . . . .510 PART VIII PORTUGAL IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY XXII. Events to the Close of the Peninsulak War. 1789-1815 525 XXIII. Growth of the CoxNstitutional Monarchy. 1816- 19TO 53,3 Bibliography ......... 543 Index .......... 551 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS The Surrender of Granada (Photog:ravure) . Thorismund is Elected King of the Visigoths Alfonso VIII. on the Battlefield of Tolosa The Lions' Court in the Alhambra at Granada Queen Isabella Pledges Her Jewels to Columbus Pedro III. in Sight of the Besieged City of Messina . JoAM I. OF Portugal Gains the Victory at Aljubarot. Carlos I. ...... . The Death of Charles \. . The Expulsion of the Moriscos Velasquez ....... Philip II. ...... . The Heroic Defense of Saragossa An Attack by Basque Carlists Camoens ....... Frontispiece FACING PAGE . . 38 . 100 no 186 244 298 340 352 370 380 424 . 488 . 512 . 540 TEXT MAPS PAGE II Peninsula under Ancient Tribes .... Spain under Roman Dominion ..... Political Divisioxs of Spain and Portugal, 910 a. d. Andalusia ........ The Spanish Kingdojv[S. Fourteenth Centi'rv The Kingdom of Aragon ...... Spanish Dominion in the Sixteenth Century Colonial Empire of Portugal. Early Sixteenth Centitry 336 Portugal Under the House of Braganza. 1640 . . . 475 29 77 122 193 229 271 :<(iii PART I HISTORY OF THE PENINSULA TO THE DECLINE OF ROME. 402 AD. The History of Spain and Portugal Chapter I EARLY HISTORY WHEN, and by whom, the Peninsula of Spain was peopled it would be vain to inquire. The earliest' inhabitants whom history makes known to us were the Iberians, a nation whose origin was probably derived from the Asiatic country of that name. The establishment of Iberian colonies along the coasts of the Mediterranean, from Asia Minor to Catalonia, seems to indicate the gradual progress westward of those enterprising adventurers. Beyond doubt they were settled in the country at a period lost in the depths of antiquity; but that they were the first settlers may be reasonably doubted. Its position, climate, and fertility would cause it to be inhabited before most others in Europe. At a time so remote also that we cannot ascend to it, conjec- tured by Ocampo as about one thousand years before Christ, the Iberians were disturbed in their possessions by the Celts, a race whose origin is wrapped in impenetrable darkness, and whose migrations have been, and still are, the subject of much ingenious but fruitless disputation. Dissimilar, we are told, in language and manners, the numerous tribes into which the two peoples were split were long hostile to each other. They contended for the possession, or perhaps the supremacy, of the country, until, finding by experience that their strife was fruitless, they consented, perhaps, to amalgamate, but certainly to share the country between them; and the united people were thenceforth called Ciitibcrians. Did the Celts enter the Peninsula by the Pyrenees or cross over from Africa? While the French writers maintain the former hypothesis, Masdeu and other natives as obstinately assert the latter. In the absence of all positive testimony, the fact cannot be ascer- tained by eitlier. It would, indeed, be more reasonable to suppose that the stream of Celtic migration flowed over Europe from the 4 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL Bosphoriis to the British Isles, or even along the northern shores of the Mediterranean : we do not hear that they ever formed a single settlement on the southern. But who were the Celts ? Were they really a distinct race; or was the term employed by the Greeks merely as a generic one, to designate the mountain inhabitants of western Europe as the Scythians of the northern? The latter supposition would be as plausible as the former. The condition of the Iberians and Celts, prior to the irruptions of other nations, is described with much complacency by most Spanish writers. According to them, governments were insti- tuted; cities admirably policed; the arts and philosophy taught to flourish, when even Greece, the parent of European civilization, was involved in barbarism. Such dreams may amuse a patriotic fancy ; but the severe hand of Truth would trace a very different picture: it would show us a country where, from the multitude of fierce and independent tribes, contests must have been frequent and inevi- table; and where, from their savage habits, there could be no hope of security, much less of enjoyment. The character, indeed, of these tribes is represented as favor- able to anything but social tranquillity. Wherever there are moun- tains there will be robbers, until the arts of life are known and practiced and lawless violence is repressed by the strong arm of authority. The mountaineers of the Peninsula, like those of Scot- land and Wales, finding that the districts which they inhabited were too barren for their support, descended into the fertile plains and carried away to their retreats both the cattle and the produce of the soil. Such aggressions could not be committed without contention between the plunderers and the plundered. Hence, necessity taught both the use of arms, in which habit rendered them expert. Hence, too, as all history shows us, the inhabitants of the mountains and of the plains adjoining have ever been distinguished by a warlike and ferocious disposition. But, in the mixed condition of man, there are few evils unproductive of partial good. The courage which in a rude state of society stimulated to lawless strife, and fostered martial habits, would, in one more advanced, when the blessings of freedom were known and prized, resist the progress of foreign aggression. Accordingly, we find that the mountains have ever been the strongholds of independence. Those of Wales, Scotland, Switzerland, Calabria, the Asturias, and Greece are renowned as the cradles of national libertv. EARLY HISTORY 5 The arms of these people were simple, but formidable. Two lances, about three feet in length, a short sword, a pole, hooked at the end to seize the reins of horses, and a sling were the most usual weapons of the combatants on foot. The horsemen were distin- guished by sabers, sometimes by hatchets or ponderous mallets, but generally by lances about six feet long. Both were defended by bucklers ; and, in addition, the latter cased their thighs in some- thing on which the sword made no impression. When advancing to battle each horseman had usually a foot soldier mounted en croupe, who alighted the moment the contest began and closed with the enemy. Bull-fights appear to have been their favorite amusement from the earliest times. That this custom was not introduced by the Romans is evident from its representation on ancient medals, and on a monument discovered at Clunia about a century ago, both unquestionably anterior to the domination of that people. Their food was very frugal ; a few dried acorns or chestnuts, with mead or cider, satisfied the moderate wants of several tribes; and though the inhabitants of the maritime districts were supplied with wine, and the richer portion throughout the country were no strangers to animal food, they observed, even in that barbarous era, a sobriety which contrasted strongly with the intemperance of more northern nations.-^ On these occasions music was introduced, and sometimes dancing, but from this latter exercise, and indeed from the feasts altogether, the women were excluded. Their dress was no less simple. A garment of linen or leather, girt round the waist, with a cap for the head, constituted the soldier's covering: a woolen tunic of a black color, and descending to the feet, sometimes furnished with a hood like some of our mod- ern cloaks for women, was the habit of peace. The females, indeed, were no strangers to fantastic ornaments. Justice was administered with severity. Capital delinquents were stoned to death, or hurled from the top of a precipice. Par- ricides were conducted beyond the bounds of the kingdom and there slain, their very bones being considered too polluted to repose in their native soil. Agriculture was abandoned to the women, as an employment beneath the dignity of a warrior. The fair sex guided the oxen, 1 The same moderation has, In all ages, honorably distinguished their de- scendants. 6 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL held the plow, ground the corn, besides attending to their domes- tic concerns. On them, indeed, the whole drudgery of life rested then, as it does now, in that country. When surprised by the pains of labor they retired into a corner, no matter where; wrapped the infant stranger in a warm covering; and returned to their occupa- tion as if nothing extraordinary had happened. This would appear incredible, notwithstanding the experience of savage life, even in these days, were the facts not attested by authority too strong to he shaken. There is reason to believe that the Celtiberian nations were not unacquainted with commerce, even before the invasion of the Phoenicians. But their trade was confined to the coasts, and con- sisted in the exchange of superfluities for the productions of the Mediterranean isles, especially for wine. Certain it is that they knew not the value of the precious metals until the avaricious Syrians compelled them to labor in the mines. From this period the riches of Spain were almost proverbial. Coins and medals of ancient dates some representing the religious rites or ordinary pursuits of the people, others covered with Phoenician characters are frequently dug up, and made to throw light on this darkest period in their history. But iron was the mineral for which the country was most renowned. When turned into steel, the excel- lence of the swords and spears, and the perfection of the workman- ship, made foreigners anxious to obtain them.^ The introduction of idolatry into Spain and Portugal was owing, it is said, to the Phoenicians : tradition affirms that before their arrival traces of the patriarchal, if not the ^Mosaic, dispensa- tion were not wholly destroyed. But the Celts had previously settled in the country, and doubtless introduced a religious system distinct from that of the Syrians, and in many respects similar to that of the Gauls and Britons. If the knowledge and worship of one God ever existed there antecedently to the preaching of Chris- tianity, it was probably confined to the Iberians, or to the inhabi- tants located in Spain before that enterprising people forsook their native mountains and forests. The deities worshiped by the Tyrian colonies, and by them - During the war with Hannibal the Romans introduced into their armies the short Spanish sword, of which the blade was better tempered than those of any other country. The reputation of this weapon subsists to this day in the Toledo blade, which is both keener and far less inclined to snap than the brittle manufactures of Birmingham and Sheffield. EARLY HISTORY 7 made known to the native tribes, were doubtless many in number; yet few remain either in ancient writers or on contemporary medals. Hercules, represented sometimes as a pilot, sometimes as grasping a bow, was an emblem of the sun. The moon was represented under the figure of a head with two horns, evidently intended for that of a bull or a cow. The former was called Baal, the latter Astarte or Astaroth. Probably they are the same as the Isis and Osiris of the Egyptians, who always used the figure of a cow to represent the moon.^ Hence the origin of several monuments dis- tributed throughout the Peninsula, As before observed, the Peninsula, from the earliest known period, was split into a multitude of tribes, originally divided from two great races or nations. The Celts reigned in the north and west ; the Iberians in the south and east. A mixture of the two, the Celtiberians, from whom the whole population was named, pos- sessed a great portion of the interior. Under these three general heads we shall class all the tribes of the country which made any figure in ancient history. Those of which the names only remain, and there are many of them, are omitted, since they would form but a barren and useless nomenclature. It must, however, be premised that though the classification adopted is sufficiently accurate for the present purpose, it is not proposed as strictly so. The expeditions of the Phoenicians, the Greeks, and the Carthaginians, and still more the migration of native tribes, doubtless gave rise to various modifications of society on the coasts, to the amalgamation of some states and the formation of others. The Celts consisted of five powerful tribes. The Asturians (Astures) inhabited a territory more extensive than the modern principality of the name, for it comprehended also a considerable portion of Leon and Old Castile. By the Romans it was generally confounded with the country of the Callaici or Gallicians. The ultramontane Asturians, like theif descendants at this day, dwelt in the gorges formed by the numerous ramifications of the moun- tains which traverse their country. These branches, called by the Spaniards sierras, sometimes ccrros, are so near to one another that many of the ravines between them are scarcely broad enough to 3 That the full moon was the chief feast among the ancient Spaniards is evident from the fact that Agandia, or Asteartia, is the name for Sunday with tiie Basque?. 8 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL serve as beds to the torrents which descend from the snow-clad mountains. The scene is often singularly romantic. In many of the valleys, and on the declivities of the less abrupt mountains, vegetation is flourishing; fruit-trees even are common, and corn is abundant. The natural position of this country, while it averted from the inhabitants the curse of subjugation by Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Romans, Goths, or Moors, preserved them from the contagion of the social vices and cherished within them an ungovernable spirit of independence. In valor they were surpassed by no people of the Peninsula. Their ordinary clothing was the skin of the chamois. Game, with which the region has always abounded, fur- nished them with a never-failing diet, and enabled them to undergo the severest labors. At home they cultivated the ground; when occupied in war this duty necessarily devolved on the women. The Romans succeeded in penetrating into such districts as abounded in gold ; but the country was only partially known to them, much less subdued. The Cantabres inhabited a territory comprising Biscay Proper, Guipuscoa, and Alava. It abounded in the precious metals, and above all in iron. The whole country^ in fact, was one continuous series of mines. It was the arsenal of Spain, and even of foreign nations : it was the forge of Vulcan. Its richness in these valuable minerals made it an object of cupidity to the Romans : but the hands which could manufacture weapons could also use them ; and the independence of this hardy race was preserved. Passionately fond of their mountains, barren as those mountains are, and no less attached to war insensible to hunger, heat, and cold, they were the terror of Rome. The Vascones inhabited the country which extended over all the present kingdom of Navarre and a great part of Aragon: it was bounded by Cantabria, the Pyrenees, the territory of the Ilergetes, and the Ebro. The warlike spirit of the Basques, their predecessors, was well known to the Carthaginians and Romans. Hannibal enrolled many of them among his troops previous to his invasion of Italy; and many also served to prop for a time the de- clining fortunes of the republic in Africa. The barrenness of their native soil and their addiction to a military life rendered them will- ing to fight under the banners of any general who chose to employ them. EARLY HISTORY 9 What makes this people the most distingfuished of any in the Peninsula is their famous language, which, under the name of Basque, has long exercised the ingenuity of the learned. Whether it be the ancient language of Spain, or whether it be identical with the Celtic, are problems of which we need not expect the solution. It seems, however, probable, from the number of Basque words throughout the topography of the Peninsula, that those writers may be right who contend for its universality in Spain at some remote period of antiquity. But, whether Celtic or Iberian, the construction of the Basque is Asiatic, and it is undoubtedly one of the most ancient idioms in the world. Another tribe, the Callaici, or Gallicians, anciently occupied the whole of modern Gallicia, and a portion of the kingdom of Leon : they possessed the seacoast between the Asturias and Lusitania, and were separated by high mountains from the rest of the Penin- sula. Like all the tribes of Spain, especially the northern, these peo- ple were distinguished for their pugnacious disposition. As if nature had not sufficiently defended the country, numerous fort- resses were spread over it, probably intended to guard against the incursions of the pirates, whose depredations were frequent and terrible. From the most ancient times, as at present, their maritime superiority over all other nations of Spain was beyond dispute. The abundance of fish on their coasts, and the fertility of their soil, attracted the Phoenician and Carthaginian merchants to their ports, and rendered their condition uncommonly flourishing. Besides, they had numerous mines of the precious metals, and of tin. Gold, we are told, was so common that the laborers in the fields frequently dug up ingots several ounces in weight. This is exaggerated ; but there can be no doubt that the mines were highly productive. The natives worshiped chiefly the sun and moon ; but that they had many other gods in common with the neighboring tribes is incon- testable from the inscriptions still extant. Fifteen neighboring tribes owned their supremacy. A fifth tribe called Lusitanians inhabited the western portion of the Peninsula, which was more extensive than the present kingdom of Portugal. It comprised, in addition, the two Estremaduras, and a portion of Castile and Leon. The tribes scattered over this extensive district were many, but all apparently derived from one common stock, the Celts. The most formidable of these were the 10 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL Catones, the Turdetani, the TurduH, who were probably a tribe of the latter, and the Lusitani, from whom the country derived its name. To the south and east of these reigned the second great race, the Iberian nation. Their territory was so extensive that from them the whole of Spain was sometimes called Iberia. These also were divided into numerous tribes. Proceeding from the Straits of Gibraltar along the coast of Baetica, and passing the Bastuli, we come to the Bastitani. Their country comprised most of Murcia, and was intersected by the Tadder, now the Segura, It contained fifteen towns, exclusive of the ports. The Contestani extended from Carthagena to the River Xucar, formerly Sucro, and westward to the mountain range of Idubeda : their territory, consequently, embraced a portion of Murcia and Valencia. It had several ports, of which the most famous was Carthagena, built by the Carthaginians. To the north of this tribe were the Edetani. Their maritime coast was but small, extending only from the Sucro to the Uduba ; but to the north and west their territory stretched much more con- siderably. It comprised a portion of Valencia and Aragon. Its ports were numerous, the principal of which were the.Salduba, now Saragossa on the Ebro ; Valencia, and Saguntum, now Murviedro. The Ilercavones lay on the coast from the Uduba beyond the Iberus or Ebro, comprising a considerable portion of Valencia. From the Greeks, who at an early period entered into communica- tion with them, thc}^ learned the advantages of commerce. The Cosetani were also a maritime tribe, on tlie seacoast of Catalonia, as far as the River Llobregat : their capital was Tarrago, now Tarragona. The Laletani lay nearer to the Pyrenees, and extended to the Ter: their capital was the renowned city of Barcino, now Barce- lona, built by the Carthaginians. Between this people and the Pyrenees lay the Indigetes. On this coast the Greeks founded two flourishing colonies, Emporium, now Ampurias ; and Rhodia, now Rosas. To the west of these and of the Laletani were the Ilergetes. whose capital was Ilerda, now Lerida, and who were the most valiant of the tribes inhabiting Catalonia and Aragon. The xA.usetani and the Laletani either formed a portion of the same tribe or were dependent on tliem. EARLY HISTORY 11 The Celtiberians were a third and mixed race which seems at different periods to have possessed very different dimensions. In the most ancient times, on the junction of the Iberians and Celts, it must have comprised the greater part, if not the whole, of Spain. But when Celtiberia was restricted to the country- inhabited by a central people, as at the time of the Roman invasion, it comprised the Two Castiles ; subsequently, when the various tribes combined under Viriatus to shake off the Roman domination, it was still further circumscribed. But even in this period it was _Gl8fe wholly passed over in silence. Of these, one of the most famous was St. Aemi- lianus, or, as he is commonly named, St. Millan, who lived in the time of Leovigild, and whose actions and miracles were written by St. Braulio, bishop of Saragossa, in the following century. Of theologians there are a much greater number, but their works either slumber in the dust of libraries never, let us hope, to be disturbed ! or have perished. Out of the fifteen pompously enumerated by IMasdeu, not more than two or three appear worthy of notice. St. Leander. the elder brother of St. Isidore, must occupy the first place. This extraordinary man extraordinary rather for his actions than for his talents soon arrived at the bishopric of Seville. Equally ambitious and stern, he led the van of the Catholic clergy in opposition to the established faith of the Arians. But if the Goths, the Suevi, and the Vandals were no great admirers of civilization, if they held learning and the elegant arts of life in open contempt, they had many good qualities ; they were devout, temperate, frugal, honest, sincere, and open-liearted. If any faith is to be had in the invectives of the priest of Marseilles, St. Salvianus, who lived at the time of the barbaric invasion, these Northern strangers by their virtues put to shame the conduct of the natives. Though this is doubtless declamation. v,-e may readily believe that tlie Spanish character had been deplorably lowered by the corruptions of the Roman world, and that tin's corruption would be more manifest when contrasted with the austere virtues of the X'orthmcn. The latter preserved their moral superiority so long as they lived isolated from the natives so long' as a difi^erence of religion and the prohibition against intermarriages separated them from the subjugated people. But wlien first Recared. next Reces- wind. and still more the altered circimistances of the two nations, threw doAvn the harriers which had separated them, the Goths 60 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL began to acquire some of the vices of their Spanish brethren; their character rapidly dechned from its original integrity; they became luxurious, effeminate, averse to the fatigues no less than the dangers of war, and consequently insensible of honor. That the depravity of manners under three or four monarchs immediately preced- ing the Mohammedan invasion was very great, notwithstanding the severity of laws and canons, is indisputable from the chroniclers of the times, who represent the destruction of the monarchy as the work of offended Heaven. PART III THE PENINSULA UNDER THE ARABS AND THE MOORS. 711-1492 Chapter VI DOMINION OF THE ARABS. 711-1031 TARIK and Muza, whose exploits have been already related, are usually ranked among the Mohammedan viceroys of Spain. The authority of the former naturally expired on the arrival of his superior ; and when Muza at length obeyed the imperial summons to Damascus, Abdelasis, his son, became the lieutenant of the vicar of the prophet of God. The assassination of that prince in the mosque of Seville left the new conquests without a governor. Dispatching Habib to the court of Damascus with the head of the unfortunate emir, the Arab sheiks assembled to invest one of their body with that high dignity. The virtues and wisdom of Ayub ben Habib, the nephew of Muza, commanded their unani- mous suffrages. Nor did he prove unworthy of their choice. His justice, his mildness, his anxiety to receive and redress complaints, were gratefully witnessed by Mohammedans and Christians, espe- cially by those of Toledo and Saragossa ; and the erection of the fortress of Calat Ayub,^ near the site of the ancient Bibyllis, has also given perpetuity to his name. But Omar II., the successor of Suleyman, disdaining to recognize a governor not appointed by the sovereign authority of the caliph, and bearing, perhaps, much of his predecessor's ill will to the family of Muza, deposed Ayub, and nominated Alhaur ben Abderahman to the viceregal dignity. The new governor, by his severity, or by his rigorous, unsparing justice, caused the people to regret the mild firmness of his prede- cessor. Not even the rich boot}'- which he collected during an irrup- tion into Gothic Gaul could, it is said, satisfy his rapacity, and he extorted heavy sums from the people. In 721 A.D. Abderahman ben Abdalla was invested with the government of Spain, and the election was confirmed by the emir 1 Now Calatayud, a spirited little town of Aragon. Calat, a fortress, Ayub, of Ayub. 64 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 721-732 of Africa. This celebrated emir commenced his second adminis- tration by punishing such local governors as had been guilty of in- justice; by restoring to the Christians the property of which they had been deprived by Alhaitam, thereby perfecting the work of the caliph's envoy, and by distributing justice so impartially that the professors of neither faith could find reason to complain. But these cares, so honorable to his understanding and heart and in their effects so useful to his people, could not long divert him from the great design he had formed, that of invading the whole of Gaul. Just before the Mussulman army commenced its march, Othman, who still continued at his station in Gothic Gaul, very near to the Pyrenees, received orders to lay waste the province of Aquitaine. But Othman, or Manuza, was in no disposition to execute the order : he had seen with envy Abderahman preferred to himself, and his marriage with one of the daughters of Eudes, duke of Aquitaine, whom he passionately loved, rendered him more eager to cultivate the friendship than to incur the hostility of the Franks. Abderahman now commenced his momentous march (732 a.d.) in the hopes of carrying the banner of the prophet to the very shores of the Baltic. His progress spread dismay throughout Europe ; and well it might, for so formidable and destructive an armament Europe had not seen since the days of Attila. Conflagrations, ruins, the shrieks of violated chastity, and the groans of the dying rendered this memorable invasion more like the work of a demon than of a man. The flourishing towns of southern and central France, from Gascony to Burgundy and from the Garonne to the Loire, were soon transformed into smoking heaps. Li vain did Eudes strive to arrest the overpowering torrent by disputing the passage of the Dordogne ; his army was swept before it and he himself was com- pelled to become a suppliant to Charles, the mayor of the Franks. That celebrated hero, whose actions, administration, and numerous victories commanded the just admiration of the times, was no less anxious to become the savior of Christendom ; but he knew too well the magnitude of the danger to meet it by premature efforts, and he silently collected in Belgium and in Germany the elements of resistance to the dreaded inundation. When his measures were taken, he boldly advanced at the head of his combined Franks, Belgians, Germans, etc., towards the enemy, Avho had just reduced Tours and who was soon drawn up to receive him in the extended DOMINION OF THE ARABS 65 733-736 plain between that city and Poitiers. Neither captain was at first very wilHng to commence the combat: the Christian through a consciousness of his alarming inferiority in numbers, the Mussul- man through an apprehension that his followers would be more intent on preserving their plunder than their reputation. But both felt that it was inevitable, and after six days' skirmishing both advanced to the shock. The contest was long and bloody; the utmost valor was displayed by the two armies and the utmost ability by the two captains ; but in the end the impenetrable ranks, robust frames, and iron hands of the Germans turned the fortune of the day: when darkness arrived, an immense number of Saracen bodies, among which was that of Abderahman himself, covered the plain. This far-famed victory, which was obtained in the year 733, spread consternation throughout the Mohammedan world. Fortunately for Christendom, the domestic quarrels of the Mussul- mans themselves, the fierce struggles of their chiefs for the seat of the prophet, prevented them from universally arming to vindi- cate their faith and their martial reputation. This glorious event must be no less interesting to the lover of romance than the reader of history. The twelve peers of France and Britain, the renowned names of chivalry, the splendid creations of the Italian muse, owe their origin to this almost miraculous success of the Christians. Abdelmelic ben Cotan was nominated by the African emir to succeed Abderahman, and was soon afterwards commanded by the caliph to revenge the late disasters of the Mohammedan arms ; but such orders were more easily given than executed. The emir, indeed, passed the Pyrenees, but a complete panic seemed to have seized on his followers, who soon retreated, but were pursued and destroyed in the defiles of those mountains. He was superseded by Ocba ben Albegag, an officer who had acquired considerable celebrity in suppressing the revolts of the Mauritanians. Scarcely had Ocba landed in Spain than the restless bar- barians of ]\Iauritania again revolted, defeated and slew their gov- ernor, who hastened to subdue them, and triumphed over a new emir, at the liead of a powerful reinforcement from Egypt. Of this reinforcement the Syrians, under Thalaba ben Salema, and the Egyptians, under Baleg ben Bakir, were expelled from the coun- try and induced to seek refuge in Spain. Their arrival boded no good to the tranquillity of the Peninsula. In vain did Abdelmelic desire them not to advance farther than Andalusia, but disregard- 66 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 736 ing this they marched on Toledo and Cordova, which they hoped to seize before the emir, who was then at Saragossa, could oppose them. By forced marches, however, Abdelmelic reached Toledo in time to save it ; the assailants instantly raised the siege, and were pursued by his son, who cut off a considerable number in the retreat. Cordova also held out through the heroic resistance of Abderah- man, son of the virtuous Ocba, who appears to have inherited the noble qualities of his sire. But here the emir found the term of his success. The young Abderahman, listening only to his bravery, issued from the gates of Cordova and after an obstinate struggle was defeated by Baleg. Abdelmelic now tried negotiation in vain ; the Africans invested him in his last hold, and the inhabitants, hoping to obtain favor by his destruction, tied him to a post on the bridge of Cordova, and opened their gates to Baleg. The unfortunate emir was speedily beheaded, and the inhuman victor tumultuously proclaimed the governor of the faithful. Baleg did not long enjoy his usurped honors. Thalaba loudly asserted that the elevation of Baleg was illegal, since to the caliph alone belonged the right of nomination, and with his Syrians he retired towards Merida, At the same time the son of Ocba rallied the dispersed troops of the murdered Abdelmelic and marched against the usurper, thus critically weakened by the defection of Thalaba. The two armies met on the plains of Calatrava, midway between Cordova and Toledo. In the heat of the action the furious Baleg performed prodigies of valor. In the end justice triumphed ; Baleg fell, pierced by the scimitar of Abderahman ; the tyrant's forces fled, and the victor was hailed by the honorable surname of Almansor. But this event did not bestow tranquillity to Spain. Thalaba, no less ferocious than his rival, still remained, and was closely investing Merida. Being joined by the remnant of Baleg's troops, he soon forced the inhabitants to capitulate. Hence he returned to Cordova, where, in order to celebrate his success, he commanded the massacre of a thousand prisoners. But his thirst for blood was not to be gratified on this occasion. The approach of Husam ben Dhizar, surnamed Abulchatur, whom the caliph had sent to govern and tranquillize Spain, saved the destined victims, and Thalaba from his viceregal throne was removed to a dungeon in the fortress of Tangier. Above forty years had now elapsed since the first descent of DOMINION OF THE ARABS 67 755 the Alohammeclans, and in the whole of that period there had been but few intervals of tranquillity, or even of individual security. So mutable had been the government that twenty different emirs had been called, or had raised themselves, to direct it. Jealousy, hatred, distrust of one another, open revolt, successful rebellions, forced submission, and a longing for revenge, with regard to the viceroys, had perpetually signalized the administration of the Arabs. The caliphs were too remote and too much occupied with nearer interests to apply a reasonable remedy to those evils ; the governors of Alma- greb had lost their delegated jurisdiction; yet, at this very time, when no sheik or wali would recognize a superior when the Mohammedan society of the Peninsula was thus fearfully disor- ganized the Christians of the Asturias were consolidating their infant power, and were naturally alive to every advantage that could be gained over the odious strangers. The sober-judging chiefs of the latter saw the danger of their situation, and resolved, if possible, to avert it. About eighty of them secretly assembled at Cordova, when, laying aside all private ambition, they consulted as to the means of ending the civil war. They decided to establish a monarchy and offer the crown to Abderahman. The prince immediately accepted the proposal. " Noble depu- ties," said he, " I will unite my destiny with yours ; I will go and fight with you. I fear neither adversity nor the dangers of war; if I am young, misfortune, I hope, has proved me, and never yet found me wanting." The youth of the whole tribe were eager to accompany him, but he selected seven hundred and fifty well-armed horsemen for this arduous expedition. Abderahman landed on the coast of Andalusia in the early part of the year 755. The inhabitants of that province, sheiks and people, received him with open arms and made tlie air ring with their acclamations. TTis appearance, his station, his majestic mien, his open countenance, won upon tlie multitude even more perhaps than the prospect of the blessings which he v.'as believed to have in store for them. His march to Seville was one continued tri- umpli. Twenty thousand voices cheered his progress: twenty thousand scimiters, wielded by vigorous hands, were at his dis- posal. The surrounding towns immediately sent deputies with tlieir submission and the offer of their services. Yussuf, the chief emir, was in consternation at this desertion of the people; and he was nn less indi^'nant that the sheiks, his former creatures, slunild 68 SPAIN xVND T O 11 T U G A L 755 SO readily surrender their fortresses to the stranger. He was, how- ever, far from intimidated. One of his sons he intrusted with the defense of Cordova; another he placed over Valencia; a third he sent into ]\Iurcia, to maintain the Christian subjects of Athanagild in obedience ; while he himself, with his friend Samail, flew from province to province to raise troops. The son of Yussuf attempted to impede the march of Abderahman on the capital ; but he was defeated, and compelled precipitately to re-enter the city, which the conqueror invested. Hearing that Samail was advancing with 40,000 men to the relief of Cordova, the king left one-half of his army to prosecute the siege; while with the other half, consisting of no more than 10,000 horse, he advanced against the enemy, now joined by Yussuf, The disproportion of numbers in no way alarmed him, and on the day of battle he did not fail to raise the spirits of his followers by bold assurances, and promised them, be- fore nightfall, a glorious victory over the army of Yussuf. That emir, from his superiority in force, was no less confident of success. Though he and Samail fought with intrepidity, they had to oppose one more intrepid than themselves, one who rushed wherever the danger was greatest, and who at length forced both to seek safety in flight, the former in the west, the other in Murcia. Cordova capitulated with the victor : a great number of other cities volun- tarily surrendered. But two victories had not decided the fate of this martial country. Yussuf cjuickly repaired his losses, and with another army appeared on the field, though with diminished hopes. After some maneuvering the two enemies again encoun- tered each other near Almunecar. Yussuf and Samail fought for life, Abderahman for empire. The emir sustained a third defeat, more fatal than either of the two preceding: he and Samail were pursued to the rugged rocks that skirt the boundary of Elvira. Perceiving that longer resistance would be useless, the latter in- duced the emir, with much difficulty, to allow negotiations for peace. The king readily granted an amnesty and oblivion for the past on the condition that within a given time the fortresses which still held out should be surrendered. Abderahman had thus, in the short space of a year, triumphed over enemies formidable alike from their valor and numbers. His satisfaction was not a little increased by the birth of a son, whom he called Hixem, after his ancestors of that name. The peace which his arms had won allowed him leisure for the improvement DOMINION OF THE ARABS 69 758 of his capital. By stupendous embankments he narrowed the bed of the Guadalquivir; and the space thus rescued from the waters he transformed into extensive gardens, in the center of which a tower arose commanding a vast prospect. He is said to have been the first who transplanted the palm into the congenial climate of Spain; and by the Arabic poets of that country much credit is given him for verses written while contemplating that graceful tree. From such occupations the king was summoned by more ac- tive cares. The arrival of some illustrious Saracens, partisans of his house, and therefore obnoxious to Abul Abbas, whom he had specially invited, strengthened his hands. Them he appointed to honorable posts ; as also Samail, because the latter had inclined the emir to sue for peace. But Yussuf regretted his former power: and that regret was not diminished on finding that many sheiks were still attached, if not to his person, at least to his government, under which they had enjoyed more impunity than they could ever expect under the firmer administration of a king. Besides, the usual passions of our nature mortification at being overlooked in the dis- tribution of court favors ; jealousy, and even hatred, of the more successful would induce not a few in behalf of any change which promised to favor their ambition. Yussuf now took advantage of this state of peace ; he conspired with his old supporters ; lamented that he had given up Elvira and Granada, but resolved to retain possession of the fortresses he still held. He next raised troops and seized on the fort of Almodovar, Abdelmelic, governor of Seville, was sent by the king in 758 to crush the rebellion. After a series of unsuccessful maneuvers, Yussuf, whose preparations were not yet completed, fell in a battle near Lorca, and his head was sent by the victorious general to the king. According to the barbarous custom of the times, it was suspended from an iron hook over one of the public gates of Cordova. During the succeeding four years one insurrection only, and that of no moment, disturbed the repose of Abdcrahman. But he was now menaced by an enemy more powerful than any which had yet assailed him, and one of the last perhaps he would ever have dreamed of opposing. This was no other than Charlemagne, who poured his legions over the Pyrenees into the valleys of Catalonia. The motives which brought this emperor into Spain have been matter of mucli dispute between tlie historians of the two countries. TO SPAIN A N D PORT U GAL 777 Indeed, it is not easy to say what occasioned Charlemagne's extraor- chnary irruption into Navarre and Catalonia. The Arabian writers mention the fact, but they are evidently ignorant of the cause, so that all the information that can be found on the subject must be sought among the Christian historians. The life of Charlemagne, by his own secretary, Einhard or Eginhard, and other contemporary authorities prove beyond doubt that (probably in 'J']']^ an embassy arrived at the court of Charles requesting his aid for the viceroy of Catalonia against the Mo- hammedans, and offering him in the event of success the feudal supremacy. By whom that embassy was sent is not very clear, but apparently it was dispatched by one Ben Alarabi of Saragossa. What is undoubted is that the offer was accepted, and that a powerful army, in two columns, passed the Pyrenees. The glory of humbling the Mohammedan faith in Spain would doubt- less have much weight with this Christian emperor, but from his subsequent acts we may be excused for suspecting that policy, and even ambition, had as much influence over liim as tlie interests of religion. He himself headed the division which passed into Navarre through Gascony, and his first conquest was the Christian city of Pampeluna. The walls he leveled with the ground, and thence proceeded to Saragossa to effect a junction with the other divisions of his army, which had marched by way of Roussillon. That city quickly owned his supremacy, and so also, we are told, did Gerona, Huesca, and Barcelona, the government of which he confided to the sheiks who had invited him into the Peninsula and had aided him with their influence. If the testimony of Eginhard be admissible, the whole country, from the Iberus to the Pyrenees, in like manner owned his authority. How far he might have carried his arms had not the revolt of the Saxons summoned him to a more urgent scene, it would be useless to conjecture, but that he meditated the subjugation of the Peninsula, of the portions held by the Christians, as well as those subject to the misbelievers, may be reasonably inferred both from his immense preparations and from the admission of the most ancient historians of that period. The inaction of Abderahman shows plainly enough that he was unable to cope with the imperial forces ; but the result of this expedition must be acknowledged as inglorious to Charle- magne. Scarcely had that monarch passed the Pyrenees when Abderahman recovered Saragossa and the t)ther places which had DOMINION OF THE ARABS 71 787 yielded and Abderahman was freed from the formidable invader, though still subject to the curse of domestic sedition. Towards the close of his reign Abderahman convoked at Cordova the walis of the six great provinces, Toledo, Merida, Saragossa, Valencia, Granada, and Murcia ; the walis of the twelve cities next in importance, with the wazirs of both, and his chief counselors, for the purpose of naming his successor. As had been long anticipated, his choice fell on Hixem, the youngest and best beloved of his sons, who received the homage of the assembled chiefs. Solyman and Abdalla, who were present at the ceremony, showed no discontent doubtless because they dared not at this preference of a younger brother. Abderahman died in 787. The chief features of his character were honor, generosity, and intrepidity, with a deeply rooted regard for the interests of justice and religion. His views for a Mussulman were enlightened, and his sentiments liberal. Mis- fortune had been his schoolmaster, and he profited by its lessons. He was an encourager of literature, as appears from the number of schools he founded and endowed; of poetry, in particular, he must have been fond or he would not have cultivated it himself. In short, his highest praise is the fact that Mohammedan Spain wanted a hero and legislator to lay the first stone of her prosperity, and that she found both in him. Hixem ben Abderahman, surnamed Alhadi Rhadi, the Just and the Good, was immediately proclaimed at IMerida, whither he had accompanied his dying father, and his elevation was hailed by tlie acclamations of all Spain. His mildness of manner, his love of justice, his liberal and enlightened views afforded his people good ground to hope for a happy reign. But its commencement did not correspond with the general wish, though that commencement could scarcely be unexpected. Both his brothers revolted, notwithstand- ing tlie anxiety of the king to live with them on terms of fraternal affection. The success v;ith which Hixem had crushed these formidable insurrections roused within him the latent sjiarks of aml)ition ; he now aspired to conquests not only in the Asturias, but in Gothic Ciaul. He proclaimed the Algihcd. or Holy War, which every Mussulman was bound to aid, if young, by personal service, if rich and adx'anced in years, bv the contribution of horses, arms, or money. Two formidable armies were immediately ]nit in motion; 72 SPAIN AND rORTUGAL 798-808 one 39,000 strong, which was headed by the hagib or prime minister, marched into the Asturias; the other, which was still more numer- ous, was under the orders of Abdalla ben Abdelmelic, advanced towards the Pryenees. His ill or, at most, very partial success seems to have damped the ambition of Hixem. He now applied himself exclusively to the arts of peace, to the encouragement of science, of religion, and of learning, and to the welfare of his people. In the seventh year of his reign he caused his son Alhakem to be recognized as his succes- sor, and died in a few months afterwards (in 796), universally la- mented by his subjects. The reign of Alhakem was one of extreme agitation. No sooner were his uncles acquainted with the death of the able and virtuous Hixem than they resolved to assert their rights of primo- geniture. Without difficulty Abdalla seized on Toledo, while Soly- man, from his residence at Tangier, caused his gold to be lavishly distributed among such chiefs as he knew were friendly to his cause. Toledo was immediately invested, but as the king suddenly departed for Catalonia, to recover some conquests made by the Franks, the siege was prosecuted with little vigor. On his trium- phant return, however, and on his obtaining a signal victory over his rebel uncles, the place capitulated to his general, Amru. After this defeat Solyman and Abdalla retreated through the mountains to Valencia. They were pursued by the king, who again triumphed over them, and more signally than before, Solyman being left dead on the field. During this revolt, as just stated, the Franks, after reducing Narbonne, invaded Catalonia. They were invited by some Moorish rebels, who sighed after independence, or at most a nomi- nal dependence on the emperor. The wars which followed were to both parties diversified in success, and were frequently suspended by mutual agreement. While these transactions were passing in Catalonia, Alfonso the Chaste, king of the Asturias, was eager to profit by the division in his favor. To punish his revolt in 801, Alhakem ascended the Fbro from Saragossa and ravaged his eastern territories. In 808 Alfonso crossed the Duero, invaded Lusitania, and took Lisbon. Alhakem hastened to the theater of war and obtained some successes, but as Alfonso probably retired before him, and as the operations became tedious and indecisive, he at Icngtli returned to his capital. DOMINION OF THE ARABS 73 821-850 leaving the command of the army to Abdalla ben Malchi and Abdal- kerim. This was the time for the Christian king to assume the offen- sive : he gained first a signal victory over Abdalla in Gallicia, who fell on the field, and next over the other general, whom he routed in like manner, and whom in a second action he not only defeated, but slew. Abderahman now advanced, defeated Alfonso on the banks of the Duero, took Zamora, and compelled that king to sue for peace. Internally the reign of Alhakem was no less troubled. Scarcely was the rebellion of his uncles repressed when the tyranny of Yussuf ben Amru occasioned great disorders in Toledo. About the same time a conspiracy was formed in Cordova itself, the object of which was to assassinate Alhakem and to raise a grandson of the first Abderahman to the vacant throne. The fatal secret was revealed to the monarch's private ear by one of the sons and hostages of his uncle Abdalla, whose fortunes it was intended to raise. The very day on which this tragedy was to be perpetrated three hundred gory heads were exhibited in the most public part of Cordova, Had his own been there, instead of them, no public sorrow would have been manifested. His severity, we may add, his cruelty, and still more, perhaps, his recent treaty with Alfonso, rendered him no favorite with the people. From this moment Alhakem, who acquired the surname of the Cruel, was torn by incessant remorse. His imagination was con- tinually haunted by the specters of his murdered people. Solitude was intolerable and sleep almost impossible. In 821 the tyrant breathed his last. Abderahman 11. had long made himself beloved, both in a private capacity and as the deputy of his father : happines was as mucli hoped from his reign, and as much was it alloyed by many misfortunes. The first was the hostile arrival of his great uncle, Abdalla, son of Abderahman I., who, though on the verge of the tomb, resolved to strike another blow for empire. With his treasures this restless old man had raised troops, and caused himself to be proclaimed king. He was speedily defeated by his active kinsman, and was pursued to Valencia, within the walls of which he took shelter. In his transactions with the Christians of the Asturias and Cata- lonia Abderahman was more fortunate than his two predecessors. Barcelona was recovered by the Alohammedan forces; and the in- fiuence of the Franks was still farther weakened bv the revolt oi 74 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 850-859 Aizo, one of their counts. Three armies of Franks successively ap- peared in Spain, but effected nothing; while a Mohammedan fleet burned the suburbs of Marseilles. In fact, most of the petty sovereignties which France had founded were either subject to the Moors or were aiming at independence. In 850 Abderahman caused his son Mohammed to be acknowl- edged wali alhadi. In 852 he died, universally lamented by his people. The reign of Mohammed I. contains little to strike the at- tention. He was always at war, either with the Asturians or his own subjects. Ramiro, Ordono, and Alfonso III. successively defeated his best troops and gradually enlarged their dominions. Not that no victories were gained by him or his generals. Two are espe- cially named, one in Navarre, the other in Alva; but they were without result, while those of the Christians were generally fol- lowed by the reduction of some town or fortress. Alfonso amplified the Christian states nearly one-half: to Galicia and the Asturias he added the rest of Leon, Old Castile, Estremadura, and a consider- able portion of Lusitania. To account for this increased success we must take into consideration the increased strength of the Chris- tian monarchs, who were acknowledged lords paramount over Castile and Navarre,- and the weakness of the kingdom of Cordova, occasioned by its internal dissensions. Mohammed was ultimately more successful in his contests with his subjects than with his natural enemies. Of the difficulty, how- ever, with which this success was obtained, Muza ben Zeyad, the wali of Saragossa, and Omar, a bandit chief, afford us abundant proof. Muza and his son, who was wali of Toledo, withstood a siege of five or six years witliin that ancient Christian capital, and when it was compelled to capitulate (in 859) they contrived to effect their escape. Mohammed now advanced to chastise the dar- ing rebel. Omar, seeing that open resistance would be unavailing, had recourse to cunning. By his messengers he persuaded the king that his only object in arming was to fall on the Christians, his allies, that he was still a true professor of Islam, and loyal to his legiti- mate ruler. Mohammed praised him for his policy, promised to reward him with a good government, and actually sent his nephew, Zeid ben Cassim, with a body of Valencian cavalry to strengthen Omar. The prince and his followers were received with respect, 2 Castile was held as a fief of the crown of tlie Asturias and Leon; it was formed as a barrier against the Moliammedan inroads. DOMINION OF THE ARABS 75 859-888 but were assassinated the very night of their reaching the camp of their treacherous alhes. Mohammed swore to be revenged, and ordered his valiant son Almondhir with the chief force of his king- dom to crush the perfidious outlaw. Omar escaped into the Pyre- nees, exhorting his remaining followers to submit, but promising that if his life w^ere spared he would again be in the field with a new army. He kept his word. He offered his services to the Navarrese, gained them many fortresses, and received from them the title of king. He defeated the united forces of the wali of Sara- gossa and the alcaid of Huesca, and conquered the whole country as far as the Ebro. This time the king in person, with his son Almondhir and his best officers, hastened to the field. Omar en- deavored to avoid an open engagement, but was forced to defend himself, and was defeated and slain. If to these agitating scenes we add a drought of a year's dura- tion, the third which had visited Spain within the short period of twenty years ; an earthquake which swallowed several towns, and another invasion of the Normans, who ruined the places on the coast of Andalusia and plundered the superb mosque of Algeziras, some idea may be formed of the disasters of this reign. The death of Mohammed was sudden. One summer evening he was seated in his garden, conversing w'ith several of his minis- ters and servants. "How happy is the condition of kings!'' exclaimed Haxem ben Abdelasis, the courtly wali of Jaen : "for them the pleasures of life are expressly made." " The path of kings," replied the more experienced monarch, " is indeed, in appearance, strewed with flowers ; but thou seest not that these roses have their thorns." While uttering these commonplace truths, and little above commonplace observation is to be found in the whole range of Mohammedan wisdom, he little thought his own term was so near. He retired to rest, but awoke no more on earth. Almondhir, who in his father's lifetime had been declared wali alhadi, ascended the throne with the prospects of a happy reign, but these prospects were soon to be blasted, for in the second year of his reign he fell in battle with the fonnidable Calib ben Omar. The reign of Abdalla, the brother and successor of Almondhir, was destined to be as troubled as anv of his predecessors. One of the first revolts was headed by his eldest son ?vIohammed, who was dissatisfied, first with the restoration of the sons of Haxem, his 76 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 888-918 personal enemies, to the favor of the king, and next, perhaps, with his own dependent situation. He was joined by his brother Alkas- sim and by the chief wahs of Andalusia. After various alter- nations of fortune he was defeated by his younger brother Ab- derahman, was severely wounded in the battle, and w^as consigned to a dungeon by the victor, until the king's pleasure could be known. There he died, whether in consequence of his wounds or by vio- lence is uncertain, Alkassim was pardoned, but ere long he en- gaged in another rebellion and lost his liberty. Abdalla died in 912, leaving behind him the character of a mild, just, and enlightened ruler. On the death of Abdalla the throne of Mohammedan Spain was filled by Abderahman III., son of the rebel prince Mohammed who had so mysteriously died in prison, and, therefore, grandson of Abdalla. Why the deceased king did not procure the elevation of his own son Abderahman, surnamed Almudafar, or the Victorious, surprised many, but grieved none. Though Almudafar was a hero and had even been the firmest support of the throne, his disposition was stern and his heart unrelenting; while the young Abderahman, from his mildness of manner, his generosity, and his astonishing progress in learning, was the universal favorite of the nation. All testified unfeigned joy when Abdalla, from his bed of death, set aside the dark and gloomy Almudafar from the suc- cession and caused the hopeful Abderahman to be acknowledged as wall alhadi. The pacification of his kingdom allowed Abderahman leisure to dream of ambition, which opportunity seasonably aided. Yahia ben Edris, the eighth sovereign of Fez, besieged in his capital by Obeidala, the first caliph of the Fatimites, could escape subjugation only by tlie ofl^er of all his treasures and by renouncing his inde- pendence. But this inglorious security was of short duration : the emir of Mequinez, Aben Alafia, entered his capital, and compelled him to flee. But the most memorable of the warlike exploits of this king were against the Christians of Leon and the Asturias. Soon after the accession of Abderahman, Ordon 11. invaded the Mo- hammedan possessions, and, if any faith is to be had in the chron- iclers of his nation, he ruined Talavcra, and obtained many other advantages, of which, however, not the slightest mention is made by the Mohammedan writers. In his internal administration Abderahman was distincfuislied D O lAI I N I O N O F T H E A 11 A 13 S 77 912-961 for great capacity of mind, for unbounded liberality, for unrivaled magnificence, and for inflexible justice. The foundation of the palace and town of Medina-Azhara, about two leagues from Cor- dova, the former distinguished for all the splendor of art and wealth, the latter for a mosque which rivaled that of Cordova, attested his taste and luxury. The years of Abderahman III., from 912 to 961, are called the most brilliant period in the history of the Spanish Arabs. That 6^Y OF Biscay H POLITICAL. DIVISIONS or SPAIN*- PORTUGAL AD .910. commerce flourished, and riches were accumulated in an unexampled degree ; that a powerful navy was formed and maintained in full activity; that the arts and sciences were cultivated with ardor, be- cause their professors were rewarded with princely liberality; that many splendid public works were undertaken in the principal towns of Mohammedan Spain ; that the king was the friend of industry, of merit, and of poverty; that his fame was so widely diffused as to bring even rich embassies from Constantinople; are undoubted and indisputed facts. But if this reign was the most magnificent, was it also the most powerful era of Arabian domination? Nearly one-half of it v/as spent in subduing rebels, who set that power at open defiance; and if the Christians made no new conquests, they suffered none to be taken from them. The military force of the kingdom was as great, and that king(l(^m itself much more extended, in the reign of Abdcraliman 1.. who will scarcelv suffer l)v a com- 78 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 965-1002 parison with his more renowned successor in any of the quahties necessary to form a great monarch. But each, though sometimes in a different way, sought the prosperity of the country, and each had reason to exult in his success. Alhakem II,, the son and successor of Abderahman, inherited all the great qualities of his father. He was, however, averse to war, fond of tranquillity, and immoderately attached to literature. His agents were constantly employed in the East in purchasing scarce and curious books : he himself wrote to every author of repu- tation for a copy of that author's works, for which he paid royally ; and wherever he could not purchase a book, he caused it to be tran- scribed. By this means he collected an extensive library, the un- finished catalogue of which, in the time of Aben Hayan, reached forty-four volumes. His reign is the golden age of Arabian litera- ture in Spain. As Hixem II., the son and successor of Alhakem, was but eleven years old when he ascended the throne, the regency was con- ferred by the queen-mother on her secretary, Mohammed ben Ab- dalla, a man of great genius, valor, and activity. Mohammed, better known as Almansor, may, in fact, be regarded as the king, for he alone throughout life governed the realm. Hixem was too feeble, too despicable, too much addicted to slothful pleasures, to command even the passing notice of the people. The wars of Almanscfr with the Christians, w^hich proved so fatal to them, oc- cupy the most prominent part of the administration. In the year looi the Mohammedan army, in two formidable bodies, ascended the Duero and encountered the Christians in the vicinity of Calat Ahosor, a place between Soria and Medina Coeli. That the loss on both sides was immense may well be concei\-ed from the des- perate valor of the two armies. If x-Mmansor by his frequent and impetuous assaults broke the adverse line, it was soon re-formed, and the next moment saw the Christians in the very heart of tlie infidels. Almansor died August 14. T002. He was fomied for a great so\-ereign. He was not only the most al:)le of generals and the most valiant of soldiers, but he was an eiilightened states- man, an active governor, an encourager of science and tlic arts, and a magnificent rewarder of merit. His loss was fatal to Cordova. In limited monarchies, where the empire of the laws is supreme, and where the higher dignities m;iy be attained by the meritorious, howe\er liumble in tlieir condition of life, the chasm occasioned DOMINION OF THE ARABS 79 1006-1009 by the loss of such a man is filled up by a suitable successor; but in a despotic state, where the person is everything and the laws nothing, and where, as there are no certain rewards for merit, merit will seldom be found, the removal of the guiding hand of an able ruler may precipitate the whole machine into the gulf of ruin. The Cordovans, and, indeed, the whole Mussulman population of Spain, seem to have been seized with just apprehensions for the fate of the monarchy. Their hero and father was no more, and his loss was little likely to be repaired under so imbecile and despicable a ruler as Hixem. The national sorrow, indeed, was mitigated for a moment by the appointment of Abdelmelic, his son, to the vacant post of hagib. This minister promised to tread in the steps of his illustrious father : his administration both in Africa and Spain was signalized by great spirit and valor. On his return from one of his predatory inroads for such were his expeditions into Estre- madura, he was seized with excruciating pains the effect, probably, of poison, and died in 1006, in the seventh year of his adminis- tration. \\^ith him ended the prosperity of Mohammedan Spain. Abderahman, the brother of Abdelmelic, was next advanced to the post of hagib. Vain, thoughtless, and dissipated, his kindred qualities made him dear to the worthless Hixem who made him his successor; but the race of the Omeyas was not extinct, and Mo- hammed, a prince of that house, hastened to the frontier, collected partisans, and returned to Andalusia. Abderahman, who was not deficient in courage and whose pretensions had gained him many ad- herents, left Cordova, to crush the dangerous rebellion. But Mo- hammed was too wily for the minister. Hearing that the capital was left undefended, he divided his forces into two bodies, left one to oppose Abderahman, while with the other he rapidly marched on the city, forcibly seized on the palace and king, and proclaimed the deposition of the hagib. The latter furiously hastened to Cordova, and attempted to enter the town in opposition to the entreaties of his officers; but his entry v>-as disputed not only by tlie troops of ]\Io- hammed, but by the fickle mob, who to-day cliaracteristically joined in breaking the idol they had worshiped yesterday. He endeavored U) retreat, but in vain. He was speedily surrounded, was wounded, taken, and crucified by the barbarous victor on the i8th day of Jumadi I., a.it. 399.'' ?^[ol:r>inmecl was appointed liagil), but aspiring to be king, ' The fir^t day of this year corresponds witli September 4, 1008. Whence January 17, a.d. loog. 80 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1012-1015 secretly imprisoned Hixem, announced his death, and proclaimed his own succession. But the dangerous example which he him- self had set of successful rehellion was too attractive not to be followed, and his own acts hastened the invitation. Incensed against the African guard which had supported the factions of Abderahman, he dissolved that formidable body, and ordered them to be expelled the city. They naturally resisted, but with the aid of the populace he at length forced them beyond the walls, and threw them the head of their chief. The exasperated Africans swore to be revenged, and proclaimed Solyman, or Suleiman, of the royal blood of the Omeyas, the successor of Hixem. Solyman began his reign for so long as Hixem lived he can- not be properly ranked among the kings of Cordova by rewarding his adherents in the most lavish manner. He confirmed them, as he had promised, in the hereditary possession of their fiefs, thus engrafting on a strangely foreign stock the feudal institution of more northern nations. This was the signal for the creation of numerous independent sovereignties, and consequently for the ruin of Mohammedan Spain. The hagib Hairan, who had escaped to his government of Al- meria, swore to be revenged on this new^ usurper. As, however, no forces which he could bring into the field could contend for a moment with those of Solyman, he passed over to Ceuta, to interest the governor, Ali ben Hamad, in his project. He represented to that wali the odium in which the usurper was held by the ]\Ioham- medans, intimated his belief that Hixem 3'et lived, and urged AH to arm in favor of suffering royalty. The latter swore to avenge his injured monarch, and wuth his brother Alcassim he commenced hostilities in Andalusia. After some rapid successes they and Hairan were met by Solyman in the environs of Almunecar. See- ing their numbers, and perhaps distrusting the fidelity of his troops, the king endeavored to avoid a general action, but being forced by Ali into an unfavorable position, he was compelled to fight. The contest w'as indecisive ; nor in the desultory twelve-months' warfare w'hich followed could either boast of much advantage. In the end, however, Solyman was forsaken by most of the walls, his allies they can no longer be called subjects; his troops deserted to swell the ranks of his enemy, and in a battle near Seville his .Vndalusian adherents turned against him, and thereby decided his fate. He perished by the hands of the victor in 1015. DOMINION OF THE ARABS 81 1018-1023 By his followers Ali was proclaimed king of Mohammedan Spain, but not until search had been vainly made for Hixem. The crown was not destined to sit more lightly on his head than on that of his immediate predecessor. The walis of Seville, Merida, Toledo, and Saragossa did not condescend to answer the letters announcing his succession; and even Hairan, who had zealously labored for his elevation, forsook him. This restless man, intent on breaking the work of his own hands, joined the disaffected walis; called all the faithful to arms, to restore some one of the immediate descendants of the great Abderahman. The multitude began to feel some affection for their ancient kings, or rather to contrast the advantages once possessed under their scepter, with the anarchy, the desolation, and the misery of the present condition. The wall of Jaen, Abderahman Almortadi, was proclaimed king in that city, and measures were taken to depose the reigning usurper. For some time, indeed, these measures were vain; Hairan was thrice defeated, and, on the last occasion, beheaded by Ali. The victor returned triumphant to Cordova, but he found an enemy where he least expected one ; he was stifled in the bath by his Slavonic at- tendants, and the report circulated that his death was natural. If the murderers of Ali committed the deed at the instigation of the walis in the interests of Abderahman, their object was not gained, for Alcassim ben Hamud, brother of the deceased king, seized on the throne. Alcassim, on his entrance into Cordova, was welcomed by none of the inhabitants, who justly dreaded his vindictive character. While wreaking his vengeance, as before, on such as he even suspected, a powerful conspiracy was silently formed to dethrone him. When this intelligence was known at Cordova, the Almeris, or party of the family of the great Almansor, which acted a conspicuous part in all these commotions and which adhered to the fortunes of the Omeyas, proclaimed as king Abderahman ben Hixem, brother of the usurper Mohammed. Abderahman V. (the IVth was the sovereign of Jaen, Abderah- man Almortadi, of whom little is known) had virtues worthy of any throne, but in an age so licentious as his they could not fail to hasten his ruin. His first object was to reform his guards, whose dis- orders had long been unrepressed, and whose worst atrocities none of his immediate predecessors dared to punish. They became dis- contented and mutinous. Mohammed ben Abderahman, cousin of the king, a man of boundless wealth, fomented their dissatisfaction: 82 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1023-1026 he succeeded, too, in corrupting the chief nobles of the city. In the silence of night he armed a resolute band of his creatures, who hastened to the palace and massacred the soldiers on duty. The king awoke, but before he had time to escape his bedchamber was entered, and he was pierced with a thousand wounds, after a reign of only forty-seven days. The conspirators, displaying their bloody poniards, tumultuously ran along the streets of Cordova and proclaimed their employer. While Mohammed II. thus reaped the reward of his crime, Yahia, who had received the expected aid from Africa, resumed his activity. He besieged Xeres and "took his uncle, whom he threw into prison. Meanwhile Mohammed II. imposed contributions on the inhabitants of the capital : in return, the mob demanded a cer- tain number of heads, and concluded by threatening both him and his hagib. In a panic of fear he made a final adieu to the delicious abode of Azhara, and with his family reached the province of Toledo. By the Alcaid of Ucles he was received with much outward respect, but in a few days poison ended his guilty life, after a despic- able reign of seventeen months. No sooner was Yahia acquainted with the flight of ]\Iohammed than he received a deputation from the inhabitants of Cordova, who offered him the vacant throne. He testified some, probably seem- ing, reluctance to accept it; but the eagerness with which the people of that capital welcomed his approach made him anticipate a more peaceful reign than had fallen to the lot of his late predecessors. He was soon undeceived : several walis refused to do homage ; the wali of Seville openly insulted his authority. This powerful and ambitious governor, by name Mohammed, heard without ap- prehension that the king was marching to punish him. He drew Yahia into an ambuscade in the vicinity of Ronda. where the latter, after a desperate struggle, perished on the seventh day of the moon r\Ioharram. a.ii. 417.'* The next prince on whom the choice of the Cordovans fell, Hixem III., brother of Abderahman Almortadi, was naturallv loath to accept a crown which had destroyed so many of its wearers. Besides, he was unaffectedly attached to private life. In tlie end, however, forced rather than persuaded to relinquish his scruples, lie left his retirement. Knowing the inconstancy of the populace tlie real sovereign of the state he proceeded, not to t Fcbruarv 28, 1026. a.d. DOMINION OF THE ARABS 83 1031-1238 Cordova, but to the frontiers, to repel an invasion of the Christians. It was, indeed, time to oppose an enemy which, during the recent troubles, had reduced a considerable portion of Lusitania and much even of New Castile. The kings of Leon and Navarre, and the count of Barcelona, seemed by tacit compact to have suspended their own animosities and resolved to share the spoils of their falling rival. Hixem might for a time reduce the Leonese to inaction, but he could scarcely hope to obtain any decided success ; and we accord- ingly hear nothing of his exploits during the three years he remained on the frontiers. At the end of that time the murmurs of his subjects, who insisted on seeing their king, compelled him to visit Cordova. He was received by the giddy populace with the ac- customed shouts of applause. But the walls resisted his authority. To reduce them to obedience he took the field, but though he was at first victorious, he soon found they were too pow^erful for him, and he was compelled to treat with open rebels. Unhappily, he had but too much reason to find that neither private virtues nor public services have much influence over the bulk of mankind, and that the absolute king who has not the power to make himself feared will not long be suffered to reign. During the night of the 12th day of Dilcagiad, a. 11. 422,'''' a licentious mob paraded the streets of Cor- dova and loudly demanded his deposition. He did not wait the effects of their violence : with unfeigned satisfaction he retired to private life, in which he passed unmolested the remainder of his days. The remembrance of his virtues long survived him, and by all the Arabic writers of his country he is represented as too good for his age. With Hixem III. ended the caliphat of the West and the noble race of Omeya. If the succession was interrupted by Ali, and AI- cassim, and Yahia, who, though descended from a kindred stock, were not of the same family, that interruption was l)nt momentary, especially as Abderahman IV. reigned at Jaen, wliile the two last princes were acknowledged at Cordova. From this period (a.d. 1031) to the estalilisliment of the kingdom of Granada in a.d. 1238 there was no supreme chief of ^Mohammedan Spain, if we except the fleeting conquerors who arrived from Africa and the fa1)ric of whose dominion was as suddenly destroyed as it was erected. The portion of the country free from the progressive approaches of the (liristian sovereignty was to be governed by in- "' A.M. 422 opened Dcceuiber 28, a.d. 1030. Whence November 29, loji. 84 SPAIN AND TORTUGAL 1031-1238 dependent petty kings, whose reigns occupy the first portion of the ensuing chapter. Vicious as is the constitution of all Mohammedan governments, and destructible as are the bases on which they are founded, the reader cannot fail to have been struck with the fate of this great kingdom. It can scarcely be said to have declined ; it fell at once. Not thirty years have elapsed since the great Almansor wielded the resources of Africa and Spain and threatened the entire destruc- tion of the Christians, whom he had driven into an obscure corner of this vast peninsula. Now Africa is lost; the Christians hold two-thirds of the country; the petty but independent governors, the boldest of whom trembled at the name of Almansor, openly insult the ruler of Cordova, whose authority extends little further than the walls of his capital. Assuredly, so astounding a catastrophe has no parallel in all history. Other kingdoms, indeed, as power- ful as Cordova have been as speedily, perhaps, deprived of their independence ; but if they have been subdued by invading enemies, their resources, their vigor, to a certain extent their greatness, have long survived their loss of that blessing. Cordova, in the very full- ness of her strength, was torn to pieces by her turbulent children. Chapter VII DOMINION OF THE AFRICANS. 1031-1238 THE decline and dissolution of the Mohammedan mon- archy, or Western cahphat, afforded the ambitious local governors throughout the Peninsula the opportunity for which they had long sighed, that of openly asserting their inde- pendence of Cordova and of assuming the title of kings. The wali of Seville, Mohammed ben Ismail ben Abid, whose victory over Yahia has been already recorded, appears to have been the first to assume the powers of royalty; and he showed that he knew how to use them with as much impunity as sovereigns of more sounding pretensions: without condescending to inquire whether the throne of Cordova was filled or vacant, he declared war against the self- elected king of Carmona, Mohammed ben Abdalla, on whose cities, Carmona and Ecija, he had cast a covetous eye. But Cordova, however weakened, was not willing thus sud- denly to lose her hold on her ancient subjects: she resolved to elect a sovereign who should endeavor to subdue these audacious rebels and restore her ancient splendor. The disasters which had ac- companied the last reigns of the Omeyan princes had strongly in- disposed the people to the claims of that illustrious house. After a deliberation proportioned to the magnitude of the interests in- volved, the inhabitants threw their eyes on Gehwar ben Muhammed, a chief of great prudence and of considerable enterprise, who was persuaded to undertake the arduous duties of government. But Gehwar had seen too much of popular inconstancy to incur the same fatal responsibility as his immediate predecessors. To diminish the odium invariably attached to failure, he surrounded himself by a council which comprised some of the most distinguished citizens, and without the advice of which he undertook no one thing, not even the nomination to public offices. Of that council he was but the president, possessing but one vote like the remaining mem- bers ; so that Cordova presented the appearance rather of a republic than of a monarchy. But the same success did not attend him in 86 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1043-1060 his efforts to restore the supremacy of Cordova. Some of the walis whom he summoned to take the usual oath of fidehty excused them- selves on various grounds; others plainly replied that he must not expect to rule over any other city than the one he inhabited: the wall of Toledo advised him to be grateful to the moderation of men who allowed him to retain Cordova. After triumphing over some neighboring kings who dreaded his increasing power, the sovereign of Seville prepared to invade the possessions of Gehwar; but death surprised him before those preparations were completed. His son, Mohammed Almoateded, who succeeded him, was as ambitious as himself, but more luxur- ious. But this ostentatious luxury did not divert him from treading in the steps of his able father. He seized on Huelva, Niebla, and Gibraltar, and aimed at the reduction of Carmona, which his father had been unable to effect. Though the fate of the last-named place was suspended for some years by the energetic resistance of its ruler, in 1052 it capitulated. All southern Andalusia was now in the power of Almoateded, yet his ambition was far from satisfied. For some time he remained in alliance with Mohammed, the son and successor of Gehwar on the throne of Cordova ; but he had resolved to gain possession of that ancient capital, w^hether by force or stratagem imported him little. That oppor- tunity arrived in 1060. The troops of Mohammed had just been defeated by Aben Dylnun, w^ho followed up the success by investing Cordova. The king was too much weakened by sickness to meet the impending danger, and Abdelmelic was too feeble to avert it by his own unassisted arm. The latter prince hastened to Seville and implored the immediate aid of his friend. That friend arrived at the head of a considerable army and with the aid of the citizens totally routed the forces of Dylnun. But while Abdelmelic was pursuing the fugitives the unprincipled ally moved his army on the city, took it, and made the unsuspecting Mohammed prisoner. The shock was too great for the shattered nerves of the son of Gehwar, who soon expired of a broken heart. The fate of Abdel- melic was no less melancholy. On returning to the capital which his valor had been instrumental in saving, he w-as refused admis- sion, and was at the same instant surrounded and made a prisoner by the troops of his perfidious ally. Being consigned to a dungeon in one of the city towers, his wounds, and still more the indignation which he felt at hearing Almoateded loudly liailcd as sovereign by DOMINION OF AFRICANS 87 1064-1085 the despicable populace, or perhaps a violent death, soon re- united him with his unfortunate father. The king- of Toledo was eager to erase the shame of his defeat under the walls of Cordova, but he dreaded the power of Almo- ateded and endeavored to strengthen himself by alliances. His son-in-law, the king of Valencia, refused to aid him doubtless through fear of the Sevillian king. In a transport of fury he de- parted for Valencia at the head of his cavalry, surprised the place, deposed and exiled his son-in-law, and caused himself to be pro- claimed (1064). But though he triumphed over some allies of Mohammed, the son and successor of Almoateded, though he vanquished the general of that prince, though during the absence of Mohammed he surprised both Cordova and Seville, his success was transient : he was besieged in the latter city by his active enemy, and died there at the moment Mohammed was advancing to take it by storm. The troops of the deceased king precipitately left the place; Cordova was recovered with little difficulty; Murcia, the ally of Toledo, was soon occupied by the conquering Mohammed ; Baeza, and other neighboring cities, shared the same fate : in short, after so many years of continued warfare, the king of Seville and Cor- dova became, not merely the most powerful, but almost the only independent sovereign of Mohammedan Spain. Yahia Alkadia, the son and successor of Aben Dylnun on the throne of Toledo, inherited neither the courage nor the abilities of that prince. Sunk in the lowest sensuality, he regarded with indifference the growing success of Mohammed. He becafne at length so contemptible that his very subjects rose and expelled him. He applied for aid to the ally of his father, Alfonso VI., king of Leon, but that prince, though under the greatest obligations to the memory of the father, was persuaded by the king of Seville to adopt a hostile policy towards the son. Though Yahia was restored to his throne by the king of Badajoz, his destiny, as a Alohammedan would term it, was not to be avoided. His states were laid waste and his capital invested by the Christian king. His situation was now critical : in vain did the king of Badajoz advance to his assist- ance. The victorious Alfonso triumphed over all opposition, and prosecuted the siege with a vigor which might have shown the misbelievers how formidable an enemy awaited them all, and how necessary were their combined efforts to resist him. But Moham- med, the only enemy whom the Christian licro had to dread, was no 88 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1085-1086 less occupied in deriving his share of the advantages secured by the treaty, in reducing the strong towns of Murcia and Granada. After a siege of three years Toledo was reduced to the last extrem- ity and was compelled to capitulate. On the 25th of May, 1085, Alfonso triumphantly entered this ancient capital of the Goths (Yahia retired to Valencia), w^hich had remained in the power of the misbelievers for about three hundred and seventy-four years. The conquest of Toledo was far from satisfying the ambition of Alfonso : he rapidly seized on the fortresses of Madrid, Maqueda, Guadalajara, and established his dominion on both banks of the Tagus. Mohammed now began seriously to repent his treaty with the Christian, and to tremble even for his own possessions. He vainly endeavored to divert his ally from the projects of aggran- dizement which that ally had evidently formed. The kings of Bada- joz and Saragossa became tributaries to the latter; nay, if any reliance is to be placed on either Christian or Arabic historians, the king of Seville himself was subjected to the same humiliation. Against the Christians these princes sought an ally in the person of Yussel ben Taxfin, the African conqueror who, after subjugating Fez, became the first emir of the Almoravides, now willingly joined to defend Mohammed Spain and set out to attack Alfonso. Alfonso was besieging Saragossa, which he had every ex- pectation of reducing, when intelligence reached him of Yussef's disembarkation. He resolved to meet the approaching storm. At the head of all the forces he could muster he advanced towards Andalusia and encountered Yussef on the plains of Zalaca between Badajoz and Merida. The two armies engaged the thirteenth day of the moon Regeb, a.h. 479 (April 17, 1086). The onset of Alfonso at the head of the Christian cavalry was so fierce that the ranks of the Almoravides were thrown into confusion; not less successful was Sancho, king of Navarre, against the Andalusians, who retreated towards Badajoz. But the troops of Seville kept the field and fought with desperate valor: they would, however, have given way had not Yussef at this critical moment advanced with his reserve and his own guard, consisting of his bravest troops, and assailed the Christians in the rear and flanks. This unex- pected movement decided the fortune of the day. Alfonso was severely wounded and compelled to retreat, but not until nightfall, nor until he had displayed a valor worthy of the greatest heroes. Though his own loss was severe, amounting according to the DOMINION OF AFRICANS 89 1086-1091 Arabians to 24,000 men, that of the enemy could scarcely be in- ferior, when we consider that this victory had no result: Yussef was evidently too much weakened to profit by it. < Not long after the battle, Yussef being called to Africa by the death of a son, the command of the Almoravides devolved on Syr ben Abi Bekir, the ablest of his generals. That general advanced northwards, and seized some insignificant fortresses; but the ad- vantage was only temporary, and was more than counterbalanced by the disasters of the following year. The king of Saragossa, Abu Giafar, had hoped that the defeat of Zalaca would prevent the Christians from attacking him; but that of his allies, the Moham- medan princes, in the neighborhood, and the taking of Huesca by the king of Navarre, convinced him how fallacious was his fancied security. Seeing that no advantage whatever had accrued from his former expedition, Yussef now proclaimed the Alhiged, or holy war, and invited all the Andalusian princes to join him. In 1091 he landed a third time at Algeziras, not so much with the view of humbling the Christian king as of executing the perfidious de- sign he had so long formed, for he openly threw off the mask and began his career of spoliation. The king of Granada, Abdalla ben Balkin, was the first victim to African perfidy. In the conviction that he must be overwhelmed if resistance were offered, he left his city to welcome Yussef. His submission was vain : he was instantly loaded with chains, and with his family sent to Agmat. Timur ben Balkin, brother of Abdalla, was in the same violent manner despoiled of Malaga. Mohammed now perceived the grievous error which he had committed, and the prudent foresight of his son Al Raxid. It seemed as if fate had indeed resolved that this well-meaning but misguided prince should fall by his own obstinacy, for though his son advised him to seek the alliance of Alfonso, he refused to do so until that alliance could no longer avail him. He himself seemed to think that the knell of his departing greatness was about to sound ; and the most melan- choly images were present to his fancy even in sleep. But if Mohammed was superstitious, if he felt that fate had doomed him. and that resistance would be useless, he resolved not to fall ignobly. His defense was indeed heroic, but it was vain, even though Alfonso sent him an aid of 20,000 men: his cities fell one by one: Seville was constrained to capitulate; he and his family were tluTjwn into prison until a ship was prepared to 90 SPAIN AND TORTUGAL 1093 convey them into Africa, whither their perfidious ally had retired some weeks before. His conduct in this melancholy reverse of fortune is represented as truly great. After the fall of Mohammed the general of Yussef had little difficulty in subduing the remaining princes of Andalusia. Valencia next received the African yoke. The king of Saragossa was more fortunate. He sent ambassadors to Yussef bearing rich presents and proposing an alliance with a common league against the Christians. Yussef accepted the proposal ; a treaty of alliance was made ; and the army of Abu Giafar was reinforced by a considerable body of Almoravides (1093), with whom he repelled an invasion of Sancho, king of Aragon. A third division of the Africans, which marched to destroy the sovereignty of Algarve and Badajoz, was no less successful. Badajoz capitulated; but, in violation of the treaty, the dethroned Omar, with two of his sons, was sur- rounded and assassinated by a body of cavalry as he was un- suspiciously journeying from the scene of his past prosperity in search of another asylum. A third son was placed in close confinement. Thus ended the petty kingdoms of Andalusia, after a stormy existence of about sixty years, and thus commenced the dynasty of the Almoravides. The name Almoravides was given by the Spaniards to these Berber fanatics as a corruption of the i\.rabic title they had chosen for themselves, signifying those " bound to the service of God." For some years after the usurpation of Yussef peace appears to have subsisted in Spain between the Mohammedans and the Christians. Fearing a new irruption of Africans, Alfonso con- tented himself with fortifying Toledo; and Yussef felt little inclina- tion to renew the war with one whose prowess he had so fatally experienced. But Christian Spain w-as, at one moment, near the brink of ruin. The passion for the crusades was no less ardently felt by the Spaniards than by other nations of Europe: thousands of the best warriors were preparing to depart for the Holy Land, as if there was more merit in contending with the infidels in a remote rcgicjn, for a barren sepulchre, than at home for the dearest interests of man for honor, patriotism, and religion. Fortunately for Spain, Pope Pascal II., in answer to the representations of Alfonso, declared that the proper post of every Spaniard was at home, and there were his true enemies. DOMINION OF AFRICANS 91 1102-1116 In 1 102 Yussef visited his new possessions in the Pen- insula. At Cordova, which in imitation of the Omeyas he wished to honor as the capital, he convoked his walis and sheiks, and caused his second son Ali to be proclaimed heir of his vast empire. The latter soon afterwards returned to Morocco, where he died on the third day of the moon Muharram, a.h. 500 (1106), after living one hundred Arabian, or about ninety-seven Christian years. Ali was only in his twenty-third year when he succeeded his father, whose military talents he inherited, and whom he surpassed in generosity. The readiness with which he pardoned his nephew, the son of his elder brother, who aspired to the throne, made a favorable impression on his subjects. One of his first acts was to visit Cordova, to receive the homage of the people : this was fol- lowed by a declaration of war against the Christians, the conduct of which he intrusted to his brother Temim. Near Ucles an army of Castilians was cut to pieces, and the infant, Don Sancho, the son of Alfonso, slain. But the Christian hero, though sorrowful, was not dismayed ; he raised new levies, strengthened his fortifications of Toledo, and so imposed on the misbelievers that they dared not attack him. They obtained, indeed, some temporary success in Catalonia, but this was more than counterbalanced by subsequent re- verses. On the death of Alfonso, however, in a. d, 1109, Ali again entered Spain at the head of 100,000 men, to prosecute in person the war against the Christians. But though he laid waste the terri- tory of Toledo, and invested that city, he soon abandoned the siege in utter hopelessness, devastated the country as far as Madrid and Guadalaxara, and destroyed Talavera. These were poor results from such vast preparations. In the north the Christians were more fortunate. Under Alfonso I. of Aragon they defeated and slew Abu Giafar in battle and took Tudela. With this able Mohammedan prince ended the greatness of the kingdom of Sara- gossa. His son, indeed, Abdelmelic, surnamed Amad Dola, was proclaimed in his place; but though the young prince was valiant, he was unable to contend with liis formidable neighbor of Aragon. His independence being threatened on the one hand by the Almora- vides, who appear to have destined him to an African fortress, and on the other by the king of Aragon, in 11 16 he entered int') an alliance with the latter, as the nearer and more dangerous of his enemies. In the same vear Alfonso defeated and slew Mezdeli, 92 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1118-1120 the wall of Granada, and seized on Lcrida. A second army sent by AH had no better success ; it was routed and compelled to retreat by the Christian king, who now openly expressed his resolution of besieging- Saragossa, though the unfortunate Amad Dola did not deserve such treatment from an ally. In 512 (a.d. 1118) that important city, after a siege of some months, fell into the power of the Christians, and the north of Spain was forever freed from the domination of the Mohammedans, though Amad Dola was per- mitted to reign over a diminished territory as the tributary of the Aragonese. The following year the Aragonian hero destroyed 20,000 of the Africans, who had advanced as far as the environs of Daroca; while another division of the Almoravides, under Ali in person, was compelled to retreat before the army of Leon and Castile. At this time (1120) the empire of the Almoravides was tottering to its fall. Even while Ali remained in Spain, an open revolt of the inhabitants, who could not longer support the excesses of the barbarian guard, showed him on how precarious a basis his empire was founded. They now took righteous justice into their own hands: they rose against the Almoravides, of whom they massacred a considerable number. But the cause which most menaced the existence of Ali's throne, and which was destined to change the whole face of western Africa and southern Spain, originated, like the power of Yussef ben Taxfin, in the deserts bordering on Mount Atlas. Mohammed ben Abdalla, the son of a lamplighter in the mosque of Cordova, was dis- tinguished for great curiosity and an insatiable thirst for knowl- edge. After studying for some years in the schools of his native city, he journeyed to Bagdad, to continue his studies under the celebrated doctors of the capital, among them being the heretical writer. Algazali. Whether Mohammed was a fanatic or a knave, or composed of a large mixture of both, is not easy to be determined. On his return from Bagdad to Mauritania he had no wish to revisit his native city, where he could expect little honor: he wandered from place to place zealously preaching the doctrines of Algazali, With a friend, Abdelmumen, he traveled to Fez, and thence to iMorocco, to inculcate the new doctrine. One day they entered the grand mosque, and >\Iohammed immediately occupied the most prominent seat. He was informed that the place was reserved for DOMINION OF AFRICANS 93 1130 the imam and the prince of the faithful. " The temples belong to Allah, and to Allah alone ! " was the reply of the bold intruder, who, to the surprise of the audience, repeated the whole chapter of the Koran following that passage. In a few moments AH entered, and all rose to salute him, with the exception of Mohammed, who did not even deign to cast a glance on the dreaded chief of a great empire. When the service was concluded he approached Ali, and, in a voice loud enough to be heard by those around him, said, " Provide a remedy for the afflictions of thy people ! one day Allah will require thee to account for them ! " The artful rebel was per- mitted to follow his vocation until the excitement produced by his fanatic appeals to the ignorant populace was too great to be over- looked, and he was ordered to leave Morocco. At a short distance from the city, however, probably in its public cemetery, he built a hut among the graves as a residence for himself and his faithful Abdelmumen. As he anticipated, he was soon followed by crowds, who venerated his prophetic character, and who listened with pleasure to vehement denunciations which fell with terrific effect on their superiors. His tone now became bolder: he inveighed against the impiety of the Almoravides, who appear not to have been more popular in Mauritania than in Spain. Ali now ordered the rebel to be secured. Mohammed, who had timely notice of the fate intended him, fled to Agmat, accompanied by a host of proselytes ; but finding that his liberty was still in danger, he hastily retreated to Tinmal in the province of Suz. His success in this region was so great that he had soon an army of disciples, all devoted to his will, because all believed in his divine mission. One day, in conformity with a preconcerted plan, as he was expatiating on ihe change to be effected by the long-promised teacher and ruler, Abdelmumen and nine other men arose, saying: " Thou an- nouncest a mehedi ; the description applies only to thyself. Be our mehedi and imam ; we swear to obey thee ! " The Berbers, influenced by the example, in the same manner arose and vowed fidelity even unto death. From this moment he assumed the high title of mehedi, and proclaimed himself as the founder of a new people. He instituted a regular government, confiding the ad- ministration to Abdelmumen, his minister, with nine associates, but reserving the control to himself. Seventy Berbers or Alarabs tnrmed the council of the new government. An army of lo.ooo horse, and a far greater number of foot, was speedily organized, 94 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1130 with which he took the road to AgTnat just as AH returned to Morocco from Spain. The waH of Suz, Abu Bekir, was ordered to disperse the rebels. But the appearance of the warrior prophet was so imposing that the general forbore to attack him; from his truly representing the danger as much more formidable than had been apprehended, a considerable reinforcement was dispatched from Morocco, and the whole army placed under the command of Ibrahim, brother of the emperor. Just as the signal for battle was given the Almoravides fled, whether through treachery or superstition is uncertain; and the victors, if such they may be called, reaped an ample harvest of plunder. A second imperial army was vanquished after an obsti- nate struggle ; and the proclamations of the mehedi, who invited all true Mussulmans to embrace his doctrines, on the penalty of ever- lasting perdition, added greatly to the embarrassments of Ali. In this state of anxiety he recalled his brother Temim from Spain, whose military reputation stood deservedly high. The new general advanced against the prophet, who had entrenched himself among the strongholds of the Atlas mountains. Notwithstanding the superiority of the rebel's position, Temim ordered his soldiers to scale the mountain. For some hours they rapidly ascended, but before reaching the summit, confusion suddenly seized their fore- most ranks, the effect, beyond doubt, of their superstitious fears, rank fell back on rank and great numbers were forced precipi- tately down the rocks and dashed to pieces. The Almohades, for such was the name assumed by the followers of Mohammed, now issued from their entrenchments, and the troops of Ali were a fourth time defeated. Mohammed resolved to renew the war on the chief of the Almoravides and to reduce the capital of Morocco. At his voice 40,000 men took the field. As he was detained at Tinmal by an illness from which he had little hope of recovery, the white banner was intrusted to the sheik Abu Mohammed el Baxir, one of the ten who were sent with the army in T125. The preparations of Ali were immense: 100,000 men were ranged round his standard. They were again defeated, were pursued to the very walls of Mo- rocco, and that capital invested with a vigor which showed that the Almohades were intent on its reduction. In the sorties made by the besieged, success remained on the side of the assailants, so that discouragement seized on the former. It is probable that Ali DOMINION OF AFRICANS 95 1126-1129 would soon have been compelled to capitulate had not one of his inferior officers, Abdalla ben Humusqui by name, a native of Anda- lusia, importuned him to permit that officer to make another sortie at the head of 600 chosen men, and had not success attended the daring action. The little party returned with 300 heads of the enemy, a feat which proved that the Almohades were not invincible, and which infused new courage into the Almoravides. In this favorable disposition of mind, Ali led his troops against the rebels, whom he completely routed. But if the Almoravides were this time successful in Africa, in Spain their affairs were growing daily worse. Alfonso of Aragon not only openly defied their force, but made an insulting tour through Andalusia, defeating all who opposed him, driving away the cattle of the fields, and laying waste the labors of the husband- men. Yet this expedition availed him nothing: the Muzarabs of Granada, many of whom joined his army, had flattered him with the hope of obtaining that city; but on finding Temim, who had just arrived from Africa, drawn up under the walls of the place, he desisted from what he considered a hopeless enterprise. In the year* 1126 Temim died at Granada, and was succeeded in the gov- ernment of the country by Taxfin, the son of Ali, who in two suc- ceeding engagements triumphed over the Christians of Leon, but derived no advantage from his success. The period was now come when the mehedi again resolved to try the fortune of war. With 30,000 cavalry, and a considerable number of infantry, he hoped to wipe out the stain of the last de- feat under the walls of Morocco. As his illness still continued, he confided the command to his favorite disciple, Abdelmumen, whom he invested with the dignity of imam. In 1128 the new general completely defeated the Almoravides, and pursued them as before to the gates of Morocco. But he forbore to besiege the place, doubtless from a persuasion that his present forces were unequal to the enterprise, and he returned to Tinmal. Mohammed came out to meet his beloved disciple, to whom he presented the book containing the tenets of his faith, a book which he had received from the hands of Algazali. The fourth day he expired, which was the third of the moon Muharram a. 11. 524 ( 1 129). The chiefs of the state were soon afterwards assembled to deliberate on the form of government : a monarchy was chosen, and by their unanimous suffrages Abdelmumen was proclaimed imam and almumenin. 96 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1129-1145 Though Alfonso, the king of Aragon, had fallen at the siege of Fraga, the Almoravides had met with an equally valiant foe in his son, Alfonso Raymond, king of Leon and Castile. Several of the Andalusian cities openly rebelled, and were not reduced to obedience without incredible efforts, and without the exhibition of equal valor and decision on the part of Taxfin; and after that prince joined his father to repel the formidable Abdelmumen, the affairs of both suf- fered greatly by his absence. In 1138 the count of Portugal triumphed over the Almoravides on the famous plains of Ourique, when his soldiers unanimously hailed him as king. Finally, the bloody contentions which broke out between the Andalusians and the Africans ; the struggles of each for the fairest cities of Moham- medan Spain ; the triumph of the former ; the expulsion of the latter from most of the places they had so long occupied ; and, above all, the victories of Abdelmumen in Mauritania, brought the proud empire of the Almoravides to the very brink of ruin. Taxfin ben AH succeeded in 1142 to his father, who died at Morocco, more from grief at the declining state of affairs than from any other cause. His first object was to assemble an army to strike another blow for the defense of his empire. At first he was successful. Abdelmumen was compelled to fall back on his mountain ; but in a second action Taxfin was defeated ; in a third he was also compelled to retreat. Being pursued into Tremecen, he made a vigorous defense, and after a few unsuccessful assaults Abdelmumen, leaving a considerable force to continue the siege, turned his arms against Oran, the reduction of which he hoped would prevent the meditated flight of Taxfin from Mauritania into Andalusia. Taking a small but determined body of horsemen from Tremecen, Taxfin pushed through the camp of the Almohades, and threw himself into Oran, which was on the point of capitulating. It now held out with renewed vigor; but the perseverance of the besiegers was not in the least diminished, and AH saw that his only hope of safety lay in an escape to Spain. One night he resolved to make a desperate effort to gain the ])ort where his vessels were still riding at anchor. Unfortunately, either he mistook his way or his mule was terrified by the roaring of the waves, for the next morn- ing his mangled cori)se was found at the foot of a precipice on the beach. His head was sent to Tinmal ; Oran capitulated, and Abdel- mumen entered it in triumph, early in the moon Muharram, A.ii. 549 (1145)- D O :\I I X I O N OF A F R I C A N S 97 1145 But Morocco, Fez, and some other cities were yet in the power of the Almoravides, who raised Ibrahim Abu Ishac, son of Taxfin, to the throne. The vindictive Abdelmumen, however, left them httle time to breathe. Tremecen he took by assault and massacred the inhabitants ; Fez he also reduced ; so that Morocco was now the only city which acknowledged Ibrahim. While Abdelmumen un- dertook to reduce it he dispatched his general, Abu Amram, to invade Andalusia. Several of the walis, who, after expelling the Almoravides, began to reign as petty sovereigns, finding that they w^ere too feeble to maintain themselves in their usurped au- thority, declared for the Almohades. Algeziras, Gibraltar, and Xeres opened their gates without delay; and Aben Cosai, the gov- ernor of Algarve, joined Abu Amram with all his forces. In the meantime the siege of Alorocco was prosecuted with vigor. The inhabitants were so fatally repulsed in a sortie that they durst no longer venture outside the walls. Famine soon aided the sword : the number who died of starvation is said to have amounted to three-fourths of the whole population. Such a place could not long hold out, and accordingly it was carried in the first general assault. During these memorable exploits in Africa the Christians were rapidly increasing their dominions. Coria, Mora, etc., were in the power of Alfonso, styled the emperor ; and almost every con- test between the two natural enemies had turned to the advantage of the Christians. Both Christians and Africans now contended for the superiority. While the troops of Alfonso reduced Baeza, and, with a Moliammedan ally, even Cordova, Malaga, and Seville ac- knowledged Al)u Amram. Calatrava and Almeria next fell to the Christian emperor, about the same time that Lisbon and the neigh- boring towns received Alfonso I., the new sovereign of Por- tugal. Most of these conquests, however, were subsequently re- co\'ered by the Almohades. Being reinforced by a new army from Africa, the latter pursued their successes with greater vigor. They reduced Cordova, which was held l)y an ally of Alfonso, defeated and forever paralyzed the expiring efforts of the Almoravides and proclaimed their emperor Abdelmumen as sovereign of all Mohammedan Spain. Thus in the middle of the twelfth century was founded the dynasty of the Almohades, or " worshipers of one God," whose fortunes occu])y the next one hundred years of Spanish history. Abdelmumen, as if desirous of subduing, not merely what had 98 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1162-1184 formed the empire of the Ahnoravides, but all the regions which owned the faith of Islam, levied army after army; so that from Portugal to Tunis and Cairwan his wild hordes spread devastation and dismay. To detail the events of the wars sustained by his general, or his son, the Cid Yusscf, in Andalusia, would afford little interest to the reader. It will be sufficient to observe that, by slow but sure degrees, the whole of Andalusia was incorporated with his empire. Once only did he visit Spain, if remaining a few hours at Gibraltar can deserve the name. In 1161, however, on hear- ing of the dissensions existing among the Christian princes after the death of the emperor Alfonso, he declared his determination of subduing all Spain in person. But an enemy, against which not all his armies could avail him, now assailed him: on the 8th day of Jumadi II., a. 11. 558 (1162), he breathed his last. He had always designed his son Cid jMohammed for his successor; but, from some dissatisfaction with the conduct of that prince, he changed his will, six days before his death, in favor of his son Yussef, whose talents he had long learned to appreciate. On his accession Yussef Abu Yacub dismissed the army which lay at Suli. During the following few years he appears to have cultivated the blessings of peace; it was not until 11 70 that he en- tered Spain, for the first time since his elevation, when all Moham- medan Spain owned the emperor. Notwithstanding the destructive w-ars which had prevailed near a century, neither Moors nor Christians had acquired much advantage by them. From the reduction of Saragossa to the pres- ent time the victory, indeed, had generally declared for the Christians : but their conquests, with the exception of Lisbon and a few fortresses in central Spain, were lost almost as soon as gained ; and the same fate attended the equally transient successes of the Mohammedans. The Christians, when at peace among themselves, were always too many for their ^Mohammedan neighbors, even when the latter were aided by tlie whole power of western Africa. In 1 176 the king of Castile reduced Caenza and the Moors were defeated before Toledo. The following year the Portuguese were no less successful before Abrantes, which the Africans had besieged. These disasters roused the wrath of Yussef; but as an obscure rebellion required his presence at that time in Mauritania, he did not land in Spain until 1184. He marched without delay against Santarem, which his soldiers had vainly besieged DOMINION OF AFRICANS 99 1184-1195 some years before. By misdirection of his force Yussef had un- fortunately, for the time, been left alone with his guard, whom the Christians had fallen upon, while he defended himself like a hero: six of the advancing assailants he laid low before the same fate was inflicted on himself. The merciless carnage of the Christians spared not even his female attendants. At this moment two com- panies of cavalry arrived, and, finding their monarch dying, furiously charged the Christians, whom they soon put to flight. In a few hours the whole army returned, and, inspired with the same hope of vengeance, they stormed and took the place and put every living creature to the sword. Yacub ben Yussef, from his victories afterwards named Almansor, who was then in Spain, was immediately declared suc- cessor to his father. For some years he was not personally opposed to the Christians, though his walis carried on a desultory indecisive war. He was long detained in Africa, first in quelling some do- mestic commotions and afterwards by severe illness. He was scarcely recovered when the intelligence that the Christians were making insulting irruptions to the very outworks of Algeziras made him resolve upon punishing their audacity. His preparations were of the most formidable description. In 1 194 he landed in Andalusia, and proceeded towards Valencia, where the Christian army then lay. Tliere Alfonso VIII., king of Castile, was await- ing the expected reinforcements from his allies, the kings of Leon and Navarre. Both armies pitched their tents on the plains of Alarcon. Yacub drew up the plan for the battle: the Almohades and Andalusians were to lead the attack ; the Berber troops and the volunteers were to sustain it ; the third division, containing the royal guard and the negroes, commanded by the king in person, were to take a circuit, and during the action fall on the flanks of the enemy. The result was fatal to the Castilian army, which, dis- couraged at what it considered a new enemy, gave way in every direction. Alfonso, preferring an honorable death to the shame of defeat, prepared to plunge into the lieart of the Mohammedan squadrons, when his nobles surrounded him and forced him from the field. Alfonso retreated to Toledo just as the king of Leon arrived with tlie promised reinforcement. The latter naturally up- braided him for his rashness ; but. fortunately for the interests of Christianity and of Spain, a timely interference brought about a rcc(jnciliation between the two princes: Alfonso even consented to 100 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1198 l)estow the hand of his daughter Berengaria on the king of Leon. From this marriage a prince was born (St. Fernando), who united the two crowns. After this signal victory Yacub rapidly reduced Calatrava, Guadalaxara, Madrid and Esalona, Salamanca, etc. Toledo, too, he invested, but in vain. He returned to Africa, caused his son Mohammed to be declared wali alhadi, and died, the 22d day of the moon Regeb, a.ii. 595 (November 2, 1198). He was, l)eyond doubt, the greatest and best of the Almohades. The character of Mohammed Abu Abdalla, surnamed Alnassir, was very different from that of his great father. Absorbed in effeminate pleasures, he paid little attention to the internal adminis- tration of his empire or to the welfare of his people. Yet he was not insensible to martial fame, and he prepared to punish the au- dacity of Alfonso of Castile, who made destructive inroads into Andalusia. Mohammed opened the campaign of 121 1 by the siege of Salvatierra, a strong but not important fortress of Estremadura, defended by the knights of Calatrava. The place stood out for several months, and did not surrender until the emperor had sus- tained a heavy loss. By suspending the execution of his great design until the following season he allowed Alfonso time to pre- pare for the contest. The following June the kings of Leon and Castile having assembled at Toledo, and been joined by a consider- able number of foreign volunteers, the Christian army advanced towards the south. That of the inlidels lay in the neighborhood of Baeza, and extended to the Sierra Morena. As the former passed, the strong fortresses of Malagon and Calatrava were wrested from the Mohammedans, conquests which more than counterbalanced the loss of Salvatierra. But here a misfortune befell the Christian cause which damped the ardor of its supporters. The foreign vol- unteers, after the capitulation of the latter fortress, declared their resolution to return home; and return they did, in opposition to tlic entreaties of Alfonso and his ally of Aragon. This loss of near 30,000 men greatly weakened the crusaders; but the seasonable though tardy arrival of Don Sancho, king of Aragon, w^ith a con- siderable reinforcement, raised their ccjurage. On July 12 the crusaders reached the mountainous chain which divides New Castile from Andalusia. They found not only the passes, but the summits of the mountains, occupied by the Almohades. To force a passage was impressible, and they even J DOMINION OF AFRICANS 101 1212-1223 deliberated on retreating, so as to draw out, if possible, the enemy from positions so formidable, when a shepherd entered the camp of Alfonso and proposed to conduct the Christian army, by a path unknown to both armies, to the summit of this elevated chain, by a path, too, which would be invisible to the enemy's outposts. A few companies having accompanied the man, and found him equally faithful and well informed, the whole army silently ascended and entrenched themselves on the summit, the level of which was exten- sive enough to contain them all. Below appeared the widespread tents of the Moslems, whose surprise was great on perceiving the heights thus occupied by the crusaders. For two days the latter, whose fatigues had been harassing, kept their position ; but on the third day they descended into the plains of Tolosa, which were about to be immortalized by their valor. Their right wing was led by the king of Navarre, their left by the king of Aragon, while Alfonso took his station in the center. Mohp.mmed had drawn up his army in a similar manner, but with a strcng body of reserves he occupied an elevation well defended besides by vast iron chains, which surr(3unded his impenetrable guard. The attack was made by the Christian center against that of the Mohammedans, and im- mediately the two wings moved against those of the enemy. The struggle was terrific but short ; myriads of the barbarians fell ; the boundary was first broken down by the king of Navarre ; the Cas- tilians and Aragonese followed ; all opponents were massacred or fled. The carnage of the latter was dreadful, until darkness put an end to it. The victors now occupied the tents of the Mohamme- dans. The loss of the Africans, even according to the Arabian writers, who admit that the center was wholly destroyed, could not fall short of 160,000 men. The reduction of several towns from Tolosa to Baeza imme- diately followed this glorious victory, a victory in which Don Alfonso nobly redeemed his failure in the field of Zalaca, and which, in its immediate conse([uences, involved the ruin of tlie Mohamme- dan empire in Spain. Mohammed did not long survive his disaster. Having precipitately fled to IMorocco, he abandoned himself to licentious i)]easurcs. left the cares of government to his son, or rather his ministers, and died, not without suspicion of poison. The reign of Yussef Abu Yacub, who was only eleven years of age on the death of his father, was a scene of continued troubles. His death without issue, in 1223, was the signal for troubles. 102 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1224-1231 Abul Melic Abdelwahid, brother of Mohammed Anasir, succeeded to the disputed inheritance; but in eight months the very sheiks who had elected him deprived him at once of empire and of Hfe, in favor of Abdallah Abu Mohammed, surnamed Aladel, governor of Valencia and Murcia, who had assumed the regal title. This prince never left Spain: indeed he was too busily occupied in de- fending his states against Ferdinand III., king of Leon and heir to the crown of Castile, to think of abandoning the country. A conspiracy was formed against him, and he was strangled in his bed in 1225. Almamun Abu Ali, brother of Aladel, was next proclaimed king of Mauritania and Spain. He, too, by his projected reforms, made as many enemies as there were walis. Of these enemies, however, the most vindictive were the members of the two councils which had been instituted by the mehedi, and the powers of which he openly declared his resolution of modifying. To avert the threatened storm, that body immediately proclaimed Yahia ben Anasir prince of the faithful, and supplied him with troops to in- vade Andalusia and to expel Almamun. Near the city of Sidonia, Almamun triumphed over his rival, and from that moment openly vowed the destruction of the senate at Morocco. He, therefore, hastened thither, and with such expedition and secrecy that he ar- rived there before the news of his departure from Andalusia. He instantly assembled the sheiks who formed the two councils, and, after upbraiding them for their disloyalty, ordered them to be be- headed in the courtyard of his palace. But if Almamun thus triumphed in Africa, his affairs wore a different aspect in Spain, which was now to continue the prey of revolt until most of the territories still owning the Mohammedan power were subjugated by the Christians. In Andalusia there was a sheik descended from the kings of Saragossa, Abu Abdalla Mohammed ben Hud by name, who formed the design of rescuing the country from the now feeble because divided grasp of the Almo- hades, and of founding for himself a new kingdom. Aben Hud, however, had other competitors. One Jomail ben Zeyan, an Anda- lusian chief, rescued Valencia from the Almohades, and proclaimed himself independent. But that independence was to be of short duration ; for not only was the usurper threatened by Aben Hud. but by Ferdinand, who had united the crowns of Leon and Castile, and by King Jayme of Aragon, surnamed the Conqueror, who had DOMINION OF AFRICANS 103 1231-1233 long resolved on the subjugation of Valencia. The last named sovereign began his career of victory by reducing the Balearic Isles, wliich he rescued from the yoke of the Almohades. The empire of these Africans in the Peninsula was now to end. While King Jayme was threatening Valencia, Aben Hud was acknowledged by Granada, Merida, Seville, and soon after by all Andalusia. These disasters hastened the death of Almamun in 1231. In this deplorable situation of Mohammedan Spain, when the various states were threatened by the Christian princes, and when help from Africa could no longer be expected, the followers of the prophet cast their eyes on Aben Alhamar, who alone was able to secure them in their possessions ; nay, who alone could prevent their expulsion from the Peninsula. After the surrender of Valencia, though King Jayme allowed perfect freedom of conscience and a reasonable portion of liberty to all who chose to remain, 50,000 Mussulmans bade adieu to the fertile plains of that province, and flocked to the cities which ov/ned the sway of Mohammed. The latter fixed his court in Granada, resolved, if possible, to extend or at the worst to preserve his new states against the independent walls on the one hand and the Christians on the other. Our attention is now called to the only Mohammedan state which survived the wreck of the African empire, to one which, during more than two cen- turies and a half, withstood the hostile attacks of its Christian neighbors, and which fell only when all Christian Spain became united under one scepter, and consequently irresistible. Chapter VIII KINGDOM OF GRANADA. 1238-1492 MOHAALMKD BEN ALHAMAR, the founder of a cele- brated king-doni, had quahties of a high order. Intrepid in war, yet averse to engage in it unless necessity de- manded ; vigorous in his internal administration, yet mild and con- ciliating; possessed of great foresight, and therefore seldom sur- prised by the ordinary chances of human affairs; prudent in his measures, comprehensive in his views, and magnificent in his habits ; fond of power, but fonder still of popularity, he was excellently adapted to rule over a people like the Andalusians. Scarcely had this prince taken possession of his nev/ states than he i^repared for wars which he well saw were inevitable. He repaired the frontier fortresses of his little kingdom, which ex- tended from Algeziras to beyond Almeria on the coast, and inwards as far as Jacn and Iluescar ; and, to be provided against tlie v/orst, he at the same time fortified his capital of Granada. The [)reparations of Aben Alhamar were amply justified by the sequel of events. The marriage of St. Ferdinand with a hTench princess had for a whole year suspended hostilities in that quarter; but now, when the marriage fetes were concluded, that saintly monarch reappeared in armor. In a. 11. 637 (a.d. 1240), and the following year, his generals reduced Arjona and some other for- tresses, while the king of Aragon seized on Villena and Xativa. But Ferdinand meditated a more important conquest. A\'ell know- ing the distracted state of Murcia, he sent his son Alfonso to reduce one by one the walis of that province. This expedition was at- tended with complete success, the w:di of Lorca alone, Azis ben Ab- dclmelic, refusing to acknowledge the supremacy of Castile. The rest Ijecame the vassals of Ferdinand. Azis, however, soon after- wards lost his life in opposing Jomail, the deposed sovereign of Valencia, who longed to ha\'e at least a shadow of rovalty. and who usurped the sovereignty of Lorca and Carthagcna. The following GRANADA 105 1245-1246 year the usurper was dispossessed of these places by the victorious Alfonso and forced to retire into private Hfe. But these conquests, important as they were, were soon to be ecHpsed by others. Aben Alhamar had ventured to oppose the irruptions of Prince Alfonso into his states, and he was therefore marked out for the vengeance of the Castilians. The city of Jaen, the bulwark of the new kingdom, was invested by Ferdinand in person. While prosecuting the siege with a constancy which showed that he was resolute on bringing it to a successful issue, detachments from his army reduced Illora and Alcala Real. The ]\Ioorish king now tried whether better fortune might not attend him in open campaign ; but his signal defeat by the Castilian monarch in 1245 taught him to respect the valor of his enemies. Still the place held out during the whole of the succeeding winter, when Ferdinand again joined the besieging army, and declared that he would not move from the walls until it owned his sway. Aben Alhamar perceiving that its fall was inevitable, proceeded alone to the camp of the monarch, obtained an interview with him, an- nounced his name, offered to become the vassal of the Castilian crown, and kissed the king's hand in token of homage. Ferdinand was not to be outdone in generosity : he embraced Mohammed, whom he called his dear friend and ally, and whom he thanked for so signal a proof of confidence. The two kings soon agreed as to their immediate policy. Jaen was surrendered, an annual tribute was promised, with a certain number of horsemen whenever the king of Castile went to war: the king of Granada, too, like other feudatories, was to attend the Cortes of the Christian kingdom. In return, Aben iVlhamar was guaranteed in his remaining possessions and treated with the highest distinction by his new friend. This proceeding of the Moorish king was as necessary as it was painful. Had he delayed it much longer, his infant state would have been overrun by the powerful Castilian and he himself either driven into exile or ccjndemned to a private station. But if Aben Alluunar had thus succeeded in purchasing peace, it was a sacrifice much greater than that even of personal independ- ence. Tlie Mussulmans were his brethren ; yet in his quality of vassal to King Ferdinand he was compelled to draw the sword against them, and thereby to increase the power of the most formid- able enemy of Ins faith. Not many months had elapsed after his treat v with the Christians before he was summoned, according to 106 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1246-1248 its tenor, to inarch to the camp of Ferdinand with a body of 500 horse to aid in the meditated conquest of Seville. He obeyed the summons, and on his reaching the camp of his liege lord, who was waiting for him, the campaign opened. After reducing several strong places the important city of Carmona was invested. It was at first defended by its wali AIduI Hassan, nephew of the Cid Abu Abdalla, prince of the Almohades, who reigned at Seville. But Abul Hassan, perceiving that the ulterior object of Ferdinand was Seville itself, left the defense of Carmona to one of his lieutenants and hastened to the assistance of his aged uncle. The inhabitants, who had agreed to surrender, if not relieved within six months, in consternation at the ruin of their fields, and the other increasing horrors of the war, at length constrained their alcade to send their submission to the Castilian king, who took possession of the place in 1246. All the fortresses on both banks of the Guadalquivir, from Jaen to the gates of Seville, either had already submitted to the Christians or were now subdued by them. For these successes Ferdinand was not a little indebted to his royal ally. The standard of Castile now floated on all the great cities of Andalusia except Seville, the reduction of which was the next great enterprise of the victor. The Christian king had no sooner invested this great city than he perceived that so long as the mouth of the Guadalquivir was open to receive reinforcements from Africa there was no hope of its reduction. Having caused a fleet to be constructed in the ports of Biscay, he placed it under the command of his admiral, Raymond Boniface, who conducted it towards the port of St. Lucar, at the mouth of that river. The Moorish fleet from Africa occupied the station : the Christian admiral triumphed over the Mohammedans, and advanced up towards Seville, which was now invested by sea and land. Finally, after the siege had continued fifteen months, when Ferdinand had reinforced his army from all parts of his dominions, when the suburbs Triana and Alfarache were occupied by his troops, and the besieged consequently cut off from all com- munication without their walls, and when that worst of enemies, famine, began to rage among them, they consented to capitulate. The conditions, which were signed November 23d, 1248, were alike honorable to them and to the victor. y\bul Hassan, the brave defender of the place, was offered lands and riches if he would reside cither in Seville or any other city dependent on Castile. But GRANADA 107 1248-1252 the prince was too proud to owe any obligation to the Christians ; he embarked accordingly for Africa, accompanied by some thou- sands of the inhabitants. In December Ferdinand made a magnifi- cent entry into this ancient and important city. During this memorable siege Don Jayme of Aragon was no less eager than his brother of Castile to extend his conquests. He finished the subjugation of the kingdom of Valencia by the reduc- tion of Xativa, which had revolted, and some other fortresses. Whether weary of his domination, which, however, does not appear to have been galling, or from hatred to Christianity, or from a wish to support, by their valor, the new kingdom of the south, most of the Mohammedans of Valencia bade an everlasting adieu to the delightful plains of that province, and, like their brethren of Seville, sought the hospitality of Aben Alhamar. In about two years after- wards the remaining portion were expelled, after a troublesome but fruitless resistance, by the bigoted conqueror. On the capitulation of Seville, Aben Alhamar took leave of his liege lord and returned to Granada, his heart filled with sorrow at the unfortunate situation of Mohammedan Spain, especially when he considered that he himself had been an instrument, how- ever unwilling, to bring about the catastrophe. As he alone re- mained of all the Moslem power, so he alone would be exposed to the hostility of the enemy. But in the worst conditions man is seldom deserted by hope. It was not to be expected that Castile would always have princes so vigilant and able as Ferdinand ; under the successors of that monarch the integrity of Granada might be preserved, perhaps her territories extended. But the Moorish king was too wise a man to place his chief dependence on the future. Knowing that the best indeed the only foundation of thrones is the prosperity of the people, he applied himself, with extraordinary zeal, to the promotion of that object. Nor was he less attentive to the defense than to the prosperity of his people. Besides the organ- ization and improved discipline of the army, the kingdom was in- debted to him for the erection of numerous fortresses both on the frontiers and in the interior. So long as Ferdinand lived a good understanding subsisted between him and Aben Alhamar. Though the former subdued most of the towns between Seville and the Algarves, though he even equipped a fleet to make war on the sovereign of Morocco, and ^)btaine(l a signal triumph over the Moorish ships, he did not 108 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1252-12(r6 attempt to disturb his vassal in the new kingdom. But some time after the accession of Alfonso el Sabio, in a.h. 650 (a.d. 1252), this good understanding gave way to open hostility. After the victory over Mohammed the army of Alfonso pro- ceeded to chastise the insurgents of Algarve. In all these places success shone on the banners of the Christians. In the East the king of Aragon triumphed with equal glory. He subdued the whole of Murcia, on which Alfonso marched to take possession. In consternation at these disasters, Aben Alhamar sued for peace, which the Castilian king readily granted, on conditions even more favorable than the former had a right to expect. Instead of troops he was allowed to pay an annual tribute to his liege lord; and he was. not bound to api)ear at any assembly of the cortes unless that assembly were held in a city of Andalusia. Murcia was thence- forward to be governed by a Mohammedan prince, nominated by the sovereign of Castile; and the walis, who had thrown off their allegiance to Mohammed, were to be urged to return to their duty by Alfonso; in the same manner the king of Granada engaged to persuade the Murcians to become submissive subjects. The lenity of these conditions, which were signed by the kings in a.h. 664 (a.d. 1266), can only be explained by the apprehension felt by the victor lest Mohammed should again introduce the Africans into Spain. But this peace was short in its duration. Alfonso found so obvious an interest in fomenting the continued rebellion of the walis that he persuaded them still to hold out, and even required not only that Mohammed should not reduce them by force, but that he should recognize them as independent governors. The indigna- tion of the Moorish king was unbounded, and he resolved to employ the greater rigor against the daring rebels. Accident favored his design. The vain ambition of Alfonso, who aspired to the imperial crown of Germany and who, for that unattainable object, had lavished immense sums, had greatly disgusted his people. Taking advantage of this general sentiment, a few factious nobles, at tlie head of whom was Don Felipe, the king's brother, revolted against him, and, under the pretext of the public good, each aspired to his own individual interests. In their guilty ambition they did not scruple to apply to Moorish as well as Christian princes, to Aben Yussef of Morocco and Aben Alhamar of Granada, as well as to the king of Xaxarre, to bring the scourge of invasion on their GRANADA 109 1272-1273 country and of profiting by the general disorder. These rebels having been summoned to lay down their arms by an assembly of the states at Burgos, under penalty of being severely punished, pre- ferred exile to obedience, and sought refuge with the king of Granada. They even aided him in the attempt to reduce the re- volted walis, who still defied the power of Aben Alhamar. Thus there was a prospect of another African invasion, one which might have proved as fatal to Mohammed and the Christians as that of the Almoravides. The intelligence of this threatened calamity was brought to Spain by the infante Don Enrique, who, tired of his situation at the court of Tunis, and not without just suspicion that his life was in danger, returned to his brother. He severely cen- sured the policy of Alfonso, who, by protecting the rebellious walis, was the indirect cause of this alliance between the two Mohamme- dan kings. Alarmed at his situation, the Christian monarch empowered his brother to negotiate, not only with his exiled sub- jects, whom he now wished to return, but with Aben Alhamar, his faithless vassal. Accordingly negotiations commenced : the in- surgent walis, aware of the fact, resolved to strike a final blow before either their conclusion or the arrival of the Africans. In 1272 the three walis, at the head of a considerable army, entered the plains of Granada. Incensed at this insulting audacity, Mohammed ordered his troops to assemble, and, placing himself at their head, issued from the gates. The evening of that day the king was seized by a sickness so severe that he was laid on a litter and conveyed back towards the capital. But that capital he was to see no more. So rapidly did the violence of his disorder increase that a pavilion was erected for him on the plain, where in a few hours he expired. Don Felipe and the Castilian nobles sur- rounded his dying couch and showed him proofs of sincere regard. Mohammed II. followed successfully in the steps of his able father. On his accession he made no change in the ministry: he had no creatures of his own to provide for by displacing the faithful servants of the late reign. His conduct in this respect procured him the esteem of the nation, of all 1)ut a few ambitious and fas- tidious men, who from disappointment first murmured and next joined the rebels of Malaga. To reduce these daring outlaws, for such they literally were, who had occasioned so much trouble to his father, was tlie first object of the new king. But though, with the aid of his Christian friends, Don h^elipe and the other nobles 110 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1273-1302 who had fled from the presence of Alfonso, he utterly defeated them near Antequera, they had only to throw themselves within the im- pregnable fortifications of Malaga and set him at defiance. The short interval of tranquillity which followed permitted Mohammed to carry on his great design of embellishing his capi- tal. The palace of the Alhambra, which his father commenced, and which by the labor of succeeding kings was destined to become the wonder of Spain, he greatly augmented and improved. His encouragement, too, of literature and the arts, the reception which he afforded to the learned of every country, his magnificent taste and profuse liberality, rendered Granada the favorite abode of science and the muses, the most cultivated city not of Spain, but of Europe. The remaining portion of Mohammed's reign offers little to occupy our notice. In 1295, availing himself of the troubles consequent on the death of Sancho, and it was only during such troubles that the Moslems could contend with their more powerful neighbors, he recovered the two last conquests of Sancho, and soon afterwards Algeziras, from the king of Morocco. He died on the eighth day of the moon Shafan, a.h. 701 (1301). Mohammed HI., Abu Abdalla, had many of the talents, with- out the good fortune, of his father. In his reign began the intestine wars which did not end until the scepter of Granada was trans- ferred from the dynasty of the Beni Nassir to the sovereigns of Aragon and Castile. The revolt of Almeria, occasioned by the intrigues of the king of Aragon, now distracted his attention. These disasters were for a moment balanced by the conquest of Ceuta, effected by his brother; but in the sequel the new conquest, with the fortress of Gibraltar, fell into the power of the Christians. Algeziras, too, would have submitted to the king of Castile, now Ferdinand IV., had not the forbearance of that prince been purchased by the restoration of Ouesada, Quadros, and Bedmar, and by 5,000 pistoles in gold. He was preparing to purchase in a similar manner the retreat of Don Jayme of Aragon, who had closely invested Almeria, and who defeated his army, when he was recalled to his capital by a misfor- tune still heavier a conspiracy to dethrone him. Mohammed hoped that his return to Granada would overawe the factious: it only made them openly break out. The populace, many of whom were gained by the money of the chief conspirators, 11 ISr.\Xll-M ArRKSQlF, ARCH 11 FAl T KK- -T 1 1 K 1.1 ON; Al.H AM liKA \T (IRAN AH \ 1-1,. I, I ,: l'!i.'l.;^r,,rl, orKT IN riiE GRANADA 111 1302-1325 surrounded his palace, exclaiming, " Long live Nassir Abul Geiox ! " the name of his brother. At the same time another division of the mob proceeded to the house of his hagib, Abu Abdalla, which, as may be naturally expected, they plundered of everything valu- able, except the library: this they committed to the flames. The minister, however, was not here, but in the king's palace. To the palace the wretches accordingly repaired ; and as no adequate force was brought to restrain them, they massacred the sentinels, pene- trated into the royal apartments, and cut the virtuous hagib in pieces before the eyes of the king. They next plundered the royal resi- dence, and at length concluded by ordering the mild, weak monarch to resign his throne. Mohammed obeyed. Having made a solemn act of renunciation, he retired to Almufiecar, his appointed resi- dence, and his brother, Nassir, was declared king. By 13 13 Ismail ben Ferag, a prince of the same family, had compelled Nassir to resign the throne. Ferag was a rigorous ob- server of the external practices enjoined by the Koran, a brave sol- dier, and undaunted in reverses. He had soon to defend his frontiers against the two regents of Castile, the princes Pedro and Juan. In spite, however, of his efforts, several fortresses south of the Guadalquivir fell into the hands of the Christians, and the disaster would have been greater but for the jealousy entertained by Don Juan towards his brother, whose bravery was the theme of much admiration. The Moorish king failed in an attempt to surprise Gibraltar. It seems, indeed, as if the Moors had for a time for- gotten their ancient valor or that they considered all resistance use- less. A truce of four years followed, but as it was confined to the frontiers of Jaen and Cordova, it did not prevent the Moorish king from obtaining some successes on the side of Murcia. These suc- cesses, too trifling to be particularized, were entirely owing to the internal dissensions of Castile after the death of the two regents. On the expiration of the truce (1323) Ismail again menaced the southern frontier of his enemy. Both Baza and Martos, which he reduced, experienced the sternness of his character : in both he caused torrents of blood to flow, doubtless because he was exasperated at the bravery with which both, though thinly garrisoned, had with- stood his assaults. Ismail was assassinated and succeeded by his son, now Moham- med TV. The new king was remarkable for mild gravity, for mag- nificent taste, and sound judgment. It appears, however, that he 112 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1325-1329 was not very much addicted to public affairs, for he abandoned the cares of government to an ambitious, tyrannical minister, who insulted the great and oppressed the people. This hagib was even powerful enough to procure the imprisonment of one brother of his master and the exile of another, and by his haughtiness of manner he so disgusted Othman, commander of the troops, that the latter raised the standard of revolt in Andalusia, proclaimed Mohammed ben Ferag, uncle of the reigning king, and by his emissaries pre- vailed on the Christians to invade the kingdom. Indignant at these disasters, the Moorish sovereign arrested and eventually beheaded his hagib ; but it was too late to remedy them. The Castilians seized on Vera, Olbera, Pruna, and Ayamonte and defeated Mohammed in person, who vainly endeavored to arrest their progress or to crush the revolt of Othman. A still worse disaster was the ar- rival of a considerable African force in aid of Othman, who be- longed to the royal family of Fez. They defeated the general of Mohammed, took Algeziras, ]\Iarbella, and Ronda, and effected a junction with the chief of the rebels. Mohammed opened a campaign against the Christians, in which he resolved either to conquer or to bury himself under the ruins of his monarchy. Heaving, thanks to their civil troubles, reduced two fortresses, he laid siege to the more important one of Baena. It soon capitulated, and in one single campaign ^Mohammed was fortunate enough to recover all the fortresses he had lost, and even gained Gibraltar. Othman, too, returned to his duty and was pardoned. The year following, however (1329), though the last place was unsuccessfully besieged by King Alfonso XL, Mohammed was signally defeated by the Castilian monarch, and again deprived of a portion of the places he had recovered. At this time, owing, probably, to the reappearance of the Castilian king on the field of battle, Mohammed applied for aid to the king of Fez, and an African army immediately passed the Straits. The new ally, when unsuspectingly received into Gibral- tar, did not scruple to usurp the possession of that important for- tress. Too weak to think of revenge, the king of Granada could only tamely acquiesce in the usurpation, and the Moors, the most perfidious of men, gloried in their prize. But perfidy was not the only thing ^Mohammed was to receive from his worthless allies. While he remained at Gibraltar he could not forbear reproaching the chiefs who had, in his opinion at least, so inadequately defended GRANADA 113 1332-1340 the place, which, indeed, they had been on the point of surrendering. True to their character, which is repugnant alike to faith or grati- tude, they vowed his destruction. They knew that he had promised to visit their sovereign Abu Hassan in Africa; that before his embarkation he would dismiss his army, except an escort of cavalry, and they waited for the opportunity of executing their murderous intention. No sooner were his troops on their return to Granada than assassins hourly watched his motions. One day (in 1332), when he left his camp to enjoy his favorite amusement of hunting, these assassins waylaid and killed him in a narrow defile, where his escort could not defend him. His incensed soldiers returned to the camp with the view of taking a signal revenge of their base allies, but the Africans shut the gates of the fortress and from the ramparts insulted and defied them. Yussef Abul Hegiag, who at the time of his brother's death was returning from Gibraltar with the army, was immediately raised to the throne. The first care of this prince, who was at once the most pacific, the most patriotic, and the most enlightened of the Nassir dynasty since the days of its founder, was to procure a truce of four years from King Alfonso. This interval of hostilities he employed in reforming the administration of justice, in promoting the interests of religion and morals, in the encouragement of the mechanical and other useful arts, and in the cultivation of letters. His wise and paternal sway recalled the halcyon days of the third Abderahman. Soon after the termination of the truce, Alfonso, having reduced his domestic enemies to submission, prepared for war : Yussef did the same. The fate of his brother did not prevent the latter from again seeking the alliance of the Africans, an army of whom, about the middle of the year 1340, landed on the coasts of Andalusia. Orders had been given to the Castilian admiral to inter- cept this armament. The consequences were fatal to the hopes of Alfonso, whose ships were almost all either taken or sunk. The Castilian king had now the mortification to see Andalusia overrun by African troops, and their king, Abul Hassan, master of the deep. The news of this victory was joyfully received at Granada, where it roused the citizens to greater eagerness for war. Yussef has- tened to Algeziras to greet his ally. Here, having agreed on the ])lan of the ensuing campaign, they opened it by the siege of Tarifa, 114 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1340 while detachments of their troops spread devastation to the gates of Xeres and Sidonia. The king now perceived that the time was arrived when he must either march to raise the siege or submit to see his provinces laid waste by a merciless foe. Accompanied by his ally, the king of Portugal, he advanced towards the camp of the besiegers, which they reached in October, a.d 1340, as it lay encamped on the little River Salado. Having thrown supplies into the place, notwithstanding the opposition of the enemy, the two Christian kings next agreed that while Alfonso engaged the Afri- cans the other should fall on the troops of Yussef. On the morning of the battle, the most memorable that had occurred between the two powers since that which had annihilated the force of Africa on the plains of Tolosa, Alfonso having con- fessed and communicated from the hands of the archbishop of Toledo, passed the river at the head of his troops, and the struggle began. That the Christians must have performed prodigies of valor will readily be believed when it is considered that their num- ber probably did not exceed a fourth part of the enemy's forces. At midday the African tribes, exhausted, by fatigue and dis- couraged by the severe loss they had sustained, began to give way. A seasonable charge by the garrison of Tarifa accelerated their flight. A considerable number indeed returned to defend the tent of their king, which the Christians were furiously assailing; but they were soon dissipated or added to the slaughtered heaps around ; the royal pavilion was forced, and an immense plunder, with the favorite women of Abul Hassan, became the prize of the victors. During these momentous events Yussef nobly maintained the honor of the Andalusian name at the head of his cavalry, but seeing the Africans fleeing in every direction, and being equally disheart- ened by the severity of his own loss, he gave the signal for his troops to retreat. While Abul Hassan fled precipitately to Gib- raltar, and thence without delay into Africa, to sustain the com- plaints and murmurs of his people, Yussef also fled by sea to Almuhecar, to join with his subjects in the universal mourning caused by this disaster. To ascertain the number of the slain is im])ossible, but it was doubtless immense; scarcely a family in Granada which had not to mourn the loss of a member. The sub- mission of several fortresses in the vicinity followed this almost miraculous victory, and the ensuing year the destruction of the Mohammedan fleet was effected by that of the Christians, for GRANADA 115 1342-1358 Alfonso had succeeded in forming a third from the wrecks of the two former, and from the ships which arrived from Portugal, Aragon, and Italy. In 1342 Alfonso, who had greatly recruited his army, having resolved to profit by his successes, laid siege to Algeziras. Yussef hastened to relieve the place, but without success. Defeated by the Castilian army, disappointed in the succor he had expected from Africa, he had no alternative but to procure as favorable terms of capitulation as he could. The garrison and inhabitants were permitted to retire with their property; the fortress was imme- diately entered by the Christians, and a truce for ten years was granted to Yussef, on condition, if we may believe the Spanish chroniclers, of his doing homage to Alfonso. Before the expiration, however, of this period, the Castilian king invested Gibraltar, the possession of which would have enabled him to command the ap- proaches into Andalusia, and destroy the communication between Spain and Africa. But a contagious disorder broke out among his troops ; he himself became its victim, after a siege of six months, just as the place was reduced to extremities, and the Christians retired from the fatal spot. Though glad to be rid of so formidable a rival, Yussef honored alike the virtues and valor of Alfonso, whom he justly regarded as one of the greatest princes Spain had ever produced, and for whom both he and his court appeared in mourning. Yussef did not long survive his illustrious contemporary. In 1352 he was stabbed, while at prayers in the mosque, by a mad- man. His character has been already described ; but it would be impossible to recount all the acts which endeared him to his people. Mohammed V., the eldest son of Yussef, had virtues worthy of any throne, but they did not exempt him from the curse of rebel- lion. One of his first acts was to confer on his brother Ismail, to whom he bore an affection truly paternal, a magnificent palace near the Alhambra. But the mother of Ismail had long planned the elevation of her son, and on the assassination of Yussef had seized a great portion of the royal treasures, with which she labored to form a powerful party. But such was the love borne to Mohammed and the tranquillity of his reign that the conspirators, hopeless of the opportunity sought, resolved to accomplish their purpose by open violence. On the 28th day of the moon Ramasan a. 11. 760 (1358), one hundred 116 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1358-1360 of the most resolute among them scaled, one night, the palace of Mohammed, descended through the roof, and lay hid until mid- night. On a signal being given, they rushed down the grand stair- case and along the passages, a sword in one hand, a torch in the other, raising loud cries and putting to death every individual they met. At the same moment a more numerous body from without overwhelmed and massacred the guard, while a third proceeded to the house of the hagib, where they massacred him, his son, and his domestics, and laid hands on everything they could carry away. Astonished at the ample treasures which they found in the palace, they forgot for a time their original purpose, and eagerly grasped the spoil. The opportunity was not lost: one of Mohammed's women speedily clad him in the vestments of a female slave, descended with him to the garden, and both succeeded in gaining the open country. Before daybreak he reached Guadix, the inhabi- tants of which received him with affection and served him with fidelity. Soon after sunrise Abu Said and his accomplices placed Ismail on horseback, led him through the streets of Granada, and proclaimed him Prince of the Faithful. As usual, the mob hailed the new ruler wnth deafening shouts. When the conspirators saw that Mohammed had not only escaped, but found zealous adherents, they endeavored to strengthen themselves by an alliance with Pedro the Cruel, king of Leon and Castile, as the condition of which they offered the sovereignty of Granada. Pedro readily accepted the condition. Mohammed next applied for his aid, and received the same promises : he was evi- dently waiting to draw his own advantages from both. The dethroned monarch next proceeded to Fez (1359), and prevailed on the king of that place to arm in his behalf. In the meantime, Ismail found his usurped throne surrounded by danger and diffi- culty. Domineered over by Abu Said, the instrument of his eleva- tion, the latter soon plotted to dethrone this phantom of a king. He had little difficulty in persuading the populace to surround the palace, and demand not merely the deposition, but the head, of Ismail. The impotent king fled to the fortress of the Alhambra, but being induced to risk the fate of a battle, he fell into the hands of his enemy, who caused him to be assassinated. The people then proclaimed Abu Said. In 1360 IMohammed disembarked at Gibraltar, followed by an army of Africans, and rapidly advanced on Granada. The usurper GRANADA 117 1360-1408 endeavored to arrest his progress, but the number of Africans was so great that his partisans dared not risk a battle. The remainder of Mohammed's life was troubled by one un- important revolt only, which was speedily repressed. In the wars between Pedro and Enrique, in which the latter triumphed, he furnished some thousands of troops to the former, and on one occasion at least took a personal share in the war, less for the sake of his ally than to profit by the dissensions of the Christians, and recover some of the conquests lost by his immediate predecessors. He took and ruined Algeziras, but w^as induced to make peace with King Enrique. Having devoted his days to the welfare of his people, he died, 1390, lamented by all. Yussef n. (Abu Abdalla) commenced his reign by imitating alike his father's policy and virtues, by renewing the truce with, perhaps doing homage to, the crowm of Castle, and by assiduously endeavoring to promote the happiness of his people. Scarcely, however, was he seated on his throne when he narrowly escaped falling a victim to the rebellion of his younger son Mohammed. That prince, jealous of the rights attached to the primogeniture of his brother, endeavored not only to exclude that brother, but to hurl his parent from the throne. The Moorish king did not long survive this event ; as he was still young, his death was, as usual, attributed to some extraordinary cause. No sooner had Yussef expired than Mohammed VI., by means of his partisans, seized on the scepter, to the prejudice of his elder brother. It does not appear that Yussef ben Yussef made any attempt to enforce his rights. All his ambition was to lead a quiet life, and he probably felt little regret on being exiled to the fortress of Salobrena with his wives and domestics. Mohammed had scarce!}^ retired to his capital when he was seized by an illness which he felt would be fatal. His end corresponded with his stormy and unprincipled life. Yussef III., who had passed thirteen years in that best of schools, adversity, became a wise and paternal sovereign, averse to war abroad and cruelty at home, and placing his chief happiness in tlie weal of his people. But war he could not at first avoid, because he refused to acknowledge himself the vassal of Castile. Its issue by no means corresponded witli his wishes. If he recov- ered Zahara, he lost Antequera. If he had the glory of giving a new sovereign to Fez in the person of the Cid Abu Said, brother 118 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1414-1429 to the reigning king of that place, who had sought his protection, he was obhged to purchase peace from the two formidable Chris- tians. From this time (1414) to his death that peace was uninter- rupted. He died in 1423, and with him ended the tranquilhty of his country. Mohammed (Muley) VII. was sumamed El Hayzari, or the Left-handed, whether because he really used that hand in preference, or on account of his ill-fortune, is uncertain. Of a haughty and overbearing character, he was little fitted to rule a people so turbulent as those of Granada. Of all the wise counsels which he had received from his father he followed only one the preservation of peace with the Christians. Hence he became not merely unpopular, but so odious that the people would have de- throned him soon after his accession had not they been restrained by the prudent gravity of the hagib Yussef ben Zeragh, one of the most influential sheiks of the kingdom. At length, when Mo- hammed had prohibited some favorite public diversions, the spirit of insubordination broke out, the Alhambra was invested, the king escaped from the city to the court of his kinsman, the sovereign of Tunis, and his cousin Mohammed el Zaquir was raised to the vacant dignity. But Mohammed VIII. was not long to enjoy his usurped power. Though he restored the favorite amusements of the people, he labored to annihilate the party of the lawful sovereign, and by so doing created many powerful enemies. Not a few sought an asylum at the court of Don Juan, the young king of Castile, whom they interested in the cause of the exiled king. Juan wrote to the king of Tunis in favor of Mohammed, whose restoration he promised to aid by force of arms. This encouragement was not thrown away on the exile. Accompanied by 500 African horse he passed the strait, landed in Andalusia, was joined not only by the Christians, but by the very partisans of El Zaquir, and was triumphantly borne to the capital without a single engagement. The usurper was besieged in the Alhambra, was surrounded by his own soldiers, and beheaded, and El Hayzari was restored. The web of Mohammed's singular fate was woven with the most extraordinary alternations of fate. Three times was he dethroned. A respite of some years, indeed, was allowed him before his final degra- dation if that can be called a respite, where he could enjoy no peace within or without. Every season his kingdom was laid waste by the Christian governors of the frontiers, who, though Castile was GRANADA 119 1445 again the prey of civil dissensions, were not the less eager for the plunder of the Moors. Their devastations reduced the peaceable inhabitants to the greatest misery, A nephew, Mohammed ben Osmin, seeing the increasing unpopularity of his uncle, took great pains to increase the animosity of the nobles and to gain the pop- ulace by that never-failing argument, gold. When his plans were sufficiently matured, he raised a commotion among the people, seized first on all the forts of the city, and soon on the person of Mohammed, whom he consigned to a close prison. Thus did this unfortunate prince, in 1445, disappear forever from the stage of history. Mohammed IX. (Ben Osmin) was immediately proclaimed by his own partisans, but many were hostile to his elevation. Abdelbar, who had served with much credit the office of hagib under the dethroned king, retired with a considerable number of the discontented to Montefrio. To attempt the restoration of that prince, Abdelbar knew would be vain, and he turned his thoughts towards Mohammed ben Ismail, another nephew of the previous king. He wrote to that prince with the offer of the sovereignty, but advised him to keep the project secret from the Castilian king, lest his departure should be opposed. Aben Ismail, however, preferred the more open and honorable part of acquainting his host with the whole business, and Don Juan, so far from opposing his departure, sent express orders to the governors of the frontier fortresses to assist him in his enterprise. No sooner was Don Juan able to send a reinforcement to Aben Ismail than that prince marched against his rival, Ben Osmin, whom he signally defeated, and whom he pursued towards the capital. Hitherto the martial success of the latter had maintained him in his post in de- fiance of the popular discontent, but now that victory had deserted his standard, his former adherents left him. He called the citizens to arms ; their silence showed that his reign was near its end. Before his fall, however, he resolved to be revenged on them. Under the pretext of consulting the safety of the city, he convoked the heads of the people, sucli especially as he knew were hostile to him, and as tliey successively arrived at the AI- hambra tliey were seized and executed by the soldiers of his guard. After this exploit, so characteristic of a Moorish prince, he secretly left the place, plunged into the mountains, and forever retired from public life. 120 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1460-1478 Mohammed X., the son of Ismail, was proclaimed without opposition. His first care was to send ambassadors and presents to the new king of Castile, Enrique IV., and solicit a renewal of former treaties. But Enrique, who had other views than those of his predecessor, instead of complying with the request, entered the kingdom at the head of 14,000 horse and 20,000 foot. This force would have annihilated any army which Aben Ismail could have brought into the field, and the Moors accordingly retired before it, sometimes, however, sending detachments of cavalry to impede its advance by harassing skirmishes. In vain did Aben Ismail apply for a truce; the partisan warfare still raged, sometimes, indeed, to the temporary triumph of his generals, but always eventually to the permanent advantage of the enemy. In 1460 Archidona and Gibraltar were reduced, and the Moorish troops everywhere defeated. In consternation at the gloomy aspect of affairs, Aben Ismail now submitted to hold his tenure as a fief of Castile and to pay a tribute annually of 12,000 pistoles in gold. That this tribute was punctually paid until his death, which hap- pened in 1466, may be inferred from the harmony that continued to subsist between the two states. Muley Ali Abul Hassan, the elder son of the deceased king, succeeded to a throne which required alike the highest valor and the ablest policy to maintain erect. The first three years of his reign were sufficiently tranquil, but in 1469 the wall of Malaga not only revolted against his authority, but did homage for the govern- ment to the king of Castile. The incensed Abul Hassan, knowing that Enrique was occupied in quenching the flames of civil war, made several destructive irruptions into the territories of his superior ; but however he might lay waste the frontier, he was unable to make any impression on the compact, powerful kingdom of Castile. Though in 879 (a.d. 1474) he obtained a truce from the new sovereigns of Castile, Isabella and Ferdinand, who were too busily occupied in opposing the partisans of the Princess Juana to think of extending their possessions in the south, he had little reason for self-congratulation. In 1478 the truce of Castile expired, and Abul Hassan ap- plied for its renewal. The Christian sovereigns at first required the usual condition of vassalage and tribute, which, as they were still occupied in their domestic wars, he refused to grant : tliey were then compelled to consent purely and simply to the renewal ; GRANADA 121 1479-1483 but they vowed vengeance at a future period, as policy, enlight- ened in that age, taught them that, so long as the Moors were suffered to domineer in any portion of the country, their subjects of the frontier could know neither security nor peace. In 1479, on the death of Don Juan II., king of Aragon, Ferdinand succeeded to that throne, and the two powerful states of Aragon and Castile were forever incorporated. This memorable event, by consolidating the peace of the Christians, was the signal for the destruction of the Mohammedan government. Abul Hassan prepared for the ap- proaching storm. Two years later, while the Christian sovereigns were putting an end to the troubles raised by the king of Portugal, he suddenly appeared in Andalusia and arrived before the fortress of Zahara, which he knew was feebly garrisoned. The night was dark, the wind high, and the rain descended in torrents, cir- cumstances which, by inspiring a fatal security to the inhabitants, were highly favorable to the assailants. They silently scaled the walls and took possession of the place before the surprised Chris- tians could dream of defense. Having strengthened the forti- fications and confided their defense to a numerous garrison, he returned triumphant to Granada. On reaching Granada the king was not surprised to find that the prime movers of the rebellion were his wife, Zoraya, and his son, Abu Abdalla. He confined both in a fortress. To recall the fidelity of his subjects by some signal exploit, the king departed to raise the siege of Loxa, w^iich the Christians had invested, and succeeded in forcing their army, which, however, was only 16,000 strong, to retire. On his return he took and ruined Canete and reduced the inhabitants to slavery. But this triumph was counter- balanced by the intelligence that his rebellious son Abu Abdalla had seized on the Alhambra and been recognized by the whole popu- lation of the capital. He retired to Malaga, which some time before had returned to its obedience; Guadix and Baza also de- clared for him. By perversity of chance the partisans of each side failed him, and united for Al)dalla el Zagai, who succeeded, and was not unqual- ified for the station to which he was thus unexpectedly raised; but the individuals in whom that elevation originated must have been blind, indeed, not to preceive that it was a measure which must in- evitably add to the existing anarchy. Abu Abdalla had still some determined followers, and as he was in possession of the Albaycin, 122 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1483-1488 one of the best fortified places of the capital, he showed no disposi- tion to concede his pretensions to his uncle, any more than he had shown it to his father. In vain did the less ambitious or more prudent uncle propose the division of the supreme authority, that both might turn their combined forces against the invaders. As compromise was impossible, each endeavored to fortify his pre- tensions by alliances, the former with the walls of Almeria and Guadix, the latter with the Christians. Ferdinand naturally espoused the cause of his vassal, to whom he dispatched some troops; he next took the field in person, under the pretext of suc- coring Abu Abdalla. He besieged and took Alora and Setenil, aSidalusia LA5T STRONGHOLD OF M 00^51 N SPAIN. >ASON-^^' and defeated the Moors in two partial engagements. In 1485 he caused Ronda, INIarbella, Cahir, Cartama, etc., to be invested at the same time. On the reduction of these important places, Moclin, Velez-Malaga, and Loxa were besieged. Abdalla el Zagal has- tened to relieve Moclin, and succeeded ; but at Velez-Malaga, the siege of which he also endeavored to raise, he was utterly defeated and compelled to retreat. On his return to Granada, however, the inhabitants, incensed at his failure, refused to admit him, and he retired to Guadix. Nor did better fate attend Abu Abdalla, who, having thrown himself into Loxa, was constrained to capitulate. The conquest or capitulation of all the fortified places in its neighborhood had isolated the important city of Malaga, the pos- session of which now became the great object of the Castilians. GRANADA 123 1488-1491 The wali of the place, a kinsman of El Zagal, had foreseen the storm, and prepared for it by hiring auxiliaries from Africa and laying in considerable supplies of provisions ; the population, too, was very numerous, and animated by hatred of the Christian name. Hence the siege continued for some months to baffle the efforts of King Ferdinand in person, and even of Queen Isabella, who repaired to the camp of her husband with the determination of remaining there until the city owned their joint sway. The submission of the city soon followed a fruitless effort of fanaticism. There is, however, some difference between the accounts of the Moors and Christians as to the chief result. The latter say that the place surrendered unconditionally, and that Isabella honorably distinguished herself by interceding for the inhabitants, who were allowed to retain their property, to remain or retire where they pleased ; while the former assert that the Christian troops were introduced through the treachery of a Moor and that the place was delivered up to pillage. The western fortresses of the kingdom being in the power of the Christians, Ferdinand had now two plans before him for attaining his great object: he could either at once fall on the capital or begin with the reduction of the eastern strongholds. He chose the latter; he knew that, if he triumphed over Abdalla el Zagal, who possessed Guadix, Baza, Almeria, Vera, etc., he should have little difficulty in dethroning the fallen Abu Abdalla. Velez el Rubio, Vera, Mujacar, etc., opened their gates on the first sum- mons. But the Christians failed before Huescar, Baza, and Taberna, and had the worst in more than one skirmish. In 1488 Ferdinand again hastened to the field at the head of 50,000 foot and 12,000 horse, resolved with this formidable force to deprive the Moors of all hopes of a successful resistance. Under the pre- tense that his arms were to be directed against only the enemy of his ally, he hoped to divide still further the Moorish power. He succeeded in his purpose : the people of Granada looked on, not indeed with indifference, but certainly without much anxiety for tliemselves, while their ally marched against the places still held fen' El Zagal. Abu Abdalla, however, was aware of the result; he even purchased a temporary security by consenting not only to abandon his uncle, but to receive into Granada itself a Christian garrison; in other words, to deliver that capital, after the destruc- tion of El Za"-al. into the hands of Ferdinand. In return he was 124 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 14S1 to receive ample domain, under the title of vassalage from his feudal superior. Though the conditions of the alliance were secret, El Zagal, convinced that he should now have to encounter the whole power of the Castilians, prepared for a vigorous defense. His kinsman, the cid Yahia, with 10,000 men, he sent to Baza, which he rightly judged would be one of the first places to be invested by Ferdinand. Having reduced Xucar, the Christian monarch, as had been foreseen, laid siege to Baza. Purchena Taberna, Almunecar, Salobrena, and some other towns of the Alpuj arras were eager to follow the example of Baza, so that the once proud kingdom of the Moors was almost literally confined to the walls of the capital. Nothing now remained but to complete the overthrow of the Moorish power by the conquest of Granada, and in the spring of A.D. 149 1 Ferdinand invested this great city with 50,000 foot and 10,000 horse. That the siege would be long and bloody was to be expected from the strength of the fortifications and the fanaticism of the people. Some time, indeed, elapsed before the place could be effectually invested ; convoys of provisions were frequently received in spite of Ferdinand's vigilance, and in the sorties which from time to time took place the advantage was not always on the side of the assailants. The petty engagements so thinned the Christian host that the king at length forbade them ; and to protect his camp against the daring irruptions of the Moors he surrounded it with thick walls and deep ditches. The enemy now saw that he was resolute in the reduction of the place, however tardy that reduction might prove. In despair at this politic expedient, Muza, the Moorish general, a man of great valor and ability, persuaded his followers to join him in storming the Christian entrenchments. But the Christians did not wait to be stormed. Advancing, they utterly routed the jNIussulmans and cut them off from their base of supplies. In the face of threatened famine Abu Abdalla hastily summoned a council to hear the senti- ments of his chief subjects on the deplorable state of affairs. All agreed that the camp, the city, and policy of Ferdinand were but too indicative of his unalterable determination, and of the fate which ultimately, nay soon, awaited them ; that the people were worn out by abstinence and fatigue ; and that, as the necessity was imperative, an attempt should be made to procure favorable terms of capitulation from the Castilian. The hagib, AIjuI Cassem, a GRANADA 125 1492 venerable old man, proceeded to the Christian camp, and on the 22d day of Muharram, 897,^ conditions were agreed on between them for the city's total subjugation. The conditions were laid by Abdul Cassem before the council of Abu Abdalla and were regarded with mournful solemnity. Many of the members were naturally and deeply affected at the prospect before them. Muza advised them rather to perish than to surrender, and seeing his expostulations unavailing, he left the hall of deliberation, took his horse and arms, issued from the gate Elvira, and was heard of no more. After his departure, Abu Abdalla said, " It is not courage that we wa^it, but the means of resistance ; ill fate has shed its baneful influence over the kingdom, and has unnerved us all. What resource i8 left us ? The storm has destroyed all ! " The justice of the royal complaint was acknowledged by all except the lowest populace, whose fanaticism would probably have buried the city in ruins had not the king, with the advice of his sheiks, en- treated Ferdinand to take possession of the city somewhat earlier than had been stipulated an entreaty to which the Castilian king lent a willing ear. It was on the fourth day of the moon Rabia I.,^ at the dawn of day, that Abu Abdalla sent his family and treasures into the Alpujarras, while he himself, accompanied by fifty horsemen, rode out to meet Ferdinand, whom he saluted as his liege lord. The keys of the city were delivered to the latter by Abul Cassem ; the Christians entered and their standards were speedily hoisted on the towers of the Alhambra and all the fortresses in the place. The fourth day following, Ferdinand and his royal consort made a solemn entry into the city, which they made the seat of an archbishopric, and in which they abode several months. As for the feeble Abu Abdalla, he had not courage to re-enter it. He did not long remain in Spain. Like his uncle, he sold his domains and retired to Africa, where he died in battle, defending the throne of his kinsman the king of Fez. Two princes of the family, Yahia and his son, re- mained in the Peninsula, where they embraced the Christian religion and were laden with honors and wealth by their new sovereign. The conquest of Granada was indeed the overthrow of the Moors in Spain. The genius of that people had its fmest flowering lA.ll. 897 opens November .3, 1491: hence November 25. " January 4, 1492. 126 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1492 and expression in that kingdom, with Granada as its capital. Won- derful works of architecture and eng-ineering, and the most delicate products of art and industry served to show the high civilization to which this richest kingdom of the Moors attained, and their in- fluence spread through the channels of trade to almost all the markets of the world. The splendid city of Granada was sur- rounded by a strong wall and crowned with more than a thousand towers. With the snow peaks of the Sierra Nevada rising at its back and the fertile plain of Vega stretched below, well may the sight have brought streaming tears to the eyes of the exiled Abu Abdalla, as he looked back from the road to the Alpujarras. The Spaniards still commemorate the scene of the sovereign's farewell and name the rocky height El Ultimo Sospiro del Moro " the last sigh of the Moor." PART IV CHRISTIAN SPAIN. 718-1516 Chapter IX THE ASTURIAS, LEON, AND CASTILE. 713-1230 THE more zealous or more independent Christians who, after the triumphs of Tarik and Musa, were dissatisfied with the submission of Theodomir, gradually forsook their habitations in the south to seek a more secure asylum amidst the northern mountains of their country. They knew that in the same hills the sacred fire of liberty had been preserved, in defiance of Carthaginian, or Roman, or Goth ; and they felt that to them was now confided the duty of reviving its expiring embers. At first, indeed, the number which resorted to these solitudes was few, and actuated by the mere hope of individual safety ; but as the Moham- medan excesses became more frequent and intolerable, as neither prompt submission nor the solemnity of treaties could guarantee the unhappy natives from plunder, persecution, and destruction, and, consequently, as the number of refugees increased, the possi- bility of a combined defense on a larger scale, and even of laying the foundation of an infant state, was eagerly indulged. At the time this unequivocal demonstration of defiance was made by the Christians, Alhaur, the Mohammedan governor, was in Gaul; but one of his generals, Alxaman, accompanied, as we are informed, by the renegade archbishop Oppas, and obedient to his orders, assembled a considerable force, and hastened into the Asturias to crush the rising insurrection. Arriving at the foot of the Asturian mountains without obstacle, the Arabian general (lid not hesitate to plunge into the defiles. Passing along the valley of Cangas, he came to the foot of ]\Iount Anseva, near the River Sella.-' On the heights of Covadunga and in the cavern of St. Mary a small but resolute band under Pelayo was concealed, wait- ing for the attack. Loath to run the risk of one where the advan- tage of position was so much in favor of the Christians, Alxaman ' The grotto of Our Lady of Covadunga is about twelve English miles from the Bay of Biscay. 129 130 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 713-739 is said to have dispatched Oppas to Pelayo, representing to that prince the inutihty of resistance and the advantage of instant sub- mission. The refusal of the Asturian, who well knew his position and what stout hearts he commanded, was followed by the ascent of the Arabs up the steep acclivity. But their consternation could be equalled only by their surprise when huge rocks and stones came thundering down on their dense ranks, by which they were precipitated into the narrow valley below. The destruction did not end here: it met those who attempted to ascend the opposite slope. Many thousands were crushed beneath the vast fragments, and the rest would speedily have shared the same fate had they not precipitately fled by the way they had advanced. The con- fusion attending this retrograde movement was turned to good account by the Christians, who now issued from their hiding-places and inflicted a terrific loss on the fugitives. These memorable events fixed the destiny of the infant kingdom ; they were the first of a succession of triumphs which, though sometimes tardy and often neutralized by accident, ended in the final expulsion of the invaders from the Peninsula. The Asturias were now left in the undisturbed possession of the Christians, nor were the Moham- medans for some years in any disposition to assail their formidable neighbors. The results of these victories were highly favorable to the Christians, who began (in the Asturias) to found towns, to repair such as had suffered, and to cultivate the ground with hope. The remainder of Pelayo's reign is unknown ; it was probably passed in peace. He died in 737 and was buried in the church of St. Eulalia, at Congas de Onis. This hero is entitled to the grateful reverence of posterity. His patriotism, his valor, his religious fervor must have been unrivaled, or he would scarcely have ven- tured, with a mere handful of men, to stem the torrent of Moham- medan invasion. Above all, he appears to great advantage when contrasted with Theodomir, who, however amiable in private life, and even courageous in the battlefield, cannot escape our censure for tamely submitting to the hateful and despicable yoke of the Arabs. Of Favila, the son and successor of Pelayo, nothing is known beyond his brief reign and tragical deatli. In 739 he was killed by a boar while hunting in the neighborliood of the church of the Holy Cross, which he had founded. ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 131 739-783 Alfonso L, surnamed the Catholic, a son-in-law of Pelayo, descended, we are told, from Leovigild, was the next prince on whom the suffrages of the Asturians fell. But Alfonso was not merely a conqueror: the colonies which he established, the towns which he founded or restored, the churches which he built or repaired, are justly adduced as signal monuments of his patriotism and religious zeal. Hence the appellation of Catholic an appellation which continues at the present day to dis- tinguish his successors. His end, which happened in 757, cor- responded with his life. Fruela I., the eldest son of Alfonso, is represented as stern in disposition, as cruel in his habits, and valiant in war. The harsh character of Fruela, joined perhaps to the natural inconstancy of man, led to a revolt in Galicia and Biscay, but he succeeded in repressing both, and he inflicted a heavy punishment on the rebels. The man, indeed, who with his own hands shed the blood of an innocent brother, was not likely to spare guilty sub- jects. But in the end, finding his yoke intolerable, or perhaps resolved no longer to obey a fratricide, his people rose and slew him, after a reign of somewhat more than eleven years, in A.D. 768. Of Aurelio, the cousin and successor of Fruela, nothing is known, but that, according to the Christian writers, he lived in peace with the Moors, and that, after a struggle, he reduced to obedience the slaves and freedmen who had revolted against their lords. But the Mohammedans will not allow that he thus remained unmolested by their great king Abderahman. They assert that, on his endeavoring to evade the tribute covenanted with Fruela, he was at least twice defeated by two Arabian generals, and that he esteemed liimself fortunate in being able to procure peace on the same condition of vassalage. As little is known of Silo, son-in- law of Alfonso I. and brother of Aurelio, who was elected king in 774. Tliat he continued at peace with the Arabs is certain, but on what terms is doubtful ; the dark expression in the monk of Albelda, that Spain enjoyed peace with the Moors tlirough his mother (S pallia ab causam inatris paccm Jiabuit), would lead us to infer that there was some closer relation between the royal families of the two nations than is generally supposed. In his reign, as in that of Frnela, the Galicians revolted, and were reduced to obedience. But the most memorable event of this period is the arrival oi 132 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 783-791 Charlemagne, whose invasion, dubious ahke in its pretensions and result, has been sufficiently detailed. Silo died in 783. Mauregato, the bastard son of Alfonso I., who usurped the crown to the prejudice of his nephew Alfonso, son of Fruela, would also descend almost unnoticed to posterity were it not for the famous tribute ascribed to him. Despairing of a successful oppo- sition to the party of the young prince, he is said to have triumphed by the aid of Abderahman, and that either through gratitude or in compliance with the demand of his ally, he agreed to pay thence- forth an annual tribute not of money, or horses, or arms, but of a hundred damsels (all to be distinguished for beauty) to orna- ment the harems of the misbelievers. His memory, however, does not deserve to be charged with so odious a stain. But in any case the usurper would well deserve the ill repute in which his name is mentioned by posterity. On the death of Mauregato, in 788, Bermudo I. was elected to the throne. The nobles who were known to have been concerned in the murder of Fruela were naturally desirous to exclude Alfonso, in the apprehension that he would seek to revenge that deed of darkness. Bermudo, too, the nephew of Alfonso the Catholic, was the only remaining prince of the race of Recared, and though in holy orders, and averse to the regal office, it was not only forced on him, but he was in a manner constrained to marry. He did not long remain king: whether through disgust with the dignity, or through a conviction that it would be better filled by his nephew, or, more probably, from conscientious scruples, he resolved to separate from his wife, and to abdicate in favor of that prince. He had little difficulty in persuading his nobles to acknowledge Alfonso, as the mild disposition of the latter seemed to them a sufficient guarantee that revenge would be sacrificed to policy. Alfonso n., better known as Alfonso the Chaste, began to reign in 791. That he was not unworthy the partiality of his uncle or the affection of his people appears both from the victories he obtained over the Mohammedans and from his patriotic rule. Yet he w^as doomed to experience the ordinary ingratitude of men ; for, not long after his accession, he was forcibly seized and con- fined in a monastery, not by a small party, but by a formidable army of rebels. Tliat confinement, however, appears to have been of short duration; some of his faithful vassals hastened to his retreat and brought him in triumph to Oviedo, where he established his ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 133 791-850 court. That city, which now became the capital of his kingdom, he enlarged and embellished : many of the edifices erected by him were distinguished for equal magnificence and extent. The church of San Salvador, in particular, which occupied thirty years in build- ing, is a well-known and justly admired monument of his taste and religious zeal. Though the reign of Alfonso exceeded fifty years in duration, it contains very little to strike the attention, if we except his wars with the Mohammedans. This surname of the Chaste has pro- cured him great veneration, so much, indeed, that his not being canonized seems to have surprised not a few of his countrymen. In 842 Ramiro I., son of King Bermudo the Deacon, was elected successor to Alfonso. As at the time of his election the prince happened to be absent on a matrimonial excursion, one Nepotiano, an Asturian count and a kinsman of the deceased king, aspired to the crown. Ramiro hastened to vindicate his right; his competitor also collected followers ; a battle ensued, to the favor of the rightful sovereign ; Nepotiano fled, was overtaken, deprived of his eyes, and shut up in a monastery. This king was no less successful against his foreign than his domestic enemies. The Scandinavian vikings, after ravaging the coasts of France, appeared before Gijon, in the Asturias, but finding the place too well defended to be assailed with impunity, they pro- ceeded round the coast to Coruiia. There they landed and com- mitted their usual atrocities, until the Asturian king hastened to oppose them. Being defeated by him and seventy of their vessels burned, they proceeded onwards, doubled Cape St. Vincent, and, as already related, inflicted heavy mischief on the Alohammedan pos- sessions of the south. By Sebastian of Salamanca he is said to have been twice victorious also over the Saracens. Ordono I., son of the deceased king, ascended the Asturian throne at an early age. One of his first objects was to fortify his frontier places against the incursions of the Mohammedans and to repeople such as had lain waste since the time of Alfonso I. Leon, Amaya, Astorga, and Tuy were among the number. In his frequent contests with the enemy he was almost uniformly suc- cessful. Ordono, at the close of his reign, was undisturbed master of the whole country, from the Bay of Biscay to Salamanca. Under Ordono the Normans again landed on the Galician coast, but being defeated by Count Pedro, governor of the province, 134 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 866-91& they proceeded to the more fertile towns of Andakisia : their devastations have been already recorded. Alfonso III., the eldest son of the deceased Ordono, ascended the throne in 866. The beginning of his reign, like that of some of his predecessors, was troubled through the ill-fortune of an elec- tive government. His kingdom was invaded, and his throne was seized by a count of Galicia, and he was even compelled to flee into Alava. By the senate of Oviedo, however, the usurper was assas- sinated, and the rightful monarch triumphantly escorted to his capital. During the late reigns the people of Navarre had been among the most frequent to revolt : they were in all cases instigated by the Franks, who constantly aspired to a permanent settlement south of the Pyrenees, and who were anxious to repair the ill-success of their arms under their great emperor and his descendants. Since the time Charlemagne had heroically destroyed the fortifications of Christian Pampeluna, the Carlovingian race had regarded the whole of Navarre as their rightful heritage, and labored, often with success, to procure the homage of the local governors. To chastise both count and people was a constant task for the Asturian kings; but Alfonso found that these domestic contests distracted his atten- tion from the war with the Alohammedans. But Alfonso's victories over the Mohammedans almost atoned for his imprudent policy with regard to. Navarre, if, indeed, that policy was not the compulsory result of circumstances. From 870 to 901 his contests with the enemy, whether with tlie kings of Cordova or their rebellious vassals, who aimed at independence, were one continued series of successes. His last exploit at this period was the destruction, in the battle of Zamora, of a formidable army, led by the rebel Calib of Toledo, whose ally, Abul Cassem, fell on the field. But this great prince, if glorious in his contests with the natural enemy, was unable to contend with his rebellious barons, headed by his still more rebellious son Garcia. The latter was seized by a detachment of the royal troops and consigned to a fortress, where he was forced to remain three years. At the prospect of a civil war, the king no longer wished to uphold his just rights. Having con- voked an assembly at Bordes, in the Asturias, in 910, he solemnly renounced the crown in favor of Don Garcia, who passed at once from a prison to a throne. To his second son Ordono he granted ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 135 910-923 the government of Galicia; and another, Fruela, he confirmed in that of Oviedo. These concessions were, doubtless, extorted from him, a fact that does not speak much for the firmness of his domes- tic administration : he appears, Hke many other princes of his coun- try, to have been great chiefly in the field of battle. Alfonso did not long survive his abdication. He died at Zamora, at the close of the year 910, leaving behind him the repu- tation of one of the most valiant, magnanimous, and pious sov- ereigns that Spain ever produced. Of Garcia, the successor of Alfonso IIL, little more is known than that he transferred the seat of sovereignty from Oviedo to Leon, made a successful irruption into the territories of the mis- believers, and died in 914. The nobles and bishops of the king- dom henceforth called the kingdom of Leon having met, accord- ing to custom, for the purpose of nominating a successor, placed the royal crown on the head of Ordono, brother of the deceased Garcia. Ordofio IL, under the reigns both of his father and brother, had distinguished himself against the ]Mohammedans, and he resolved that no one should say his head was weakened by a crown. In 917 he advanced towards the Guadiana, stormed the town of Alhange, which is above Merida, put the garrison to the sword, made the women and children captives, and gained abundant spoil. With the wealth thus acquired he founded the magnificent cathedral of Leon. In a subsequent expedition he ruined Talavera and defeated a ^Mohammedan army near its walls. Indignant at these disasters, Abderahman III. assembled a powerful army, not only from all parts of Mohammedan Spain, but from Africa ; but this immense host was also defeated, under the walls of San Pedro dc Gormaz. Nearly three years afterwards, in 921, Ordono was in turn defeated in the battle of Val de Junquera, whither he had advanced to aid the king of Navarre, and where two of his prel- ates, Dulcidio of Salamanca and Hermogio of Tuy, were made prisoners. He took his revenge for this disaster by an irruption into Andalusia, which he laid waste from the Navas de Tolosa to within a day's journey of Cordova. Ordono did not long survive tlie triumph over his rebellious subjects. He died in 923. immediately after his third marriage with a princess of Navarre. Fruela II.. brotlicr of Ordono. was elected in preference to the 136 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 925-950 children of the deceased king probably because they were too young to be intrusted with the cares of government. Of him we know httle more than that he died after a reign of fourteen months, and that his premature death was considered by the chroniclers as a righteous punishment for his banishing, without cause, the bishop of Leon, and persecuting, with fatal malignity, two innocent brothers of that prelate. The cause of his enmity was the zeal which these persons had shown in favor of Alfonso, the eldest son of Ordofio. Alfonso IV., who succeeded, in 925, in preference to the sons of Fruela IL, is represented as a prince more addicted to piety than to ambition. In the sixth year of his reign he renounced the vani- ties of the world, resigned the scepter into the hands of his brother Ramiro, and retired into the monastery of Sahagun. Ramiro IL, who ascended the throne in 930, is chiefly distin- guished for his wars with the misbelievers^ wars which have been already noticed as far as they could be discriminated amid the con- flicting accounts of the two nations. One of his victories, that of Simancas, fought in 939, seems, in many of its circumstances, to be the same as the one gained at Clavijo by Ramiro I. : the two have, beyond all doubt, been confounded, and it is no less undoubted that the circumstances are a pure creation of the chroniclers. Like most of his predecessors, Ramiro had also to struggle with internal discord. The dependent count of Castile. Fernan Gonsalez, and one Diego Nunez, a count also in the same province, for reasons with which history (however communicative romance may be) does not acquaint us, revolted against him. The incensed king marched against them, seized their persons, and confined them in two separate fortresses. His displeasure was not of long dura- tion : he suffered the counts to resume their offices on their taking the usual oaths of obedience, and he even married his eldest son, Ordofio, to Urraca, daughter of Fernan Gonsalez. To that son, on the vigil of the Epiphany, in the year 950, he resigned the crown: his growing illness convinced him that he had not long to live; he therefore assumed the penitential garb and passed his few remain- ing days in religious retirement. Ordofio III. had scarcely ascended the throne before he was troubled by the ambitious projects of his younger brother, Don Sancho. Sancho and the count, at the head of the Castilians and the Navarrese, in vain invaded the territories of Leon ; they ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 137 955-982 found Ordono so well prepared to receive them that they retreated without risking a single battle. With equal success did he triumph over the Galicians, who, for reasons which the meager chroniclers of the time never dream of communicating, openly rebelled. He died in 955. Sancho I., surnamed from his corpulency the Fat, now arrived at the summit of his ambition. But by the retributive justice of Heaven he was doomed to bear, and in a still heavier degree, the burden of anxiety which he had laid on his brother and predecessor. Aided by the restless count of Castile, whose daughter, the divorced Urraca, he had married, Ordoiio, son of Alfonso IV., aspired to the throne. Despairing of success by open arms, the two rebels art- fully seduced the troops of Sancho from their allegiance, and per- suaded them to join the intruder. This unexpected event deprived the king of the means of resistance, compelled him to flee secretly for his life, and raised Ordono to a precarious dignity. The exiled Sancho, after various adventures, was at length reinstated in his kingdom. The restored king did not long, how- ever, survive his good fortune. In an expedition against Gonsalo Sanchez, count of Galicia, who aspired to render that government independent of Leon, he was poisoned under the mask of hospitality by that perfidious rebel, after a troubled reign of twelve years. As Ramiro III. was only five years of age on the death of his father, his education fell to the care of his aunt Dofia Elvira, abbess of the convent of San Salvador, who also appears to have been regent of the kingdom. His minority offers little that is interesting, if we except a predatory irruption of the Normans, who, early in 968, one year after his accession, landed in Galicia, advanced towards Compostella, defeated and slew Sismondo, bishop of that see, laid waste the whole of that province, with a considerable por- tion of Leon, and during two successive years committed their usual depredations, with, as appears, perfect impunity. As Ramiro grew in years the (qualities which he exhibited augured anything but good to his people. Rash, presumptuous, self-sufficient, and haughty in his behavior to his wisest counselors, he became so odious to the nation that the counts of Castile, Leon, and Galicia threw off their allegiance to him and proclaimed in Compostella Prince Bermudo, grandson of Fruela IT. Ramiro immediately assembled an army, and marched against his rival, whom he encountered near ^Nlonterroso in Galicia, in 982. The 138 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 982-1021 contest, though long and bloody, was indecisive, so that both kings, afraid of renewing it, retired to their respective courts Ramiro to Leon and Bermudo to Santiago. The calamities arising from this civil strife were increased by the hostile inroads of Almansor, the celebrated hagib of Hixem II., who now began a career of unrivaled military splendor, and who was destined to prove the most formid- able enemy the Christians had experienced since the time of Tarik and Muza. Fortunately, however, for the distracted state, Ramiro did not long survive his return to Leon : his death again consoli- dated the regal power. Bermudo II., who, on the death of Ramiro, in 982, was ac- knowledged king of Leon, had little reason to congratulate him- self on his elevation, since his reign was one of the most disastrous in the national annals, distracted alike by domestic rebellion and foreign invasion. Of the rebels who embittered his days by openly favoring the frequent invasions of the Mohammedans, three are particularly mentioned in history, Rodrigo Velasquez, Conancio, and Gonzalo Bermudez. Alfonzo V. was only five years of age on the death of his father, and the government was consequently intrusted to a regent. That regency is eventful, from the defeat of Almansor in looi, a defeat wdiich not only occasioned the death of that hero, but w'hich was the forerunner of the fall of Cordova. In the dissensions which followed among the candidates for the throne of Hixem, the Christian princes of Spain embraced different sides, as their inter- ests or inclinations dictated. In 10 10 Alfonso was imprudent enough to confer the hand of his sister on Mohammed, king of Toledo, a prince who was subsequently raised to the throne of Cordova, but was soon deposed and put to death by Hixem. As the king of Leon grew in years, he endeavored to repair the disasters which had been occasioned by the hostile inroads of the Arabs : he rebuilt and repeopled his capital, vvhither the seat of government was again transferred from Oviedo; he restored both to the churches and to individuals the property of which they had been despoiled, and proclaimed some salutary laws for the observ- ance of the local counts. His good intentions, how^ever, w-ere not a little tliwarted by the rebellion of Count Sancho Garces of Castile, who disdained to acknowledge his authority. But in 102 1 Don Sancho died : his son, Don Garcia, a mere child, succeeded him. This seemed to the king of Leon a most favorable opportunity for ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 139 1021-1035 binding Castile closely with his crown, by a double union between the two houses : his son Bermudo he proposed to marry with Dofia Ximena, sister of the young count, and the count himself with his daughter Doha Sancha; at the same time he offered to confer on his future son-in-law the title of king. The count, in 1026, left Burgos for the court of Leon, where he was received with all the friendship due to the character he was about to assume. But amidst the rejoicings consequent on his arrival he was assassinated by the sons of one Count Vela, who had been the vassals of his father, and who had fled from Castile to Leon, where they had been kindly received by Alfonso. The assassins fled to Monzon and thence towards the country of the Mohammedans ; but they were overtaken by the king of Navarre, brother-in-law of the murdered count, who took and burned them alive. With Don Garcia ended the counts of Castile, which was thenceforth to be governed by kings, and to remain more than two centuries dissevered from Leon. Alfonso, soon after this tragical catastrophe, carried his arms into Portugal and laid siege to Viseo, then held by the Mohamme- dans, One day, however, being so imprudent as to approach very near to the walls without any defensive armor, he was mortally wounded by an arrow from the ramparts, and the siege was in con- sequence raised. Like his father, Bermudo IIL was at a tender age on his acces- sion, though already married to the infanta of Castile. Of this circumstance advantage was unworthily taken by Sancho el ]\Iayor. king of Navarre, who, not satisfied with assuming the sovereignty of Castile in right of his queen, Doha Muna Elvira, the elder sister of the queen of Leon and daughter of Don Garcia, the last count of Castile, made a hostile irruption into the states of his brother-in- law. Peace was, however, made on the condition that the king of Leon should confer the hand of his sister, Doha Sancha, on Don Ferdinand, one of King Sancho's sons. But this peace appears to have been subsequently broken, doubtless through the ambition of the enterprising Navarrese, for that king in 1034 possessed As- torga, and indeed most of the country as far as Galicia. As Ber- mudo continued childless, the wily monarch might safely cherish the hope that the crown of Leon would devolve on the brows of his son in right of the infanta, his daughter-in-law. On the death of Sancho, in 1035, his ample states were thus divided: To Garcia he left the kingdom of Navarre, the lordship 140 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1037 of Biscay (which had been hitherto annexed to Castile), and a part of Rioja ; to Ferdinand he bequeathed the new kingdom of Castile, and the conquests he had made between the Pisuerga and the Cea; to Ramiro fell the states of Aragon, which had hitherto continued a lordship as much dependent on Navarre as Castile on Leon ; to another son, Gonzalo, he left Ribagorza, with some forts in Aragon. This policy could not fail to be followed by fatal results. While Ramiro made war on his brother of Navarre, Ferdinand L was summoned to the defense of the conquests which he held be- yond the Pisuerga, and which Bermudo resolved again to incor- porate with the kingdom of Leon. Aided by some auxiliary troops under his brother Garcia, he encountered Bermudo on the banks of the Carrion. The battle, which was fought in 1037, was sangui- nary and long-continued, until the king of Leon impatiently spurred his horse into the midst of the hostile squadrons and fell mortally wounded by the thrust of a lance. With Bermudo IIL ended the male line of the house of Leon. This prince deserved a better fate than that of falling by hostile hands at the premature age of nineteen. His zeal in building churches and monasteries, his vigorous operations against the Mo- hammedans, and his firm administration of justice, as well as the natural affability of his disposition, all rendered him dear to his people. In Castile, the reign of Sancho el Mayor, the first sovereign of the new kingdom, began in 1026 and ended in 1035. Hence, as Ferdinand grasped the scepter early in the latter year, he had reigned somewhat more than two years when, by the death of Bermudo 111., in June, 1037, he became, in right of his queen, king also of Leon. But Ferdinand L, though he lost no time in marching his vic- torious army to the city of Leon, was not immediately recognized by the inhabitants of that capital. Their affection for their de- ceased king; their resentment towards his victor, especially as that victor was the son of one whose memory they had little reason to respect; and, still more, the humiliation of receiving as their master the sovereign of a country which had until within the last eleven years been dependent on their rulers, made them offer for a few days a courageous resistance. But sober reflection now taught them that there was little wisdom in exasperating one whom sooner ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 141 1054-1057 or later they must inevitably obey, and they opened their gates to him. In time the monarch triumphed over all opposition and his throne was at length established in the hearts of his subjects. But if Ferdinand was freed from domestic troubles, he ex- perienced them from a neighbor and a brother an inevitable effect of the disastrous policy of his father. His prosperity was envied by the king of Navarre, who, actuated, we are told, by the very demon of ambition, and regardless alike of honor, or faith, or fra- ternal obligation, formed a design for depriving him, if not of life, at least of sovereignty. This was a signal for open war between the two brothers, a war which Ferdinand, however conscious of his own superior power, vainly endeavored to avert by entreaties or remonstrances. At the head of a combined army of Navarrese and Mohammedans, Don Garcia, in 1054, invaded Castile; near Burgos he was encountered by the king of Leon and Castile. Before the struggle commenced attempts were made to dissuade the assailant from his unnatural, and hopeless as unnatural, purpose ; but not even the affectionate entreaties of his governor in infancy could succeed. Seeing the number of the enemy and the hopelessness of the contest, the faithful old man, faithful even unto death, seized sword and lance and placed himself in the front of the lines, without shield, or helmet, or breastplate, resolving rather to die than to behold the death of his beloved master. Here, as the squadrons closed, he received the fate he sought ; and, as he had foreseen, it immediately fell on Don Garcia, who was pierced to the heart by a lance in the hand of some officer connected with the royal house of Leon, probably, as the monk of Silos asserts, at the secret instigation of the queen of Leon, Dofia Sancha. The army, which had lost its chief, immediately fled. The victor gave orders that the Navarrese should be allowed to retire unmolested, but permitted the vengeance of liis soldiers to fall on the IMohammedan auxiliaries. The corpse he buried with royal honors and fraternal regret in the principal church of Najera. No sooner had Ferdinand restored tranquillity to his states than he prepared for the execution of a j^roject he had long formed, that of making war on the Mohammedan possessions in Lusitania. In the spring of T055 he passed the Duero, the Tonnes at Sala- manca, and entered by way of Almeida. The first place which he reduced was Cea ; he next seized, one by one. the fortresses in the vicinity, obtained great plunder and numerous captives, and in 142 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1058-1068 1057 he took the important cities of Viseo and Lamego. To ac- quire Coimbra now inllamed his ambition. He invested the place in January, 1058 (not even the rigors of v^inter could cool his zeal), and obtained it by capitulation in the following July. He had thus conquered the whole country between the Duero and the Mondegro, constituting the greater portion of the modern province of Beira : north of the latter river not a single fortified place remained de- pendent on the misbelievers. The wars of Ferdinand in other parts were not less signal. He extended the boundary of Castile from the Duero almost to the gates of Alcade de Henares, and would no doubt have taken both that city and even Madrid had not the king of Toledo become his vassal and paid him tribute. He even carried his hostile irruptions into Valencia and Andalusia, but derived little advantage from them, if we except the relics of St. Isidore, which he compelled the king of Seville to surrender to him. In his last expedition, while under the walls of Valencia, he was assailed by a sickness which he knew would be fatal : he was, therefore, forced to abandon the siege and return to Leon. The last days of this great king were wholly occupied in de- votional exercises. Thus died one of the greatest and best princes that ever swayed the Christian scepter in Spain. His enduring conquests, his zeal for the welfare of his people, his generosity of mind, his care of religion, his liberality towards its ministers, his charity towards the poor, his humility of deportment, and his piety, cause him to be regarded as a model both for kings and pri- vate individuals. To Sancho, the eldest of his sons, he left the kingdom of Castile; to Alfonso, the most beloved of his children, those of the Asturias and Leon ; and to Garcia, Galicia, which then extended into Lusitania as far as the Duero. Alfonso VI. of Leon and Sancho II. of Castile appear to have lived in tranquillity with each other during two years after their father's death, a longer period than might have been expected from their mutual jealousies and their proneness to war. In 1068 Sancho assumed the assailant and defeated his brother on the banks of the Pisucrga. Alfonso himself was taken prisoner, but owed his life to the intercession of his sister Urraca. The possession of two states did not satisfy the ambition of Sancho, who, as the eldest son of the late king, aspired to the wliole of his kingdom, to Galicia and Portugal, as well as the cities of ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 143 1072-1109 Zamora and Toro. In a battle fought at Santarem he is said to have defeated, and it is added that he afterwards dethroned, Don Garcia; but the probability is that he allowed his brother to retain possession of the throne, on the condition of homage and tribute. All that we certainly know is that in 1072 the king was assassinated before the place by a Castilian knight, Vellido Dolfos, probably at the instigation of Dofia Urraca. Thus fell Sancho the Brave, after a reign of near seven years in Castile and two in Leon. When news of this catastrophe reached Toledo, Alfonso se- cretly left the capital, for he was not without his suspicions (prob- ably well grounded) that his departure would be prevented by his host, and went to Zamora. There, chiefly through the activity of his sister, many thousands resorted Leonnese, Castilians, and Galicians to see and acknowledge him. Having taken possession of Leon and Castile, he invited his brother of Galicia, Don Garcia, to his court, and immediately confined that prince in the castle of Luna. There the latter passed the remaining years of his life, de- prived, indeed, of his liberty, but in other respects treated with royal magnificence. Undisturbed master of the Asturias, Leon, Galicia, and Castile, Alfonso was watchful to extend his conquests. His first expedition, in 1074, was in defense of his host, the king of Toledo, against whom the king of Cordova was advancing. The last-named ruler being expelled from the territories of Toledo, and pursued even to the gates of his capital, Alfonso carried his arms into Portugal, reduced Coria, and rendered many of the Mohammedan governors of that country, even south of the Mondego, his tributaries. But his most important wars were directed against the kingdom of Toledo (his host had died in the interim within the walls of Seville). In 1083 he formally invested that important capital, which after a siege of two years capitulated. As the other wars of Alfonso with the Mohammedans need not be repeated here, there is little during the rest of his reign to strike the attention. Alfonso died in nog. As his only son, Don Sancho, had fallen in battle with the Almoravides, he left to his eldest daughter Urraca, now either wndow of Raymond or very recently married to Alfonso I., king of Aragon and Navarre, the crowns of Leon and Castile; and to their son Alfonso Raymond the U^rdship of Galicia, as an hereditary fief. Had his son been spared, 144 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1109-1126 the power of his states would have been consohdated, and Christian Spain made more able to contend with the formidable Moors. Urraca, queen of Castile and Leon, did not long remain even on tolerable terms with her husband, Alfonso L, who had been associated with her in the government. Whether it was owing to her disposition, which was evidently overbearing and even tyranni- cal, or to her conduct, which is known to have been imprudent and is supposed to have been criminal, the two sovereigns soon came to an open misunderstanding. The Castilians naturally espoused the cause of their queen not so much from attachment to her person as from hatred of the Aragonese yoke. But Alfonso had possession of many fortresses, which he hastened to defend. The first battle between him and Diego Gomez, the queen's paramour, happened on the 26th day of October, mi, in the vicinity of Sepulveda. The king was victorious, Don Diego, the general, being left dead in the field. But the queen appears soon to have consoled herself for the loss of one lover by another, if, indeed, she did not possess both at the same time. His place was supplied by Don Pedro de Lara, by whom she is known to have had issue. After this victory King Alfonso took undisputed possession of Burgos, Palencia, Coria, Sahagun, and even Leon, He is ac- cused of having committed atrocities during his march worthy only of the fierce Almohades, but accusations made by rancorous oppon- ents cannot be received with too much caution. However this may be, the supporters of the Aragonian king gradually fell from him, and he left the kingdom to turn his arms against the jMohammedans of his neighborhood. The retreat of Alfonso did not restore peace to the lacerated state. Though the queen recovered the fortresses which still held for him, her unbridled passions, and her conduct a mixture at once of rashness and pusillanimity created enemies on every side. Not satisfied with the tranquil possession of Leon and Castile, she aspired to that of Galicia; and, on the other hand, the partisans of her son, disgusted with her character and actions, were anxious to dethrone her and place their favorite in her room. Several towns of the kingdom, indeed, declared for the young prince ; and on one occasion her paramour was seized by two Castilian nobles and con- fined in the castle of Mansilla. The internal state of the country, which was alternately ravaged by the hostile parties, was horrible. In fact, her reign was one uninterrupted succession of troubles, ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 145 1126-1157 most of which were justly imputable to herself. At length, in 1126. she ended her stormy and disastrious life, to the universal relief of her people. She left to posterity a character darkened by many crimes, and scarcely redeemed by a single virtue. Alfonso VII., usually styled the Emperor, who inherited the crowns of Castile and Leon, after silencing a few of his turbulent nobles, directed his first efforts to the recovery of certain fortresses still held in Castile by the king of Aragon. His arms ere long found a fitting enemy in the Mohammedans, over whom he re- peatedly and gloriously triumphed. On the death of Alfonso I., in 1 134, in an unfortunate action against them, his dominions were rescued from ravage by the seasonable advance of his brother of Castile and Leon, who forced the misbelievers to retire. But the latter sovereign appears to have been actuated by other motives than generosity in affording this prompt succor. Najera, Calahorra, Tarrazona, and even Saragossa, omitting many minor places, which opened their gates to him, as the ally of their sovereign Ramiro the Monk, he evidently considered as his conquests; nor would he resign them to the new king, except as fiefs : he endeavored even to procure the recognition of his superiority over the whole kingdom of Aragon, but in vain. The new king of Navarre, however, did him homage, doubtless to procure his aid against Ramiro, who wished to reunite that kingdom with Aragon. In 1 140 Alfonso entered into an iniquitous alliance with the successor of Ramiro (Raymond, count of Barcelona, who had mar- ried the daughter of Ramiro), in which both princes agreed to con- quer and divide Navarre between them. But Don Garcia was not to be easily crushed. Before the two kings could unite their forces, he obtained a signal triumph over Raymond, and even afterwards compelled his imperial enemy to make peace with him. The alliance was still further cemented, in 1144, by the marriage of Garcia with a natural daughter of Alfonso ; and of Sancho, one of Alfonso's sons, with a princess of Navarre. The new king of Portugal, too, who appears to have been the ally of Garcia, and who made several irruptions into Galicia, not only defended his independence, but obtained successes over the Mohammedans as solid as they were splendid. In his hostilities against the mutual enemies of his country and faith, Alfonso was more fortunate; by him, and his ally of Aragon, the Christian frontier was removed from the Tagus to the Sierre 146 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1157-1181 Morena : he rendered tributary the Moorish governors of several places in Andalusia, as Baeza and Andujar. His last battle, de- livered in 1 157, against the Cid Yussef, son of Abdelmumen, em- peror of the Almohades, was indecisive. Immediately after the action he set out on his return to his own dominions, but death surprised him in the village of Fresnada, near the port of Muradal, one of the great openings through the mountainous chain which separates Andalusia from New Castile. Though he lost Portugal and was unable to withstand the genius of his namesake of Aragon, whom he imitated in assuming the imperial title, yet with fewer pretensions, he, nevertheless, caused his territory to be respected by his Christian neighbors, and greatly aggrandized it at the ex- pense of the Mohammedans. His talents, however, were inferior to his ambition, and his moderation to both. Ferdinand H,, king of Leon, and Sancho HL, king of Castile, ascended the throne in the wise resolution of obsen-ing peace with each other, and thereby averting the evils generally resulting from divided power. Of the latter little more is known than that he waged a short but successful war against the king of Navarre, who aspired to the possession of Rioja ; that his generals were also tri- umphant over the Moors ; that he died at Toledo about a year after his accession (1158), and was succeeded by his infant son Alfonso. The minority of Alfonso VHL of Castile, who, on his father's death, was no more than three years of age, was one of troubles ; these were chiefly occasioned by the two powerful families of the Castros and Laras, who each contended for the guardianship of the royal infant, and, consequently, for the direction of affairs. For- tunately, however, these ruinous contentions ceased on the marriage of Alfonso, in 11 70, with the Princess Eleanor, daughter of the ]inglish Henry 11. From that day the young king exercised the sovereign power without control. The reign of Ferdinand II. of Leon was one of unceasing activity: sometimes at war with the Moors, sometimes with his nephew of Castile, and now with the sovereign of Portugal, he seemed to exist only amidst bustle. The results of these wars were too indecisive, and their details too uninteresting, to require more than a very general notice. He recovered Badajoz, which the king of Portugal had reduced, took Caceres from the Moors, and more than once triumphed over the generals of Yussef, the African emperor. On the whole, however, this period was unfavorable to ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 147 1188-1197 the Christian arms : the tributary governors of Andahisia had thrown off their forced allegiance at the death of the emperor Alfonso; Portugal had been signally humbled; and the united forces of Castile and Aragon more than once retreated before the formidable Almohades. It was to repress the never-ceasing incur- sions of the Mohammedans, as w^ell as to return these incursions with interest, that, in the time of Ferdinand two military orders, those of Calatrava and Santiago, were mstituted. Ferdinand died in 1188, and was succeeded by his son, Alfonso IX. One of the first acts of the new king was to continue the good understanding which had for some time subsisted between his father and his cousin of Castile. By the hands of Alfonso VIII. he received the honor of knighthood, and accompanied that prince in an expedition against the Africans. That good understanding, indeed, was sometimes interrupted. As early as 1189 the two princes appear to have quarreled respecting the possession of some unimportant conquests in Estremadura, which, from having been made by their united amis, ought in justice to have been divided between them, but which the sovereign of Castile claimed for him- self. The king of Leon, feeling that he was no match single- handed for the Castilian, during the late reigns this kingdom had been too powerful for its northern neighbor, contracted a close alliance with his uncle, Sancho I. of Portugal, whose daughter, the Princess Theresa, he took to wife. As the parties were within the degree of affinity proscribed by the canon law, Pope Celestine III. dispatched Cardinal Gregory into Spain to enforce the dissolution of the marriage. In vain did Alfonso send an episcopal ambassador to Rome to procure a reversal of the sentence and a dispensation for removing the bar of consanguinity. The pontiff was inexorable : so also, for a considerable time, were Alfonso and his queen. It was not until the year 1195 that they consented to separate. This was not the only instance in which the king of Leon was opposed in his policy or affections by the successors of St. Peter. After the defeat of Alfonso of Castile in 1195. by Aben Yussef, on the plains of Alarcos, the intemperate language of that prince to his ally of Leon, who was advancing to his assistance, led, as before related, to a war between tlic two kings, who ultimately laid waste each other's dominions. When, in 1197, ^^'^^y ^^''^t each at the head of a formidable army, the nobles and prelates of both, con- vinced how fatal to the Christian cause such contests might become, 148 SPAIN AND TORTUGAL 1197-1214 especially considering the enterprising character of the African emperor, anxiously sought the means of a permanent reconciliation. It was at length agreed that the king of Leon should marry Beren- garia, daughter of the king of Castile, and, by her mother Eleanor, nearly connected with the English royal house of Plantagenet. Though the marriage had been solemnly celebrated at Valladolid, amidst the rejoicing of a whole people, Innocent loudly demanded the separation of the parties, and dispatched a legate with instruc- tions to lay an interdict on the kingdoms of Leon and Castile if this demand were not satisfied. The legate appears to have been more reasonable than his intolerant master, for, on perceiving how vitally the welfare of the two states would be affected by the nullity of the marriage, and the tender affection borne by Alfonso towards the new queen, he suspended the execution of his instructions until a powerful representation of these facts were laid before the pope in person. Innocent, like his predecessor, was obstinate doubtless because, as he had not been previously consulted, he wished to show that the power of the church was not to be resisted even by kings. Alfonso was equally so particularly as the birth of a son opened a prospect of the union of the two crowns, should that son's legiti- macy be undisputed. In 1204, however, the resistance of the royal pair began to give way, and they consented to separate, on the con- dition that the legitimacy of their children were acknowledged both by the pope and the states of Leon. Innocent did not hesitate to comply with the request, and, in a convocation of those states, Ferdi- nand, the eldest of their children, was recognized as successor to the throne of his father. The declared nullity of the marriage was followed by a war desultory, indeed, but not the less vexatious between the two Alfonsos : the cause seems to have been the refusal of the Castilian to surrender some fortresses which had been given as dowry by the king of Leon, the restoration of which he had a right to demand on his separation from Berengaria. Peace was at length obtained, through the mediation of the pope, and still more through the appre- hensions felt by the Castilian on the approaching invasion of his states by IMohammed ben Yacub, emperor of the Almohadcs. whose preparations resounded throughout Eurojie. How nobly Alfonso VIII., on the plains of Tolosa, in 1212., axcngcd his defeat of 1195 on those of Alarcon lias alrcad}' l)cen related. Alfonso YIII. of Castile did not Urau" sur\i\e this i/loriDUS tri- ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 149 1214-1217 umph. After two hostile irruptions into the territories of the enemy, he died in 12 14, and was succeeded by his only surviving son, Enrique L As the new king, however, was only in his eleventh year, the regency was intrusted to his sister Berengaria, the most excellent princess of her age. But neither her wisdom, her vir- tues, nor the near relation she held to the infante, could avail her with the fierce nobles of Castile. The house of Lara, whose unprin- cipled ambition had on a former occasion been productive of such evils to the state, again became the scourge of the country. Under the pretense that a woman was unfitted to discharge the office of guardian, the nobles of that house insisted on the custody of the royal ward being given to Count Alvaro Nunez de Lara, the chief of that turbulent family. No sooner was Don Alvaro in possession of the regency than he exhibited the true features of his character haughtiness, rapacity, tyranny, and revenge. Those wdiom he knew to be obnoxious to his party he imprisoned or confiscated their posses- sions. His exactions fell on all orders of the state. The remon- strances of the Queen Berengaria were treated with equal con- tempt; to render her odious to the people, he fabricated letters as if written by her to procure by poison the death of her brother, but the opposite characters of the two were so well understood that the imposture deceived no one individual. Thus Alvaro continued his iniquitous career, running from place to place with the young king, destroying the habitations and confiscating the substance of such as dared to censure his measures. But an accident, as unex- pected as its consequences were fortunate for Spain, deranged all his views. Towards the end of INIay, 1217, while Enrique was playing with his young companions in the courtyard of the episcopal palace of Palencia, a tile from the roof of the tower fell on his head and inflicted a wound of which he died on the 6th of June following. Knowing how fatally this event must affect his inter- ests, Don Alvaro, with the intention of concealing it as long as he could, conveyed the royal corpse as the living prince to the fortress of Tariego : but the intelligence soon reached the queen, who, on this critical occasion, displayed a prudence and promptitude justly entitled to admiration. By the laws of Castile she was now heiress to the crown, but she resolved to transfer her rights to her son Ferdinand, heir to the crown of Leon, and thereby to lay the founda- tion for the union of the two kin^-doms. Good ft)rtune at this 150 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1217-1230 juncture favored the queen, for all remembered that during the reign of her father she had been declared heiress to the throne, in case she survived her brother, and that prince died without issue. The states eagerly hastened to Valladolid and swore allegiance to her as their lawful sovereign. Immediately afterwards a stage was erected at the entrance of the city, and there, on the 31st day of August, 1 2 17, nearly three months from the death of Enrique, the (lueen. in presence of her barons, prelates, and people, solemnly resigned the sovereignty into the hands of her son, who was imme- diately proclaimed king of Castile. But r'erdinand III. was not yet in peaceable possession of the crown : he had to reduce the towns which held for Don Alvaro, and. what was still worse, to withstand his father, the king of Leon, who now invaded the kingdom. Aided by the party of that restless traitor, Alfonso aspired to the sovereignty: he marched on Burgos, which had just acknowledged his son, and, in opposi- tion to the entreaties of the clergy in all countries the uniform friends of legitimacy and order, he laid waste the domains of that son's adherents. The Castilian nobles were not slow in combining for the defense of their king : they hastened to Burgos in such num- bers and were animated by such a spirit that Alfonso, despairing of success or touched by the more honorable feelings of nature and justice, desisted from his enterprise. Alvaro Nunez de Lara ended his unprincipled life in disgrace and poverty in 1219. Tranquillity being thus restored, the kings of Leon and Castile prepared to commence an exterminating war against the Moham- medans. Though partial irruptions, generally attended with suc- cess, were made into tlie territories of the Moors from various parts, from Aragon, Castile, Leon, and Portugal, it was not until 1225 that the career of conquest commenced which ended in the annihilation both of the African power and of all the petty kingdoms which arose on its ruins. In that and the two following years ]\lurcia was invaded, Alhambra taken, and Jaen besieged by I'erdinand. Valencia invaded by King Jayme of xAragon, Badajoz taken by Alfonso, and Elvas by the king of Portugal. The king C)i Castile v\as present before Jaen, which his armies had invested two wliolc years, when intelligence reached him of his fathers death, in 1230. after a successful irruption into Estremadura. '1 he inestimable advantage which this event was calculated to procure for Christian Spain, the consolidation of two kingdoms ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 151 1230-1248 often hostile to each other, was near being lost. In his last will Alfonso named his two daughters, for the kingdom had long ceased to be elective, joint heiresses of his states. The motives which could urge that sovereign to the repetition of an error so long and so fatally felt, we should vainly inquire : it may, however, be supposed that many nobles of the more ancient kingdom were unwilling to see it merged in the more modern though more power- ful one of Castile. Fortunately for Spain, the majority of the Leonnese took a sounder viev/ of their interests than Alfonso Leon, Astorga, Oviedo, Lugo, Alondohedo. Salamanca, Ciudad, Rodrigo, and Coria declared for Ferdinand. Though Compos- tella. Tuy, and Zamora espoused the cause of the infantas, and though the Count Diego Dias attempted to strengthen their party even in Leon itself by force of arms, nobles, clergy, and people were too numerous in favor of the king of Castile to leave those princesses the remotest chance of success. No sooner did that prince hear how powerful a party supported his just pretensions than he hastened from Andalusia into Leon. As he advanced, accompanied by his mother Berengaria, a princess to whose wis- dom he was indebted for most of his success, Avila, Medina del Campo, Tordesillas, and Toro opened their gates to him. Directing his course towards Leon, Villalon, ]\Iayorga, and Mansilla imitated the example of the other towns. As he approached the capital he was met by the bishops and clergy, the nobles, and the people of the greater portion of the kingdom, who escorted him in triumph to the cathedral, where he received their homage. Thus, two hun- dred years from their first meeting, tlie goodly kingdoms of Leon and Castile were again and forever joined. The king visited the towns of his new possession, administering justice and receiving the homage of his subjects. Ferdinand IIL, now lord of S])ain from tlie Bay of Biscay to the vicinity of the Guadalquivir, and from the confines of Portugal to those of Aragon and Valencia, put into execution his long medi- tated schemes of conquest. Alfonso the emperor, indeed, some- wliat more than a century preceding, had possessed an equal extent of territory, but at that time the Christian kings were not, as now, at peace with each other, nor animated by the same hope of suc- cess in their wars with the Aloliammcdans. ITow Ferdinand, in 1233, triumphed over Aben Flud, king of Murcia, Granada, Cor- dova, ]\Ierida, and Seville; how, from that year to 1248, he succes- 15a SPAIN AND PORTUGAL ^'^'*' 1252-1254 sivcly obtained possession of Toledo, Cordova, the whole of Murcia, jaen, and Seville, have been related sufficiently at length on a former occasion. If we except these wars, there is little in the remainder of Ferdinand's life to occupy our attention. Being seized, the begin- ning of 1252, with a dropsy at Seville, he prepared for his approach- ing end by extraordinary acts of an austere devotion. His last advice to his son and successor Alfonso, on whom he strongly incul- cated the eternal obligations of justice and mercy, did credit to him alike as a sovereign and a man. Having caused the ensigns of majesty to be removed from his presence, bid a tender adieu to his family and friends, and fortified himself for his great journey by the sacraments of the church, he breathed his last, May 30, 1252, amidst the lamentations of all Seville. Alfonso X., surnamed El Sahio, or the Learned,^ the eldest son of the deceased Ferdinand, ascended the thrones of Castile and Leon with every prospect of a happy reign, yet few were ever more unfortunate. The first design of Alfonso was to carry the war into Africa, in pursuance with his father's recent preparations, but he wisely desisted from the undertaking. But he was not without ambition : if he abandoned one enterprise, it was only with the view of prose- cuting another. Fie cast a longing eye on Gascony, then in the possession of the English Henry HL, which had been promised as a marriage portion to Alfonso of Castile, father of St. Ferdinand, but which had never been occupied by that sovereign. Its con- quest by the English seemed to place it beyond the reach of the new king, but as the English monarch had assumed the cross, with the intention of visiting the Holy Land, and as he wished to pacify the province before his departure, he proposed, by his ambassadors, to marry his son Edward with Eleanor, sister of the Castilian king; and that the young prince should receive as dowry with her the al)solute surrender of all the Castilian's rights over the disputed territory, togetlicr with the duchies of Ponthieu and Montreuil. The proposal was readily accepted by Alfonso, who, to unite the two crowns still closer, demanded Beatrix, a daughter of the Plantagcnct, for one of his brothers. In pursuance with this treaty, Edward left Gascony and was met at Burgos by Alfonso and the whole Castilian court. He was entertained w-ith great magnifi- - U.Mially, but very inexactly, termed the Wise. ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 153 1254-1270 cence by the king, at whose hands he received the honor of knight- hood. The marriage was solemnized with great pomp about the end of October, 1254, in the monastery of the Huelgas. Edward soon after returned with his bride to England. The pretensions of Alfonso over Suabia, to which he aspired in right of his mother Beatrix, daughter of Philip, duke of Suabia and emperor of Germany, were not so satisfactorily settled : they led indeed to many of the misfortunes which afflicted his reign. His pretensions were at first supported by Pope Alexander IV. ; hence, Alfonso aspired to the imperial dignity, and lavished his wealth for a purpose evidently unattainable. Though elected by one party, another and more powerful one gave their suffrages to Richard, earl of Cornwall, brother to the English king, Henry TIL : in reality, neither election was legitimate. Hence the contest which so long distracted Germany and Italy, and the sums which Alfonso exacted from his kingdoms to support the validity of his election. In 1273 the choice, as is well known, fell on Rodolph, count of Hapsburg: it was all but unanimous, since Ottocar of Bohemia was the only member of the confederation who maintained the validity of the king of Castile's former election. It can be no matter of surprise that the states of Alfonso should murmur at his expensive follies, or that he should become somewhat unpopular with his subjects. Another complaint of his nobles was that in marrying his natural daughter, Beatrix de Guzman, to Al- fonso II. of Portugal he had resigned to that prince the sovereignty of the Algraves. These circumstances were eagerly seized by some discontented barons, who, under the plea of the public good, formed a party intended to compel the king into wiser measures, but whose real objects were purely selfish. Some time, indeed, elapsed before they proceeded to open rebellion, though they assembled in arms, first at Lara in 1270 and subsequently at Palencia. Instead of marching without a moment's loss of time to reduce them by force, the king had the weakness to treat with them. He promised that if they would lay down their arms and make their complaints known to him. he would endeavor to redress such as he should find reason- able. But their demands having risen with his iml^ecility and their own prospect of impunity, they refused to disarm until he had assembled tlie states at Burgos. On tliis point, too, he yielded; the Cortes were accordingly convoked. The unexpected facility with which these concessions were 154 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1272-1278 made, surprised the rebels themselves and reduced them to silence. After some deliberation, seeing the hopelessness of contending, under present circumstances, with one whom they were resolved not to obey, they agreed to forsake the kingdom and to take up their abode with the king of Granada. They remained at the Mohammedan court about two years, from 1272 to 1274: nor w(nil(l they return to Castile, though repeatedly urged by the king and queen, until not only they were promised a restoration of their past dignities, but the concession of the most important points they had demanded. During the absence of Alfonso, in 1275, on a fruitless visit to Pope Gregory, then in l^^rance, respecting his pretensions to the empire, and during the existence of hostilities with the Moors both of Spain and Africa, died the infante Ferdinand de la Cerda, eldest son of Alfonso, and consequently heir to the united crowns of Leon and Castile. This event gave rise to disputes concerning the succession. By the Roman law the two sons of the deceased prince stood the nearest in relation to the throne, but by that of the Visigoths the more immediate proximity of the second son was recognized. To decide on this important subject whether Spain should follow her own ancient institutions in this respect or adopt that of other states the Cortes, in 1276, were convoked at Segovia. That body decided that immediate proximity ought to prevail over representation ; in other words, that the second son, as being but one degree removed from the father, should be preferred to the grandsons, who were but the representatives of the eldest son and were two degrees distant; the infante Don Sancho was accordingly proclaimed successor to the throne. The popularity, how'ever, of Sancho, who had distinguished himself in the wars with the Moors, and the tender age of the two sons of Ferdinand, had probably more weight in the question than either law or custom. That Alfonso himself, who was no mean jurist, was not ignorant of the legitimate laws of succession, is evident from his having trans- ferred from the Justinian Code into his Siete Partidas the very law on this subject in operation in ancient Rome and in the modern kingdoms of Etu'ope. 1lie decision of the Cortes appears to have given umbrage to Philip of France, whose sister Blanche was the widow of the (Icccascd h^rdinand, and the elder of whose nephews he justly regarded as the rightful successor to Alfonso. The prin- cess, however, with the infantes and the queen of iVlfonso, who ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 155 1281-1283 beheld their exclusion with indignation, effected their escape from Burgos, and were received by the king of Aragon, War was now declared by France against Castile, but prevented from exploding by the interference of Pope Nicholas IIL In the sequel (in 1278) the queen of Castile returned to her husband, but Blanche proceeded to the court of her brother ; the two infantes were retained in Ara- gon, less from motives of humanity or of justice than from a view to embarrass the Castilian government whenever the opportunity should arrive. The worst feature of these transactions is one, however, that is wrapped in some obscurity. That Prince Fadrique was put to death by order of his own brother, Alfonso, is undoubted ; and there appears reason to conclude that the cause was the implica- tion of the infante in the flight of Blanche, her children, and the Castilian queen. To satisfy the continued expostulations of France respecting the rights of the infantes de la Cerda, in the Cortes held at Seville in 1 28 1, Alfonso seriously proposed to dismember Murcia from his crown in favor of those princes. The proposal filled Don Sancho with so much indignation that he refused to attend the sittings. The discontented barons and deputies cast their eyes on Sancho, from whom alone they could expect justice. Seeing the almost universal disaffection of the people, this prince aspired to wTest the scepter from the feeble hands wdiich held it. In vain did the king endeavor to pacify the rebel by proposing to satisfy all his de- mands ; in vain did he apply to the kings of Portugal, Navarre, and Aragon Sancho had secured the neutrality of all tliese. Hopeless of succeeding in Spain, he next solicited the pope to excommunicate his revolted subjects. At first the pope merely wrote to the grand masters of Santiago and Calatrava, exhorting them to eft'ect a reconciliation between the parties. Amidst universal defection, seeing that Badajoz and Seville were the only important places which remained in their allegiance, while the rest of the kingdom eagerly acknowledged Sancho, the incensed king assembled, in 1283, ^^is few remaining adherents in Seville, and in a solemn act he not only disinherited, but imprecated his deepest maledictions on the head of his rebellious son. In the same act he instituted the infantes de la Cerda as his heirs; and in default of their issue, the kings of France. The pope now interfered more effectually in behalf of Alfonso, threatening the adherents of Sancho with ex- communication unless they immediately returned to their duty, and 156 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL ^ " 1283-1286 at the same time placing an interdict on the kingdom. Though the troops of the African king had returned home in disgust, the cause of Alfonso acquired strength from day to day ; his other sons, who had taken part with Sancho, returned to him; nay, even Sancho himself, seeing the revolutions in the opinions of men, made overtures of reconciliation. That such a reconciliation would have been effected, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of some wicked courtiers about the prince, seems certain; but Sancho sud- denly fell sick and was conveyed to Salamanca. The latter was soon out of danger, but the king grew worse, until the 5th day of April, 1284, when he breathed his last. He did not, however, revoke his last will. The character of Alfonso must be sufficiently apparent from his actions. It may be added that his acquirements were of a very superior order. The Astronomical Tables which he com- posed, and which are called by his name, have been often adduced as proofs of his science. It is, however, certain, that in their con- struction he was greatly indebted to the IMoorish astronomers of Granada, some of whom visited his court for the express purpose of superintending if not of calculating them. That he had a hand in the composition of the Chronicle wdiich also bears his name is no less undoubted, but we should vainly attempt to ascertain the portion issuing from his own pen. In the compilation of the Laws of the Partidas from the Justinian and Visigothic Codes he had also a share, how large a one must in like manner remain forever unknown. On the whole, it may be said of him, that, like the English James I., he was an extraordinary instance of weakness and learning. Notwithstanding the testamentary exclusion of his eldest son by the late king, the states of the kingdom lost no time in recognizing Sancho IV. Equally ineffectual were the efforts of the infante Don Juan, brother of the new king, to seize on Seville, to which, in virtue of the same testament, he laid his claim. Neither that city nor the states, both wiser than the deceased monarch, would sanction the dismemberment of the kingdom. During his father's lifetime, though in opposition to that fathers wishes, Sancho had married his cousin. Dona Maria de la Alolina, without being able to obtain the necessary dispensation frdui the i)(i])e. W'lien, in 1286. tliat (jucen was delivered of a son, his anxiety to get the legitimacy of his marriage, and, consequently, ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 157 1286-1312 that of his child sanctioned, naturally increased: he dreaded the pretensions of the infantes de la Cerda, who were still protected by the kings of Aragon and of France ; but the pope continued inexor- able. Equally fruitless were his negotiations with Alfonso IIL of the former kingdom to obtain possession of the two princes. In- ternal troubles soon added to the perplexities, and, as usual, these troubles arose from the very men who had experienced the greatest share of the royal bounty. To Lope Dias de Haro, who had rendered him some service on a former occasion, he confided the superintendence of the finances ; he made him a count, a dignity not yet common in the kingdom, and married his daughter to the infante Don Juan, thus closely connecting him with the royal family. But the arrogance of the new favorite rendered him odious, eventually even to the king. Don Lope was slain in 1288, but his death did not restore tran- quillity. His widow, though sister to the queen, invited her eldest son, Don Diego de Haro, to revenge the count. But Sancho himself died in 1295, leaving the guardianship of his eldest son Ferdinand, then only nine years of age, and the regency of his kingdom, to his queen. The reign of Ferdinand IV. was one continued succession of disasters. Scarcely had he received the homage of the states when his uncle, the restless Juan, who had taken refuge with the king of Granada, called in question his legitimacy and laid claim to the crown. At the same time Diego Lopez de Haro, who, towards the close of the late reign, had made an attempt in Biscay, and failed, again invaded that province, the government of which he considered as belonging by right to his family. Dionis, the king of Portugal, armed to obtain three frontier fortresses, Serpia, Mora, and Moron ; and the king of Granada followed or set the example, in the hope of procuring similar advantages. Nor did the measures, however well intended, which the queen adopted in this emergency improve the face of her affairs. To increase her perplexities, the infante Enrique, who, in 1258. had rebelled against his brother Alfonso el Sabio, and retired to Tunis, and had after- wards passed into Italy and returned into Spain in 1286, resolved to deprive her of the regency. But the troubles of Ferdinand were to end only with his life. During the remainder of his reign lie was continually at war with his revolted barons, and seldom did he succeed in reducing them 158 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1308-1315 by force to obedience: his gold did more than his arms. Of the kingly dignity he had nothing but the name. Among the turbulent and faithless barons was his uncle Juan, whose whole life ex- hibited continued alternations of rebellion and of purchased sub- mission. Ferdinand's death was premature and sudden: if any faith is to be put in ancient chroniclers, it was no less extraordinary. During an expedition into Andalusia against the Moors, rumor ac- cused two brothers of Martos, both cavaliers, of having assassinated one of tlie king's barons. Without taking the trouble to inquire into the circumstances, and in spite of their solemn asseveration of innocence, the king ordered both to be put to death. Seeing no hope of justice at his hands, they are said to have cited him to appear with them, in thirty days, before the judgment seat of God. riowever this be, he was found dead on his couch on which he was taking his siesta, September 17, 13 12. During the reign of this prince the Templars sustained their famous accusation of heresy and immorality. In the supposition that those of Castile were no less guilty than their brethren of France, the pope, in 1308, ordered their possessions to be sequestrated: the same fate attended them in Aragon. They loudly demanded a fair trial, which was at length granted them. For this purpose a pro- vincial council was held in 13 10 at Salamanca, where, after a long, a patient, and apparently an impartial investigation, they were solemnly absolved from all the charges brought against them and declared true knights and Catholic Christians. This honorable testi- mony in their favor, however, availed them little, since the suppres- sion of their order was decreed the following year throughout the Catholic world. The riches of these knights, much more than their reputed vices, occasioned their condemnation. As Alfonso XL, the only son of the deceased king, was only a few months old on his accession to the throne, the state was again thrown into a long series of convulsions through the ambition of its barons. The first disputes were between the infantes Pedro and Juan uncle and granduncle of Alfonso and Don Juan de Lara, for the wardship of the royal child. In the Cortes of l^dencia, in 13 13, convoked expressly for the purpose of de- termining in w1i()se hands tlie regency should be vested, one portion of tlic deputies voted for I\[aria and the infante Pedro; an- other for ('oiistanza, tlic ([ueen-molher, and the infante Juan. The two princes had recourse to arms in support of their respective ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 159 1315-1334 claims : after many months of continued hostilities, attended with various success, they agreed, at the instance of Dona Maria, to divide the government between them. This policy, the only one that could be prudently adopted in the critical circumstances of the time, was sanctioned by the states of Madrid in 13 15. It could not, however, be expected that a good understanding would long subsist between the two regents. The laurels which Pedro won against the Aloors excited the jealousy of the elder infante, who was more anxious to frustrate the success of his coad- jutor than to humble the enemy. It required all the influence of the prudent Queen Maria (Constanza was no more) and all the representations of the assembled states to preserve harmony be- tween them. The death of both in 13 19, in the battle of Granada, has been already related. The death of the two infantes was followed by new struggles for the regency. It was at length seized by the infante Don Felipe, uncle of the king, and by Don Juan Manuel, also of the royal family and one of the most powerful barons of the realm, and the usurpa- tion was confirmed by the states of Burgos in 1320. Another Don Juan, surnamed cl Tiicrto, or the Crooked, son of the restless infante of that name, disappointed at his exclusion from the re- gency, took up arms to obtain the object of his ambition. To allay these troubles a pontifical legate arrived, and, by means of the prel- ates and Cortes, succeeded in re-establishing something like tran- quillity; but after his departure, and especially after the death of the old Queen Maria, they broke out with renewed violence. Again did ci\'il war, commenced by the ambition of the regents, who each aspired to the sole authority, and sustained by the fickle populace, desolate these fine regions. This desultory warfare, as vexatious to the king as it was in- glorious, continued for years, notwithstanding the attempts at re- conciliation made both b}^ Alfonso's immediate emissaries and by the agents of the pope. Don Juan was often aided by other dis- contented lords, such as the Laras, who rebelled on the slightest pretext, and returned t(^ obedience only when purchased by their sovereign. Being fc^-sakcn in 1334 by one of his best supporters, a baron of that rebellious house, he himself, the following year, ac- cepted the royal offers, and condescended to return to his duty on the condition of his daugliter Constanza Ijeing given in marriage to the prince of Portugal, a marriage whicli was effected in the 160 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1334-1351 course of the same year. But neither Don Jiian Manuel nor his brother rebel of Lara could long remain at peace with their sov- ereign. Scarcely had they renewed their homage to Alfonso, when they formed a new league, and the civil war recommenced. The accession to their cause of the Portuguese king enabled them to in- ilict great ravages on the kingdom. Alfonso opposed them with great vigor: while his generals forced the Lusitanian to raise the siege of Badajoz he himself reduced Lerma, which was defended by Don Juan de Lara, who submitted, and about the same time Juan Manuel precipitately retreated into Aragon. In 1338 the latter again returned to his duty, and though always a disaffected subject, he did not again break out into open rebellion. As the transactions of Alfonso with the Moors of Spain and Africa, the most striking events of his reign, have been already detailed, little more remains to occupy the reader's attention. His amours, however, with Dona Leonora de Guzman ought not to be passed over in silence, since they are connected with the worst acts of his successor. This lady, who belonged to one of the most illustrious houses of Spain, he first saw at Seville in 1330 and be- came deeply enamored of her. A widow at eighteen years of age, she had not virtue to resist the royal lover : she sacrificed her pride of birth, the honor of her family, her reputation and peace of mind to the vanity of pleasing, or to the ambition of ruling, a monarch. The issue of this adulterous intercourse were numerous, and, as we shall soon see, unfortunate. Of his legitimate children, his succes- sor alone survived him. He died of the plague, before Gibraltar, in 1350. On the accession of Pedro, surnamed the Cruel, then only in his sixteenth year, Leonora de Guzman, dreading his resentment, or rather that of the queen-mother, retired to the city of Medina- Sidonia, which formed her appanage. Through the perfidious per- suasions, however, of a Lara and an Al])uquerque, \vho governed the mind of Pedro, and who pledged their knightly faith that she had nothing to fear, she proceeded to Seville to do homage to the new sovereign. No sooner did she reach that city than she was arrested and placed under a guard' in the Alcazar. The eldest of her sons, Knrique, who v/as permitted to visit her there, would have sharcfl the same fate had he not precipitately retreated from the cai)ital. I^roni Seville she was soon transferred to Carmona, and if her life was spared a few months, it was not owing to the forbear- ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 161 1351-1353 ance, but to the indisposition of the king, which was at one time so dangerous as to render his recovery hopeless. Unfortunately for Spain, he did recover, and one of his first objects, early in 1351, was to draw her from Carmona, and make her accompany him to Talavera, w^here she was consigned to a still closer confinement. Her doom was soon sealed : in a few days she was put to death by the express order of the queen, no doubt with the concurrence of the king. Having held the states at Valladolid, where he ineffectually endeavored to procure the abolition of the behetrias, Pedro pro- ceeded to Ciudad Rodrigo to confer on the interests of the two kingdoms with his grandfather, the sovereign of Portugal. Well had it been for him had he followed the advice of that monarch, who urged on him the necessity of moderation in his government, and above all of living on a good understanding with his illegiti- mate brothers, and to forgive the natural indignation they had shown at the death of their mother. He pretended, indeed, that the advice was not lost on him ; and he even invited the eldest, Enrique, to return to court to rejoin his brother Don Tello; but from his char- acter and subsequent actions it may be inferred that his object in so doing was solely to lull his intended victim into security. The invitation was accepted, but both brothers soon left him and re- volted, whether at the instigation of some other rebels or from a well-grounded apprehension of their danger is uncertain. Some of the confederates were reduced and put to death ; but the princes themselves eluded his pursuit, Don Tello by fleeing into Aragon. While besieging the places which had thrown off his authority he became enamored of Dona Maria de Padilla, who was attached to the service of his favorite lady, DcMla Isabel de Alburiuerque. Through the persuasion of this unprincipled intriguer, the uncle of the young lady, Don Juan de Hinestroja, did not hesitate to sacri- fice the honor of his house by consigning her to the arms of the royal gallant. The connection thus formed, which continued unto the death of Dona ]\Iaria, brought the greatest disasters on the country. Some months previous to this connection, Pedro, in compliance with the request of the Cortes of Valladolid, had agreed that an embassy should be sent to the French king soliciting for wife a princess of the royal house of the nation. The choice fell on Blanche de Bourbon, a princess of excellent qurdities, who early in 162 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1353-1354 1353 arrived at Valladolid. But the king, infatuated by his mis- tress, who had just been brought to bed of a daughter, was in no disposition to conckide the marriage; and it was not without diffi- cuhy that his minister Albuquerque, who was already jealous of the 'favors accorded to the relations of Maria de Padilla, and for that reason the more eager for its solemnization, prevailed on him to meet the princess at Valladolid. Leaving Padilla and his heart at Muntalvan, he reluctantly proceeded towards that city. On his way he accepted the submissions of his brothers Enrique and Tello, whom, on an occasion like the one approaching, he could not decently punish for their rebellion. In June the ceremony took place with due splendor, but two days after its celebration he precipitately left his youthful bride and returned to Montalvan. lie was followed by his brother Fadrique, grand master of Santiago, and by Albuquerque, but he refused to see them. In a few days, indeed, he paid a short visit to his mother and bride, who remained in the city where the nuptials had been solemnized: to the latter it was a final one, nor did its duration exceed two days. On his return Albuquerque was openly disgraced; the royal confidence was transferred to the family of Padilla, and the unfortunate Blanche was confined in the fortress of Arevalo, where no one, not even excepting the queen-mother, w^as allowed to see her. To make w^ay for Diego de Padilla, brother of the favorite, the grand master of Calatrava was treacherously murdered, and the com- manders of the order compelled to elect the former. The next proceeding of this tyrant filled with surprise all who knew his attachment to Maria de Padilla. Being struck while at Valladolid with the personal attraction of Dona Juana de Castro, a young maiden, he endeavored to gain her to his wishes. But the Iruly having too much virtue to yield, he changed his battery by boldly proposing to marry her. The proposition astonished one Vvho knew his public engagement with Blanche de Bourbon, but he assured her that the union was null, for reasons which his prelates should explain to her. That any such prelates should be found might be supposed impossible, yet certain it is that the bishops ol Avila and Salamanca confirmed his assurances, and the credulous [nana became his dupe. This profanation of the sacrament took jjlace in the cathedral of Salamanca in the year 1354. On the re- port, however, that the brother of Juana had entered into a league with his (Avn brothers, and with the disgraced Albuquerque, both to ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 163 1354-1358 remove the family of Padilla from his court and to make him return to his lawful queen, he not only insultingly acquainted the new victim with the deception he had so cruelly practiced on her, but abandoned her forever. In due time a son was the issue of this short connection. When news of this base transaction reached the brother of Juana, Fernando Perez de Castro, who was one of the most power- ful lords of Galicia, he instantly joined the league of the discon- tented. A civil war now commenced, which during some months raged with more animosity than success to either party. Pedro was imprisoned, but escaped. Pedro assembled his states at Burgos, and, by artfully representing himself as thwarted in all his proceedings for the good of his people by his mother, his brothers, and the other rebels, whose only aim was to tyrannize over the nation, he pro- cured supplies for carrying on the war. These supplies, however, were granted on the condition of his living wnth Queen Blanche, - a condition which he readily promised to fulfill, without the slightest intention of so doing. After an unsuccessful assault on Toro he returned to Toledo, the peculiar object of his hatred. Contrary to all reasonable expectation, he forced an entrance and expelled the troops of his brother Enrique. This success would, however, have been unattainable had not most of the inhabitants believed in his protestations, and promises to return to Blanche. Meanwhile the unfortunate Blanche was transferred not to his palace, to enjoy her rights as queen, but to the fortress of Siguenza. Pedro then lost no time in marching against Toro, where his mother and many of the leaguers still remained. His first attempt on that place was repulsed with loss, but after a siege of some months he prevailed on the inhabitants by lavishing extraordinary promises of clemency to open their gates to him. How well he performed his promise appeared the very day of his entrance, when he caused some bar- barous executions to be made in his mother's sight. The cjueen fainted at the spectacle, and on recovering her senses requested permission to retire into Portugal, which was granted. About the same time many Castilian barons fled into Aragon. During the next few years Pedro waged a desultory war against the king of Aragon, both by sea and land, but the result was decisive to neither of the belligerents. In this war the barbarity <~)f his executions, tlie duplicity witli wliich he planned the destruc- tion of such as submitted under the assurances of pardon, his 1(54, SPAIN AND PORTUGAL *"* 1358-1360 perfidious disrcj^ard of promises, or even oaths, when the openly pardoned objects of his hatred were fully in his power not even excepting his nearest connections stamp him at once as a ruthless barbarian and a bloody tyrant. The execution of his brother, Fadrique, grand master of Santiago, in 1358, is, perhaps, more characteristic of him than any other of his actions. No sooner was this horrid deed committed than the tyrant sent orders for the execution of several knight in various cities of the kingdom ; and, to show his exultation, he insisted on dining in the very room in which lay the bleeding corpse of his murdered brother, lie'then callcd-for his cousin Don Juan, infante of Aragon, to whom he communicated his intention of executing his brother Don Tello, governor of Biscay, and of bestowing the lordship on Juan. The king and the. prince departed the very same day for that province, but on reaching Aguilar they found that the prince had been apprised of his intended doom, and had fled, but was speedily re- called to Bilbao, where the king repaired, by the promise that his ambition slunild be gratified. The infante hastened to that town and proceeded to the house occupied by the court. As he ap- proached the royal apartments some of the tyrant's creatures, as if in jest, deprived him of his poniard, the only weapon which he had about him, and at the same moment he was struck on the head by a mace: another blow brought him lifeless to the ground. His corpse was thrown from the window of the apartment occupied by the king into the street, but was afterwards conveyed to Burgos and cast into the river. To revenge the murder of this and other of Pedro's victims, the two brothers, Enrique and Tello, who had returned to Aragon, made frequent irruptions into Castile. In a battle fought in 1359 they triumi)hed over Ilincstroja, whom they left dead on the field, and in subsequent invasions they obtained no small portion of l)iun(ler. But none of these things moved the king, who persevered in his course of barbarities as if his throne rested on a rock of adamant. It is impossiljle to specify all his individual acts of nnn-fler. Ikit his famous, or rather infamous, compact with the IVjrlugncsc king, Pedro, is most indicative of the man. Knowing luiw nmcli lliat sovereign longed to extirpate all who had been con- cerned in 1I1C murder of Ines dc Castro, and of whom a few had sought rcfn-c in Castile, and no less eager on his own part to take vengeance on three or iouv of his own obnoxious subjects, who ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 165 1360-1363 had implored the protection of the Portuguese, he proposed to surrender the Portuguese in exchange for the Castihan refugees. The kindred soul of the Lusitanian felt a savage joy at the proposal : in 1360 the men were exchanged and put to death. To commis- erate the murderers of Doha Ihes is impossible, however we may execrate the perfidy with which the sacred laws of hospitality were sacrificed to dark revenge. That the king of Castile contented him- self with merely banishing the archbishop of Toledo, the friend and protector of Blanche de Bourbon, was probably owing to the fear, not of the pope, whose power he despised, but of his own people, who, however submissive to his will on most occasions, would not tamely have witnessed the murder of their primate. That he cared as little for the king of France as for the pope, both were distant enemies, Spain had a melancholy proof, in 1361, in the tragical death of that unhappy queen. His orders for her removal by poison were first given to the governor of Xeres, to whom the custody of her person had for some time been intrusted ; but that governor, whose name (Ihigo Ortiz de Zuniga) ought to be revered by pos- terity, refused to become the executioner of his Cjueen. It is some- what surprising that his life was not the penalty of his disobedience, a doom which he doubtless expected. A less scrupulous agent for this bloody business was found in one of the king's ballasteros, Juan Perez de Robledo, who hastened to the fortress, superseded the noble Ihigo Ortiz in the command, and perpetrated the deed, whether by poison or by steel is unknown. The same violence befell Isabel de Lara, widow of the infante Don Juan, w^hom the tyrant had murdered at Bilbao. The fate of Blanche de Bourbon must powerfully excite the sympathy of every reader. The death of Blanche was followed by the natural one of the king's mistress, Maria de Padilla. Whether through the example of the Portuguese sovereign, who had shortly before proclaimed his secret marriage with Ihes de Castro, or whether because the Cas- tilian had in like manner actually married j\Iaria, certain it is that, in 1362, immediately after the murder of the king of Granada by his own hand, Pedro convoked the Cortes at Seville, and de- clared that Maria de Padilla had been his lawful wife, and that for this reason alone he had refused to live with Blanche de Bourbon: he therefore rc([uired that his son Alfonso should be declared his legitimate successor. It was to defend himself against the probable vengeance of 166 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1364-1366 France, and the present hostility of Aragon, that, in 1363, Pedro sought the alhance of the Enghsli Edward III. and the heroic Black I'rince. 'Jdie danger was th.e ni(jre to be apprehended when the king of Navarre joined his brother of Aragon. For some time the advantage lay on the side of the Castilian, who, early in 1364, reduced several towns in Valencia and invested the capital of that province, the siege of which, however, he was soon compelled to raise. But these temporary successes w^ere more than counter- balanced by the activity of Enrique, who in 1365 prevailed on Betrand du Guesclin, the count de la Marche, and other French chiefs to aid him in his projected dethronement of the Castilian tyrant. The French king, Charles V., anxious to avenge the cruel insult done to his royal house, espoused the cause of Enrique and commanded his disbanded soldiers to serve in the expedition des- tined against Castile. To meet it, Pedro, in 1366, assembled his troops at Burgos. He had not long to wait; under some noted leaders the French soon entered Catalonia, were favorably received by their ally, the king of Aragon, and reached Calahorra unmolested, the gates of which were speedily opened to them. There Enrique was solemnly proclaimed king of Castile. The inactivity of Pedro on the invasion of his kingdom was such as to leave it a doubtful point with posterity whether he was a coward or whether he knew too well the disaffection of his people to hazard a battle with the enemy. In opposition to the urgent remonstrances of the inhabitants, he precipitately left Bur- gos for Seville, without venturing his sword with his aspiring brother. Enrique hastened to the abandoned city, where he was joyfully recei\-ed by many deputies of the towns and crowned in the monastery of Huelgas. He now lost no time in pursuing the fugitive Pedro. Presenting himself before Toledo, he summoned that important place to surrender, which after some deliberation obeyed the summons. There he was joined by deputies from Avila, Segovia. Madrid, Cuenza, Ciudad Real, with the submission of those towns. He was now master of the whole of New Castile. The rapidity of these successes convinced the guilty Pedro that his own subjects alone would form but a poor rampart against the assaults of his brotlier. To procure the aid of Portugal, he sent his daughter l-.eatrix, nov.' the heiress of his states (his son Alfonso was no more), into that country with a great treasure as her mar- riage i)orti(^n f(.>r the infante Ferdinand, to whom she had been ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 167 1366-1367 promised. He was himself soon obliged to follow her: an in- surrection of the Sevillians, who openly declared for Enrique, in- spiring the detested tyrant with a just dread of his life, he fled into the territories of his uncle and ally. But here new mortifications awaited him : the Portuguese returned both his daughter and his treasures, on the pretext that the states of Castile having acknowl- edged Enrique, the latter had no wish to plunge the two kingdoms into war: all that he could obtain was permission to set out for Santiago with the resolution of proceeding thence to Coruna and embarking for Bayonne, to join his ally the Prince of Wales, Pedro reached the city of Santiago about the middle of June. While there he resolved on the murder of the archbishop, a reso- lution almost too extraordinary to be explained, yet sufficiently characteristic of the man, who, whenever blood was to be shed or plunder to be procured, little troubled himself about reasons for his conduct. The fortresses of the murdered prelate were immedi- ately occupied. The assassin, leaving them, as well as the support of his interests, to the care of Fernando de Castro, proceeded with his daughter to Coruna, where, with a fleet of twenty-two sail, he embarked for Bayonne. Thus, in three short months, without a single battle on either side, was this cowardly tyrant deprived of a powerful kingdom. The exiled king was well received by the English hero, who undertook to restore him to his throne. The treaty into which the two princes had entered rendered the aid of Edward almost im- perative : besides, it was his interest to oppose the close ally of France ; and his own personal aml^ition was not a little gratified by the offer of the lordship of Biscay, with 56,000 florins of gold for his own use and 550,000 for the support of his army. To ensure the punctual performance of the other conditions, Pedro delivered liis daughters as hostages into the hands of the Black Prince. The enterprise was sanctioned by the luiglish monarch, and the neces- sary preparations immediately commenced. The preparations of the English prince being completed early in the spring of 1367, he passed the Pyrenees at Roncevaux and descended into the plains of Navarre. In his combined army of English, Normans, and Gascons were some of the flower of English chivalry. On tlie 2d of April the two liostile armies met west of Logrofio, a few miles south of the Ebro. The Castilians immedi- ately occupied the vicinity of Najera : tlie allies encamped at Navar- 168 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1367 rete. To spare tlie effusion of Christian blood, Edward sent a letter by a herald to the camp of Enrique, explaining the just causes which had armed the English monarch in defense of an ally and a relation, but offering, at the same time, to mediate between the two parties. His letter, which was addressed, " To the noble and powerful Prince Enriftue. count of Trastamara," not to the king of Castile, was courteously received by Enrique. In his reply he dwelt on the cruelties and oppressions of Pedro's government, whose expulsion he represented as the act of an indignant nation, and expressed his resolution to maintain both that nation's rights and his own by the sword. The battle which decided the fate of the two kings commenced the following morning, April the 3d. The war-cries of " Guienne and St. George! " on the one side and of " Castile and Santiago! " on the other were soon drowned by the clash of arms, the shouts of the victors, and the groans of the dying. The struggle was for a short time desperate: but who could contend with the victor of Crecy and Poitiers? A fierce charge on the left wing of Enrique by the prince in person so terrified Don Tello, who commanded a body of cavalry, that he fled from the field: perhaps he was as treacherous as he was cowardly. Enrique fought nobly; so also did his antagonist, who, like his celebrated counterpart, Richard III, of England, was as brave as he was cruel. But after the flight of Don Tello the infantry of Castile began to give way, and after some desperate efforts by Enrique to support the contest, resistance was abandoned. The number of slain, however, on the part of the vanquished was only 8,000, a fact not very honorable to them. Many thousands were made prisoners, all but a handful who ac- companied the defeated count into Aragon, whence he escaped into Erance. Success so splendid is seldom to be found in the annals of history: it at once restored Pedro to the Castilian throne. Eng- land, fruitful as she has been in heroes, can boast of few such glori()US fields. But the heroic victor met with little gratitude from his faithless ally: as on a former occasion, the states of Bis- cay were secretly advised not to accept him for their ruler; and it was not williout difficulty that he could obtain from Pedro an oath tliat tlie money due to his troops should be paid at two instalments, the first in four, tlie second in twelve months.^ But what most : It I- pro1)al)le tliat a portion of the first instalment was paid to the Black Prince ]Kh>rc his departure from Burgos. His treasures remained in that citv ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 169 1367 disgusted the humane conqueror was the eagerness which the restored king showed to shed the blood of the prisoners. This he disdained to permit: he severely upbraided the tyrant for cherish- ing so sanguinary a disposition. Indeed, Pedro was forced to bend before the master-mind of Edward, and to refrain from shedding blood so long as he remained in Castile. That stay was but of short continuance : having made peace between the kings of Cas- tile and Aragon, and admonished the former to procure the love of the people, he returned to Guienne. From Burgos, where he had separated from the Black Prince, Pedro proceeded to Toledo, where he put to death some obnoxious individuals : far greater horrors he perpetrated in person at Cor- dova and by his emissaries at Seville. He breathed utter destruc- tion against all who had shown any zeal in the service of Enrique, especially if they happened to have any wealth with which he might fill his empty coffers. Towards the close of the year (1367) Enrique entered Spain by Roussillon, at the head of a very small force, not exceeding 400 lances. At first the king of Aragon attempted to arrest his progress through that kingdom, but with little zeal : the soldiers sent to oppose him connived at his passage into Navarre. Having passed the Ebro at Azagra and set foot on the Castilian territory, he drew a cross on the sand and by it swore that he would not desist from his undertaking while life remained. The neighboring inhabitants of Calahorra readily received him within their walls. He was there joined by many of the Castilian barons with consider- able reinforcements, and by the archbishop of Toledo. His recep- tion at Burgos was no less satisfactory. The example of this city constrained Cordova, which had suffered so much from the blood- thirsty Pedro, to declare for him. But he did not immediately proceed to the south : he turned his arms against some of the for- tresses in Old Castile : Leon was besieged and taken ; the Asturias submitted ; Illescas, Buytrago, and Aladrid opened their gates after a short struggle, and Toledo, which promised a more obstinate resistance, was invested. It is useful to observe that the resist- ance of these places was the work of the citizens who were generally attached to Pedro while the barons and hidalgos ^ were generally for Enrique. This circumstance gives great weight to with a portion of the troops, until August, which was about four months from his entrance into the kmgdom. 4 Hijo de algo, son of something; easily corrupted into hidalgo. 170 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1369 the suspicion that, while Pedro ruled the privileged orders with an iron scepter, he favored the independence of the people. The success of the invader roused Pedro to something like activity in defense of his tottering crown. His ally, the king of Granada, was persuaded to arm in his behalf, and to join him with 6,000 horse and 30,000 foot. His own troops did not much exceed 7,000, but the united force was formidable. Cordova was immedi- ately assailed by the two kings, but the defense was so vigorous and the loss on the part of the besiegers so severe that the enter- prise was soon abandoned. Tlie troops of Mohammed V. returned to Granada, and though they afterwards took the field, they did so not so much to aid their ally as to derive some advantage for them- selves from the confusion of the times. Toledo manfully resisted his assaults. To relieve that important city, which had now been invested nearly twelve months, Pedro left Seville early in March, 1369, and passed by Calatrava tov\^ards Montiel, with the intention of waiting for some reinforcements advancing from Murcia, before he ventured an action with his rival. Enrique now put his little army in motion, was joined by the grand master of Santiago, and arriving at Montiel with incredible dispatch, he immediately fell on the outposts of his rival and forced them precipitately into the fortress. With a very inadequate force Pedro was now besieged in this place and cut off from all supplies, which yet reached Enrique every hour. What added to his difficulties was the want of provisions and of water, so that his men began to desert one by one to the enemy or retire to their respective homes. In this critical situation he meditated the means of escape. One of his knights, Mendo Rodriguez, who was on intimate terms with Bertrand du Guesclin, addressed his friend from the ramparts and expressed a wish to see him in secret. Du Guesclin assented, and told him to come that very night to the tent. Rodriguez was punctual to the engagement. On tlic part of his royal master he offered his friend the heredi- tary possession of Soria, Almazan, Monteagudo, Atienza, Deza, and M(jr(jn, with 200,000 doubloons in gold if the Breton knight would assist Pedro to escape. The knight replied that lie could not ac- cept the proposal, as he served in this war by order of his natural lord, the Icing of France. Rodriguez, however, advised him to think further of the proposal, which he promised to do and left him. Acting upon the advice of friends, he related the whole affair ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 171 1369 to Enrique, who thanked him for his fidehty, and said that he should have all that had been promised him, and even more, if he would draw Pedro to his tent and acquaint Enrique with the cir- cumstance the moment it happened. The facility with which he consented to stain his kniglitly faith, to bring everlasting infamy on his name, may well raise a doubt whetlier he really felt the repugnance he pretended. However this be, he assured Mendo Rodriguez that he would provide for the safety of the king, and it was arranged that Pedro should leave the fortress on the evening of March 23, that he should repair to the Breton's tent, and be escorted to a place of safety. At the hour appointed, accompanied by three of his confidential knights, the king silently repaired to the tent of his base betrayer. At the same moment Enricjue, who had been made acquainted with his victim's arrival, entered the tent, but did not at first know his brother, so great was the alteration which a few years had made in that brother's appearance. " There is your enemy! " said one of the attendants, pointing to the king: even yet he doubted, until Pedro cried out, " I am, I am! " Enrique then drew his dagger and wounded the king in the face. Both now grappled and fell to the ground, but the struggle was of short duration : the count was fully armed and probably aided by his satellites, and his poniard or theirs soon deprived the prostrate monarch of life. Pedro, like England's Richard III., whom he partially re- sembles, w'as probably no enemy to the humbler orders, but eager only to break the formidable power of the nobles. Even admitting, what is very probable, tliat his character has been somewhat unfairly treated by Ayala, if one-half the deeds narrated by that author were actually perpetrated by him, and the careful minuteness with which they are recorded gives them the appearance of authenticity, he has had but one equal in ferocity, and that one was the Czar Ivan IV. of Russia. That he v>as a man of lust as well as of cruelty is apparent from the number of his mistresses, to say nothing of his two pretended wives. Of liis numerous issue, two daughters mar- ried into the royal family of England : Constanza, who espoused John of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster; and Isabel, the wife of Edward, duke of York. I'jrrique II. v^as the second and last monarch of illegitimate birth that ever reigned in Castile and Leon. It would be difficult to discover the ground on which this ])rince claimed the crown: if the 172 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL ^"^ 1313-1380 (laui,^htcrs of Pedro were illegitimate, they stood nearer to the throne than himself. The difficulties with which the usurper had to contend were of no common order. Besides the places which recognized the Portu- guese. Logroho, Vittoria, Salvatierra, and Campezo still adhered lo Charles of Navarre; Molina and Requena placed themselves under the protection of Aragon ; and Carmona refused, when sum- moned, to receive Enrique. Add to this that Mohammed of Gra- nada refused his alliance, but entered into one with King Ferdinand, and that Pedro of Aragon openly joined it, in consideration of Murcia and some fortresses in Castile, and his situation will appear sufficiently precarious. But, if he had no other virtues, he had courage; and he resolutely prepared to vindicate his illegitimate authority. At sea, too, his fleet was victorious over an English squadron which advanced against his ally the French king. It was to repair this check, as well as to gratify his own personal ambition, that the English duke of Lancaster, who had just married Con- stanza, daughter of Pedro the Cruel, assumed the title of king of Castile, and prepared to invade the kingdom. The obscure though continued hostilities which followed merit little attention; the advantage of one day was neutralized by the reverse of the next. In 1373, indeed, Enrique penetrated as far as Lisbon, but he reduced no place of consequence, and he soon re- turned to his dominions with the barren glory of having insulted his royal enemy. Enrique died in 1379. In character he was as cruel as Pedro, as loose in morals and scarcely inferior as a tyrant. On the whole, however, he was a fortunate ruler. Either by bribes or force he reduced Galicia to obedience, recovered several places from the king of Navarre, whose capital he at one time invested, and overawed his neighbors of Portugal and Aragon. Juan I. followed his father's advice by cultivating the friend- ship of the French king, whom he frequently assisted in the inter- minable wars between that monarch and the English. Like his father, he had also to dread the pretensions of the duke of Lancaster ; and it was equally his aim to occupy the ambitious Plantagenet with t)lher affairs than disputing his succession. To preserve Portugal as an ally, Juan, in the second year of his reign, consented or proposed to marry his infant son Enrique with Beatrix, presumptive heiress of the Lusitanian crown. Fer- dinand of I'ortugal, for what cause it would be vain to inquire, ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 173 1381-1385 secretly resolved to make war on Castile; and, with the view of strengthening himself by the alliance of the duke of Lancaster, he dispatched a trusty messenger to obtain the co-operation of that prince, who readily promised it. Juan, who was soon acquainted with the league, resolved to anticipate his enemy : off Cape St. Vin- cent his fleet triumphed, in 1381, over that of Ferdinand, and Al- meida was forced to submit to him. The arrival from England of the earl of Cambridge, brother of the duke, with 500 men-at-arms and as many archers roused the courage of the Portuguese, but did them little service. Wearied alike with his allies and the war, Ferdinand, in 1382, solicited and obtained peace, and the English returned home. The death of the queen of Castile leaving Enrique a widower, Ferdinand offered him the Princess Beatrix, who had been successively promised to his brother, to his two sons, and even to the son of the earl of Cambridge, on condition, however, that the issue of the marriage, whether male or female, should be the sovereign of Portugal, and that he himself should have no share in the administration so long as Leonora, the Portuguese queen, should survive Ferdinand. This condition, so characteristic of Portuguese dislike of Castilian sway, did not prevent Juan from marrying the princess. Ferdinand died the very year of this marriage, and his death opened the door to new hostilities. Though Juan and his new queen were, in fact, excluded by the treaty accompanying their union, he no less eagerly claimed the crown in her right, and several of the Portuguese nobles admitted the justice of that claim. Even the widowed queen, Leonora, caused her daughter to be proclaimed in the capital, but the bulk of the towns and prelates refused to acknowledge her, and declared Don Juan, bastard brother of Ferdinand, regent of Portugal. The latter prepared to vindicate his right, when Urban VL, whom he had refused to recognize, raised up against him his old enemy, the duke of Lancaster, who was persuaded by that pope again to invade Castile. The usurper Juan was no less anxious to secure the co- operation of the Plantagenet, whose departure to claim the crown of Castile he began to urge with success. To frustrate the double object of this alliance, the Castilian. in 1384, entered the kingdom, received the homage of his adherents, and proceeded to invest the capital : but his troops were ignobly defeated by those of his rival ; even the queen-mother scorned to favor his pretensions, and he was constrained to abandon the sieire and return into his dominions. 174. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1385-1387 In 1385 the states of Coimbra proclaimed his rival king, who began vigorously to invest the places which held for him. Fortune at- tended the arms of the Lusitanian, who successively obtained posses- sion of the chief fortilied places, and, in several partial engagements, was hailed as victor. A greater and a decisive action was now at hand. Though he had but 10,000 men, he marched against the Castilian king, who met him with an army of at least 34,000, in which were 2,000 French knights. The two armies met near Aljubarota, a village in Portuguese Estremadura, where, by the advice of the English knight who served in his army, the Lusitanian entrenched his followers in a position of some strength. The-action commenced towards sunset on a fine summer evening (August 14) and was, for a short time, maintained with great spirit on both sides. In th.e end the Portuguese obtained a splendid victory, most of the Castilian chivalry and 10,000 of the infantry being left dead on the field : the king himself v/ith difficulty effected his escape. To profit by this victory, the Portuguese monarch commanded his barons to make an irruption into Castile, while he himself dis- patched to the duke of Lancaster a circumstantial account of this signal success. The latter now burned to assert his rights by other means than threats, or by the mere report of his preparations : he actually left England with a small but choice armament (about 1,500 knights and as many archers), accompanied by his wife, the Lady Constanza, and his three daughters. In July, 1386, he ap- peared off the coast of Galicia, and ultimately landed at El Padron : thence he proceeded to Santiago, where he was solemnly proclaimed king of Castile and Leon. In the spring of 1387 the cluke and the Portuguese king arrived at Benevento ; but their progress was stayed by the plague, which daily made great ravages in their ranks. After the conquest of a few towns and fortresses the allied army retired into Portugal. The duke himself was seriously indisposed in body, and C(jnse(|uently dispirited. Their retreat was hastened by intclhoence of tlic troubles v/hich raged in England, and which ended in tlie imprisonment and eventually the death of the un- fortunate Richard II. The reign of Juan I. was one of continued troubles, which, though Ins abilities were moderate, his firmness prevented from nnnnig tlic state, or endangering liis own power. Once indeed, durmg the (iis])nted snccession to the Lusitanian crown, he seriously intended to resign in favor of his own son Enri(|ue, who, as the son ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 175 1390-1418 of Beatrix, daughter of Ferdinand, was the true heir to the Portu- guese no less than the Castilian throne. His object was to secure the execution of the treaty made with that prince and forever to unite the two crowns. But his nobles, who were evidently no less averse to such a union than their western neighbors, not merely advised but compelled him to preserve his dignity. The last years of his reign were disturbed by the hostilities of those neighbors, but they were too obscure in themselves and too unimportant in their consequences to deserve notice. Enrique IIL, surnamed the Infirm, being no more than eleven years of age on his accession, no one will be surprised that in so turbulent a kingdom his minority should occasion many dissensions. When in 1393 the young king assumed the reins of sov- ereignty hopes were naturally entertained that growing passions would be hushed, and rival factions reconciled, before the concen- trated power of royalty. But though Enrique showed no want of spirit, or even of energy, he was unable to restore internal peace. The ambition of his uncle Fadrique, duke of Benevento, and the hostility of the Lusitanian king, gave him sufficient occupation and made the minds of his people strangers to security. Others of his subjects, among whom was another uncle, the count de Gijon, were not slow to profit by the example of the duke of Venevento, nor were these commotions appeased by the force so much as by the liberalities of Enrique. As to the war with Portugal, its only no- table success was the surprise of Badajoz by King Juan. Enrique, indeed, had his revenge by some inroads into the enemy's territory, but neither by force nor negotiation could he recover the bulwark of Estremadura. A truce of ten years, concluded in the last year of the fourteenth century, restored tranquillity to his harassed frontier. Enrique was a well-intentioned prince, and beloved by his people, whoses burdens he sought to alleviate. In 1401 he con- voked the Cortes at Tordesillas, where he caused to be enacted many excellent laws, circumscribing tb.e powers and restraining the rapacity of the judges. He died the first day of the year 1407, lea\-ing a son, the infante Juan, by his queen, Catherine, under two }'ears of age. Juan II. being at so tender an age, fears were entertained lest the infante h^rnando, brother to the late king, who in conjuction with the queen-mother was intrusted with the regency, should seize the crown. The factions which fiourished at court soon extended 176 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL **" 1419-1427 their ramifications into the great towns of the kingdom. In 1418 Catherine herself paid the common debt of nature, and from the time of her feeble son's assuming the sovereignty may be dated a melancholy series of commotions and disasters. From the day in which Juan assembled his first Cortes (held at Madrid in March, 1419), he exhibited the moral weakness of his character, and too plainly showed that his mind was formed for obedience, not for command. This reign, in consequence, ought not so much to be called his own as that of his favorites, especially of Don Alvaro de Luna, a man fatally memorable in the Castilian annals. The first serious disturbance arose from the disappointed love or ambition of Don Enrique, infante of Aragon, who claimed the, hand of the Princess Catalina, the king's sister. Being re- pulsed by that princess, and disappointed in his hope of aid from the favorites of Juan, he resolved to effect by force what he could not obtain by other means. Juan had neither vigor enough to punish his enemies nor gratitude enough to reward his adherents. While Enrique long escaped with impunity, rather through the impotence than favor of the king, tliose who had rescued him from thraldom were wholly overlooked. The people soon saw that the dominion of one set of favorites was only replaced by that of another. After remaining in arms about two years, Enrique at length, confiding in the royal protestations of clemency, laid down his arms, proceeded to court, and was immediately imprisoned. The dignity of constable was taken from Ruy Lopez de Avalos, then in Valencia, and conferred on Alvaro de Luna, and the possessions of that baron were dis- tributed among the hungry parasites of the court. At length, in 1425, Enrique obtained both his liberty and the restoration of his honors and estates through the threats rather than the entreaties of his brother, the king of Aragon. He retired to Tarazona. If Enrique was absent from the kingdom, he had yet many adherents who wished for his return. The league formed against Don Alvaro gained accessions every day. As early as 1427 it was bold cnongli to present a remonstrance to the king, insisting on the dismission of tliat baron and others from his councils. Jealousy of his immense favor appears to have been the only cause of the per- .'^ccution urged against him. For the time, however, Alvaro was compelled to retire to Ayllon, carrying with him the affections of the king; and Enriciue returned to the court in the hope of resum- ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 177 1427-1439 ing his former influence. But the exiled constable, like the prince, had his partisans, who, knowing the royal sentiments, did not despair of procuring his honorable recall. To this end they labored so effectually; such were the troubles they artfully contrived to excite, which they represented as impossible to be allayed by any other than himself ; such too were the dissensions of those who now aspired to the king's confidence, and who were more jealous of one another than even of Alvaro, that in a few short months he was invited to resume his place in the councils of the kingdom. He pre- tended great reluctance to leave his retirement, and did not comply with the invitation until it had been thrice made. No sooner was the constable re-established in his master's favor than he was again exposed to the sting of the courtly insects. The discontented Castilians had no difficulty in forming against him a new league, supported as before by the brother kings of Aragon and Navarre. Finding that remonstrances were of no avail, the two sovereigns invaded Castile, protesting that they would see justice done their brother Enrique, and a second time remove the favorite, whom they professed to regard not only as his enemy but their own. Having effected a junction with the infante, they marched against the constable, whom they met near Coguallado. The forces of both parties were preparing for action, when after a few unimportant actions, in which no advantage was gained on either side, both agreed on a truce of five years. During the next few years Castile, at peace with all her neighbors except Granada, offers nothing to strike the attention. Murmurs at the gradually increasing power of the constable, whom the king took every opportunity of enriching, and without whose advice nothing was undertaken, were indeed sufficiently frequent ; but no open revolt agitated the kingdom until 1439. Now, how- ever, a new league was formed against him, headed as usual by Enrique and the king of Navarre (Alfonso of Aragon was no longer in a state to dictate to his brother of Castile), the members of which loudly demanded the removal of the obnoxious favorite. To dispel the approaching storm, Don Alvaro retired for a time from the court ; but the confederates refused to lay down their arms until he should be forever driven from the royal presence. To appease his barons, the king convoked his Cortes at Valladolid: such a step was become necessary, for the leaguers had seized on some of his chief cities and were preparing to proceed still further. 178 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1443-1445 The first act of the assembly was to recommend that all parties should disarm the king as well as the infante, the constable as well as the king of Navarre. But this recommendation led to no result : both parties continued exasperated as before. That of the king was weakened by the desertion of his only son, Prince Enrique, who espoused the cause of the confederates. The queen followed the example of her son : in short, the aspect of affairs was so menacing that Don Alvaro began to turn his eyes towards Portugal in search of an asylum. Through the persuasion of the king, however, who assured him that everything should be arranged to his wish, he consented to await the result. The horrors of internal strife were now felt in all their force: city after city was invested and taken by the confederate rebels, who showed little mercy to the partisans of the king and constable. In vain did Juan whisper peace; in vain did he prepare to abide by the decision of his states, which he might summon for the purpose : as he did not at once and forever banish Don Alvaro from his pres- ence, his entreaties and remonstrances were equally disregarded. At length, finding that he was unable to contend with his queen, his son, and his barons, he consented, in a conference with the chiefs of the insurgents, not only to dismiss from court all the creatures of the constable, but to forbid the obnoxious favorite his presence during six years. The indiscretion, hov/ever, of Don Alvaro, who from his retreat at San Martin unsuccessfully endeavored to sow dissension among the confederates, made them resolve on his utter destruction. Their first object, which they easily effected, was to keep their sovereign a kind of prisoner in his own palace. Though their subsequent efforts were somewhat paralyzed by the defection of Prince Enrique, who even called on all good men to aid him in rescuing his father from a slavish dependence on them, they per- sexered not the less in their design. They took the field against both tb.e ])rince and the father, who now contrived to escape, and reach the camp of the former. But on this occasion fortune de- clared for the side of justice; the confederates were routed and dispersed in several successive actions and their strong places re- covered l)y the royal forces. Finally, the victory of Olmedo, gained by Juan in person over the two brothers, the acquisition of a considerable number of prisoners, and the death of Enrique, through a wrnind received in that battle, appeared to consolidate both the jiower (-f the king and the influence of the favorite. ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 179 1445-1453 Soon after the battle of Olmedo the partiaHty of the monarch began to be weakened. The first known subject of dissatisfaction arose from the negotiations for a new marriage (the king had been some time a widower) : Juan wished for a daughter of Charles VIL of France ; the constable forced on him a princess of Portugal. Such, however, was his habitual submission to the will of the favorite, that he concealed his discontent, and shortly afterwards even prevailed on the knights of Santiago to elect the constable for their grand master. In short, besides the habitual sway which he exercised over the royal mind, he was too powerful, both from his alliances and the number of his armed dependents, to be bearded even by a king. Years accordingly elapsed before Juan could put into execution his long-meditated design of destroying his constable. It was not until the year 1453 that he seriously resolved to rid himself of his formidable minister; and the caution with which he proceeded in that resolution proves at once the cowardice and mean- ness of his character. Instead of openly arresting the constable, he secretly implored the count de Plasencia to seize or even to assassinate Don Alvaro. But the latter, who had spies everywhere, was soon acquainted with much of what had been decided against him. Don Alvaro was at Burgos when the order for his arrest was given by the king to the son of the count de Plasencia, to take him dead or alive. During the night troops were secretly placed in various parts of the city, and at the entrance of the fortress, into which some men at arms were silently introduced. The royal order was to invest the house in which the constable resided, and thereby compel him to surrender. Accordingly, the young Zuniga, with 200 men at arms and twenty horsemen, surrounded the house, exclaiming, " Castilla! Casfilla! libcrtad para cl Rcy!" The con- stable showed his head from a window, but an arrow being shot at him, he withdrew it, and his men began to fire on the royal troops. The assault was repelled, but he himself was at length persuaded to surrender, on receiving an assurance in writing, under the king's own hand, that his life, liberty, and even possessions should be spared. No sooner, however, was he secured than his gold and jewels were seized ])y the faithless monarch, and orders given to try in other words, to condemn him. Twelve lawyers and several barons, being assembled for this purpose, unanimously passed on him the last sentence, and the confiscation of all his possessions. 180 SPAIN AND TORTUGAL ^" 1453-1458 From Burgos he was conducted to Valladolid, where the execution was appointed to take place. He prepared for death with firmness, and with apparent contrition for his past misdeeds. When near the scaffold he called a page of the prince, and said to him, " Page, tell my lord the prince to reward his servants better than the king my sovereign now rewards me! " He ascended with a firm step, knelt for a few moments before a crucifix, bared his neck with his own hands, and quietly laid his head on the block, when the exe- cutioner plunged the knife into his throat, and afterwards separated the head from the body, amidst the tears of the surrounding multi- tude. Thus fell the great constable of Castile, the victim chiefly of his own immeasurable ambition, and in no mean degree of courtier jealousy, and of royal faithlessness. If his crimes were many, they were characteristic rather of the age than of the man: he was certainly no more criminal than the great body of the Castilian l)arons. who despised alike justice and reason when violence could secure their ends. To him the queen was indebted for her crown, yet she persecuted him with unrelenting hatred. Juan II. did not long survive the constable: he died in 1454. He was one of the weakest and most despicable princes that ever swayed the scepter of any country. Besides two sons, he left issue the infante Isabella, so famous in the annals of Spain. The reign of Enrique IV., surnamed the Impotent, was even more disastrous than that of his father. That this surname was not undeserved, we hax'e the testimony of his own wife, Blanche of Navarre, whom he led to the altar in 1440, and who, after a union of thirteen years, could complain that the dcbitiim conjiigalc re- mained unpaid. On this ground in 1453 ^^'^^ marriage was an- nulled, and the unfortunate princess returned to her family. After his accession, however, he solicited and obtained the hand of a Portuguese infanta. iM-oni the rebellious conduct of this prince towards his own father, it could scarcely be expected that he would be allowed to sway tlie scepter in peace. Besides the disputes which he had with the crowns of Navarre and Aragon, he was perpetually subjected to the insults no less than tlie defiance of his turbulent nobles, and to the i)artiril revolts of the people whom the exactions of his revenue ofticcrs never failed to exas])erate. In 1458 his subjects were not a little surprised to perceive among his advisers and new favorites ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 181 1458-1467 Doiia Guiomar de Castro, one of the queen's attendants. The noto- rious imputation cast on his viriHty might probably have driven him to such a step ; possibly, too, as he and his creatures contended, time had invigorated him. However this be, certain it is that the queen was jealous of the new mistress, though that jealousy might arise as much from seeing another the exclusive channel of royal favors as from a more delicate cause. On one occasion she exhibited the feel- ing in a manner little decorous. To prevent the repetition of such scenes, the minion was removed from the palace and splendidly established at a village in the vicinity of Madrid. In the meantime, the confederates seeing the ill-success of their former remonstrance, again proceeded to strengthen their league: they presented a second, drawn up in more decided terms than the preceding; and, besides, insisted that the king should pay more regard to the education of the infantes, Alfonso and Isabella, and cause the former to be recognized as his heir by the states of the kingdom. As his answer was evasive, they again placed the king of Aragon and Navarre ^ at their head, and labored by every means to obstruct the course of his government. Hostilities between him and that monarch were the consequence ; but they led to nothing. His satisfaction was increased by the pregnancy of his queen, who, early in 1462, was delivered of a daughter, the infanta Juana. Though popular report did not hesitate to assign the child to the familiarity of the mother with Don Beltran de la Cueva, count of Ledesma, one of Enrique's favorites, and even applied to that issue the significant epithet of Beltraneja, the latter was the no less eager in securing the recognition of the princess as heiress to his do- minions. In 1464, after some partially unsuccessful inroads into Cata- lonia, the inhabitants of which had placed tliemselves under his pro- tection, and even acknowledged him as their sovereign, Enrique made peace with the Aragonese, and thereby forsook the Catalans. But if one enemy was thus appeased, a more formidable one re- mained in his own barons and courtiers, who were generally in arms against him, and who constantly refused even to confer with him in person until he had given hostages for their safety. Their avowed object was still to procure the recognition of tlie infante Alf(jnso, to the exclusion of the Beltraneja, whom nobody regarded as his. ^ Juan of Navarre had also succeeded to tlie crown of Ara.c^on. 182 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1467-1469 Enrique was naturally anxious to punish the rebels, but their attitude was too formidable for him. They continued under arms, besieging fortress after fortress, and wreaking vengeance alike on their personal and political enemies. Thus continued the face of affairs until 1467, when Enrique resolved to risk a battle with the rebels, lie met them near Olmedo, where, after a fierce but inde- cisive struggle, both armies left the field, each boasting of the victory. This event, however, did not prevent the king from meet- ing the leaders at Segovia, where a suspension of arms was agreed on. The following year his rival, the infante Alfonso, died, an event highly favorable to the king. The rebels, indeed, proposed to raise the infanta Isabella, his sister, to the throne, and thereby perpetuate their own impunity; but that princess, who had principles and an understanding far above her years, refused to accept the criminal dignity or to become the tool of a few factious rebels. Though she was proclaimed at Seville and other parts of Anda- lusia, tlie treason was not hers, but her pretended partisans'. Some of the discontented lords now returned to their duty; finally peace was made between the king and the rest : Isabella and Enrique met with every appearance of good will and that princess was recognized, both by him and the great body of the barons and deputies, as the undoubted heiress of the two crowns. The queen, indeed, protested against this arrangement in favor of her daughter, but her com- plaints passed unheeded. In the same year was laid the foundation of a union which was to prove of such unbounded value to Spain : Juan II. of Aragon solicited the hand of Isabella of Castile for his son and heir Don I'^erdinand, king of Sicily. The overture was formally received by tb.e princess, but obstacles of so formidable a nature intervened tliat for some time there was little hope of a successful issue to the negotiations. Neitlier the king nor the queen wished to see the cause of Isabella su])ported by so powerful a neighbor as the future monarch of Aragon would necessarrily be; but her adherents de- cided on bringing the affair as soon as possible to a conclusion. The whole negotiation was secretly conducted, the rather as the princess was souglit both by the duke de Berri, brother to the French king, and by the monarch of Portugal, whose agents were sure to oppose every oljstacle in their power to the union with Aragon. For a time she was a i)risi)ncr in Madrigal where it was evidently in- tended to detain her until she gave her consent to either the Portu- ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 183 1469-1474 guese or the Frenchman. The former was considered too old to have issue, the latter was too far removed to be dreaded. She con- trived to acquaint her friends with her unexpected position. The primate immediately collected 300 lances and marched to her re- lief : the admiral of Castile and the bishop of Curia did the same: she was released and triumphantly escorted to Valladolid. Ferdi- nand was invited to hasten from Aragon with all possible expedi- tion, while Enrique was absent in Andalusia, and receive his bride. As he was likely to be intercepted on his reaching the Castilian territory, he assumed a suitable disguise, and with three attendants only, eluded the design of his enemies. On October 25, 1469, the royal pair received the nuptial benediction in the cathedral of Valladolid. No sooner was Enrique acquainted with this precipitate mar- riage than he resolved to leave no measure untried for securing the crown to the Beltraneja. On the other hand, the Princess Isabella was not backward in publishing her claims, the validity of which had been recognized by Enrique himself. On the whole, however, the partisans of Isabella increased, while Enrique was unable to find his pretended daughter a husband and protector in any of the neigh- boring royal families. To suspend, at least, the strife which had so long raged between the parties, he was persuaded, in 1473, to hold an interview with his sister, and the pleasure which he evi- dently took in seeing her made her adherents hope that he would again sanction her rights. The hope was strengthened, when, at Segovia, early in the following year, he showed considerable atten- tion to Ferdinand himself. But this king was too fickle in dispo- sition and too mutable in character to persevere long in any given line of conduct : he again sought for an opportunity of entrapping and imprisoning the infanta and her husband, but his purpose was divined and eluded. This weak monarch, weak even to helpless- ness, died near the close of 1474; by his last will he declared the young Juana his successor, and charged four of his most consider- able barons with its execution. The desire of wiping away the stain on his manhood did not forsake him even on the verge of the grave. On the death of Enrique, Ferdinand was at Saragossa:but his consort, being at Segovia, summoned that city to acknowledge her and v^-as instantly obeyed : by the nobles and prelates pres- ent both were solemnly proclaimed joint sovereigns of Castile and Leon. On his return from Arasron there was much (lis- 184 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1474-1479 pute as U) tlic power he was to exereise in the administration. After fre(|ucnt and acrimonious consuUations it was agreed that the king and queen should reign conjointly, and that in all public acts his name should precede hers; but, to save her rights, or rather to satisfy Castilian jealousy, it was no less stipulated that without her express sanction he should not have power to alienate any por- tion of the royal rc\eiuies or domains nor to nominate the gov- ernors of towns or fortresses. These restrictions were far from pleasing to h^erdinand, wlio was immoderately fond of power, and who, at first, even threatened to return into his hereditary kingdom. His indignation was disarmed by the prudence of the queen, who, by promising submission to his will, averted so fatal a misfortune. But if the majority of the people w^ere in favor of the new reign, there were yet many barons, and those of considerable in- fluence, who esp<^used the interests of Juana, not so much from at- tachment to that princess, whose birth they, in common with the rest of the nation, considered dubious, as from a view to their own individual advantage. However important the stake for which the two parties now began to contend, the details of that contention are too obscure in themselves, and were too indecisive, to merit minute attention. At length Alfonso was compelled to listen to pacific proposals. Negotiations were opened, and in September, 1479, satisfactorily concluded at Alcacebas. The principal conditions were that Alfonso should renounce the title of king of Castile; that he sliould neither marry, nor in any way favor the pretensions of Doha Juana ; that " this pretended daughter of the late king, Don Enrique," should be allowed six months to decide whether she would wait until the infante Juan (only child of Ferdinand and Isabella, then only a year old) arrived at a marriageable age, or take the veil ; that the Portuguese should restore the few places tliey still held in Estremadura. It w^as added that if, on arriving at a proper age, the infante should be averse to the match, he had only to pay 100,000 pistoles to be at liberty to marry whom he pleased. 1"hc unfortunate lady, seeing that she was sacrificed to the interests of the two kings, professed in the convent of St. Clair at Coimbra. I lie very year in which peace was thus happily restored be- tween Castile and Portugal. Ferdinand by the death of his father, Juan fl.. was called to the throne of Aragon. Elaving received the homri^e and connrnicd the privileges of his Aragonese subjects at ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 185 1484-1520 Saragossa, of the Catalonians at Barcelona, and of the Valencians in the capital of that province, he returned into Castile, The reign of Ferdinand and Isabella was distinguished for many uncommon things. First, they were noted for a rigid ad- ministration of justice: neither for money nor favor would they spare the guilty. If the salutary severity of these sovereigns had been directed only against the perturbators of the public peace, the brightness of their fame would almost have been unclouded. Un- fortunately they were equally severe against all who ventured to differ from the established faith. Against apostates, all converts who, after baptism reverted to Judaism, or the faith of Islam, their hatred was implacable. In this apostasy Andalusia was the most conspicuous. The inquisitional tribunal of Seville, alone, in the short space of thirty-six years, from 1484 to 1520, consigned 4,000 victims to the flames, besides many times that number con- demned to the galleys, to a perpetual or limited imprisonment, and other punishments. Humanity shudders at the recital. The intolerance, no less than the folly, of the Catholic sov- ereigns was still more conspicuous in regard to the Jews, Scarcely had they obtained possession of Granada than they promulgated a decree in which all Jews who refused to embrace Christianity were ordered to be expelled from the kingdom in six months. That per- secuted people were filled with equal astonishment and dismay at this unexpected mandate. Many consented to be baptized, but the far greater number, in profound despair, prepared to leave the coun- try of their birth. On the expiration of the period prescribed, 83,000 removed into Portugal, the king of which consented to receive them, on the condition of their submitting to a capitation tax of one crusado for every individual. About 30,000 families retired to France, Italy, and Africa, the means of transport being furnished them by the government. By the Moors the most detestable, because the most perfidious and cruel nation on earth they were treated with characteristic barloarity. Many of them were known, and more suspected, to have swallowed precious stones; their living bodies were opened by the savage miscreants. All who fell into IMoorish hands were stripped, not only of their substance, but of their very clothing. Such as escaped returned gradually and in small numbers at a time to the Peninsula, which, to the converts, held out the hand of hospitality, and even of brotherly affection. 186 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1492 The establishment of the inquisition led to the banishment of the Jews ; the latter, in its turn, to the persecution of the Moham- medans. These soon found that their religious toleration, so solemnly guaranteed by the articles of capitulation, would be little respected by a prince who did not always hesitate to break his royal ^vord nor even his oath when his interests or his bigotry were concerned. It is certain that from the very year in which Granada submitted the resolution was taken to convert or expel the Moors; but their numbers, the assistance they might receive from Africa, and the unsettled state of the new conquest delayed its execution. In 1499, however, Ferdinand, being at Granada, seriously entered on what he doubtless considered a path of stern but necessary duty. In other respects the policy of Ferdinand was as enlightened as it was beneficial to the country. The great barons had been too powerful for his predecessors; to curtail their immunities was his constant object. By encouraging the confederations of the towns he effectually destroyed their influence over those places and, by subjecting them to the ordinary tribunals of justice, he still further reduced them towards a level with his other subjects. The final subjugation of the Mohammedans, the consolidation of the royal power, the union of Aragon to Castile and Leon, were noble monuments of Ferdinand's policy. The discovery of a new world by the famous navigator, Christopher Columbus, still more strongly attracts the notice of posterity to this splendid reign. Into the vast field of American discovery, colonization, and history, whether by Spaniards or Portuguese, a subject which, to do it full justice, W'Ould demand as many pages as this compendium itself, we cannot enter ; and, fortunately, most of the works on this sub- ject are of so easy access that our silence need not be regretted. To Isabella must be ascribed the glory of the enterprise. At first she received with natural coldness the proposals of this wonderful man ; but overcome at length by the representation of a monk, the friend of Columbus, and still more by the resistless reasoning of the navigator himself, whom she admitted to her presence, she bor- rowed tlie sum of money necessary for the armament and bade him depart. Tliis was in April, 1492. In the same month of the fol- lowing year lie returned from tliis first voyage, bringing with him a considerable quantity of gold, silver, and other productions of the Xcw World, ^with several Indians, convincing proofs of his successful adventure. The extraordinary honors with which he ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 187 1493-1500 was received by the astonished sovereigns, being permitted to remain seated in their presence, and created admiral of the Indies, with suitable means of supporting the dignity, encouraged him to new enterprises. With a fleet of eighteen vessels, containing 1,200 seamen, 300 mechanics, 12 priests, to convert the heathens, and a considerable number of horses, sheep, etc., he again left Spain, in the month of September, 1493, and happily reached his destination. On returning from his second voyage, being driven by stress of weather into the port of Lisbon, he was compelled to acquaint Don Joam with the productions, climate, and riches of the New World, and the monarch's eagerness for wealth and empire was so excited that he resolved to fit out some vessels of discovery in the same direction. But as, by a papal bull, the sovereignty both of the regions which had been and might thenceforward be discovered was conferred on Ferdinand and his successors, Joam could not decently bid the expedition depart until he had given notice of his intention to the Castilian sovereigns. This having been done, and arbitration having settled the boundaries which interested Portu- gal, the two monarchs divided between themselves the maritime dominion of the globe ; nor could they see how soon the rude hands of the English and Dutch would break their scepter. But the happiness of the Catholic sovereigns was not com- mensurate with the splendor which surrounded them. To whom must their magnificent empire devolve? In 1497 the infante Juan their only son, whom they had just married to the Archduchess ATargarita of Austria, died, and his widow was soon afterwards brought to bed of a still-born child. Hence their daughters only remained through whom they could hope to transmit their scepter to posterity; but even in this expectation they were doomed to much disappointment. Doha Isabella, the eldest of the princesses, who was married to the heir of the Portuguese monarchy, was left a widow as soon as the Archduchess Alargarita. and though she was next given to her brother-in-law, Don Manuel, now become king of Portugal, and the following year was delivered of a son, she died at the time; nor did the young prince, the acknowledged heir of the whole Peninsula, Navarre excepted, long survive her. Still, to be prepared against every possible contingency, they mar- ried another daughter, the Princess i\laria, to the Lusitanian widower; and tlieir youngest, Catherine, destined to be so famous from her connection with the English Reformation, first to Arthur, 188 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1500-1504 Prince of Wales, and next to Henry, his brother, afterwards Henry Vni. Tlicir hope of an heir, however, rested in their second daughter. Juana, the wife of Phihp, Archduke of Austria, who, in 1500. was dehvercd of a prince, afterwards Charles V. Thus, tlie crown of Spain was to devolve on a foreign brow, the first example of the kind which had occurred from the foun- dation of the monarchy by Pelayo. Their disappointments, too, were embittered by the unhappiness of their children. The Princess Isabella, who had always shown more affection for the cloister than for the throne, had been forced into the marriage and died a premature and painful death. Juana, though extravagantly fond ()( her hus1)and, was treated by him with the most marked neglect, and the fate of Catherine is but too well known. The misfortunes of her children sunk deeply into the heart of the queen, and brought on a melancholy which ended in her death, at Medina del Campo, in 1504. In her last will she left her daughter Juana, and after that princess her grandson Charles, heirs to the monarchy. As Juana was too weak in understanding to be intrusted with the cares of government, she appointed her husband regent of the kingdom until Charles should attain his twentieth year. In this disposition she consulted both her own in- clination and the interests of her people, as she had a natural dis- like to the vain, weak, and profligate Philip, and knew that the administration could not be continued in abler hands than those which held it. To Ferdinand, too, she bequeathed the administra- tion of the three military orders during his life and half the revenues of the Indies. If we except Queen Elizabeth and Catherine of Russia, no ])rincess of modern times can equal Isabella in ability or in the success of her administration : and, in the qualities of her heart, in Christian fervor, and an unspotted life, how far does she not exceed either! Prudent in the formation, yet prompt in the execu- tion, of her plans; severe towards guilt, yet merciful towards mis- I'Ttune: unbending in her purposes, yet submissive to her husband; of rigid virtue, yet indulgent to minor frailties; devout without ostentation, and proud witliout haughtiness: feeling towards tlie ])ains of others, yet exhibiting no sentiment of her own. she might well command tlie respect, no less than the affection, of her people. Ihit ;il ready, 1)eff;re Isabella breathed her last, had the dis- scir^idii-; conimcnced which so much embittered the life of her ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 189 1504-1505 husband. That, by the Castilian laws, Juana was now both queen and proprietor of the kingdom, and that Phihp, in right of his marriage, might claim not only the regal title, but a considerable share in the administration, were admitted by many. On the other hand, the last will of Isabella, who had constituted her husband regent until the majority of Charles the experience of that prince the success of his past government the solid benefits which he had conferred on the state, and the unpopular character of Philip, as well as his ignorance of the language, laws, and man- ners of Castile, induced all the sober-judgihg and patriotic part of the nation to wish for a continuance of the present rule. Un- fortunately, however, the momentous question was agitated with more prejudice than reason. The efforts of Ferdinand to curb the violence of the aristocracy his prudent economy his firm sway, and the aversion of many Castilians to the sole domination of an Aragonese, had created many enemies. More hoped that under a weak and lenient prince like Philip their love of power and their avarice would be equally gratified. Hence, it is no won- der that an opposition, at once systematic and violent, was formed to the pretensions of Ferdinand, an opposition too loud to permit the soft whisper of policy or gratitude to be heard. Ferdinand was fond of power, and his first steps showed that he would strive to maintain it. Having caused his daughter and her husband to be proclaimed queen and king of Castile, he con- voked the Cortes at Toro, early in 1505, to procure their sanction to his regency. The majority readily granted it ; but not a few of the discontented, because disappointed, nobles retired from Toro in disgust, assembled others of the same faction at Valladolid, and pressed Philip to come and assume the administration of the kingdom. Philip then entered into an alliance with Charles VHL of France, the enemy of Ferdinand, by whose aid he hoped to make head against the regent. In the meantime the factious nobles, who, though constituting a minority in point of numbers, were all-powerful from their stations and alliances, continually urged Philip to appear among them, and throw every obstacle in the path of the regent. Seeing the ungrateful return of a people for whom he had done so much, whose glory and happiness he had so successfully labored to promote, and still more ofl'ended, perhaps, with the insults of his profligate son-in-law, the king of Aragon seriously planned revenge; it was to remarry and leave 190 SPAIN AND TORTUGAL 1506 to the issue arising from it the kingdom of Naples, which he had united with Aragon, or, perhaps even Aragon itself. Concealing his long enmity towards Charles, he solicited the hand of Ger- maine de Foix, niece of that monarch, who eagerly granted it. This intelligence was a thunderbolt to Philip, who now consented to negotiate; and it was accordingly agreed, by the agents of the two princes at Salamanca that the kingdom should be governed by Juana, Ferdinand, and Philip, each possessing equal author- ity; and that all public instruments should bear the three names. The Austrian, however, had no intention of observing the treaty : early in 1506 he embarked for Spain with his consort, but con- trary winds forced him to England, where he was detained, during three months, by the ungenerous policy of Henry VII. The king of France had refused l.im a passage through that kingdom until he had come to a better understanding with the regent : in fact, Charles could not, as a close ally of Ferdinand, permit an expedi- tion through his states, evidently hostile to that ally. When Ferdinand heard of the archduke's embarkation, he caused prayers to be offered up for a prosperous voyage, and ordered a fleet to be equipped to convoy the new sovereigns into the Peninsula. He had just celebrated his marriage with the Princess Germaine when his daughter and the archduke landed at Corufia. No sooner was Philip landed than the nobles disaffected to Ferdinand hastened to meet him, and, by their sinister reports, to increase his jealousy of the regent. To dissipate his suspicions, Ferdinand sent the Archbishop Ximines, his steadfast counselor, who was charged with the appropriate duty of restoring concord between the two princes. But the arrogance of Philip, who was entirely led by the advice of his Flemings and the discontented Castilians, caused him not only to do everything which he knew would mortify his father-in-law, but to refuse an interview fre- quently requested by Ferdinand. From the levity we might add, the perfidy with which he annulled the treaty of Salamanca, and openly declared his resolution to expel Ferdinand from Castile, the latter, though still disposed to peace, saw that it was high time for him to prepare for tlie worst. He ordered troops to be raised, both to vindicate his own right and to rescue his daughter from, the ignominious restraint in which she was kept by her husband. Owing, liowever, to tlie artful representations of the disaffected barons, tlic party of Philip increased daily, and F'erdinand was, ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 191 1506 at length, compelled to resign the regency into the hands of the archduke alone, Juana being by both considered incompetent to govern. He retained the grandmastership and administration of the three military orders, with the other legacies of Isabella, and after two interviews with Philip returned to his hereditary dominions. Having gained the object of his ambition, Phili'p convoked the Cortes at Valladolid, in the hope that he should procure their consent to the removal of the queen from all affairs ; in other words, to her perpetual confinement, on the ground of her inca- pacity. The opposition, however, which he there encountered made him abandon his iniquitous purpose. All that the states would do was to swear allegiance to Juana as their natural sovereign, to him as her consort, and to acknowledge the Archduke Charles, their son, as heir to the crown. Before he had time to become un- popular he fell suddenly sick at Burgos, and died in five months after his arrival in Spain, and three from the commencement of his administration. Immediately after Philip's death the Castilian nobles assem- bled to consult on the form of government. As the queen refused to give any orders on the subject they chose a council of seven from among themselves, to whom they provisionally confided the conduct of affairs. Men with equal authority and conflicting views could not long remain in harmony: they felt that their own power was insecure, and each was anxious to look out for some superior whose favor he might obtain. All perceived that, until Prince Cliarles reached his majority, there must be a regency; that their own jealousies could not confide it to a native, and that there were but two foreigners to whom it could be intrusted, Ferdinand and the Emperor Maximilian, father of the deceased king. Of course, the reflecting part of the nation were in favor of the experienced Aragonese; but such as feared his resentment, and, still more, those who knew the vigor of his scepter and his fru- gality, loudly clamored for the Austrian. The turbulent conduct of the nobles, who began to renew the scenes which had so dis- graced the reigns of Juan II. and Enrique IV. ; who ruthlessly trampled under foot all law and order, and purposed to wrap the kingdom in flames, increased the anxiety and hastened the ex- ertions of every friend to the public tranquillity. The illustrious Cisneros, above all, one of the temporary regents, sjxired 192 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1507-1511 neither expostulation nor entreaties to ensure the recall of Ferdinand. That prince was in Italy when he received intelligence of Philip's death. He showed no great haste to return; his emissaries and friends exerted themselves so well in his behalf that his resumption of the regency was soon acknowledged to be the only means of saving a kingdom already on the brink of ruin. At length in July, 1507, he disembarked at Valencia, whence he proceeded to Saragossa, where, having appointed his young queen regent of the kingdom, he went into Castile. By his daughter he was immediately invested with the whole power of government, and by degrees his authority was recognized throughout the kingdom. Before him insurrection quailed, the laws resumed their empire, and prosperity revisited the people. The second administration of this able prince was signalized by the same splendid effects. In 1509, at the suggestion of Cardinal Cisneros, he proposed an expedition against Oran on the African coast. The cardinal not only defrayed the expense, but accom- panied it. It was completely successful : Oran was stormed and forced to receive a Christian garrison. The following year Bugia, a city on the same coast, was reduced; Algiers, Tunis, Tremecen, and other places consented that their native governors should be the vassals of Ferdinand. Another expedition reduced Tripoli. In 151 1 he himself was preparing to embark with a formidable arma- ment, to pursue his conquests in that country conquests, however, which his own experience proved to be fleeting when he was pressed by Pope Julian to aid the church against the schismatics under the protection of the king of France and the emperor. As he was even more proud of his title of Catholic king than desirous of glory, he dispatched an armed force to aid the chief of the church. But this war led to one memorable result, and one not very glorious to Ferdinand. Wishing to carry hostilities into France, he demanded from Jean d'Albret, king of Navarre, permission to march his troops through that country. The Navarrese refused, Init at tlie same time professed his determination in no way to aid llic French monarch, and to remain perfectly neutral. Scarcely, however, liarl he given this answer than he entered into an alliance, (jffensive and rlcfcnsive, with the French king. Resolving to attain his end by [ditc and to punish the duplicity of the Navarrese, Ferdi- nand asscnililcd his forces at Vittoria, invaded Navarre, and in a sliorl time obtained i)ossession of the whole kingdom, the royal ASTURIAS, LEON AND CASTILE 193 1509-1516 family taking refuge in France. This new conquest he annexed to his kingdom of Aragon, and successfully defended it against the invasion of the French. Ferdinand was beyond doubt one of the ablest and best princes that ever swayed the scepter of Spain. His actions will best bespeak his character. He is justly regarded as the founder of the Spanish monarchy; and though, during the latter years of his life, he wished to undo his own great work, let those bear the blame who thwarted his most salutary designs, who disputed his legitimate authority, and, with the basest ingratitude, returned rebellion and insult for the most signal benefits for a life worn out in their service. His chief faults were an immeasurable ambition and a policy rather tortuous than direct. His memory, however, is held in great rev- erence in Spain. Notwithstanding his faults, and the hostility of writers who array his character and actions in the garb, not of his- tory, but of prejudice and passion, posterity must regard him as the greatest prince of his age. Chapter X KINGDOM OF NAVARRE. CIRCA 885-1512 NO historical subject is wrapped in greater obscurity than the origin and early history of the kingdom of Navarre. Whether during a great portion of the eighth and ninth centuries the country was independent or tributary, and if depend- ent, whether it obeyed the Franks, the Asturians, or the Arabs, or .successively all three, are speculations which have long exercised the pens of the Peninsular writers. The natives, as might naturally be expected, stoutly contend for their ancient freedom, and do not scruple to assert that the foundation of their kingdom is coeval with that of the Asturian state by Pelayo. On the other hand, the Castilians maintain that until the latter half of the ninth cen- tury this mountainous region was subject, with a slight interrup- tion, to the successors of that prince; while the French, and such as follow their authorities, affirm that a full century after the time of Charlemagne, Navarre, as well as Catalonia, owed the para- mount sway of the Carlovingian sovereigns. According to the first of these three hypotheses, the first king of Navarre was Garcia Ximenes, the contemporary of Pelayo. The occasion of his election is stated to have been singular. A number of the natives, among whom were two hundred persons of distinction, attended the last obsequies of a holy hermit. The degraded state of the surrounding countr\% degraded through its subjection to the insolent misbelievers, the indignities they were made continually to endure, the tale of new wrongs, and the appre- hension of greater, roused their patriotism, and caused them to elect on the very spot a ruler who should lead them against the abhorred strangers. The choice fell on Garcia Ximenes, one of the most valiant as well as powerful of the native lords. His domains were, at first, very circumscribed, comprising only the mountains of v^obrarvc and a few neighboring places; but by his valor he re- cci\cre(l a considerable territory from the Arabs. He was succeeded, rcntniuc tlie advocates of this hypothesis for it is no better, 194. NAVARRE 195 905 by several sovereigns, who swayed the scepter with the usual alter- nations of glory and failure, until 905, when the darkness involving the history of this kingdom begins to be dissipated. That the Arabs ever possessed Navarre is at least doubtful. A passage in Sebastian's " Chronicles " has been adduced to show that at all times Alava, Biscay, etc., were possessed by the native inhab- itants : Rodrigo of Toledo has a much stronger one to the same purport. From one passage of Sebastian in which he speaks of the expedition of Alfonso III. to punish the revolted Alavese, we may infer, not only that no monarchy was yet established, but that the country, or at least a portion of it, was subject to the Asturian kings. Admitting, then, that Garcia the father filled the royal dignity, we must also admit that he is the first king of Navarre. There is nothing in authors nearest to the period that affords us the slightest ground for assuming that the dignity existed there prior to the lat- ter half of the ninth century. They, indeed, who follow the Arch- bishop Rodrigo, and the vast store of monastic charters the only authorities for the pretended antiquity of this monarchy may easily find room for six or eight successive kings before the time of Garcia. But these kings are deseiwedly rejected by the best historians of Spain. Thus the father of this royal line, the count of Bigorre, had two names, Sancho Ihigo. Agreeably to the Spanish system of patronymic derivation, Garcia his son was sometimes called Garcia Sanchez, at others Garcia Iniguez : by the advocates of Navarrese antiquities this double name is easily made to represent two distinct sovereigns. In many other cases, suIj- scquent to the reign of Garcia, we find the same confusion. Thus, anyone who minutely enters into an examination of the subject will soon be con\'inced that Garcia el Tembloso and Sanclio el Mayor are identical with Garcia Sanchez and Sancho Garces, though by most historians these two kings have been invariably multiplied into four. A line of rulers so numerous, their names so carefully recorded, were reasonably admitted as demonstration of a very respectable antiquity. As, then, tliere appears no foundation for the ancient inde- pendence of Navarre, on what power was slie dependent on the Asturians or the T^ranks? The chroniclers who lived nearest to this period, the monk of 196 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 778 Albekla and Bishop Sampiro, are so meager in their accounts that they afford us no information on the subject beyond incidental ob- scure hints, wliich may be forced to mean anything or nothing, ac- conhng to the predilection of the citer. One, however, who has no predilections to gratify may observe that from the general tendency of tiie hints, an impression, he would not be justified in using a stronger term, rests on his mind that in the reign of Alfonso el Cast(^, at least, perhaps in that of Alfonso I., the country was dependent on the Asturias. If, as Sebastian of Salamanca inti- mates (and what better authority can be found?), the Arabs had not settled in Navarre prior to his days, we may infer that it was previously governed by local counts, vassals of Pelayo himself, or at least of his immediate successors. But leaving these speculations, it seems undoubted that in just dread of the Mohammedan domi- nation the inhabitants of tliese regions, as well as those of Cata- lonia, applied for aid to the renowned emperor of the Franks, and that he, in consequence, in 778, poured his legions into Navarre and seized Pamplona. There is, however, reason enough for infer- ring that this supremacy generally rested with the Carlovingian dynasty. In 806, on the occasion of a revolt, whether through the arts of Alfonso el Casto or through a desire for independence, is doubtful, Pepin passed the Pyrenees with a considerable force, received the submission of the people, and divided the country into new governments, both for its better defense against foreign aggression and as the means of more effectually quelling domestic commotions. Thus things remained until the time of Alfonso III., who, for the reasons stated on a former occasion, endeavored to secure peace both with Navarre and France by marrying a princess related to both Sancho Inigo, count of Bigorre, and to the Frank sovereign, and by consenting that the province should be held as an immovable fief by that count. This Sancho Inigo, besides his lordship of Bigorre, for which he was the vassal of the French king, liad domains in Navarre, and is believed, on apparently good f(nin(lation, to have been of Spanish descent. He is said, however, not to lia\c been the first count of Navarre; that his brother Aznar held tlic ncf l)cforc 1iim, nominally dependent on King Pepin, but successfully laying the foundation of Navarrese independence.* But 1 riure is, perhaps, reason to doubt wlictlier Aznar was ever in Spanish VaM-ony, witrtlur liis (lef was not wliTKXIX(, Til Till-. Sl( I X -l(,ll i' Ml- T!i K nK-l|i,Kii I'tiinting by M. l-t.:r!\i.'.<.: Ik iiF AIKSon Alfonso was ready to make his order. After the fall of Lisbon the vow was right royally fulfilled : a monastery was built, and en- dowed with the seigniory over thirty-(Mie towns and villages : it was enlarged and beautified by succeeding kings ; so that in time it was able to contain looo monks. 2T6 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1167-1181 almost iininterrtipted success of his arms, inclined him to perpetual war whether with Moors or Christians appears to have given him little concern. In 1167 he seized on Limia, a territory of Gal- icia, which he claimed on the ground of its having formed part of his mother's dowry. The following year he advanced against Badajoz, the Moorish governor of which was a vassal of the king of Leon. Ferdinand IL hastened to its relief ; but before his arrival the Portuguese standard floated on the towers. Nevertheless the restless Mohammedans resumed their incursions into his territories. Though these incursions w-ere repressed by the valor of his son, Dom Sancho, who, not content with defending Portugal, penetrated into the Moorish territory, to the very outskirts of Seville, his people could not fail to suffer from the ravages of the misbelievers. This irruption, too, had its ill effect; it so much incensed Yussef abu Yacub, the emperor of the Almohades, that he dispatched a consider- able force into the kingdom. The discomfiture of this army under the walls of Abrantes, and the exploits of Dom Fuas Roupinho, one of Sancho's captains, preserved the country indeed from the yoke of the stranger, but not from the devastation : Alemtejo, above all, suffered in this vindictive warfare. This Dom Fuas is too celebrated in Portuguese history to be dismissed without a passing notice. Being intrusted with the de- fense of Porto de Mos, a fortress which w^as furiously assailed by a numerous body of the Andalusians and Almohades, he left a sufficient garrison in the place, while with the rest he proceeded to the neighboring forts to demand succor. On his return he halted on the sierra which overlooked the fortress, and exulted greatly to see with what valor his soldiers were repelling an assault of the enemy. Those who wxre with him, in the fear that their comrades might in the end give way, thought this a favorable opportunity for attacking the misbelievers in flank; but he restrained their ardor, in the certainty that the place would continue to hold out. At nightfall, however, when the fatigued ]\Ioors had retired to their tents, he told his Christian companions that now was the time to discomfit an enemy whom God had put into their hands. They descended the hill, fell on the sleeping Moors, whom they slaughtered with impunity; a few only are said to have escaped. His valor rendered him so agreeable to King Alfonso, that he was placed over a srjuadron destined to avenge the piratical descents of the misbelievers on the western coast of the kingdom, especially PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 277 1181-1211 in the neighborhood of Setubal and Lisbon. With equal success did he triumph on this new element; for, not satisfied with de- stroying the hostile fleet, he even assailed the Barbary coast. The successive defeat of his best troops made Yussef resolve to pass over into Spain and take the field in person. His death, before Santarem, has been related in the history of the Moham- medan peninsula. This was the last occasion on which the Lusita- nian king put on his armor. He died at the close of the year 1185. His memory is held by the Portuguese in the highest veneration, and hints are not obscurely given that he merited canonization. Sancho I., the eldest surviving son of Alfonso, had soon to sustain the denunciation of the pope for marrying his daughter Teresa to her cousin, Alfonso IX., king of Leon. As the royal pair, notwithstanding the expressed command of the pontiff, continued to live together, the latter laid an interdict on both the kingdoms of Leon and Portugal. The complaints of both people were loud and general. Indeed, the affliction seemed to bear most heavily on them, and Sancho's hostility toward the church rendered him vastly unpopular. The transactions of Sancho with the Moors were not destined to be so glorious as those of his father. Though, by the aid of some crusaders, whom a tempest forced to take refuge in the port of Lis- bon, he took Silves in Algarve; and though, in 1190, he defended that fortress with success against the power of the African emperor ; yet when that emperor arrived in person (possibly the expedition into Portugal might be headed by the son of Yacub ben Yussef), the tide of Lusitanian conquest began to ebb. Silves, Almeida, Palmela, and Alcagar do Sal, Coimbra, Cesimbra, and many other towns were taken ; many more were leveled with the ground ; no- where durst the Portuguese attempt to arrest the destructive torrent ; and though the INIohammedans at length retired to humble the Christians on the plains of Alarcos, a generation was scarcely sufficient to repair the mischiefs they had done. Famine and pesti- lence next visited the people, who, in their blindness, attributed their misfortunes to the incestuous marriage of their infanta with the Leonese king. Their complaints effected what the pope had at- tempted in vain the separation of the royal pair. It was followed by a misunderstanding between Sancho and Alfonso, which the common danger of Christian Spain, and tlie earnest remonstrances of tlie church, could scarcely prevent from exploding. On the 278 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1211-1217 restoration of outward harmony the Portuguese monarch recovered most of the places which the Africans had reduced ; an enterprise in which he was again fortunately assisted by a crusading armament. The tranquillity which the kingdom continued to enjoy greatly assisted Sancho in his beneficent designs of encouraging population, and of alleviating the distresses of his people. Towards the close of his reign he appears to have again incurred the censure of the church, by encouraging certain marriages within the forbidden degrees, among others, that of a son with one of his nieces, and to have shown some violence towards the ecclesiastics who con- demned them. His subsequent repentance doubtless occasioned his reconciliation with the ofif ended pontiff. He died in 121 1. In his last will he bequeathed great riches to his children, and made his successor, Alfonso, swear to observe his dispositions. Alfonso n. had no sooner ascended the throne than he showed a disposition to evade the execution of his father's will. Not only did he refuse to allow his brothers the money which had been be- queathed them, but he insisted on the restitution of the fortresses which belonged to his two sisters, the saints Teresa and Sancha; and on their refusal to surrender them he seized them by force. In the sequel, Alfonso of Portugal, at the command of the pope and doubtless through fear of the Leonese, consented to treat with his sisters. By the papal commissioners it was agreed that the for- tresses in dispute should be held for the princesses by the Templars, but subject to the royal jurisdiction ; and that, on the demise of the two feudatories, they should revert to the crown. The transactions of Alfonso with the Mohammedans were not so remarkable as those of his predecessors a circumstance that must be attributed not to his want of military spirit, but to his ex- cessive corpulency, which rendered the fatigues of the field intoler- able. Though he sent a handful of troops to aid in the triumphs of the Navas de Tolosa, he did not take the field in person against the enemies of his faith until 12 17, when the arrival in his ports of another crusading armament, which promised to co-operate in his designs, roused him to attempt the reduction of Alcagar do Sal, a place that still remained in the power of the misbelievers. It held out till the end of September, when a strong Mohammedan army arrived to relieve it. Notwithstanding the disproportion in num- bers, the Christians resolved to hazard a general action, especially (in receiving a reinforcement from Alfonso of Leon. Alca(,-ar was PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 279 1220-1245 again recovered; and the Mohammedans who had remained in Alemtejo, and were pressing the siege of several fortresses, were compelled to retire. During the last three years of his reign Alfonso had new dis- putes with the church. He appears to have borne little respect for the ecclesiastical immunities, some of which were, indeed, inconsistent with the interests of the community. Alfonso insisted on church- men heading their own vassals in the wars he undertook, and such as refused were compelled to go. The archbishop of Braga, like Becket of the preceding century, remonstrated with the king, and when remonstrances were ineffectual, hurled at the head of his abettors the thunders of the church. In return he was deprived of his revenues, and compelled to consult his present safety by flight. The afflicted people now endeavored to effect a reconciliation be- tween the king and the archbishop : the former promised to make satisfaction and in future to respect the privileges of the church ; he was accordingly absolved and the interdict removed, but before he could fulfill his share of the compact he was surprised by death. Sancho II., having reluctantly promised to respect the im- munities of the church, prepared to extend the boundary of his dominions at the expense of the Mohammedans. He recovered the important town of Elvas, which had been regained by the Moors : next Jarumenha and Serpa yielded to his arms. He appears to have left the enemy no fortified places in Alemtejo : the frontier fortresses of that province, thus rescued from the infidels, he in- trusted to the defense of the order of Santiago, who made success- ful irruptions into Algarve, and triumphed in several partial engage- ments. Tavira, Faro, and Louie were reduced by these knights ; and when the Aloorish governor of Silves attempted to aid his co-religionists, he lost his capital, and immediately afterwards his life. These successes of the Christians will be readily admitted, when we remember that while the fortresses of Algarve were thus won, Ferdinand of Leon and Castile was prosecuting his glorious career in Andalusia, and thereby precluding all hope of aid from the rest of ]\Iohammcclan Spain, which was soon to be confined within the narrow limits of Granada. In his domestic administration Dom Sancho was doomed to be far less fortunate. Fr(jni his infancy he appears to have been of a weak constitution and of a still weaker mind; but if he was weak, we have no proof that he was vicious, though great disasters 280 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1244-1248 afflicted his kingdom, and the historians of his country have stigma- tized his memory. His hostihty to the immunities of the clergy appears to have been the first and chief cause of his unpopularity. This, however, would not have led to the events which followed had he not overstepped the line of prudent reform and claimed for the crown prerogatives which the church could not allow to any monarch. At length, both clergy and the people united their mur- murs: they perceived that the king was too feeble to repress the daily feuds of his barons, who broke out into open war and com- mitted the greatest excesses. The contempt with which their remonstrances were treated passed the bounds of human endurance, and they applied to Innocent IV., then presiding over a general council at Lyons, to provide a remedy for such evils. The appli- cation was readily received by the pontiff, who, in concert with the fathers of the council, issued a decree by which, though the royal title was left to Sancho, the administration was declared to be vested in the infante Alfonso, brother of the king. No sooner did Alfonso hear of this extraordinary proceeding of the pope and council, than he prepared to vindicate the title which it had conferred upon him. He was then at Boulogne-sur-Mer, the lordship of which belonged to him in right of his wife Matilda. Having sworn before the papal commissioners to administer Portu- gal with justice, and leaving the government of Boulogne in the hands of his countess, he embarked at that port and safely landed at Lisbon. At first the king intended to oppose the infante; but see- ing how generally the deputies owned him, how all classes, nobles and citizens, prelates and peasants, joined his brother, he retreated into Spain to solicit the support of his cousin, Ferdinand III. As that saintly monarch was too busy in the Andalusian wars to assist tlie fugitive king in person, he recommended the interests of his guest to his son Alfonso. The Castilian infante showed no want of zeal in behalf of his relative. He first applied to the pope for the restoration of the royal exile, and when he found the application useless, he collected a considerable army and invaded Portugal. The Castilian infante, however, led back his army, and the deposed monarch, now bereft of all hope, retired to Toledo, where, early in 1248, he ended his days. So long as the latter lived, some of the fortified places in Portugal refused to acknowledge the regent; but on his death without issue, there is no evidence that he was ever married, his brother was peaceably acknowledged as his successor. PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 281 1248-1262 Alfonso III., on arriving at a height which, a few years before, his ambition could scarcely have reached, was not without apprehen- sions that the Castilian king or infante might trouble him in his usurpation, and assembled the three estates of his realm to deliberate on the means of defense. Fortunately for his ambition both father and son were absorbed by their Andalusian conquests. To secure, if possible, the good-will of the former, he sent a considerable aid to the Christian camp, which was readily received by the hero. In the meantime he himself resolved to profit by the reverses of the misbelievers and finish the conquest of Algarve. At the head of a sufficient force, he accordingly penetrated into that province, and speedily recovered the places which the Mohammedans had again surprised. In a subsequent expedition , his ardor or avarice led him to encroach on the possessions of Alfonso el Sabio, Ferdinand's successor. The wall or regulus of Niebla, perceiving that hostilities were directed against him, implored the aid of his liege superior, the king of Leon and Castile. The latter enjoined the Lusitanian not to molest ^Mohammed. The instruction appears to have been disregarded ; for the Castilian army immediately marched against the Portuguese, who were compelled to retreat. The Castilian king did not stop here. On the pretext that Algarv'e, as chiefly conquered by his subjects, the knights of Santiago, be- longed to him, he invaded that province, and quickly reduced its chief fortresses. The Portuguese was glad to sue for an accommo- dation, and it was at length agreed that he should marry Dona Beatrix de Guzman, a natural daughter of the Castilian, and with her received the sovereignty of Algarve. The marriage was solemnized in 1254, and a few years afterwards Portugal was de- clared forever free from homage to the Castilian kings. From the facility with which this matrimonial connection was formed, it would be inferred that the Lusitanian had become a widower. But the Countess Matilda still lived and was anxious to return to her lord. lie pleaded that the former marriage re- mained null ; her only defects were her barrenness and her age, two which, though no canonist would recognize, were sufficient in the mind of so unscrupulous a prince as Alfonso. The lady applied for the restoration of her rights ; he refused to recognize tliem : she sailed for Portugal to plead them in person ; but he refused to sec her: and when at length she forced her way into his presence he heard, unmoved, her entreaties, her expostulations, and threats; 282 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1262-1279 and witnessed, unmoved, a grief which would have softened the heart of any other man. The queen (for such history must call her) retired to Boulogne, and laid her complaints before the pope and her liege superior, St. Louis. After a patient examination of the case, Alexander IV. expedited a bull by which he declared Matilda the lawful wife of Alfonso and annulled the recent mar- riage with Dona Beatrix. The king persevered in his lust, as he had already done in his usurpation, even when excommunicated by the pope; and he and his household were interdicted from the offices of the church. In his conduct towards this devoted lady there is something that must strike every reader with indignation. She had married him when poor when almost an exile from his native court and had thereby raised him to power and riches : and her unshaken attachment unshaken even by his sickening ingratitude proves that though the empire of the passions had ceased, she possessed an uncommon share of woman's best feeling. Her last act, by which she bequeathed a considerable sum to this faithless deserter, was characteristic enough of her ruling misfortune. On her death, in 1262, his prelates readily obtained from the pope a bull to render legitimate the present marriage and the issue arising from it. The rest of this prince's reign was passed in ignoble disputes, either with his prelates, in relation to the ecclesiastical immunities, which he had the wish but not the power to limit, or wnth his mili- tary orders, whose possessions he justly considered too ample. In the latter case, a compromise procured him what he coveted : in the former, the papal thunders were too much for him ; and he was forced to express contrition for his sacriligious deeds. Like all usurpers, Alfonso in the beginning of his reign was lavish of gifts, and still more of promises : when his throne was established by his brother's death he appeared in his true colors a rapacious and unprincipled tyrant. His opposition to the injurious privileges of the church arose not from any regard to the interests of his people, but from avarice, or the lust of power. He died in 1279. Dinis, like his deceased father and most of his predecessors, was embroiled with the church. He showed little disposition to observe the concessions of the late king; and, as usual, his punish- ment was excommunication and the imposition of an interdict. Finding by the experience of preceding kings that the church, how- ever protracted his resistance, must eventually triumph, he wisely PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 283 1280-1324 endeavored to obtain conditions as the price of his voluntary sub- mission. In the troubles which afflicted Castile during the reigns of San- cho IV. and Ferdinando IV., Dom Dinis took a part sometimes by- granting asylum to the rebels, sometimes by arming in their cause and making hostile irruptions into the neighboring kingdom. At length, through the marriage of his daughter Constanza v^ith the youthful Ferdinand, he became the friend of the Castilian govern- ment. As if Heaven had decreed that the guilty conduct of Dinis in fomenting rebellion among his neighbors should be visited on his own head, in 1299 one of his brothers openly rebelled. Though this ill-planned disturbance was soon quelled, and was followed by some years of internal tranquillity, new troubles arose in his son and heir Alfonso. The king had a natural son, Alfonso Henriques, who appears to have possessed an undue share of his affections and on whom he lavished the chief favors of the crown. The heir loudly exclaimed against this evident partiality as unjust towards himself, and even asserted that it was the design of the king to procure the legitimacy of the bastard and exclude him from the throne. That such a design was ever formed is exceedingly im- probable : it was indignantly disavowed by the father, who solicited the pope to interfere and deter the partisans of the prince from resorting to arms. But though the pontiff called on the Portu- guese to set aside Alfonso from the succession if lie persisted in his undutiful course, the menace had no effect on the latter. This state of hostilities, with actual encounters of their two armies, continued for years in spite of the prayers and remonstrances of the queen-mother Isabel. At length she persuaded both to suspend their differences. Alfonso retired to Santarem, where he passed some months in his usual manner, without regard to the sufferings of the people, caused by the rapacity and violence of his creatures. That place had always been a favorite residence of the king. In 1324 he paid it a visit, after acquainting his son with his intentions, and protesting that he did not mean to incommode anyone during his short stay. But he was accompanied by his illegitimate son, whom he had not only recalled to court, but restored to a high office in the household. As usual, the jealousy of the prince vented itself in murmurs: the king retorted, and a quarrel ensued, in wliich the attendants of both took a part and in which blood was shed. As 284 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1324-1327 the party of Alfonso increased the king was at length constrained a"-ain to dismiss the obnoxious bastard, to depose the justiciary of the kingdom a person peculiarly hateful to the prince and to accord tlie latter a considerable addition to his revenues. Dom Dinis did not long survive this reconciliation with his un- dutiful son. On his return to Lisbon he sickened and remained in that state till his death. It is some consolation to find that, before his departure, he solicited and obtained a visit from Alfonso; and that both met with sentiments not merely of mutual forgiveness, but of affection. Dinis was a superior prince : with great zeal in the administration of justice he combined a liberality truly royal, and a capacity of mind truly comprehensive. In 1284 he laid in Lisbon the foundation of a university; but in 1308, finding that the students were more addicted to the pleasures of a capital than to the fatigues of science, he obtained the pope's permission to transfer it to Coimbra. Alfonso IV., surnamed the Brave, had scarcely grasped the reins of sovereignty when he exhibited, in a manner little becom- ing royalty, his vindictive feelings towards his illegitimate brother, Alfonso Henriques, who, to escape his wrath, had just fled into Castile. That brother, by a sentence of the new king, was deprived of his honors and lordship of Albuquerque, which he had held through his marriage with an heiress of that house, and was in addition condemned to perpetual exile. His first step was to write a supplicatory letter to Alfonso, whose anger, by ardent and prob- ably sincere protestations of allegiance and duty, he hoped to dis- arm; but when he found that these were despised, he resorted to arms. Having collected some troops in Castile, and been joined by a prince of that kingdom, he entered Portugal, laid waste the frontiers, put to the sword every living being that fell in his way, and defeated the grand master of Avis, who attempted to arrest his progress. The king now took the field in person, demolished Albuquerque, and laid waste the neighboring territories of Castile. These harassing though indecisive hostilities might have continued for years had not Santa Isabel left her retreat in the convent of St. Clair, which she had founded, and prevailed on her son to permit the return of the exile. 1 he first twelve years of Alfonso's reign were distracted by hostilities with his namesake of Castile, who. as before related, was the husband of his daughter. Though these hostilities were chiefly PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 285 1327-1339 owing to the perversity of the infante Juan Manuel, it cannot be denied that the Portuguese king had abundant reason for dissatis- faction with his son-in-law. The usage experienced by the Cas- tilian queen at the hands of her husband, her mortification at seeing a mistress, Leonora de Guzman, not only preferred to herself, but the sole depository of the royal favor, the studied insults to which she was daily exposed both from her husband and his minion, at length exhausted her patience, and drew forth some complaints to her father. The influence, too, which don Juan Manuel obtained in the Portuguese court through the marriage of his repudiated daughter Constanza with Pedro, son and heir of the Lusitanian king, was uniformly exerted to embroil the two crowns. The most unjustifiable and least politic act of the Castilian was his detaining the princess Constanza in his kingdom and consequently preventing her from joining her husband. To the indignant remonstrances of the Lusitanian, he returned answers studiously evasive anxious to avert hostilities, yet no less resolved to persevere in detaining the princess. Alfonso of Portugal now sent a herald at arms to defy his son-in-law, on the ground, both of the unjust treatment of the queen, whom her husband was suspected of seeking to repudiate, and of the continued detention of Constanza. His next step was to enter Castile, to invest Badajoz, and ravage the country as far as the vicinity of Seville. But on that almost impregnable for- tress he could make little impression, and he reluctantly raised the siege. The war was now as destructive as it was indecisive and even inglorious : it was one of mutual ravage, of shameless rapine, and unblushing cruelty. At length, through the efforts of the com- mon father of Christendom, the two princes agreed to a truce and to the opening of negotiations for peace. But one of the conditions was the removal of Leonora de Guzman; a condition which Alfonso of Castile, who was entirely governed l)y that lady, was in no dis- position to execute. Hostilities would probably have continued during the whole of his reign, had not the preparations of the Mohammedans, which he knew were chiefly directed against him- self, and the loud complaints of his own sulijects, forced him reluc- tantly to promise that it should be conceded. Xegotiations were re-opened, and with a much fairer prospect of success. To the departure of Constanza. tlie restitution of some insignificant for- tresses wln'ch had been reduced, and even to tlie return of his queen, the Castilian felt no repugnance ; but though he consented for 286 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1340-1354 Leonora to leave the court, he recalled her immediately after the conclusion of peace. To his queen, however, he no longer exhib- ited a marked neg^lect : on the contrary, he treated her with all the outward respect due to her character and station ; and the good understanding was confirmed by her admirable moderation. In the wars which the Castilians had to sustain against the Mohammedans, the Portuguese so nobly did he forget his wrongs when the interests of Christendom were at stake was no inefficient ally. Finding that his first aid of 300 lances was inadequate to the formidable preparations of the African and Spanish Moors, he himself hastened to the headquarters of his son-in-law. As he ap- proached Seville, the joy caused by his arrival was such that the clergy met him in procession singing, " Beatus qui venit nomine Domini ! " ^ He was present at the great battle on the banks of the Salado in which the barbaric power was so signally humbled. Though he had nobly borne his part in the triumphs of the day, he refused to have any other share in the immense plunder won on that occasion than the standard and some trifling personal effects of Abul Hassan. And if after this splendid victory he returned to his own dominions, he did not cease to send reinforcements to his ally. This aid he continued readily to supply, until the death of Alfonso by the plague, before Gibraltar, in 1350. The tragedies represented in Castile by Pedro the Cruel, suc- cessor of Alfonso XL, were fully equalled by one in Portugal. Soon after his marriage with Constanza, daughter of Don Juan Manuel, Pedro, the infante of Portugal, had become passionately smitten with one of her attendants, Dona Lies de Castro, a lady of surpassing beauty, and frail as beautiful. That he made love to her, and that his criminal suit was favorably received, is indubitable, both from the deep grief which preyed on the spirits of Constanza, and from the anxiety of the king lest this new favorite should be the cause of the same disturbances in Portugal as Leonora de Guzman had occasioned in Castile. After Constanza's death, which was doubtless hastened by sorrow, he privately married the seductive favorite in January, 1354. It also appears that a papal dispensation was obtained for this ceremony, and that it took place at Lraganza in the presence of a Portuguese prelate and his own chamljcrlain. However secret this step, it was suspected by some courtiers, who, partly through envy at the rising favor of " " lilcsscd is he who comcth in the name of the Lord!" PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 287 1354-1355 the Castros, and partly through dread of the consequences which might ensue, endeavored to prevail on the king to interfere in behalf of young Ferdinand, the son of Pedro and Constanza, and the lawful heir to the monarchy. With the view of ascertaining whether a marriage had really been effected, the prince was urged to take a second wife from one of the royal families of Europe; and the manner in which he rejected the proposal confirmed the sus- picion. But mere suspicion was not enough. The prince was summoned to court, compelled to a private interview with his father, and urged, in the most pressing terms to declare whether his con- nection with Dona Ines was one of matrimony or gallantry. He solemnly and repeatedly replied that she was not his wife, but his mistress ; yet, when the entreaty was renewed that he would aban- don so guilty an intercourse, he firmly refused. The king now secretly consulted with his confidential advisers as to the precautions he ought to adopt in regard to young Ferdinand, since, from the boundless influence possessed over the mind of Pedro by Doiia Ines, it was feared that the true heir would be set aside from the succession in favor of her offspring. Unfortunately, both for his own fame and for the interests of the kingdom, Alfonso consulted with such only as were personally hostile to the lady : they did not scruple to assure him that unless she were forcibly removed, the state after his death would become a prey to all the horrors of a disputed succession. We are told that his soul revolted at the deed, but that, in the end, they wrung from him a reluctant consent to her death. The time, however, which elapsed from the for- mation to the execution of this murderous purpose proves that pity was a contending sentiment in his breast. That purpose was not so secret as to escape two friends of Pedro, his mother, the queen Beatrix, and the archbishop of Braga. Both, in the design of averting the catastrophe, warned him of the plot; but he disre- garded the intimation doubtless because he could not believe that the royal mind of his father could be contaminated by the guilt of murder, and because he considered the warning as a feint to procure his separation from Ines. After the lapse of some months the king, hearing that his son had departed on a hunting excursion for a few days, hastily left Alonte Mor, and proceeded to the convent of St. Clair, at Coimbra, where she then was. On learning his ap- proach, she at once apprehended his object. Her only resource was an appeal to his pity. Taking her three cliildren by the hand, she 288 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1355-1356 issued from the convent to meet him, prostrated herself at his feet, and in the most pathetic terms begged for mercy. Her beauty, her youth, her deep emotion, and the sight of her offspring, his own grandchildren, so affected him, that after a struggle between policy and nature, the latter triumphed and he retired. No sooner, how- ever, was he in private with his confidants than they censured his compassion, though natural in itself, as ruinous in its consequences to his family and kingdom. By their artful representations they not only confirmed him in his original purpose, but obtained his con- sent that they should be entrusted with its immediate execution. Accordingly they hastened to the convent, and the unfortunate, guilty Ines fell beneath their daggers. The fate of this lady has called forth the deepest commisera- tion of novelists and poets, and has given rise to some vigorous effusions of the tragic muse. But her crimes have been carefully thrown into the shade. The woman who could consent to a crim- inal connection with a married man the object of an amiable wife's love ; who by her guilt broke the heart of that excellent princess ; who, before the remains of that princess were cold, renewed the criminal intercourse; and who, during so many successive years, was the ready, nay, eager creature of his lust, must, by unbiased posterity, be regarded with anything but respect. Her tragical end must indeed command our sympathy, and cover her assassins with abhorrence; but let not these natural sentiments blind us to her crimes. When Pedro returned from the chase and found his wife so barbarously murdered, his grief was surpassed, if possible, by his thirst for revenge. He leagued himself with the kindred of Ines, and though he could not fall on the murderers, who were protected by the king, he laid waste the provinces of Entre Douro e IMinho, and Tras os Montes, where their possessions chiefly lay. King Alfonso was in consternation at the unexpected fury of his son. It was probably at his suggestion that the queen, accompanied by several prelates, hastened into Tras os Montes. They represented, but without effect, to the prince the madness of desolating an inheritance which must soon be his : he threatened to continue his hostilities until the murderers were delivered up to him. To such a demand Alfonso could not consent; but in the end he proposed, as the price of reconciliation, that the obnoxious nobles should be ban- ished from the court, .perhaps also from the kingdom, and his PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 289 1356-1360 son admitted to the chief share of the administration. Pedro ac- cepted it, laid down his arms, and proceeded to court, where he was received with an affection truly paternal, and where he engaged, though with a fixed resolution of breaking the engagement, never to seek revenge on the assassins of Dona Ifies. Alfonso did not long survive this forced reconciliation with his son. His death, which happened at the beginning of 1357, is said to have been hastened by remorse for the tragical deed of which he had been the occasion. He had been a disobedient son, an unjust brother, and a harsh father. The rebellion of his son was but fit retribution for his own conduct to the royal Dinis. Dur- ing his reign (in 1348) Portugal was afflicted with the plague, which spread throughout most of Europe, but which raged with more violence in that kingdom than anywhere else. Whole towns are said to have been left desolate, and some priests to have aban- doned their flocks to the care of the monks. Pedro I. was scarcely established on the throne before he gave way to his uncontrollable desire for vengeance on the murderers of Doiia Ihes. Knowing that they had sought protection in Castile, and how eager his namesake of that country was for the surrender of several Castilians, who, in like manner, had obtained an asylum in Portugal, he seems from the beginning of his reign to have in- dulged the expectation that a surrender of the individuals obnoxious to each other might be negotiated. He therefore paid court to that monarch, with whom he entered into a close alliance, and to whom he dispatched ten of his galleys to serve in the war against Aragon. Having declared the fugitive nobles, who were three in number, Pedro Coelho, Alvaro Gonsalves, and Diego Lopes Pacheco, traitors to their country, and confiscated all their posses- sionSj he proposed for the arrest of their personal enemies. On a given day the obnoxious Castilians were arrested in Portugal, the Portuguese in Castile, and were surrendered to their respective executioners. Of the three Portuguese, however, Pacheco escaped. The escape of even one victim was gall to the Portuguese king; but he resolved to satiate his rage on the two who were placed in his reach. Both were thrown into a dungeon in the city of San- tarem, where the tyrant was then abiding, and were speedily put to the torture, with the view of eliciting whether others were impli- cated in the same crime, and whetlicr certain secrets had been com- municated to them by the late king. They withstood the acute 290 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1360-1367 torments they were made to endure with a firmness truly admirable ; a circumstance that increased the rage of Pedro, who was present at the hellish scene. The latter foamed at the mouth, and ordered his victims to be transferred from the dungeon to a scaffold erected in front of his palace. There he appeared at the window, express- ing a savage delight at the new torments they sustained. At length the living hearts of both were plucked from their bodies ; hearts and bodies were next consigned to the flames ; and when consumed, the ashes were scattered by the winds. The next proceeding of Pedro was to honor alike the remains and memory of the unfortunate liies. He convoked the states of his kingdom at Castanedo, and, in their presence, made oath on the holy gospels that, in the year 1354, he had married that lady. The witnesses of the fact, the bishop of Guarda and his own chamberlain were likewise publicly sworn, and the bull of dispensation produced which Pope John XXII. had granted for the celebration of the ceremony. That the legitimacy of her offspring might never be disputed, copies of the papal dispensation and of the oaths taken on this occasion were multiplied and dispersed throughout the king- dom. The validity of the marriage being thus established, Pedro now proceeded to show due honor to her remains. He ordered two magnificent tombs, both of white marble, to be constructed, one for himself, the other for that lady, and placed them in the monastery of Alcobaga. He then proceeded to the church of St. Clair at Coimbra, caused her corpse to be brought from the sepulcher, to be arrayed in royal ornaments, to be placed on a throne with a crown on the head and scepter in the hand, and there to receive the homage of his assembled courtiers. From the church it was conveyed on a magnificent car, accompanied by nobles and high- born dames, all clad in mourning, to the monastery of Alcobaca. Pedro himself died in 1367, and was buried beside Ines de Castro. Ferdinand I., son of Pedro and the Princess Constanza, was ill- fitted to succeed monarchs so vigorous as his immediate predeces- sors. Fickle, irresolute, inconstant, without discernment, directed by no rule of conduct, obedient only to momentary impulse, ad- dicted to idleness, or to recreations still more censurable, the very benevolence of his nature was a calamity, since it exposed him to tlie designs of men whose uniform aim was solely their own advantage. After the death of the Castilian Pedro, Ferdinand, considering PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 291 1367-1372 himself the true heir to the crown, assumed the regal title and arms of Castile. His ambition was lamentably inadequate to an enter- prise so important as that of encountering and attempting to de- throne the bastard usurper Enrique. After his inglorious flight from Galicia, he seldom took a personal share in the contest; and, from the recesses of his palace, he appeared to witness the invasion of his kingdom and the defeat of his armies with indifference. When, in 1373, Lisbon itself was invested by the Castilian king, the defense of the place was abandoned to the valor of the inhabitants, and to their deep-rooted hatred of the Spanish sway. The same year, indeed, peace was made through the mediation of the pope; but it was often broken by Ferdinand during the reign both of Enrique and Juan I., the son and successor of that prince. The marriage of Beatrix, daughter of Ferdinand, with Juan, in 1362, and the treaty for uniting the two crowns, have been related in the history of Castile. During these transactions proposals were frequently made for restoring permanent harmony by matrimonial alliances. At first Ferdinand cast his eyes on the infanta Leonora of Aragon, whom he engaged to marry; but, with his usual fickleness, he escaped from the obligation. As the condition of one of his frequent acts of pacification with Castile, he next promised to raise a daughter of Enrique, also named Leonora, to the Portuguese throne. When the time approached for the celebration of this marriage, Ferdinand fell passionately in love with one of his own subjects a Leonora like the rest. He first saw this lady, on a visit to her sister Doha Maria, who was one of the attendants on his own sister, the infanta Beatrix. To beauty of the first order Leonora added a sprightliness which charmed and a wit which captivated him ; but these were far in- ferior to her ambition, and were unsupported by one single principle of honor or virtue. The king first mentioned his passion to Doha Maria, whose good offices he solicited. She reminded him that her sister was already the wife of Dom Joam Lourenzo da Cunha, lord of Pombeiro. " Of that we are well aware," replied Ferdinand ; " but they are related by blood, and they married witiiout a dis- pensation : the engagement may easily be annulled." The proposal was made to Leonora, who readily accepted it ; proceedings for the cassation of the marriage were instituted in the ecclesiastical courts; and as the husband oft'ered no opposition to them, doubtless be- cause he had no wish to contend with a plaintiff whose cause was 292 SPAIN AND TORTUGAL 1372-1373 backed by legions of soldiers, it was declared null. Not con- sidering- himself safe in Portugal, Dom Lourenzo fled into Castile, evidently little afflicted at the loss of an unprincipled woman. There is reason to believe that it was Ferdinand's original intention to make her his mistress ; but she had too much policy to become the tool of one whom she had resolved to rule; and she assumed the appearance of so much modesty that to gain his object he was forced to marry her. But this marriage was strictly private; a precaution adopted as well to stifle the murmurs of his subjects, as to prevent the indignant remonstrances of Enrique. It was, how- ever, suspected, and the very suspicion produced great dissatisfac- tion throughout the kingdom nowhere so great as in the capital. A mob, formidable from its numbers, assembled in the streets, and declaimed against the insult offered to both throne and people by the preference of a humble Portuguese lady to the infantas of Ara- gon and Castile. Ferdinand listened with forced tranquillity to the rude discourse; and, fearful that the 3,000 mechanics and artisans before him might proceed to some greater outrage, he had the meanness to add a deliberate lie to his glaring imprudence. He said that he had neither married nor intended to marry Leonora. This declaration satisfied the mob, who, however, insisted that he should take an oath the following day to the same effect in the church of San Domingo, a promise which he readily made. At the time appointed, they proceeded to the church, but found to their morti- fication that, during the night, the king and Leonora had fled to Santarem. In the height of their fury they apostrophized both in no measured terms. The nobles and prelates now hastened to court, to recognize their new queen. All readily kissed her hand, with the exception of Dom Dinis, son of Pedro and Ines de Castro, who accompanied his refusal in open court with expressions of con- tempt. Ferdinand drew his poniard and would doubtless have laid his obnoxious brother at his feet, but for the interference of two nobles who arrested his arm. Even Joam, the grand master of Avis, a natural son of the late king, who is about to perform so memorable a part in the national history, bowed before the tri- umphant Leonora. To render her power more secure, she began to act with great policy. By such measures she certainly disarmed hostility, and secured to herself an undisturbed possession of her new dignity. The insult to the royal family of Castile involved in this PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 293 1373-1382 imprudent marriage was one of the causes which led to the hostiH- ties that followed hostilities in which the country was laid waste, from Badajoz to Lisbon, and that capital invested. On the con- clusion of peace, in 1373, which was cemented by the marriage of a natural daughter of Ferdinand with a natural son of Enrique, tranquillity visited the kingdom for some years ; but the Portuguese court, through the ambition and wickedness of the queen, was often distracted and disgraced. Though on the accession of Juan I. of Castile Ferdinand readily renewed the peace between the two crowns, and consented to marry his daughter Beatrix to the heir of the Castilian, his char- acteristic fickleness was such that he soon resolved to resume hostili- ties. To engage the Duke of Lancaster in his cause, he sent a trusty messenger to England, Dom Joam Fernando Andeiro, who concluded a league with the Plantagenet. To conceal this negotia- tion from the world, especially from the Castilian, he pretended great anger with Andeiro, whom he arrested and confined to the fortress of Estremos. During his agreeable captivity in this place, he was frequently visited by the disguised king, who was sometimes accompained by the queen, and was made to unfold the conditions he had contracted, and solicited for his advice. Sometimes, too, the queen, at her husband's command, or her own suggestion, re- paired alone to the fortress for the same purpose. Perceiving her vanity, as well of her person as of her talents, and how gratified she was by adulation, Andeiro offered her the accustomed incense. As his person was unexceptionable, his address elegant, and his manners prepossessing, he soon won so far on the credulous Leonora, that she became the willing partner of his lust, and still more of his ambition. In the hostilities which followed the arrival of the Earl of Cambridge, he was released, and, by her influence, was invested with the lordship of Ourem. His wife and children were brought to court; but his intimacy with Leonora so incensed the countess that, though she did not reveal perhaps because she had not wit- nessed the actual guilt of the parties, she did not scruple to assert that there was more than ordinary attachment l^etween them. Whether these reports reached the ears of Ferdinand, or, if they did, whether he believed them, is unknown ; but so complete was the ascendancy of Leonora over his feeble mind that, had he been acciuainted with the whole extent of her amour, he would probably have trembled to punish her. Her own imprudence soon now in- 294 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1382 creased the danger of her situation. One day, when Andeiro and another noble entered her apartments, both, through the heat of the weather, covered with dust and perspiration, she asked them if they had no handkerchief. As this was a luxury in that age possessed by few, both repHed in the negative. She divided a veil into halves, one of which she gave to each. The Conde Gonsales received iiis part with respect, and retired to a corner of the apartment. But Andeiro approached the queen, and addressed to her some compli- ment of gallantry in phrases familiar enough to show the terms on which they lived with each other. Neither the words, nor the smile which rewarded them, escaped the ears of a lady of honor, the wife of the Baron de Azevedo. This lady was thought- less enough to disclose the circumstance to her husband, who, with still greater imprudence, one day hinted to the queen his knowledge of her connection with Andeiro. Leonora now trembled for her safety, especially as Azevedo was the friend of Dom Joam, grand master of Avis, who had lately declared himself her enemy, and they might at any time reveal the amour to the king. She vowed the ruin of both. Having forged some letters, which compromised the loyalty of both, which made both the secret agents of the Castilian king, she went to Ferdinand, laid them before him, procured an order for their arrest, and saw them securely confined. This was not enough. Grown desperate by her sense of danger, she fabricated a royal order for the immediate execution of the two prisoners, ad- dressed to the governor of the fortress. But the governor knew her character, suspected her purpose, and replied that he could not obey it until the following morning. A second mandate was sent, in terms much more peremptory; but instead of complying, the gov- ernor took both orders to the king. Nothing can so clearly show the wretched dependence of Ferdinand on his queen than the fact that, though these audacious instruments completely opened his eyes as to her real character, he dared not attempt to punish her. He merely enjoined the officer to preserve a deep silence on this extraor- dinary transaction, and to respect the lives of the two prisoners. Any other than Leonora would have been utterly confounded at this signal exposure, of her deeds ; but her wickedness was dis- tinguished by a boldness which would have done honor to the most celebrated female adventurer of an Italian court. That she had resolved to poison both in an entertainment given on the occasion, is the opinion of all the national historians ; but the destined victims PORTUGUESE KINGD-OM 295 1383 were on their guard, and escaped. Though the grand master com- plained of his arrest to Ferdinand himself, he could obtain no clue to the cause. But the latter was now evidently unhappy; he saw that the affections of his queen were estranged from him and trans- ferred to Andeiro. Yet such was his deplorable weakness! he met both with constrained smiles, and deputed both to be present at the marriage of his daughter Beatrix with Juan of Castile. On this occasion the favorite appeared with a splendor which might have become a sovereign prince, but which filled the beholders with indignation or envy. The perpetual sight of a faithless wife and her insolent paramour was at length too much even for the feeble Ferdinand. In the agony of his feelings he one day opened his heart to the grand master, who he knew hated Andeiro, and with whom he planned that minion's assassination. But his own death, the result alike of constitutional weakness of frame and men- tal suffering, saved him from the guilt of murder. The reign of this sovereign was one of the most deplorable that ever afflicted Portugal. The" wars with Castile, wars lightly undertaken and ingloriously conducted and the consequent in- vasions of his territory by his more powerful neighbors, impover- ished his people. Yet there were moments when he was not in- attentive to the duties of his station. But these were but the impulse of the moment, and were succeeded by some mischievous freak. Among these was the fatal one of raising by an arbitrary enactment the value of the current coin far beyond its intrinsic worth. By the death of King Ferdinand, in 1383, his daughter Bea- trix, queen of Castile, was the true heir to the throne of Portugal. But the kingdom, far from expecting a foreign yoke, had, on the marriage of the infanta, expressly stipulated that, in case of Ferdi- nand's death, the government should be vested in a regent until she had a son capable of assuming the sovereignty; that son, too, to be educated not in Castile but in Portugal. When that event happened she had no child, a circumstance that induced her hus- band to claim the crown in her right, and filled the Portuguese with vexation. They were satisfied neither witli their intended sov- ereign, Juan, nor with the regent Leonora, the queen-mother, whom the will of the late king appointed to that dignity. And when, in conformity with the demands of the Castilian, Beatrix was pro- claimed in Lisbon, the people either exhibited a mournful silence, or cried out that they woukl have no other king than their infante 296 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1383 Joam, son of Pedro and Ines de Castro, and the unfortunate hus- band of Maria, sister of Leonora, whose tragical fate has been recorded. But Joam and his brother Dinis now languished in the dungeons of Castile, whither they had been consigned by the king, who knew that, if suffered to enter Portugal, they would speedily thwart his views of dominion. Until these princes could be re- stored to their country, and until Beatrix should have an heir, the Portuguese resolved to deprive the queen-mother of the regency in favor of the grand master of Avis, who alone seemed able to de- fend their national independence. Don Joam, as before observed, was an illegitimate son of King Pedro, by a lady of Galicia, and born in 1357. No man could be better adapted for the conjuncture in which circumstances placed him. Cool, yet prompt; prudent, yet in the highest degree coura- geous; unrestrained by conscience, and ready to act either with cunning or violence, according as either appeared necessary to his purpose, he would indeed have been a formidable opponent to any sovereign, much more to one so weak as the Castilian, Seeing the favorable disposition of the people and confiding in his own mental resources, he commenced a policy which, if at first cautious, was sure to prove efficacious. To have a pretext for the design he meditated, he first solicited the regency from Juan ; and having sustained a re- fusal, he employed his creatures, and all whom hatred to the Cas- tilian yoke rallied round him, to secure its execution. Though Leonora pretended great sorrow for her husband's death, and en- deavored, by affected mildness, as well as by an administration truly liberal, to win the popular favor, her object was penetrated and despised. But a stronger sentiment was felt for Andeiro, who directed her at his pleasure, and whose death was now decreed by the grand master. To remove the latter under some honorable pretext from the court, he was charged by Leonora with the govern- ment of Alemtejo: a province that, in the war inevitably impending with the Castilians, would be most exposed to their fury. He accepted the trust with apparent satisfaction; but scarcely had he traveled two leagues on his journey, wiien, accompanied by twenty- five resolute followers, he returned to Lisbon and hastened to the royal apartments, where he knew he should find Andeiro. The guilty pair were as usual together. To the demand of the queen as to the motive of his unexpected return, he replied that, having re- ceived certain information of the formidable armament preparing PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 297 1383 by Juan of Castile, he came to request the permission for raising a larger force. This reply appeared to satisfy her, and all animosity seemed so far banished that the favorite invited the grand master to dinner. The latter, who offered some excuse, solicited a few moments' private conversation with the count, and both passed into another apartment. While engaged in this way, Joam struck the count with a dagger, at the same time a knight of his suite advanced and by a second blow deprived the victim of life. The noise alarmed his domestics, who, instead of avenging his death, escaped along the roof of the palace : it more sensibly affected the queen, who was not only inconsolable for his loss, but apprehensive that the same fate was designed for herself. The tragical deed was hailed with characteristic acclamations by the populace, who, profit- ing by the example, massacred everyone suspected to be hostile to the pretensions of their new idol, and plundered on every side. Leonora now fled from the city to Alenquer. On the way she turned her eyes for a moment back on the towers of that capital, and, in the bitterness of her heart, prayed that she might live to see it wrapped in flames. After her departure the grand master seemed pensive and melancholy; deplored the calamities of his country; complained that he was unequal to oppose his powerful enemies; and pretended that he would retire into England to pass his re- maining days in tranquillity. This liypocritical policy had its effect : it alarmed the mob, who dreaded being abandoned to the justice their recent crimes so well merited, and who tumultuously flocked around him, insisting that he should assume the regency until Bea- trix should become the motlier of a son destined to rule over them. With much apparent reluctance he accepted the proffered dignity, in the resolution of securing one much higher. The first measures of the new regent were characteristic of the man. Having selected as the members of his council men as dis- tinguished for knowledge as they were for a courage tempered by prudence, he published an edict in which entire pardon was prom- ised to all criminals, whatever their offenses, who within a short period should rally round his standard, and assist him in opposing the queen and the Spaniards. At this unexpected call, great num- bers amounting, we are told, to thousands hastened from their prisons or their haunts to swell his army. At first the nobles and prelates, suspicious of his character, and disgusted with his crimes, stood aloof; but, by bribes, by honors, and by the magnitude of his 298 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1384 promises, he weaned many of them, gradually yet surely, from the cause of Leonora. Through the active exertions of his emissaries, many of the great towns were persuaded to follow the example of Lisbon. Amidst these scenes a hermit, who had passed many years of his life on a neighboring mountain and who had been gained by Joam, appeared in Lisbon. His studied simplicity of manner, his sonorous declamation, his apparent zeal, and still more the nature of his subject obedience to " the powers that be " procured him a willing audience. He was soon regarded as a prophet, and was persuaded to exercise his imaginary vocation in favor of the regent, to whom he accordingly predicted every success with which heaven could reward its favorites. Undaunted by these predictions, the king of Castile invaded the kingdom, received the submission of several places, and penetrated to Santarem, to concert with his mother-in-law, Leonora, the means of annihilating the re- sources of Joam. But that ambitious woman, who perceived that with the arrival of the king her authority had ceased, soon regarded his cause with indifference, ultimately with dislike. Her intrigues were planned more frequently to thwart than to aid his measures ; so that, aware of her faithless character, he at length surrounded her with spies and reduced her nearly to the condition of a prisoner in her own palace. This was not the way to remove her growing disinclination to his cause; nor was it long before she openly ex- pressed her wishes for the success of the grand master. To show her that she was in his power, to prevent her meditated flight and probable junction with Joam, and to be thenceforth free from her restless intrigues, he caused her to be arrested, to be conducted into Spain, and to be confined in the convent of Tordesillas, near Valla- dolid. As allusion has already been made to the chief events of the present war, and as those events are not in themselves of much in- terest, little more remains to be said of them. Though Lisbon was invested both by sea and land, and in a few months reduced to the greatest distress, it was defended with equal ability and valor by the grand master and his captains, still more by the unconquerable spirit of the inhabitants. In the end, however, the king, whose loss had been severe and who had now to encounter pestilence no less than the armed enemy, precipitately raised the siege. He at fn-st retired to Torres Yedras, where, having issued directions for the preservation of the fortified places which still acknowledged ^^ "^ .:h. PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 299 1385 him, he returned into Castile. His absence was well improved by the grand master, who, with great celerity, obtained possession of several important towns some by assault, but more through vol- untary submission. To end the distractions of the country, the states, early in 1385, were convoked at Coimbra. There the crea- tures of the regent proposed his proclamation as king as the only measure capable of restoring internal tranquillity and of en- abling the nation to withstand the arms of Castile. They even endeavored to show that he was the nearest heir to the crown. The issue of liies de Castro they set aside as sprtmg from an adulterous connection, and the same objection they urged against Beatrix, whose mother they considered as the lawful wife, not of the late king, but of the Lord de Pombeiro. In extolling the personal qualities of the regent, his military capacity, his talents for ad- ministration, his diligence, prudence, and firmness, they were more successful. Had Joam, the eldest son of Ifies, or even his brother Dinis, who were prisoners in Castile, been present, there would have been little need of such a display; but the possibility of their return seemed so remote, and the present danger so press- ing, that, in the end, those who had most loudly advocated their rights, joined the party of the regent ; and, on the 6th day of x\pril, 1385, he was unanimously proclaimed king. Joam I. (John, "the Great") having, through the eloquence of his advocates and the no less effectual martial attitude of his friends, attained the great object of his ambition, vigorously pre- pared for the war with his rival of Castile. Through the promises as well as the menaces of his barons many of the most considerable fortified places in the interest of the Castilian king were recovered. The events which followed ; the decisive victory gained by Joam at Aljubarota; the alternations of success and failure that succeeded; the arrival of the duke of Lancaster to obtain the Castilian crown in right of his wife Constanza, daughter of Pedro the Cruel; the alliance between the two princes, Joam marrying Philippa, a daughter of the duke; the subseciuent reconciliation between the latter and the king of Castile, cemented by the marriage of the Princess Catherine, daugliter of the Plantagenet, with Enrique, son of Juan, and other transactions of these troubled times, have already been noticed so far as the limits of this compendium can allow. Nor, though long after tliis reconciliation of the duke and the Castilian king a desultory warfare raged between Portugal 300 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1384-1403 and that power, are tlie details sufficiently interesting to be laid before tiie reader. It must be sufficient to observe that peace was made and broken more than once; that the success lay with the Lusitanian king, a success, however, attributable as much to the in- ternal troubles of Castile after the death of Juan I. as to the valor of Joam : and that, when a more durable peace was concluded in 1403, the Portuguese had recovered their fortresses, and were in possession of Badajoz. P)y his queen, Philippa, daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, Joam had several children, of whom five were sons. As these princes grew in years they displayed great martial ardor and promised to become the buhvarks of the country and throne. He had resolved to confer on them the honor of knighthood, and to celebrate the occasion by a magnificent tournament. But they de- spised the peaceful lists, and besought his permission to \vin their spurs in a nobler manner by an expedition against the Moors. The fortress of Ceuta, "* on the African side of the straits of Gibraltar seemed to them the most inviting of conquests ; it promised also to be the most useful, as it was inhabited by pirates, who were daily disturbing the commerce of the kingdom, and who had ac- cumulated riches sufficient to satisfy even avarice. Though eager to gratify a propensity which he loved, the king was at first startled by the magnitude of the proposed enterprise. The fortifications of Ceuta were strong, and defended by the bravest portion of the Mohammedan population : to reduce them a considerable arma- ment must be prepared, and at an expense wdiich he was loth to incur. In the end, how'ever, he yielded to their urgent entreaties ; the expedition was resolved, tw^o confidential officers w^ere sent to rcconnoiter the place, and the royal council gave a reluctant consent to the project. But as secrecy alone could insure its success, as a premature disclosure of the design would have enabled the pirates to increase the number of their defenders and the strength of their works, the whole peninsula was in suspense, and not without alarm at the preparations of the king. Having tranquillized the Cas- tilians, the Aragonese, and the Moors of Granada, as to his in- tentions, and fearful of rousing the suspicions of the Africans, he intimated tliat his armament w'as to be led against the count of Jiolland. Xot even the death of liis queen, who was carried off 4 Is llii- a rorrniUion nf Crritas, or of Septan, the number of hills on which the town ;i;ul fortress arc built? PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 301 1415-1417 by the plague,^ nor his advanced years, could suspend his prepara- tions. At length, having collected a considerable number of vessels from most parts, and been joined by adventurers from most na- tions of Europe, accompanied by his sons and his chief nobles, Joam embarked, proceeded towards the straits, and, the middle of August, 141 5, arrived before Ceuta. The Moorish governor, Sala ben Sala, a man advanced in years, but of undaunted courage, prepared for a vigorous defense. In spite, however, of his opposi- tion, the disembarkation was effected without loss; the Moors who lined the coast were dispersed and forced to seek shelter in the fortress. The ardor of the two infantes caused them to pursue the fugitives so closely that both entered into the place at the same moment. Perceiving that they were accompanied by no more than 500 Christians, the former sent messengers for assistance, and were soon joined by a few hundred more. By this time an- other of the princes, Pedro, had disembarked, and hastened to rejoin his elder brothers, Duarte and Henrique. Before reaching them, however, he found that the Moors had rallied and were fiercely contending in various parts of the city for their domestic hearths. At length the place fell. On the towers of that fortress the royal standard of Portugal was soon hoisted ; resistance was everywhere quelled, and immense spoils rewarded the victors. The grand mosque was immediately purified, Te Deum sung, and mass pontifically performed in it. At the same time the infantes, who had nobly won their spurs, were solemnly knighted. Having left a small but select garrison in Ceuta, and provided for the defense of the place against the inevitable assaults of the ]\Ioors. Joam leimbarked, and with the remainder of the armament returned to Lisbon. The heroism of the governor Dom Pedro and of the horse- men he commanded is the constant and enthusiastic theme of praise by the national writers. The number of skirmishes which he was compelled to sustain during the three years immediately following the reduction of Ceuta is said, no doul)t hyperbolically, to have exceeded the number of days. It is certain that during his government the place was frequently assailed by the whole power of the African Moors, aided by the fleet of their brethren of Granada, and that he triumphed over them all. Tliat the Moors should lament the loss of so fair a city, a loss for which, consid- 5 The memory of this English princess is held in higli respect in Portugal. 302 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1417-1419 ering the strength of the fortifications, they were unable to ac- count on natural grounds and that they should burn with the de- sire of recovering it, was to be expected. No sooner did they see the fleet of Joam depart than hope cheered them. They resolved to invest the place, and if unable to reduce it by open force, they were sure to obtain it by famine unless, as some of the more su- perstitious or more timid seemed to fear, the defenders neither ate nor drank. The king had ordered the governor not to leave the walls, but to be ready to repel assaults, which he foresaw would soon be made ; and this inactivity aided their rising courage. They advanced to the fortifications, and burned a few vessels which still lay in the harbor. For some days this was borne, but with great indignation, by the Christian soldiers and hidalgos, when their murmurs became so loud that Dom Pedro was compelled to permit a few of them to combat with the enemy, but on the express condi- tion that they would not remove far from the walls. The skir- mishes which followed this concession were perpetual, and always honorable to the Portuguese. In one of these irruptions they cut down the trees and razed the walls of the spacious and magnifi- cent gardens in the vicinity, a measure, perhaps, rendered neces- sary from the facility with which the Moors intrenched themselves ; but the havoc so incensed the latter that they plucked their beards, and swore to be avenged on the dogs who had done it. To omit no opportunity of fulfilling their vow, they took up their abode in the neighboring hills ; and, for fear of surprise, fortified their position. To dislodge those who dwelt in the valley of Larenjo, the governor one night dispatched a select band, which made great carnage among them. To avenge these atrocities the Moors now gathered in for- midable numbers, not merely from the neighborhood, but from wherever the fame of their wrongs had penetrated ; but they were always repulsed by the valiant count, whose exploits are repre- sented as not much inferior to those of the cid, Ruy Dias, in Valencia. The very exaggeration, however, proves that Dom Pedro was the most valiant king of a valiant nation. In one of these sorties against some thousands of the misbelievers he was wounded, and the intelligence brought another body of Moors to the city, but with no better success ; for so valiantly were they received by liis captains, that they were glad to escape with their lives. But during three years no formal siege was laid to the PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 803 1419-1433 place; a circumstance sufficiently explicable by the perpetual strug- gles for empire among the Mohammedan princes of western Africa. In 14 19 the fortress was first invested, and by an army formidable enough to inspire the assailants with the hope of suc- cess. In the combats which ensued, the Christians, notwithstand- ing the loss of some brave captains, were, as usual, victorious ; and " a pleasant thing it was," says the chronicler, " to see our men, like the waters which flowed on the beach, sprinkled with infidel blood." After some days the siege was raised, with the loss of some thousands on the part of the Africans. But scarcely had the governor time to congratulate himself on this event before he re- ceived news which filled him with apprehension that a more formidable army and a fleet from Granada were preparing to move against him. He lost no time in soliciting succor from King Joam, who as readily granted it. Again was the place invested this time by sea and land ; and, as before, the valor of the besieged was almost superhuman. Fearing, however, that it must ulti- mately surrender, if not more effectually succored, the king ordered two of his sons. the infantes Henrique and Joam to sail with a considerable armament. As they approached the place they per- ceived that the Mohammedans had landed and furiously assailed Dom Pedro, who, with his handful of brave companions, was making terrific carnage among them. This formidable host was totally routed, while the infantes took or dispersed the Moorish vessels, commanded by a prince of the royal house of Granada. This splendid success drew the eyes of all Europe towards this extremity of Africa. During these years the king was constantly employed in the duties of administration. In 1422 he lost his constable, Dom Nunho Alvarez Pereiro, who left the court for the cloister, and passed the last nine years of his life in penitence and prayer. In 1433 he followed that celebrated man to the grave. His actions will best bespeak his character. We may add that his generosity was truly royal, that he rewarded his servants with a prodigal hand, that he founded some religious edifices, and made some addi- tion to the legislative code of his country. As he advanced in years his sense of justice appears to have greatly improved; at least we hear no more of the violent acts which disgraced his early days, and which will forever tarnish his memory. In the reign of this prince the Portuguese began their famous 304 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1419 career of maritime discovery. His son, the infante Henrique, who had made the mathematical sciences and navigation a continual studv, was the first to enter on this course. To facilitate his long- meditated enterprise, he fixed his abode in the kingdom of Algarve, on the most elevated point of Cape St. Vincent; a spot which he also considered as favorable to his astronomical observations, and where he founded the town of Sagres. The first voyage, with two frail barks, was undertaken in 1419, and extended only about five degrees of latitude, and was consequently unsuccessful. The fol- lowing year, however, three vessels being equipped for a much longer adventure, arrived at the Madeiras, which had been previ- ously discovered by Machin, and took possession, A subsequent expedition penetrated as far south as Sierra Leone, within three degrees of the line. But this enterprise was considered too hardy to be immediately improved ; from this time half a century had elapsed before any Portuguese vessel ventured beyond these latitudes, though the Canaries were, in the interim, discovered by some Bis- cayan mariners. Martin V. granted to the nation of the royal Henrique the dominion of the regions which might thenceforward be discovered from Cape Bojador to the Indies. If this prince was thus given to voyages, his brother Pedro was no less addicted to traveling. In 1424, accompanied by twelve of his most faithful servants, he first repaired to the court of the Greek emperor, where he was received in a manner becoming his birth. The soldan of Babylon afforded him a no less magnificent reception. Having worshiped in the holy places of Palestine, he sailed for Rome, where the pope presented him with a bull permitting the kings of Portugal, like those of France, to be anointed and crowned. While in Germany he aided the Emperor Sigismund in the wars against Hungary and Venice. By the English Henry VI. he was received with even greater distinction, and admitted among the knights of the garter. He returned to his own country, after an absence of about four years, and was regarded as a living prodigy; and a prodigy he really was, at a time when long journeys were unknown, and when no man traveled from one kingdom to another without making his will. By Joam I. the era of Caesar was abolished in Portugal, and the Christian mode of computation adopted. The reign of Duarte, or Edward, though short, was doomed to be more disastrous than that of any prcvcding monarch of PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 305 1437 Lusitania, The first great calamity was the plague which raged during the whole of his reign, and which lamentably thinned the population. But a greater was the expedition against Tangier, the preparations for which oppressed his people, and the result of which filled the kingdom with murmurs. The restless ambition of the king's brother, Ferdinand, hur- ried him into this disastrous enterprise. This infante had been too young to share in the glorious conquests of Ceuta: and had not, like Pedro or Henrique, obtained celebrity either by traveling or science. But he burned for distinction as much as either: and he now solicited the royal permission to leave the kingdom and to enter the service of some European power. Duarte, who regarded this request as the offspring of discontent, promised to increase his revenues, but forbade him to depart. Henrique next proposed an African expedition, at first with no better success ; but both infantes having gained the queen to their views, whose influence over the mind of the king was all-powerful, a reluctant consent was at length wrung from him. He seems, however, to have en- tertained very honorable scruples as to the justice of the warfare in which he was about to engage. The Moors had not lately in- jured his people except in their natural endeavor to recover Ceuta ; and he could no more reconcile to his conscience the forcibly de- priving them of their possessions than if he entered the house and despoiled the substance of a neighbor. Consideration, later on, removed the scruples of Duarte, and the expedition was resolved. The inexperience which governed the preparations and the accidental hindrances which impeded their completion were re- garded as melancholy omens by the people. The armament sailed on August 22, 1437, and on the 26th arrived before Ceuta, a place which the heroic governor and his no less heroic son had continued to defend with the same success. From the gates they had made frequent excursions to a considerable distance twice as far as Tetuan : the first inroad had been without success, but the second time the terrified inhabitants had abandoned the city to the Christians, who had wrapped it in flames. The two infantes, Hen- rique and Ferdinand, who commanded the present expedition, were inflamed by the desire of equal glory; but their ardor was for a moment damped when they perceived that instead of 14,000 men, the number ordered by the king, they had no more than 6,000. Whether this deplorable proof of mismanagement was their work, 306 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1437 or that of the ministers at home, was now vain to inquire. They were advised to soHcit and wait for a considerable reinforcement, but with their usual impatience they resolved to proceed to Tan- gier Henrique by land and Ferdinand by sea, so as to co- operate with each other. The former, who proposed to march by way of Alcager, dispatched Joam de Pereira, one of his captains, with a thousand men, to reconnoiter the country. Pereira soon fell in with a great body of Moors whom he attacked and dispersed. On his representation that the route from Ceuta to Alcager was impracticable, Henrique proceeded by way of Tetuan. He reached Tangier without accident on September 23, and found that his brother had arrived before him. The Portuguese immediately encamped before the place, which was defended by Sala ben Sala, former governor of Ceuta, with 7,000 Moors. Scarcely were the operations commenced when a report was artfully spread by the Africans that they were preparing to abandon the fortress, the gates of which were opened as if for the purpose. The credu- lous Christians hastened to take possession, but as they approached the gates the Moors spitefully shut them, and increased their rage by an insulting laugh. After a siege of thirty-eight days, when some parts of the walls were shaken, a general assault was decreed. While the infante Ferdinand and the Count de Arroyalos attacked on the side of Fez, the martial bishop of Ceuta and Dom Ferdinand Continho advanced on another: the infante Henrique assaulted the fortress as being best defended. But as if every measure of this ill-concerted expedition were doomed to be at once imbecile and unsuccessful, after sustaining a heav}?- loss, the besiegers finding that their scaling ladders were too short were compelled to retreat with shame from the foot of the ramparts. Before others could be procured from Ceuta, the Moors of Fez and Morocco, amount- ing, we are gravely told, in number to 1,000 horse and 8,000 in- fantry, advanced to raise the siege. Instead, however, of being alarmed at this prodigious force, Henrique with 4,000 of his valiant troops hastened to give them battle ; but so great was the dread which this heroic little band had struck into that immense host that none of the misbelievers daring to wait for the onset, all escaped with precipitation over the neighboring hills! But as their numbers soon increased by new accessions to 13,000 men, they returned, and this time fought with courage. After a strug- gle of some hours this vast force yielded to the impetuosity of the PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 307 1437 infante Ferdinand and fled, leaving some thousands dead on the field. These wondrous fables are not enough. Indignant at the repeated losses of their brethren, the kings of northwestern Africa combined the whole of the respective forces, and marched towards the place. The surprise of Henrique was great on seeing the neighboring hills moving with life; the number of enemies on this occasion, we are veraciously assured, being 60,000 cavalry, and 700,000 foot! But if surprised, he was not despairing: he intrusted the command of the artillery to one officer, of the in- fantry to another, and with the cavalry posted himself on an eminence. On contemplating, however, the dense and widely ex- tended ranks of the Moslems, even he acknowledged that to with- stand such a host would be temerity. He accordingly gave directions for his little army to fall back and to regain the ships. Before this could be effected, the Africans, like tigers of their own deserts, sprang upon them, eager to drink their blood. Like a wall of adamant the infante and his devoted band received the shock and repelled it. His horse falling under him he mounted that of a page, turned round on the enemy, and made dreadful havoc among them. But the Portuguese could do nothing against the myriads ; his guards were killed by his side, and he was com- pelled to retreat, fighting, however, at every step, until he reached the intrenchments, where the contest became more bloody and des- perate than it had yet been. Some of the defenders now fled, for the chroniclers reluctantly allow that even a Portuguese may flee, but the seamen on board the vessel landed, forced the fugitives to return, and the conflict was sustained during some hours with miraculous valor! Towards night it was suspended; and the infante agreed with his remaining captains that at mid- night the Christians should silently leave their intrenchments, pass to the beach, and be received on board. As tlie invaders were now without provisions and water, this expedient was the only hope of safety which remained to them. But even of this they were soon deprived by the treachery of IVIartin Vieyra, Henrique's chaplain, who passed over to the misbelievers, and acquainted them with the project. In consequence of tliis information, the Moors stationed a formidable guard along the passages to the sea and on the beach. The following morning they advanced to the trenches; the battle was renewed, and sustained for eight hoin\s with unshaken firmness, though with greatly diminished numbers. 308 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1437 On this occasion no one exhibited more valor than the bishop of Ceuta, as he strode from rank to rank to distribute indulgences with one hand, with the other he hewed down the misbelievers in a style that called for the enthusiastic admiration of the faith- ful. His armor was so shattered by the blows he received that his pontifical robes underneath were partially visible: some- times he turned for a moment to bless or absolve; but no sooner had the words of peace left his lips than another stroke of his sword sent a pagan soul to its dark account. In the end the enemy, unable to force the intrenchments, set them on fire, and on the approach of night retired. The hours which should have been given to rest were occupied in extinguishing the conflagra- tion, a labor not less fatiguing than the conflict of the day. To allay the hunger of his followers the infante ordered the horses to be killed ; but as there was no water, and as everyone raged with a burning thirst, the boon was scarcely acceptable until heaven sent a copious shower of rain. But however seasonable this relief, it could only be momentary. Famine, or death by the sword, or w'hat was still worse, perpetual captivity, stared the un- happy Christians in the face, when they received a proposal which they could not have expected. They were promised both life and liberty, as the condition of their surrendering the artillery, arms, and baggage, and restoring the fortress of Ceuta. To men in their desperate condition this proposal was too liberal not to be joyfully accepted. For their performance of the covenant the infante Ferdinand offered himself as hostage; and was accompanied by four other knights. The Moors delivered into the hands of Hen- rique a son of Sala ben Sala. The chiefs and a great part of the African army now left Tangier; while the Portuguese, reduced to 3,000, prepared to re-embark. But w-ith characteristic duplicity, the barbarians attempted to prevent the departure of the Christians, who were constrained to fight their way to the ships. While his once proud armament was slowly returning to Lis- bon, Henrique, ashamed to appear at court, proceeded to Ceuta, where fatigue of body and anxiety of mind threw him into a seri- ous illness. No sooner did Prince Joam, who was then in Algarve, hear of the illness of one brother and the captivity of another, than he repaired to Ceuta. The two infantes there agreed that, as the royal consent to the restoration of the fortress could not reasonably be expected, Joam should propose the exchange of their PORTUGUESE KINGDOM S09 1437 brother for the son of the African. The proposal was scornfully rejected by the Moors, who threatened, if the place were not im- mediately restored, to take signal revenge on the person of the infante. Joam now returned to Portugal to acquaint the king with the melancholy position of affairs. Henrique also repaired to court from his observatory on Cape St. Vincent to consult on the means of liberating the royal captive. It was resolved that the prince should remain in captivity until the efficacy of money should be proved vain. His sufferings are represented, probably, with truth, for the African Moors are destitute of any virtue, as at once cruel and humiliating. No sooner was he delivered into the hands of Sala ben Sala, than he began to experience the most savage barbarity. So long as there was hope that Ceuta would be restored, this treatment was sometimes suspended ; but when no answer arrived to the letters written by the Moor to the Portuguese court, it was aggravated in severity. No ransom would be re- ceived by Sala, whose only object was the recovery of his lost seat of government. But when the king of Castile, Juan II., began to remonstrate against the detention of the infante, and even to threaten hostilities unless a ransom were received for him, the Moor, unwilling to incur the responsibility of his charge, delivered him into the hands of his superior, the king of Fez. By that tyrant Ferdinand was consigned to a subterraneous dungeon, excluded alike from air and light. After some months, however, he was drawn from his prison, doubtless because his persecutors knew that a longer confinement would soon place him beyond their reach and made to work, like the vilest slave, in the royal stables and gardens. In this situation he heard of Dom Duarte's death; but the intelligence, which was confirmed by events, was accom- panied by a report, which, unfortunately for him, proved to be untrue that, in his last testament, his brother had directed Ceuta to be restored. It was for a time believed by the Moorish king, who ordered him to be treated with less severity, but who, at the same time, resolved that not even the surrender of the fortress, without a large sum of money, should set him free. No sooner was the intelligence found to be erroneous than, in revenge, the victim was subjected to new indignities. Not only was he de- prived of all food, except a crust of bread once in twenty-four hours, but he was ironed, put to harder labor, and allowed no ap- parel beyond a rag, for the modesty of nature. The relation of his 310 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1438 sufferings at length moved the pity of his brother, Pedro, regent of the kingdom, who, in the name of the royal Alfonso, dispatched commissioners to Ceuta to receive the infante and to remit the keys of that fortress into the hands of the king of Fez. But they soon found that the barbarian had further views ; that he insisted on the restoration of the place prior to the delivery of his captive; that his object was to gain possession of their persons, and be thereby enabled to dictate whatever terms he pleased. The nego- tiations were abruptly ended, and the ill-fated prince returned to his dungeon, where he languished until 1443, when death put a period to his sufferings. The unfortunate issue of the African war, and the complaints of his captive brother, most sensibly affected the heart of Duarte, over whom, had his life been spared, fraternal affection would, doubtless, have triumphed. That he meditated another expedi- tion, and that he commenced preparations on a formidable scale, is honorable to his heart; but his subjects were thinned by the plague ; commerce was suspended ; the fields remained uncultivated ; the public revenues were exhausted, and the people unwnlling to make further sacrifices. Unfortunately for his people his life was too short for the benefits he meditated. In 1438 he was seized by the plague at Tomar, whither he had retired to escape its fury, and in a few days he breathed his last. This prince was worthy of a better fate. He had qualities of a high order; he was en- lightened, just, and patriotic, and if virtue or talent could have controlled the course of human events his kingdom would have been happy. Alfonso v., the eldest son of Duarte, being only six years of age on his father's death, the regency devolved in conformity with the last will of her husband on the queen-mother, a princess of excellent disposition, but not exempted from the fickleness of her sex. and ill-qualified to rule a fierce people. To such a people the sway even of a native woman could scarcely have been agree- able; as a foreigner (a princess of Aragon), she was peculiarly obnoxious. Seeing this general discontent, some of the nobles, with three uncles of the king, resolved to profit by it. By their intrigues, by their artful reports and injurious surmises, they con- trived to embarrass her from the beginning of her administration. Of tlic tliree infantes, the hostility of Joam was the most bitter, of Henrique the most disinterested, of Pedro the most politic, the PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 311 1439 most ambitious, and consequently the most to be dreaded. Though possessed of no great sagacity, the queen perceived where the danger lay, and offered to Dom Pedro to affiance his daughter Isabella with the young king an offer which lie readily accepted, but which in no manner interrupted his career of ambition. But learning of this the nobles in the interest of the queen, and of the Count de Barcelos, a natural brother of the infante's, and the more numerous party who envied the success of Pedro, organized an opposition which threatened to displace him from his eminence. At this crisis Henrique proposed in the states assembled at Lisbon that the executive should be divided, that the education of the king and the care of the finances should rest with the queen, that the administration of justice should be intrusted to the Count de Barcelos, and that Pedro should be nominated protector of the kingdom. Pedro was dissatisfied with the division of power, the Count de Barcelos with the proposed marriage of the Princess Isabella with the king, for whom he intended his own daughter, and the queen with them both. The queen now joined the count in forcing Pedro to surrender the written engagement as to the mar- riage; but the latter had soon his revenge. To bring the question of the regency to an issue, the populace, the only authority then subsisting, assembled in the church of St. Dominic and swore that until Alfonso reached his majority the government should rest in Dom Pedro. Fidelity was at length sworn to the new regent in the cathedral of Lisbon ; and, to exclude Leonora from the hope of any share in the administration, it was at the same time ordained that if Pedro died he should be succeeded in the office by his brother Henrique, and the latter by the infante Joam, and that thenceforward no woman should be allowed to rule the Portu- guese. This was not all : the princess was to be wounded in her affection, as well as her ambition. Under the pretext that the education of the young king, if left to her, must necessarily be effeminate and unfit him for his station, he was removed by a sudden decree of the same Cortes from her care, and placed under that of the regent. Though compelled to obey the popular voice, which on this occasion was that of the kingdom, Leonora was eager to regain her authority. Fleeing to Castile the (uicen. supported by the repre- sentations, and even threats, of Juan TT., labored in vain to regain her lost influence. Those representations and threats were 312 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1445 treated with open contempt; yet the states agreed to pay her an annual pension corresponding to her rank, on the condition that she remained out of the kingdom a condition which she rejected. In 1445 she formally requested permission to return to end her days with her children, and her wish w^ould doubtless have been gratified had not death surprised her at Toledo. In 1446 King Alfonso reached his fourteenth year the period of his majority. His first acts were regarded by the people as favorable omens of his future administration, and, above all, of his disposition to cultivate a good understanding with the regent. When, in the Cortes convoked for the occasion at Lisbon, Pedro resigned the delegated authority into his hands, he desired the latter to retain it till he was better able to bear the load ; and he soon afterwards married Isabella, to whom he had been affianced in his tenth year. But these buds of hope were soon blighted. The regent was powerful ; he therefore had enemies and enemies the more bitter, that there was now a master who could destroy him with ease. Of these none were more vindictive or base than his natural brother, the Count de Barcelos: we may add, that none could be more ungrateful ; for on this very brother he had just con- ferred the lordship of Braganza, with the title of duke. This duke, for such we must hereafter call him, whose soul was as base as his birth, endeavored by the most abject flattery, and by the meanest attentions, to win the favor of the young sovereign and poison his mind against the character and actions of the regent. He succeeded too well : his society became a necessary not to be dis- pensed with. At length Pedro, believing that his enemies were such from ambitious motives and in private life would cease to perse- cute him, requested permission to retire to Coimbra, of which he was duke. His request was granted ; and so also was another an act, under the royal signature and seal, approving the whole of his admin- istration. No sooner had he departed than a hundred reptiles darted their stings. Among the new charges brought against him was one of incredible boldness that which fastened on him the guilt of poi- soning the late king and queen. In vain did the sage Plenrique hasten from his aerial residence above Cape St. Vincent to vindicate the character of his brother; in vain did Dom Alfonso de Almado, a nobleman of unsullied honor, join in the chivalrous act, for chival- rous it was, when the lives of both were threatened as their reward if they did not immediately retire from the court; in vain did the PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 313 1446-1449 latter enter the royal council, inveigh against the atrocious designs of some courtiers, and challenge all who dared to dispute Dom Pedro's virtues to a mortal combat; in vain did the royal Isabella plead her father's innocence ; the victim's doom appeared to be sealed. Alfonso published an edict debarring all his subjects from communication with the prince, and ordering him to remain on his estates. The duke of Braganza now assembled his troops and marched towards Coimbra : he was met by Dom Pedro, before whose handful of brave friends he fled with ignominy, and re- turned to court, to incense the king still more. Finally, by ma- neuvers which no stranger to a court could suppose possible, he and his murderous faction obtained a royal decree declaring the duke of Coimbra a traitor and rebel. Seeing that his destruction was resolved, the latter no longer hesitated as to what course he should pursue. In self-defense he laid in provisions for a siege in Coimbra. Hearing, however, that the king in person was coming to besiege him, he hastily prepared to meet his enemies not, he said, to oppose his king, but to vindicate his own cause, and to defy his calumniators. Before the duke left Coimbra he retired into his chapel with his friend, Dom Almado, who had so courageously defended him before the royal council. To the count he unbosomed his heart, asserted that he was tired of life, that, unless his justification were received by the king, he could not and would not support it, and concluded by hoping that in this last extremity he should not be forsaken by his friend. Dom Alvaro fell at his feet, kissed his hands, and expressed an unalterable resolution of living and dying with him. They next embraced each other, and set out, persuaded that they were marching to certain death. Their troops were com- posed of i.ooo horse and 5,000 foot, all resolved to perish rather than permit a beloved leader to be oppressed ; and on their banners were engraven " Fidelity! Justice! Vengeance! " His enemies took care to represent his march towards the capital as the consequence of his resolution to dethrone Alfonso. To arrest it, the king hastened to meet him, with about 30.000 veteran troops; they ap- proached each other on tlie banks of the Alfarrobeira. above which was an eminence where Pedro entrenched himself. Just before the assault was given, a royal edict was proclaimed, ordering his followers to forsake tlie infante unless they wished to be involved in his destruction. Some abandoned him, but the majority re- 314 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1446-1456 mained faithful. For some hours, notwithstanding the alarming disproportion of numbers, the attack was repelled with heroic valor; but Pedro, who desperately sought the most dangerous post, and who evidently resolved to sacrifice his life, fell through a wound in the throat. No sooner was the surviving friend, Dom Alvaro, acquainted with this catastrophe than he seized his lance, mounted his horse, and plunged into the midst of the hostile squad- rons. Though he laid many low, he w-as not long in receiving the death he sought. The carnage which followed was terrific: the troops of the fallen infante, intent on revenging his death and re- solved on their own, would neither give nor receive quarter: al- most all fell on the field. The vengeance of Alfonso passed beyond the grave : he ordered the corpse of Pedro to remain on the ground, to be forever deprived of the last rites of humanity; but in a few days some compassionate peasants, whose souls might have put to shame the boasted chivalry of nobles, privately removed it and interred it in the church of Alverca, This was not the worst : amidst the excitement of the moment many suspected of sym- pathy for the ill-fated prince were massacred, and the descendants of all his adherents to the fourth generation declared infamous incapable of holding any public charge. The death of this prince, the greatest whom Portugal had lately seen, caused a deep sensation throughout Europe, and from Rome to Britain drew forth nothing but execrations against his murderers. Of his children, who were compelled to flee from the kingdom, and who were in the sequel permitted to return, the eld- est, Pedro, was the only one that availed himself of the permission. To prevent the return of these princes, and to escape the justice due to its crimes, was the constant aim of the base house of Braganza. That the queen, whose favor with the king was too firm to be shaken, would at length have procured the punishment of her father's murderers is exceedingly probable; but in 1455, while in the possession of youth and health, she suddenly sickened and died. The disastrous captivity of the infante Ferdinand had sunk deep into the heart of Alfonso, as into that of most princes of his family; and the desire of revenge had been suspended, not abandoned. A circumstance which was calculated to suspend it some time longer hastened its execution. The reduction of Con- stantinople by tlie Turks had filled Christian Europe with conster- PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 315 1457-1459 nation, and had led to the formation of a general league, the object of which was to drive back the misbelievers into their Asiatic wilds. But the death of the pope, who had so zealously espoused the holy warfare, and the dissensions of the Christian princes oc- casioned the dissolution of the confederacy. Of these none had exhibited more zeal than Alfonso, whose preparations in the ports of Lisbon, Setubal, and Oporto were now disposable against the African Moors. His original intention was to reduce the fortress of Tangier, the siege of which had proved so unfortunate to the Princes Henrique and Ferdinand; but the advice of a Portuguese noble, then at Ceuta, who probably dreaded the issue of an attempt on that strong fortress, determined him to invest Alcacar Seguer. In September, 1457, the armament, consisting of above 200 vessels, and carrying 20,000 men, sailed from the three ports, effected a junction at sea, and steered towards the Moorish coast. On the 17th of the following month it arrived before the place, where, notwithstanding the opposition of the enemy, the disembarkation was effected without much loss. The batteries were now erected, towards sunset a general assault was ordered, scaling-ladders were placed against the walls, and a resolute body of the besiegers mounted. The reception, however, which they experienced was so warm that a suspension of the combat followed. No sooner did the king of Fez hear that the Portuguese were preparing to invest Alcagar Seguer than he collected troops and marched to relieve it. On the way he heard of its fall, but he resolved to recover it. Having halted to receive reinforcements, on the 13th of November, the following year, the king appeared before the place at the head, we are told, of 30,000 horse and a prodigious number of foot. In vain did Alfonso, who advanced from Ceuta, endeavor to throw supplies into the fortress. Disappointed in his hope, and afraid with forces so greatly inferior to run the risk of an action, he caused a letter to be thrown over the walls exhorting the gov- ernor to hold out until his return from Portugal, whither he found it necessary to repair for reinforcements. His departure animated the courage of the Moors, but did not deject that of the defenders. After a siege of many days the Mohammedan king ordered a general assault, which was repulsed with lieavy loss; so heavy, indeed, that he was compelled to retire in search of reinforcements. In July the following year the ^Moorish king appeared a second time before it, accompanied, we are told, by the most numerous 316 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1464-1471 army ever collected in this part of Africa. But on the present, as on the former occasion, success refused to shine on his banners, and, after some desperate efforts, which were signally repulsed, he resolved to raise the siege. The success which had attended the defense of Alcagar Seguer animated Alfonso to renew the attempt on Tangier. Ac- cordingly, in 1464, he sailed with another armament; but on his reaching the African coast he returned to Ceuta, confiding the at- tack on that formidable fortress to his brother Ferdinand. The infante, declining the aid of Duarte de Menezes, the valiant de- fender of Tangier, lest the latter should reap the whole glory of the conquest, hastened to claim it for himself. But though the assault was vigorously made, it was repulsed with deplorable loss; the flower of the Portuguese chivalry either perished on the spot, or were compelled to surrender. This disastrous issue filled the king with dismay, and he resolved to return home. Before he em- barked, however, four Moors, with characteristic perfidy, inti- mated that if he made an excursion to a neighboring mountain he might take abundant spoil. He credulously believed them, and, with 800 horse and a small body of infantry, proceeded towards the place. Being artfully drawn into the passes, he was assailed by the Moors in ambush, most of his knights, among whom was the heroic Dom Duarte, were cut off on this excursion, and he him- self had considerable difficulty in effecting his escape. For some years the result of this inglorious expedition seems to have inspired him with too much dread to renew the attempt; but in 1471 he embarked 30,000 men on board 308 transports and proceeded to invest Arsilla, a fortress on the Atlantic about seventeen leagues from the straits of Gibraltar. It was furiously assailed by the Portuguese ; was as furiously defended by the inhabitants, who scorned to submit, until most of them had perished with arms in tlieir hands. The king himself, and his son, the infante Joam, were among the foremost in the assault, the former loudly invoking the aid of Our Lady. On this occasion the remembrance of their late reverses steeled the Portuguese against humanity, and they mas- sacred all as well those who resisted as those who threw down their arms in token of submission with diabolical fury. In this work of ruthless destruction Joam was surpassed by none of his countrymen. In the meantime Muley, king of Fez, advanced to raise the PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 317 1471-1479 siege. His consternation, on finding that the place had been car- ried and the defenders exterminated, was so great, that he sued for peace. But his mortifications did not end here. Terrified by the fate of Arsilla, and convinced that the victorious army would next march against them, the inhabitants of Tangier abandoned the city with all their movable substance. It was immediately occupied by the Christians and formed into an episcopal see. The transactions of Alfonso V. with Castile, through his meditated union with Juana, reputed daughter of Enrique IV., more usually termed the Beltraneja, his wars with the Catholic sovereigns, and the peace of 1479, have been already related. There are, however, some circumstances attending his assiduous court to the French king that must not be passed over in silence. Not satisfied with sending an embassy to Louis XL, who promised to aid him to the extent of his wishes, in 1476 he resolved to visit that prince in person a mark of confidence which he hoped would operate more powerfully in his favor than any embassy. How little he knew the perfidy of that pretended ally appeared from the result of this extraordinary voyage. If there be any truth in a report of the time a report too well confirmed by the character of Louis his arrest and delivery into the hands of King Ferdinand were seriously intended on his visit to Paris. It appears certain that he himself suspected the perfidy, and that, in the first impulse of his disappointment, he resolved to visit Palestine, and after- wards to end his days in some monastery. It is no less certain that he sent a confidential messenger to his son Joam, whom he ac- quainted with the resolution, and whom he ordered to be pro- claimed king; that he secretly repaired into Normandy, for the purpose of effecting his escape; that he was pursued and arrested by order of Louis, who, however, soon repented of the violence, set him free, and provided vessels for his return into Portugal. The resolution to pass his days in religious exercises he abandoned with the same levity he had formed it. On landing in his kingdom he found that his son had been proclaimed ; and by his attendants apprehensions were entertained lest Joam sliould refuse to descend from the dignity. However this may be, Joam met his father, to whom he resigned the dignity, and was, in appearance at least, con- tented to remain a subject so long as Alfonso lived. The king's return caused great joy in Portugal ; he was loved, wliilc his son was feared; the one was clement and indulgent, the other was severe 318 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1481-1482 in his disposition, and of inflexible justice; the one pardoned real guilt, the other spared not even the suspicion of crime. Alfonso V. did not long survive the conclusion of peace with Castile. Like his father, he died of the plague, and like him, too, in the prime of life ; the former at the age of 37, himself at 49, of which he had passed 43 on the throne. With the exception of the accidental success in Africa his reign was almost uniformly dis- astrous a misfortune more owing to the deplorable weakness of his character than to any other cause. His reign is, however, somewhat redeemed by the discoveries of the infante Henrique, who, from his residence at Tagus, continued to fix his eyes in- tently on the maritime regions of western Africa. Through this enlightened prince, the Azores, with the Madeiras, the Canaries, Cape de Verd, and other islands west of that great continent, were discovered or colonized. The discovery of the Cape de Verd, the last which illustrated the life of Henrique, was owing to the enterprise of a Genoese, Antonio Nolle, who had derived a con- fused knowledge of their existence from the ancient geographers, and w^ho, from some dissatisfaction with his own country, offered his services to the prince. Having coasted from Morocco to Cape de Verd, he deviated westwards and soon fell in with the islands, which he called after the cape of that name. When Joam H. (John, "the Perfect") ascended the throne, he found the royal revenues so much diminished by the profusion of his father that he was at a loss how to conduct the administra- tion of the kingdom, much more, if the necessity should arise, of defending it against foreign ambition. The avarice no less than the haughtiness of the aristocracy haughty alike to the monarch and peasant had long sunk deep into his mind ; and he was now resolved to commence a series of reforms, rendered imperative alike by his own necessities and the interests of his people. Joam soon discovered where the real grievances lay. His first object was to introduce a nev/ oath, to be taken by the governors of all towns, fortresses, and castles, and by all holders of fiefs, limiting and defining their dependence on the royal authority, and on that alone. He next abolished the worst evil of feudal institutions tlie power of life and death by the lord over the vassal, and re- served to liiniself alone, or his own judges, the prer(\gative of deciding in ca])ital cases. By another ordinance, he subjected the feudal to the royal tribunals, and provided for the gradual ex- PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 319 1481-1482 tinction of the former; thus transferring his people from the juris- diction of local tyrants to magistrates nominated by and dependent on the crown. Nor were these nominations henceforth to be made from the nobility alone, but from all classes of the people, the only qualifications to be learning and merit. Reasonable as these regulations must appear to every modern reader, they were exceedingly disagreeable, nay, odious, to the nobles, w^iom they deprived of irresponsible power and reduced to the class of subjects. From murmurs they proceeded to remon- strances, which they confided for presentation to the duke of Braganza, as chief of their order. The reply he received was truly regal, and one, as it was publicly delivered, that deeply mortified his pride. He was sternly told that he had no right to judge the actions, much less to censure the motives, of kings; that the only duty and only glory of subjects was submission ; and that, if such submission were not voluntarily and freely paid, it would not fail to be enforced. His brother, the Marquis jMontemor, was exiled for some trivial offense though the exile was intended to be merely temporary from that place to Castel Branco. Another brother, the count of Olivenca, was deposed from the dignity of chancellor. These nobles, all staunch advocates for the privileges of their order, and among the proudest of men, were mortified beyond measure to find that they had a master. Two of them bore the humiliation with outward resignation ; but the marquis, not satisfied with denouncing in violent terms what he called the insulting injustice done to the nobles, exclaimed with vehemence against the character alike of king and government. His libels were not merely verbal, but written : some of the latter he for- warded to Ferdinand of Aragon and Castile, with whom he main- tained an imprudent, even a treasonable, communication. Though the duke of Braganza condemned the violence of his brother, that his own hostility was equal, and his conduct no less treasonable, appeared from the sequel. While examining a mass of papers, copies were found of several letters from the duke to tlie Castilian king, with the answers, and the correspondence seemed suspicious enough to be laid before Joam. Hence, Joam resolved to arrest and bring tlie duke to trial; a resolution of which he seems to have been ignorant, though he knew his safety was precarious. Unwilling, however, to increase the suspicion under which he lay, he would not leave the court witliout permission, and 320 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1483 one day entered the royal cabinet for the purpose. On his entrance, the king, who was transacting business with his ministers, made him sit down, and conversed with him with apparent cordiality. When tlie ministers had retired, the duke endeavored to dissipate the suspicions of Joam by professions of loyalty, and observed, that with respect to his dispute wn'th his monarch, he wished for nothing more than for justice to be done by the tribunals of the country. But instead he was immediately arrested and con- signed to a neighboring tower. His trial was immediately insti- tuted, and pushed by the king with indecent haste. The charges were easily proved ; he w^as sentenced to death, and his effects to be confiscated. He received the sentence with unshaken firmness, applied his few remaining hours to the exercises of devotion, and, in a last letter to the king recommended to the royal mercy his innocent wife and children. The following day (July 2^, 1483) a scaffold was erected in the great square of Evora, and at the hour appointed he suffered his punishment without a sigh or a groan. The three sons of the duke immediately fled into Castile, and their example was followed by the marquis of Montemor, whose estates were confiscated, and by his brother the count : a third brother, the deposed chancellor, who had been charged with no crime, at first proposed to remain, but a royal mandate com- pelled him to leave the kingdom. This tragedy was soon to be followed by another. The fall of the house of Braganza, and the consequent failure of their schemes to retain possession of their tyrannical privileges, so incensed the nobles that a conspiracy was formed by some of them to assassinate both the king and his son Don Alfonso, and to place the duke of Viseo on the vacant throne. This prince, named Diego, was son of the infante Ferdinand, brother of Alfonso v., and consequently cousin to the king; and his connection with the throne had been strengthened by the marriage of his sister Leonora with his sovereign. He readily entered into the views of the conspirators; he was ambitious of reigning; he regretted the deceased duke ; he was generous, and therefore popular with the nation ; and he was the friend of Ferdinand of Castile ; advan- tages which he regarded as sufficient to aid him in bringing about the meditated revolution. The details of the conspiracy were finally arranged at Santarem. But though Joam was in possession of this momentous infor- PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 321 1483 mation, his sense of justice would not permit him to act on sus- picion or on tales brought to him, and he merely charged his body- guards not to lose sight of his person. It was soon confirmed by one of the actual conspirators, Dom Vasco Coutinho, who had been admitted into the number by his own brother. This man, who had feigned great zeal for the success of the plot, had been intro- duced to the Duke de Viseo, and by that prince had been acquainted with every detail. The information which he hastened to lay before the king caused the latter to redouble his precautions of defense. The brother of Dom Vasco and Dom Pedro de Ataide, who were charged with the assassination, now closely watched the movements of their intended victim. One day as Joam, almost unaccompanied, was ascending the great staircase of his palace, he met the assassins, and from the motions instantly made by Pedro he divined that now was the crisis of his fate. With a presence of mind and a commanding manner almost peculiar to himself, he demanded what was the matter. " Nothing," replied Pedro, " but that I was near falling." "Beware of falling!" rejoined the other, with his usual coolness, and walked on before the oppor- tunity could be regained. A few days aftenvards, however, being so imprudent as to venture with a few attendants to a church out- side the walls of the city, he perceived that he was enveloped by most of the conspirators. Again was he saved by his presence of mind. These repeated disappointments terrified the head of the conspiracy, who by letter reproached the actors with their cowardly delay, Joam was informed of this and now perceived that he could temporize no longer. Under the pretext of communicating some confidential affairs, he sent for the duke to court, and the latter with some reluctance obeyed the summons. Being ushered into the room of audience, near which three men were concealed as witnesses, and, if necessary, as actors, in the impending tragedy, Dom Diego appeared with a cheerful and loyal countenance, and Joam with one of equal benignity. After a few moments' con- versation, the latter asked, in a manner of studied carelessness, " Cousin, suppose you knew a man who had sworn to take away your life, what would you do?" "T would hasten to take his!" "Die, then!" rejoined the king; "thou hast pronounced thine own doom ! " and a dagger, wielded by the royal hand, entered the traitor's heart. Tims ended t1iis formidable conspiracy. The king was generally condemned for so savagely perfonning the 822 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1482-1486 functions of executioner; but many, in a true Turkish spirit, defended liim, on the ground that as punishment was justly done, the manner whether by the royal hand or by the lieadsman was immaterial. Dom Manuel, brother of the duke, was subsequently brought to court, created constable of the kingdom, duke of Beja, and invested with many of the fiefs possessed by that nobleman. After Alfonso, son of Joam, he was the next heir to the throne. In the reign of this prince the Portuguese spirit of maritime enterprise was carried to a high pitch ; a spirit which, except in one instance,' he was always anxious to foster. His first care was to found a fort on the coast of Guinea, which had been dis- covered during the preceding reign, for the purpose of maintain- ing a permanent commercial intercourse with the natives. The barbarian king, who had entered into an alliance with the strangers, consented to the erection of the fortress. From this moment Portugal, or rather her monarchs, derived a great revenue in ivory and gold from this unknown coast; so great, indeed, that he feared lest the vessels of other European nations should be attracted to it. This was what happened, for soon after Joam heard that vessels were constructing in the English ports, unknown to their king, Edward IV., and at the cost of the Due de Medina- Sidonia, for an expedition to Ethiopia, so the Portuguese termed all central Africa from the Nile to the western coast. He there- fore sent an embassy to the English monarch, whom he reminded of the ancient alliance between the two crowns, and whom he easily induced to prohibit the preparations. In a short time the fortress of St. George of the Mine became a considerable city, and afterwards infamous from the traffic in slaves. But this was only the beginning of Portuguese enterprise. The king had been taught to suspect that by coasting the African continent a passage to the East Indies might be discovered ; and he not only equipped two small squadrons expressly for this object, but dispatched two of his subjects into India and Abyssinia, to discover the route to and between these vast regions, and what advantages Portuguese commerce might derive from the knowl- edge thus acquired. The two travelers, Pedro da Covilhan and Alfonso de Payva, passed first to Naples, and thence to Rhodes, by the knights of which they were well received, and enabled to reach " That of Christopher Cohimbus, whose proposals he himself was ready enough to receive, but was overruled by his council. PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 323 1486-1487 Alexandria. There they separated, Covilhan for India, and, Payva for Abyssinia; but agreeing to rejoin each other, in a given period, in Cairo. Tlie former embarked on the Red Sea, visited the most famous cities of India, as far as the Ganges; coasted, on his return, the shores of Persia, Arabia, and Africa as far as Mozambique, where he learned that the continent terminated in a great cape much farther to the south. He now returned to Cairo, where he heard of his companion's death. He then visited Abyssinia, where he ultimately settled ; but he wrote to the king, to whom he communicated the observations he had made, and a chart of the maritime places he had visited. The discoveries of this enterprising man encouraged Joam to attempt the passage to India. One of the squadrons that under- Joam Alfonso de Aveiro discovered the kingdom of Benin. Aveiro was to open a commercial treaty with the savage chief of this country, when death surprised him before he could accom- plish the end of his expedition. The other, under Jayme Cam, was more fortunate. Crossing the equinox, he arrived at the mouth of a large river, the Sahira, on the coast of the Congo. Persuaded that the course of that river was navigable, he pro- ceeded to explore its banks. The Congo was not the only kingdom which presented an opening for national exploration. While these events were taking i)lace, Bemohi, the ]\Iohammedan king of the Jalofs, a people inhabiting the coast opposite the Cape de Verd Islands, being dethroned by a prince of his family, escaped to Portugal, to implore the succor of Joam. He was baptized, send- ing submission to the pope, both for himself and his kingdom, and, besides consenting to hold his crown as a vassal of Joam. he proposed to open to the nation of his benefactor the way to Abyssinia and Egypt, and a commerce as extensive as it would be lucrative. Twenty ships laden with soldiers, priests, and archi- tects, under Pedro Vas da Cunha, sailed from the ports of Lusi- tania, and arrived at the mouth of the Senegal. Here the unfor- tunate African was murdererl by the hands of da Cunha. The motive of this dark deed is wrapped in mystery. Though no paramount advantage was derived from the alli- ance with the Congo, the discoveries of Cam led to a solid one that of the Cape of Good Hc^pe. This memorable discovery was made in T487 1)y P>art!iolomco Diaz, an officer of equal enterprise and experience. The high winds and still higher seas which as- 324 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1487-1495 sailed this vast promontory induced the captain to call it the Cape of Storms; but Joam, who had more extended views, called it O Cabo de Boa Esperanga, or the Cape of Good Hope. On this occasion Diaz ventured little beyond the promontory; nor was it passed by any vessel until the following reign, when the famous Vasco de Gama doubled it on his voyage to India. Like his predecessors, Joam was in frequent hostilities with the Moors of Fez. His first expedition was undertaken on the pretext of succoring his royal ally against two rebellious gov- ernors; but, in reality, he was incapable of generosity so pure. He triumphed over the two rebels, one of whom he took prisoner, but soon permitted him to be ransomed. The following year (1488) Antonio de Noronha, governor of Ceuta, with a con- siderable number of Portuguese nobles, was overpowered by a multitude of the Africans; but this shock was soon repaired by Francisco Coutinho de Borba, who had been intrusted with the government of Arsilla. Though an unsuccessful attempt was made to erect a fortress on Graciosa, a small island off the Mauri- tanian coast, Fernando de Menezes, governor of Ceuta, took Targa, and consumed by fire twenty of the Moorish vessels that lay in the port. In 1490 Joam married his only legitimate son, Alfonso, to Isabella of Castile ; but the rejoicings consequent on this event were almost the last he was permitted to seek. Before their con- clusion the count passed from Evora to Viana, where one day he and two domestics were suddenly taken ill. The cause is wrapped in some mystery; but the general suspicion was that a fountain from which he and they had drunk was poisoned : their death, and his own tardy recovery, seem to confirm it. Scarcely were a few months elapsed, when the prince's tragical death by a fall from his horse deprived Joam of his intended successor. The first shock of the catastrophe prostrated the vigorous mind of the king; for some time he refused to be comforted. To the condolence of his people, who gently reproved his grief, and who told him that for them he must live, since in each of them he had still a son, he replied, " The happiness of my subjects is, indeed, my only remaining consolation. I will labor for their good: but let them pardon me ; nature is weak, and T am but a man." The In.st three years of his life were passed in bodily infirmitv. but not so severe as to exclude him from public affairs until a short time PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 325 1495-1497 before his death. His last moments were devoutly employed. At length, with difficulty uttering- the prayer, " Doniine, qui tollis pcccata mundi, miserere niihi!" he breathed his last. Joam was a great prince; comprehensive in his views, vig- orous in the execution of his designs, as he was cautious and politic in their formation ; zealous for justice, and for the happiness of his people. That zeal, however, sometimes degenerated into vengeance, and was sometimes disarmed by capricious clemency. In short, the success of his administration was unrivaled ; he introduced industry and comfort among his people, added largely to the national resources, and was in many respects the greatest monarch that ever swayed the scepter of Portugal. Manuel, who succeeded Joam, having recalled the exiled princes of Braganza, and received the hand of Isabella of Castile, resolved to pursue the maritime enterprises of his great prede- cessor. A squadron of five vessels had been already prepared for the great passage to India; it was entrusted to the celebrated Vasco de Gama, who having received the standard of the cross from the hands of the new king, embarked amidst the acclamations and tears of the spectators, according as fear for the fate of kin- dred and friends, or hope for the country's greatness, predom- inated in their breasts.*^ His passage from the Cape de Verds to St. Helena occupied near three months ; and before he could reach the Stormy Cape his crew were so disheartened by the con- tinued winds and the high seas that they besought him to return. In vain did he exhort them to dismiss their cowardly fears, assur- ing them that they would soon arrive in more tranquil seas and off an abundant coast. Perceiving that he was bent on his pur- pose, they conspired against his life. This conspiracy was fortu- nately discovered by his brother, Paulo de Gama ; the mutineers were ironed and confined, and the admiral himself took the helm. Plis courage was crowned with success. On the 20th day of November, 1497, "^^^^^ fi^'*^ months after his departure from Lisbon, he doubled the Cape. Continuing to coast along the African shores, he passed Sofala, and soon cast anchor off the coast of Zanzibar. The inhabitants of Mozambique he found to be ]\Io- hammedans, who abhorred the Christian name. The pilots, whom he with difficulty obtained to conduct him through these unknown ^ Tlie adventure'^ of tlii-^ oxfranrdinary man arc detailed with jreneral ac- curacy, though adorned with poetic rliapsodie^, l)y the iiuniorta' Camoens. 3526 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1497-1501 seas, endeavored to betray him into the hands of the Mohammedan king; but accident thwarted their views, and in revenge he can- nonaded the port of Mombaza. At MeHnda he met with better hoepitah'ty: not only did the Mussulman express a sincere desire to be considered the ally of Portugal, but he furnished a skillful pilot to conduct the stranger to the great Indian peninsula. Hav- ing a second time crossed the equinoctial line, he proceeded along the Arabian and Persian shores to Calicut, a rich and populous port on the coast of Malabar. Both he and his crew were not a little surprised to find merchants of Tunis and other ports of Barbary in this distant region many who trafficked in every great port of India, of Africa, and of the Mediterranean. Having coasted the Indian peninsula, and finding that his armament was too inconsiderable to command respect, he returned to Melinda, received on board ambassadors from the king to his sovereign, doubled the Cape, April 26, 1499, and reached Lisbon in Sep- tember, after an absence of little more than two years. The reports of this renowned seaman inflamed Dom Manuel with the prospect of deriving considerable pennanent advantage from the rich kingdoms of the East. A fleet of thirteen vessels was now prepared and confided to the direction of Dom Pedro Alvares Cabral. ' Being forced by a tempest, while passing the Cape de Verd islands, to direct his course somewhat more to the west than had been done by his predecessor, to his astonishment the new admiral discovered land. Having taken possession of the coast, and given it the name of Santa Cruz, a name, however, which was soon afterwards changed into that of Brazil, and dispatched a vessel to acquaint his monarch with the news, he continued his voyage : but in a second tempest he lost several of his ships. On anchoring before Calicut he was not unfavorably received, but the good understanding was of short continuance : at the instigation of the Moors the Christians were persecuted, and fifty massacred. In revenge Cabral consumed by fire the Indian and Arabian vessels in the port, of which he secured tlie cargoes, and committed horrible carnage among the enemy. He next pro- ceeded to Cochin, from the governor of which, Trimumpara, he experienced more hospitality. He entered not merely into a com- mercial treaty, but into a close alliance with the royal Hindoo, who submitted to become the vassal of Dom Alanuel, and who permitted some Portuguese to form a settlement on the coast. Having thus PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 327 1502-1504 laid the foundation of a commercial intercourse, and established factories, the admiral loaded some vessels with the choicest pro- ductions of tlie East, and returned without accident to Europe. Before his arrival, a smaller squadron had left Lisbon for the same destination: its chief success was defeating a fleet belonging to the Moors and the brutal king of Calicut. The prospect of advantage, through the factories which had been established on the Indian and African coasts, encouraged Manuel to equip a more formidable expedition. With ten vessels, Vasco de Gama, who had been created admiral of the Indies, again undertook a voyage which was no longer considered dreadful. He was accompanied by his uncle, Vicente Sodre, who, with five vessels more, was ordered to protect the new factories while the admiral caused the Portuguese name to be respected by the zamorin and other enemies. His cousin, Estevan de Gama, had orders to follow him with four additional vessels, and the follow- ing year six more were dispatched into the same seas, three under Alfonso, and three under Francisco de Albuquerque. Having doubled the Cape, the first care of Vasco was to confirm the yet insecure influence of his country on the African coast, especially in Sofala and iMozambique. Off the coast of Malabar, Vasco had the good fortune to fall in with his relative, Estevan. His force now amounting to nineteen ships (one had been lost on the pas- sage), he prepared to vindicate the authority of his master. His next feat was to take a large vessel, laden with treasure, belong- ing to the soldan of Egypt; the second, to punish the zamorin. At first, with characteristic perfidy, the royal Hindoo tried to inveigle the strangers into a net, spread to destroy them. The admiral detected the perfidy, and commenced a cruel retaliation. Leaving his uncle, Sodre, to continue the work of destruction, he proceeded to Cochin, and had the gratification to find the Portu- guese factory there in a flourishing state. At Cranganor, about four leagues distant from Cochin, he was surprised to discover a society of XcstcM'ian Christians, who, according to ancient tra- dition, were the descendants of the converts effected by the preach- ing of St. Thomas. These, to the number of 30,000, were eager to acknowledge the Portuguese king as their liege lord. While at Cochin he rc';ei\'e(l an cml);issy f ri im llie zamorin, who entreated him to return to Calicut, that a pennanent pacification might be effected between the two people. Tliat he should be so credulous 328 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1504-1509 as to rely on the protestation of such a man is surprising; but he immediately returned, was treated as before with much outward respect, and before he was aware of hostilities being intended, he was surrounded by above a hundred Moorish and Hindoo vessels. Had not Sodre, whom he had ordered to cruise off the coast, unex- pectedly appeared in sight his destruction would have been inevi- table; but v-ith his kinsman's aid he soon triumphed over the enemy. The zamorin now endeavored, by letter, to prevail on the king of Cochin to assassinate the Portuguese residents; but the latter disdained to imitate the treachery which had been shown to the admiral. As Vasco was on the point of returning to Europe, he left a few Portuguese for the defense of his ally, and ordered Sadre to protect him against the probable vengeance of the zamorin. The governor of Cananor was no less faithful to his engagements, and no less ready to defend them against the zamo- rin. Scarcely had Vasco left the coast for Africa, and Sadre to cruise in the Arabian Gulf, than the implacable Hindoo made prep- aration for war on Trimumpara. On four different occasions did the haughty Hindoo assail, by sea and land, the entrenchments of the Portuguese : in all four, if there be any faith in their histo- rians, was he signally and ignominiously defeated. The next considerable armament which the Portuguese king fitted out for these distant regions was confided to Dom Lope Soares: it consisted of thirteen vessels, carrying 1200 men. x^s the soldan of Egypt breathed vengeance against the nation which had taken one of his most valuable ships, and which had anni- hilated his lucrative traffic in the Indian seas, two vessels were dispatched, under Francisco de Almeida, who was nominated viceroy of the Indies. On his side, the soldan constructed a fleet, tlie materials for which were furnished by the Venetians. When Almeida touched at Quiloa, the king, Ibrahim, who had rendered himself obnoxious to the Portuguese, fled with precipitation from the city. Having received, as the representative of Dom Manuel, the homage of the new king, erected a fortress to overawe the inhab- itants, and destroyed the town of Mombaza, which refused to submit, Almeida hastened to Cananor. There he received an em- bassy from tlie king of Bisnagar, who, in admiration at the renown of the Euro])eans, solicited their alliance. There, too, he built a fortress for the protection of the factorv; and tliere he loaded eight vessels with the richest productions of the Indies, which he dis- PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 329 1509-1515 patched to Portugal, and which, in their voyage discovered the great island of Madagascar. Thus, along the whole of the vast African continent, from the straits of Gibraltar to Abyssinia, and along the Asiatic, from Ormuz to Siam, the Portuguese flag waved triumphant. Albuquerque, the new viceroy, commenced his rule by the inva- sion of Goa, one of the richest cities of Hindoostan, The inhabi- tants, unable to oppose a vigorous resistance, consented to receive a Portuguese garrison. This important city the viceroy resolved to make the capital of all Portuguese India. He now turned his eyes towards Malacca, from which he knew his countrymen had been recently expelled through the intrigues of the Moorish merchants. To revenge the indignity he repaired to that country, eluded the designs of the barbarian king, whom he subsequently defeated and dethroned, and whose capital he retained, notwithstanding the efforts of the inhabitants to shake off the yoke, or of their allies in their behalf. This conquest, and the triumphs by which it was followed inspired many of the neighboring sovereigns with fear. The viceroy having again visited the coast of Malabar, and increased alike the strength and number of his fortresses, sailed for Aden, in Arabia. On that almost impregnable place, however, his artillery had little effect, and he was twice compelled to raise the siege. In two years, however, he returned into those seas, less, perhaps, to reduce Aden than to conquer the island of Ormuz, now that its defenders. King Shiefedin and his minister, Atar, were dead. It was the object of Albuquerque to destroy the homage paid to the native kings, thereb}* securing the undivided superiority of his mas- ter; and he was anxious to construct a fortress for the purpose of overaweing a people generally prone to novelty. After investing the capital and establishing a blockade around the island, the vice- roy demanded permission for the meditated construction a per- mission which the terrified king hastened to grant. The citadel was soon finished, and thither was transported all the artillery belonging to the city; and the victor sent to Goa tliirty princes of the royal house, who had been blinded on the accession of the present king. But for all his splendid services he was rewarded with envy and ingratitude. Ills abilities, his bravery, his success- ful administration, made the courtiers fear or pretend that he aimed at an independent SDVcrcignty in those regions, and by their repre- sentations they prevailed (.'U the king to recall him. Don Lope 330 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1515-1517 Scares was dispatched from Lisbon to supersede him. But before his successor arrived he felt that his health was worn out in the service of his country; he made his last will, and returned from Ormuz to Goa to breathe his last sigh. As he proceeded along the coast he was informed of his supersession in other \vords, of his disgrace and the intelligence sank deep into his mind. This illness so much augmented, that finding his end approach, he wrote a few hasty lines to his sovereign, to whom, as the sole reward of any services he might have performed the state, he recommended the interests of a natural son. He died at sea, within sight of Goa. How^ever violent some of his acts, he certainly administered justice with impartiality. If to this we add that the qualities of his mind were of a high order, that he was liberal, affable, and modest, we shall scarcely be surprised that, by his enthusiastic countrymen, he was styled tJic Great. It is probable that no other man would have established the domination of Portugal on so secure a basis : it is cer- tain that no other, in so short a period, could have invested the struc- ture with so much splendor. His remains were magnificently interred at Goa, and his son was laden with honors by the now repentant Manuel the only rew'ards of his great deeds. Under the successors of Albuquerque the administration of India was notorious for its corruption, imbecility and violence, and in the same degree as wasdom and justice were discarded, so did the military spirit decay. The local governors esteemed their offices only so far as ruined fortunes might be repaired or new ones amassed, and their only aim was to extort from the people the greatest possible sum in the shortest given time. One of the most important instructions received by Lope Soares was to annihilate the armada which the soldan of Egypt had prepared on the Red Sea. With a formidable armament he left Goa, and on reaching Aden found the inhabitants willing to submit with the condition of his defending them against Soliman, the Egyptian admiral. Though this was the most valuable station which the Europeans could have obtained in the Indian seas, the viceroy Lope declined the offer, on the pretext that he had no instructions in relation to it. Proceeding through the Straits of Babelmandeb, he was assailed by tw'o dreadful tempests, which forced him to retire with loss a loss increased by sickness and want of provisions. In this emergency he resolved to accept the proposal of the governor of Aden, whither he repaired; but he found the position of affairs greatly cb.anged, and was glad PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 331 1517-1518 to take refuge in Ormuz. From this place he dispatched a vessel to Portugal to acquaint his sovereign with the complete failure of all his designs. During his absence Goa was nearly lost through the misconduct of its governor, who, listening to guilty passions instead of a just policy, had drawn a formidable army around it. The siege, however, was at length raised, partly through^the valor of two Por- tuguese captains, who reinforced the garrison, and partly through the concessions made by the governor to the incensed enemy. In China a settlement was permitted to be made on the coast below Canton, but the violence of the Portuguese soon brought down the wrath of the celestial emperor, and occasioned their temporary expulsion. Factories were also established on the coast of Bengal, and in the Molucca Islands; but from the former the obnoxious strangers were in like manner expelled ; and in the latter their foot- ing was insecure. In 1518 the weak and vicious administration of Scares was replaced by that of Siqueira, which was not, however, to prove more fortunate. In the last year of Dom ^Manuel's reign, this governor was replaced by Dom Duarte de Menezes. The celebrated line of demarcation between the right of dis- covery and conquest was not so clearly understood as to avoid dis- putes between Dom Manuel and his brother sovereign of Castile. His splendid empire in the east had long attracted the jealousy of Ferdinand, who had frequently attempted, but as frequently been deterred by his remonstrances, to share in the rich commercial advan- tages thus offered to the sister kingdom. After the death of that prince a disaffected Portuguese who had served Manuel with dis- tinction both in Ethiopia and India, and who was disgusted with the refusal of liis sovereign to reward his services with becoming liberality, fled into Castile, and told the new king, Charles V. of Austria, that the ^Molucca Islands, in virtue of that line, rightfully belonged to Spain. This man was Fernando de Magallianes (Fer- dinand ^Magellan) whose name is immortalized in the annals oi maritime discovery. He proposed a shorter route to the Moluccas than the passage by the Cape of Good Hope the route by Brazil: he well knew that the American continent must terminate some- where, and his notion of the earth's rotundity was sufficiently just to convince him that a western voyage would luring him to tlie same point as the one discovered by I!)iaz and Vasco de Gania. This pro- posal was submitted to the council of the Indies, which approved it, though Charles himself, on the remonstrances of the Porlugnc^-e 332 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1519-1520 ambassador, affected to treat it with indifference. In August, 15 19, Magellan embarked at Seville with five vessels, over the crews of which he was invested with the power of life and death. Directing his course by the Canaries he doubled Cape de Verde, passed the islands of that name, and plunged into the vast Western Ocean. On reaching the Brazilian coast he cautiously proceeded southwards, in the expectation that every league would bring him within sight of the final promontory. Nothing but the most ardent ^eal, with the most unbending resolution, could have made him per- severe in opposition alike to the elements and the wishes of his crew. The tall stature of the inhabitants of Patagonia struck him with some surprise, and perhaps magnified the fears of his companions ; but he eventually passed this Land of Giants and in September, 1520, arriving at a cape which he called after the Eleven Thousand Virgins, he passed into the dreaded straits which bear his name. The severity of the weather w^eather severer than a northern lati- tude twenty degrees higher killed many of his crew. Having cleared the straits, he steered towards the equator, where he knew there was a milder air, and where he hoped to meet with provisions. As the squadrons proceeded through the boundless Pacific and no signs of land appeared, his crew not merely murmured, but con- spired to destroy him and return to Spain. A few of the more des- perate ringleaders he punished, but his soothing exhortations, and the chances he held forth that their fatigues would soon be over, secured the obedience of the rest. Though the American coast seemed too barren to yield any hopes of provisions, he dispatched one of his vessels in quest of them : instead of obeying the order, the captain, in the full conviction that Magellan was leading the crews to inevitable destruction, returned to Europe. At length, considering the absent vessel as forever lost, the adventurous navi- gator continued his course to the west, and after a passage of 1,500 leagues, unexampled for its boldness, he reached the Philippine Islands. Here closed his extraordinary career. Landing on the isle of Zebu, he was persuaded by the king to join in a warlike expe- dition against another petty ruler in the same cluster, and he fell, with many of his companions, by the hands of the barbarians. Of the five vessels which had left Spain, two only reached the ^Moluccas ; and of these two, one only returned to Seville. But if the object of the expedition failed, through the catastrophe of its leader, he v/ill be ccmsidercd by posterity as by far the most undaunted and PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 333 1501-1513 in many respects the most extraordinary man that ever traversed an unknown sea. His anxiety to found an empire in the East did not prevent the Portuguese king from attending to the affairs of northwestern Africa. In 1501 the king of Fez, at the head of a formidable army, assailed the governor of .Tangier, who had just returned from a predatory excursion among the floors; but he was so valiantly received by that officer that he turned aside to Arsilla, but with no better success. The excursions, however, of his captain from the fortress of Alcacer-Quibir to the gates of Arsilla were frequent, though, perhaps, less destructive than those of the Christians. In 1 5 13 the Portuguese king equipped a more powerful armament than he had before raised, for the African coast. It consisted of 400 sail, carrying about 23,000 horse and foot; its destination was Azamor, and the command confided to the king's nephew, the duke of Braganza. The expedition was crowned with complete success ; the place was stormed and taken with little loss, and though the Moorish inhabitants fled, yet as the Christians entered they were soon allured to their habitations by the promises of the duke. Suc- cess so signal and so sudden surprised the Portuguese themselves, who loudly declared that nothing now remained to prevent them from marching on the city of Morocco. But the prudent general turned a deaf ear to their voices, on the ground that he could not exceed the tenor of his instructions ; his chief reason, doubtless, was, that he would not risk the glory of his recent enterprise. Soon afterwards he embarked his troops and returned. About this time a family arose in Africa, destined, in the process of time, to act a momentous part in the revolutions of these regions. The chief of a small village in the province of Dara, ]\Iohammed ben Hamed by name, seeing the divisions of the ]\Ioors, and their consequent inability to resist the Europeans, formed the magnificent design of founding a new empire. As his state was obscure, and his possessions scanty, his o1)jcct would only be effected by exciting and concentrating the fanaticism (,f the people, lie boasted of his descent from the prophet, and changed his name into Xerif. His first step was to send his two sons on the pilgrimage to J\Iecca, an infalHblc road to reputation, and consequently to ixnver. The everlasting burden of tlieir cnniplaint was the degeneracy of the faithful, and their constant encouragement that Allah would speedily raise up some chosen one to emancipate his people. In S34i SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1510-1515 1 510, by the desire of their father, they repaired to the court of the king of Fez and offered to fight for the ancient law of their prophet. The offer was readily accepted ; a squadron of horse was placed at their disposal, and with the title of royal alcaldes they commenced their career as missionaries and heroes. With the consecrated standard of the prophet borne before them, they proceeded through the country to persuade or to compel the Moorish vassals of Dom ]\Januel to throw off his authority and fight for the faith of Islam. It was owing more to their preaching than to the valor of their countrymen that this faith was not banished from this angle of Africa. When they began their orthodox labors the Portuguese were everywhere triumphant, and there was evidently no native ^Mohammedan prince capable of resisting their rapid progress. About the same time, too, a Christian detachment, under Ataide, moved on Tednest, where the father of the two saints had taken up his abode. They flew to his succor ; and all three, with 4,000 horse, ventured to arrest the Portuguese chief, and his ally, Yahia ben Tafut. But their presumption was repaid by a precipitate flight before the victorious enemy, and by the loss of Tednest, with abund- ant spoil. The check caused by this defeat brought the eldest Xerif to the grave. Through the efforts of the two Xerifs, the kings of Fez, Morocco, and Mequinez prepared to combine their forces, and to march on Azamor ; and to oppose this dreaded union the Chris- tians and Aben Tafut effected a junction and succeeded in destroy- ing a considerable body of the enemy. The kings of Mequinez and Fez, however, with an army too powerful to be assailed or with- stood by the Christians, proceeded towards the coast ; but Yahia retired into Saphin, though here his activity would not allow him to remain; he soon issued from the gates, hovered about the flanks of the king, annihilated one of the detachments, forced N^assir to retire, and persuaded a considerable body of the Moors to forsake him and renew their homage to Alanuel. Yahia, who for his great services received a flattering letter from tlie Portuguese king, and was appointed captain-general of three powerful Moorish tribes sub- mitted to the Christians, again advanced to the walls of Morocco, and took immense spoils in liis ceaseless hostile incursions into the neighboring towns. But these triumphs were more than counter- balanced by an unsuccessful attempt to construct a citadel at the mouth of the River Mamora. An armament of 8,000 men, under Dom iVntunio de Noronha, disembarked, and commenced the work ; PORTUGUESE KINGDOM 335 1515-1521 but an immense host of Moors, under the kings of Mequinez and Fez, suddenly fell on them and annihilated one-half of the number. This was the heaviest loss ever sustained by the army of Dom Manuel. The various warlike transactions which followed this failure are too uniform, alike in character and results, to merit detailing. At length the illustrious Yahia ben Tafut was treacherously slain while attending the funeral of a friend and accompanied by no more than three attendants. His troops, being assailed by the hostile Moors, were compelled to retreat on Saphin. The equally intrepid Ataide had been before killed by a Moor in one of his numerous inroads among the savage tribes bordering on Mount Atlas. In the meantime the Xerifs were not idle: if their designs were impeded for a season, they were not always unsuccessful. They sometimes made destructive irruptions into the territory of the Christians; and, if sometimes made to retreat, they had the consola- tion of knowing that they had thinned the ranks of their prophet's enemies, and that they were enriched by plunder. They had soon the glory of aiding the inhabitants of Morocco to repel an assault on that city by the too confident Christians. But their zeal was not always equaled by their valor, nor their merit by tlieir rewards. Perceiving how slow their progress towards their great object, they abandoned the capital, and resolved to fight for themselves. A valley in the kingdom of Fez, about sixty square leagues in extent, yet with no other population than the village of Tarudante, seemed a fit situation for the foundation of an empire. There they settled, and the little village soon became a great city. They now proposed to the Moorish king the siege of Saphin, and offered for the enter- prise both their troops and their personal service. The offer was eagerly accepted : they repaired to tlie capital with royal pomp, were received with suitable magnificence, and lodged in the palace. On the pretext of arranging the plan of the projected expedition, the elder Xerif requested a private interview with the king, to whicli three of the royal domestics were admitted. At tliat interview, the Aloorish king was slain by the assassins, and the Xerif was proclaimed that very night king of Alorocco. llow fatal this revolu- tion proved to the Portuguese empire in northern iVfrica will be seen in due course. Dom Manuel did not long sur\ive this change of dynasty: he died at the close of the year 1521, after one of the most glorious 336 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1521 reigns on record. Of his public administration enough has been said; and of his private character what httle we know is chiefly in his favor. He administered justice with impartiahty, but the perse- cution of the unfortunate Jews is a deep stain on his memory. In a popular insurrection, however, headed by two monks, who stimu- lated the mob to murder that unfortunate race, he showed more jus- tice. In every respect he was a great monarch, and his fame filled the world as much as his enlightened policy enriched his kingdom. He dispatched ambassadors to all the potentates of his time, to the king of England, and the ruler of Abyssinia ; to the royal chief of Congo, and the soldan of Egypt ; to the sultan of Persia, and the emperor of China. His assemblies, that, for instance, in which he displayed before the astonished pope and cardinals a Persian panther, and an Indian elephant, with their native attendants, were distinguished by a magnificence suitable to the lord of so many reg-ions. PART V THE SPANISH MONARCHY 15161788 Chapter XIV THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA. 1516-1700 IF, from the present period, the history of Spain were to be written at length, it would, in fact, be that of all Europe. But as neither the limits nor the design of the present work would admit so wide a range, our narrative must necessarily be confined to events purely Peninsular; or if others of a more general character are occasionally noticed, the reason will be that they are too closely connected with the former to be separated without violence. During the last illness of Ferdinand of Aragon, Adrian, dean of Louvain, had been sent into Spain by the Archduke Carlos, the eldest son of Philip and Juana, and consequently heir of the mon- archy, for the ostensible purpose of condoling with the sufferer, but in reality to spy out the position of parties, and to prevent the x\rch- duke Ferdinand, brother of Carlos, from inheriting some advantages among them the administration of the military orders which the dying king had proposed to dismember from the crown. On that monarch's death, in 15 16, Adrian claimed the regency, but was justly resisted by the royal council, on the ground that Carlos was yet far from the age appointed for his majority by his grandmother's will, and that he could not be allowed to exercise any authority in the government. But Cardinal Ximines Cisneros. to whom tlie regency had been left by the deceased king, unwilling to make an enemy of his future sovereign, consented that Adrian should have a sliare in the administration. A letter of congratulation was next addressed to Carlos, who was invited to visit his new inheritance. In his reply he confirmed the cardinal in the regency. Soon afterwards he ;is- sumed the title of king, an assumption wliich gave considerable dissatisfaction. To save tlic rights of the mother, however, tlie latter was proclaimed at the same time and Iier name even preceded her son's Dona Juana y don Carlos, rrf^na y rcy dc CasfiJla, etc. Thus commenced with Carlos I. the reign of the house of 339 340 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1516-1517 Austria, or the Spanish Hapsburgs, for tlie title of king was soon to be changed for that of emperor, and Carlos I. of Spain became Emperor Charles V. The short administration of the cardinal for Adrian was a cipher was distinguished by great capacity, activity, and vigor. His first antagonist was the dethroned king of Navarre, Jean d'Albret, who, having assembled 20,000 followers, laid siege to St. Jean Pied de Port, while the marshal of Navarre crossed the Pyre- nees. The duke of Najera, w'ho had been created viceroy, easily triumphed over the undisciplined levies, and forced the unfortunate Jean's retreat. Neither Jean nor his wife, Catherine de Foix, long survived this disaster. But the cardinal's most bitter enemies were the nobles of Castile, who, envious of his dignity, displeased with his firmness, and hopeful of impunity under a young monarch, soon showed a disposition to refuse him obedience. Having assembled at Guadalaxara, in the house of the Duke del Infantado, they de- puted three of their body to know by what authority he exercised his functions: he could not, they contended, derive it from Ferdi- nand, because that prince only exercised a delegated power; nor from Carlos, who could have no right to the sovereignty during the life of Juana. To this insulting representation the churchman listened with great composure, and promised that, if the three nobles would return the following day, he w^ould exhibit the re- quired powers. During the night he marched 2,000 armed men from their cantonments in the vicinity of Madrid and posted them in a tower of his house w'hich he also flanked with artillery. When the deputies called, triumphantly pointing to the soldiers and guns, and to the treasures which he had purposely displayed in one of his apartments, he exclaimed, " Behold the powers by which I govern the kingdom ! " The tone of superiority with which these words were uttered was not less galling than the words themselves, and the humbled though still indignant nobles fled from his presence. The cardinal was now drawing toward the close of life. Though he inhabited a palace his manners w^ere as simple, his austerities as rigid, his self-mortification as complete, as they had ever been dur- ing his abode in the cloister. Active, laborious, just, blameless in morals, and assiduous in his secret devotions, his only relaxation was to dispute with a few schoolmen on the dark subjects of meta- physical theology. But no luster of virtues can dazzle envy, and care was taken to misrepresent his best measures. He wished to HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 341 1516-1517 discipline by military exercise the inhabitants of towns; both that, in case of invasion, the nation might have more numerous arms for its defense, and that by their means he might repress the rebellious designs of the nobles. Some towns received the novelty; others, pretending to regard it only as a prop to support his own personal authority, refused to obey him. Valladolid was the first to remon- strate; and, when remonstrance was found unavailing, to arm in defense of its privileges. Burgos and Leon next followed the ex- ample, and eventually Toledo, Avila, Segovia, and Salamanca. To punish the most guilty of these cities a body of royal troops was immediately put in motion. The inhabitants armed, and in such numbers as to prevent the meditated assault. The cardinal com- plained by letter to the king. The rebels sent a deputy to justify their conduct and to expose the oppressive character of the gov- ernment. Similar complaints were daily received at Brussels, until Carlos associated two other persons witli the cardinal. But this expedient was useless : his commanding genius continued to direct the whole machine of administration ; and, however unpopular he might be with a certain class, even that class preferred a native to a stranger at the head of the state. Besides, the rapacity of the Flemish governors, who exhibited the most unquenchable thirst for gold, and sold all offices over which they had any control to the highest bidder, filled the people with disgust. The dissensions of some powerful houses added to the difficulties of the regent : two disputed for the duchy of ]\Iedina-Sidonia, and two for the priory of St. John, and troops were necessary to keep them in check. Some other causes rendered the arrival of the king de- sirable. The popular discontent increased when they thought that the royal absence proved something like indifference to the rich in- heritance which awaited him. Many, too, were justly displeased that the richest benefices were conferred on foreign favorites, who, bearing royal grants, flocked like locusts to various parts of the Peninsula. Sicily had not been less dissatisfied than Aragon. Carlos now perceived the necessity of his presence in Spain. In August he embarked at Middleburg. and in a month arrived within sight of Villa Viciosa in the Asturias. The nobles and prelates now hastened to meet their sovereign; among the rest the venerable Ximenes. But that sovereign he was doomed to see no more: he suddenly sickened and died in Old Castile. By many his death was 342 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1517-1518 believed to have been produced by poison, administered by some courtiers who dreaded the exposure of their own conduct, or that the influence he was Hkely to obtain over the royal mind would be still more fatal to the privileges of the aristocracy. Another ac- count throws the guilt on the Belgians, but apparently with as little justice. At that time a pestilential disorder was raging in northern Spain, and Ximenes doubtless fell a victim to it. His loss to Spain was irreparable, for he departed when his counsel was most needed. To the learned world he is better known as the founder of the uni- versity of Alcala de Henares, and as the publisher of the Complu- tensian Polyglot, than as a minister. That this distinguished man had a great defect is apparent from his conduct in Granada. His unbending rigor and iron sternness of manner might inspire fear and respect, but never affection : no wonder that he made enemies on every side. The Flemish locusts w^ho accompanied the king instinctively settled on every inviting spot. From the archiepiscopal miter of Toledo, w^hich was bestowed on the bishop of Cambray, a nephew of de Chievres, the favorite minister, to the lowest officers of the administration and the church, everything was grasped by the avaricious strangers, or sold to the highest bidder. Fearful that the archbishop of Saragossa, the king's uncle, might obtain the primacy, that prelate was not allowed access to the royal presence until the necessary bulls had been obtained from the pope. This favoritism so incensed the people that, when the states were con- voked at Valladolid (July 4, 15 18) to swear allegiance to the king, the deputies were instructed to insist on a previous oath from the throne that thenceforward no stranger should be elected to any civil or ecclesiastical dignity in Leon or Castile. Though the min- isters of the crown prevailed on the representatives to abandon the intention, they did so only from the assurance that the required promise should be made by Carlos. Homage w^as accordingly sworn, a supply of money granted by the deputies, and a council established, called the conscjo dc camara, to see that the royal briefs were issued only in favor of natives, and in other respects to control the royal revenues. From there Carlos proceeded to Saragossa, to sanction the laws of the kingdom and to receive its homage in return ; but he found the Aragonese less tractable than even the Castilians. The slates, which were duly opened in the archiepis- copal palace, v>armly disputed whether he should be acknowledged HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 343 1518-1519 king, or regent only; contending that Juana was the rightful sov- ereign, and that he could only govern as her lieutenant. After some sharp debates, it was at length agreed that, as in Castile and Leon, he should be proclaimed in conjunction with his mother, and that, in case he had no issue, his brother Ferdinand should be ac- knowledged his successor. This second difficulty being removed by the Aragonese, he issued his writs for the convocation of the Cata- lan states at Barcelona. This province was no less tenacious of its will than the rest. The same obstacle was opposed to his recogni- tion as count; but in the end it followed the example of the two kingdoms. While the king remained at Barcelona an event happened destined to exercise great influence over his future life, over his hereditary states, in fact over all Europe, This was no other than his election to the imperial throne of Germany, now vacant by the death of his grandfather. It had been offered to the elector of Saxony, who, considering the vast preparations which the Turks were making for the subjugation of all Christendom, wisely declined it, and recommended to the diet the choice of Carlos, as the most powerful prince of his age and the only one capable of making head against the barbarians. Unfortunately, however, the disap- pointed ambitions of Francis I., king of France, a candidate also for the imperial diadem, who, in hatred of his successful rival, leagued with the enemy of the Christian faith, destroyed the advantage which the election was calculated to procure for Europe. But this elevation, though it pleased, did not dazzle the Span- iards, so as to render them insensible to the conduct of their sovereign. To replenish the royal coffers, dignities continued to be sold, and, what was still more galling, chictly to foreigners. With the view of arresting the evil, the provinces of Segovia and Avila resolved to form a confederation of the great towns for the defense of their undoubted privileges. Toledo, Cuenca, and Jaen soon joined the first two, and it was agreed that a deputation from the five should repair to the court to remonstrate against the abuse. The deputies performed their ofike. Being introduced to the em- peror at Barcelona, they represented the discontent of Castile, on account not only of the abuse in question, -but of his favoring with his residence Aragon and Catalonia, in preference to the ancient kingdom. Tlie freedom of this remonstrance gave no offense: on the contrary, he promised that means should be used to satisfy his 344. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1519 faithful towns. But this spirit was not long confined to Castile and Andalusia : a confederation was formed in Valencia, which threat- ened to be more formidable than the other, and which yet originated in accident. The plague visited the capital; the nobles fled from its ravages, leaving the city in possession of the people and magis- trates. On the feast of St. Magdalen a Franciscan friar expatiated with great zeal on the turpitude of a crime which he averred was often practised in Valencia, and which had drawn down the ven- geance of heaven, in the shape of pestilence, on that devoted capital. His discourse roused the people, who, resolved that the guilty should not escape, hastily ran to arms, and proceeded to take justice into their own hands. In vain did the local authorities endeavor to repress the tumult. Certain of the accused were actually put to death by the populace, and the governor ordered strict inquiries to be made for the ringleaders, and stationed a considerable force to overawe the mob. Alarmed at the fate which awaited them in the event of apprehension, the really guilty had influence enough to organize another confederation. By proclaiming the near invasion of the Moors, by holding out to the peas- antry the prospect of escape from the oppression of the nobles, and to all the defense of their privileges and a more equitable imposi- tion of the national burdens, they prevailed on the various trades to combine, each under its own captain. They were told that, if they wished for redress, they must bind themselves by oath to act in concert, that each trade should elect a syndic, and that the thirteen syndics thus chosen should be empowered to act for the whole body. The proposal was tumultuously embraced : the new authorities were chosen ; and a deputation waited on the emperor at Barcelona, requesting his sanction to their proceedings. The two objects which they ostensibly put forward as the cause of their confederation, the defense of the kingdom against an expected invasion and the limitation of the aristocratic tyranny, seemed specious enough ; but they owed the favor wnth which they were received to the circumstances of the times. The determination of the nobles not to do homage unless the king came personally to Valencia, and of the clergy not to grant the tithe of ecclesiastical revenues, had greatly exasperated him. He allowed the trades to remain in arms, exhorting them only to do nothing without the consent of the governor, and in all cases to be regulated by modera- tion and by due regard for the laws. HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 345 1520 The emperor had soon reason to repent of this concession. When, after the cessation of the plague, the nobles returned to Valencia, they found the city in possession of an armed, insolent, and lawless mob. Their representation caused him to issue a de- cree that the inhabitants should lay down their arms. To procure its revocation, four citizens were deputed by the confederation to wait on him at Barcelona ; but though they artfully expatiated how necessary their body was for the defense of the kingdom, they would never have attained their object had not the states, by a new refusal to acknowledge him without his presence in the Cortes, angered Carlos still more than on the former occasion. His re- sentment prevailed, and the deputies returned in triumph to their countrymen. But at this period it was his misfortune to make enemies on every side. As the constitution of Valencia required that he should be present to fulfill the compact with his people, he should, doubtless, have hastened thither, and, by yielding prompt obedience to the laws, have removed all pretext for rebellion. The same imprudence, the same disregard of established custom, made him summon the Cortes of Castile and Leon to meet him at San- tiago, a thing never before attempted by the most arbitrary of his predecessors. To the murmurs produced by this innovation the ministers paid no attention : on the contrary, they did all they could to fan the flame of discontent, by interfering in the return of the deputies, and by bribing such as they could not nominate to submit in everything to the royal will. If to these just causes of dissatisfaction we add the conviction entertained by all that a large grant of money w^oukl be required from the C(M-tes, not for any national object, but to gratify the vain splendor of their monarch, and to be wholly expended among foreigners, we shall not be sur- prised at the opposition which was now rapidly organized to his will. Toledo displaced the deputies whom it had chosen, and nom- inated others more submissi^e to the popular voice. It next pre- vailed on some other towns to join in insisting on the following concessions : That the king should not leave Spain ; that he should require no subsidy; that, instead of conferring dignities on foreign- ers, he should deprive the possessors of those which they actually held; that no money, under any i)rctext wlialcvcr, sliould leave the kingdom; that offices should cease to be venal; and that the Cortes should be assembled, according to ancient custom, in some town of Leon or Castile, not in an angle (jf Galicia. Most of these demands 346 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1520 were reasonable enough, but the first two were insulting, and all were sure to be highly unpalatable to the court. The deputies who bore them waited on Carlos, now at Valladolid, on his way to Ga- licia, and sought to obtain an audience. Carlos now hastened to- wards Galicia, the Toledan deputies closely following him, and at every town requesting an audience ; but the king refused to see them until they reached Santiago. On the first day of April the states were opened in the con- vent of San Francisco. The speech from the throne laid stress on the necessity of the king's immediate voyage to Germany, on the expenses with which it would be attended, as well as on that which had been incurred in preparations for war with the infidels, and ended by demanding a gratuity. For a moment the deputies were silent; but those of Salamanca rose, and protested that they could not take the accustomed oath of allegiance unless the king would comply with the demands which had been presented to him. They were immediately supported by a deputy of Toledo, who asserted that, rather than consent to anything prejudicial either to the city he represented or to the kingdom, he would sacrifice his life. Em- boldened by the example, the delegates of Seville, Cordova, Zamora, Toro, and Avila joined with the three, and the business of the as- sembly was for some days interrupted. Nothing can better show the degraded state in which the Cortes were held, and the power which the crown had been accustomed to exercise over the proceed- ings, debates were unknown among them, than the next step of the king: it was no less than to order the Toledan deputies, the most violent of the party, to leave the court. In vain did they petition they were compelled to obey. When the news reached Toledo the population was in an uproar, and their anger still further inflamed by the arrest of two of their magistrates, Juan dc Padilla and Fernando Davalos. The states were now transferred to Corufia, where, with some reluctance, so effectually had the royal influence been exercised in the interim, a considerable sub- sidy was granted to the monarch. The great cities, however, re- fused to sanction it, and even the few deputies who voted it accom- panied it by requests exceedingly obnoxious to the court. Anxious to take possession of the brilliant dignity which awaited him, and perhaps to escape from so troubled a kingdom, Carlos closed the Cortes, and prepared to embark. He left the regency of Castile to Cardinal Adrian ; of Aragon, to Don Juan de Lannza ; of Valencia, HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 347 1520 to the Conde de Melito; and he intrusted the command of the troops to approved officers. The choice of Adrian, a foreigner, was pe- ciiharly offensive to the nobles and deputies at court : they soHcited another; but Carlos, who generally adhered to his plans with un- common tenacity, refused to change. In May he embarked, and proceeded to England, to concert with Henry VHI. the means of humbling the power of the French king. The departure of the king was not likely to assuage the turbu- lence of the times. If the opposition, so long as it was constitu- tionally exercised, was just, and even laudable, it had now degen- erated into rebellion, and patriotism been succeeded by schemes of personal ambition. Unfortunately for the interests of order, the regency was held by a man, estimable and virtuous indeed, but little fitted for such a crisis. The insurrection spread to other cities and towns, from Jaen to Leon, and from Murcia to Badajoz : everywhere was obe- dience to the laws withheld, and the government insulted; every- where were plunder, rape, and murder triumphant. The next proceeding of the rebels was distinguished for more boldness and for something like originality. At the head of the troops furnished by Toledo, IMedina del Campo, and other places, and accompanied by two other chiefs, Padilla proceeded to Torde- sillas to gain possession of the imbecile Juana. He demanded and obtained an audience, expatiated on the evils which had befallen the kingdom since the death of the Catholic sovereigns, her parents, and said that her son had abandoned tlie kingdom to its fate; he ended by informing her that he placed the troops of Toledo, Madrid, and Segovia at her disposal. For a moment the queen seemed to have regained the use of her faculties; she replied that she had never before heard of her father's death; that if she had, she would not have permitted the disorders which prevailed ; that she desired the weal of the kingdom, and that on Padilla, in quality of captain- general, she devolved the duty of restoring public tranquillity. Her rational manner of discourse made the deputies hope that she had been restored to sanity; they did homage to her as their sovereign queen ; and in her name the representatives of the confederation were brought from Avila to Tordesilkis. By issuing all decrees in her name and by her authority, they hoped to give legitimacy to their own. But she almost instantly relapsed into her former lethargy, a circumstance, however, which they carefully concealed 348 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1520-1521 from the world. Emboldened by the success of their enterprise, and by the number of armed men who daily joined them, they now resolved to subvert the power of regent and council, and even to arrest the members. In this critical position of the royal cause it was fortunate that Aragon, Catalonia, and most of Andalusia stood aloof from the confederation. Aragon, indeed, was subsequently troubled for a moment, through an organized opposition to the viceroyalty of Lanuza ; but tranquillity was restored without much difficulty. Se- ville, Cordova, Xeres, and Grenada either returned, without con- descending to open, the proposals of that body, or reproached it for its excesses. The rebellious towns no less persevered in their career of violence. Burgos expelled one of the regents, who narrowly escaped with his life, and the confederacy of Tordesillas ordered all three not only to resign their authority, but to appear and answer for their conduct. It was evident that nothing less than civil w^ar could decide the problem whether the king or the mob should exer- cise the government. The constable began to act with vigor, to collect his own vassals, and to summon all who held for the sovereign and the laws to join him; and he borrowed money from Don Man- uel, of Portugal, to support his levies. The cardinal, too, seemed to awake from his imbecile inactivity, and the admiral went from place to place to rouse the sparks of slumbering loyalty. The re- sult showed what might have been accomplished earlier by an active combination of the royalist party ; about 8,000 well-arme:. men soon repaired to Rioseco. The extent of the preparations and the expos- tulations of the constables prevailed on Burgos to withdraw from the confederacy. While a desultory warfare followed, generally favorable to the royalists, Valencia was the undivided prey of an- archy; here damning deeds were committed, which threw into the shade the horrors of Castile and Leon. The thirteen syndics first endeavored to oppose the entrance of the viceroy : and when this was found impossible, they artfully misrepresented his actions, organ- ized a determined opposition to his authority, overawed the admin- istration of justice, rescued the most notorious criminals from ex- ecution, openly attacked his house, and at length expelled him from the city. The consequences, not in the capital only, but in the towns, might have been easily anticipated. All who were hostile to the [jresent order of things were pursued with vindictive rage : they were even sacrificed at the altar, their wives violated, their children HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 349 1521-1522 put to death before their eyes, the priests themselves dragged from their sanctuary, and the holy sacraments trod under foot. In short, there was no species of crime left uncommitted. But, fortunately for humanity, evil has its climax as well as good, and the descent in the former case is even more rapid than in the latter. The success of the royalists in Leon and Castile had little effect on the desperate rebels of Valencia. That city, like other towns of the kingdom, continued in the hands of a furious mob, who loudly proclaimed that no clergy should be maintained, no taxes hereafter paid, no civil government supported, since all were violations of natural liberty. The thirteen syndics themselves were treated with contempt. These troubled scenes were not the only evil experienced by the Spaniards at this season : they were afflicted by that of foreign invasion. Knowing that the forces of the kingdom were occupied in extinguishing the flames of rebellion, the French king thought this a favorable opportunity for vindicating the claim of Henri d'Albret to the throne of Navarre. A formidable army advanced under Andre de Foix, seized on St. Jean Pied de Pont, passed by Roncesvaux, invested and took Pamplona, and. as the country had no fortresses to defend it, it became the easy jjrcy of the enemy. Had the French been satisfied with this success, and erected for- tresses to defend their conquest, the throne of Navarre might have been restored ; but the general, in accordance, as is believed, with an understanding with the rebels of the confederation, invaded Castile and invested Logrono. The place made a gallant defense so as to allow the duke of Najera to advance with reinforcements. On his approach the siege was precipitately raised, the French were pursued, were signally defeated, 6,000 of their nunibcr remaining on the field, their artillery lost, and many officers captured, among whom was the general in chief, Andre de Foix: probably a still greater number perished in the pursuit. The kingdom was regained with greater facility than it had been lost. No sooner did Francis hear of this signal failure than, anxious to vindicate the honor of his arms, he dispatched a scdmuI army, under tlie Grand Admiral Bonnivet. On this occasion the invc'ulcrs took iuiontarabia. after a gallant defense, but on the approach of the Spiinish general, Don Bertram de la Cueva, they retreated I0 Bayonne. They returned indeed to resume hostilities on the frontier: but were driven back 360 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1522-1527 with serious loss by that general. In 1524 Fuentarabia was re- covered by the emperor. In July, 1522, the emperor, whose presence had been so often requested by the royalists, arrived in Spain. Early in the same year the Cardinal Adrian had been invested with the pontifical crown. The two coregents, the admiral and the council, whose efforts had so fortunately extinguished the flames of rebellion, met him at Santandar to congratulate him on his arrival and to acquaint him fully with the state of the country. Having visited his mother at Tordesillas, he hastened to Valladolid, where his presence was naturally dreaded. It was expected by all that summary justice would be inflicted on those who had taken a prominent part in the recent disturbances; but clemency was the basis of his character, and on this occasion he exercised it to an extent, perhaps, unpar- alleled in history. During the remainder of this prince's reign the domestic tranquillity was undisturbed, save by an insurrection of the Moors. The Inquisition laid hold of the opportunity for indulging its pro- pensity to blood, and antos de fe blazed throughout Valencia. Into the interminable wars of this sovereign, in other words, into his transactions as emperor of Gennany, this compendium cannot enter. Those in Italy, Germany, and France must be sought in the general histories of the time. We may mention that of two expeditions to the African coast, to humble, if not to extir- pate, the Mohammedan pirates, one was successful, the other dis- astrous the latter a casualty occasioned by a tempest; that he compelled the Grand Turk, who penetrated into the center of Europe, to retreat; and that at the battle of Pavia he made his great rival, Francis I., prisoner. His behavior to that monarch was neither dignified nor liberal : anxious to derive the utmost advan- tage from circumstances, he exacted, as the price of liberation, con- ditions which, after long hesitation, Francis signed, but with a pro- test that they should not be binding. Accordingly, the French monarch was no sooner in his own dominions than he openly evaded them and again tried the fortunes of war; but he could never not even by his alliance with the Lutherans and the Turks obtain any advantage over his great rival. In 1525 Carlos married the Princess Isabel, sister of Joam III., king of Portugal. The issue of this union in 1527 was, besides two daughters, the infante Philip, destined to be no less famous HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 351 1527-1554 than himself. For this son he endeavored to procure the imperial crown of Germany, but his brother Ferdinand, who had been elected king of the Romans, would not forego the dignity, nor would the electors themselves favor the pretensions of the young prince. In 1554, however, he procured for Philip the hand of Princess Mary; and that the marriage ceremony might be performed with more splendor, he invested him with the regal title by abdicating in his favor his Italian possessions the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and the duchy of Milan. This was not enough : he was preparing to abdicate the whole of his immense dominions, and to retire for- ever from the world. From the prime of life the emperor appears to have meditated his retreat from the world. One of his German biographers tells us that the design was formed thirty years before its execution. Sandoval states that both he and the empress, who died in 1539, had agreed to retire into the cloister. That he acquainted St. Fran- cis Borgia with his extraordinary resolution as early as 1542 is indisputable from the relation of the prior of St. Justus, in whose monastery he ended his days. In 1555 the death of his mother, Queen Juana, made him decide on the immediate fulfillment of his long-cherished project. For this step, indeed, other reasons might be given. Though only fifty-six, his frame was greatly enfeebled, the result alike of constitutional weakness and of incessant ac- tivity; and he was subject to grievous attacks of the gout, no less than to other acute pains. But the chief cause of his retreat must be traced to his religious temperament, which, even when ambition was most powerful and health least affected, was honorably con- spicuous. Having concluded a truce with Henry, the successor of Francis, a truce, however, which the perfidy of tlie Frenchman and the ambition of the pope rendered of short duration, and recalled Philip from England, the emperor assembled at Brussels the slates of the Netherlands. There, amidst the most imposing solemnity ever witnessed since the days of the Roman Caesars, he resigned the sovereignty of the Low Countries, which he had inherited from his father, the Archduke Philip, into tlie hands of his son. His con- duct on that occasion was distinguished by dignity and affection affection no less for his Flemish subjects than for Philip. Never did sovereign meet his people under circumstances of such interest; never did one leave them with more of their reverence or of their 352 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1554-1558 regret. In a few weeks after this august ceremony Cliarles, in one no less imposing, resigned the crown of Spain and the dominions dependent on it both in the Old and New World. The imperial crown he still retained, with the view of once more negotiating with his brother Ferdinand in behalf of his son; but in a few months afterwards he despatched the instrument of resignation from his monastic retreat. Having taken an affectionate leave of his son, Charles, accom- panied by his two sisters, the dowager queens of France and Hun- gary, embarked in Zealand, the 17th of September, and landed at Laredo in Biscay, the 28th of the same month. The place which he had chosen for his retreat was the monastery of St. Justus, one of the most secluded and delightful situations in Estremadura. He reached his destination in November, 1557, and there, in solitude and silence, he buried the vast schemes which had so long agitated Europe. The manner of life followed by this great prince in his retire- ment was exceedingly simple. His chief exercises were those of de- votion : he observed, as far as his infirmities would permit, the rule of the order (Hermits of St. Jerome) with as much scrupulosity as if he had contracted the obligation by vow. In pursuing the monastic life of the imperial penitent it is difficult to believe that he preserved at all times his mental sanity. He used the discipline with such severity that he was often covered with gore ; and he ex- pressed his regret that, owing to his bodily infirmities, he could not incur the additional mortification of sleeping in his clothes. St. Francis de Borgia, who had exchanged a ducal coronet for the coarse mantle of the Jesuits, and who visited him in his retirement, observed, with more justice than we should have expected from an enthusiast, that he should comfort himself by reflecting how many nights he had passed under arms in the service of Christendom, and should thank God for having thereby done what would be more acceptable in the sight of heaven than could be performed by many monks in their cells. All hope of recovery being abandoned, he confessed daily; and at length caused the extreme unction to be administered to him by the prior, just as was practised with the monks, some of whom were by his couch, joining him in repeating the penitential psalms. One evening he grew worse. After mid- night, perceiving that all around him were wrapped in melancholy silence, he said, " Aly hour is come! Give me that taper and cruci- HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 353 1558 fix ! " He took the lamp with one hand, the crucifix with the other, and after gazing for some time on the holy symbol of salvation, he exclaimed, in a voice loud enough to be heard in the neighboring cells " Jesus ! " at the same moment surrendering his soul to God. Thus ended the life of the most powerful sovereign Europe had seen since the days of Charlemagne. Emperor of Germany, king of Spain, Naples, and Sicily, duke of Milan, lord of the Netherlands and of the Indies, his sway stretched over most of Europe, and a vast portion of the American continent. His talents were unques- tionably of a high order, not naturally, but by culture : no sovereign was ever more cautious in forming, or persevering in the execution of his plans; and none had ever a clearer insight into the character of man. To civil or religious liberty he was no friend : doubtless the experience which he had had of the communeros in Spain and the Lutherans in Germany rendered the names of freedom and dissent odious, and more closely attached him to the maxims of despotism and the infallibility of the church. That religion was a momentous affair in his eyes is proved from the fact that he could pardon rebellion, but never dissent. He did not, like his rival, Francis, court the Protestants in one country while he burned them in the other, nor did he call the barbarians of Turkey into the heart of Christian Europe. In every respect he was superior to that vain and unprincipled monarch, who, to gratify a selfish ambition, would have sacrificed everything to it, and who had little of the boasted honor ascribed to him by Gallic historians. Tortuous as was sometimes the policy of the emi>eror, he never, like Francis, acted with treachery ; his mind had too much of native grandeur for such baseness. Sincere in religion and friendship, faithful to his word, clement beyond example, indefatigable in liis regal duties, anxious for the welfare of his subjects, and generally blameless in private life, his character will not suffer by a comparison with that of any monarch of his times. Its only serious blemish always excepting his despotic maxims, and liis p-crsccution of dissenters, which we cannot contemplate without execration was his amours with two foreign ladies, by whom he had two natural children Margarita, married first to Alexander de ^^ledicis, next to Octavio Farnese; and Don Juan, surnamccl of Austria, celei)rated for his victories over the IMohammedans. ]\Ieanwhile his legitimate son and successor had already reigned 354. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1555-1559 as Philip II. of Spain since his father's abdication in 1556. The two chief poHcies of his rule were evidenced from the start: the restoration of the Roman Catholic religion and the unifying into one despotic government his various dominions. But immediately after the resignation by the emperor of Naples and Sicily in favor of Philip, the duke of Alva, was sent to protect that kingdom against the secret enmity of the pope and the open hostility of the French. Paul IV., who was bound with the tiara in 1555, was as favorable to France as he was hostile to her rival; a disposition in no small degree owing to the representations of his unprincipled nephew, Cardinal Caraffa, who, though a Neapolitan, had always held the Spanish sway in detestation, and was become the creature of Henry III. The papal displeasure was signalized by the arrest of the Spanish ambassador, and by the citation of Philip, whom, as king of Naples, Rome con- sidered as its vassal. Confiding in the promises of France, Paul in full consistory declared Philip deprived of the Neapolitan throne. The duke of Alva, aware how unpopular such a war would be with the bigots of his communion, endeavored to incline the pontiff to peace by concessions which w^ould have satisfied any other sover- eign ; but seeing them haughtily rejected, he put his troops in mo- tion, entered the papal states, and seized on several fortresses. The Eternal City began to tremble for its security, and was forcing Paul to negotiate with the victor, when, notwithstanding the truce con- cluded by the emperor, a French army under the duke of Guise advanced, and hostilities were continued. On another part of the frontier the truce was broken at the same time by the admiral, Coligny, governor of Picardy, who made an unsuccessful attempt on Douay. Philip himself inflicted so severe a blow on the French at St. Quentin, that Henry, in great consternation, recalled the dnke of Guise. The pope was accordingly left at the mercy of the duke of Alva, who advanced on Rome, and forced him to purchase peace by withdrawing from the French alliance. As Turkey was banded with the unscrupulous Frenchman, that alliance was little honorable to the head of the church. At this very time the Ottoman fleet was ravaging the coast of Calabria, whence it retired with great booty and many captives. The duke of Alva, whose presence was required in Flanders, was for a season replaced in the viceroyalty of Naples by the marquis of Santa Cruz. In 1559 peace was made witli France, and Philip, who, by the death of Mary HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 355 1565-1572 > of England, was a widower, confirmed it by marrying Elizabeth, sister of the French king. But if this peace freed Naples from the hostilities of the French it could not arrest the frequent depredations of the Turks. In general, however, these depredations led to no result, the jMoham- medans retiring before the Spanish forces. But in 1565 the Sultan Solyman equipped a powerful armament, both for the conquest of Malta, which the Emperor Charles had conferred on the knights of St. John, and for the invasion of the Spanish possessions on the Continent. The details of the wonderful siege sustained by those military monks must be sought in the histories of the order. It is not easy to account for the apathy apparently shown by Philip to- wards their cause, especially after ordering the viceroy of Sicily to defend them. However this be, after the most gallant defense on record, when nearly two-thirds of the assailants and most of the defenders were cut off, about 10,000 Spaniards were landed on the island and the siege was raised; but the Turks did not re-embark until they had sustained a defeat. In 1570 the war between the Venetian republic and the Porte again brought the Spaniards into collision with the latter power, Rome, Venice, and Spain having confederated for the common defense of Christendom. The com- bined fleet assembled at Messina, and resolved to assail the formid- able armament of the sultan. In the celebrated battle which fol- lowed (that of Lepanto), the papal galleys being headed by Marco Antonio Colonna, the Venetians by Doria, and the Spaniards by Don Juan of Austria, a splendid victory declared for the Christians ; 30,000 of the enemy were killed in the combat, 10,000 were made prisoners, while four-fifths of the vessels were destroyed or taken. In France, meanwhile, the jealousy which had actuated the em- peror and Francis was transmitted to their heirs. Philip, however, had no intention to break the truce which it had been one of his father's latest acts to procure; but as before observed, the hatred of the pope and the faithlessness of Henry forced him into the war. Assisted by the troops of his consort, Mary of England, Philip in- vaded France, and his generals laid siege to St. Ouciilin, while the duke of Alva, as before related, vigorously defended Italy against a French army under the duke of Guise. The constable, accompanied by the martial chivalry of the countrv. hastened to relieve St. Ouentin; but under the walls of that fortress he sustained a disas- trous defeat, which was followed by the surrender of the place. 356 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1572 Mary had little reason to congratulate herself on her impolitic quarrel with Henry ; she lost Calais, and two smaller forts, nW that remained of the English possessions in the country, and died be- fore the conclusion of the war. So far was Philip from indemnify- ing his ally for the loss sustained, that, four months after her de- cease, he made peace with France, and confirmed it by a new mar- riage. For many years after this event the two monarchs remained outwardly in peace, but inwardly agitated by jealousy or ill-will: France had reason to dread the ambitious views of the Castilian ; and the latter was far from satisfied with the secret encouragement afforded by the French Protestants, with the full connivance of the court, to their brethren of the Low Countries, who were striving to shake off the Spanish yoke. The troubles which distracted the Gallic kingdom during the wars of the League afforded Philip an opportunity wdiich he had long coveted, of interfering in the affairs of that kingdom, ostensibly in support of the Roman Catholic faith, but quite as much for his own advantage. As the protector of the League, he at first furnished the rebels with money, and subse- quently ordered the governor of the Netherlands, the prince of Parma, to invade the country, and to effect a junction with them. But the abilities of Henry IV., and the valor of his Protestant ad- herents, the assistance of Elizabeth, queen of England, and, above all, his conversion to the established faith, rendered the combined efforts of Spaniards and Leaguers of no ultimate avail. But by far the most important of the wars of Philip were with his revolted subjects of the Low Countries. Soon after his accession he learned that the Reformation had made alarming progress in these provinces, and he resolved to extirpate it. His bigotry to the ancient religion, his stern, we may add cruel, character, caused him to prefer violent to persuasive measures. A little reflection might have convinced him that he could never suc- ceed in his object, and that by the bare attempt he would risk the security of his government. His repulsive manners, his arbitrary measures, and the manifest preference which he gave to his Spanish subjects, soon estranged both Flemings and Dutch from his person. To his father, whose demeanor was marked by unwonted conde- scension, and who really loved them, they had been devotedly at- tached. Though the emperor was no less a bigot than the son though from 1521 to 1555 no fewer than 50,000 Protestants are HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 357 1556-1559 said to have perished by fire or sword, the Roman Catholics were by far the more numerous party, and ready to support him in his bloody proscriptions. In his resolution of extirpating the Protes- tants the king commenced by giving new vigor to his decrees; and to insure their execution he created a new tribunal, with powers similar to those of the ancient Spanish inquisition, to take cog- nizance of heresy. Both measures were obnoxious to the people, not merely to the secret Protestants, but to the Catholics, who were subjected to new impositions to defray the expense of both. Philip, who had extravagant notions of the royal power, paid no regard to murmurs which he was resolved to stille by force. As Spain de- manded his presence, he intrusted the regency to his natural sister, Margarita, duchess of Parma, a princess devoted to his will. After the king's departure the regent put the obnoxious edicts into execution, and the blood of martyrs moistened the soil of the Low Countries. Her natural disposition was doubtless averse to cruelty; but she was governed by Cardinal Granvelle, a furious zealot, to whose suggestions, as they were strictly in conformity with the instructions of Philip, she was almost compelled to defer. The native nobles who formed the council of regency were not a little chagrined to find their voices powerless ; that measures were framed not only without their consent, but without their knowl- edge ; and they resolved to remove the odious churchman. Among these were two of more than ordinary consideration: William, prince of Orange, and Count Egmont; the former governor of Hol- land, Zealand, and Utrecht the latter of Artois and Flanders. Both could boast of great services ; both were actuated by no ordi- nary degree of ambition; both had aspired, and probably now aspired, to the regency. With the view of regaining the influence they so much coveted, they complained bitterly in their letters to the king of the cardinal's measures, which they declared would pro- duce a general rising in tlie provinces, unless their author were speedily recalled. Philip paid no attention to tlie representation: he suspected, what was probably the trutli, that William, who had married a Protestant princess, was no longer of the ancient re- ligion, that the count particijiated in the new opini(~)ns. and that both were in consequence naturally a\erse to witness the persecution of their sect. The cardinal, indeed, had few df the qualities which command esteem: hruiglitv in his mruiners. and intlexibly bent, both from principle and mistaken duty, on the execution of his measures 358 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1559-1565 for the destruction of the reformed rehgion, he hstened to no repre- sentations, but with a bhnd obstinacy persevered in his dangerous career. The decrees of the council of Trent decrees written in blood were ordered to be executed with even increased severity by some bigoted counselors. The manner in which they were re- ceived by some of the local magistracy, and the murmurs raised against them even by the more sensible Catholics, made a deep im- pression on the regent. In the fear certainly no ill-grounded one that a wide-spread insurrection would be the result, she dis- patched Count Egmont to Madrid to represent the exact position of affairs to the king. He w^as politely, and even honorably, re- ceived by Philip, who, however, w'ould not deviate from the policy that had been so unfortunately commenced. A confederacy was now formed, professedly to prevent the introduction of the dread inquisition, but in reality to procure uncontrolled liberty of con- science, or to throw off the Spanish yoke. It was headed by Philip de Marnix, lord of St. Aldegonde; but though the three nobles before mentioned were not members, they were the soul of its pro- ceedings. In a short time such numbers acceded to it that the regent was compelled either to raise an army or to relax in her persecution : as none of the great barons would take the command, she adopted the latter expedient. Unfortunately for the reformed cause, this concession did not produce the benefit it ought to have done. Emboldened by their numbers, and still more by their recent triumph, the lower class of Protestants rose in several of the towns to inflict on the Roman Catholics wdiat they themselves had suf- fered ; perhaps more still were incited by the hope of plunder. This was but the beginning of horrors : a furious organized band, ampli- fied as it went along, hastened to the neighboring towns; and, if the relations of Catholic writers are to be believed, soon laid waste four hundred sacred edifices. Even at Ghent, the seat of Count Eg- mont's government, churches were pillaged, and libraries consumed by fire, without any opposition from him. During the three en- suing days the same disorders abounded ; the churches and monas- teries were profaned, and the great libraries committed to the flames. These excesses were committed by a handful of men : their number seldom reached one thousand, a proof that their proceed- ings were tacitly connived at by the local authorities. At length the Protestant nobles, ashamed of these horrors, and convinced how much prejudice they must do to the cause, assisted the regent to HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 359 1566-1598 restore tranquillity, and their efforts were soon crowned with success. When Philip received intelligence of these events, he called a council, which, after some deliberation, resolved that an army- should be sent to extirpate heresy by open force. Its command was intrusted to the duke of Alva, whose relentless disposition seemed well adapted for the task. His powers were much more ample than those of a general-in-chief : they went so far as to control the authority of the regent. His arrival spread great con- sternation in the provinces; the more so, when counts Egmont and Horn were arrested (Prince William, too wise to await him, had fled into Germany) ; and the regent, finding that she was in fact superseded, resigned her authority, and returned into Italy. Many thousands, in dread of the approaching persecution, fled into the Protestant states of Europe; to no country more readily than to England. It was severe enough to fill all the Protestant states of Europe with concern, and even to draw forth expostulation from several Catholic. How little such remonstrance availed with either the king or his viceroy appeared from the execution of the counts Egmont and Horn, and from the confiscation of Prince William's possessions. Their death made a deep impression on the people, who began to turn their eyes towards the prince of Orange, whom they requested to arm in behalf of his suffering country. William was sufficiently inclined, both by love of liberty and personal ambi- tion, to make the attempt. Pie and his brothers had for some time been making preparations, raising money and troops in the Pro- testant states of Germany, and collecting the exiles who had fled from the scaffold. To enter into the details of the interminable wars which fol- lowed, from 1568 to 1598, would little accord eitlier with the limits or the design of this history: we can allude only to the prominent events. Success was for some time a stranger to the arms of the prince and his allies. Though at the opening of the first campaign Louis of Nassau, brother of the prince, defeated the Spanish gen- eral. Count Aremberg. the victor was speedily compelled to flee into Germany, by Alva in person. The first campaign of William was no less disastrous. His hasty levy, 20.000 strong, of raw troops, or enthusiastic religionists, were little fitted to encounter the cool discipline of the enemy; nor was he himself a match for the able Castilian. Again did thousands emigrate; and as these were for 360 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1563-1576 the most part the most industrious and useful of the people, their retreat inflicted a serious blow on the resources of the country. Such as reached England were received with kindness by Elizabeth, who had probably furnished money to the prince, and who was eager to humble the pride of Spain. The unpopularity of the duke was still further increased by the contributions which he wrung from the public often in direct violation of the constitutional forms to support his armaments and endless array of civil gov- ernment. At length some of the seafaring exiles commenced an- other series of operations, by taking the town of Brille, on the isle of Vorn, in the name of the prince of Orange. This first success was sullied by savage barbarity : the monks and priests were massa- cred in every direction. Next Flushing revolted: the example was speedily followed by other towns of Zealand ; especially when mil- itary stores, several companies of exiles, and some of the British adventurers arrived from England. The defeat of a Spanish fleet, under the duke of Medina-Celi, spread the spark into a conflagra- tion. The insurrection now extended to Holland, all the cities and towns of which, Amsterdam only excepted, declared for the pa- triotic cause. Mons was taken through stratagem by Count Louis, on his return from the civil wars of France. It was besieged by Alva ; the prince of Orange advanced to relieve it ; but it was re- covered by the Spaniard, and the prince was even obliged to disband his army. But if the cause was, on the whole, unfortunate in the southern provinces, it continued to improve in the northern. In an assembly of the Dutch states, held at Dort, they openly recog- nized William as their governor, and voted him supplies for carry- ing on the war. By their invitation he arrived among them, and the reformed religion was declared that of the state. Alva and his son took the field to recover the places which had rebelled ; and wherever their arms were successful, the cruelties inflicted by them on the inhabitants were certainly horrible. It may, however, be doubted whether they were not fully equalled by the atrocities of the Count de la Marck and other Protestant leaders; atrocities which William, with laudable humanity, endeavored to end. Philip was at length convinced that a wrong policy had been adopted, and Alva was either recalled, or permitted to retire. Under the council of state which next governed the Netherlands, Spanish affairs wore a much worse aspect. Sometimes the troops mutinied for their arrears (jf pay, which Philip's coffers could not often satisfy. They HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 361 1576-1584 seized Alost, and plundered Antwerp, which had shown more at- tachment to the prince's cause. To restore the fortune of the war, in 1576 Don Juan of Austria, the king's brother, was appointed to the regency. Before his arrival, however, tlie states, both Catholic and Protestant, assembled at Ghent, with the intention of devising measures for the common weal. These both agreed that, until the Spanish troops were expelled, there could be no happiness for the people. On Juan's arrival he was required to dismiss them ; and on his refusal, applications for succor were made to the Protestant Powers. Even the duke of Anjou, brother of the French king, declared for the states; not, however, from any sympathy with struggling freedom, but from a hope of the crown, which a party promised to procure for him. Alarmed for the result, the regent agreed to the demand, on the condition that Philip should continue to be recognized as the lawful sovereign. After some warlike oper- ations, in which assistance was furnished by Elizabeth, and which were to the advantage of the confederates, the duke of Anjou, who could muster an army, was invited by the Catholics to take posses- sion of the government. Before the negotiations with this prince were concluded, Don Juan died, and the prince of Parma, by far the ablest officer in the Spanish service, arrived, took command of the king's forces, and by his valor no less than his policy changed the position of affairs. He gained possession of Flanders, Artois, and Hainault ; but William of Orange had address enough to maintain all Holland, Guelderland, and Friesland, with a proportion of Bra- bant, in his interests. These states he formed into a confederacy, called the Union of Utrecht, from the place where it was held. The apparent object was to secure the common weal; the real one, to subvert the Spanish sway. This confederacy was the foundation of the Seven United Provinces. Tlie election of the duke of An- jou threatened forever to destroy the expiring domination of Spain, which the same states (in 1580) declared to be at an end. But Anjou was weak and faithless, and was soon expelled by his new subjects. Subsequently, indeed, they showed a disposition to be reconciled with him; but his dcatli intervened, and again left the prince of Parma a theater for the exercise of his talents. It was immediately followed by that of llie jirince of Orange, who was assassinated, it has been charged, at the instance of the king him- self. lUit though William had been denounced as a traitc^u" for the part which he had taken in the election of Anjou, and in the 362 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1584-1592 adjuration of Philip's authority, and though two preceding attempts one of which had nearly proved fatal had been made on his life, it is highly improbable that so dark and base a deed was ever contemplated by the monarch. Philip was stern and cruel ; but he was no lurking assassin. The death of this justly celebrated man did not produce any advantage for Spain : though his eldest son, the Count de Buren, was a hostage in the hands of Philip, the second. Prince Maurice, soon showed that he was able to tread in his steps. The southern provinces, indeed, as far as the Scheldt, were persuaded or com- pelled by the general Farnese to swear anew allegiance to the Spaniard : from community of religious feeling, and from hereditary attachment, his path here was smoothened; but in the northern, where the principles of the Reformation had struck so deeply into the soil, the house of Orange had laid the sure foundation of its fu- ture sway. The latter, after the loss of Antwerp, which was re- duced by Farnese in 1585, were strengthened by the accession of the Protestants from the Spanish provinces, and by the arrival of exiles from Germany and Britain. So much alarmed, however, were the confederated states at the successes of their able enemy, that they offered the sovereignty of the Netherlands to the king of France, on the condition of his sending an army to their defense; and, when he declined it, the same offer was made to Elizabeth. But though that queen had assisted, and was still ready to assist, the insurgents, she did not wish, by an open acceptance of the crown, to plunge at once into a war with the formidable Philip. She satisfied herself Vv' ith sending 6,000 men, under the weak and profligate earl of Leicester, to assist the cause. That she had ultimate views on the sovereignty is beyond dispute ; but the poor, vain favorite, her general, did more harm than good: in addition to his military blunders, he had the art of incurring, in an extraordinary degree, the hatred, no less than the contempt, of the confederates. Being suspected, and on no slight grounds, of aspiring to that sovereignty himself, and see- ing the universal current against him, he fled to England, when Elizabeth compelled him to resign his authority as governor. But the impolitic war of Philip with France, which drew the prince of Parma from the Low Countries, more than counterbalanced the mischief occasioned by the worthless minion of the English court. The confederates had not only time to consolidate their powers north of the Scheldt, but to make even destructive irruptions into HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 363 1592-1587 Brabant and Flanders. The extraordinary military powers of Prince Maurice rendered him no mean antagonist for even the able Farnese. In 1592 the latter died, and with him ended the hope of subduing the northern provinces. Philip now opened his eyes to the impossibility of maintaining the Netherlands in obedience: he found that, even with the Catholic states, the name of Spaniard was odious ; and, as he was approaching the end of his days, he was naturally anxious to settle the affairs of the country. These con- siderations, added to the affection which he bore for his daughter, the infanta Isaloel, and the esteem which he entertained for Albert, made him resolve to marry the two, and resign the government to them and their heirs. This was one of his most prudent meas- ures : if it could not recall Holland and the other Protestant prov- inces to obedience, it seemed likely at least to preserve those which were still left. The deed of abdication was executed in May, 1598, about four months before the monarch's death. Elizabeth had from time to time afforded succor to the insur- gents of the Netherlands, but this was not the only cause of Philip's resentment and of his desire for revenge. She had fomented the disturbances in Portugal, consequent on the death of Cardinal Henrique;^ and her captains, among whom Sir Francis Drake was the most active, had for many years committed unjusti- fiable depredations on the Spanish possessions of South America, and more than once on the coasts of the Peninsula itself. Thus, omitting all mention of preceding devastations in Portugal, in 1585 he plundered the coast of Galicia, ravaged the Cape de Verd islands, pillaged the town of San Domingo, and still more fatally that of Carthagena on the Gulf of Florida. When Philip's patience was exhausted, and his affairs in the Netherlands allowed him a few months' respite to avenge the insults he had so long sustained, he diligently began to prepare a mighty armament, which, though its destination was secret, was suspected by all to be intended against England. In 1587 Elizabeth dispatched Sir Francis to reconnoiter the coasts of the Peninsula, and if possil)le to annihilate the prepar- ations which were proceeding with so much rapidity. In April that admiral, accompanied by twenty-five vessels, appeared before Cadiz, and, by hoisting iM-ench and Flemish colors, entered the bay. But he found the troops aware at lengtli of his country and drawn 1 See the contemporary portion of the history of Portugal, in the present vohnne. 364. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1588 up to receive him. He therefore made no attempt to land, but, having- set fire to twenty-six merchant vessels, he returned, after capturing a spice ship from India. This aggression, though in itself of no great importance, was not likely to cool the animosity of Philip: the preparations were hastened; all the seaports of Spain, the viceroys of Naples and Sicily, the governor of Milan and the Netherlands furnished vessels, troops, or money. The general rendezvous was Lisbon, and the command of the fleet confided to the duke of Medina-Sidonia, w'hile the prince of Parma was to conduct the land forces. After some fruitless attempts at negotia- tion, in which neither party was sincere, and in which both merely sought to gain time, a fleet of 130 ships, some of the largest that ever plowed the deep, carrying, exclusive of 8,000 sailors, no less than 20,000 of the bravest troops in the Spanish armies, and the flower of the Spanish chivalry, in May, 1588, left the harbor of Lisbon. The pompous epithet of the Invincible, which self-confi- dence had applied to this mighty armament, the approbation of the pope, and the great reinforcement which the prince of Parma had prepared in Flanders, might well inspire the enemy with hope of success. Off the coast of Galicia the ships were assailed by a furious tempest : some of them were shattered ; a month was re- quired to repair them; so that the fleet did not arrive within sight of the English coast before the end of July. Though Lord Howard and Sir Francis were not so imprudent as openly to assail so formidable an enemy, they harassed him without intermission, and inflicted irreparable damage on some of the larger ships. It was the intention of the Spanish admiral to join the fleet of the Nether- lands wliich lay in Dunkirk, and which were ready to embark above 30,000 veteran troops. As the duke of ]\Iedina-Sidonia proceeded up the Channel, he lost two of his best galleons ; while at anchor before Calais eight fireships from the English fleet threw his into confusion : all endeavored to escape, but owing to the darkness of the night they ran one against another, and many were seriously damaged. The brave Englishman did not fail to take advantage of the disaster : an action followed, in which ten of the Spanish ves- sels were sunk, destroyed, or compelled to surrender, while the loss of the iLnglish was absolutely nothing. Well might the duke begin to despair of success: his only hope lay in the meditated junction witli i-arncsc, but that junction was prevented by the allied English and Dutch fleet, which, from the vessels being so much lighter, HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 365 1596 could venture into shallows where his huge and useless machines must have perished. As the south wind blew with violence, he could not retrace his voyage, and to remain where he was would only hasten his destruction. He was even now sufficiently in- clined one account says that he had already resolved to abandon the enterprise, and he steered northwards : he was not so desperate as to attempt a landing on the English coast without the prince of Parma, for whose arrival he waited for some time the English fleet hovering in sight, but not disposed to attack him. At length he gave melancholy orders for his return, and as the wind still raged from the south, as besides he well knew that reinforcements from that quarter were daily reaching his enemy, he resolved to return by coasting the northern shores of Scotland and Ireland. But his disasters were not ended : his fleet was assailed by another storm, and many vessels were engulfed, some dashed to pieces on the Norwegian, others on the Scottish, coast. Off the Irish coast a second storm was experienced, with almost equal loss. Had the English admiral been well supplied with stores, instead of being compelled to return in search of them, not a vessel would ever have revisited Spain. How many actually perished has been disputed, but the Spaniards, who fix the number at thirty-two, are probably right. They must, however, have been the largest, since half the soldiers returned no more and most of the noble families had to mourn a lost member. On this trying occasion Philip acted with great moderation : he ordered extraordinary care to be taken of the survivors, received the duke of jMedina-Sidonia with kindness, ob- served that no human prudence or valor could avail against the ele- ments, and caused thanksgiving to be made that any of his subjects had returned. The following year an l^iglish fleet landed, first in Galicia, where, according to the Si)anish accounts, the loss of the invaders was i,ooo. and next in Portugal, to support the preten- sions of tlie prior of Crato," but with as little effect. This expedi- tion was injudiciously planned. At this lime the authority of I'hilip in Portugal was too firm to be shaken. The satisfaction which he felt was subsequently alloyed by th.e hostilities of his enemy in South America and at Cadiz. In the former, indeed, his fleet triumplicd, but in 1596 that flourishing seaport was taken and - F.iij^iiMi hi-^torians pass very .uenlly i)\cr tlic failnre of this expedition. Some do 'not cvon condescend to notice it. Sec the corresponding period in the liistory of Portugal. S66 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1597 pillaged. The excesses committed on this occasion by the EngHsh troops under the earl of Essex are strongly reprobated by the Spanish historians. The insult so enraged the king that he re- solved to equip an expedition for the invasion of Ireland, where he would certainly have been joined by the disaffected Catholics. The fate of this new fleet, however, was even more disastrous than the famous one of 1588: it was assailed by so furious a tempest that forty of the vessels were lost and the rest disabled. The severity of this second blow deterred Philip from any future attempts on the most hated of his enemies. The transactions of Philip with Portugal will be best re- lated in the section devoted to the modern history of that kingdom. It is here sufficient to observe that, on the death of Cardinal Henrique without issue, the crown was claimed by the Castilian monarch in right of his mother; that though there were other competitors, of whom one was supported by England, and though the Portuguese themselves, from hatred to their neighbors, armed to oppose him, his forces placed him on the throne of that country; and he continued to fill it until his death. This ac- quisition, added to the other extensive dominions of Philip, ren- dered him by far the most powerful monarch in Europe. So far with respect to the foreign transactions of Spain under the eventful reign of this monarch : its domestic history must now be noticed. The revolt of the Moriscos occupies a remarkable place in the native annals of the sixteenth century. These Christianized ]Moors still remained Mohammedans at heart, and though they attended at mass, they made amends in secret for this compulsory apostasy by celebrating the rites of their own religion. To wean them from usages, which, however innocent, reminded them of their ancient faith and glory, early in 1567 a decree was published that the chil- dren of the Moriscos should frequent the Christian church ; that the Arabic should cease to be used in writing; that both men and women should wear the Spanish costume ; that they should dis- continue their ablutions ; that they should no longer receive >\Ioham- medan names, and that they should neither marry nor remove from one place to another without permission from the proper authori- ties. The marquis of Mondejar, captain-general of Granada, who had strongly disapproved the royal ordinance, was persuaded to lay the protests of the Moriscos before the king. The result was a re- HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 367 1567-1568 fusal, which so irritated this people that a general revolt was planned. Its chief authors were Ferag ben Ferag, descended from the royal house of Granada, and Diego Lopez ben Aboo. Having ascer- tained the dispositions of the inhabitants of the Alpujarras, where the best stand could be made against the royal forces, solicited aid from the kings of northern Africa, and persuaded the mountain banditti to embrace their cause, the evening of Christmas Day was fixed for the general rising. With the romantic view of restoring their ancient kingdom, they secretly elected in Granada a sovereign, Fernando de Valor, whom they named Mohammed Aben Humeya, and whose family was of royal extraction. The new king was im- mediately invested wnth a scarlet robe ; four banners, pointing to the four cardinal points, were placed on the ground ; and, while kneel- ing on these, he swore that he would defend the faith of the prophet to his hour of death. Homage was then done, and fidelity sworn, by the kneeling chiefs, who ended with exalting him on their shoulders, exclaiming, " God bless Mohammed Aben Humeya, king of Granada and of Cordova ! " This bold step was followed by other measures equally secret and vigilant. We can allude only to the more striking scenes. From Granada Aben Ferag led his followers into the Alpujarras, where being joined by the IMonfis, or banditti of these mountains, he passed from place to place to sustain the insurrection. At the same time orders were given by Aben Flumeya to massacre all Christians above the age of ten years. The vengeance of these ferocious apostates fell chiefly on the priests who had forced them to mass, on the altars and images which they had been taught to venerate, on collectors of the taxes, and the oflicers of justice. At Soportujar, after destroying the interior of the church, uni- formly the first object of their assault, they seized the priests and some women (the rest had fled) and led them out of the place to be put to death. As they proceeded the ]Morisco captain ex- horted the priest to confess ]\Iohammed, at least in appearance, since that was the only way to escape the fate before him. He replied that he was resolved to die for tlie love of Christ. They were met by Aben Humeya, who had pity and tin's is almost a solitary in- stance on the women, but ordered tlie ecclesiastics to be slain. At Conchar, near Poqueyra, many Christirms took refuge in a tower: it was set on fire; they were C(MiipelIed to descend and were consigned, thirty-eight in number, to a dreary dungeon. After 368 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1568 lying there nineteen days, persisting in their refusal to apostatize, they were drawn forth, and while marching to the place of execution were encouraged, by two ecclesiastics of their number, to suffer with courage and with hope. They were all cut down and their corpses left a prey to dogs. At Portugus, in the district of Ferreyra, the terrified Christians ascended the tower of the church : as usual, fire was set to it; the victims descended, were seized, their hands tied behind them, and committed to prison. In most, if not in all cases, attempts were made to convert the persons thus immured ; in al- most all, to the honor of the Spanish character be it spoken, without success. These victims, to the number of twenty-eight, were drawn from the prison by fours and put to death. Frightful were the horrors perpetrated by the Moriscos at this period. The number of victims cannot be estimated ; it proba- bly amounted to thousands. They are among the truest martyrs of Spain : far worthier of the title than the mad enthusiasts of Cor- dova, even than many of those under the memorable Roman per- secutions. When intelligence of these events reached the marquis of Mondejar, after providing for the defense of Granada he took the field. Aben Humeya, confiding in the defiles of the Alpujarras, prepared to receive him, while another band of the rebels placed themselves in opposition to the marquis de losVelez on the south- ern frontier of this mountainous district. In some isolated actions the Moriscos had the advantage ; but this was only when the Chris- tians went in scattered detachments, and were consequently subject to surprise. The former were too weak, even with the succor they derived from Africa, to risk a general engagement. Fortress after fortress fell into the power of the royal generals, who pursued the enemy into the depths of this region. An event which now happened in the fortress of Jubiles made a deep impression on the rebels, and contributed more than any other cause to feed the flame of civil strife. That fortress being invested by the marquis, three aged Moriscos issued from it with the banner of peace, and agreed to its surrender on the condition that the lives of the garrison, con- sisting of 300 men and 1,500 women, should be respected. It was accordingly entered by the royal troops, to whom the plunder was abandoned. The men were lodged with the inhabitants of the town; the women were ordered to be accommodated in tlie church. As that edifice, however, would contain no more than 500, the re- HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 369 1568 maining thousand were compelled to pass the night in the square before it. Guards were posted to protect them. About the middle of the night, one of the soldiers, being enamored with a young Morisca, wished to detach her from her companions. The con- fusion produced by this struggle led to a tumult ; the soldiers rushed from their camp ; it was proclaimed that many armed Moriscos were disguised among the prisoners, and in the fury of the moment the w^hole number were pitilessly massacred. In vain did the marquis endeavor to stay the carnage: the authority of the officers was disregarded. At break of day their fury cooled and gave way to remorse on perceiving the bloody corpses of i,ooo helpless, unarmed women. This bloody crime will never be blotted from the minds of men.^ The tyranny of Aben Humeya somewhat counterbalanced the effect which this terrific tragedy was so well calculated to produce. First Aben Aboo sought and obtained pardon, as the price of sub- mission. Even Miguel de Rojas, father-in-law of the royal Mo- risco, opened a negotiation for the same end. Informed of this circumstance, Aben Humeya sent for his father-in-law, who, on entering his quarters, was assassinated by the guards. He next repudiated his wife, put to death several of her relatives, and threat- ened the same fate for her brother, Diego de Rojas, one of his ablest adherents. By this hasty vengeance he naturally estranged many of his followers. As the Christian army advanced into the moun- tains he was compelled to flee from one position to another, but not without loss to his pursuers. But such were the excesses of the Christian soldiers, the want of faith which characterized some of their leaders, and the rapacity of all, that no reverses could make the rebels lay dow^n their arms, and on several occasions they were enabled to inflict a suitable revenge. The Moriscos had learned, to their cost, that even when conditions of capitulation had been proposed and accepted, in violation of their terms the prisoners were plundered or massacred. It was asserted that no faith could be placed in a Christian's word or bond, and the report naturally strengthened the bands of Aben Humeya. Nor was he less served by tlie dissensions which continued between the Christian chiefs: some honorably leaning towards mercy; others, in revenge for the atrocities which have been described, persisting on no quarter. So - The English reader may be informed that o is the masculine of a, the feminine termination : hence Morisco is a male, Morisca a female Moor. 370 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1569 great was the indignation produced by the excesses of the royal troops that several districts which had submitted rebelled anew, and some which had not hitherto declared for the cause now has- tened to support it. At this time Aben Humeya was at the head of a far more numerous force than had ever yet taken the field. Em- boldened by this unexpected good fortune, he assembled 10,000 men at Valor and marched on Verja to annihilate the marquis de los Velez. At Valor, whither the marquis de los Velez penetrated, he made a vigorous stand, but notwithstanding his valor, which was never perhaps surpassed, and his abilities, which were of a high order, he was signally defeated and compelled to flee almost alone. This disaster was partially repaired by a reinforcement from Africa, and by the spirit of desertion which prevailed in the camp of the 'i marquis. His own conduct, however, continually increased the number of his enemies. He had long distrusted his African allies : he now removed them from his camp to the frontier of Almeria, and placed them under the command of Aben Aboo, his cousin, who had again joined him. Having one day dispatched a letter to Aboo, whom he directed to march with the Africans on a point likely to be assailed by the Christians, the messenger was waylaid and assassinated by the creatures of the incensed rival, Diego. The latter caused another letter to be written to Aben Aboo, and the handwriting was so well counterfeited that it could not easily be de- tected : its purport was that the general should lead the Africans to a fortress in the interior and put every one to death. The as- tonished Aben Aboo could scarcely believe his senses, but when the artful Diego arrived with 600 horse, protesting that he himself was sent to assist in the carnage, all doubt vanished. The African chiefs were soon acquainted by Diego with the fate which had been intended for them. These sons of the desert instantly arose, swore to be revenged, acknowledged Aben Aboo as chief of the Moriscos, and dispatched 400 Africans, with the newly-recognized king at their head, to the headquarters of Aben Humeya. As they were allies they were suffered to pass by the guards. They entered the house, seized on the king, and bound him, notwithstanding his pro- testations of innocence and devotion to the cause. During the night he was strangled, and Aben Aboo was proclaimed under the name of Muley Abdaila. The first act of tlie new king, who had no participation in the design of Diego Alguazil, was to besiege Orguiva ; but the place, HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 371 1570 after a heroic defense, was relieved by a reinforcement from Granada. The war now raged with various success ; to each party the loss of one day was counterbalanced by the gain of the next, until Don Juan of Austria, who had assembled troops on every side, again took the field in person, in the resolution of ending the contest by more vigorous measures. He divided his army into two bodies, one of which he intrusted to the duke of Sessa, while with the other he proceeded to reduce the mountain fortresses. One after another fell into his hands, but cost him so many men that he was compelled to suspend his operations until reinforcements arrived. The submission or rather correspondence of Albaqui, one of Aluley's ablest generals, with those of Philip greatly facilitated the progress of the royal arms. To prevent another insurrection after submission, the inhabitants of the newly subdued towns were transplanted to other parts, generally to the towns of Andalusia, a few into New Castile. This measure contributed more than any other to weaken the rebels and to hasten the conclusion of the war. Believing that mildness might now be tried with effect, a proclama- tion was made that every rebel who within twent}' days should visit the Christian camp and submit should be freely pardoned. But power, even so limited, was too sweet to be resigned, and J^duley, retreating from hill to hill, made pretense of desiring peace only to gain time until some expected succor should arrive from Bar- bary. Not so, however, with the other chiefs, who, |)erceiving that resistance was hopeless, were anxious to obtain the best terms they could : in their name Albaqui proceeded to tlie camp of Don Juan, and did homage to him as the reprcsentatix'e of tlicir liege sovereign. But the determination to transport every Morisco from the kingdom of Granada again forced the people to resistance. They took ref- uge on the summits of precipices and did what miscliief they could to their pursuers. It was sometimes considerable, a circumstance which ]\Iu]ey readily seized to exasperate the minds of his people, and to inspire them with hope. Albaqui, however, still passed from one camp to the other, with tlie view of completing the negotiations Vv'hich had been commenced. Seeing the obstinacy of Muley. he entered into an engagement to raise 400 men. and with them to deliver the king, dead or alive, into the hands of tlie Christian general. He was betrayed, and assassinated by order of Aluley, who abruptly broke off all ccMnmtnn'calion with Don Juan. Hostil- ities accordingly recommenced, but S" much to the disadvantngc of 372 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1568 the rebels that they were glad to take refuge in the deep caverns with which these mountains abound. Into one of these Muley threw himself, with his wife, two daughters, and about sixty follow- ers : as usual the royal troops made a fire at the mouth, with a view of suffocating such as refused to surrender. All perished, except Muley and two others, who were acquainted with a secret issue from the place. As the whole range of mountains was now almost depopulated, the Moriscos being uniformly transferred to other parts, and as but a handful of desperate adventurers, most of whom had been pro- fessed banditti, remained, the chiefs who still adhered to Muley now advised him to submit. But eventually Muley was slain, and with. him was extinguished the last spark of the rebellion. The next important feature in the domestic administration of Philip is the fate of his first-born son, Don Carlos. This prince, who was born in 1545, was by nature of fiery temperament and of irregular manners. In his seventeenth year he sustained an acci- dent which was, doubtless, the chief cause of all his misfortunes. One day while at the university of Alcala he fell headlong down the staircase, and was for some time stunned by the blow. As no external injury was visible, his medical attendant hoped that he would soon be restored. At length, being discovered in an attempt to flee into the Netherlands, to place himself at the head of the insurgents, the king felt that he should be compelled to do what he ought to have done long before, to place a guard over his frenzied son. He did not, however, adopt this expedient without the advice of his best counselors. On the night of January 19, 1568, accompanied by four of his nobles and some armed guards, he proceeded to the prince's apartment, took away his papers, his sword, knives, and everything that could be hurtful to him, assuring him at the same time that he had no end in view beyond his good. He confided the care of the prince to six gentlemen of the noblest families ol Spain, two of whom were always to be with him night and day, and he placed over all the duke de Feria and the prince de Evoli. This measure, however well intended, did no good : Carlos grew sullen and obstinate, his freaks more frequent and capricious. At length he fell into a violent fever. His better feel- ings returned; he asked for his father, whose pardon he humbly pleaded, received the last sacraments, commended his soul to God, and died at midnight, July 24, T568. HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 373 1578-1598 The fate of this maniac prince has called forth much affected commiseration, inasmuch as it has enabled malignity to assail the memory of the father. It has been stated that Philip was the rival of his son in the affections of a German princess: that after she became queen of Spain, she loved the latter and detested the former; that jealousy forced the king to the most tyrannical treat- ment of the youth: that Carlos was persecuted by the inquisition, and at length poisoned by order of the father. Such tales are without even the shadow of a foundation, in contemporary writers of Spain, or even in common sense. The truth is that Philip be- haved with much moderation to a son who was fit only for an asylum. But if impartial justice acquit Philip of guilt, or even of undue severity, in regard to his son, the same favorable verdict cannot be given in regard to two other affairs which have been studiously wrapped in great darkness : they were the assassination of Juan de Escovedo, secretary to Don Juan of Austria, and the subsequent persecution of Antonio Perez, Philip's secretary of state. The former, who had been sent to Spain on business of his master, was murdered at Madrid, in March, 1578. The assassins were not un- known, but they were suffered to escape into Italy, and were after- wards employed in the service of the Neapolitan viceroy. That they were hired by Antonio Perez is undoubted, from his own con- fession: but what interest had he, what revenge to gratify, in such a crime? The same confession published many years after the tragedy throws the entire blame on the king, nor is there any reason to doubt its truth. Philip died in September, 1598, in the palace of the Escurial, of which he was the founder and which is the noblest monument of his reign. His character must be sufficiently clear from his actions : that it was gloomy, stern, and cruel ; that he allowed neither civil freedom nor religious toleration, but was on all occasions the consistent enemy of botli : that he was suspicious, dark, and vindic- tive, are truths too evident to be denied. I lis ambition was cer- tainly subservient to his zeal for religion; his talents were consid- erable; for prudence he was almost unrivaled; his attention to pub- lic affairs, and to the best interests of Ins country, have been sur- passed bv few monarchs: his habits were regular, his temperance proverbial; his fortitude of mind, a virtue which he liad nfteti oc- casion to exercise, was admirable; and, in general, he was swayed 374 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1598-1618 by the strictest sense of justice. Even his reHgious bigotry, odious as it was, was founded on conscientious principles, and his arbitrary acts on high notions of the regal authority. By many of his sub- jects he was esteemed, by many feared, by some hated, by none loved. By the last of his four wives, Anne of Austria, Philip left a son, who succeeded by the title of Philip III. ; his other male chil- dren preceded him to the tomb. Two daughters also survived him. The death of Philip left Spain bordering on prostration, both as regards her industries and commerce, necessarily crippled by the unstable status of the country and in the dispirited condition of the people themselves, after long sufferance under the despot and fanatic. The two preceding reigns, being by far the most important in the modern history of Spain, have commanded a corresponding share of our attention. But as with Philip II. ends the greatness of the kingdom, which from that period declined with fearful rapidity, as in the present chapter little remains to be recorded beyond the reign of worthless favorites, the profligacy of courts, and the deplorable weakness of government, the journey before us will be speedily performed. The first courtier to whom the destinies of the Peninsula were confided was the duke of Lerma ; but as he had no talents either for peace or war, the burden of administration devolved on a needy adventurer, Rodrigo Calderon, one of his pages. In his domestic policy, if profligate imbecility deserve the name, the most signal circumstance is the expulsion of the Moriscos from Valencia, Anda- lusia, New Castile, and Granada. In 1609 orders were dispatched to the captains-general to force the Moriscos on board the galleys prepared for them, and land them on the African coast. Those of Valencia, 150,000 in number, were first expelled; they were fol- lowed, though not without great opposition, nor in some places without open resistance, by their brethren of the other provinces. In the whole, no fewer than 600,000 were thus forcibly driven from their ancient habitations, omitting the mention of such as, by as- suming the disguise of Christians, spread over Catalonia and south- ern France, and of the still greater number of children, who, being- born from Moriscos and hereditarv Christians, were suffered to remain. Those who disembarked in Africa were treated with HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 375 1601-1621 characteristic inhumanity by the most cruel and perfidious people on earth. In 1618 the duke of Lerma was disgraced, and the real min- ister, Don Rodrigo Calderon, who had been adorned with numerous titles, was imprisoned. Subsequently he was tortured, tried, and sentenced to death, but before the sentence could be put into execution the king died. Philip, however, ordered him to the block. The removal of the duke only made way for another as imbecile and worthless as himself. So that the king was not troubled with state business, but allowed to have his women and his diversions, to provide for mistresses and parasites, he cared not who held the post of minister. Towards the close of his reign, in- deed, he appeared to take some interest in the report of his council, which, with the view of encouraging the population, now alarm- ingly decreased, and restoring the national industry, now almost expiring suggested some salutary expedients. But, though he approved the proposed measures, he had not the rigor to carry them into effect. The foreign transactions of this reign would be too unimpor- tant to be detailed even if they could be admitted into a compen- dium like the present. In revenge for the maritime hostilities of the English, an expedition was sent to Ireland to raise the inhabi- tants against the government, but it was annihilated at Kinsale. In the Low Countries the war continued with little glory to the Archduke Albert until 1609, when the independence of the Seven United Provinces was acknowledged by treaty. With France there was continued peace, which, in 161 2, was strengthened by the double marriage of the prince of the Asturias with Isabelle de Bourbon, and of Louis XIII. with the infanta Ana, eldest daughter of the Spanish monarch. With the Venetians, Turks, and Moors of Africa there were some engagements, but notliing decisive was the result. Spain still retained the duchy of Milan, the kingdom of Naples, Sicily, and Sardinia, and the fortresses on the African coast. Philip died March 31, 1621, Besides his heir and Ana, queen of France, he left children, Maria, queen of Hungary, Don Carlos, and Don Fernando, who entered the church and attained the dignity of cardinal. His character needs no description : it was cliielly distingnislicd for heli)lcss imbecility, for dissipation and idleness. Thougli apparently well intentioned, he was a curse to the nation he governed. 376 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1621 Under Philip IV. of Spain we find but a repetition of the mistakes or mischievous neghgence of the preceding PhiHps. The desperate condition of the country's resources received httle or only contemptuous attention so long as the king's own coffers were full. When the new king ascended the throne he was only in his seventeenth year, and he began, like his father, by surrendering the reins of government to a worthless favorite. This was the count of Olivares, who had been a gentleman of the bedchamber to the prince of Asturias. This haughty minion commenced his career by removing from the ministry his benefactor, the duke de Uceda, and by recalling the valiant Don Pedro Giron, duke of Osuna, from the viceroyalty of Naples. Whoever had ability, or popular fame or favor with the king, was sure to experience his envy, often his deadly persecution. Every servant of the late government was dis- missed or imprisoned, to make way for creatures, if possible, more worthless. It is, however, certain that by revoking many of the profuse grants made by the two preceding sovereigns, by dismissing two-thirds of the locusts in office, by enforcing the residence of many sefiores, by sumptuary regulations, and other measures, he increased the revenues of the crown. But these reforms were but temporary ; the minister was too corrupt to persevere in any line of public advantage; his object was his own emolument, and that of his creatures; nor would he have so much as touched a single abuse had not the voice of the public compelled him to it. When he had acquired some reputation for these measures, he outstripped even his predecessors in the race of corruption; and, what is still worse, his heart was as depraved as his aims were selfish. How little Spain could flourish under such princes, and such administrations, may be readily conjectured. In its internal affairs there was the same gradual decline of agriculture, of commerce, of the mechanical arts, and, consequently, of the national resources; yet, while the mass of the people were thus sinking into hopeless poverty, the court exhibited more splendor than ever. Thus, the reception of Charles, Prince of Wales, and of his tutor, the duke of Buckingham, who, with the view of obtaining the hand of the infanta IMaria, sister of the king, had been romantic enough to visit Madrid in disguise, is a favorite subject of historic description. The Eng- lish reader need not be told that this prodigal expenditure was thrown away, and that Charles ultimately obtained a French prin- cess. One cause of the failure was, doubtless, the bigotrv of the HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 377 1640-1660 Spanish court; but another, and no mean one, was the profligacy of Buckingham, which highly disgusted the royal family. Still more expensive were the festivities consequent on the election of the king of Hungary who had married the infanta Maria, sister of Philip to be king of the Romans, and consequently heir to the imperial crown. H to these fooleries we add the money sent out of the kingdom to assist the German emperor in the wars with Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden, we shall not be surprised that the whole nation beheld the conduct of Philip and his minister with discontent. Murmurs and complaints were treated with contempt, until the Catalans openly opposed the flagitious minister and the royal puppet. The profligate extravagances of the court were not the only cause which led to the Catalan insurrection. At the close of a war with France a war of which mention will hereafter be made the Castilian troops, in the fear that hostilities would be recommenced by the enemy, were stationed on the northern frontier, at the ex- pense of the inhabitants, on whom they were billeted. This regu- lation was as unjust as it was arbitrary, and even odious. If to this we add the desire which the minister had always shown to abolish, or at least to violate, the privileges of the principality, and the fact that Philip himself had for the first five years of his reign deferred visiting Barcelona to take the accustomed oaths, we shall not be surprised that a people, fiercely tenacious in all ages of their reasonable rights, should be excited to a very high pitch. At first, the peasantry, on whom the burden fell with the most severity, were contented with expelling their unwelcome inmates; but, when the soldiers resisted, lives were lost on both sides. From these scenes, and from the universal hostility of the Catalans to his violent regulations, Olivares might have learned something useful, but he was incapable of profiting by the lessons of experience. Ignorant of the indomitable character of the people, he sent tlie Duke de Car- dona, successor to the late viceroy, with instructions to enforce the obnoxious measure. The duke did not long survive his nomina- tion, and his death paved the way to greater disasters. The depu- ties from the lordship were refused admission to the king, and the Marquis de los Velez was sent with an army to reduce tlie rebels to obedience. Convinced that of themselves they should be unequal to the royal forces, they implored the aid of the French king. That aid was readily promised, but as it did not immediately arrive, the 3T8 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1640-1660 whole principality, except the city of Tortosa, armed. This was not all. Contending that the king, by violating their ancient privi- leges, had broken his compact with them, and, consequently, for- feited all claim to their obedience, they proclaimed a republic. But as the marquis had quickly reduced several important fortresses, and was advancing, breathing revenge on the capital, the new re- public was soon destroyed by its authors and Louis XIII. pro- claimed count of Barcelona. Convinced that violence was not the way to treat the fierce Catalans, the marquis obtained from the king the revocation of the obnoxious regulation, and a letter, dic- tated by great mildness, and by paternal regard, calling on the people to renew their homage to their liege indulgent lord. After this 5,000 French soldiers passed the Pyrenees; Tarragona, which now held for the king, and in which all the royal forces were con- centrated, was invested, but after a time relieved; Castilian rein- forcements arrived to make head against the enemy; near 12,000 French came to assist their countrymen, and Louis himself ad- vanced to the frontiers of Roussillon to direct their operations. At this moment Philip intended to conduct the war in person, and he actually left Madrid for the purpose at the head of a considerable force ; but at Aranjuez he halted, under the pretext of waiting the arrival of Olivares, who was in no hurry to join him. In fact, neither king nor minister had courage enough to meet the enemy; the former waited tranquilly until the season was too far passed for operation, and returned to jMadrid, assuming great appearance of anger vrith the count. In the meantime the French armies were activelv gaining several important advantages : to counterbalance them Olivares formed a conspiracy in the very heart of France to assassinate the minister. Cardinal Richelieu, and even to dethrone Louis, but it was detected and its prime instrument beheaded. Though a natural death soon called away the cardinal, his successor, ]\Iazarin, who succeeded also to his ]\Iachiavelian principles, con- tinued the war. It lingered for years, with various success, or rather with no decided success, to either part, until the inhabitants themselves grew tired of the French yoke and joined with their Castilian brethren. Whether this change in the public feeling was ov\"ing to the haughtiness of their allies, which is said to have been intolerable, or to the inconsistency of the popular mind, or still more, probably, to both united, fortune at length began to favor the arms of Phih'p. Still the war with the Netherlands and with the HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 379 1640-1665 Portuguese, to which alhision will shortly be made, rendered the Spanish court desirous of peace. The wish was shared by Alaza- rin, whose resources were nearly exhausted by hostilities of so many years' continuance and in so many countries. In 1660 the plenipotentiaries of both powers met at St. Jean de Luz, and the conditions of peace, after three months' deliberation, were sanc- tioned by the respective monarchs. By other articles the Catalans were not only pardoned, but their privileges recognized as in- violable. But the most remarkable circumstance attending this celebrated treaty, usually known as the Treaty of the Pyrenees, was the marriage of the infanta Maria Teresa, eldest daughter of Philip, with the youthful Louis XIV. On this occasion, to prevent the union of two such powerful kingdoms, Louis was compelled to re- nounce all claim to the Spanish crown, either for himself or for his successors. That, however solemn the obligation thus contracted, he had no disposition to fulfill it, will abundantly appear from the sequel ; his grandson, as we shall hereafter perceive, ascended the Spanish throne under the title of Philip V. Commensurate with the origin of the Catalan insurrection was that of Portugal. As this is not the proper place to enter into an examination of the causes which produced or the circumstances which attended that natural burst of freedom, we defer both to a future chapter. Here it is sufficient to observe that the discontented Portuguese, despising the royal puppet at ]\Iadrid, and burning with an intolerable thirst for the restoration of their independence, proclaimed the Duke of Brag-anza under the name of Joam IV., and tliat in several campaigns they nobly vindicated the step. As- sisted by their allies the English, Dutch, and French, they continued the war with indomitable valor and with general success until 1664, wlien, in the battle of Villaviciosa, they inflicted so severe a blow on the arms of Philip that he precipitately abandoned hostilities. This v/as one of the causes which led to the exile of Olivares from the court. This was actually done, but the kingdom experienced no benefit by a change of favorites. During his long reign Philip was frequently at war with England, Holland, or France. The former dejirived him of Ja- maica and Dunkirk, ravaged tlie neighborhood of Cadiz, assisted the Portuguese in their efforts for independence, anri were scniic- times allied with the other powers to humble him still more. The Dutch inflicted dreadful ravages on the An:crican coasts and sc- 380 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1665-1667 cured immense spoil. France, both in the Low Countries and Italy, extended her domains, but at the peace of the Pyrenees she sur- rendered her conquests in the latter, so that Milan, as well as Naples, still remained to Spain. The character of Philip, who died in 1665, needs no description. His reign, next to that of Roderic the Goth, was the most dis- astrous in the annals of Spain. Omitting the distress which it brought on the people, and the horrors of the Catalan insurrection, the loss of Roussillon, Conflans, a part of Cerdafia, Jamaica, much of the Low Countries, and above all Portugal, and his recognition of the independence of the Seven United Provinces, are melancholy monuments of his imbecility. A still worse effect was produced by the frequent reverses of his arms in Italy and the Low Countries; reverses which encouraged the smallest states to set his power at defiance : thus, both in the East Indies, and on the coast of America, his settlements were plundered or seized by Holland. In private life, his conduct was as little entitled to respect : by his mistresses he had six or seven children, of whom the most famous was Don Juan, surnamed of Austria, believed to be the son of an actress of Madrid, and born in 1629. Of Philip's numerous offspring by his two queens, Isabella, daughter of Henry IV. of France, and Maria Anna, daughter of the Emperor Ferdinand III., three only survived him, Maria Teresa, queen of France, Margarita, queen of Hungary, and his successor, Don Carlos. On Don Juan had been lavished the choicest favors of the crown, and, indeed, the affection of his father's subjects. The jealousy of the queen mother was the natural result and undoubt- edly the true source of the dissensions which afflicted the state during the reign of Carlos, 1665 to 1700. The affairs of the kingdom, so unfortunate during the reigns of the two Philips, were not likely to improve under a child who at his accession had not attained his fourth year, especially as Don Juan, the favorite of the nation, was at open hostility with the queen-regent and her confessor, the Father Nitard, a German Jesuit. This churchman is represented as haughty to the nobles, supple to the queen, and in his general con- duct corrupt; but as the representation comes from men ahva}S jealous of foreigners, it must be received with caution. An un- biased mind will easily perceive that his chief fault was the un- 1)0.-; DIFCO KoDRKirKZ |,\ -||.\\ \ l-.I. \ -ii I K/. . uK I'll 11.11' l\' (I'.i.ni I 5., I). |)i\M i(,(Hi) I;!' i'M.NTKU HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 381 1667-1675 bounded power he exercised through the queen. The disasters which befell her administration added to the popular discontent. Though the perfidious Louis had disclaimed, both for himself and his successors, all title to the Spanish possessions, one of his first acts after his marriage was to assert, in right of his queen, a monstrous pretension to the Low Countries. The French monarch poured his legions over the frontier, and with great rapidity reduced most of the fortresses from the Cliannel to the Scheldt. At his in- stigation the Portuguese made an irruption into Estremadura. The union of Sweden, Holland, and England, to oppose the ambition of the Frenchman, saved the whole Netherlands from subjugation; but by the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle he retained the most valuable of his conquests, and by that union, which thus saved a portion of her northern possessions. Spain was compelled to acknowledge the independence of Portugal, Of these disastrous circumstances advantage was taken by Don Juan of Austria, who had been exiled from the court, to load both the queen and her confessor, now a counselor of state, with in- creased obloquy. During the flagitious career of the French the voice of the Spaniards proclaimed him as the only man fit to sup- port the sinking fortunes of the monarchy: to remove him from their attachment, and from his own intrigues, he had been noni- inated governor of the Low Countries, but he had no wish for the dignity. He felt that in Spain he was strong by the popular favor, and knew that at a distance his influence would be annihilated. He therefore renewed his intrigues, artfully uniting the cause of the people with his own, and at length compelling the court to invest him with the government of Aragon, Catalonia, Valencia, the Balearic Isles, and Sardinia. The following years he passed in sovereign state at Saragossa silently watching the course of events which, as he had anticipated, were of the same adverse character to the nation. France, true to her career of spoliation in all ages, in 1672 invaded Holland, now the ally of Spain, with 100,000 men: to such a host resistance was vain, and most of the country was seized by the invaders. Spain, like England, (icnnany, and other states who confederated to arrest the daring progress of Louis, flcw to the assistance of her prostrate ally, and immediately afterwards declared war against France. As usual, the advantage turned in favor of the stronger party. In Burgundy. iM-anche-Comte, which Spain had inherited in right of the ancient dukes of that province. 382 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1S75-1680 was conquered, and some destructive inroads were made into Cata- lonia ; the few fortresses remaining to the Spanish monarch in the Low Countries were threatened, one or two actually reduced, and Messina, in Sicily, was instigated by the enemy to rebel. In 1675 Don Juan was ordered to pass over to that island,^ but as the royal majority was at hand wlien the regent's term of authority would expire, he hoped that he should be called to the ministry, a result for which h.is friends were actively disposing the king. The very day of that majority he was at Madrid: he was admitted to the presence of Carlos; the public joy was great, but in a few moments it was clouded by disappointment, when intelligence was spread that, through the arts of the queen, he had been suddenly ordered to leave Madrid. There can be no doubt, however, that his own presumption hastened this disgrace, for he had insisted on being acknowledged as infante of Castile, and consequently as collateral heir to the monarchy. The queen triumphed the more as her son was as imbecile in mind as he was sickly in body, and as with her alone would continue the affairs of administration. But her tri- umph was transient : the creatures of Don Juan became more numerous and clamorous. The torrent became too strong to be stemmed even by her. She resolved to derive merit from necessity, for knowing that Don Juan was preparing to leave Saragossa for Madrid, she not only suffered her son to command his immediate presence, but she herself wrote in the same strain. At his approach Carlos retired to another palace, ordering his mother not to leave the one she inhabited, and dispatched the archbishop of Toledo to Plita to welcome his brother. The power of Juan was now un- bounded, while Maria Anna's, notwithstanding her efforts to re- cover the royal favor, was circumscribed to her own household. Juan was affectionately received by the king and was declared prime minister. The administration of Don Juan was no less deplorable tlian that of the regent whom he had criminally supplanted. Occupied in the cares of vengeance, or in providing for his creatures, he leeijly opposed the victorious progress of Louis. Valenciennes, Camljray, St. Omer's, and other places were speedily reduced : Ypres and Ghent were assailed with equal success, and Puicerda, on the Catalan frontier, yielded about the same time to another French 4 ]n three years the rebellion subsided of itself, the inhabitants of Messina being glad to escape from the yoke of Louis by returning to their obedience. HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 383 1680-1697 army. Most of these places, however, were restored at the peace of Nimeguen, of which the most unpopular condition was that Carlos should receive the hand of the Princess Marie Louise, niece of the French king. That nation had always been regarded with jealousy, and was now hated, by the Spaniards. Juan did not live to witness the solemnization of the nuptials. The ill-success of his govern- ment, his haughty behavior towards the grandees, his persecution of such as belonged rather to their country than to his party, and his tyranny even over the king rendered him not merely unpopular, but odious. In this state mental anxiety put an end to his life at the moment his enemies were preparing to hasten his downfall. The queen-dowager returned to court, not indeed to resume her an- cient influence, but to assist in multiplying intrigues, and conse- quently the perplexities of her imbecile son. From the accession of the third Philip the decline of Spain had been sensible to every observer; it was now amazingly rapid. Her destinies were no longer confided to men even of ordinary abilities, but to mere courtiers to courtiers, too, noted even among that class for helpless ignorance, for insatiable avarice who fluttered in their gewgaw colors, or trifled in their puerile diversions, or, wliat is worse, interfered with matters which not one of them was capiible of comprehending. Of the Duke de ]\Iedina Celi, the Condes de Alonterey, Oropesa, Melgar, the Dukes de Sessa and Infantado, and the other ministers, whom intrigue raised to the diflicult post, one or two indeed were not without a })ortion of talent, but tliey had neither the caution nor the honesty to efi^ect any good. To these internal distresses must be added extraordinary inflictions of Provi- dence hurricanes, inundations, conflagrations, which were fre- quent both in the present and the preceding reign. In one of these visitations Seville was nearly ruined, in otliers the shi])ping was destroyed in the ports, the corn spoiled in the fields, whole streets were on fire, the loss of life was severe. The foreign affairs of the kingdom were not more enviable. Omitting the detail of ob- scure wars, obscure at least to the Spaniards. which almost uni- formly turned to their prejudice, on the death of 3ilarie Louise, i!i 16S9, the French monarch again poured the storm of war over t!ic frontier of Catalonia. What most heightened his resentment was the immediate marriage of the widowed Carlos with a princess of the house of Austria ; to the house he had always been a mortal encmv, and he feared lest the king, who was hitherto childless, 384 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1697-1699 should at length have an heir. For some time, indeed, the efforts of the invaders, owing to their insignificant numbers, were often repulsed or neutralized by subsequent reverses, but in 1691 Urgel was taken by the Duke de Noailles; Barcelona and Alicante were severely bombarded by sea. Two years afterwards Palemos and Rosas capitulated; the following year the Spaniards were defeated in a considerable battle ; the victors took Gerona ; Hostalric and other places followed the example, and Barcelona itself was threat- ened. After a short suspension of hostilities Barcelona fell into the power of Vendome, Spain trembled to her most distant ex- tremities, and she could scarcely believe in the reality of her good fortune when, at the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, Louis restored all his conquests. She w-as too much confounded by this display of magnanimity to divine the cause ; yet that cause was not insufficient. From his niece, Louise de Bourbon, the French monarch had learned to suspect the impotency of Carlos ; the sterility of the recent mar- riage confirmed the suspicion; and as he aspired in consequence to place a prince of his family on the throne of Castile, he did not wish to diminish the value of the inheritance by its dismemberment. In 1698 the health of Carlos, which had always been indiffer- ent, began so visibly to decline that all hope of issue was abandoned. On his demise three chief claimants could aspire to his throne: First, the dauphin of France, as the eldest son of Maria Teresa, eld- est daughter of Philip IV. Second, the Emperor Leopold, who not only descended from Ferdinand, brother of Charles V., but whose mother was the daughter of Philip III. Third, the electoral prince of Bavaria, whose mother was the only daughter of the infanta INIar- garita, a young daughter of Philip IV. Of these claims, that of the dauphin was evidently the strongest, since his mother was the eldest sister of Carlos. It is true that she had renounced for her issue all claim to the crown of Spain, but this renunciation had been de- manded by the Spaniards from a fear lest the two crowns should fall on the same brow. To such a union Europe would never ha\'e consented; and the objection was almost equally strong to the union of Spain with Germany. Hence the hostility to the pretensions both of the dauphin as heir of the French monarchy and of the Emperor Leopold, Hence, too, the celebrated, and infamous as cele- brated, treaty of partition, which, in October, 1698, was signed at the Hague by the plenipotentiaries of England, Holland, and r>ance. By it Naples and Sicily, with Guipiscoa, San Sebastian, HOUSE OF AUSTRIA 385 1699-1700 and Fuentarabia, were ceded to the dauphin, Spain and the Indies to the prince of Bavaria, while, for the third party, Charles, second son of Leopold and the representative of his rights, Milan only was reserved. The death of the Bavarian prince destroyed this beau- tiful scheme of spoliation; but its authors did not long delay in framing another, which gave Spain, the Indies, and Netherlands to Charles, and which amplified the original portion of the dauphin. But Louis had no intention to renounce the splendid inheritance; if he could not procure it for the dauphin, or, which would ulti- mately be the same, for the eldest son of the dauphin, there was a second son, Philip, duke of Anjou, who would be less the object of jealousy to the European powers. With the same view, Leopold was willing that his own rights, and those of his eldest son, should devolve on the Archduke Charles, the youngest. Both princes sent their emissaries to the court of Carlos, to besiege his sick-bed and to procure a testamentary declaration in favor of their respective pretensions. Before the signature of this important act, the health and strength of the king had visibly declined ; in fact he exhibited in himself a mere shadow of existence. His deplorable, and as it ap- peared, extraordinary state, one alike of pain, of mental vacuity, and even of half consciousness, gave rise to a report that he was be- witched. An insurrection of the populace, owing to a scarcity of bread, who advanced with fury to the palace and insisted on his appearing at the balcony, gave increased celerity to his disease. He now prepared for his end; appointed a council of regency, headed by Cardinal Portocarrero, until the Duke d' Anjou should arrive in Spain; and on November i, 1700, bade adieu to his worldly sor- rows, after one of the most disastrous reigns on rec(n-d. His char- acter needs no description, it is but too apparent from the preceding relation. Justice, however, requires us to say that, though in his best days his imbecility was helpless and hopeless, this was his misfortune, not his fault, and that his heart was right. Chapter XV HOUSE OF BOURBON. 1 700-1 788 THE choice of Philip, however umbrageous to England, Holland, or Germany, was not only the most legitimate, but the best that could have been made. If he was young (b.e was only seventeen), his rival, Charles, was the same; if a renunciation of the throne had been made by his grandmother, so had it also by the maternal ancestor of the archduke. In this re- spect, therefore, the two rivals stood on equal terms, but in every other the advantage lay with the French prince. In the first place, he was the only legal heir in the strict order of descent: in the second, his accession v/as expressly intended to preserve the in- tegrity of the monarchy, which Charles would not have scrupled to dismember: in the third, as the balance of European power was the first object of the various states, his accession to the French throne was far more remote than that of his rival to the imperial. But to England and Holland, the able, ambitious, and neighboring Louis was more formidable, and far more hateful, than the mild and distant Austrian. They feared that the resources of Spain and France would henceforth be wielded by the same hand ; that Louis, who by his unaided arms had' obtained such successes in the Low Countries, notwithstanding the opposition of the chief powers of Europe, would now be resistless ; that the iron barrier of fortresses between France and Holland would be forever thrown down, and that in consequence the maritime republic would inevitably become a province of France. But neither \Mlliam of Orange nor the states of Holland had much acquaintance either with the Spanish people or with human nature. Both refused to acknowledge Philip until Louis, by a brilliant campaign into the Low Countries. terrified the latter into the recognition, when the former, too feeble to stand alone, followed the example. Neither, however, had any intention of being bound by the compulsory concession. As to the Emperor Leopold, loudly denouncing the will of Carlos as a forgery HOUSE OF BOURBON 387 1701 or at least extorted during the absence of reason, he prepared for hostilities. Though ]\lilan and Naples had acknowledged Philip, he knew that in both he had many partisans, and if he could not shake the throne of his rival in Spain, he hoped to appropriate these Italian possessions. The reception of Philip by his new subjects was as gratifying as he could have wislied. His grave, even melancholy, exterior was well adapted to their taste, and his religious feeling, his general decorum, his moral principles, and habits were not likely to lose their influence. But his good qualities were rather passive than active; he was formed not to impel, but to receive an impulse from others, and his constitutional indolence an indolence unexampled even among kings made him prefer being the dupe of the inter- ested rather than take the trouble to think and act for himself. It was, therefore, evident that he would be the slave of his confi- dential favorites, and with Louis, who knew him well, the choice of these w^as matter of great moment. As Cardinal Portocarrero had been so instrumental in the nomination of the Due d'Anjou, and as he had uniformly exhibited great devotion to the French court. he vjsls invested by Louis with the chief direction of affairs ; and three French nobles were placed about the young king's person, ostensibly to assist him w^ith their councils, but in reality to control both him and every Spaniard wlio should attempt to weaken the influence of the Grand ^Monarch. Tlic clioice of a wife was no less an object of anxiety: it fell on a princess of Savoy, a lady of mild habits, and no more than fourteen years of age one who seemed to be excellently fitted for passive obedience. To prevent her cor- respondence w'ith the court of Turin, on laiuling at Figueras she was deprived of all her native domestics; nor v;as any one of her suite suffered to attend h.er except tlie Princess Orsini. as her camarera viayor, or superintendent of her household. As this lady would probably exercise much inlluencc over the queen, and through the queen over the king and government, she liad been selected with o-reat caution. T^.v birth she was French, of the illus- trious family of La Treniouillc. Her first husband was Adrian Plaise de Tallevrand. prince of r'hnlais. with whrMU she had passed some years in Spain ; ber second, whom she had married in Italy, and with whom she had s{)cnt sonic years at Rome and Versailles, was Flavio d'Orsini, &i\Vc of r.racci.-uio and grimdce of Spain a match for winch s!ic was indebted to the good offices of two 388 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1701-1702 French cardinals. Her intimacy with Madame de Maintenon proved of singular service to her ambition, after her husband's death. A Frenchwoman herself, indebted to France for her present fortune and her hopes of greater, acquainted with the Spanish language, society, and manners; possessing an extensive knowledge of the world, a fascinating" manner, an intellect at once penetrating and supple, she appeared admirably adapted for the pur- pose of Louis. Hence, after receiving minute instructions for her conduct, she was placed with the young queen, to whom she soon became necessary, and over whom her influence was unbounded. While Philip remained with his new queen at Barcelona, he opened the Cortes of Catalonia. His reason for convoking that assembly was the hope of a considerable donation, perhaps, of a supply sufficient to meet the war which his rival, the Archduke Charles, was preparing to wage on his Italian possessions. The province had never been well affected to the dominion of Castile; its fiieros had been the sport of the Austrian monarchs ; the abuses under which it had long suffered required removal; its spirit of liberty was unconquerable. From this province Philip was ex- pected to return to Madrid, but in the belief that the wavering loyalty of the Neapolitans and Milanese, in the former a con- spiracy had broken out for Charles, but was soon suppressed, would be confined by his presence, he resolved to pass over into Italy. During his absence he left the queen regent of the kingdom, direct- ing her on her return to the capital to hold the Cortes of Aragon. They were accordingly opened at Saragossa, but she found the assembly actuated by the same spirit. The despotism in which she and her French advisers had been nurtured was shocked that the states should begin not with voting the subsidy, but with dis- cussing privileges ; the money was expected to be humbly laid at her feet; rights were afterwards to be conceded or confirmed at the good pleasure of the sovereign. As the queen's presence in Aladrid was urgent, she at length consented to suspend the disputes of privileges, and to prorogue the assembly until the return of the king, but not until 100,000 crowns had been voted to him. Leav- ing this noble people, she hastened to Madrid, where, though she could not be received better, she might at least hope that the forms of freedom would offer no obstacle to her authority. But if through the gradual usurpation of the crown, especially under the iron despotism of the Austrian princes, Castile had no HOUSE OF BOURBON 389 1701-1702 longer a legislative check on the royal conduct, her sons were still high-minded, proud of their ancient glories, and inclined to resist any infringement of established customs : above everything they wevQ inimical to foreign, especially to French, influence, and they soon showed that if the threatened attack on the monarchy ren- dered them the allies, they would never be the tools of Louis. After the novelty of their situation had passed away, they were at no pains to conceal their contempt for the profound ignorance, or their hatred for the overbearing confidence, of the French. Nor was the administration of their own countryman. Cardinal Portocarrero, calculated to restore their good humor. Besides being obnoxious as the agent of a foreign government, his persecution of the Aus- trian party, for such a party there had always been, and of his own political opponents was as unseasonable as it was revengeful. The general discontent was increased by the perpetual arrival of French adventurers, men w'ithout money or principle, pick- pockets, gamblers, sharpers, projectors, impostors, and evil char- acters of every description. At length even the nobles clamored for the convocation of the Cortes, without whose sanction the reformations planned by the minister, Orri, could not have the force of law. Well w^ould it have been for both Philip and his kingdom had this constitutional expedient been adopted. Though absent, he refused his sanction. Fie feared that the assembly would be tumultuous and unmanageable, that it would greatly circumscribe his authority. The refusal of a demand so constitutional and reasonable was not likely to diminish the wide- spread dissatisfaction. The jarring opinions of the ministers, the absolute indifference which the king had shown to all public busi- ness, the arrival of the Count de ]\Iarsin, a nobleman of talents, indeed, but without discretion, as successor to the duke of Har- court, and the recent departure of Philip for Italy, a departure highly disapproved of both by ministers and people gave new force to the general complaint. No wonder that the queen, after the honors of her first reception were over, should find her situation far from enviable. Unfortunate as was the position of affairs at home, it was not more promising abroad. Though Philip was received with out- ward, he could not command the cordial resix^ct of the Neapolitans. Most observed a profound silence, especially after the holy blood of St. Januarius refused to liquefy in his presence, and after the poyye 390 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1702 refused to grant him the investiture of the kingdom. From Naples he hastened to Milan, to oppose the imperial general, Prince Eugene, who, notwithstanding the opposition, had established him- self in LomJ^ardy. After some unimportant operations, he was present at the bloody but indecisive battle of Lazzara. Soon after- wards he left the camp on his return to Spain, where he was sum- moned by events which we proceed to record. Though William of England, as before related, had acknowl- edged Philip, he had done so with duplicity : he knew that both his parliaments were at that time averse to war, and he could only wait for some act of hostility on the part of Louis, which, by incensing the English, should enable him to draw the sword. The measures which Louis aimed at the English and Dutch commerce soon fur- nished him with the opportunity he sought. The two governments now entered into an alliance with Austria, who had hitherto been fighting her own battles in Germany and Italy. The chief objects of this alliance were to obtain satisfaction for the Austrian claims on Spain, to rescue the Netherlands from France, to prevent the union of the French and Spanish crowns, and to exclude subjects of the former from the Spanish possessions in the West Indies. In revenge for this impolitic conduct of William, Louis, with equal impolicy, acknowledged the son of the exiled James Stuart as king of England. This insult roused the Protestant party, supplies were voted for the war, and though the king died in the midst of the preparations, Anne succeeded to the same policy. Here commences the celebrated war of the Succession, which for so many years agitated all Europe, covered the Netherlands with blood, desolated the fairest provinces of Spain, and ended in the loss of her Italian possessions. Omitting all mention of the interminable operations in the Low Countries, Germany, and Italy, in 1702 an expedition consisting of thirty English and twenty Dutch vessels of the line, exclusive of numerous transports, and carrying 11,000 men, was sent against Cadiz. It was headed by the Duke of Ormond, who was totally unqualified for the post, nor were the subordinate generals much more happily chosen. Where the Dutch and the English were jealous of each other, and the officers even in the same army were more inclined to quarrel than to obey, where the commander-in-chief had no influence over any of his officers, concord was impossible. If a plan were proposed by one party, it was sure to be rejected by another. Hence three HOUSE OF BOURBON 391 1702 days were lost in quarreling on what point the disembarkation might best be effected ; a time which the Spanish garrison, at first not exceeding 300 men, employed in recruiting its numbers. For- tunately for the country, the captain-general of Andalusia, Don Francisco de Castilla, marquis of Villadarias, was not only a true patriot, but a brave and able man. Though he could produce but little assistance from the court, which, during the absence of the king in Italy, was a prey to more than usual discord, he drew some hasty supplies from Seville and Cordova, secured the harbor, strengthened the garrison, and, with a small though resolute force, lined the coast to oppose the landing. The disembarkation being at length effected with some loss, the governor of Rota, the only traitor during the present hostilities, admitted the invaders, and for his treason was created a marquis by the agent of the arch- duke. But the inhabitants had little reason to congratulate them- selves : they were plundered, insulted, beaten, and even murdered by the licentious soldiery. At the town of Santa IMaria, the inhabi- tants of which fled at the approach of the invaders, greater excesses were committed. Their next step was to assail the fortress of Matagorda, one of the outworks of Cadiz ; but, experiencing a warm resistance from the garrison, and from the harassing attacks of Villadarias, they soon desisted from the enterprise. Equally unsuccessful was the attempt of the English ships to force their way into the harbor. To crown their infanny, cowardice was now added to murder and rapine: the invaders precipitately retreated to their ships; 600 of the rear guard were cut to pieces by half the number of pursuers; more still were drowned in their ])recipitate efforts to regain the ships: all who straggled behind were massacred by the incensed peasantry. The armament returned, and in Vigo Bay it destroyed the greater part of a Spanish and T^rench fleet, rich by the productions of the Indies. The fate of the governor of Rota, who on the retreat of the English had been hanged by order of Villadarias. did not deter a nobleman of tlie highest rank, of great power, and still greater riches from the same treason. The admiral of Castile, who in tlie preceding reign had dispensed the patronage of the crown, from no other feeling than disappc^inted ambition at seeing the Cardinal Port(K\arrero in possession of a post to which he considered himself entitled, opened a treasonable correspondence with the court of Vienna. Being suspected, and (U-dereil on an embassy to I-'rancr. 392 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1703 perhaps, as he feared, to be imprisoned by Louis, he accepted the proffered dignity, but had proceeded only three days' journey when he turned aside and rapidly fled to Lisbon, with the intention of persuading the Portuguese king, who had hitherto remained neutral, to join the confederates against Philip. His intrigues in a few short months did more for the allied cause than would have been effected by the English cabinet in as many years : he drew the Portuguese king into the confederacy, and persuaded Leopold to allow the archduke to visit the Peninsula. The treaty which was signed at Lisbon in May, 1703, was as infamous to the character of its partisans as any other transaction of this war. Though the constable was a grandee of Spain, he consented to its dismember- ment. Badajos, Albuquerque, Tuy, Bayona, Vigo, and other fron- tier cities were to be surrendered to Don Pedro ; nor did the arch- duke hesitate to sanction this insulting injustice to a country the integrity of which, in the event of his succession, he would have been so solemnly bound to defend. On his side, Pedro engaged to maintain 15,000 men at his own expense, and 13,000 at that of the allies. On the return of Philip he found the government embarrassed, and the nation indignant at the recent loss of his wealthy galleons in Vigo Bay. He found, too, the divisions in his cabinet more bitter than even at the period of his departure. Through the Prin- cess Orsini, who was intended to be the passive agent of Louis, yet who often showed that she could pursue plans of her own with even more success than his, the haughty count de Marsin, ambassa- dor of France, had been replaced by the Cardinal d'Estrees. To the same influence was owing the declining power of Cardinal Portocarrero, and the ascendency of the conde de Montellano, who showed more deference to the queen's favorite. D'Estrees, a man of considerable talent, of great family, and highly in favor with Louis, committed the same errors as his predecessors ; he disdained to win the princess : like them, in a few short months, the same influence procured his recall, his own nephew, the Abbe d'Estrees, being made an instrument of his disgrace. At the same time the Spanish cardinal retired in disgust from the helm of affairs. These changes of men and measures could not fail to prove disastrous : they showed that at court, where union and vigor were necessary to free the soil of the country from the miseries of foreign invasion, nothing but caprice or indecision prevailed. HOUSE OF BOURBON 393 1704 While this feeble cabinet was thus a prey to the basest pas- sions, the storm of war again lowered on the frontier. In pursuance of the treaty with Portugal 12,000 Englis'h and Dutch troops, who were soon joined by the Archduke Charles in person, were landed in that country. But the Duke de Schomberg, the general of the English forces, was a man of factitious reputation; he was far inferior in either activity or ability to the Duke of Berwick, a son of the English James II. whom Louis placed at the head of the com- bined French and Spanish army. Yet if this celebrated man had abilities of the highest order, joined with native generosity of mind, he was not fitted to exercise much sway in Spain. He was too proud to flatter the queen or the Princess Orsini : he despised courtly intrigues, and his discipline was so severe that it displeased his followers, whom laxity had enervated. By all, however, he was respected, and by all was confidence deservedly placed in his talents. With a force considerably superior to that of the enemy, divided into three bodies, and accompanied by Philip in person, he ad- vanced into Portugal. First, Salvatierra was invested and re- duced; other fortresses as far as Castel-branco shared the same fate. But these advantages were not gained without loss; the Portuguese peasantry, from hereditary enmity to the Spaniards, made a noble defense even in the open towns and villages a fact to which Berwick himself bears honorable testimony. Having fought his way through an angry population, that strong fortress could not long withstand assaults at once vigorous and well di- rected : in four days it was taken and pillaged. During these operations the allies had continued almost motionless or been silently gathering round Lisbon in the expectation of a siege, but on the compulsory retreat of Berwick, the Marquis das Minas, the only good officer in the Portuguese service, took the field, defeated Ronquillo, one of the Spanish generals, and in a few days rescued Castel-branco, with several of the fortresses which had been reduced. Under the walls of JMonscato a still more decisive advantage was gained over Ronquillo. The skill of Das Minas was equal to his valor: he baffled every attempt of Berwick to dislodge him from the strong position he occupied in the pass of Penamaqon, and even forced that general to return across the frontier. The reduction of Castel de Vida by the ]\Lirquis of ViHadarias was the last exploit of this campaign, which the summer heats and the scarcity of prov- ender for the horses now brought to a close. Berwick razed the 394< SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1705 fortifications of liis conquests, broke up his camp, and retired to Salamanca, whence he cautiously watched the proceedings of Das Minas, who advanced to Almeida. As for Schomberg, he did noth- ing during the whole campaign, says Berwick, but move from place to place with his army: he was consequently removed, and suc- ceeded by Lord Galway, a man more imbecile than himself. Subsequently, after the summer heats were passed, hostilities were resumed, but with as little effect, and towards the close of the cam- paign Berwick was recalled. While these indecisive events were passing in Portugal, an expedition, under the prince of Darmstadt and Sir George Rooke, the English admiral, proceeded to Barcelona, The prince had boasted whether through credulity or duplicity is needless to in- quire that no sooner should the standard of Charles be erected than it would be joined by thousands of the disaffected Catalans, But though sufficiently inclined to throw off their allegiance to Philip, none joined the English, w^ho, after an ineffectual attempt on Barcelona, reembarked and returned towards Portugal. On their passage, however, they took Gibraltar, and Sir George had the satisfaction to inflict some loss on the French fleet off the coast of Malaga. But the transactions of the year were little honorable to the allies of Austria. Notwithstanding their formidable prepar- ations, no impression was made on the power of Philip, The following year was destined to prove more memorable, and more successful to the allies. Gibraltar, the blockade of which had been commenced the preceding October by the Marquis of Villa- darias, and which was now pressed by Tesse, the successor of Ber- wick, made so gallant a defense that in ]\Iay its siege was raised. The operations, however, on the Estremadura frontiers were slow, ill-judged, and indecisive, and do not deserve mention. But in the eastern parts of Spain the aspect of affairs was more striking. Though disappointed at the ill-success of its imbecile generals, the English cabinet was emboldened by the victories of ]\Iarl- borough to make new and mightier efforts against the Bourbon prince in the south, iKccordingly in June 15.000 men under Lord Peterborough were dispatched to Spain. This extraordinary man, whose eccentricities even surpassed his genius, was admirably adapted for partisan warfare, or for a separate subordinate com- mand where desperate valor was likely to prove more useful than sober courage. On arriving at Lisbon lie was joined by the Arch- HOUSE OF BOURBON 395 1705 duke Charles, who was justly disgusted with the ill-success of his affairs in Portugal. The expedition now proceeded through the straits of Gibraltar, uncertain as to its destination ; but the prince of Darmstadt, who during the last insurrection of the Catalans had served in that province, persuaded the archduke to advance against Barcelona. When the fleet arrived off the Valencian coast the same feeling was found to exist in that province. The chiefs dis- embarked and were joined by numbers of the disaffected: the garrison of Denia was compelled to surrender and witness the proclamation of Charles III. On arriving before Barcelona, a pro- ject equally bold, and one which might have proved equally rash, was formed by him. He saw that the fortifications were in the best state and well defended, and he knew that an army four times as numerous as the one he commanded would be necessary to form the first line of circumvallation ; nor was there anv hope of recruit- ing his troops by desertions from the Catalans until some instance of decided success had blown the smothered disposition into a flame. In this emergency he resolved to attempt the surprise of the fortress of Montjuich, which overlooks the city and the possession of which would, if not decide, at least prepare, the surrender of Barcelona. But that fortress being built on the summit of an abrupt hill and pro- tected by formidable works, was considered impregnable, and im- pregnable it would have proved to an open attack. Secrecy being the soul of his enterprise, wliich lie did ndt communicate even to tlie archduke, with the view of lulling the garrison into security, he reembarked his great guns and announced h.is intention of sailing for Italy. But the veiy night appointed for his departure he silently moved 1,400 men towards the works, acquainted the gal- lant Darmstadt with his intenticMi, and both heroes on reaching the foot of the rami)arts waited until day should dawn. The as- sault was then vigorously made by about 300 men. According to anticipation, the Spaniards left the upper works t(^ combat so small a band below; they were instantly repulsed, and were pursued through the covered way: tlie bastion fell into tlie possession r)f the assailants. At the same time anollicr party scaled the western part of Montjuich and seized tln-cc pieces of ordnance; a resolute garrison was in consequence compelled to remain in the keep, since it could not issue out without being exposed to a murderous fire. To reduce that inner fort. retcrhorcM.igh sent for a reinforcement of 1,000 men, wb,(nn he liatl left about a (juarter of a mile from 396 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1706 the works: at the same time 900 of the garrison of Barcelona advanced to the rehef of their fellow-soldiers, and 200 were for- tunate enough to enter the keep. The cannon of the English was soon brought to bear on the keep; a shell accidentally falling into the powder magazine, killing the principal officers while at dinner, hastened its surrender. From this elevation the artillery of the English played with tremendous effect on the ramparts of the city; a breach was made and a day appointed for the assault. But the governor, Velasco, though among the bravest of the brave, to avoid the horrors attending a storming, offered to capitulate if in four days the place were not relieved. Even this period w^as shortened, which enabled Velasco to escape on board an English vessel. On October 23 the Archduke Charles solemnly entered and was proclaimed king of Spain. The example of the capital was followed by the rest of the principality, all the towns of which, except Rosas and Cervera, declared for the Austrian, The reduction of Barcelona and the insurrection of Valencia could not fail to make a profound impression at Madrid. By this time Philip seems to have attained a salutary conviction that unless he assumed an activity corresponding to his circumstances, his reign would soon be at an end ; he accordingly resolved to take the field in person. Having petitioned Louis for a powerful re- inforcement, and withdrawn most of the troops engaged on the frontiers of Portugal leaving a handful only under Berwick, who had been again ordered to assume the conduct of the western war he proceeded to invest Barcelona, the recovery of which would naturally constrain the submission of Catalonia, and per- haps put an end to the war by the capture of his rival. Philip having reached the army at Alcafiiz, proceeded towards the capi- tal, under the walls of which he was joined by the Duke de Noailles; and he had the gratification of seeing the entrance to the harbor blockaded by a fleet of thirty sail. But resistance grew at length languid, and a day was fixed for the assault; in a few hours Philip was assured that the enemy would be in his power. At this critical moment, when the sun of Charles seemed to be set forever, a British squadron appeared in sight ; tlie French fleet, with inconceivable cowardice, retired towards Toulon ; the Eng- lish and Dutch landed. Philip was himself now besieged ; but in the silence of night, forsaking his guns, his baggage, and even his wounded, he made a precipitate though reluctant retreat. HOUSE OF BOURBON 397 t706 Knowing that Aragon was rising against him, his only refuge was on the frontiers of France; in his flight he was still harassed by the active Peterborough ; but having remained a few days at Perpignan, he precipitately and without an escort passed to Pamplona, where he met indeed with professions of attachment, but no real service. At this time his affairs seemed hopeless. The Duke of Marlborough had just triumphed at Ramilies; a French army in Italy had been almost annihilated; and the war in his own western provinces was no less disastrous than in the eastern. Great as were the abiHties of Berwick, his small band could not face the 40,000 enemies before him ; he therefore re- treated, had the mortification to witness the capture of Alcantara, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Salamanca, and the approach of the con- federates towards Madrid, who had agreed to effect a junction with their allies from the east. To defend that capital with 8,000 men, the only remaining force of the monarcliy. would have been madness. By his advice the court was removed to Burgos, the ancient capital of Castile. It was high time, for scarcely had Philip left it than the light troops of Galway and Das Minas appeared in sight, and on the 28th day of June those chiefs, at the head of 30,000 men, made a triumphant entry into Madrid. To ordinary and even to many acute observers the Bourbon power seemed forever fallen in the Peninsula. Without forces, without money, a fugitive from his capital, which was occupied by a foiinidable enemy, his fairest provinces in the power of his rival, Philip was expected to retreat int(T France. But he had no such intention ; adversity called forth powers which had hitherto slumbered within him, and the existence of which had not been suspected perhaps even by himself. When the allied troops had entered into IMadrid no shout had been raised in favor of Charles; a mournful silence reigned on every side, and though the archduke had been proclaimed by his generals, and some dis- affected nobles nominated his ministers, the ceremony was omi- nously lifeless. Madrid was not Spain, and the Spaniards were not Flemings facts of which the allied generals had soon a mel- ancholy experience. In Castile almost every individual became a soldier. Fstremadura furnished and equipped t 2,000: in Sala- manca no sooner had the allies left it on the marcli to the ca])ital than the inhabitants arose, again proclaimed Philip, and levied a boflv of troops to cut off all communication l)et\vcen them and 398 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1706-1707 Portugal. Toledo, indeed, declared for Charles, but this was a mere temporary impulse, excited by the queen dowager, his uncle, and by Cardinal Portocarrero, who, from hatred to the French, was now willing to undo his own great work. The rising spirit of the people was not the only cause of this change ; the allied generals grew suddenly inactive; the troops in Madrid aban- doned themselves to many excesses, which they found more at- tractive than the fatigues and dangers of a campaign, and Charles himself wasted so much time in Barcelona and Aragon that when he joined his generals at Guadalaxara he perceived the active Berwick at the head of a greater force than his own. By that able man his communication with Aragon was inter- cepted ; it had already been cut off with Portugal ; Andalusia was in arms ; so that his only way of escape was to the capital or into Valencia. But Madrid was waiting the arrival of a detach- ment from the army of Berwick to throw off his yoke ; he there- fore commenced his retreat towards that kingdom, and was pur- sued by the enemy, who caused him great loss. Philip joined in the pursuit as far as the confines of ]\Iurcia, witnessed the reduc- tion of Orihuela, Cuenca.and Carthagena, and returned in triumph to Madrid, which received him with enthusiastic demonstrations of joy. In punishing the Austrian partisans he showed becoming forbearance. Cardinal Portocarrero was forgiven in memory of his past services, and the queen dowager was respectfully escorted out of Spain. Thus ended this wonderful campaign wonderful alike from its rapid changes and from the chivalrous fidelity of the Castilians. The tide of success had now set in too strongly to be stemmed by any barrier opposed Ijy the allies. On the plain of Almanza Das ]Minas and Galway were signally defeated by the able Ber- wick. This victory established the throne of Philip ; it inspired his adherents with confidence; in the same degree it dispirited his encnnies, and it was followed by advantages of still greater mo- ment. While the Duke d'Orleans, who arrived witli reinforce- ments from France, led an army into Aragon, Berwick proceeded to reduce the fortresses of Valencia. The capitals of both king- doms submitted without striking a blow ; in the former the ex- ample was imitated by the remaining strong places ; in the latter Denia, Xativa, and Alcante resisted, but were ultimately reduced. In ])unishment of their desperate valor the inhabitants of Xativa HOUSE OF BOURBON f399 1707-1710 were barbarously butchered, the walls were razed to the ground, and when it was subsequently rebuilt it was not allowed to retain its former name, but received that of San Felipe. But the heaviest of all penalties was the abolition of the ancient fiicros, both of Aragon and Valencia, by a royal decree of June 29, 1707. The same fate had been decreed against the privileges of Catalonia, the recovery of which now occupied the cares of the French gen- erals. But before this object could be gained new and almost unparalleled difficulties had to be encountered. Naples was con- quered by the Austrians, and Milan was already in their power. Tortosa made a long and brilliant defense; some reinforcements were received from England ; Gahvay was displaced by Stanhope, an officer of courage and experience; Count Stahremberg, the imperial general, arrived with auxiliaries, and the Balearic Isles were reduced by the allies. In the memorable campaign of 17 10 Philip failed against Balaguer and was defeated by Stahremberg at Almenara, still more signally near Saragossa; though he was forced to retreat to his capital, and immediately afterwards to. transfer his court from Madrid, which lie was again destined to see in the power of his enemies, to Valladolid, still he had the consolation to find that his reverses endeared him to his people, and that Spanish loyalty and honor were not to be shaken. Add to this that the victory of La Godina obtained over the luckless Gahvay the recovery of Ciudad Rodrigo, and the reduction of some Portuguese fortresses on the Estremadura frontier. Ipad pre- ceded the important campaign of 17 10, and had naturally encour- aged many to remain firm in their loyalty. Tlie cliaracter of Philip was evidently improved by increased adversities, and so great was the attachment borne to him that when his rival Charles entered the capital (in October) scarcely a "riz'a!" was raised even by the lowest of the mob. Cliarlcs v/as soon disgusted with Madrid ; he left it the following month, and was scarcely l)eyond the gates when he had the mortification to hear the bells merrily ringing for his departure. Again was Philip recalled by the in- habitants of ]\Iadrid, who greeted him with their warmest accla- mations. But tlie time was too ])recious to Ije wasted; accom- panied by the Duke de Vendomc, who liad arrived from France to take the place of the Duke d'Orlenns. lie jiastcned in pursuit of the allies. At Brihucga tliey overtook Stanhope, at the head of 5.500 men, chiefly English. 400 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1710-1711 The following morning Stahremberg, who had been requested by Stanhope to advance to the rehef of his alHes, arrived within sight of the place, and Vendome prepared to receive him. In the battle which ensued fortune at first declared for Vendome; a vig- orous charge of the imperial general turned it in favor of the allies ; the French duke, with Philip, was preparing to flee, when the reserves, being brought up by the Marquis de Valdecafias, and a fierce attack being made on the flank of Stahremberg, it remained with the victors of Stanhope. But the latter, with a valor scarcely ever surpassed, retained possession of the field until night closed the conflict. For this reason, he, as well as Vendome, claimed the victory; but it is certain that whatever advantage was gained lay with the latter. Before daybreak the following morning he spiked his cannon, and commenced his hasty retreat to Barcelona; nor were his losses during this precipitate march less disastrous than in the field of battle. These disasters, at a time when the allied cause was expected to be resistless, the amazing sacrifices of men and money which England had so long and so unwisely made, and, above all, the change of Queen Anne's ministry, strongly indisposed her people to the continuation of the war. Besides, by the death of the em- peror Joseph, in April, 171 1, Charles, the last male of his house, succeeded to immense possessions, and would, probably, be in- vested with the imperial dignity, an expectation indeed soon veri- fied by the event ; and the union of so many states with the crown of Spain threatened to become no less fatal to the pretended balance of power than even the union of France and Spain. By the new ministry overtures of negotiation were secretly made to the French court, and were eagerly accepted by Louis, who, in artfully afford- ing the prospect of peculiar commercial advantages to the English, could not fail to dispose in his views a people peculiarly alive to such advantages. At length the preliminaries to a separate treaty between France and England were signed ; by them the Protestant succession was recognized in Queen Anne and her successors ; the works of Dunkirk were to be razed ; Gibraltar, Minorca, St. Chris- topher's, and the monopoly of the asiento, or supply of slaves for the Spanish colonies, were ceded for a period to the English ; they were also secured an establishment on the Rio de la Plata, an ex- emption from certain duties in the port of Cadiz, and generally the same privileges of trade in Spain as were enjoyed by the French, HOUSE OF BOURBON 401 1711-1713 In the same preliminaries it was agreed that early the following year conferences should be opened for a general peace at Utrecht. During these negotiations, the nature of which was concealed from the world, the war in Catalonia languished, especially after Charles left Barcelona to take possession of his hereditary states. But he promised to return with new reinforcements, and to prove his sin- cerity he left his queen to exercise the regency in Catalonia and his general Stahremberg with all his disposable forces to prosecute the war. On reaching Milan he was acquainted with his election to the empire. His first object was to counteract tlie new policy of England by drawing closer the bonds which connected him with Holland. But his efforts were unavailing: the conferences were duly opened at Utrecht; England openly seceded from the grand alliance, and orders were sent for the reembarkation of the English troops in Catalonia. These orders were of necessity obeyed, notwithstanding the indignant representations of the Cata- lans that they had been drawn into the war by England, and had done nothing to deserve so shameful an abandonment. The nego- tiations still continued, though subject to some suspensions. At length Louis, having consented to swear that the two crowns of France and Spain should never be united on the same head, and Philip having renounced, both for himself and his successors, all claim to the former engagements which neither considered bind- ing a general peace was signed, April ii, 1713, by the ambassa- dors of all the sovereigns except the emperor. Its provisions, as far as Spain was concerned, were few but momentous. Philip was ac- knowledged king of Spain and the Indies ; but Sicily, with the regal title, was ceded to the Duke of Savoy, and ]\Iilan, Naples, Sardinia, and the Netherlands, to the emperor;^ Gibraltar and Minorca, with the commercial advantages before mentioned, to the English ; a general amnesty was guaranteed to the Catalans, but without any stipulations for the preservation of their ancient fiicros. In case Philip died without issue, the succession was to devolve, not on a prince of the h(^use of France, but on the Duke of Savoy. By this celebrated peace Spain was stripped of half her pos- sessions in Europe. For this disnicmberment of the monarchy Philip cannot be blamed: Milan and Naples had long been held by the rival house ; their recovery was not to be expected ; the two Italian islands, Sardinia and Sicily, omld no longer be retained; 1 In 1720 tlie king of Sicily cxcliangcd tliat island for Sardinia. 402 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1713 and the Netherlands were forever lost. The War of the Succession was now virtually at an end : Charles, disabled by the defection of his allies, had already opened negotiations for withdrawing his troops from Catalonia, and though the inhabitants of the capital were resolved to continue the struggle unaided, it could not be of long continuance. Neither this war nor the peace which followed it was honorable to the allies. Its injustice is manifest: it was undertaken to dethrone a monarch whom the Spanish people had chosen, and to whom they adhered with unparalleled fidelity, and to replace him by a prince for whom they enter- tained no other sentiment than abhorrence: it was, moreover, an insult to the national independence, an odious violation of in- ternational law. When the Catalans knew that the king had resolved to abolish their fiieros, and that neither honor nor justice was to be expected from England, nay, when assured that the emperor himself, who was no match single-handed for France, was compelled to forsake them, instead of bewailing their situation they manfully resolved to continue in arms against the whole force of the Bourbons. They rejected the proffered amnesty of Philip, unless their privileges were to be declared inviolable. The Catalans did not fall without one of the noblest struggles on record. An overwhelming army reduced all their fortresses, except Cardena and the capital ; the latter was invested, held for months in a state of blockade, while a formidable artillery played, with few intermissions, on the walls. In the spring of 17 14, Berwick, with 20,000 Frenchmen, arrived to reinforce the besiegers, and an English squadron was dispatched for the same purpose. Nothing could daunt the inhabitants ; all who were strong enough flew to arms; even the women and the ecclesiastics, whose patriotism is usually more tranquil, enrolled themselves in the ranks and fought with desperation. On the death of Anne, whose ministers had so basely betrayed them, they hoped that justice might be admitted into the cabinet of Britain; but a change of dynasty brought no change in the former policy. Before the final assault of Barcelona, which was fixed for tlie morn- ing of September 11, Berwick proposed a favorable capitulation to the people : his proposal was rejected because it did not guaran- tee the preservation of their fiicros. Nothing now remained but to make the last awful attempt. Fifty companies of grenadiers advanced; they were supported by forty more; but before they HOUSE OF BOUKBON 403 1713-1714 could win the bastion whole ranks were swept away by grapeshot. Even when this object was gained, the streets were found to be barricaded, and a murderous fire to be sustained from almost every window. Of the desperate valor of the besieged some idea may be formed when it is known that in the course of this eventful day the bastion of San Pedro was won and lost eleven times: women and priests advanced to tlie charge with amazing impetuosity, and such was the havoc which they and tlieir comrades inflicted on the enemy that in one regiment, long before the close of the struggle, every superior officer had fallen and an ensign remained with the command. But numbers prevailed : after twelve hours of incessant fighting, the small remnant of Catalans began to give way; a white flag was hoisted, the carnage was suspended, negotiations were opened; but as the deputies still insisted on the inviolability of their ancient rights, they were hastily broken off. During the night a fire of musketry was maintained from the houses, but in the morn- ing of September 12, when Berwick, proceeding to put all to the sword and burn the city to the ground, had ordered several houses to be set on fire, the leaders consented to capitulate. The chief conditions were that their lives should be spared and their property respected ; but that they should surrender both the fortress of Montjuich and Cardona. During these eventful hostilities the court of ^Madrid pursued its usual career of intrigue and imbecility, llie ascendency of the queen, and, through her, of the Princess Orsini. remained uncon- trolled, and it continued to be exercised either beneficially or in- juriously to the country, according to the nature of the petty or base passions which it was employed to gratify. In return for his renunciation of all future claim to the crown of France, in 171 2 Philip forced, rather than persuaded, his council t(^ alter the order of succession in Spain to introduce a sort of Salic law. by which the most distant male of tlie family W()uld be called to the in- heritance in preference to the nearest female. Even after the death of the queen of Spain, in Febru'iry. 17 14. who left two sons, the in- fantes Luis and P'erdinand. Orsini's iniluciice remained paramount; during the preceding years she had rendered lierself no less neces- sary to tlie king than to ]\Iaria Theresa, and she was now m(~)re so than ever. Perceiving that Pln"lip would not long remain without a rjueen, it was tlic Princess Ci-sini's .'lim to j^rcn'ide him with one will) would be as nexible to her purposes as the lasl one without 404 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1714 energ-y of character, who would take no part in court intrigues, and would leave her an important share in the government. At this period the celebrated Cardinal Alberoni appears on the stage of Spanish history: he had entered the country as the agent of the Duke of Parma, and had been favored by Vendome, who had secured him a considerable pension on the see of Valencia: even now the Marquis Casali, ambassador of Parma, abandoned to him the chief affairs of his mission. In this capacity he had access to the court, where he soon gained the confidence of the princess. Seeing her embarrassment in choosing a wife for the king, he one day proposed Isabel Farnese, daughter of the late and niece of the present Duke of Parma, whom he represented as simple, devout, immured from the world, and exactly fitted to become her instrument. In this proposal he had a double view both to conciliate the favor of his own court and to ruin the princess, for well he knew that Isabel, who was of character totally different from that which he had drawn, could never be ruled. The choice was approved by the favorite ; negotiations were secretly opened for the marriage; the papal dispensation for the princess was nearly related to the deceased queen was procured : and the favorite exulted in the prospect of continued rule, when she discovered the real character of her future mistress. To pre- vent the execution of the match was her instant resolve, and though the necessary powers had been sent to celebrate the nuptials, she dispatched a trusty agent to Parma; but he did not arrive until the morning of the nuptials; and as his purpose was suspected, he was not suffered to enter the city until the ceremony by proxy was con- cluded. But her confidence did not forsake her: she affected great delight at the marriage, and accompanied the king to Alcala to await the arrival of tlie new queen. Leaving the king in that town, whom she was destined to see no more, she proceeded towards Guadalaxara. But Alberoni, who had met his royal mistress at Pamplona, and had been created a count. had, doubtless, fixed the fate of this favorite doubtless, too. even with the full connivance of Philip. Scarcely was the Princess Orsini introduced to Isabel when, by order of the latter, she was arrested and liurried towards the frontier. At St. Jean de Luz she was set at liberty; her ward- robe, jewels, and money were forwarded to her and she was per- mitted to revisit Paris. But even here the vengeance of the new queen i)ursued her : she was compelled to return to Avignon ; from HOUSE OF BOURBON 405 1715-1717 there she passed to Rome, where she ended her days in the house- hold of the unfortunate Stuart. The disgrace of the Princess Orsini was followed by the re- moval of Orri and her other creatures from the administration. Like her predecessor Maria Theresa, Isabel succeeded to the most unbounded power over the royal mind, especially after the death of Louis XIV., whom Philip had been accustomed to regard with mingled reverence and fear. That e\ ent changed his policy. Next to Louis XV., now a child, he was the heir to the French crown his renunciation to procure the peace of Utrecht had been esteemed both by himself and his grandfather a farce and as such he might aspire to the regency. It was dexterously seized by the Due d'Orleans, a circumstance which alienated him from the French court. This indisposition was strengtliened by the queen, whose measures were irresistible, whose talents were of a higher order than her predecessors, whose power of dissimulation would have been honored even in Italy, and who as])ired to place a son of her own (in 1716 she was delivered of the infante Don Carlos) on the throne of France, or at least to procure for one the ducal crowns of Parma, Placentia, and Tuscany, to the succession of which, in default of heirs male by the reigning dukes, she might look forward with hope. To the attainment of these objects, and the continuation of the Spanish influence in Italy, her whole soul was bent: hence, as she was in reality sovereign of Spain, the pol- icy of the monarchy during the remainder of her husband's life was necessarily subservient to her purposes. The favorite and ad- viser was naturally Alberoni. a ])ricst of commanding abilities. Having, by his dexterous intrigues no less tlian the (juecn's favor, annihilated the power of tlie prime minister, the Cardinal del Giudice, and obtained tlie directifm nf affairs, Alberoni began to exhibit his designs on Italy wliicli were so injurious to the Austrian domination in that ])cninsula. They could not be wholly hidden from the imijcrial court: hence distrust, next ill-will, be- tween Madrid and Vienna. The impolitic and ar1)!trary arrest of the Spanish ambassador in Italy, by the emperor's (r(ler, so irri- tated Philip that he resolved on war, even tliough he knew that a triple alliance had been formed l)etwcen l''rance. Fngland. and Holland to preserve the integrity of the treaty of Utrecht. As Spain was sure to stand alone in the conflict, and might probably be opposed to all Euro])e. Alberoni strongly disapproved the war. 406 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1717-1718 until he saw that by persisting in his fruitless opposition he should only seal his own disgrace. From that moment he showed great alacrity in preparing for it. With the view of conferring greater luster on his character and administration he was now (171 7) the acknowledged minister he compelled the pope to bestow on him the dignity of cardinal. That of grandee, with the bishopric of Malaga, and subsequently the archbishopric of Seville, was added by the Spanish monarch. In August an armament, consist- ing of twelve ships and 9,000 men, left Barcelona and steered for Sardinia. In about two months the island was subdued. But this conquest was intended merely as the prelude to others of far higher moment, the recovery of Sicily and Naples. Preparations on a more extended scale were hastened, and their destination, as in the former case, kept profoundly secret. But it was suspected ; and England, as one of the guarantees to the peace of Utrecht, after vainly endeavoring to dispose the Spanish court to a reconciliation with the emperor, equipped an armament to resist the aggressions of that power. In June, 1718, the Spanish fleet, consisting of 23 ships and 30,000 men, again left Barcelona, cast anchor at Cape Solanto, about four leagues from Palermo, and landed the forces. Europe beheld with some alarm this vigorous and unexpected effort of a power which, since the reign of Philip II., had sunk into in- significance. In the apprehension of another war not less fatal than that which had been ended by the peace of Utrecht, France now joined with England and Austria to humble the aspiring views of Alberoni ; and the Dutch were drawn into the treaty, which was afterwards known by the name of the quadruple alliance. Palermo and Messina (except the citadel) were speedily occupied; the whole island was preparing to receive the Spanish yoke, when the British fleet, under Admiral Byng, arrived off the Sicilian coast. In the action which followed the Spanish fleet was almost wholly taken or destroyed. In revenge, Alberoni entered into an alliance with Charles XII. of Sweden and the Czar Peter to assist the Stuart in an invasion of Great Britain; but the death of the Swedish hero frustrated his hopes. His next step was to organize a conspiracy the object of which was to arrest the French regent, the Due d'Or- leans, and to proclaim Philip as the guardian of the infante Louis. It was discovered, and war naturally declared against Spain. At the head of 30,000 men the celebrated Berwick passed the Pyrenees into Biscay, while Philip and the cardinal advanced to oppose; but HOUSE OF BOURBON 407 1718-1720 seeing the superiority of his force, they halted at Pamplona, and had the mortification to learn the reduction of Fuentarabia, San Antonio, and San Sebastian. From Biscay, Berwick retraced his steps across the Pyrenees, traversed Bearne, invaded Catalonia, took Urgel, and, after an ineffectual attempt on Rosas, retired into Roussillon. Undaunted by these reverses, the cardinal fitted out at Cadiz a formidable expedition, which he professed to be directed against Sicily, but which he dispatched under the Duke of Ormond towards Scotland to assist in placing James Stuart on the throne of Britain, But a fatality seems to have attended all Spanish arma- ments against this country. Off Cape Finisterre the present one was dispersed by a violent storm : two frigates only reached their destination, and the handful of troops they poured on the Scottish coast was soon compelled to surrender. In revenge a British squadron committed great devastations on the coast of Galicia. In Sicily affairs began to assume an appearance equally un- favorable for this enterprising minister. Victor Asmodeus acceded to the quadruple alliance, Austrian troops were poured into the island, and the Spaniards were driven from their plains into the fortified places. Shortly afterv/ards Holland also acceded ; so that the cardinal beheld the realization of his fears. Spain now stood alone against armed Europe. These misfortunes made a deep impression on the mind of Philip, who began to regard his min- ister with an unfriendly eye. This dissatisfaction was zealously fomented by the allies, who dreaded the aspiring genius of this minister. Through means sufficiently characteristic of a court, even the queen was gained; and the cardinal, in the height of his power, and totally unsuspicious of his situation, received a sudden order to leave Aladrid in a week, and tlie S])anish donu'nions in three. He traversed the south of France, eml)arked at Antibes. landed at Sestri de Levante, with the intention of proceeding to the papal court; but receiving an order not to enter the territory of the church, he plunged into the Apennines, where he was soon lost to the world, though he was snbsef|ucntly a great favorite with tlie Romnn See. As witli his life in Italy this compendium has no concern, we sliall only remark that while in power he introduced many and most salutary improvements into the inter- nal administratic^r; that he restored to a considerable extent the national prosperity: and that lie was beyond all comparison the 408 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1720-1724 greatest minister the country had possessed since the famous Car- dinal Ximenes Cisneros. After the removal of the cardinal Philip acceded, though not without reluctance, to the quadruple alliance. In consequence he renounced all claim to the dismembered provinces of the mon- archy, consented to see Sicily transferred to the emperor and Sar- dinia to the duke of Savoy; in return he was acknowledged by his old rival as king of Spain and the Indies, and the reversion of the two Italian principalities was entailed on the issue of his pres- ent marriage on the condition, however, that they should never be united with the Spanish crown. In revenge, and because he really found that his best dependence was in his own family, in 1 72 1 he contracted a double matrimonial alliance with the hereditary enemy of England ; his eldest son Luis was contracted with Louise Isabelle, daughter of the Due d'Orleans and his daughter Maria Ana, by Isabel Farnese, with the youthful mon- arch of France. The latter marriage, however, owing to the tender age of the infanta, was never celebrated, and Luis subsequently received the hand of a Polish princess, a daughter of the exiled Stanislas Leczinski. Soon after this marriage he formed a reso- lution which filled all Europe with astonishment, that of abdicating the crown in favor of his son and of retiring to the splendid palace of San Ildefonso, which he had himself founded. The decree of abdication was dated July 10, 1724, and Philip, having solemnly vowed never to resume the crown, retired in a few days to his chosen retreat. But his worldly passions never forsook him; the feeble health of Louis XV. afforded him the prospect of soon succeeding to that splendid inheritance; his hopes were fostered by his queen, who detested Spain, and was detested by it in return ; nor did he leave to his son more than a nominal authority. The court of the youthful Luis was filled with his own creatures, who paid more deference to him than to their new monarch ; nor was anything of moment undertaken without his previous sanction. The irregularities of the court afforded him sufficient pretext for interference. Philip was soon disgusted with his exclusion from the exercise of royalty, especially when he learned that the decease of the French king was not so probable an event as he had been led to anticipate; his own son, whose conduct was filial enough in points of minor importance, submitted with impatience to the mandates from San Ildefonso; the new ministry began to devise HOUSE OF BOURBON 409 1724-1726 the removal of the g-alhng restraint, when the death of Luis (who by will declared him successor) by the smallpox again induced him to claim the sovereignty. The restoration of Philip was naturally that of his queen's policy the establishment, by treaty or force, of his son Don Car- los in the Italian principalities. This, with other objects, had been urged in the congress of Cambray, assembled to reconcile the jarring interests of the European powers ; but each was too intent on its own aggrandizement to plead with vigor the cause of an- other. Indignant at the evident lukewarmness of England, France, and Holland in a matter which they themselves had proposed to advocate, he suddenly swerved from his past policy and dis- patched an ambassador to Vienna to obtain from the emperor, hitherto his bitter rival, advantages which were not to be ex- pected from the interested delays of the mediators. The person employed in this mission was one of the most extraodinary characters in political life. The Baron de Ripperda, a Catholic gentleman of Spanish descent, but a native of the Netherlands, of good education but of no principle, perceiving that his religion was a barrier to his ambition in his native country, embraced tlie Protestant, and was returned a deputy to the states-general. Being selected for the difficult mission, in November, 1725, he Repaired secretly to Vienna and actively commenced his conference with the imperial ministers. Early in the following year three treaties were signed. By the first the investiture of the Italian principalities was insured to Don Carlos, and in return Philip abandoned all claim to Naples and Sicily and consented to be satisfied with the reversion of Sardinia. By the second, to encourage the trade of the Netherlands at the expense of England and Holland, the most favored privileges were conferred on the maritime su1:jects of the emperor and on the Hanse l\nvns. ^Flie third was secret, but its articles are said to have referred, among other matters, to the forcible recovery of Gibraltar, and to tlie restoration of James Stuart to the English throne. In addition, a marriage was doubt- less negotiated l)etween Don Carlos and an archdnchess, but it was never concluded. The chief remaining transactions of this eventful reign must be related with greater brevity. iMjr some time after Spain ad- hered to the German alliance, and was alternately friendly or adverse to England, according as the p(,ilicy of the two courts liar- 410 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1726-1735 monized or varied. Gibraltar was more than once besieged, but without effect. British armaments frequently appeared off the Spanish coast, but without inflicting much injury. As the em- peror was naturally averse again to admit the Spaniards into Italy, and sought for delays, even for evasions, in fulfilling his compact, in 1729 the treaty of Seville, between Spain, England and France, broke the connection between the courts of Vienna and Madrid. The king of France could have no objection to see a Bourbon prince in possession of Parma and Tuscany; the transfer of com- mercial advantages from the emperor's subjects to the English made George II. no less favorable to the succession of Don Carlos in right of his mother, the Spanish queen. But on the death of Antonio, duke of Parma, the emperor seized that principality; and England, satisfied with the gratification of her sordid interests, showed no disposition until Philip, by threatening to revoke the commercial advantages secured by the treaty of Seville, forced the English king to interfere in behalf of Don Carlos. In virtue of his efforts and the assistance of France, the infante was soon invested with the actual possession of Parma and Placentia and declared successor to Tuscany. But the emperor evidently medi- tated his expulsion, while the queen of Spain was far from satisfied with the recent acquisitions. As England evinced a disposition to remain on good terms with the emperor, the Bourbons adhered the more closely to each other ; the kings of Spain, France, and Sar- dinia entered into an alliance against Austria. It was now that doubtful measures and useless treaties were succeeded by active and extended hostilities. While one French army crossed the Rhine and another passed the Alps, a Spanish army under Don Carlos invaded Naples and conquered it almost without an effort. Sicily was next reduced, and the infante, by order of Philip, was solemnly crowned king of the Two Sicilies. By the treaty of Vienna in 1735 the emperor, whose arms had been almost uni- formly unfortunate, consented to acknowledge Don Carlos, and in return he received Parma and Tuscany. The latter condition was highly disagreeable to tb.e Spanish queen for in these Italian disputes she again was arbitress of the national policy but being forsaken by France, she was compelled to submit. Omitting the petty intrigues in the cabinet of Madrid tlie rise of one worthless favorite or the ruin of anotlier the foreign transactions of the countrv continued to be sufficiently important. HOUSE OF BOURBON 411 1735-1741 England was soon brought into hostile collision with this mon- archy. One reason was the jealousy entertained of the Bourbon family by the recent acquisition; another was the opposition thrown in the way of English commerce by the ministers of Philip ; a still greater was the contraband traffic which England resolved to maintain with the American colonies a traffic not very honor- able to England and deeply injurious to Spain. But Spain had doubtless the greater subject of complaint; her right of search arose from her sovereignty, and had been confirmed by successive treaties; but it was suddenly assailed by the English opposition, which, as in other cases, had, by the most unprincipled exaggera- tions, the art to interest the nation in the dispute. The fomenta- tion of the public mind drew the ministry, though with evident re- luctance, into collision with Spain a melancholy, but alas! far from solitary instance of the influence which faction can exercise over a democratic spirit, in violation of justice or even of oaths. War was first declared by England ; it was followed in Spain ; the hostile vessels in the ports of each were confiscated and powerful armaments fitted out by the one to seize, by the other to defend the American possessions ; while pirates from Biscay harassed tlie home trade of England, In the wars which followed the advan- tage doubtless rested with Spain, since the English armament made little impression on the Spanish colonies, while the Spanish privateers made repeated and invaluable captures. Tlicse hostili- ties, alike desultory and inglorious, notwithstanding occasional exhibitions of brilliant though useless valnr by the l^iglish, con- tinued during the life of Philip and until the fourth year of his successor's reign, when Spain, in return for the secession of Eng- land from the Austrian interests, consented to a renewal of the former commercial regulations. The death of the Emperor Charles VI., the famous competi- tor of Philip, without male issue, stimulated tliis monarch, as it did other sovereigns, to acts of spoliation. W'liiic In'ivaria, Sax- ony, Prussia, and Erance each pursued its advantage, without re- gard to the succession which each had guaranteed to tlie deceased emperor, he looked towards Italy in searcli of an cstablislimcnt for the infante Felipe, his second son by tlie present queen. Hence all Europe was engaged in war. In 174T an army was sent to Italy, a junction effected with the Xcapolitans. and the combined forces marched into Lomhardy. But several circumstances im- 412 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1741-1746 peded the success of the Spanish arms. The king of Sardinia joined England and Austria ; a superior force expelled Monte- mar, the Spanish general, from his position ; a British squadron compelled the king of Naples to observe neutrality, and the troops of that power were consequently recalled. During the following years the war sometimes raged, but often languished, with vari- ous success. In the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748 Spain was disposed to lay down her arms by the cession of Parma, Guastalla, and Placentia to Don Philip. It was, however, agreed that if he ever succeeded to the throne of Naples, the first two should revert to Austria and the last to the king of Sardinia. Before the conclusion of this peace, in July, 1746, an attack of apoplexy hurried Philip to the grave. His character is apparent enough from his actions ; indeed, it requires no other illustration. Whatever might be his general weakness, his unconquerable in- dolence, his subjections to his queens, he had a sincere desire for the good of Spain, and in part that desire was fulfilled. Under his rule the country enjoyed more prosperity than it had experienced since the days of Philip II. Nor was he deficient in a taste for literature. He founded the royal library of Madrid, the royal Spanish academy, the academy of history, and the academy of San Fernando, for the encouragement of the fine arts. In private life he was a model for princes ; he was almost spotless. His only fault, let us rather say his only misfortune, was his want of capacity for the station he occupied ; he would have been an admirable private gentleman or an exemplary ecclesiastic. Ferdinand VI. (1746-1759). second son of the deceased mon- arch by Maria Luisa of Savoy (the fate of the eldest, Luis, has already been related), was on his succession in his thirty- fourth year. Though he did not w-ant natural affection for his step- brothers, he was not to be controlled by the queen-dowager, whose influence was forever at an end ; nor would he sacrifice tlie best interests of his kingdom to provide Italian sovereignties for the infantes. Hence, as related towards the close of the late reign, he consented to procure peace for his dominions by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. His disposition was averse to war, which, as he clearly saw, had obstructed the career of the national improve- ment; nor was he so blind as to be ignorant that the blood and treasures of his people had been wasted for French or Austrian rather than Spanish objects. He respected the king of France as HOUSE OF BOURBON 413 1746-1758 the head of his house, but he asserted his resolution not to become the viceroy of that monarch. If to this we add that he was a prince of honor, of integrity, of strict veracity, we shall have said all that truth will permit in his praise. He had the melancholy temperament, the incapacity, the indolence of his father; nor was he less uxorious. His queen, Maria Teresa Magdalena Barbara, daughter of Joam V., king of Portugal, to whom he had been united in 1729, was a woman of engaging manners and of mild disposition, but avaricious. The reign of Ferdinand exhibits little more than a contest between the British and French agents in support of the respective policy of their nations. The minister Carvajal took part with the former, his colleague Ensenada with the latter. Can^ajal, notwith- standing the opposition of the cabinet of Versailles, drew his master into an alliance with Austria and Sardinia for securing their neutrality an object which England was eager to promote. On the other hand, France triumphed by opposing the infante Felipe, duke of Parma, and Carlos, king of Naples, to the policy of their brother. But this virtuous minister was no slave of Eng- land, no blind enemy of France. In the disputes between these powers, though cajoled and flattered and attempted to be wheedled into the views of each, he observed a dignified neutrality, while his colleague Ensenada acted with all tlie heat of a partisan. In 1754 his death dejected the English as much as it elated the hopes of the Frencli, since it was considered as decisive of Ense- nada's unlimited control; but the party opposed to the Gallic in- fluence succeeded in procuring the nomination to the foreign department of General Wall, an Irisliman naturahV.cd in Spain and attached to England. Soon afterwards Ensenada himself was disgraced. But Ferdinand continued to observe a wise and dignified neutrality in the European war occasi()ned by the rivalry of France and England. Xot even the ofl'cr of Minorca, which the French conquered from the English, nor that of assisting in the reduction of Gibraltar, could incline the court in favor of the Gallic policy. Equally fruitless was the offer of Gi1)raltar by the English themselves, as the condition of joining the confederacy against France. But S(-) mild and just and \irtuous a i)rince was not long spared to Spain and to Euro])e. The death of his queen in 1758 made so deep an impression on his mind that he would never afterwards attend to either affairs of state or the ordinary 414 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1759-1762 enjoyments of life; in twelve months he followed her to the tomb. As he died without issue, he left the crown to his next brother, Don Carlos, king of the Two Sicilies. By the treaty of Vienna the two crowns of Naples and Spain were never to be placed on the same head; hence Carlos, on his accession to the latter, was compelled to resign the other in favor of a son. As the eldest, Felipe, was a constant prey to mental imbecility, the second, Carlos, succeeded to the rights of primo- geniture and was declared heir to the Spanish monarchy; while the third, Ferdinand, was hailed as king of the Two Sicilies. Hav- ing appointed a council of regency during the minority of Fer- dinand, Carlos bade adieu to his former subjects, whom his administration had strongly attached to his person, embarked, landed at Barcelona, the inhabitants of which he gratified by the restoration of a few privileges, and proceeded to Madrid. When Carlos ascended the throne in 1759 he found France and Great Britain involved in a war which, under the vigorous administration of William Pitt, later first Earl of Chatham, was highly disastrous to the arms of Louis. The success of the English displeased him ; he bore them little good-will ; he remembered the obligation to neutrality which in the Italian war they had forced on him ; his ears were deafened with the complaints of his people relative to the contraband trade in the West Indies, and he was anxious to procure for his nation a par- ticipation in the Newfoundland fishery; nor was he without his fears lest the victors should turn their arms against his richest settlements in the new world. Unable singly to contend with the rulers of the deep, he directed his hopes to the cooperation of France. That power, in the view of repairing its disasters, was no less eager to make common cause with him. The result w^as an intimate alliance, known by the name of the Family Compact, by which the enemy of either was to be considered the enemy of both, and neither was to make peace without the consent of the other. However secret the articles, they were suspected by Pitt, and he would have anticipated Spain by a declaration of war and by breaking off the hollow negotiations which, to gain time, France had commenced, had he not been replaced at this juncture by a court favorite, the earl of Bute. The new ministry were made the dupes of the Bourbon courts ; the negotiations were art- fully prolonged until the arrival of the Spanish treasures from the HOUSE OF BOURBON 415 1763-1775 Indies, and until preparations were made by both countries to carry on the war with vigor. The mask was then dropped and hostihties invited. However despicable the EngHsh ministry, under a sov- ereign more feeble even than his predecessors, Pitt had given to every branch of the public service a vigor which in the present war secured the triumph of English arms. In the West Indies Havana, in the East, Manila, were taken ; nor were the allied French and Spanish arms successful in Portugal, which in punish- ment of its connection with England was invaded by 22,000 men under the Marquis de Soria. They could only take Almeida before they were compelled to retire within the Spanish territory. In this emergency the two courts turned their eyes towards peace, which was concluded at Paris, February 10, 1763. Omitting the concessions made by France, Spain purchased the restoration of the conquests which had been made by the cession of Florida, by the permission t' cut logwood in tlie bay of Honduras and by a renunciation of all claim to the Newfoundland fisheries. These unfavorable conditions were not likely to remove, how- ever it might be prudent to smother, the irritation of the Span- iards. Meanwhile, the British ambassadors at ^ladrid were no longer treated with even outward respect. The occupation of Corsica by the troops of France, the expulsion of the English from the Falkland Islands, were direct insults to England : but even greater than these would not have i)rc)cluced a war so low had England fallen from the proud eminence she occupied at the death of George II. That Spain was inclined to war is evident from the whole conduct of its ministers, but the desire was counter- acted by the internal embarrassments of France embarrassments which were silently and surely preparing tlie way for the tremen- dous revolution that followed. Carlos had no wish to sustain the contest alone; and he was satisfied with showing luigland that he no longer feared her. Thus affairs continued until the Conde de Aranda was succeeded by the Mar(|u:s de Grimaldi, and tlie latter in his turn by the Conde de Mori^la P.Ianca. when luigland received another blow through her ally. l^Mrtugal. The vicinity of the territories held by tlie two peninsular kingdoms on tlie River La Plata led to mutual encroachments rmd disi)utcs. In 1775 Spain suddenly seized tlie district bordering ,,n the Sacramcnio; Portugal retaliated by tlie reduction of several forts on tlie Rio Grande; an expedition from Cadiz rapidly reduced the isle of 416 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1775-1778 Santa Catalina, off the Brazilian coast, and the colony of the Sacramento. These successes, the death of Joseph, king of Por- tugal ; the intrigues to exclude his daughter in favor of his grand- son; the support of the former by Carlos, and her consequent succession, led to an alliance between the two kingdoms which, by confirming the influence of Spain, in the same degree weakened that of England; in fact, Portugal, the queen-dowager of which was the sister of Carlos, adhered to the Family Compact. This alliance was accompanied by a treaty of limits which fixed the boundaries of Brazil, Paraguay, and Peru a treaty peculiarly favorable to the views and interests of Spain, In this fortunate position of affairs the enterprising Florida Blanca could not fail to watch the course of events, in the reso- lution of profiting by them. The progress of the misunderstand- ing between England and her American colonies afforded him an opportunity for humbling her power and consequently for extend- ing that of his own country. By entering into an alliance with the rebels and by an open war with Britain, France at once in- dulged her hereditary enmity and secured a friend in the rising states. In such a quarrel the Spanish minister surely had no con- cern ; he could not wish success to the insurgents, since the example would probably extend to the South American colonies and prove no less disastrous to Spain than to England. Yet, with a policy as blind as it was vindictive, he persuaded Carlos to concur with France in behalf of the revolted colonies. Under the pretext that his mediation a mediation proposed merely as the forerunner to a rupture was slighted by Great Britain, Carlos declared war, procured the cooperation of a French fleet and caused Gibraltar to be closely invested. Gibraltar, though garrisoned with no more than a handful of men, exhibited a defense which aston- ished all Europe, and though the coasts of England were fre- quently insulted by the appearance of a hostile flag, no descent followed. These fleets were not long suffered to exhibit even these ineffectual bravadoes. Having retired to the peninsular ])orts, one of tliem was defeated by Admiral Rodney, who about the same time had the good fortune to capture a convoy of fifteen sail. But the capture of a British merchant fleet by the enemy, the loss of some settlements in the West Indies and on the banks of the iMississippi and the conquest of West Florida by Galvez, an enterprising Spanish ofiicer, more than counterbalanced this HOUSE OF BOURBON 417 1778-1783 advantage. These disasters would have been much greater had not the English cabinet contrived to spread division between the two allied powers. The offer of Gibraltar an offer made with anything but sincerity more than once arrested the hostile march of Spain and led to secret negotiations. When Florida Blanca found, to his mortification, that he had been duped, and pushed the war with new vigor, he could not undo the mischief; he could not recall the preparations which England had made. He had, however, the good fortune to propose the famous armed neutral- ity, by which the maritime power of Europe endeavored to anni- hilate the naval superiority of Britain ; and he had the still greater glory of recovering Minorca. Elated by this success, the Bourbon ministers dispatched a formidable fleet to expel the English from the West Indies, while their allies, the Dutch, in concert with Hyder Ali, strove to drive the same enemy from the Carnatic. But the French admiral De Grasse sustained so signal a defeat that the enterprise, as far as regarded the West Indies, was aban- doned. In the meantime the blockade of Gibraltar was again con- verted into a vigorous siege, and a grand assault was made by the celebrated floating batteries, aided by the combined naval powers of France and Spain. But the attack was repelled by General Eliott and his heroic garrison in such a manner as to cover the allies with shame. The place was relieved, and though the enemy continued before it, they were too much discouraged to renew a hopeless attempt. To England, however, the war was fatal; the American colonies obtained their independence. Hum- bled and discouraged, the ministry now made propositions for peace; and negotiations for the purpose were opened at Paris. It was at length concluded, on terms sufficiently luimiliating to the British nation. She surrendered the two Floridas. Minorca, Tobago, and Goree on the African coast, consented to l)e excluded from the greater part of the Gulf of ;Mexic() and to admit the French to a participation of tlie Newfoundland fisheries; while in return for such concessions she could not obtain the slightest advantage for regulating her trade either with the peninsula or the American colonies. Advantageous as were the conditions of peace, Carlos, when his resentment towards England was cooled, could not fail to per- ceive the impolicy of the recent war. He had assisted to establish a republic on the'^confines of his Mexican empire, and he know that 418 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 173 his own colonies had caught the same fire of independence. In fact, he had soon the mortification to see extensive districts in South America in open insurrection. In Peru a descendant of the Incas had httle difficulty in collecting 60,000 men, with whom he took the field. The remaining foreign transactions of Carlos may be shortly dis- missed. His treaty with the sultan of Constantinople and with tlie Barbary states freed his subjects from piratical depredations and pro- cured them commercial advantages in the Mediterranean superior to those enjoyed by any other European power. In Portugal, where his influence was confirmed by the marriage of his daughter Carlotta with the infante Joam, afterwards Joam VI., he procured from 'the French a share in the commercial advantages which had been hith- erto exclusively enjoyed by the English. In an equal degree was the English influence impaired in Holland by the ascendency of the Bourbon courts. But as he grew in years he became less favorably disposed towards France, and more willing to cultivate a good un- derstanding with England. Alluding to the unprincipled intrigues and faithless usurpations of the former power, he gradually weaned himself from it and was wont to declare that every established government should build a wall of brass to prevent the entrance of French principles. The internal administration of Carlos was not less signal than his foreign policy. It exhibfts many novelties, of which some were highly beneficial, while others were odious to the people. So long as the efforts of his ministers were confined to the improvement of commerce and agriculture ; to cleansing and lighting the streets ; to the construction and repairs of the roads ; to the reorganization of the police, and amplification of the public revenues, they were cheered by the popular approbation ; but when flapped hats and long cloaks those screeners of assassination vv'ere prohibited, a loud outcry was raised against the introduction of foreign customs. It may, however, be doubted whether any open riot would have followed had not the populace been excited by the arts of certain unknown intriguers, whose sole object appears to have been the destruction of the ministry. That this commotion was a political intrigue was no less the conviction of the king than of his ministers, and his suspicions fell on the Jesuits and on some of his grandees. The latter were too powerful to be punished, Init the poor fathers of Jesus, who lived not merelv innocent, but extremelv meritori- HOUSE OF BOURBON 419 1764-1773 oiis, lives, were sacrificed to the machinations of their enemies. Some years preceding-, on a charge as destitute of foundation, they had been expelled from Portugal: in 1764 their inveterate foe, the Duke de Choiseul, minister of Louis XV., had driven them from France; and in Spain their possessions were regarded with an avaricious eye by some of the needy courtiers. To effect their downfall the French minister eagerly joined with the advocates of plunder, and intrigues were adopted which must cover their authors with everlasting infamy. The decree for their expulsion, addressed to the governors of the provinces, was secretly signed and trans- mitted; at a given hour of the night their colleges v/ere surrounded by troops ; the members of each community were assembled ; the decree hastily read to them : a few minutes only were allowed them to collect their breviaries, linen, and a few conveniences ; the gates were then closed and tiiey were hurried, in separate companies, to the carriages which awaited them, conveyed to the coast and em- barked for Italy. But the cup of their sufferings was not yet full. The governor of Civita Vecchia would not allow them to disemljark until the pope's pleasure was known. Clement refused to admit them, under the plea that if they were to be expelled from all the countries of Europe Ins dominions would be too narrow to contain them. During three months were they the sport of the waves, of the tempests, and of passions still more boisterous. At length they were permitted to land in Corsica, were hurried like so many bales of goods to the commercial depots, and there left, without beds or provisions, until the pope granted the few survivors permission to settle in Italy, and until the king of Spain allowed each a pension of about one shilling a day. This odious persecution was not con- fined to Spain : it raged at the same time in the most distant colonies in Buenos Ayres and Paraguay, as well as in the Philippine Islands. In most other respects the internal administration of Carlos was one of unmixed good. The increase of the stanJing army, a force absolutely necessary, not nierely for the national defense, but for the preservation of domestic tranquillity; its improved discipline; a judicious organization of the police; the restriction of ecclesiastical immunities in such cases as were incompatible with the well-being of the people; the cirnnnscription of the i)owcrs of the in([uisition ; an attempt to colc^nizc the Sierra ?^lorena; the establishment of schools to supply the void left by the expulsion of the Jesuits, sig- 420 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1773-1783 nalized the administration of the Conde de Aranda. The same re- forms were extended or improved by the Conde de Florida Blanca, who added others of even superior importance. The encouragement of agriculture, commerce and the useful arts of life ; a radical change in the intercourse of Spain with her colonies; a considerable aug- mentation in the returns of the mines, in the customs, in every branch of the revenue; the introduction of new manufactures and the encouragement of such as were already established ; the facilita- tion of intercourse by means of new roads and canals between the great marts of Spain; and numerous reforms in the forms of judicial process and in the responsibility of the judges, were a few of the many benefits conferred by this great minister on his country. Don Carlos died at the close of the year 1788 at a good old age. From the vigor of his constitution he would doubtless have lived longer had he not been affected by the precarious state of his relations in France, by the loss of his son Don Gabriel, of his daughter-in-law Dofia Maria of Portugal, and of their infant. He was a prince of consid*erable talents, of excellent intentions, and of blameless morals. In his public character his best praise is to be found in the fact that, through his ministers, he introduced a degree of prosperity to which his people had been strangers since the days of Philip II. In private life his example afforded no en- couragement to licentiousness, and as he was severe towards him- self, he was naturally so towards others. By his queen Amelia, a princess of Saxony, he left issue: Felipe Pascal, excluded through natural imbecility; Carlos, his successor, imprisoned and forced to abdicate by Bonaparte; Ferdinand, king of Naples and Sicily. There were four other sons, but these preceded him to the tomb. Chapter XVI GENERAL CONDITION OF THE MONARCHY 1516-17&8 IN the decline of the Spanish kingdom under the house of Austria and its restoration under the Bourbons it is well to note the general condition of the monarchy with the causes that led to it, in the various reigns from the first to the third Carlos. Under the emperor the condition of Spain was more splendid, perhaps also more prosperous, than in any prior or subsequent reign. Though he was engaged in so many wars, the people do not appear to have been overburdened in supporting them: the treasures of the New World and the ordinary contributions were generally sufficient for the purpose. The circulation of so much wealth, and the vast markets opened for Spanish productions in the Americas, gave a new impulse to the national industry. Hence labor was in constant demand, and adequately remunerated. But the happiness even of this bright period had its drawbacks. The nobles held a power over the people, which, though not recognized by the new jurisprudence, was founded on the Visigothic code, and was consecrated by immemorial custom. If we may believe the histories of the period and tlie representations of the Cortes, it was often exercised with violence, with rapacity, with injustice. The wars which followed must have operated in a most baneful degree on the national prosperity, and tliey were no less useless than baneful. They did not shake tlie power of tlie aristocracy, while thev confirmed that of the crown. Tlie dissatisfaction of the third estate was still further increased by the fact that on them alone rested the burden of tlie public contribution. Both the nobles and the clergv, the former in virtue of tlicir scignorinl rights, the latter of their immum'ties. were exempted from direct taxes. Though this unjust distinction would operate with less severity in a season of general prosperity, it would be oppressive to many, and its odious partiality could not fad to be condemned by all who suffered 42J2 SPAIN AND T O R T U G A L 1516-1788 by it. Moreover Spain had few native capitalists. Tlie nobles seemed to live by traffic : the laborers, artisans, mechanics, were too poor to purchase their native produce or manufactures and dispose of it to the foreign merchant ; and there was no middle class to serve as a connecting link between the two. Yet such a link was indis- pensable, and it was supplied by foreign enterprise. English, French, Dutch, Germans, Italians, hastened to profit by the absurd pride of one class, and the poverty of another: they absorbed the chief gain; they amassed considerable, in some cases princely fortunes, which they afterwards expended, not in Spain, but in their own countries. The ignorance of the government as to the true sources of national prosperity is another of the causes which led to its decline. That native manufactures were not encouraged is sufficiently notorious from the fact that while they were sub- ject to many duties on their introduction into other countries of Europe, duties which almost amounted to an exclusion, those of foreigners were admitted into the Peninsula either with- out any or with very light ones : hence there was no such thing as reciprocity, and the advantages of traffic must inevitably remain with more cunning nations. Still, the New World opened a bound- less market to Spanish productions of every species, so that the mischiefs of this deplorable policy were not much felt, however tlieir tendency might be perceived, in the present reign. Though American money was freely diffused throughout the community, its abundance had the inevitable effect of impairing its value, and that to an extent unexampled in any other country. This fact is suffi- ciently proved by the rapid increase in the price of provisions and other necessaries, which from 1480 to 1530 had quintupled. Gold could not always be thus abundant, jNIoreover, so long as money retained its ancient vakie, the fine of a few maravcdis and in an earlier section of this compendium we have seen that the most or- dinary punishments were pecuniar}^ mulcts would always operate as a preventive of crime ; but when it Avas reduced to one-fifth, those mulcts, which ought to have been quintupled, remained at the same stanclarcl.^ Hence fines lost their rigor, and crimes naturally became nKjrc frequent. " Qnintuplcd, we mean, in half a century. But the evil went fartlier liack : tl'.c ])L'cnniary nnikts of the thirteenth century were those of the sixteenth, when thj ilii;cre!icc in ihe vahiic of money was as 10 to i. G E N I] R A L CO N D I T I O N 423 1516-17S8 The acquisition of land by the church would not be felt as an evil during the supremacy of the ancient system, when military service and the ordinary contributions were as mucli required from ecclesiastics as from la^Tnen. But when the new jurisprudence superseded the other; when churchmen could no longer serve the state either by contributions or in person ; wh.en, too, tlie property which had been granted for such service could neither be alienated nor sold, when the possessions of the church increased in an alarm- ing degree, in the same degree diminisherl the resources of the state. Hence the monarchs of Castile and Leon found it expedient to issue prohibitions against the alienation of lands to ecclesias- tical purposes ; and no man v/ho entered the cloister or served at the altar was permitted to take with him more tlian a fifth even of his movable property. In effect this was only a partial check, and private wealth continued to be diverted from tlie state. Under tlie ancient system, majorats were unknown : lands, on the death of the holder, reverted to the crown; entails with primo- genital rights were not in force until the thirteenth century, when Alonso el Sabio, in his code of the Partidas, sanctioned their use. It is indeed true that long before the time of that legislator children could inherit: but the father liad full control over his property; he could divide it among tliem. or bequeath it even to the youngest; or he could sell it, and divide the proceeds of the sale in whatever proportion lie pleased. But niiblc families, afraid of being reduced in tiie course, perhaps of a single generation, to comparative poverty of their names and characters being lost among men anxiouslv turned tlicir attention to inalienations in their first-born son.s, or, in default of them, in their collateral kindred. Hence, when lands became inalienable in the representa- tive of a familv. tliere arose a species of mortmain, as mncli as in the church. In one res])ect, indeed, there was an essential differ- ence: tlie property thus transmitted was still liable to the exigencies of tlie state. But in others it was scnrcely less inir.rious. As the possessor ceased to be the pr(M:rictor. and was coni;ned to the usu- fruct, unless his heir happene;l to he a favorite son he was not very anxious to incur the cx])ense r^f inijirovcnicn's the advantage of which lie could not live long enough to enjoy, and which might, perhaps, pass to a disoh.cdicnt child or to a stranger. Hence, in many instances the l^i-^'l was in'ulo;jr';iciy cti'iivatcd. The dispute^ of C'lrlos witli the ])o]k'< were also among th.- 4i24. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1516-1788 causes of the national decline. Incensed at his attempts at ecclesi- astical restraint, and apprehensive of his aspiring to universal empire, they formed league after league against him, compelling him to waste on foreign objects the treasures which should have been applied to the amelioration of Spain. But this was not the worst evil. In these disputes many of the clergy, and some of the nobles, took part with the Holy See, while others espoused the side of the king. The former soon learned to consider their obliga- tions to the head of the church as superior to those which they owed to that of the state: hence the collisions of interests and opinions, by which patriotism and the social bond were weakened. Let us not, however, shut our eyes to the fact that if the ecclesi- astic domains had been vested in the crown, they would have been seldom conferred as rewards of merit; they would in a majority of cases have been made to enrich worthless courtiers. The privileges and wealth of the church could not fail to multiply the number of its ministers and priests to an extent far beyond the necessity of the demand. The rich were anxious to educate their sons for a state which held out such powerful inducements to tem- poral ambition ; even the poorest, and, to the honor of the Roman Catholic Church be it spoken, the priesthood, as well as the mo- nastic profession, has ever been open to the very lowest classes, while earning their own bread by the sweat of their brow, had the satisfaction to know that in the church they could secure for their sons the comforts of life. But this multiplication of religious orders had political effect: it abstracted from the number of pro- ductive hands; it added to the burdens of the community; it deprived the country of so many defenders. The commencement of the reign of Philip 11. exhibits the same generally prosperous state of things as that of his father. Some of the causes which we assigned for Spanish decline were, indeed, in full operation, but their influence was not yet felt, and the mischief of others was counterbalanced by accidental circum- stances. This great monarch for such he really was had a judg- ment much more solid, much less liable to be misled, than the emperor; and for some years he consulted the welfare of his people with perseverance and success. The acquisition of Portugal and of tlie Philippine Islands augmented his resources, and conse- quently his power. But, if his policy in regard to the conquered kingdom was humane and enlightened, he overlooked some obvious GENERAL CONDITION 425 1516-1788 considerations. Had he fixed his court permanently at Lisbon, he would have secured Portugal forever. That city, too, was far better fitted to be the capital of a great kingdom than the inland town of Madrid. Situated near the sea, commanding the best facili- ties for communication with the colonies of the east and west, and for general traffic, it surely deserved the preference over a place which is almost inaccessible, which lies in the midst of a sterile plain, and has not one navigable river within its reach. Having created three officers, a chronicler and historian of Castile, and , a cosmographer of the Indies, he diligently endeavored to pro- cure even the minutest details relating to the resources and statis- tics of his dominions. The result of these inquiries has probably perished, if we except the ecclesiastical and civil portion, of which, fortunately, we have an abstract. From this return it ap- pears that in all the dominions of Philip, in Milan, Parma, Na- ples, Sicily, Sardinia, the Netherlands, Portugal, as well as in Spain, in the vast colonial empire both of Spain and of Portugal, the number of archbishoprics was 58, of bishoprics 684, of abbeys 11,400, of chapters 936, of parishes 127,000, of religious hospitals 7,000, of religious orders and confraternities (friars, etc.) 23,000, of monasteries 46,000, of nunneries 13,500, of secular priests 312,- 000, of monks 400,000, of friars and other ecclesiastics 200,000. The civil functionaries nominated by the king amounted to 80,083, the viceroys and inferior authorities to 367,000. Prodigious as these numbers, those of tlie ecclesiastics especially, may appear, they will not be deemed so extraordinary when we consider that the scepter of Philip extended over, perhaps, 100,000,000 of human beings. At this time the state of the peninsular population was one of comparative comfort. Agriculture, manufactures, and com- merce flourished to an extent even greater than in the best period of the emperor's reign. At Toledo, Segovia, and in the district of La Mancha the number occupied in woolens and silks was 127,823, and Seville had 30,000. The monarcli was enlight- ened enough to perceive, and patriotic enough to pursue, the in- terests of his people: nor was he less the friend of science. It must have been at no little expense that the eminent Ilerrera trav- ersed the most interesting regions of tlie New World, to collect whatever was curious or valuable in natural history. But these vast resources were unforlnnatcly wasted by Philip: and his own unwise policy destroyed tlic very founda- 426 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1516-1783 tions on which they rested. His continued persecution of the Flemings and Dutch led to the revolt of these important prov- inces, a revolt which, though he expended 150,000,000 of ducats, he vainly attempted to repress. The insurgents did more than waste the treasures and blood of his people by their successful resistance: they captured his vessels, and fitted out ships of their own, to injure his commerce in the east and west. The war with England was no less disastrous. Omitting the loss of the invincible armada, the English admirals captured his fleets, both in the West Indies and on the west of the Peninsula ; insulted and sometimes sacked his towns. The treasures sent to support the Catholic league of France and the wars in other quarters, all undertaken as much for the interests of religion as of ambition, exhausted the remaining resources of Philip. The subjugation of the Moriscos in the kingdom of Granada a war no less religious in this monarch's view than the preceding had a worse effect than the impoverishment of the finances : it was followed by the banishment of many productive subjects to the African coast. The proceedings of the inquisition, which were often directed against the most useful of the people ]\Ioham- medans, Jews, and heretics, would exercise an influence more fatal than is generally ascribed to them. If to these causes of de- cline we add that those enumerated in the preceding reign were also at work, we shall have no difficulty in believing that, towards the close of Philip's life, not only the treasury, but the nation, must have been impoverished. From a review of all, it is certain that his misfortunes and disasters arose from his attachment to the established faith. These divisions between the spiritual and temporal authority inevitably weakened the kingdom. The reign of Philip III., surnamed, from his piety, the Good, w^as the golden age of churchmen. Though religious foundations were already numerous, great additions were made to them, and in those which already existed new altars or chancels were erected. Thus, the Duke of Lerma founded seven monasteries and two collegiate churches : thus, also, the diocese of Calahorra num- bered 18.000 chaplains. Seville 14,000. Such a state of things is in sharp contrast to a view of the temporal affairs of the nation, which were never before in so deplorable a condition. For the independence of the Netherlands was wrung from the crown. The Moriscos. the most active, the most enterprising, rmd tlit GENERAL CONDITION 427 1516-1788 most useful portion of the people, were banished, to the irrep- arable detriment of the national resources, and as the productive classes decreased, so did the native capitalists, until the remaining traffic was almost wholly in the hands of strangers; and so also, correspondingly diminished the royal revenues, which scarcely reached 14,000,000 ducats, that is. about half the amount at the commencement of the second Philip's reign. In a degree still more baneful to secular interests increased the revenues of the church, and the number of professed religious, to the serious injury of a population already inadequate for the purposes of agricultiu-e. Still justice demands the admission that this increase of church property was not without its good. Under Philip IV. the condition of Spain still declined, and with increasing rapidity. In the beginning of his reign, the conde, Duke of Olivares, his minister, attempted, as before related, some reforms ; but they were reforms which merely produced an artificial augmentation of the royal revenue, and left untouched the evils of the country. As monuments of his administration, the weak and flagitious Olivares was doomed to see the trade of Toledo ruined, with the decay of one-third of its population; that of Segovia, Burgos, and La Mancha reduced to one-tenth its former magni- tude. Medina del Campo, which could formerly boast of 5,000 families possessed, if not of affluence, at least of comforts, was now reduced to 500 sunk in poverty. In the archbishopric of Granada 400 towns, villages, and hamlets were reduced to 260; and the bishopric of Avila lost 65 baptismal fonts. In Seville, for- merly the most opulent and flourishing city of Spain, the number of rich manufacturers is said to have decreased to one-twentieth, and the population to less than one-half. The Catalan insurrection, and the declaration of independence by Portugal ; the interminable wars to which both events led; the loss of Ronssillon, Conflans, a part of Cerdaiia, and of Jamaica; the annihilation of Spanish trade in tlie Inrlies by the Dutch ; the reverses of tlic Spanisli arms in Italy and the Low Countries, were not likely to console the people for the mischiefs of a ruinous administration, and of universal bankruptcy. Still descending in the scale of degradation, we come to the reign of Carlos II. Under him tlie walls of all the fortresses, says the Marquis de San ]'\'hpe. were cninil)ling int(i ruins; even the breaches made in those of Barcelona (hiring ilie Catalan rebellion 428 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1516-1788 continued open: at Rosas and Cadiz there was no garrison, and no guns mounted.- In the ports of Biscay and Gahcia, the great arsenals for the navy, the very art of constructing vessels had fallen into oblivion : the arsenals and magazines were empty ; the fleet, if we except a few merchantmen trading to the Indies, consisted of six rotten frigates at anchor in the harbor of Carthagena ; seven, in addition, were furnished by Genoa. The army was not much superior to the marine; no more than 20,000 men could be num- bered, and of these not half were fit for service. Such was the condition to which the Austrian princes had reduced this once mighty monarchy. It was, indeed, time to change the dynasty; another such reign and society must have been dissolved. Notwithstanding the severe wars in which, during a period of fourteen years, Philip V. the Bourbon was involved, and which, under his immediate predecessors, would, beyond doubt, have completed the ruin and the hopeless ruin of the monarchy, he gave to Spain a degree of positive prosperity unknown since the reign of the second Philip. By the reduction of the interest on the debts of the crown from five to three per cent. ; by revoking the profuse grants of territories and revenues made by his predecessors : by creating efficient officers, whom he made responsible for the collection of the duties and con- tributions : and by abolishing useless which are always the most expensive places; by introducing a vigorous system into the general administration : by a new impulse given to trade and manufactures, his ministers increased his revenues sixfold. All Europe was astonished to see that in eighteen years he could muster a fleet not inferior to the famous armada which had failed against Britain. Nor, as observed in the history of his reign, was he inattentive to literature, which he restored to a degree beyond any we could have supposed possible, considering the utter degradation in which it had lain from the time of Philip III. But the chief glories of Philip's administration concern his civil government the knowledge and application of the internal resources. He in- stituted a commission to inquire into the population, the agricul- ture, the manufactures, and trade of each district ; but some causes probably his own laziness prevented the termination of his labors. Soon after the accession of Ferdinand VT. this commission was renewed, and its operations conducted to a close. Some of the GENERAL CONDITION 429 1516-1788 details which it laid before the royal council are highly interesting, as exhibiting the relative possessions of the lay and clerical orders. From a summary of facts, it appears that the secular state held 61,196,166 measures of land; the church, 12,209,053; that the revenues arising from the former were 817,232,098 reals; ^ of the latter, 161,392,700; that the house rental of lay proprietors was 252,086,009; of the clerical, including tithes, first fruits, etc., 164,- 154.498; the former derived from cattle a return of 29,006,238, the latter of 2,933,277 ; to the former, manufactures and com- merce yielded 531,921,798 reals; to the latter, 12,321,440. Hence the whole annual income of the former was 1,630.296,143 reals; of the latter, 340,801,915. Ferdinand perceived that several branches of public revenue might be, and ought to be. rendered im- mensely more productive. So long, however, as they were in the hands of farmers and jobbers the interests of the nation must suffer for the aggrandizement of a few; and he wisely confided the col- lection to royal intendants. Under Carlos III. the progress of national prosperity was still more rapid. To some of his improvements allusion has already been made. We may add that tlie foundation in numerous dis- tricts of economical societies, to watch over the industry of the neighborhood, was of the utmost advantage, since their reports could enlighten the government and procure, whenever wanted, an advance of money on a very moderate interest, or on none at all, payment of the principal being guaranteed by the most substantial inhabitants of the place. From the accession of Philip Y. to the close of this monarch's reign the population was very nearly doubled, and the revenues increased twenty-fold. These are stu- pendous results, and prove beyond cavil the good effects of the Bourbon government. The ministers of Carlos could boast that during his reign the revenues of the Indies had been increased from 5,000,000 to above 12.000,000 crowns; that from 177S to 1785 the trade with the colonies had been tripled: that while in 1751 the navy consisted of only eighteen shijjs of tlie line and fifteen smaller craft, it could now number seventy- four, besides two hundred frigates, brigs, and transports; and that the army had increased in proportion. Tn literature the improvement was not less remark- able. A bibliotheca of the writers of this reign has been formed by Semi)ere, and certainly few countries and few tinios can exhil^t 'The old Spaiiisli real wn. equivalctit to u' cnit-^. 430 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1516-1788 a list SO numerous and so splendid. But Carlos failed in banishing the peripatetic philosophy from Salamanca, the professors of which regarded the names of Bacon, Newton, Gassendi, and Descartes with horror. In ecclesiastical discipline, much as had been effected by his predecessors, Carlos improved on them. In this reign the inquisition, the severity of which had been gradually mitigated from the time of Carlos II,, ceased to inspire much terror. Under Philip V. 3,000 persons had been burned, imprisoned for life, or sent to the galleys; under Ferdinand VI. the number decreased to 10 burned, and 170 condemned to other penalties; under the pres- ent Carlos 4 individuals only suffered the awful penalty, and 50 only were otherwise punished, and these not so much for opin- ions as for criminal acts. The internal resources of the country were immense. The soil, the climate, the ports, the people, everything offered a foundation for greatness. The chivalrous qualities of her children, their pride, their scorn of sordid views, their sense of honor, their intellectual attainments and inflexible virtues, all offered a hopeful prospect. With powers bounded by precedent, or by conscience alone ^powers which, in other hands, might have proved fatal to the community the kings of Spain had seldom been tyrants. Her nobility and gentry were not more distinguished for illustrious descent than for unsullied honor and boundless generosity. Her ecclesiastics would have honorably sustained comparison with the clergy of the established Church of England and were among the foremost defenders of popular rights. Her citizens, even the rustics, were distinguished for intelligence and honest hereditary pride and contained within themselves resources sufficient to ensure their future fortunes. PART VI THE PORTUGUESE MONARCHY 1521-1788 A.D. Chapter XVII LAST OF THE ANCIENT DYNASTY. 1521-1640. JOAM, or John, III., who reij^ned in the Portuj^uese monarchy from 1 52 1 to 1557, was tlie eldest son of the deceased Dom Manuel, and ascended the throne in his twentieth year. At this time Portugal was held to be in the zenith of her power. Her boundless empire in the East and West: her American pos- sessions, which, though unproductive themselves, were admirably adapted for the protection and extension of commerce; her internal wealth ; seemed to secure her future happiness no less than her glory. But to a closer observer she was evidently be- ginning to decline. Her former domination was more splendid than solid. The enormous expense of supporting the princes of the royal house, a heavy and cumbrous establishment, adapted, not for a small state, like Portugal, but for an immense empire; the alarming multiplication of the nobility and clergy, who must of necessity be supported at the public expense; and, above all, the introduction of a degree of luxury unknown in any other part of Europe, w^ere signs of a decline as rapid as inevitable. The long reign of this prince exhibits little beyond interminable contests in India and Africa. At the time of Joam's accession the viccroyalty of the Indies was in the hands of Dom Duartc de Mcne/.cs. In Ormus the inhabitants, at the instigation of the Minister Xaref, and with the permission of tlic King Terunca, rose against tlie I'ortugucso, massacred a considerable number, and besieged the rest in tlie citadel, which they had been impoliticly permitted to erect. Cou- tinho, the governor, dispatched a vessel to Goa, the seat oi tlie Indian government, for reinforcements, but before any could arrive Xaref lost so many men, both in an unsuccessful attempt on the fortress and by a vigorous sortie of tlie garrison, that he was compelled to retire with the king to a ncigiiboring island. There, finding that Terunca, who had been unwillingly drawn int.> the war, was disposed to renew a good understanding with the 433 434 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1521-1537 Strangers, he caused that unfortunate prince to be strangled. In- stead of punishing this man for thus murdering a faithful ally, the avaricious viceroy, for a large sum of money, conferred on him the government of Ormus. The same rapacity characterized the Portuguese governors in Cochin, at Calicut, in Malacca, the Moluc- cas, and wherever else their detestable sway extended. To restore the national honor, in 1524 the king dispatched the aged Vasco de Gama, the celebrated discoverer of the Hindu peninsula. But scarcely had this great man reached Cochin and applied his vig- orous hand to the correction of abuses, when death surprised him. He was succeeded by Henrique de Menezes, brother of Duarte, whose wisdom, valor, and love of justice made him the dread alike of the hostile natives and of his licentious soldiers. But after a brilliant victory over the king of Calicut, an inveterate enemy of the Europeans, he breathed his last at Cananore, so poor and this is the greatest praise that can be given him that he left not money sufficient to defray the expenses of his funeral. A few months before his death he resolved to forsake the fortress of Calicut, which experience had shown would always be exposed to the at- tacks of the zamorin, and transfer the settlement to Diu, near the entrance of the Gulf of Cambay and in the empire of Guzerat ; and his successor, Don Pedro Mascarenhas, prepared to carry the resolve into execution. But Diu was strong by nature and greatly fortified by art; nor would the king of Cambay, one of the most powerful sovereigns of western India, fail to succor it. Hence bribery was employed instead of force: but accident suspended the execution of the enterprise. The disputes of Mascarenhas, with Sampeyo, who succeeded him, and the perpetual jealousies of the infefior officers, were deeply injurious to the interests of the em- pire in the East; they could, however, combine where plunder was to be gained; and in such expeditions they exhibited a valor worthy of a better cause. In 1529 Sampeyo was superseded by Nuno da Cunha, who took Ormus in his way and who sent Xaref in chains to Lisbon. On arriving at Goa, his first acts were so many preparations for the siege of Diu, the possession of which he perceived to be necessary for the security of the Portuguese settle- ments. So great was the force he brought against it that it sur- rendered without a shot; nor could the subsequent, however fre- quent and desperate, efforts of the Mohammedan king recover it. In 1537 a formidable fleet was dispatched from the Red Sea, under LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 435 1537-1557 the pasha Soliman, admiral of the Sublime Porte, to cooperate with the king of Cambay and to expel the Christians from these seas. On his approach the Portuguese, who amounted to no more than 700, threw themselves into the citadel, while the governor Silveira secretly sent a brig to acquaint the viceroy with the danger which threatened that important post. In the assaults which fol- lowed, by a force, so we are gravely informed, at least forty times numerically superior to the garrison, the defenders exhibited a heroism worthy of all praise. Disappointed at so desperate a re- sistance, Soliman sent an ambassador to the king of Calicut, whom he invited to accept the protection of the sultan, and to join him in exterminating the infidel dogs. In the meantime Da Cunha had been superseded by Dom Garcia de Noronha, who hastened in per- son to the relief of Diu, but who found the siege raised, after im- mense loss on the part of Soliman. The next nobleman who held the delegated authority of Joam was Dom Estevan de Gama, a son of the celebrated Vasco, whose administration was as vigorous as it was splendid. He founded a college at Goa for the education of noble Hindoos; he defended the emperor of Abyssinia against the Turks; and he exterminated most of the corsairs who infested the Indian seas. His successor, Alfonso de Sousa, by whom he was replaced in 1542, was accompanied by San Francisco de Xavier, the great apostle of the Indies, the friend of Ignacio de Loy- ola, who founded the order of Jesus. The labors of this inde- fatigable missionary were almost superhuman, and were not without effect. In the year of his arrival the islands of Japan were first approached by the Europeans; but the jealcnisy or pru- dence of the inhabitants preserved them from the intercourse of these suspicious strangers. That such strangers were entitled to be viewed with distrust was soon experienced by tlie inhabitants of the Moluccas. They had gained possession of tw(^ princes, sons of the late king of Ternate. whom, at length, they hberated with the view of reigning through a royal dependent. The eldest was restored by the gcn-ernor, Fonseca, to the tin'one. but in a few weeks the same governor replaced him by the younger ])rother. A new governor arrived such was the fear lest the I'ortuguesc officers should aim at independence tliat they never were Inng stiffcred t.. remain in one post, who on some frivolous i)retext arrested the king and sent him to Goa. The viceroy, unable to prove any charo-e acrainst him, honorablv dismissed b.im, but he died on lii< 436 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1537-1557 return. There was still remaining a bastard brother of these pup- pets of royalty; him the governor, Ataide, raised to the throne. His mother, a native of Java, by religion a Mohammedan, endeav- ored to dissuade him from retaining the dignity, foreseeing that the same or a similar fate would be reserved for him as had already proved fatal to his brothers. Incensed at this discovery of their views, a band of Portuguese soldiers hastened to the palace, and in sight of her son threw her from a high window : she was killed by the fall. Throughout these islands the inhabitants retaliated by massacring all of the same nation on whom they could lay hands; but most, according to custom, fled into the citadel of Ternate, where they could safely defy their pursuers. This relation would alone be sufficient to characterize the conduct of the Portuguese, who, under the pretense of commerce, obtaining from the in- cautious natives permission to build a citadel, uniformly perpetrated the same atrocities. Their odious dominaton was founded in hypocrisy, was cemented by violence and blood, was crowned with rapacity and insolence. Sousa was succeeded by Dom Joam de Castro, under whom the garrison of Diu again obtained immortal fame by the defense of that place against a formidable army of Mohammedans. The place was at length relieved by the viceroy in person, who, not content with this advantage, assailed with about 5,000 men the vast force of the enemy and obtained a signal vic- tory. The victory inspired the princes of Hindustan with fear. Passing over two intermediate viceroys, one of whom, however (Cabral), obtained some advantage over the zamorin, the govern- ment of Alfonso de Noronha is chiefly remarkable for the revolt of the Moluccas. The cause, as may be readily supposed, was the unscrupulous behavior of the Portuguese officers, and the indigna- tion of the king, the horrid fate of whose mother was continually present to his eyes. Those who had embraced Christianity broke the images and overthrew the altars which they had been taught to venerate. Their revolt would probably have been successful had not a dreadful famine, and afterwards a still more dreadful earthquake, carried off some thousands of their number, and in- clined the remainder to consider these disasters as chastisements of their apostasy. The avarice of Noronha, who on one occasion threw tlie father of a Cingalese king into prison because he was refused t 2,000 ducats, a sum which he demanded without the shadow of a reason, and in tlie wantonness of power, increased LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 437 1523-1535 the number of the discontented. Joam was sufficiently inclined to punish the guilt of his servants, but his immense distance from the scene and the misrepresentations of the interested neutralized his desire of justice. The last viceroy during his reign was Dom Fran- cisco Barreto, under whom the Moluccas again revolted. The governor at Ternate, Duarte de Saa, a fierce bigot and a sanguinary monster, treated the royal family with extreme severity. On one occasion, resolving to remove the king by poison, he caused the liquor in which the drug was mixed to be presented, but the in- tended victim, by means, we are told, of a peculiar stone detected the deleterious nature of the beverage and refused to drink it. With the resolution of destroying so faithless a race, his subjects rose against the Portugese, massacred all on whom they could seize, but were, as usual, defied by the garrison, were subsequently van- quished in a general engagement, and forced to resume the yoke. During these transactions in the East ]\Iorocco continued to be the sanguinary theater of the worst human passions. On' the one hand the Portuguese were eager to extend their possessions; on the other, the xerifs, exulting in their successful ambition, were not less so to free the country from so troublesome an enemy. From the accession of the new dynasty the affairs of the Portuguese began to decline. Indicative of tlie ambitious schemes which they had formed, the xerifs assumed the title of emperors of Africa, the elder, Hamed, remaining at Morocco, the younger, ]\Iohammed, occupying the more western provinces. To the king of Fez this assumption was not less odious than it was to the Portuguese them- selves; to repress their rising power that prince led a formidable army to the banks of the Gadalebi, where he was signally defeated. About the same time the governor of Saphin, irritated at the insult- ing demonstration of the Moors before that place, imprudently left the walls and attacked them; his defeat C(^nfirmcd the domination of the imperial brothers. The recovery of Santa Cruz, a town at Cape Aguer, encouraged ITamed, the elder, to at(eni])t tlic reduction of Saphin, but, as usual, he failed. His brother, who had fixed his resi- dence at Tarudante, had brought from Santa Cruz several Christian captives, among whom was the governor. Mcinroi. with two clnl- dren, a son and a daughter. The l)eanty of Dona Mencia made a deep impression on tlie xerif, who at length prevailed on her not only to enter his harem, but to abjure her rcligi(Mi. The passion of tKk barbarian is represented as intense and lasting. Vvom the 438 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1523-1535 abstraction into which he fell after her death he was roused by an invasion of his brother Hamed, who, after a second unsuccessful attempt on Saphin, hoped to add Sus and Tarudante to the empire of Morocco. The latter was defeated and taken prisoner, but his eldest son, who had been in the capital, armed for his liberation, and to strengthen the expedition, courted the alliance of the Por- tuguese. Alarmed at the junction, the victor dismissed his brother without ransom, on the condition that mutual wrongs should be forgotten and their arms united to oppose the common enemy of both. But Hamed was too ambitious to submit to a division of the empire. Unmindful of his brother's generosity, in 1543 he assem- bled another army, invaded Tarudante, and was again defeated. On this second occasion Mohammed was resolved to derive every possible advantage from his success. He marched on Morocco, which he occupied without resistance. From' the triumph of his arms the xerif turned to a melancholy indulgence of his passion. Hearing that Monroi, the father of his lost mistress, was in the dungeons of Morocco, he called that unfortunate cavaher before him. " Christian, I loved thy daughter, and her death has left me miserable : neither victory nor glory can console me ; my only consolation is an opportunity of serving her father. Depart, and when in thine own country, sometimes think of a monarch so de- voted to thy child ! " This prince had certainly elevated qualities, a distinction the more honorable in a Moor. Though his brother Hamed armed Muley, king of Fez, against him, he again pardoned him, but exiled him to the government of a fortified town. In a subsequent action, which Muley had the imprudence to seek, the monarch of Fez was defeated and deprived of his possessions. Lord of Morocco, Sus, Fez, Tarudante, Tremencen, and other regions, his ambition was not yet satisfied. As his domestic disputes were ended, he again turned his arms against his natural enemies, but, if the historians of Portugal are to be credited, with little effect. That on one occasion the xerif, with 4,000 horse, was signally de- feated by a Portuguese noble with 140, is gravely asserted : victories e(|ually improbable, we may add equally impossible, occur at every step in the Portuguese relations concerning the wars of their coun- trymen with the misbelievers. But what we are told could not be effected by valor was done by fortune. Considering the war which he liad to support in India, and his want of troops, Joam took the extraordinary resolution of dismantling four of his African for- LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 439 1526-1557 tresses, Arzilla, Saphin, Azamor, Alcazar-Seguer, and of abandon- ing the ruins to the enemy. This resolution was carried into effect : but that this was owing as much to the arms of the xerif as to the motives will be admitted by every reader except a Portuguese. As Mohammed grew in years he abstained from the field and left the conduct of the desultory and indecisive operations to his generals. In the last year of Joanr s reign he was assassinated by the governor of Algiers, and was succeeded by his son, Muley Abdallah. Of Dom Joam's administration in Portugal the national his- torians seldom speak ; their attention is almost wholly occupied by affairs in India and Africa. He it was who introduced the inqui- sition into Portugal. The innovation of this tribunal for the examination and punishment of heretics is traced to the impiety of one of their number, who one day entered a church during mass and snatched the consecrated host from tlie hands of the priest. To keep the Jews, Moors, and other enemies of the Roman Catholic religion in the respect due to it, the king called in the assistance of that terrible tribunal. Its introduc- tion was strongly opposed by the people, who, however, bent before his inflexibility. The next instance of his anxiety for the interests of religion was his attachment to the Jesuits, who at this time glowed with all the intensity of a first zeal. He employed them as his missionaries throughout his vast colonial empire, and nobly did they justify his choice. Their virtues appeared to double advantage when contrasted with the worldly pursuits or exceptionable lives of too many among the secular and regular orders. In fact, licentious- ness in the ranks of the latter had arrived at such a pitch that Joam found it necessary to reform them. To this end he created three new bishoprics, elevated the see of Evora into a metropolis, and charged the new prelates to watch over the conduct of the monastic houses. With no less care did he provide for the adminis- tration of justice ; he improved alike the tribunals and the laws ; but, as clemency was the basis of his character, tliose laws were deprived of their old-time severity. No less anxious to promote internal intercourse, he repaired the roads, constructed new ones, and even restored the celebrated aqueduct of Sertorius. This prince died in 1557. By liis queen, Catherina, sister of the Emperor Charles V., he had several male children, of whom ncMic emerged from their infancy except Joam. Nor did that infante sur\ ivc the father. In 1553 he received the hand of Juana. dauglitcr 440 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1557-1562 of the emperor; but he died in the third month of his marriage, leaving the princess pregnant of a son, afterwards the unfortunate Dom Sebastian, Of this king's daughters one only arrived at ma- ture years, Maria, whom he married to her cousin, Philip 11. of Spain. Of his brothers one only, the Cardinal' Henrique, whom he had vainly endeavored to place in the chair of St. Peter, survived him. As his sister Isabel was the mother of the Spanish monarch, the connection between the royal families of the two kingdoms was, as we shall soon see, fatal to the independence of Portugal. In enumer- ating the scions of this house we must not omit Luis, Due de Beja, a brother of Joam, who died in 1555. This prince fell passion- ately in love with a female of humble birth : the issue of this con- nection was a son, afterwards the famous prior of Crato. As Sebastian (1557-1578) on the death of his grandfather was only three years of age, the regency, in conformity with the will of the late king, was vested in the widowed queen, Catherina of Aus- tria. In a few years, however, being disgusted with 'the intrigues of Cardinal Henrique, who aspired to the direction of affairs, she re- signed it in his favor. Both governed with moderation, and not without success, an empire on which the sun never set. From infancy the young king showed that the love of arms would be his ruling passion. His tutors appear to have been no less anxious to imbue his mind with hatred of the Moors, the progress of whose successes had filled them with apprehension. The union of four states Sus, Morocco, Fez, and Tremecen under the same scepter, was scarcely more fatal than the successive relinquish- ment by the late king of four important fortresses, Arzilla, Alcazar- Seguer, Saphin, and Azamor. The treacherous assassination, in- deed, of the xerif by the governor of Algiers, in the last year of Joam's reign, had induced the Portuguese to hope that under a less enterprising prince they should regain their former influence. The hope was vain. The eldest son, Muley Abdallah, who, in the dread of being supplanted by his uncle and seven cousins, had put all the eight to death, showed a disposition to improve the advantages which had been gained. In 1562 he collected a formidable army, which he intrusted to his eldest son, Muley Hamet, who furiously assailed Mazagan, a fortress on the Atlantic, almost within sight of his capital. This host, though led by the vassal king of Dara, a brother of the emperor, and encouraged by the example of Muley Hamet, was discomfited by the miraculous valor of the besieged. LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 441 1565-1574 The assailants, however, returned in greater numbers and with greater fury than before, but were repulsed with equal slaughter. In 1565 an attempt equally unsuccessful was made on Tangier. Still the Portuguese empire in Africa was so fallen from its former splendor three fortresses only, :Mazagan, Ceuta, and Tangier, re- maining to Sebastian that we need not be surprised at the im- moderate anxiety betrayed by the young monarch to restore, if possible to amplify it, far beyond its original extent. From the moment Sebastian reached his fourteenth year, the period of his majority, all his thoughts evidently tended to the African w^ar. In 1574, in opposition to the prayers of his counsel- ors, and amidst the lamentations of all who wished well to his person, he suddenly and rashly departed for the African coast; not. indeed, with the view of warfare, but of examining the coun- try and of acquiring a knowledge that might be useful in his meditated exploits. That such a voyage would be attended with danger, even though he was accompanied by about 1,500 men, was apparent. He landed at Tangier and began to hunt amidst the African mountains with as much sense of security as if he were following the chase in the vicinity of Cintra. Irritated at his au- dacity, the Moors collected in considerable numbers and assailed the royal escort; but after a struggle, in which the king exhibited all the rashness of his courage, and In which he incurred great risk, they were repelled. Another cause gave now a stimulus to his ardor. Morocco was a prey to divisions, which had already proved disastrous to the Moors, and were likely to continue the fruitful source of troubles. IMuley Abdalla had been succeeded by his son, Muley Hamet, in opposition to the order of succession es- tablished by the two xerifs, who agreed that in their respective dominions the sons should succeed in the order of tlicir birth, to the exclusion of the grandsons. Hence, on tlic death of Abdalla, the crown should have devolved, not on ?\Iuley J laniet, but on Abdel- mumen, the next brother of Abdalla. Knowing tiiat his life was in in danger, Abdelmumcn, accompanied by his yoimger brothers. Abdelmelic and Ilamet, had lied to 'J'rcmecen and Algiers. 'Hiey were pursued by assassins, and Abdelmumcn fell in the mosque of the former city. Muley ^lolnc Alidelmclic tied to Algiers and im- plored the succor of Thilip IT., the Spanisli king, whom he i)roposed to acknowledge as his liege lord, in tlic event of his gaining what he considered his rightful inheritance. lk\i Philip was too prudent to 442 STAIN AND PORTUGAL 1574-1577 plunge his kingdom into a war for the sake of a barbarian, who would soon have forgotten the promise. From the grand signior, however, whom he visited, this prince obtained 3,000 men, with permission to raise as many as he could. With this small force he returned, increased it by the levies raised during his absence by his brother Hamet, and boldly marched on Fez. He was met by Muley Hamet, whom he defeated, pursued, and finally expelled from Morocco: he was in consequence hailed as emperor by a people more prone than any other to revolution. It was now Muley Hamet's turn to solicit the Christian princes for aid. Philip turned a deaf ear to him, as he had before done to Abdelmelic ; but he was more fortunate with Sebastian, who readily promised to replace him on the throne. But though the civil dissensions of Morocco thus confirmed the Portuguese king in his long-cherished resolution, even he felt that the undertaking was one of magnitude and demanded preparations. His coffers were empty; his disposable force was insignificant; his kingdom was exhausted, both of money and of troops, by the con- tinued wars in India and Africa. By a prudent man these circum- stances would have been considered insurmountable obstacles to the meditated enterprise; but though they were displayed in their true light by ministers who had grown old in public affairs, they had little effect on this unreflecting prince. He laid new and op- pressive imposts on his people, and caused troops to be levied in Italy and the Low Countries : but the money thus raised was inade- quate to the occasion ; nor would the foreign mercenaries move from their country without receiving a considerable sum by way of advance. The preparations, however, alarmed Muley INIoluc, who offered him any part in Mauritania as the condition of his abandon- ing the exile Muley Hamet an offer which he indignantly re- jected. That he aspired to the possession of the whole empire nay, that in his wild imagination he indulged the prospect of sub- duing all northern Africa, and of planting his victorious ban- ners on the towers of Constantinople is seriously asserted by the historians of the times. But as his resources were so limited he turned his eyes towards his uncle, the Catholic king, whose coopera- tion he solicited, and with whom he obtained an interview at Guada- lupe. The behavior of Philip II. of Spain on this occasion is highly honorable to his character. He received Sebastian with uncommon respect, waived points of precedence, and showed an affectionate in- LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 443 1577-1578 terest in the circumstances and prospects of the young enthusiast, to whom he even promised his daughter, Dona Clara Eugenia. He strongly disapproved of the African war ; alleged the most convincing reasons for abandoning it reasons drawn alike from the character of the Moors, the sterility of the mountains, the magnitude of the expense, the probability that Turkey would arm in behalf of Muley Moluc ; and in case Sebastian fell, the disputes that must inevitably arise concerning the succession. When he saw that his nephew was fully bent on the undertaking, he earnestly and pathetically entreated him not to conduct it in person, but confide it to his generals. As the enterprise was one of peril, and as, in the event of the madman's death, Philip would be a claimant of the Portu- guese monarchy, his conduct in this respect is the more honorable : yet such is the force of national prejudice, or of party malice, that his very virtues have been blackened, his best motives willfully mis- represented. When he found his kinsman's mind too obstinate to be swayed by reason, he gave a reluctant consent even this was attended with the condition that Sebastian would not venture into the interior of the country to furnish and dispatch 2,000 men to aid Sebastian. The obstinacy of the latter was confirmed by the arrival of 3,000 men from the Prince of Orange, and of Tx^o Ital- ians, who were on their way to join the discontented Irish, and who were easily persuaded to divert their arms against the ]Moors a people almost as odious as the heretics of England. The preparations being at length completed, and the Cardinal Henrique vested with the regency, in June, 1578, the armament put to sea. It consisted of 9,000 Portuguese all that could be raised 2,000 Spaniards, 3,000 Germans, and the Italians before mentioned; in all about 15,000 men, with twelve pieces of artillery, and fifty-five vessels. With a force so inadecinate to the objects of the expedition, no sane mind would ever have embarked. The Sf)l- diers were wiser than their chief ; they felt as if they were proceeding to certain destruction. Never, indeed, was armament more fatally misdirected. Though the disembarkation was effected early in July, between Arzilla and Tangier, Sebastian had yet to ])lan the opera- tions of the campaign. It was at length resolved that the cami)aign should be opened l)y the siege of Earache, a fortress about five leagues distant from Arzilla; but whether the men should proceed by land or by sea, gave rise to new consnltaiioiis. As the horse- men of Muley Moluc were hovering about the outskirts ot tlie Chris- 444. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1578 tians as the weather was oppressive, the country sandy, and the march fatiguing circumstances which had been foreseen by the prudent PhiHp common sense demanded that the armament should proceed by sea. Of this opinion were the most experienced Portu- guese: it was supported with energy by Muley Hamet, who with 300 Moors had joined his ally, and whose opinion on such a subject was entitled to most implicit deference. But the rash prince de- clared that to reimbark in presence of the enemy would be a mark of cowardice, and would injure the final success of the cause. Just before the troops began to march General Aldana arrived with letters from the duke of Alva. In them that able captain expressed the alarm which he had felt lest the Portuguese should venture from the coast, and how agreeably that alarm had been dissipated by the assurance that their efforts were to be confined to the reduction of Larache. He advised the king to remain satisfied with that advan- tage. On July 29 the army commenced its march, without dis- cipline or zeal, and proceeded so slowly that five days had elapsed before it arrived on the banks of the Luk, within sight of the army of Moluc. Though on the arrival of his enemies ]Muley ]\Ioluc was in the last stage of a lingering and fatal disease, he had prepared with ac- tivity for their reception. Having ordered his brother, the governor of Fez, to join him, he advanced towards Alcazar-quibir, and about six miles from that place he became so much exhausted that he could not sit on horseback. There his brother joined him and in- creased his force to about 48,000, exclusive of some Arabs, who ar- rived only for plunder. As he distrusted many of his followers, he caused proclamation to be made that all who wished to join his rival had his full permission to leave the camp unmolested. With the view of affording them the opportunity of escape, he selected 3,000 whom he considered the most disaffected, and dispatched them to reconnoiter tlie Christian camp : but, though they had ac- tually entertained the design of forsaking him, they were so gratified with what they regarded as a proof of his confidence, in being se- lected for so honorable a service, that all remained faithful. His first aim was to oppose the passage of the Christians over the river, in the way to Larache, and with this view he posted his troops at the only ford in the neighborhood. It was for some time doubtful whether the two armies would come to an action. The Portuguese vainly sought for another ford; and when the river was ascertained LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 445 1578 to be too deep for the infantry, much more the artillery, to pass it, a council of war was summoned to deliberate on what was best to be done. All felt that their position was one of imminent peril, in fact, of desperation. In another day their provisions would be exhausted: they could not, therefore, return to Arzilla, nor could they reach Larache without taking a circuitous route and being constantly exposed to the enemy's assaults. In such circumstances, owing to the most deplorable imbecility on the part of the king, the only hope of escape lay in victory. But iMuley Hamet, who, from the disorganized state of the army, its insubordination, its want of zeal, and, above all, from the iml)ecility of its leaders, perceived that the advantage must of necessity rest with the Moors, advised a retreat, at all risks, or a resolute effort to gain Larache ; and, wdien he found that the obstinacy of the king was not to be shaken, urged that the action should not commence until four o'clock in the afternoon. In this case, he observed, the army would, if defeated, be soon able to escape under cover of darkness. But the pre- sumptuous youth despised every suggestion of prudence; and the contest was resolved upon early the following day. In the certainty that the Christians, through want of provisions, would soon be at his mercy, the Moorish monarch had hoped to avoid useless blood- shed by delaying the battle : but he felt that his last hour was rapidly approaching; he had no confidence in the talents of his brother; he trembled for the fidelity of a considerable portion of his army; and he knew that his authority alone could ensure obedience, his ability alone the hope of victory. He called his brother to his tent ; con- fided to him the command of the cavalry; exhorted him to do his duty manfully, since he was about to struggle rather for himself than for a prince who had not many hours to live; and ended by vowing to the prophet that, if he exhibited any lack of courage or conduct, his head should assuredly fall. This able barbarian was then placed in a litter and carried among his troops, whom he ranged in order of battle. The 4th of August will ever be the most memorable of days in the annals of Portugal. Both princes having addressed their troops, Sebastian from his horse, jMnlcy Ah^hic from his litter, tlie artillery of both armies began to i)l;iy, but as that of the floors was both more numerous and bettor served, .^cliastian gave orders for the charge. At first tlie Christian cavalry, unable to withstand tlie impetuous onset of the Mo'U-s. fell Ixick; the fugitives were rah 446 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1578 lied by the Due de Aveiro and the king, who arrested the fury of the assault. Seeing the Moorish cavalry begin to stagger, Sebastian placed himself at the head of his infantry, and in a vigorous charge forced the enemy to fall back on their artillery. At this moment the dying Muley Moluc, fearful of the result, ascended a horse, drew a saber, and was advancing into the midst of the struggle when his faithful servants seized the bridle, his legs, his right hand, and earnestly urged him to dismount. He insisted; they were no less resolute, and in the excitement of the moment he threatened to cut them down unless they relinquished their hold. But, to a dying frame, that excitement was immediately fatal: he swooned, fell from his horse, was replaced in his litter, when, laying his finger on his lips in sign of secrecy, he breathed his last. In com- pliance with his order, the event was carefully concealed from his troops, and his confidential officers continued to ride to the door of his litter, as if to receive his instructions. In the meantime the Moors had been effectually rallied; and the Portuguese infantry the mainstay of the army was at length broken. For some time, however, a vigorous defense, even when the lines were destroyed, was maintained by the heroic valor of Sebastian, who rallied all that he could approach, and opposed a firm rampart to the im- petuosity of the Moorish horse. Once he charged his pursuers with such desperation that he laid 2,000 low. But the contest was un- equal. In other parts of the field the Christians no longer offered a resistance. Two horses had already fallen under him, and the third was exhausted. His companions, anxious to save his person, had been cut down at his side. The few who survived earnestly entreated him to surrender, but he haughtily refused, observing that a king should prefer death to captivity, and again plunged into the thickest of the fight. From this moment great uncertainty hangs over his fate. That he fell on the field is confirmed by the inquiries of the succeeding day. Such of the Portuguese chivalry as survived, being brought into the presence of Muley Hamet, the brother and successor of Muley Moluc, thought that Sebastian yet lived, but this was contradicted by Dom Nuiio Mas- carenhas, a body servant of the late king. He asserted that he had never for a moment forsaken his master, who had been put to death before his eyes by the Moors. The prisoners obtained permission to search for the corpse. Accompanied by a detachment of Moors, they hastened to the place indicated by jMascarenhas, and there they LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 447 1578 found a body which, though naked, Resende, a valet of Sebastian, instantly declared to be that of his master. It was conveyed to the tent of the Moorish king, when it was again recognized by Dom Duarte de Menezes and by other nobles. The tears which they shed on this occasion are proof that they at least believed the body before them to be the mortal relics of their king. The body was carefully preserved by Muley Hamet, until it was subsequently delivered to the ambassadors of the king of Spain, and by them transferred to Portugal, Never was victory more signal that that of Alcazar-Seguer. Of the Portuguese force which had left Lisbon, fifty individuals only returned; the rest were dead or in captivity, and with them the chivalry of the kingdom. Eighty of the nobles, through the good offices of Philip, were subsequently ransomed for 400,000 crusados. Had Don Antonio de Portugal, the prior of Crato, been among the number, he would have found more difficulty in escaping; but being captured by a Moor, and taken to a neighboring village, he had address enough to hide his real quality, and to obtain his deliverance for 2,000 crusados. This battle was fatal to more kings than two. Muley Hamet, seeing the total ruin of his allies, fled from the field, and was drowned while attempting to pass a river. On the character of this prince, after the preceding relation, it is needless to dwell. The obstinacy with which Sebastian adhered to his resolution, in opposition to representations the most forcible and pathetic, the lamentable imbecility which he displayed alike in the preparation and execution of his purpose, prove that his only virtue was courage. For some time the nation, unwilling to believe that Sebastian had perished, regarded Henrique (Henry "the Cardinal") merely as regent; but on the arrival of the royal body, and on the confirma- tion of the catastrophe by every Portuguese who arrived from Africa, the cardinal, the last surviving male of the ancient house, was solemnly crowned. On his accession lie exhibited a petty re- sentment against those who had intrigued to his prejudice during the preceding reign : some he degraded, otlicrs lie merely exiled trom court. In other respects he was an estimable man. hut an in- different prince. His short reign from 157S to 15S0 has nothing t.j distinguish it beyond the intrigues of candidates for the throne, which, as he was in his sixtv-seventli vear. broken tlown by in- 448 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1578 firmities, and evidently on the verge of the tomb, could not fail to be soon vacant. It was hoped that the nomination of an heir during his life, and the recognition of one by the states of the king- dom, would avert the troubles inseparable from a disputed succession. At first, indeed, he was advised to marry, and applica- tion was actually made to the pope for the necessary bull of secularization; but Philip of Spain, who had so close an interest in the affair, frustrated his views at the pontifical court and com- pelled him to abandon them. The candidates for the throne of Henrique were: i, Antonio, prior of Crato, who affirmed that his father Luis, brother of Joam III., was married to his mother, and that he was consequently legiti- mate; 2, Joam, duke of Braganza, in right of his mother Catherina, a younger daughter of the infante Dom Duarte, the youngest son of Manuel ; 3, Rainucci, prince of Parma, whose mother Maria was the eldest daughter of Dom Duarte; 4, Manuel Philibert, duke of Savoy, sprung from Beatrix, a younger daughter of King Manuel ; 5, Philip, king of Spain, whose claim was twofold: his mother, Isabel, being eldest daughter of Manuel, and his first queen, Maria, eldest daughter of Joam III. From this genealogy nothing can be more clear than that, if the claim were to be decided by consanguin- ity alone, Philip's was by far the most powerful ; but by the laws of Lamego, the princess who accepted a foreign husband was ipso facto excluded from the throne. Hence, according to the strict letter of the constitution, Isabel and Beatrix, the daughters of Manuel and Maria, the daughter of Duarte, had, by their marriages with the Emperor Charles, the duke of Savoy, and the prince of Parma, renounced all claim to the succession : hence, too, by their exclusion Joam was the true heir. Besides and Philip was probably aware of the fact the law of exclusion, in its very origin, had been ex- pressly aimed at the probability of a union with Castile. Its pro- mulgators foresaw that matrimonial alliances would often connect the two royal houses ; and they could not be ignorant tliat, if the same prince ever became heir to the two crowns, the lesser must be absorbed in the greater the independence of Portugal must be at an end. But the hatred of the Portuguese for the Cas- tilians was as deep, cordial, and everlasting now as in the days of Beatrix, when they preferred the bastard grand master of Avis to that princess. Though Philip well knew the antipathy borne to him by the LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 449 1579-1580 populace, though he was convinced that they would even prefer the bastard Antonio to him, he also knew that now, as on the occasion to which we have just referred, a considerable number of the more powerful nobility, and still more of the clergy, were in favor of the legitimate order of succession. The first step of Henrique, in a position at once so difficult and delicate, was to con- voke the states of the monarchy, in which he proposed that the choice of a successor should be left to five nobles and prelates, whom he would select from fifteen nominated by themselves. As Philip was well aware that most of them would be selected by the third estate, the deputies of the people, who to a man were opposed to him, he made every corner of Spain resound with the noise of his warlike preparations. In the meantime his ambassadors served his views at the Portuguese court : they procured the dismissal from Lisbon of the two native candidates the duke of Braganza and the prior de Crato, whose intrigues were to be dreaded. The latter was ordered to produce the alleged proofs of his legitimacy, which the cardinal king soon pronounced to be forgeries. The five com- missioners were appointed, and an oath was exacted from the nobles, deputies, and native candidates to abide by their decision. When, in January, 1580, the three estates were reassembled at Almerin, there was so much jealousy among them the deputies pretending that with them alone rested the designation of a successor, and the delays interposed were so serious, that Henrique, who felt his end approaching, after consulting with the commissioners declared the number of candidates reduced to two, the duke of Braganza and the king of Spain. He is said, probably with justice, to have been personally favorable to the claims of the former, but that his dying bed was beset by the creatures of the latter, who would not allow him to declare for the duke. However this be, one of his last acts was to confirm the powers of the commissioners, whom the states, in the event of his death, had sworn to obey as regents, and to whom alone was confided this momentous decision. Besides the university of Evora, he founded several religious houses, reformed more, and, as the inquisitor-general, he extended alike the authority and establishments of the holy office. On the death of Henrique, the regents, of whom three were believed to be in the interests of Philip, were naturally opposed by the deputies, who were in favor of Dom Antonio. Con- fiding in the number of his partisans, the latter forgot his oath 450 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1580 to abide by the judgment of the regents, and hastened to Lisbon to make a violent effort for the vacant crown. He there called on the magistrates to receive him as king, but they advised him to remove from that capital, asserting that they would recognize no man who had not the suffrages of the regents. In the mean- time Philip, who had ordered his army to meet at Badajos, and had placed the celebrated duke of Alva at its head, loudly pro- claimed his resolution to vindicate his rights by the sword. To the request of the regents that he would disband it, he replied that he did not recognize their authority, and that he would hold them responsible for the bloodshed which might follow. In June, having solemnly declared war against Portugal, with about 24,000 men he passed the frontier and immediately received the submis- sion of Elvas and some minor places in the vicinity. This success did not damp the hopes of Dom Antonio. With the view of imi- tating the conduct of the grand master of Avis, afterwards Joam I. a prince whom in many respects he strongly resembled he invited the inhabitants of the towns bordering on Santarem to meet him in that capital, to consult with him on the means of their common defense. When assembled, he requested them to recognize him as governor of the kingdom ; but one of his crea- tures suddenly exclaiming, "Real, real, por el rei Dom Antonio!" the customary acclamation of a new monarch the mob caught the impulse and hailed him as king. From Santarem he repaired to Lisbon the regents fleeing at his approach and was there, in like manner, proclaimed by his partisans. At Setubal the re- gents found the current of popular feeling so strong that in a few days they precipitately fled into the Algarves; indeed, they had scarcely issued from the gates when both soldiers and people proclaimed Dom Antonio. At Lisbon, where the usurper soon formed an administration, they were declared rebels, and a party of cavalry sent in pursuit of them. This intelligence quickened the operations of the Duke of Alva, to whom Philip, who remained at Badajos, intrusted the conduct of the war. Villaviciosa, Villabuin, Estremos, Monte- mor, Evora-Monte, Arroyolos, Vimiero, and many other places were either finally reduced or they voluntarily submitted to him. The Duke of Braganza, perceiving how the fortune of the war was likely to run, convinced that there was no prospect of success for him, and naturally preferring submission to a powerful nion- LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 451 1580 arch before the rule of a less honorable rival, hastened to make his peace with the Castilian. As a considerable party had hitherto advocated his claim, this step greatly smoothed the path of the invaders. Many nobles flocked to their standard; Alcazar do Sal received them, and after some hesitation even Setubal followed the example. But the grand object of his operations was the re- duction of Lisbon, towards which he advanced. The town of Belem was soon forced to capitulate; Dom Antonio, who showed no want either of courage or ability, was assailed in his entrench- ments, was defeated with severe loss, and forced to retreat on Coimbra. Lisbon was summoned. To crown the triumph of the victors, both that capital and the Portuguese fleet fell into their hands ; and by the inhabitants Philip was solemnly proclaimed king of Portugal and entered upon his reign (1580- 1598). The submission of the capital and most of the great cities of the kingdom was not sufficient for the Duke of Alva. He knew that Dom Antonio was still at the head of 12,000 men, actively endeavoring to increase the number, and he dis- patched Don Sancho de Avila in pursuit of him. The inhabitants of Coimbra, terrified at the severity with which the suburbs of Lisbon had been treated for opposing the arms of the victor, instantly admitted the Castilians and swore homage to Philip, but the prior had retired to Aveiro. Even here he could not hope for continued safety, and he proceeded towards Oporto, the authori- ties of which had shown some zeal in his behalf, and even intimated that his presence alone was wanting to secure their steadfast attachment. But his expulsion from Lisbon, the defection of Coimbra and Aveiro, and the almost universal submission to the Castilian king soon changed their sentiments. They offered the keys of their city to the duke, and when Antonio arrived they refused to admit him; but some of his partisans opened the gates, and enabled him to wreak his vengeance on his more obnoxious enemies. The excesses which he committed in that city disgusted even them. Not satisfied with plundering some of the richest merchants and ecclesiastics, he exacted a heavy contribution from all, as the price of refraining from universal pillage. In the mean- time, Don Sanclio advanced, without opposition, to Villa-Nova, whicli is separated from Oporto by the Duero. The crossing of that broad and deep river was effected with difficulty but little loss, and the Portuguese drawn up to oppose it were easily dispersed. 452 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1580-1583 Under the walls of the city Dom Antonio marshaled 9,000 men, resolved to make a final stand for this last of his possessions: but his men were chiefly raw levies, who scarcely waited for the charge. They fled within the walls ; the pursuers were also admitted, and the banner of Philip was hoisted on the towers. Amidst the hurry and confusion of the scene Dom Antonio escaped to Viana do Minho, where he embarked, but so tempestuous was the weather that he was compelled to land. His destruction seemed certain, but he eluded his pursuers, notwithstanding that a large sum had been offered, by royal proclamation, to whomsoever should take him, dead or alive; and with the view of strengthening the zeal of his adherents, he wandered, in disguise, from one town to another, until he procured the means of escape into France. While the adventurous prior was thus cast from the pinnacle of empire and constrained to seek for a precarious safety by flight, Philip, who had been confined by sickness and delayed by the death of his queen (Anna) at Badajoz, hastened at length to take per- sonal possession of a kingdom which his able general had con- quered for him. He felt that it was both his duty and his interest to conciliate his new subjects, and he resolved, with this view, to lay aside his natural sternness of manner and refuse no reasonable boon that should be demanded. Having given orders for preserv- ing the strictest discipline among his troops, he convoked the states at Tomar, where he swore to observe the laws, customs, usages, and privileges of the kingdom, but in the amnesty which he pub- lished on the occasion he displeased the Portuguese by excepting Dom Antonio and fifty-two other persons, and the duke and duchess of Braganza, by refusing to comply with their extravagant demands. From Tomar he proceeded to Lisbon, where he was received with much outward respect, but with much inward reluc- tance. He was, however, acknowledged, not only by the whole king- dom, but by the Indies and the three African fortresses. The Azores alone were disaffected to his sway: some of the islands refused to acknowledge him, defeated his general Valdes, and acquainted Dom Antonio, who was then in France, with their disposition and suc- cess. That prince, with some money and troops furnished by the queens of France and England, repaired to those islands to strengthen the force of his partisans. On the other hand, the marquis of Santa Cruz sailed with a few sliips to establish the power of Philip in the Angra, and the other places which now LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 453 1583-1585 refused to submit. In a naval engagement this active officer easily triumphed over the French and English adventurers (chiefly the former), of whom more than 3,000 fell; but he stained his laurels by the execution of his prisoners. But though the monarch was recognized by both the mother- country and her colonies ; though he conferred many privileges on his new subjects, greater, assuredly, than were ever possessed by the Castilians; though he considerably diminished his resources by grants to such as had espoused his pretensions ; though every place, from the highest to the lowest, was filled by natives alone; though he was as affable to all as his natural disposition would allow, and was not guilty of a single arbitrary act, he soon found that he was not, and could never be, a favorite in Portugal. In fact, the dis- content was so great that instead of withdrawing, he was com- pelled to augment the Castilian troops in the fortresses, a measure which, however necessary, was regarded with bitter dissatisfaction. After about two years' residence in the country he prepared to return into Castile, a circumstance that more than any other wounded the national pride. The Portuguese had always been accustomed to a resident monarch ; they now murmured at the sway of a viceroy. To remind them that Spain was a kingdom as well as their own, and had an equal claim at "least to the presence of a sovereign, would have been vain ; they were unreasonable enough to expect that Spain should be united with their own coun- try, that a great monarchy should become dependent on a prov- ince. Philip paid little regard to the clamor: having caused his son to be proclaimed his successor, and invested his nephew, the Cardinal Archduke Albert, with the regency, he proceeded to the Escurial. During the next few years Portugal had nothing to do with the foreign or domestic policy of Philip. Governed with great moderation by the archduke, enjoying internal peace, an extended commerce, and a high degree of prosperity, she might have been happy happier than she had ever been under her native monarchs could hereditary enmity have been forgotten and national pride sacrificed to interest. The exiled Antonio was made aware of the existing discontent : he had many well-wishers and not a few spies in the country who constantly communicated with him. After the second defeat of his armament in the Azores he abode at the French court, with the hope of obtaining increased supplies for an 454 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1585-1595 invasion of Portugal ; but as the civil wars which raged in the former country were likely to prove interminable, he passed over into England to renew his intrigues with the earl of Essex. He arrived at a favorable time, just after the destruction of the Spanish armada, when the resentment of the English was. at the highest pitch, and they were longing for revenge. At first, however, Elizabeth, with her usual prudence, disapproved of the project of a Portuguese invasion; but, with her usual weakness, wherever the tend^ passion was concerned, she was persuaded by the favorite earl to enter into an alliance with the exile, and to equip an arma- ment for placing him on the throne. Nothing can better exhibit the unprincipled impostor than certain conditions on his side of that alliance. In conformity with the English article of the treaty, one not over honorable to Elizabeth herself, since she grasped at advantages which generosity, or even justice, would have scorned, 20,000 men were embarked at Plymouth in 120 vessels, the whole commanded by Drake and Norris. The success of this expedition corresponded with its flagitious design. After an unsuccessful attempt on Coruna, the armament cast anchor at Peniche, and disembarked the troops who marched to Torres Vedras, where they proclaimed Dom Antonio, and continued their route towards the capital. But the peasantry, instead of joining his standard, fled at his approach, some to increase the force of the archduke : scarcely a Portuguese, high or low, came over to his party. As the English general approached the suburbs, the monks, the women, and most of the inhabitants retired within the city. Still there were, doubtless, many who wished well to the cause of the adventurer, not from affection to him, but through hatred of the Spaniards; the majority, however, remained neutral. The ill- success of the English, who repeatedly assailed the outworks, stifled the intrigues of the disaffected, and a vigorous sortie decided the fate of the expedition. The English general, who throughout exhibited strange imbecility, retreated ; he was pursued ; many of his followers were cut off; with the rest he sought refuge in the tower of Cascaes, which the cowardly governor surrendered to him. Here, considering the want of provisions, and the deception which had been practiced on him by Dom Antonio, who had persuaded him tliat the moment a hostile standard were raised it would be joined by all true Portuguese, he wisely resolved to return home. This was fortunately the last time Portugal was cursed with the LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 455 1595-1621 prior's presence. Deserted by his nearest friends, neglected by the sovereigns, his former allies, in 1595 he ended his unprincipled life in merited obscurity and indigence. The remaining actions of Philip must be sought in the history of Spain. Four years before his death, on the removal of the cardinal regent to the archiepiscopal see of Toledo, the government of Portugal was intrusted to a commission of five, at the end of whom was the archbishop of Lisbon. In 1598 he diedc Philip I. of Portugal was Philip II. of Spain and the two kings of that name who followed him, while Philip II. and Philip III. of Portugal, must be identified as Philip III. and Philip IV. of Spain. The former of these princes, in the course of his reign, from 1598 to 162 1, visited his Portuguese subjects only once. On this occasion the hungry and ambitious chivalry expected much from his liberality; but, except a few, all were disappointed. None but such as showed a zealous attachment to Spain and approved the measures emanating from Madrid, however contrary to the interests or prejudices of the natives, could hope to share in the royal favor. Nor, after the first enthusiasm of his reception was past, did the populace admire their king : if he did not treat them with studied insult, a charge leveled at him by the Portuguese historians, he exhibited so great a predilection towards his hereditary subjects that he could not fail mortally to offend a people who would not even have been satisfied with an equal share of his attention. How much of truth may be con- tained in the accusations against him would be vain to inquire: that they are exaggerated may safely be admitted ; yet exaggera- tion proves that abuses existed, however party coloring may have affected their description. If the Portuguese had so much reason to complain of the gov- ernment of the second Philip, that of his son and successor, Philip III. (1621-1640) was, doubtless, still more onerous. A good gov- ernment, like that of Philip I., would have been hated; a bad one would naturally add to the existing mass of discontent. That the weak, the profligate, and the unprincipled conde. Due de Olivares, could direct the affairs of this kingdom with advantage either to it or to his royal master will not be expected by anyone who has perused the account of his administration in Spain. He not only aggravated the abuses of his predecessors, but added greatly to their number. That he had resolved to reduce the kingdom to the condition of a 456 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1621-1640 province, to destroy its regalities, its independent jurisdiction, its separate legislature, may, however, be doubted; but there can be no doubt, that, by forced loans, by intolerable taxes, and by using the native soldiers to foreign wars, he wished to break the proud spirit of the people to make them the mere slaves of his will. Finding themselves ground to the very earth by exactions, their complaints disregarded, their persons insulted, their prosperity at an end, we need not wonder that they turned their eyes towards the Duke of Braganza, the next heir in the order of succession. Too discerning not to perceive the rising sentiment, and too saga- cious to show that he perceived it, that ambitious noble adopted a line of conduct which could not fail to forward his views. Though pressed, the duke was too wise to declare himself at this moment: he knew that his combinations were not formed, that the chief nobility were yet to be gained, that the all-powerful voice of the clergy could not yet be commanded, and that a mere popular ebul- lition, unconnected with mature plans and simultaneous operations with the other arms of the state, would be worse than useless; he therefore determined to await the silent but resistless course of events. The sequel soon justified his policy. The chief nobles, prelates, cavalleros, and clergy were suddenly summoned to Madrid. What could be the object in this mysterious, unexpected, and unparalleled mandate? Conjecture was vain: to disobey it would be dangerous, and a magnificent display of retinues immediately filled the road from Lisbon to the Spanish capital. What passed at the conference between the ministers and this deputation will never be known, but that some extraordinary concession was required from them may easily be believed. That their consent was demanded to the incorporation of the Portuguese with the Spanish Cortes, or that a certain number of deputies from the three estates should be summoned at the same time with those of Cas- tile, in other words, that the kingdom should be forever degraded to the rank of a province, is loudly affirmed by the Portuguese. But another reason for this extraordinary mandate may be assigned, more plausible than any. The court could not be ignorant of the disposition of the people towards the Duke of Braganza, nor, per- haps, with his intrigues. His arrest might be resolved on : and, as it could not be effected in Portugal, where his connections were so numerous and powerful, he must be inveigled to Madrid. This supposition is confirmed by three facts: he had evaded compliance LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 457 1640 when summoned alone to the capital ; he was not present now ; and the subsequent endeavors of the minister to draw him to Madrid were as earnest as they were ineffectual. Disappointed in his views, Olivares now proceeded more boldly : he ordered all the disposable troops in Portugal to march into Catalonia and the Duke of Braganza to place himself at their head. But the war of Catalonia was not a national object: it concerned the Castilians only; both nobles and people resolved to disobey the mandate ; but, lest an open refusal should subject them to instant invasion, they merely demanded a short delay, until their preparations were matured. In the meantime the Duke of Braganza was pursuing his end with persevering art: knowing how suspicious was the Spanish court, how jealously every action was watched, he plunged more deeply into his favorite amusements, and asserted, that when the troops were ready to march, he should not be wanting at his post. Though his emissaries were busily occupied, it is certain that he himself was not eager to risk his own person. If the conspiracy succeeded, he was willing enough to reap the advantage; if it failed, he wished to avoid implication in it. At length, when obedience or open refusal to the orders of the court was imperative, the conspira- tors hastened to Lisbon and began their meetings in the gardens of Antonio de Almada. It was agreed that one of their body should be deputed to see the duke, to know whether he would accept and defend the crown without delay. His consent was obtained and a day appointed for the insurrection. The day (December i) at length dawned and found the conspirators, who were admirably organized, prepared for the struggle. A pistol was fired near the entrance of the palace, and in a moment two numerous bands, both well armed, entered by different portals and fell on the Castilian and Swiss guards, while the simultaneous rallying cry of " Live our King Joam IV. ! " sufficiently indicated the design of the assault. The guard being overpowered, the conspirators rushed towards the apartments of the vicc-qucen. ^Meeting an officer of the household, they shouted "Joam IV.! " he raised the cry of " Philip forever! " and was instantly laid dead at their feet. The conspirators were now joined by thousands of the populace; the cry of " Viva cl rci Joam IV.!" became uni\crsal; a council of regency was formed, at the head of which was the archbishop of Lisbon; orders were sent into the provinces to proclaim the new king without delay ; they were everywhere executed with the most hearty good-will ; Joam 458 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1557-1640 was triumphantly escorted to the capital, and the scepter of Spain was forever broken by the election of the house of Braganza. Meanwhile in the narrative of domestic transactions, from the accession of Sebastian to that of Joam IV., it is well to note the chief events which, during that period, occurred in the colonies. In India, though the prosperity of the Portuguese empire was evidently on the decline, the viceroys were sometimes good men, and the inferior governors always brave: hence its ruin was gradual. Under Constantine de Braganza, successor of Bar- reto, Daman, a city belonging to the king of Cambay, was added to the empire, and the island of Ternate was reconquered ; the king of Cananor and the zamorin of Calicut were humbled; the Abys- sinians were protected against the Turks; some acquisitions were made in Ceylon, and the petty princes of Malabar, ever prone to hostilities, were defeated. Under the same governor, Goa was elevated into an archbishopric and two suffragans were sent to aid him in the important office the means, alas ! were, too often, sword and fagot of converting the heathen. The administration of Don Luis de Ataide was signalized by the defeat of the combined Hindu princes, who laid siege to Goa, and by other successes, splendid, indeed, so far as regarded the valor of the Portuguese, the disproportion of their force with that of the enemy, and the signal discomfiture of the latter, but of no advantage beyond the fame of victory. On the recall of this valiant noble, the govern- ment of the eastern empire was divided into three: The chief, called, par excellence, the government of India, comprised the mari- time regions from Cape Guadafar, on the coast of Ethiopia, to the island of Ceylon; the second, that of Monomotapa, comprehended the African coasts, from that region to the Conga; the third, that of Malacca, extended from Pegu to China. The second of these governments was of no long continuance ; the first was still acknowl- edged as the viceroyalty. Ataide was a second time appointed to the dignity, and such was the luster of his administration that the golden days of the Albuquerques seemed for a moment to be revived. But the rapacity of the governor of Malacca lost the Moluccas, except one settlement on the island of Tidon. Under the Conde de Santa Cruz several successful expeditions were sent against the Mohammedan corsairs who infested the African and Indian coasts. But it is impossible to mention, much more to detail, the inter- LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 459 1557-1640 minable wars which were undertaken by succeeding vice- roys. We shall observe, by way of summary, that the marquis almost uniformly triumphed over his enemies; that his immediate successors gallantly defended the settlements; that under Francisco de Gama the Dutch first appeared in the Indian seas, and were expelled by him ; that they soon returned and inflicted considerable injury on the trading establishments ; that the English soon resolved to share in the lucrative traffic of these regions; that the Portu- guese, English, and Dutch contended for the exclusive possession of that traffic ; that the latter people formed settlements, both in the eastern continent of India and among the islands ; that, as their power increased that of the Portuguese diminished; that the Por- tuguese were frequently defeated by the Dutch, who expelled them from Ceylon ; that they regained possession of some settlements on the coasts, but not of their ancient influence; that in most of their subsequent actions they had the disadvantage, the influence of the English and the Dutch evei-y day increasing in these seas; that they were expelled from Ormuz by the Persians ; that even Goa itself was insulted by the exploits of the Dutch. In short, on the accession of Joam IV. the Portuguese settlements in the East were reduced to half their former number, and those that remained were in great peril. In northwest Africa the possessions in Mauritania con- tinued to be confined to the three fortresses which remained from the time of Joam III. ; nor were tliose then molested. For some time, indeed, Tangier refused to acknowledge Joam, and adhered to Philip as the rightful sovereign of Portugal, no less than of Spain; but it was surprised by a resolute body of troops, headed by one of Joam's officers. In this region, which from the time of Joam I. had been the constant theater of war between the Christians and Mohammedans, uninterrupted tranquillity reigned from the disaster of Sebastian. Xor on other parts of the African coast was there much change during the period before us. The Portuguese continued to have settlements, rather for trade than dominion, in Guinea, Angola, Congo, Monomotapa, ]\Ia(lagascar, and Mozambique. Yet even liere the Dutch showed tlicir adven- turous spirit: in 1638 they rapidly reduced Fort St. George on the coast of Guinea, and the English were ready enough to profit by the example. The discovery of Brazil has been already related : settle- 460 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1557-1640 ments continued to be formed on that part of the American coast from the reign of Manuel to that of Henrique. Into this, as well as the other possessions of the Portuguese, the Chris- tian religion was introduced; but though the original missionaries, and still more the Jesuits, labored with great zeal to disseminate it, such were the obstacles opposed by the views of the inhabitants that little good was effected. Nor was the temporal state of the Portuguese dominions without its disasters. Here, as everywhere else, the Dutch contended for a share of the commerce; and here, too, as in India and Africa, that contention was ruinous to the original settlers. In 1624 an armament under Willekens anchored off the Brazilian coast, with the intention of engrossing the whole advantage of trade by expelling the Portuguese. He assailed the capital, San Salvador, with such fury that it was compelled to surrender; and the viceroy it was the seat of government for the province was sent a prisoner to Holland. This intelligence spread great consternation. To recover that important settlement, the Portuguese, though oppressed by the yoke of Spain, made a surprising effort: they fitted out twenty-six vessels, carrying some thousands of men, an effort the more laudable when we consider the interminable wars they were compelled to maintain in India. San Salvador was speedily recovered. But the mer- chants of Holland were not discouraged : they equipped new arma- ments, which inflicted great injury on the commerce of the Portu- guese. In fact, their ships covered the deep from China to the West Indies; and, next to the hope of gain, their greatest stimulus was hatred to that declining people. The district of Pernambuco soon acknowledged the sway of the republic; to regain it, another armament left the ports of the Peninsula. This expedition was disastrous: in two successive engagements it was almost annihi- lated by the Dutch, and the remnant with difficulty reached Por- tugal. A second, though on a larger scale, was equally unsuc- cessful; so that the enemy added Tamaraca to their other con- quests. Masters of above 100 leagues of territory, they aspired to the possession of all Brazil. A fleet for this purpose left the Texel, in 1636, under the command of Count Maurice of Nassau. In the first action he triumphed over a Portuguese general ; he next reduced Porto Calvo and three other fortresses. A second victory was followed by the submission of other places, by offers of alliance from the natives, and by the conquest of all Paraiba; LAST OF ANCIENT DYNASTY 461 1557-1640 but he failed in an attack on San Salvador. In the following cam- paign (that of 1638), both parties having received reinforcements, contended in the open field : the combined forces of Spain and Portugal yielded before the energy of the republic. In short, half the settlements were in the power of Count Maurice, when news arrived of the accession of Joam IV. The progress and decline of the Portuguese colonial empire would, if treated at length, be an interesting subject of contem- plation. The successive acquisition of the islands on the western coast of Africa; of Congo, Angola, and Guinea; of Sofa, Mozam- bique, and Melinda on the eastern; of Calicut, Cochin, Ormuz, Cananor, Chaul, Bazain, Daman, and the whole maritime coast of Malabar ; of the vast regions of Brazil ; of Ceylon, Malacca, and the Moluccas, exclusive of settlements, purely commercial, in other parts; repeated triumphs over the most powerful princes of the east, Persians, Turks, Arabs, Hindoos; the monarchs of Bengal, Aracan, Pegu, and Siam, all, too, performed by a hand- ful of adventurers, must strike the mind with astonishment. On the accession of Joam the following acknowledged his scepter : half of Brazil ; the islands and settlements of western Africa, with the fortresses of Mauritania, ]\Iombaza, and Mozambique; the cities of Diu, Daman, Bazain ; the district of Chaul ; the fortresses of Onor, Bracalor, Mangalor, Cananor, Cangranor; the fortresses and towns of Cochin, Coulam, Negapatam, Jvleliapoor; a part of Ceylon ; some settlements in Malacca ; Tidon, in the Moluccas ; Macao, in China, and some other places of minor importance: the rest were recovered by the original owners, or in possession of the Dutch, English, and Spaniards. \Ye shall soon see in how precarious a state were most of even these. Chapter XVIII HOUSE OF BRAGANZA. 1640-1788 WHEN Joam, or John, IV. succeeded in 1640, he was not so sanguine as to expect that whatever might be the em- barrassments of the Spaniards, and however unanimous his own subjects in his defense, his post would not prove one of difficulty, perhaps of danger. Hence, immediately after his coronation a ceremony performed with great splendor a few days succeeding his proclamation and after the convoca- tion of the states, in which his title was acknowledged, and his son Theodosio declared his heir, he began vigorously to prepare for the inevitable contest. His first step was to send ambas- sadors to foreign courts, to procure his recognition. By France, England,^ Sweden, and the States-General these ambassadors were readily received; Denmark favored the views of Joam, but, for fear of the German emperor, would not openly receive one. In this situation the pope resolved to temporize, yet he leaned more to the court of Spain; he withheld the necessary bulls of episcopal confirmation during many years, nor was an ambassador received from Lisbon. But these mis- sions produced no advantage; though promises of assistance were made by France, then at war with Spain by England and Hol- land, which were frequently so the new monarch found that his chief dependence must rest on the valor of his own people. He introduced a better discipline into his army; he fortified Lisbon; he strengthened his fortresses, on the Spanish frontier, those espe- cially in Alemtejo ; he called on the nation to rally round the throne, and the call was heard. As the Spanish troops were occupied in Catalonia, Philip could bring no great force to bear on his revolted subjects; nor did Joam, for the same reason, judge a great army necessary in 1 In two years afterwards, a close commercial treaty between England and Portugal was signed in London by their ambassadors, and ratified by Charles I. and Joam. 462 HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 463 1641-1647 any one place. But he maintained several respectable bodies of troops towards the Galician and Estremaduran frontiers. His object was defense, not aggression, though the impatience of his soldiers often led them to retaliate on the Spaniards by predatory invasions into the neighboring territory. The hostilities on both sides were disgraced by the most horrid excesses. We cannot dwell on hostilities perpetually recurring, and, during the life of Joam, uniformly indecisive; they commenced in 1641 and con- tinued, with intermissions, to the last year of that prince. Let it be sufficient to observe that, in general, they were in favor of the Portuguese, who reduced several of the secondary fortresses on the Spanish border. Thus, instead of recovering a revolted king- dom, Philip could not completely defend his own. Though Joam thus tranquilly ascended, and without diffi- culty maintained himself on, the throne, it was not to be expected that everyone would approve the revolution, or that Spain had no partisans. Not a few of the nobility beheld with envy this elevation of a house which, except its original base derivation from royalty, and, subsequently, a matrimonial connection with it, had no one claim to the distinction. Others regretted the dis- solution of the union with the sister kingdom : they saw that nature they knew tliat interest demanded the subjection of the whole Peninsula to the same scepter. An equal, perhaps superior, number were gained by the gold of Castile. In the first year of this monarch's reign a conspiracy was organized, by the restless archbishop of Braga, for restoring the crown to Philip. But the correspondence with the court of Madrid was detected; the lay conspirators were arrested, condemned, beheaded, or quartered ; the primate, w^ith two other bishops and an inferior ecclesiastic, were sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. The archbishop died a few months afterwards; whether naturally may be reason- ably doubted. While these affairs were passing in Portugal, hostilities were frequent in America, Africa, and the East. Though liolland furnished Joam with a body of troops to resist the invasion of the Spaniards, they were by no means disposed to forego the advantages which they were acquiring in other parts least of all in Brazil. Under the pretext that they had commenced hostilities originally, not against the Portuguese, but against Philip, and that, after preparations so expensive they could not 464. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1642-1656 afford to lay down their arms, they resolved to pursue their am- bitious designs in the New World. On the accession of Joam, as before observed, they were in possession of one-half of Brazil. But the inhabitants of Pernambuco, of whom the most considerable, in point of influence, were of Portuguese extraction, were easily induced to rise against the heretical strangers. In the first two actions the Dutch were defeated; immediately after- %vards a number were surprised in a fort and, with their general, compelled to surrender. These successes were followed by the recovery of several minor fortresses. They reduced fort after fort and gained battle after battle, until, in 1654, they expelled th^ enemy from the last possession which the republic held in those vast regions. Commensurate with these hostilities were others on the western coast of Africa, especially in Angola, and in the island of St. Thomas, where the Dutch, by force or stratagem, obtained settlements. By superior intelligence and by indefatigable in- dustry these enterprising strangers soon engrossed the trade of the country and extended their territory so as to alarm both the local governors and the court of Lisbon. An armament was equipped from Rio Janeiro, and both the island and the fortresses in Angola were recovered. But if the arms of Joam were thus successful in Brazil and Africa, in India they met with many reverses. In several en- gagements the Dutch had the advantage, and in 1655 they suc- ceeded in wholly expelling the Portuguese from the island of Ceylon. Joam died in 1656. His eldest son. Prince Theodosio, of whose rising talents he had shown a mean jealousy, whose enter- prises he had thwarted, and whom he would not allow to interfere in public affairs, preceded him to the tomb. Three other children survived him: i. Catherine, married to Charles II. king of England ; 2. the infante Alfonso, who. by the death of Theodosio, was heir to the monarchy; 3. the infante Pedro, who, as we shall soon perceive, succeeded Alfonso. On the death of Joam the new king Alfonso VI. was only in his thirteenth year, and as from the earliest infancy he had exhibited no proofs of understanding, but a waywardness which would have adorned a savage, the queen-mother was intrusted with the regency, not only until he should attain his HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 465 1656-1667 majority, but until the states of the kingdom should pronounce him competent to govern. The ceremony, however, of his coronation was performed with due splendor. The administration of this princess a lady of the house of Guzman, her father being the eighth duke of Medina-Sidonia was distinguished for prudence and spirit. As a Castilian, she was at first obnoxious to the people, who suspected that she must have a leaning towards her own country; but the vigor with which she prepared for war, and the perseverance with which she con- ducted it, prove that the suspicion was injurious. The whole campaign was disgraced by the most deplorable imbecility on the part both of the Portuguese and the Spanish leaders, until the Count de Schomberg and Don Juan of Austria were opposed to each other. One day the Portuguese generals erred through rash- ness, another through excess of prudence, or downright coward- ice; now an attempt was made on the almost impregnable bul- warks of Badajoz, now the Portuguese had not spirit to invest a fortress with moldering walls and garrisoned by sixty men. In all these hostile transactions nothing is more evident than that they were entire strangers to the art of war that they had neither discipline nor science. Had not the Spaniards been nearly as bad, Alemtejo at least, if not Tras os Alontes, must soon have ac- knowledged the Catholic king. In 1659 they were defeated be- fore Elvas, which they had long and vainly besieged ; but their mortification was somewhat diminished by the reduction of Aloncao, in the province Entre Douro e Minho. After the peace of the Pyrenees, between France and Spain, when Catalonia was pacified and the Spanisli troops were at liberty to turn their un- divided force against Portugal, no doubt was entertained that this country would be subdued. But the queen regent did not neglect to strengthen the national cause by alliances. Some French, Dutch, and English adventurers under Schomberg were obtained ; the infanta Catherina, with the fortress of Tangier and a large sum of money, was given to Charles II. as the condition of his alliance, and for the aid of some English regiments. These auxiliary forces, fortunately for themselves, were placed under the gallant Schoml)erg: had they been confided to a Portuguese, they would speedily have disappeared in detail, without the ac- ([uisition of a single hamlet. But he sustained so nnich opposition, so much jealousy and ill-will from the chiefs associated with him 466 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1656-1667 that he could not prevent Don Juan from obtaining some rapid successes. Among them was the conquest of Evora. But this advantage was soon neutralized by a signal victory attained over the Castilians; it was still further improved by the recovery of Evora : both monuments of Schomberg's ability and of English valor. To repair these disasters Don Juan collected a superior force and advanced to the frontiers, but he effected nothing. In fact, he seems to have been as much embarrassed by his imbecile coadjutors as Schomberg himself: he complained, and was de- prived of the command, which was bestowed on the Marquis de Caracene. This change was fortunate for Portugal, for the new general was so signally defeated at Villaviciosa that it may be said to have secured the independence of that kingdom. This was the last noted exploit during the reign of Alfonso. During these hostilities the court of Lisbon exhibited strange scenes. The depraved tastes, the low and profligate habits, the headstrong perversity of the king, daily acquired strength, and afforded a melancholy prospect to the nation. He associated with the lowest of the people; he introduced them into his palace, or accompanied them in nocturnal expeditions, undertaken as much for bloodshed as for mere mischief. His band of young com- panions became the terror of the capital. Once the council of state, headed by the Due de Cadaval, summoned courage enough to expostulate with him on the danger to which he exposed his person and kingdom ; besought him to forsake his savage amuse- ments, in which blood was sure to flow, sometimes to the loss of life, and represented to him, with force and pathos, the effects of so extraordinary an example. He listened with a careless air and refused to promise anything. The influence of the queen was no less ineffectual. At length the indignant nobles, at her insti- gation, forcibly seized two brothers, the vilest and most dangerous of his satellites, and sent them away to Brazil ; but other creatures were found to supply their place. The latter were even more dangerous than their predecessors. They persuaded him that his mother wished to keep him, throughout life, in a state of pupilage, and that she was laboring to place the crown on the head of his younger brother, the infante Pedro. Hence the jealousy we might add, the hatred with which he regarded both: if he durst not exhibit it towards the former, he could, at least, heap every species of insult and caprice on the latter. With all his stupidity. HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 467 1656-1667 the royal brute felt that he was a king; he knew that the time of his majority was long past ; he insisted on being invested with the regal authority in all its extent ; and after a struggle between him and his mother he forced her, in June, 1662, to resign the regency. The removal of so salutary a rein on his excesses could not fail to make things worse. It was hoped that, if a wife were pro- cured him, he would at least refrain from some excesses, and one was found in Mademoiselle d'Aurnale, daughter of the Due de Nemours. But he treated his beautiful queen with open neglect; he disregarded alike her entreaties, her tears, and her remon- strances; nor did the death of his mother make the slightest change in his conduct. But the strangest part of these transactions remains to be told. That the queen-mother had resigned her authority with reluctance is certain ; that she had entertained thoughts of pro- curing the transfer of the scepter from Alfonso to Pedro is con- firmed by the general tenor of her actions. It is no less true that Pedro aspired to supplant his brother; that he intrigued with the nobles and prelates for that end ; and that, by the outward de- corum of his conduct, by a scrupulous regard to the decencies of his station, he labored to make the contrast between himself and the king too marked to be overlooked. Equally certain it is that no one observed this contrast more narrowly than the youthful queen, who soon formed a suspicious connection with the infante. That their plans for the future were soon arranged is evident enough from the sequel. When Pedro's plans were matured, when he had interested a considerable party in his behalf, he sought an o]:)en rupture and he had causes enougli with the king. In October, 1667, a furious mob, which had been gained by his emissaries, conducted him to the palace, insisting that justice should be done him on his enemies. The paltry spirit which Alfonso displayed on this occasion completed his degrada- tion in the eyes of the populace, who began loudly to exclaim that the country must have a new king. To the same intrigues was owing a resolution for assembling the states, ostensibly for the correction of internal abuses, in reality to change the government. But before the day of convocation arrived the revolution had been effected. On November 21 tlie queen hastily left the palace and retired to tlie convent of St. Francis. Her pretext was the ill-usage she hourly received from Alfonso usage which 468 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1667-1668 was, doubtless, undeserved, but which she artfully exaggerated. The true reason for so extraordinary a step appeared in a letter which she immediately wrote to the king, and in which, after ad- verting to her domestic sorrows, she surprised the public by saying that her marriage was, from its origin, null, that it had never been consummated, that she was, consequently, mistress of her own actions, and that she would return to France without delay. The perusal of this extraordinary letter filled Alfonso with indignant wonder. He hastened to the convent, and, on being re- fused admission, he ordered the gates to be broken ; but his brother, arriving with an escort, persuaded or compelled him to depart. The infante then held an interview with the rebellious queen, and completed his plans. Early next day one of his crea- tures, with a select body of men, proceeded to the palace and forced his way into the royal bed-chamber, upbraided the be- wildered monarch and advised him to make a virtue of necessity, to resign the crown in favor of his brother. The counselors of state, who had all been gained, and who in their turn had gained the authorities and people of Lisbon, renewed the menace and forced the king to sign an act of renunciation. He was then arrested and sentenced to perpetual confinement, but with permission to enjoy the comforts of life. In conclusion, Pedro was proclaimed regent, and in that character was recognized by an assembly of the states. By his creatures the same states were persuaded to petition the queen, who no longer showed any in- clination to leave the kingdom, that she would accept the hand of so deserving a prince. She required no solicitation: she had al- ready dispatched a confidential messenger to her uncle, the Cardi- nal Vendome, the papal legate, for a brief authorizing a second marriage, and the cardinal, anxious that his family should contain a queen, expedited it without delay. Subsequently, an application was made to the pope, to confirm the dispensation of the cardinal; and Clement, who saw that the mischief was done in the consum- mation of the marriage, admitted the allegation of impotence and dispatched the brief of confirmation. Thus concluded one of the most extraordinary scenes that has ever been exhibited to the eyes of mankind, extraordinary alike for effrontery and duplicity. However the constitution of Alfonso might have been impaired by debauchery, he was not HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 469 1668-1683 impotent. The whole proceeding' is explicable enough. The queen felt that she was neglected; she admired the infante, and was gained by him as an accessory to the long-meditated plot of dethroning the king: she had little repugnance to a scheme which would at once secure the continuance of her dignity and furnish her with a more welcome husband, which would gratify her am- bition and her passion. The same motives the acquisition of a throne and a beautiful wife would have no less influence with the infante. This hypothesis explains the obstinacy with which Pedro, some months prior to the revolution, refused another princess of France, whom the ambassador of Portugal had se- lected for him, and whom both Alfonso and the royal council had urged him to marry. The means adopted by tl-uese paramours were even more daring, more indicative of the contempt with which they regarded public opinion, than the end itself. ^ Before this iniquitous consummation of ambition and lust, Pedro had the glory of ending the long dispute with Spain. Both nations were exhausted by their past exertions, and both naturally inclined for peace. It was concluded at Lisbon, under the media- tion of Charles II., king of England. By it all conquests made by either party were restored, and the subjects of each nation admitted to the privileges enjoyed by the most favored people. The arms of Portugal were immediately erased from the es- cutcheon of the Spanish monarchy. This was almost the only transaction of moment in which the regent was engaged, from his marriage to the death of Alfonso. There was, indeed, a con- spiracy formed to restore that prince, but it was easily detected and its authors punished. That unfortunate monarch was first removed to the Azores, and when, from the continuance of peace, both external and internal, no fear could be entertained of a com- motion, he was transferred to the palace of Cintra, where in 1683 he ended his days. The same year was fatal to the queen, who left no other issue than a daughter, the infanta Isabella. On the death of Alfonso, the coronation of the new king Pedro II. was celebrated with the usual pomp and circumstance. 2 The slavish liistorians of Portugal the most slavish and the least dis- cerning in the whole range of historic literature carefully refrain from doubting the impotency of Alfonso; and praise, in high terms, the prudence, virtue, and patriotism of the two princes. As in Portugal a king may be most pious with lialf a dozen bastards, or if stained with half a dozen murders, we need make no further reflections on the subject. 470 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1683-1706 His reign, like his regency, was passed in profound peace, and, consequently, furnishes no materials for history, until the celebrated war of the Spanish Succession, following the demise of Carlos II., called him into the field. The motives which in- duced him to take part with the allies against Philip V. have been already explained, and the chief events of the war related. In the midst of these hostilities, 1706, Pedro breathed his last. During the reigns of Alfonso and Pedro the affairs of India continually declined. The Dutch, the most persevering enemies that ever assailed the Portuguese empire in the East, not satisfied with the richest settlements in Malacca and in the India islands, prepared to expel the subjects of his most faithful majesty from the continent. In 1659 the Dutch laid siege to Cochin, and though the season, rather than the courage of the defenders, com- pelled them to raise it, their arms were generally triumphant, while on those of the Portuguese success seldom shone. In 1660 they blockaded the bar of Goa, thereby preventing the annual sailing of merchandise for Lisbon. In the following year they took the fortress of Coulam, and invested Bracalor, while their Mohammedan allies pillaged Bazain. Bombay was delivered to the English. In 1665 Diu was plundered by the ]\Iohammedans, 3,000 of the inhabitants being led into hopeless captivity, the rest put to the sword. Finally, Cochin was reduced by the king of Travancore, and the Portuguese empire in India was confined to Goa, Diu, and a few commercial settlements on the coast of Mala- bar and in the islands. The African and Brazilian possessions continued unimpaired. By his second queen, a princess of Bavaria, Pedro had several children, most of whom died either in infancy or without issue. He Vv^as succeeded by the infante Joam, born in 1688. If we except the war of the Succession, into which the new king entered with as much zeal as his predecessor, and the chief events of which have been already related, there is nothing in Joam V.'s reign (1706-1750) to interest the general reader. The history of Portugal from the peace of Utrecht to the French Revolution is singularly barren of events. Since the country was engaged in no foreign wars, and exhibits nothing novel in its internal govern- ment, the historian has little more to do than to record tlie ac- cession and death of Joam. Once, indeed, a serious misunder- standing embroiled the court with that of Castile and threatened HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 471 1706-1755 hostilities. In this condition, unable to cope alone with her for- midable rival, Portugal renewed her alliances with the other European powers, and called on the assistance of England, which was readily afforded; but the address of the Portuguese ambassa- dor at Paris turned aside the gathering storm. During the tran- quillity of a long reign Joam cultivated with zeal and success the good-will of foreign courts and afforded increased prosperity to commerce. From his foundation of the royal academy of history, and from the reforms which he introduced into the system of col- legiate education, we may also infer his attachment to letters. In the first years of its existence this academy displayed an honorable activity; but the benefits which it has since bestowed on literature have been " few and far between." Joam was no less attached to religion : he founded the magnificent church and convent of Mafra and procured from the pope a golden bull, by which Lisbon was created a patriarchal see. Another honorable proof alike of his superiority to a miserable superstition, and of his at- tachment to justice, is to be found in the gratifying fact that he allowed advocates to the prisoners of the inquisition. If to this we add that he gave new vigor to the civil tribunals, we shall have exhausted the few materials of his policy furnished us by the national historians. His reign was prosperous and happy, even when allowance is made for a famine, which, in 1734, afflicted the central provinces, and for an earthquake, which did much damage in Algarve. The last eight years of his life Joam was the victim of disease, which he is said to have borne with becoming fortitude. He died in July, 1750. His character is drawn in the brightest colors by the bombastic writers of his nation : he is represented as the most pious of sovereigns how such piety, such virtues, may consort with the grossest immorality for this " adorable king " left three illegitimate children, of whom one became inquisitor- general, another arclibisliop of Braga, we leave for Portuguese causists to decide. By his queen, Mariana of Austria, Joam had a numerous issue: tlirce cliildrcn only survived him^^Maria, queen of Spain, his successor, Jose, and the infante Dom Pedro. The most remarkable event in the reign of Jose, or Joseph, is the cclcljrated earthquake, which, in November. 1755, laid so great a pcjrtion of Lisbon in ruins. That fearful disaster has been often and minutely described. Its severity was aggravated by a conllagration, the work possibly of some incendiaries who 472 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1755-1760 wished to profit still further by the general confusion, which raged with terrific violence, and thirty churches and many thousands of houses were ruined, while the loss of life cannot be estimated, even by the most moderate calculation, below twenty thousand persons. In this awful visitation the royal family were fortunate enough to escape, but the Spanish ambassador, with many other persons of distinction, both foreign and native, was buried amidst the ruins. Scarcely had the alarm caused by this fatal visitation of Heaven subsided when the kingdom was agitated by a conspiracy against the life of the monarch. By whose instigation, or with what view it was formed, it would be vain to inquire; the whole afifair has been wrapped in dark, probably, in studied, mystery. One party threw the blame on certain ecclesiastics who were in- censed at the reform instituted by Dom Jose; another, on the creatures of Spain, who were eager to reunite the two countries under the same scepter; a third, on the Jesuits, who are rep- resented as indignant at the restriction o-f their ancient privileges; others agreed to throw it on a prince of the family. It is certain that the Duke of Aveiro, the Conde de Atougia, with three nobles and one lady of the house of Tavora, were executed on a public scaffold. It is no less true that the Jesuits were implicated in the treason, on what foundation we are not informed; that soon afterwards their possessions were seized and their expulsion de- creed by the crown ; in fact, every possible calamity, even the earthquake, was ascribed to the poor fathers of Jesus. This, and some other causes, led to frequent and acrimonious disputes with the populace : on one occasion all the servants of the pope were expelled from Portugal; all Portuguese in the states of the church were recalled, and all intercourse between the two courts re- ligiously prohibited for some years. Jose, or Joseph, had soon need of assistance from an ally whom he had neglected. To an authoritative mandate that he would take part with the courts of France and Spain against England, he returned a refusal, both because he had no wish to engage his subjects in a war alien to their interests and because he had too much pride to submit to dictation. Had he, indeed, as was demanded by the Bourbon kings, consented to receive a Spanish garrison into his principal fortresses, a demand made under the pretense that they would thereby be more effectually defended ngainst the probable attempts of the English, his king- HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 473 1760-1763 dom would have again become a province of the CathoHc monarchy. It was ahke his duty and his interest to observe a strict neutrahty, and when he asserted his resolution to that effect, war was declared against him by Carlos, and Spanish troops were removed towards the frontier. In this emergency he naturally solicited the aid of England, and was immediately furnished with troops, arms, ammunition, and money. In the opening of the campaign success attended the arms of the invaders : they took Miranda, Braganza, and Almeida. Here their triumphs ceased. As the Portuguese had not one good general, the Count de Lippe, at the instance of the English government, arrived from Germany and assumed the command. In his operations he was well assisted by General Burgoyne, and they had soon the glory of freeing the Portuguese soil from the Bourbon army. As before related in the reign of Carlos III., tlie two courts, hopeless of success and afraid of greater disasters, solicited and obtained peace. Through- out this campaign Jose had reason to lament the deplorable state of his troops : they had neither organization nor discipline. When assembled they had no confidence in themselves, and were conse- quently ready enough to flee or to surrender. On the conclusion of hostilities he retained the Count de Lippe, with some British officers, to reform his army; nor were their exertions in vain. The remainder of his reign, which was notable for the able administration of the ]\Iarquis of Pombal, was employed by this king in promoting the industry and improving the condition of his people. What, in such a country, we should still less have ex- pected, he founded schools in the great towns and improved the system of study in all the faculties taught in the university of Coimbra: Aristotle was forsaken for Bacon, scholastic subtleties for sound ratiocination. A much nobler monument of his was a decree by which the grandsons of slaves, and all who should be born after the same date, were declared free : though the benefit was restricted to Portugal alone, it was an amazing stride in the career of improvement. Xor were these the only advantages he procured for his people, whose gratitude he won by other means, less striking, indeed, but not less valuable. It is some gratification to add that his reforms were fully appreciated by them, and that towards the close of his life they erected a bronze statue in his honor. In short, he was the best monarch Portugal could boast since the days of Philip I. 474. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1777-1790 Pombal, the famous statesman who in 1756 was made pre- mier and exercised such great influence over the sovereign, King Jose, deserves the greatest credit for the encouragement of com- merce and agriculture. He also displayed unusual vigor in politi- cal reforms, amounting to unjustifiable harshness in the minds of many of his contemporaries. Under him the powers of the inquisition were curtailed and the finances of the kingdom strengthened. Shortly after arriving at the state of first minister in the kingdom he caused the banishment from Portugal of all the members of the Society of Jesus, then under taint of connec- tion with an attempt in 1758 to assassinate the king. Until the king's death, which occurred naturally in 1777, the power of this minister was nearly supreme. But his favor at court, and still more his determined measures for retrenchment and economy in the distribution of the national revenues, made bitter enemies, and these were prompt to act when a new sovereign came to the throne. By Jose's marriage with a daughter of Philip V., king of Spain, four daughters had been born to the monarch. This circum- stance was a striking illustration of the mischiefs resulting from the ancient law, which declared that if any princess accepted a foreign husband she forfeited all right to the throne. In the hope of suc- cession, he was, therefore, compelled to provide his eldest daughter Maria with a husband at home; and as a connection with the nobility would have been below his royal dignity, and odious to such houses as were excluded, he married her to his own brother, the infante Dom Pedro. Such connections are, unfortunately, far from rare in the modern history of Portugal. On the death of Jose some intrigues were used to exclude Maria's succession, but they were detected, and the chief actors exiled from court. Maria was the first female sovereign the country possessed. When this princess ascended the throne in 1777 she was in her forty-third year. Her reign extended to the threshold of the nineteenth century and is the opening of a new era ; of a new system of policy ; of new and unexampled relations in short, of the French Revolution. The changes produced in the kingdom were astounding, and included the humiliation of subjection by the republicans and the expulsion of the royal family, though the latter triumphantly returned after a war forever memorable in the annals of mankind. One of the first to feel the effects of a change of rulers was HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 475 1790-1799 the minister Pombal, whose good offices to the king-dom were for- gotten in indignation at his severity. Pombal was dismissed and eight hundred prisoners were Hbe rated from dungeons to which, without trial, he had condemned them, and it was said that this number was small in proportion to the thousands who had been u o < Independent Portugal UNDER THE HOUSE OF BRAGANZA 1 6 4 O strait of Gibraltar unjustly imprisoned, in accordance with his zeal for the political safety of the kingdom, and had not lived to regain their freedom. Pombal was banished from court and retired to his own estates. Before his death, in 1782, almost every improvement or reform he had accomplished had been nullified by the new influences at court. If the abilities of this cpieen were of no high order, she was actuated by good intentions; and her administration, though feeble, was mainly beneficial. If her foreign policy was imprudent; if she was forced into the h\amily Compact by her powerful neigh- 476 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1790-1799 bors of Spain and France; if, through her aunt, the queen-dow- ager, a treaty of Hmits was negotiated with the former power prejudicial to her interests, in her internal administration she is entitled to respect. She imitated, with success, the example of her father, in giving a new impulse to arts, manufactures, and commerce, to the administration of justice, and to the reformation of the religious orders. She founded the academy of sciences, and cleared the cloisters of Coimbra from most of the cobwebs which the late king had suffered to remain. A far greater boon was the introduction into the convents of the friars of a compul- sory course of education, embracing useful literature, philosophy, and the sciences. The foundation of several charitable institutions one, in particular, for the education and support of orphans, or of children whose parents were too poor to maintain them does honor to her memory. She introduced some salutary laws, and among them it is interesting to note one for the abolition of im- prisonment for debt.^ After thirteen years' reign the queen, whose mind had never been strong, began to exhibit manifest proof of incapacity. From that time on, Dom Pedro III. having died in 1786, the eldest sur- viving son, Dom Joam, afterwards Joam VI., was intrusted with the government. But for some years it was conducted in the name of Queen Maria, nor was the prince declared regent until 1799. 3 Murphy, who visited Portugal in 1789, asserts that the credit for the abolishment of imprisonment for debt belongs to the Minister Pombal, who in 1744, issued an ordinance, which has continued to be the law of Portugal, respecting the debtor's legal status. PART VII THE ERA OF SPAIN'S DECLINE 1788-1910 A.D. Chapter XIX EVENTS OF THE CRITICAL ERA TO THE CLOSE OF THE FIRST CARLIST WAR. 1 788-1 840 BY THE EDITOR HISTORICALLY it would seem that Spain has never been able to direct her resources well, save for very brief and exceptional periods in the country's annals. Halcyon eras she has had, of course, with an old-time national prestige which was the glory of the Peninsular kingdom, and gave to it that his- toric and romantic interest which is so delightfully set forth in the pages of Prescott, Motley, and Washington Irving. But after Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholics, Charles V. and Philip II., if we except the era of Charles III., there came centuries of de- crepitude, " with governments of debauchees and thieves, of super- stition made darker by the spread of light in the world around it, of boastful impotence and pride in rags." The torpor and feebleness into which the realm has sunk, together with the violence of its lawless and illiterate people, repeatedly convulsed by dynastic and civil strife, have so suppressed or diverted the nation's old-time honorable energies that deterioration seems persistently to have set in, with the absence of all healthful civic life and any longings for or aptitude in self-government. With these deteriorations has natur- ally come a decline in national prestige, with the loss of the nation's New World colonies, added to the loss of Portugal, which by nature belongs to her, and of her former dominion in the Netherlands. Whether we shall see the coming of a better day for her, with the revival of her old-time power and influence, can be matter merely of a more or less idle speculation. Within the geographical area of the Peninsula Spain still pos- sesses an extensive and, by nature, a highly-favored dominion; and here still is her hope, if she will but turn from political strifes and domestic discord to the country's economic improvement, and to some showing of her (jld-timc go\crnnieiilal vigor and efiicieiuy. 479 3-80 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL Her commerce continues, as yet, to be of limited volume, and tax- ation is burdensome, in order to meet wasteful past expenditures and the interest on her heavy debt, imperfectly met as it is by the revenues, no little part of which is purloined by corrupt officials and never finds its way to the national exchequer. The nation which, in Arab, Moor, and Jew, expelled its most industrious, and in many respects its most skilled artisans, still lingers in the dark shadow of bigotry and superstition, and refuses to keep step with the march elsewhere of political freedom and material advancement. To a people thus keeping out of the great currents of human life and activity, and in the main inhospitable towards liberal ideas, what hope can there be of avoiding political atrophy and the oncoming of national decrepitude? But Spain's condition is not yet that of the Chinese, though political corruption is about as rampant as it is in the Far East, and self-seeking is as greedy and unblushing. And yet there are many liberal-minded, intelligent, and progressive people in the kingdom, though not always among the trusted men of affairs, for the rogues are too many and too exigent, and fhe offices are fully filled with them. This was the fundamental cause of the hatred to Spanish rule in her late colonies on this side of the Atlantic, coupled with an extortionate avarice and an insolent haughtiness towards subject-races. In the war with the United States she paid the heavy penalty for these faults, increasing her financial straits and losing her colonial possessions, the ownership of which connected her historically with a proud period of world- mastery, but which had long been a drag and a detriment to her, both morally and economically. Freed from them, and from those she happily sold to Germany, Spain is now in a position to recover her political and economic health, and to turn her attention to the rich inheritance she pos- sesses in the Peninsula of Southern Europe, which admittedly is most inadequately and indifferently developed. For the ancient kingdom one epoch now has closed and a new one opened. Though sentimentally the nation may sigh for her old colonial domain and recall with fond regret the era of the great maritime supremacy which gilds her annals, she will do well to look hopefully on the new day that has dawned for her and take heart of grace for the tasks that lie invitingly before her. In the Iberian peninsula almost all that is now left to her of her once mighty dominion she has, if she will see it, not only the fair and ample home of the race. THE CRITICAL ERA 481 1788-1792 but a field of richest promise for the industry and enterprise of her sons. Shorn of her colonies, she may well now lay aside the ambitions as well as the entanglements of empire and turn to the practical, if prosaic, duty of cultivating the long-neglected native soil. Turning back to the Spain of Charles III.'s era, or rather to its close in 1788, the story presented by the country's annals is a checkered one, and in parts discreditable to the nation, ruled at times as it has been by imbecile monarchs and unscrupulous, self-seeking ministerial favorites and interrupted by frequent and distracting periods of revolutionary upheaval. At the outset we have to deal with a perturbed and harassing era the crit- ical one in which Spain found herself disastrously compromised in her relations with and in her wavering attitude towards Bona- parte, the arch-disturber of Europe. On the death of Charles III., the mutterings of the coming storm that was to shake empires and throw Europe for years into confusion were already heard on the hither side of the Pyrenees. While Charles III. still lived, he and his capable minister, Florida Blanca, were astute enough to keep the country from entangling alliances, sure to bring trouble to a Bourbon throne, in a European situation that boded ill to every nation of note, in view of tlie revolutionary upheaval in France and the aggrandizing menace of the coming " Man of Destiny." Un- fortunately for Spain, the good king died (December 14, 1788), and his successor, Charles IV., was unworthy to wield the scepter of his great father. With the accession of the new monarch came a change in the office of the chief minister, the post being filled a year or two afterwards by a contemptible favorite of Charles IV.'s queen, who brought dishonor to the court and dragged his country in the dirt in his intrigues with Napoleon. This unscrupulous grandee whom the court shamelessly trusted and honored was Don Manuel de Godoy, a member of a noble but reduced family, whose influence, coupletl with his own good looks and gay manners, had secured him tlic appointment of an officer of the royal bodyguard at ^Madrid. From this post, through the influence of the queen, Godoy rose to be first secretary of state, and afterwards duke of Alcudia, the queen, Alaria Louisa, not only loading him with honors, but living in the most scandalous relations with him under tl;e very eyes oi her infatuated, unkingly husband. Into such un- worthy hands did the administration of Spanish affairs fall during 482 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1792-1795 one of the most critical eras in the history of the nation. What wonder that in the ferment which was to arise, in consequence of Napoleonic ambition and unscrupulousness, the degradation of the country ensued, due to the intrigues of this debauched minis- terial traitor and the rival opposition and caballing of the heir- apparent, the unfilial and hardly less scrupulous Ferdinand, who afterwards came to the throne as the seventh of his name! By the outbreak of the Revolution, followed by the flight of Louis XVI. to Varennes, the storming of the Tuileries, the Sep- tember (1792) massacres, and the proclamation of the republic, Spain was greatly alarmed, and so disturbed over the impending fate of the king that she sent a communication to the French Na- tional Convention asking that he and his be considerately dealt with. To this interposition the convention paid no heed; and when the French king was beheaded an outburst of horror and indignation came from every part of Spain, with appeals to Charles IV.'s ad- ministration for vengeance on the regicides. Although the court went into mourning for the hapless Louis, nothing was done in re- sponse to this appeal or to the desire of the nation, either in the way of restoring the Bourbon dynasty in France, or even in utilizing what military force the country nominally possessed to visit upon the republic a sense of Spain's horror at its hideous misdeed. This criminal remissness on the part of the Spanish authorities shows the extent of the paralysis which had fallen upon the crown and the ministry, and revealed also the weakness and unpreparedness of the military administration, which, while it had at its command any number of bemedaled generals and dissipated superior officers, had no army worth speaking of, and no money in the country's coffers to pay and maintain one. Spain's revulsion of feeling against the French republic for putting to death Louis XVL and his consort, Marie Antoinette, and her espousing with Britain, Austria, and Prussia the monarchical cause, brought upon the Spanish Peninsula the horrors of war, and the invasion of large bodies of French troops. The campaign of 1794 went against Spain, and Godoy, ever averse to war, hastened to make peace. This was obtained (July, 1795) by the treaty of Basel, which cost Spain, besides a money indemnity to the republic, the loss of the Spanish portion of Santo Domingo. It moreover made Spain a practical vassal of France, through the relations of Godoy, " tlie Prince of Peace," with the French minister at ]\Iadrid. THE CRITICAL ERA 483 1795-1803 In the following year Spanish alliance with the Dutch brought on Spain a war with England, in which she suffered a further de- spoilment of her colonial possessions and the practical annihilation of her commerce with the West Indies. While at war with Eng- land, France besought Spain to invade Portugal ; but to this Godoy was averse, and Truguet, the French admiral and ambassador, brought pressure to bear upon Charles IV. and his queen to dismiss him from his post, supplemented by the clamors of the influential people of Madrid, who by this time bitterly hated and mistrusted the minister. In the midst of these internal dissensions, England swept the remainder of the Spanish marine from the high seas, and in the battle of Cape St. Vincent captured or destroyed a large portion of her fleet, taking from her also the West Indian island of Trinidad. Meanwhile Bonaparte, after his first campaign in Italy, had gone to Egypt. There he had won the battle of the Pyramids, be- sides capturing Alexandria and Cairo, and although the French fleet was practically destroyed at the battle of the Nile, he had returned to France (October, 1799), and there, setting aside the directory, he seized power as first consul and established under the consulate an absolute government. Flis strong rule put an end to the dis- orders of the Revolution, but his mastery of European affairs brought with it new complications. His assumption, later on, of the title of emperor gave play to his soaring ambitions, although after the treaty of Luneville, which confirmed that with Austria at Campo-Formio, he accorded Europe a brief period of peace. Eng- land after the rupture of the peace of Amiens was the first to again engage in war, and against her Napoleon massed troops at Bou- logne, with the design of invading the British Isles. He at the same time set on foot a project for the invasion of Portugal and called on the services of the Spanish fleet to aid him in his contem- plated operations against England. To enable him to pursue his designs, lie caused Godoy to be restored to the prime ministership at Madrid, and cajoled him, in opposition to the Spanish court, into marching with the forces of Spain into Portugal, in the vain hope of being placed at the head of that kingdom. This undertaking of Godoy was inglorious and futile, for neither he nor his command ever met the Portuguese in battle, but tlie country was overrun by French troops and in part dismembered. Spain for the next few years remained neutral in her vassalage to I'^rance, to which power 484 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1803-1806 she had ceded Louisiana, though under restrictions as to its future disposal by France. To this restriction, Napoleon, however, paid no heed, in his then great need of money, for he ahnost immediately transferred the territory to the United States, while he quietly pocketed the price the American republic had paid for it. After 1803, when war was declared by England, there was increasing friction with Spain, in consequence of her still cooper- ating with France and supplying her with contraband of war. This brought upon the Spanish fleet the attention of the British navy, under Nelson, to which Spain retorted by a declaration of war in December, 1804, and by instructing her fleet to join that of France, at the time in the harbor of Toulon. Eluding the vigilance of Nelson, the French squadron stole out of Toulon and joining the Spanish ships they together set out for the West Indies with the hope of drawing Nelson away from British waters. Succeeding in this ruse, the French admiral then stole back with a squadron, but was met off Cape Finisterre by some British ships of the line, which in an engagement that took place so crippled his fleet that it was obliged to seek Cadiz for repairs. Nelson had by this time returned; and in October, 1805, encountering the combined French and Spanish fleet in Trafalgar Bay, near the Straits of Gibraltar, he bore down upon the allies and vanquished them. In the engage- ment the famous English admiral lost his life, but saved his coun- try from invasion and made Britain again supreme on her natural element. Although beaten at sea, the French, owing to Napoleon's marvelous generalship, continued supreme on land. Marching his " Grand Army " in 1805 into Austria, Napoleon compelled the sur- render of 30,000 Austrians at Ulm, and entered Vienna. Proceed- ing thence into Moravia, he reached the crown of his successes in a victory over the Russians and Austrians at Austerlitz ; and the next year he crushed Prussia at Jena. From the Prussian capital he then issued his famous Berlin decrees, declaring the British Islands to be in a state of blockade, and ordering the ports of Europe to be closed against their commerce. Britain replied to this act by forbidding any neutral power to trade with France or her allies. The effect of these war measures was injurious to English commerce, and some years afterwards led to further trouble and to war with the United States. While these events were happening the period was marked by continued internal dissension in Spain, owing to the intrigues of THE CRITICAL ERA 485 1806-1807 Spain's heir-apparent, Ferdinand, prince of the Asturias, to force his parents from the Spanish throne, instigated thereto by De Beau- harnais, the French ambassador at the time at Madrid, who was related by marriage to the Empress Josephine. Ferdinand was also gravely incensed against Godoy, the queen's scheming favorite, who, for his own ends, was playing fast and loose with his country's interests, and who, like Ferdinand, was also paying obsequious homage to Napoleon. Godoy, on his part, had no love for Ferdi- nand, owning to the growing admiration of the Spanish people for the prince, and to their looking to him to deliver the nation from the wiles of Godoy and from the weak subservience to France of Charles and his queen. At the instigation of Godoy, who, as ever, was playing to his own hand, Charles IV, placed his son Ferdinand under arrest, and seized his papers, which disclosed his secret cor- respondence with the French emperor. The king released Ferdinand only after extorting from him, aided by the craft of the queen and Godoy, a full confession of his designs and caballings, including, under threat, a trumped-up charge, of which he was guiltless, of harboring the project of making away by murder with his father and mother. These intrigues on Godoy's part were but schemes to ingratiate himself with Napoleon and served as an excuse for the latter's action in sending an army into Spain under Murat, with the ulterior object of dethroning the king and queen, putting aside their alienated and hated son, the heir-apparent, and then placing the crown of Spain on the head of some member of the Napoleonic family. But before dealing more in detail with these incidents in Spain's humiliating annals, it is necessary to return to Napoleon for a moment, follow brielly his actions in Europe, and see how he came finally to the close of his career. The Berlin decrees were supplemented in the following year, 1807, by the Alilan decree, declaring all British ports throughout the world under blockade. Napoleon had, moreover, just returned from subscribing to the Peace of Tilsit, on the river Niemen, with Czar Alexander of Russia and Frederick William III. of Prussia. He had also just gained Denmark as an ally and induced her to declare war against his arch-enemy, Britain. Not satisfied with his successes on the military fields of Europe or with playing the part of dictcitur to its rulers, he now began to set up and pull down kings, as his humor or his ambition prompted him. His brother 486 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1807-1815 Joseph he put on the throne of Naples, and another brother, Louis, he made king of Holland. Presently he cast covetous eyes, as has been said, on the crown of Spain, and, deposing Charles IV., he transferred Joseph from Naples to Madrid. But the Spaniards rose in arms and after a time drove Joseph out, and then called on Britain to help them to restrain Napoleon's aggressions. England replied by sending an army into Portugal, under Sir Arthur Welles- ley, who had distinguished himself in India, and who presently won the rank and title of Viscount Wellington. This great soldier began his successes in the Peninsular war by defeating the French at Vimeiro, in August, 1808. For a time his operations w'cre inter- fered with by the timidity of Spain and by the lukewarmness of the English ministry, which cost Sir John Moore his life in the famous engagement at Corunna. But in the following year Wellington was able to march into Spain and win the battle of Talavera, in- flicting great loss upon the French, though he was compelled to withdraw again to Portugal. Here he won the battle of Busaco, and entrenching himself behind the lines of Torres Vedras, near Lisbon, he defied the French general, Massena, wnth his 80,000 veterans. The next year, the British, issuing from Torres Vedras, won in rapid succession Barossa, Fuentes de Onoro, and Albuera. In 181 2 Wellington pursued his victorious career by capturing the two border fortresses of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, and by in- flicting a ruinous defeat on Marshal Marmont at Salamanca. The next two years shed additional luster on the British arms, for at Vittoria Wellington scattered the French under King Joseph of Spain and Marshal Jourdan, and overthrew Soult and his forces at Toulouse. By these victories the French were driven across the Pyrenees, and the campaign in the Spanish Peninsula was brought to a close. Napoleon had meanwhile undertaken his disastrous expedition into Russia, and had led a new army into Germany, where he met with a crushing defeat at Leipsic. From Saxony he fled back to France, with the allied forces of Russia, Austria, and Prussia at his heels. Entering Paris, in 18 14, the allies compelled Napoleon to abdicate, and retire to the island of Elba. Early in the year 181 5 Europe's dream of peace was rudely dis- turbed by Napoleon's return to France, the dethroned emperor having escaped from Elba. Once more he was at the head of his army, and the great powers instantly allied themselves to crush him. Wellington with an English army entered Belgium and THE CRITICAL ERA 487 1815 sought to effect a junction with the Prussians under Bliicher. Napoleon, divining Welhngton's purpose, dispatched half of his army, under Marshal Ney, to attack the British, while he himself attacked the Prussians and beat them at Ligny. On the day on which this battle was fought, Wellington met the French at Quatre Bras, and though Ney strove for hours to force his position, the attacks were gallantly repulsed. The English then fell back to Waterloo, and with their Hanoverian and Belgian allies waited for the Prussians to come up. Here, on Sunday, June i8, 1815, was fought the decisive battle of the campaign. The oppos- ing forces were numerically well matched, each side having on the field from 70,000 to 80,000 men. After a stubborn, all-day con- test, the French were defeated, with a total loss of nearly 40,000 men. while the loss of the allies reached 30,000. Napoleon escaped from the field, but a fev\^ weeks later he surrendered himself to the British, when he was banished to the island of St. Helena. He died six years later, and Europe for many years thereafter enjoyed almost uninterrupted peace. Spain had been closely entangled in the web of Napoleon's ambitious designs. At Madrid, Bonaparte's brother, Joseph, had been taken, in 1808, from his clement rule in Naples and placed on the throne of Spain as king, or rather viceroy, under the French emperor. Charles IV. and his queen had been forced to abdicate, while Ferdinand's claim to the throne was roughly set aside. The capital was full of l-'rench troops under Murat, and Joseph, though reluctant to accept the Spanish crown, was encour- aged to do so by the then friendly attitude of the Spanish Junta and by the sympathies of many of the Spanish people, at that period favorable to the French, in the hope of getting rid of the obnoxious rule of Godoy. The mass of the Spanish people were, however, sullen and patriotically averse to the French, disliking foreigners, and hating to see their beloved land overrun and dominated by French troops, whom, in stealthy guerrilla fashion, they shot down, mutilated, and massacred whenever opportunity offered. Madrid was at the time in a state of combustion, although Joseph sought to placate the people with promises of good government, the sum- moning of the Cortes, and the assurance that he would maintain the integrity of the kingdom and resist dismemberment, particularly of the northern provinces. Later in the year (1808), Napoleon him- self with an army appeared at Madrid, for Joseph's heart liad failed 488 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1808-1814 him at the appearance of things at the capital, and he had left it within a week of his entry into it. Napoleon's coming was partly to examine for himself the actual situation in Spain, and partly from concern at the critical position of Junot in Portugal, who was hard beset by Wellington intent on driving the French out of the country. Joseph then returned to Madrid, and was induced, though with continued misgiving, to resume the Spanish crown and begin to organize an administration. This he found was difficult to do in the impoverished financial condition of the kingdom, and in the absence of any real power over a turbulent and partly disaffected people save what was lent to him by the armies of the emperor. In truth, Joseph was king only in name and by the grace and command of his brother, to whom at this time he wrote pathetic letters re- counting the difficulties of his position, and modestly declaring doubt as to his ability to contend with them or to win the Spanish people over to him, even by his accustomed complacency and kindness. Nor did the situation brighten for Spain, King Joseph, or Napoleon, while war was going on in Portugal, where Wellington beat the French successively under Soult, Massena, and Marmont, and after the victory at Salamanca entered Madrid in August, 1812. Still more inauspicious was the prospect of Joseph's permanent rule in Spain when the emperor had undertaken his campaign in Russia, and then by his delay and the severity of the winter had lost his " Grand Army." At length Joseph's position became insupport- able, after the emperor had commanded him to take the field in person at the head of Spain's troops in alliance with those of France. At the battle of Vittoria (June, 181 3) his troops were routed, and those of France gave way before Wellington. The king fled from the field and took refuge across the French frontier in St. Jean de Luz, later on finding his way to Paris. Meanwhile Spain, under its pro- visional government, was lost to France, whose emperor, having abdicated, had been sent to Elba by the powers allied against him ; while Ferdinand, liberated from durance at Valengay, was restored to his rights on the throne of the kingdom, !May, 18 14. The restoration of Ferdinand was an unhappy result for Spain, for he had learned nothing, and at once abolished the Cortes, set aside the constitution of 18 12, re-cstablislied the Inquisition, set up a despotic government, and refused to cooperate with the British in expelling the remaining French troops from the kingdom. THE CRITICAL ERA 489 1808-1809 Insurrectionary risings broke out in various sections of the country, while it is computed that ten thousand people fled into France to escape imprisonment by the reactionary, absolutist gov- ernment which the king had installed, consisting of the most worth- less and incapable of his courtiers. Among but few of the people did liberal, progressive opinions prevail, and these were either harshly treated or expelled from the country, while patriots were driven into the mountainous regions to become bandits. Had Ferdinand brought to his councils wise ministers instead of the despotic ideas of his family, the wretched condition of Spain after his accession might have been averted, and some advance made towards progress and an enlightened freedom under constitutional rule. But the masses were as yet little accustomed to any enlight- ened political life, having been so long under bondage to the des- potism of their inherited rulers. Ferdinand was not only incapable, but possessed a narrow, reactionary, and illiberal mind. The Spanish peasant, however, could fight valorously and stubbornly when resolutely led. In the two famous sieges of Saragossa, in 1808- 1809, the fortress city had been nobly defended by Don Joseph Palafox against 35,000 French besiegers under Marshals Moncey and Mortier, and later under Junot and the invincible Marshal Lannes, duke of Montebello. The second siege is renowned in history, the defense by the Spanish soldiers, guerrillas, and citizens, including even priests and women, " crown- ing with everlasting glory the Spanish War of Independence." In the city had gathered for its defense, besides 20,000 citizens and fugitive peasants, about 30,000 soldiers, with some 3,000 artillery- men and sap[)ers ; while the public magazines were provisioned with six months' material and supplies, besides stores in the possession of private citizens and the conventual communities. " The citi- zens," writes Napier in his " History of the Peninsular War," " gave up their goods, their houses, and their bodies to the war, and, mingling with the peasants and soldiers, formed one mighty garri- son suited to the vast fortress they had formed. For doors and windows were built up, hfuiscfronts loop-holed, internal communi- cations opened, streets trenched and crossed by earthen ramparts mounted with cannon, and every strong building was a separate fortification ; there was no weak point there could be none in a city which was all fortress, where the space covered by houses was the measure of the ramparts." 490 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1808-1809 The notable siege began at the close of the year 1808, after the French had dug their trenches, mounted their cannon, and put in position their siege train. Saragossa was summoned to surrender, but the brave Palafox proudly rejoined: "If Madrid has sur- rendered, Madrid has been sold: Saragossa will neither be sold nor surrendered ! " Hearing this spirited answer, the French resolutely pressed the siege, soon bringing the walls to the ground and crumbling the ramparts by the fire of their heavy guns. Their frequent rushes on weak spots were most gallantly re- pulsed, each house having been barricaded by strong defenses, manned by stout hearts and arms. Soon mining was resorted to by the besiegers, and portions of the city were blown up. In the narrow and crowded limits, pestilence broke out and from 400 to 500 died daily, their bodies lying unburied, thus adding the scourge of disease and famine. Assault after assault took place, but terms of capitulation were scornfully refused, until further resistance became impossible. Even then conditions were strictly defined by the besieged, but were ill-observed by the French victors. A like valor was shown by the Spanish in Aragon, at the siege of Gerona, where the defenders held out amid famine, slaughter, and pestilence to the last extremity. Their fighting powers were, how- ever, mainly shown in defense, and, when they happened to be bravely and inspiringly led, which VN^as not often, as their generals were incompetent and jealous of each other, and consequently little good in initiating large and important movements or in devising and conducting offensive operations. The Spaniards, moreover, have always been difificult to arouse from their constitutional inert- ness, while their nobles seem invariably to be living in " castles of indolence." Though their pride was and ever remains great, often absurdly so, sectional jealousy Castilians against Catalans, and Andalusians against the people of Granada and the Basque prov- inces frequently prevents national feeling from showing itself effectively in great crises; while despotic rule in the crown or in governments and juntas keeps the people in a state of characteristic physical lassitude and mental enslavement. With the restored house of Bourbon, in 18 14, in the person of Ferdinand VIL, Spain, now free from the usurpation of Joseph Bonaparte and French affiliations, resumed her old somnolent way until civil war came in 1820, when France, having recovered from the era of convulsion under the republic and the Napoleonic empire, THE CRITICAL ERA 491 1814-1823 once more interposed (1823) in the affairs of the Peninsula, through the intermediary of the Holy Alliance. In the interval not much of import happened in the kingdom; while it remained free from the machinations of Charles IV., his queen, and her lover Godoy, all of whom had become residents of France, living there on the proceeds of the bargain and sale Napoleon had cor- ruptly made with them. The constitution of 18 12 had been annulled and the Inquisition again established. The prisons were filled with political offenders, including many of the more ob- noxious of the late deputies of the Cortes. Thousands of liberal- minded citizens of the chief towns, with large numbers of the intelli- gent classes from various sections in the country, fled across the frontiers of the kingdom. Only the submissive peasantry and the favored creatures of the king were to be found among Ferdi- nand's supporters. Nor under him did the national revenues in any measure thrive, for anarchy was rife in the Spanish-American colonies, their trade crippled and no wealth came from that quarter. The navy, moreover, had been disastrously reduced in the War of Independence, and many of Spain's merchant ships had been cap- tured by pirates, then infesting the high seas. The national troops were disaffected and mutinous, in consequence of the finances being in such utter confusion. The result of these conditions in the nation was to revive insurrections, headed by guerrilla leaders, and even the responsible classes and educated citizens ere long took part and clamored for some approach to constitutional government, and the convening of the Cortes. Only the imminent peril in which Spain found herself at this period, with a new and menacing revolt among the troops at Cadiz, brought Ferdinand in a measure to his senses. But before mutiny broke out at Cadiz the king had a taste of trouble elsewhere in his dominions. Besides general unrest over the whole country and disaffection arising from unconstitutional rule, there was an insur- rection in Catalonia, and another rising in Valencia, both of which conspiracies were suppressed with cruel severity. But the chief trouljle was among a portion of the disaffected army stationed on the Isle de Leon, near Cadiz, where troops had been assembled to set out for Central and South America, to repress civil strife in the colonies and trading ports on the otlier side of the Atlantic. To this expedition many of the troops demurred, owing to fear of dis- ease frrjiu tlic malarious foreign climate, but chielly because favored 492 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1814-1823 officers obnoxious to the soldiery had been placed over them. The Cadiz merchants also looked coldly upon the expedition, as they deemed it likely to interfere with commerce and the maritime trade, and took umbrage against the administration for ordering its departure ; while their protest against its going added to the general clamor now manifesting itself for a change in the king's advisers and for the assembling of the Cortes, or national legislature. The insurrectionary mood of the troops adverse to the dreaded South American expedition was shortly after this sharply dealt with by General O'Donnell, an officer of Irish descent who, with his notable brother, was then serving in the Spanish army, and had received marks of high favor from the court, with the rank and title of Count d'Abisbal. This general officer, by a ruse, learned who were the ringleaders among the officers of the regiments ordered abroad, and who had demurred to the dispatch of the expedition. These he peremptorily placed under arrest, while he compelled 3,000 of the troops to embark, and the remainder of the mutinous garrison he dispersed among various other provinces of the kingdom. To add to the excitement at Cadiz and to the depression of the citizens at this time, a severe epidemic of yellow fever broke out in the city, which decimated many thousands of the population. During the disturbance among the troops at Cadiz there Vvcre signs of more extended disaffection throughout the whole army, though its source and center was Cadiz, instigated by sympathy with the movement in the camp close by the city adverse to the denationalized government and its unpopular administration. This sympathetic movement practically showed itself (1820) in the sturdy, patriotic attitude of a soldier-leader, who had served against Napoleon, and who presently won for himself an honored name in the history and song of his country. This was General Rafael del Riego y Nunez, of Oviedo, who took a prominent part in the revo- lution in southern Spain against the reactionary government, be- came for a time president of the Cortes, and, when, in 1823, the French again interposed in Spanish affairs, was taken prisoner and executed as a traitor at Madrid. His regiment was one of those in the Isle de Leon that had been ordered to South America, but had refused to be sent. Associated with him were other fellow-patriots, among them General Ouiroga, and the eloquent civilian Galiano, who together revived and publicly proclaimed the ignored consti- tution of 1812; and, placing themselves at the head of a body of THE CRITICAL ERA 493 1814-1823 insurgents, marched through Andalusia, captured several of the crown's loyal general officers, and roused the people to demand a more worthy and enlightened national government. The outbreak, which at once became general over the country, ere long developed into civil war, instigating even a rising in Madrid, where vocifer- ous crowds demanded governmental reforms, and set up in public places what we would call "Trees of Liberty," emblems in Spain of the lapida (or pillar) of the constitution. Though the authorities at Madrid sought to check and harshly repress the reform movement, the insurrectionary ferment continued to spread, and as it gathered strength it was joined in by other noted Spanish insurgents, among whom was the guerrilla chieftain, Francisco Mina, who had fought against the French in 1808-1810, and was actively hostile to King Ferdinand and his creatures in power. The movement even received the countenance and sup- port of the O'Donnells, who had been high in favor at court. They now took actively the revolutionary side, and though one of the brothers had been sent from Madrid to suppress the rising in Galicia, both now proclaimed the constitution and erected provisional gov- ernments in Galica and Castile. At last, thoroughly alarmed for his own safety and the preservation of his crown, Ferdinand yielded to pressure and promised to accept the constitution, which had long been held in abeyance, and to convoke the Cortes. In the public square at the capital this turn of affairs was announced, amid the shouts and rejoicing of the people; while the magistrates, together with the grandees at tlie court, all joined in accepting the promised new order of things and also gave their adherence to the consti- tution. The Cortes was summoned for July, 1820, while the election of deputies forthwith proceeded, and a change in the king's minis- ters took place. So far, General Riego's leadership of the insur- rectionary movement proved favoraljle to a new order of things, though ri(~)ting and disturbances still prevailed, and in the capital the king's palace was attacked by a mob. When the Cortes assem- bled, many good measures were projected and some of them passed, but others of an objecticjnablc character were proposed, under pressure of the reactionary section in the house, influenced by the (^l)scc|nious adherents of the court party, who were determindcdly opposed to remedial legislation and to the liberalizing tendencies manifesting themselves in the Cortes as well as throughout the ciuin- 494 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1814-1823 try. The parties, though mixed as well as antagonistic within the house, on the whole worked fairly well together, thanks to the " moderates," who, welcoming the change that had come about in the state, and trusting unwarrantably the unworthy and vacillating monarch, whose address at the opening of the Cortes was a thor- oughly hypocritical one, hoped for improved relations between the crown and the people, in spite of the attitude of the church and the enslaved, illiterate peasantry. The Cortes, nevertheless, caused the Inquisition once more to be abolished and the convents to be closed, even going so far as to seize the tithes of the secular clergy and appropriate them to the necessities of the state. The more favorable aspect of affairs remained, however, only for a brief while, for the civil disturbances, which had spread far and wide, still continued, and with the rioting that ensued dreadful atrocities were committed on both sides. This, in large measure, was due to the general lawless character of the peasantry, who were made to feel the wrongs done to the church, in the decree of the Cortes despoiling the religious houses of their treasure and revenues for the needs of the state, and who thus showed, by their truculent turbulence, their protest against the clerical wealth being diverted to the narrow channels of the national purse. Nor were affairs less ominous in the capital, where the king had shut himself up in the Escurial, after unconstitutionally appointing a creature of his own captain-general of New Castle and seeking to restore some of his former ministers and servile advisers. In the upheaval, socialism made strides, and secret societies, adopting the anarchic prin- ciples of Robespierreism, came into malign activity and dissem- inated the extreme doctrines of the Terror in France. In the provinces, on the other hand, the people were held in considerable restraint by the discreet patriots, Generals Riego and Francisco Mina, the former of whom was made captain-general of Aragon, and the latter held a similar command in Navarre. The web of Spain's misfortunes continued meanwhile to be spun by the king, who, losing what little sense he had, and shutting himself within his palace, with all his venality, barrenness of heart, and brutish, heedless nature, was now becoming enervated by his excesses. His dynasty seemed about to come to a miserable close. But before this happened, and ere the nation saw the army of France, at the bidding of tlie monarchical members of tlie Holy AllicUice, and in defiance of the protest of England, once more on THE CRITICAL ERA 495 1823-1824 the soil of Spain to overawe its people and be present at the birth of a new regime, Ferdinand VII., relieved for the time of the con- trol of the Cortes, which had dispersed, appointed General Morillo to quell disturbance at Madrid. This he did vigorously, with a trusted body of royalist troops, and even gave orders to the authori- ties at Saragossa to arrest the popular Riego, an act which ren- dered his suppression of disorder in the capital more difficult, as Riego was there, as well as elsewhere in Spain, deemed both a pa- triot and a hero. The result of the continued trouble and of the threatening attitude of France, whose troops were now being massed on the frontier for the purpose of again invading the Penin- sula, was the summoning of an emergency session of the Cortes. The times were now such that no calm legislation could be at- tempted, and though Riego, having been conditionally released from imprisonment, was at this juncture elected to the presidency of the body, little could be done to calm the excitement within and without the Cortes. Amid the warring elements the king, failing in his at- tempt to get rid of his liberal ministers, abandoned the capital for Seville, and a state of chaos threatened to ensue. Meanwhile, the duke of Angouleme and his troops crossed the Bidassoa, April 7, 1823, and though opposed for a time by General Mina in Catalonia, entered the country, and with the assistance of O'Donnell, who had again turned his coat, marched upon Madrid. Here a regency was instituted until, as the French said, the king could be liberated from his quasi-captivity at Seville. The duke of Angouleme returned to L'rance, leaving 40,000 French sol- diers in the capital. Ferdinand, who at Seville had been practically deposed by the Cortes that had followed him thither, was released, and arrests and imprisonments followed, as many as 40,000 Con- stitutionalists, it is historically stated, being thrown into confine- ment. A new minister, however, M. Bermudez, was named, who sought to placate parties and rule with moderation. A dire mishap, at which we have heretofore hinted, now occurred, in the bringing of the patriot Riego to trial, and though unconvicted, for no prose- cuting counsel could be got to act against him, he was ignominously executed in November, 1823, at the capital. In May, 1824, a so-called general amnesty was published, but the classes exempt from its clemency were so numerous, particularly those who had opposed the king and his absoKitist proclivities, that it was a practical nullity. It only intensified the still smoldering 496 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1824-1832 disaffection of the nation, or at least that part of it which expected an improved administration, with the cessation of disorder and strife, in the new aspect of things. There was lience no hope for the constitutional party, or what remained of it after the execution, escape, or deportation of the mass of its members. The Jesuits were meanwhile recalled, although Ferdinand did not dare to re- establish the Inquisition ; but the " Army of Faith," under obedient royalist generals, continued in many provinces to do the murderous bidding of the commander-in-chief and the new administration, " more royalist than the king," which Ferdinand VII., with the approval of the French, had called to the service of the state. The revolution of 1830 in France kept agitation alive throughout the Peninsula. Risings and raids became once more general, to- gether with a revolt in Catalonia, with the design of raising Don Carlos, brother of Ferdinand and heir presumptive, to the throne. The clamor for Don Carlos was due not only to the fact that, in the absence of any direct male heir to Ferdinand, he was the legitimate successor to the crown, but also to the fact that he was popular throughout Spain. Ferdinand, once more a widower, desired to marry again, and this, in 1830, he proceeded to do, espousing as his fourth wife the Princess Maria Christina, of Naples. On this nevv^ alliance taking place, abrogation of the Salic law, through the prag- matic sanction, was enacted, and this set aside the claim of Don Carlos to succeed his brother on the latter's decease, in favor of an expected heir by Maria Christina, should the child prove to be of the female sex. Thus it was that when on October 10, 1830, the infanta Isabella Louisa was born, the child was recognized as Ferdinand's successor under the regency of the queen-mother. After the king's latest matrimonial alliance he visibly failed and lost interest in everything. His queen, however, graciously cared for him, and yet took the precaution, in moments of the monarch's lucidity, to insist that whatever rights of succession Don Carlos laid claim to, and was sustained in by the crown's subjects, they should not invalidate those of her infant daughter. In her anxiety on this point, she even made personal overtures to Don Carlos, proposing to make him co-regent on her husband's death ; but this the young man declined, rather than bar his own legitimate and well-recognized right of succession, or that of his sons, to the throne of the kingdom. The king meanwhile fell into a state of imbecility, though his careful spouse scrupulously exercised for him most of THE CRITICAL ERA 497 1832-1836 the functions of royalty, until September 29, 1833, when the end came, and Ferdinand VII. closed his earthly career in what for some time had been but a living death. Immediately there was a Carlist rising, with the avowed pur- pose of placing the late king's brother on the throne. The clerical or, as it was called, the apostolic party, to which the claimant was allied, was especially strong in Navarre, the Basque provinces and the north, and at once proclaimed Don Carlos king, with the title of Charles V. The contention against Maria Chris- tina as regent thus set civil war once more aflame in Spain, and created the parties, Carlists and Christinos, which with their re- spective adherents. Catholics and Liberals, kept the kingdom for the next seven years in an acute condition of rebellion. At the outset the Carlists met with many and decided successes, owing to the military skill of the general Zumalacarregui, whom Don Carlos and his nephew, Don Miguel, were fortunate enough to enlist in their cause. On the other hand, the regent Christina had the advantage of being at the seat of government, where she had called a regency council to her aid, and which, of course, favored the infant child of Ferdinand and the constitutional regime against the Carlists, and did what was in its power to sustain the throne against the pretender and his supporters. In April, 1834, Christina gained the advantage of foreign sympathy in her straits, in the Quadruple /Vlliance of that year, which secured to Spain the moral support as well as the diplomatic services of England, France, and Portugal. The immediate effect of this was the expulsion of Don Carlos from Portugal and his flight to England, as well as a withdrawal from the conflict of Don ^Miguel. The return of Don Carlos to Spain, appearing suddenly in Navarre to inspire his followers, for a time improved his fortunes ; but after the siege of Bilbao, where the Carlist general, Zumalacarregui, met his death (June, 1835), the Carlist faction became despondent, and the Christinos were elated. The royalist success at Bilbao encouraged the queen- regent's army to increased vigor in the war. Shortly afterwards General Espartero was given command of the royalist troops and again defeated the Carlists in a sanguinary encounter at Luchana. In spite of losses, and a disunion in the Carlist camp, Don Carlos marched witli the forces of Cabrera towards Madrid, but was quickly followed by Espartero and his command, and was compelled to abandon any attack on the capital. 498 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1836-1840 The war dragged feebly on the side of Charles V., Espar- tero inflicting, in 1837-1838, several heavy losses on the Carlists, now under Guergue, the new commander-in-chief, shortly after- wards supplanted by the ruthless and cunning Moroto. The latter, having repeatedly been overmatched by Espartero, now basely went over with his army to the royalist side, and by the capitulation- convention at Vergara (August, 1839) secured his own safety, and with an amnesty for his troops, got from the Christina govern- ment a provisional appointment in Navarre, with oversight of the Basque provinces. In the defection of the intriguer, Moroto, the cause of the apostolic party, which had backed the Carlist side, suf- fered a heavy blow ; while it also suffered from rivalry and intrigues among its general officers, the quarrels among whom the infatuated Don Carlos, with his papal following, was incapable of repressing. But for this internal dissension which paralyzed his arms, Carlos might have forced his way into Madrid, and, as Charles V., pos- sibly won the crown by deposing the queen-regent and her mediocre government. The traitorous surrender at Vergara (sometimes called Bergara) and the treaty between Moroto and Espartero were stunning blows, and for the time proved fatal to the Carlist cause. Its immediate effect was disastrous upon its chief, and temporarily brought strife to a close. When confronted with the situation, the pretender, in September, 1839, weakly abandoned the country, and, with a part of his following, withdrew into France. There, under police surveillance, for six years he found an asylum at Bourges, after which he resigned his claim to the Spanish throne to his eldest son, the Duke Montemolin, and with the permission of the French authorities retired into Italy, where, ten years later, he died at Trieste, March 10, 1855. Meanwhile his following in Spain, some 10,000 in number, prosecuted the war in Catalonia for a while, under Cabrera; but meeting only defeat by the royalist Espartero and his forces, they too in July, 1840, fled across the French fron- tier and were disarmed and dispersed. This brought the first Carlist war to a close. Chapter XX LAST YEARS OF MARIA CHRISTINA, AND THE ERA OF QUEEN ISABELLA II. 1840-1868 y4 FTER seven years of civil strife Spain's political as well yLA as her material and social condition was at a low ebb. -*- -^ Fighting the Carlists had caused a heavy drain upon her impoverished resources, while it left the kingdom and its people in a demoralized state, with distraction and dissension still rife. With the regency during these years of havoc it had not gone well ; indeed, government on any smooth and effective lines had hardly been possible. There had been tumult in the capital, as well as elsewhere, and rioting had been occasioned no less by political dis- sension among the parties and the people than by the general turbu- lence of the times. It had been hard to extort respect for the consti- tution of 18 1 2 from the queen-regent and her ministers, so the Progressists had enacted in 1837 a new, or rather revised, one, and to this they sought to compel the regent and her advisers to sub- scribe and conform, though with indifferent results. In the case of Maria Christina politically she proved nothing long, at times swaying from the Liberal to the Ultra-Conservative and Absolutist side, and from botli to the side of the Moderates. Like many royal women in Spain, Christina, moreover, had her moments of feminine weakness, bestowing her favor particularly on a young lifeguardsman at court, named Alunoz, whom she appointed her chamberlain, and with whom she had scandalous relations, al- though it is said that there had been a clandestine marriage. This injured her prestige, while it increased the impatience of the people with the constitutional representative under whom they lived, and made them righteously angry at the neglect of important matters of state during so grave a crisis in the affairs of the nation. In tlie rising indignation against her and her so-called husband, and also weary of the circs and worries of her position in the troublous times of her era. Christina contem])lated resigning the regency, and with it her charge of tlie young Isabella. This design she now speedily 499 500 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1840-1843 put in execution, and, abdicating her high post, she flitted across the frontier into France October 12, 1840. The princess Isabella, now budding into womanhood, was, with her younger sister, con- signed to the protection of the then minister-president, General Espartero, who for his successful war services had been made Duke of Vittoria. Upon him, in the following May, when the newly- elected Cortes had assembled at Madrid, were placed the responsibil- ities and cares of the state, of which he had now become regent. The post, under the circumstances, was an onerous one, for there still existed considerable ferment in the kingdom, which especially showed itself in Barcelona and in the south, while even the capital was again threatened. Moreover, after Christina had reached France and was in relations with Louis Philippe, political incen- diaries began to give Espartero trouble, and he retaliated by seek- ing an ally in England, which brought about complications at home among those who hastened to accuse him of making a bargain and sale of the commercial interests of the country to Britain. Nor was this all he had to contend against, for the same adverse interests stirred up hostility among his old army rivals, the chief of whom were Generals Narvaez and Prim. In 1843 Narvaez, in the inter- ests of the late regent, landed at Valencia, and at the head of a body of troops marched into the capital ; while Prim, in the intrigues of the Progressists, placed himself at the head of his old soldiers in Catalonia who had fought under him against the Carlists, and also threatened to overthrow the new regent. In this sea of trouble, and amid envious and politically hostile enemies in Madrid, Es- partero, deeming himself alien and forsaken as well as in peril of his life, withdrew to Cadiz, where in July, 1843, ^""^ embarked for England, whence he did not return until after the lapse of five years. Amid this further storm in the affairs of the unhappy, distracted country, the youthful Isabella was declared by the provisional gov- ernment of age, although but thirteen, and, asserting her right to the throne, took upon herself the rank and role of queen. In as- suming her duties she finally appointed Narvaez her prime minis- ter, but only after other experiments had been made, and, creating him Duke of Valencia, recalled her mother to Spain. The return of the queen-mother was made a matter of state exultation and rejoicings at Madrid ; and there rallied to greet her many of the old grandees of the kingdom, with numberless royalist adherents of the crown. With Christina's return from exile came MARIA CHRISTINA ISABELLA II. 501 1843-1846 her husband, Nunez, now Duke of Rianzares, and the three children (daughters) whom she had borne to him. He at this period formed a rather embarrassing element in the ex-queen's entourage, and with his wife shared in the Absolutist intrigues of the court. But this personage and his affairs were for a time overshadowed by the high excitement occasioned by the known eagerness of the queen- mother to find suitable husbands for Queen Isabella and her younger sister, Louisa. Christina was known to be easily influenced by her kinsman, Louis Philippe of France, and that king wished Isabella to marry his son, the accomplished Due d'Aumale, so that he might increase his influence in the south of Europe, and with a son on the throne of Spain make the Mediterranean what he desired, " a French lake." This assumption of Bourbonism was, however, looked upon coldly by England and the courts of Europe, England insisting that the Cortes should decide, as the Spanish constitution required, whom Isabella should marry; while the Spanish people, racially and politically, were averse to the notion of a French alliance. In addition, it was proposed that Louis Philippe's second son, the Due de Montpensier, an unobjectionable choice, should receive the hand of the infanta Louisa, Christina's second daughter by Ferdinand VII. The English and continental bar to the marriage with Due d'Aumale led to the casting about for another prospective bridegroom, and among the choice of these were a son of Don Carlos, and Don Francisco d'Assisi, son of Fran- cisco di Paula, of Naples. The latter was finally pitched upon, though Isabella herself greatly disliked him, owing to his undis- tinguished and even insignificant appearance; but in spite of her aversion and the shedding of many tears, she was compelled to marry him. The dual nuptials took place at the capital October lo, 1846, the occasion being Queen Isabella's sixteenth birthday. The marriage of Donna Louisa with the Duke of IMontpensier turned out happily, though not to the liking of the Spanish people, the groom having to be conducted to Madrid by a strong body of troops, to overawe the nation in its hostility to the French alliance. The queen's match, cruelly enforced by her designing mother, turned out badly, however, for Lsabella loathed Don Francisco d'Assisi, and, child as slie was, without any scruples exiled him after marriage to a royal residence at a distance from Madrid. Well would it have been for the morals of the nation had Queen Isabella contented herself with thus dcnving her affections 502 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1847-1848 their legitimate gratification. Unfortunately, in the ex-queen she had an influence most hurtful. The result was not long in showing itself, for Isabella, throwing womanly decorum with all discretion to the winds, practically banished etiquette from the court and plunged into the most reckless, and even abandoned, gayety. She openly made love to one of her general officers, Serrano, said to have been at the period the handsomest man in Spain, and when remonstrated with by her ministerial counselors she boldly defied their attempted restraints, and mocked alike their pleadings and their censure. To the administration the scandal of the C[ueen and her court was a grave injury as well as a national menace, for it tended to enhance the feeling of disqui- etude and insecurity in the country and encouraged renewed plot- tings among the Carlists, ever eager to embroil the nation in fur- ther uprisings. The period was the stormy year of 1848, a distracting one in all Europe, when the virus of revolution was actively at work in many sections of the continent, and had just brought about the dethronement of Louis Philippe, whose downfall withdrew one of the props of the Bourbon throne in Spain. In Austria insurrection drove Ferdinand I. to ab- dicate in favor of Francis Joseph ; and in Prussia the demo- cratic fever incited a rising in Berlin, which compelled Frederick William IV. to grant the kingdom a constitutional government; while Hungary, under the leadership of Louis Kossuth, set up a republic; and Italy, stirred by the eloquence of Mazzini and other patriots, rose on behalf of Italian unity, a movement which put Victor Emmanuel II. on the throne. Even the pope was not left in the quietude and repose of the Vatican, for he was com- pelled temporarily to seek refuge in Gaeta, while a republic was proclaimed at Rome. In steady-going Britain the fall of the French dynasty and the retreat of Louis Philippe to her shores had their effects, in bringing upon the nation the impotent Chartist agitation and the tumult and conspiracies of the young Ireland party, under Smith O'Brien and his quondam friends. From threatened embroilment in the Don Pacifico matter, and his extravagant claim against the Greek government, Britain also speedily relieved herself, though the effects of the insurrectionary spirit were felt for a considerable time in England, as well as throughout almost the entire European continent. MARIA CHRISTINA ISABELLA II. 503 1847-1854 Over this period of revolutionary chaos within and without the kingdom Isabella II. was fortunate enough to pass for the next score of years, though not without further trouble in Spain, including the revolution of 1854, besides much friction in the machinery of government. For a time Narvaez, who was prime minister when the queen's marriage took place, strove to administer the interests as well as secure the peace and prosperity of the country. He looked frowningly upon Isa- bella's flagrant indiscretions at court with her favorite gen- erals, and endeavored to restrain her decided leanings towards absolutism and the spiritual authority exercised by the church. Meanwhile the son of Don Carlos, Count de Montemolin, inspired by the Carlist general Cabrera, at the time residing in the south of France, sanctioned another blow being struck on behalf of the Charles V, and VI. faction for the crown of Spain. Cabrera crossed the frontier, and, after traversing various sections of the Peninsula in disguise, feeling the insurrectionary pulse of the na- tion, noting where the Carlist sympathizers were in force, and levying contributions from those in Catalonia, once more collected a force in that province antagonistic to Isabella and her govern- ment. The Carlist cause looked for help in France from a friend of the younger Don Carlos. This was his companion in exile, Louis Napoleon, then French president, and at the time about to precipitate the coup d'etat of 185 1 and restore temporarily the French empire. Neither from Napoleon HI. nor the inert Count de Montemolin did Cabrera, however, receive practical support, and, chagrined at the supineness and falling away of his Carlist following, the guer- rilla chieftain threw up his command and, recrossing the frontier into France, took refuge in England. In that asylum he married a rich Englishwoman, and, for a while in Italy, Cabrara lived quietly for the remainder of his days. Meanwhile, a new rising, the revolution of 1854, occurred in unhappy Spain. At this juncture in the affairs of the kingdom Narvaez had been supplanted in the premiership and his place was taken by Sartorius, Count de San Luis. This was unfortunate for Spain, for Narvaez by his influence and energy had been instrumental in instituting reforms at c(nu-t, and had induced Isabella to recall her husband. In the interval between the downfall of Narvaez and tlie succession as chief adviser of Sartorius. a number of ephemeral ministries had tried their hand in governing the nation; but against 504 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1847-1854 the reactionary character of Isabella and the intrigues of Christina, the queen-mother, who, with King Don Francisco, were greatly under the clerical influence, a rampant republicanism began to manifest itself throughout the country, with threats of overthrowing the dynasty. The inspirer of this new conspiracy was headed by Marshal O'Donnell, afterwards Duke of Tetuan, who had fought against the Carlists and been of service to Christina when as queen- regent she had been compelled to take refuge in France. Latterly this personage had held a military command in Spain, and pre- viously, for a time, had been captain-general in the disaffected Spanish possession of Cuba. He was now in opposition to the government as a member of the Senate; and when the Progressist General Dulce, who held command in Catalonia, put himself at the head of an insurgent force designed to overthrow the tyrannous government of Isabella, O'Donnell, with Generals Messina and Ros de Olano, joined him in a revolt which speedily assumed such proportions that it threatened Madrid, where it found many en- thusiastic anti-royal sympathizers. While these events were transpiring the queen was at some little distance from the capital, in her residence at the Escurial, and thither news of the rising was brought her by her chief minister, Sartorius. Isabella hastened to Madrid, only to learn of threatening revolts in other chief cities of the kingdom. From the capital she at once dispatched a royalist force under General Blazer to check the approach of the insurgents. At Vicalvaro, a few miles distant from the capital, an encounter with the insurgents was exultantly styled a victory by General Blazer, and in the belief that it was so the queen was waited on by her royalist friends and congratulated on the success of her troops. However, the revolt was a more serious matter for the court and the administration than was at first believed, and spread in many hostile quarters, chiefly in Catalonia, Aragon, and the Basque provinces, while royal- ist regiments shared in the movement, refused to serve longer under Blazer, and even passed to the insurgent camp. This alarming condition of affairs brought about the resignation of Sartorius and his fellow-ministers, and a new cabinet was named, with General Cordova as president of the council, only to be replaced at once by the appointment of the Due de Rivas. Aleantime, Madrid was given up to rioting, the government departments were entered and sacked by mobs, while the queen was menacingly treated by crowds MARIA CHRISTINA ISABELLA II. 505 1854 of infuriated citizens and troops who broke their way through the royahst guards into the palace, with huzzas for O'Donnell and liberty, denunciations against San Luis, and threats of death " to the thief Christina!" A junta of safety and defense was hastily improvised in the capital, under San Miguel, a brave Spanish gen- eral, who assumed its presidency. No ministry was then possible in Madrid, and, affairs continuing to wear an even more menacing attitude, Isabella summoned her old general and statesman, Espar- tero, from his country home to endeavor to quell the disturbance and give security to the state. In spite of the coming of Espartero and O'Donnell, both now friends and seriously de- sirous of restoring the kingdom to peace, the capital continued in a turbulent and disaffected mood, which specially showed itself in hatred towards Christina, the queen-mother, as well as towards the queen and her now helpless government. On all sides a disposition was manifested to bring Christina to trial for malign influence at court and her personal thievish propensities. Though Espartero and O'Donnell felt the justice of the popular clamor against Christina, they recognized that it would be impolitic during the excitements of the time to accede to the demand; the minister gave his word that the queen-mother should not escape from Madrid, while he secretly desired for himself that she should be expelled from the kingdom. Torn by conflicting emo- tions, Espartero finally deemed it better that Christina should be suft'ered to escape from Spain ; and this, towards the end of August (1854), he agreed to, Christina surreptitiously taking flight on the way to Portugal, leaving Espartero and O'Donnell to make their peace with the angry and disappointed ]\Iadrid populace. This lightening of the cargo of royalty from the ship of state was, however, not all thrit the convulsions of the time were to bring about in Spain. The fraternization of Espartero and O'Don- nell continued, the patriotic and Progressist easily falling in his old- time post as president of the council and administrative head of the state. O'Donnell, though he had himself been actively a rebel, became minister of war, and, with his passion for intrigue, aspired to play the role of lover to the amorous queen. Meanwhile, the expenses of the nation in suppressing (ir tiding over these periods of revolution added to tlie waste that had gone on under previous shiftless administrations, and the national finances were in a deplor- able condition. Loans had hitherto been resorted to, but these could 506 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1854-1857 not now be further raised, and the administration had either to admit insolvency, or resort to measures of an illegal or otherwise objection- able nature to raise money. Two propositions were mooted to tide over the economic crisis. One of these was to sell Cuba, whose afifairs lately had been going from bad to worse, to the United States ; but Spanish pride revolted against this and put it out of considera- tion. The other proposal was to lay violent hands on the country's lands held in mortmain, including the personal estates of ex-Queen Christina, and, appropriating them to the crown, make sale of them to replenish the empty exchequer. The latter, under pressure, was the proposition decided upon and authorized by the Cortes, and that, in spite of the fact that the lands were not only unalienable, but, in many instances, were those which had been bequeathed to benevolent institutions, as well as to convents and other clerical establishments. To this measure the queen, to her credit, was earnestly opposed, while it greatly exercised the court that the lands should be thus confiscated and dishonorably disposed of by the state. The arbitrary proceeding naturally created differences between Isabella and her chief minister, which at this time were further complicated by a lack of harmony in the council between the minister of war (O'Donnell) and the minister of the interior (Escosura). The end of the trouble was fatal to all three ministers, whose resignations were presently accepted, and Narvaez was again sent for and installed as head of a new administration. Narvaez's first act was to comply with Isabella's entreaty to revoke the mort- main lands decree and restore the escheated property to the clerics, as well as save from sale and spoliation the estates owned by the queen-mother. Though the desperate needs of the nation were not thus provided for, the restitution of the church and other posses- sions had a quieting and reassuring effect on the nation, and for the time being the Narvaez administration prospered, while there were rejoicings just then over an auspicious event the birth, in 1857, of a son and heir to the king and queen, in the babe that afterwards became Alfonso XII. While these events were occurring, new plots were being hatched among the Carlist princes in Paris, incited by two new adherents of the faction, Ortega and Morales, the former of whom, though he had been a leader in the Progressist party in Spain, had fallen into the wiles of ex-Queen Christina, now in exile in the French capital. The projected new rising was, of course, in the MARIA CHRISTINA ISABELLA II. 507 1359-1867 interest once more of Don Carlos the Second, known as Count de Montemolin, and commonly spoken of as Charles VL The move- ment proved abortive, but Ortega, in 1859, effected a landing in Spain and marched upon the city of Valencia at the head of a body of 3,500 troops, accompanied by Count de Montemolin and his brother Don Fernando, but was captured and shot at Tortosa. At the same time the Carlist chiefs were suffered to escape from the country, while the soldiers under them, not being aware of the real object of the invasion, were permitted to recross the frontier or were otherwise dispersed. Another occurrence at the period was a brief war with Morocco, whose sultan had caused Spanish settlements across the straits of Gibraltar to be attacked and despoiled. At its outbreak, General O'Donnell, at the head of an army, was sent to invade Morocco, and in i860 won the battle of Tetuan and extorted by treaty indemnity from the sultan. In the following year, 1861, Spain joined in an expedition with England and France under Emperor Louis Napoleon, against Mexico, to exact from the gov- ernment of President Juarez payment of moneys due to its foreign creditors, the holders of Mexican bonds, with reparation for wrongs done to their subjects. This expedition commanded by the Spanish general Prim, duly accomplished its object, so far as England and Spain were concerned, and their fleets withdrew and recrossed the Atlantic. The French, on the other hand, incited by the fatuous ambi- tion of their emperor, remained in Mexico with the design of set- ting up a Mexican empire in place of the republic, to be ruled by Joseph. This ill-fated personage was brought forward by the French emperor in response to an assembly of notables in Mexico, composed of opponents of the Juarez republic, who had set up an imperial form of government and asked ]Maximilian to accept an offer of the throne. He reached the country at the end of May, 1864, but prosecuting the war, with the aid of the French forces, the Mexican emperor was besieged at Queretaro by a republican force, was compelled to surrender in May, 1867, and a month later he was condemned by a court-martial and shot. Tliis cruel act was justified by the court that tried him in retaliation for a like fate meted out to " rel)els " against his authority. Meanwhile the United States government, at the close of the Civil War, insisted on the French emperor withdrawing his forces from the country, while it refused to recognize the empire liC had ;i 508 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1867-1868 caused to be set up in Mexico, With this demand Napoleon III. was compelled to comply, and the French troops were consequently withdrawn. After these occurrences, though the Spanish troops were received joyfully on their return from Mexico, events in Spain rapidly culminated in trouble to the queen's government, and occa- sioned the flight of Isabella, with her immediate entourage, from the kingdom. The cause of this was the hostility of the Republican party, now grown in strength in Spain and weary of the unconsti- tutional regime of the era, together with the intrigues of Sefior Olosaga, its leader, who had associated with himself General Dulce, lately returned from Cuba, General Prim, who had just come back from the Mexican expedition, and Field Marshal Ser- rano, now Due de la Torre. In the new conspiracy the navy of Spain had been induced to take part, under Topete, its admiral, influenced by men of good position and tried patriotism, who were disgusted with Isabella's reactionary rule under the Camarilla which acted for her. By this time O'Donnell and Xarvaez were both dead, and the queen's present administrator was Gonsalez Bravo, a poltroon, who on the hatching of the conspiracy at Cadiz, in Sep- tember, 1868, incontinently ran away. W^ith Bravo there acted for the moment, in the interest of the monarchy, three or four minor general officers, who, on discovering that the mine under the feet of the queen was about to be fired, made a show of meeting the new and alarming irruption with force. But the plot had gone too far and was not to be lightly or feebly dealt with. Already a demon- stration had taken place at Cadiz, which was joined in by the fleet. There a pronunciamento was issued reciting the evils the country suffered from the maladministration and corruption of every de- partment of the government, with severe reprobation of Isabella's own conduct in her relations with her favorites, whom she profusely decorated and elevated to high rank. The queen, at this juncture, of course with a new lover, an opera singer who had been raised to the peerage, was taking the salt water baths at San Sebastian, and there news was speedily brought her of the new menace to herself and her dynasty. A\'hen the revolutionary leaders. Prim, Dulce, and Serrano, had met the royalist troops at the battle of Alcolea Bridge, and there the latter had been worsted, the queen at length realized that her cause was lost. In her extremity she yet clung to one hope, which v/as an appeal to the lunperor Louis Xapoleon, MARIA CHRISTINA ISABELLA II. 509 1868-1878 who at the time, with the Empress Eugenie and the French court, was at Biarritz. Thither Isabella in person clandestinely proceeded in October, 1868, and besought French intervention. To this the emperor, however, refused to accede, though he hospitably offered an asylum in France to the practically dethroned queen, as well as to her husband and their children. These events blasted the hopes of Isabella and her adherents, and the queen did not see Spain for the space of nearly seven years. In the interval, and before the coming of her son, the youthful prince of the Asturias, to the Spanish throne as Alfonso XII., her unhappy country was to see a new monarch assume the crown, and, finally, the outbreak of the third Carlist war, with its attendant scenes of cruelty and violence, ushering in what promised to be a wholesome and settled era of hereditary and constitutional monarchy. Mean- while, the insurrection in the Peninsula and the exile of Isabella had their sequel in Cuba, for the next ten years distracted and desolated by rebellion. A temporary peace was brought about in 1878 by the compromise of El Zaujou, with the admittance, futile, however, for its better government, of representative deputies in the Cortes at Aladrid. Futile, indeed, was the whole of the new era in Cuba, with its promise of representation in the legislature of the country's capital ; the home government so manipulated the elections that the deputies returned to the Cortes were, in the main, natives of Spain, and not of the island col(3ny, where many thousand Peninsulars had found graves in tlie vain attempt to keep its badly governed, in- surgent population in subjection. As for hope of peaceful reform, or any relief from the galling rule of the hated motherland, there was none. Chapter XXI THE BRIEF REIGN OF AMADEUS, AND THE BOURBON RESTORATION. 1868-1910 THE reins of government, nominally held by Isabella until her flight and exile, were not readily placed in the hands of a new ruler. Those called upon to administer the anarchic affairs of Spain, still less those who took upon them- selves periodically to plunge the kingdom into the chaotic depths of revolution, were not usually given to circumspection and fore- sight. Who was to replace Isabella on the throne, or as the repre- sentative head of the state, in the event of a monarchy or a republic ensuing, was a matter that had, as yet, received but little thoughtful consideration. Nor in the party differences and political rivalries of the time was the choice, in any event, likely to be a speedy one, for many weighty matters had first to be considered and much dis- sension calmed ere the leaders, with any degree of unanimity, could determine first the style and form of the new government to be called into existence, and, after that, the no less important question wdio should be its actual or nominal head. When these problems came practically to be argued and solved, two essentially vital mat- ters confronted them, namely : First, whether or no the leaders should make Spain once more a republic; and second, if the mon- archy was to be maintained, in what quarter should they look for a safe and otherwise desirable new ruler. On the first question the revolutionary chiefs seemed to incline towards the perpetuation of the monarchy, though on a sound constitutional basis ; the second question was a puzzling one, although they had tacitly decided that the new king should not be a Bourbon. ]Meanwhi]e, it was neces- sary to make arrangements for some sort of provisional government. A number of good men, hitherto prominent in public affairs, were selected as heads of the departments in a new ministry under Senor Serrano, who was elected president of the council. Prim was assigned the ministry of war ; Topete was chosen head of the navy. Sagasta became minister of the interior, Zorilla minister of commerce, Figuerola minister of finance, and Lorenzana minister 510 THE BOURBON RESTORATION 511 1869 of foreign affairs. With the appointment of these men to their respective posts, the Cortes was summoned in 1869, and a committee of fifteen named to draft a new constitution. Agree- ment as to the latter's provisions was far from unanimous. It introduced some features unknown to the older ones, such as the formation of a senate and the organization of a council of state to act coordinately w'ith the house of representatives, and substituted for the principle of legitimacy in the person who came to the throne the sovereignty of the people. It moreover restored the monarchical form of government, with checks in the way of constitutional control, and provision for securing popular rights and the freedom of conscience in matters of religion. The promul- gation of the new constitution did not evoke much public criticism, nor, on the other hand, was it received with any degree of enthusi- asm. Until a sovereign was installed, Serrano was named regent, while to him and to his colleague. Prim, was intrusted the unenvi- able duty of seeking out and naming a likely and acceptable future king. The task confided to the discretion of Serrano and Prim natu- rally and immediately brought its difficulties. The names of several high personages had already been spoken of, and the canvass of their respective possible candidatures was entered into with eager- ness, save among the Republicans in the Cortes and the country, who, though the distinguished Castelar was an influential member of the party, were curtly disregarded and left out of consideration, the nation having adhered to the traditional form of government as a monarchy. Among the names of those favorably looked upon to fill the vacant throne were the Hohenzollern Prince Leopold, a rela- tive of King William of Prussia; the Due de Montpensier, husband of Isabella's sister. Dona Louisa ; Ferdinand of Portugal, who had just resigned the regency of that kingdom, on his son's (Pedro V.) assuming the Portuguese throne, and Amadeus, Duke of Aosta. second son of Victor Emmanuel. Of these, Prim's favored candi- date was Prince Leopold. But Napoleon IIP wrote to King William tliat if he encouraged his young relative in accepting the offer made to liim he would treat it as a cause of war between their two crowns. The king of Prussia spiritedly resented this inter- ference of France, and the angry " notes " which passed between the monarch s were the proximate causes of the Franco-German w\ar. Balked as Prim was in his king-hunt in this direction, Leopold's 512 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1870-1871 refusal of the crown was well both for himself and for the Spanish nation. The feeling in Spain was strong against a foreigner, while the German prince, if he sought to do his duty, would not have been likely to find a traditionally Bourbon throne a bed of roses. In the discussion of other possible candidates the ex-regent of Portugal was named, only to be rejected, as the leaders did not desire any closer union with the joint occupant with Spain of the Iberian Peninsula. The Spanish statesman, Espartero, also received consid- eration, as he deserved, but his name was dropped when Prim an- nounced to the Cortes (November, 1870) a new ministerial candi- date, in the person of Amadeus of Italy, who in the ballot that was taken was indorsed by a good majority in the house. To him overtures were made and Amadeus at last rose to the bait, little tempting as he was ere long to find it, with an impossible people to rule, disaffected against a Savoyard, and eaten up with intrigue and chronic turbulence. The coming of the Duke of Aosta to the throne was the signal for the renewed outbreak of faction, whose work, in spite of the large vote he had received in his election by the Cortes, was now to show itself adverse to " the intrusive king," as he was called. Just before his arrival at Madrid, where he was coldly received, the country was startled by the foul assassination of General Prim at the capital. Prim had been pleased at the choice of Amadeus, on account of the frank manners and friendly ways of the new mon- arch towards the common people, and with his last breath had re- signedly but joyfully cried : " I am dying ^but the king is coming ! " In spite of this untoward event and of the unknown source whence had come the fatal shots, Amadeus was proclaimed king at the capital in January, 1871, and took his thorny seat on the throne of Spain. Though the new king's character was irreproachable and his bear- ing and manner of life considerate and kindly, he could not live down the hostility against him, though he sought to placate every- body, made several tours of unostentatious state through various sections of the kingdom, and paid a graceful visit to the veteran patriot statesman, Espartero, by whom he was loyally and enthu- siastically welcomed. Zorilla, at this period, held the chief post in the administra- tion, but there was no stability in the government, and the Italian king had little opportunity to govern constitutionally, or even through his own kindly efforts and those of his attractive queen, to I THE BOURBON RESTORATION 513 1873 win a hold upon the affections of his churlish or indifferent subjects. Amadeus therefore proposed to abandon the throne and betook himself with his belongings out of the country in February, 1873, only two years after his accession. Not only the king's life had been attempted, but the queen was continually insulted by the wives of the grandees. " One dissolution of parliament, and one change of cabinet after another," narrates Professor J, W. Harrison, " had failed to give him elements homogeneous, enlightened, un- selfish, and patriotic enough to control a country in which repub- licanism had now made monstrous strides. ' Spain for the Span- iards ! Out with the Savoyard ! ' resounded through stranger- abhorring Spain. A king in round hat and white pantaloons, simple in manners, intolerant of hand-kissing and obsequiousness; a queen who dared to give birth to a prince without having the palace illuminated; an impassive, unemotional royal couple, prom- enading almost unattended through the streets of Madrid; match- less courage and simplicity ; the heartiest desire to benefit the coun- try by parliamentary and lawful methods, to heal its incurable wounds, to reconcile its parties all these things contributed to the departure of the king and queen to Portugal." Thus ended one more effort to rule Spain as a monarchy, and with worthy material to contribute to its welfare, the country neither knew nor appreciated the fact. Following Amadeus's ab- dication and departure was the establishment for a brief space of a hotly-clamored-for but freslily distracted republic, which in Spain, as it has been aptly said, " succeeds the monarchy as quickly as one sentinel succeeds another." The republic was tolerably acquiesced in by the country, but its administration encountered the difficulties which ever beset the unhappy, discordant nation, including a third Carlist war. For the moment Serrano was installed at the head of affairs, but he had presently to give way to Pi y Margall and his few weeks' dictatorship. ]Margall, in turn, was succeeded by Sal- meron, and later by the moderate but astute republican statesman, Emilio Castelar. Meanwhile, in the fall of the year 1873 Don Carlos, Duke of Madrid, grandson of the elder, put himself at the head of a new Carlist rising, and with an army invaded the Basque provinces. With him came his brother Don Alfonso and General EHo, who was appointed Carlist commander-in-chief, together witli a good fighting officer in General Dorregaray. The Carlists landed in the P>ay of Biscay, at Portugalate, near Bilbao, 514 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1873-1875 then besieged in the republic's cause by Velasco. Hither came Marshal Serrano, who proceeded to attack the Carlists in the moun- tain recesses above Bilbao; while Alanuel Concha, Marquis of Duero, invested tliem on the other side; and Martinez Campos and a portion of the army of the republic succeeded in entering Bilbao in May, 1873. After this Carlist check, Don Carlos fell back on Durango, near the borders of Navarre, with Concha in command, for Serrano had been summoned by political events in the capital to return to his executive post. The purpose of the republican leaders was now to march upon Estella, in the interior, the heights of which were defended by strong earthworks erected by the Carlist troops under General Dorregaray. While en route thither, a three days' battle was fought at Abazuza, which went ill with the attacking force, and Concha was killed. After this Carlist victory Concha was replaced by Zabala, minister of war at Madrid, aided by General Laserna, and after desultory fighting, Pampeluna, in Navarre, fell into the republic's hands, and the Carl- ists broke up into guerrilla bands operating in Valencia, Murcia. and Granada. Dorregaray, their commander, resigned. For a time Don Carlos's brother, Don Alfonso, continued to hold Cata- lonia, always a Carlist stronghold; but ere long, falling out with Charles VII. j he abandoned his cause, withdrawing to France, and thenca making his way into Austria. Meantime Don Carlos himself had met repulse at Irun, but proceeded to lay siege to St. Sebastian, while Dorregaray returned to further assist the Carlist cause, whose operations were now marked by much barbarity and ferocity. While the war was being prosecuted a new surprise fell upon the nation, in the announcement from Madrid that Isabella's son, the prince of the Asturias, had been proclaimed king of Spain, with the title of Alfonso XII. The new king's entrance into the capital and accession to the throne occurred in the middle of January, 1875, he and his royal escort having come from Marseilles earlier in the month by way of Barcelona and Va- lencia. The capital took kindly to the resumption of monarchy, as did most of the chief cities, and manifested little regret at the fall of the republic. Serrano, who had held the chief ex- ecutive post gave his adhesion to the new order of things, though he left the country. The king took as his first adviser the trusted Canovas del Castillo, a man of eminent ability and THE BOURBON RESTORATION 515 1875-1876 prudence, who had been instrumental in paving" Alfonso's way to the crown. Almost immediately after Alfonso's accession and proclamation as king, Martinez Campos and other monarchical chiefs left Madrid for the army of the north, to win over the troops there to the royalist standard, the king himself following, with the design of proceeding to the seat of war. There he found that the army, under Jovellar, had already sided with him and ac- cepted the new dynasty, though it regarded without enthusiasm the proclamation to the soldiery the king had caused to be ad- dressed to them. Don Carlos and his adherents, on the other hand, were aflame with indignation, and proceeded to give a new im- pulse to the war and to continue the internecine strife. The royalists, on their part, hastened to revictual and strengthen the garrison of Pampeluna, then besieged by a Carlist force; while the king in person, with a division of the army, proceeded to attack Estella, still held by the forces of Charles VII. To intercept this royalist movement Don Carlos advanced to meet the king and his forces, and an affray occurred at Lucar, which checked further progress, and inckiced the royalist generals to compel the king, for his safety, to return to Madrid. This he did about the middle of February, leaving Quesada, an able and reliable general, to prose- cute the war, while Alfonso reached the capital in safety. There would be little profit to the reader in our continuing the record of the war. The signs of its speedy termination were even now visible, for the two Carlist strongholds, Estella and Seo d'Urgel, capitulated; while Catalonia, which had of late been devasted by bands of guerrillas, was in large measure pacified, thanks to the operations of Martinez Campos against the Carlist General Dor- regaray. Even the former Carlist chieftain, Cabrera, who had taken no part in the present rising, gave his adhesion to Alfonso's rule and exhorted his old comrades to refrain from further figliting, sue for liberal concessions, and end the civil strife. Along the banks of the Bidassoa and the region of Biscay the Carlists still strove to keep the royalist forces at bay; but the Pretender's army began to melt away, and Don Carlos, disheartened, threw up his cause in Spain, and took himself out of the country in the spring of 1876. The IMadrid <2'overnmcnt, now free from these Carlist risincfs, found republican sentiment still strong. Criiliinality in the extreme adlierents of the party occasionally broke forth, and was manifested in two attempts to end the king's life. The government sought to 516 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1876-1885 secure peace with a measure of substantial progress in poor Spain. It first, however, visited upon Navarre and the Basque provinces the consequences of periodic insurrection by withdrawing into the hands of the general government its provincial and local municipal privileges, which abolished the old kingdom of Navarre and made for increased national unity. This, naturally, was not to their liking; hardly less so was the compulsion to contribute to the war and general expenses of the nation, at this period in sore need, with an empty treasury and a country devastated by these risings in the north. On the whole, however, Alfonso XII.'s administration acted wisely in adopting conciliatory measures with the districts and parties lately in revolt; and under Castillo's competent direc- tion the country ere long showed signs of quickened development as well as substantial progress upon the return of peace. In the capable and comparatively honest hands of the new Madrid cabi- net state bankruptcy was at the same time averted by unifying the public debt, and by reducing the annual expenditures and improving the political and moral character of the national admin- istration. Neither internal peace nor a millennial reformation in the government of Spain, however, quite followed. Misrule and dis- affection in her possessions abroad were more or less constantly present. Cuba, though the Ten Years' war (1868-1878) had been brought to a close, continued unquiet as well as unprogressive ; while, soon after, administrative abuses gave rise in the Caroline Islands to a revolt among the natives. Renewed hostilities broke out in Catalonia, which made a- demand upon martial law for repression. Opposition also arose to the Canovas ministry, on the part of the liberal leaders loyal to the dynasty, the result of which w^as the overthrow of the administration and the formation of a new one, led by Sagasta, in September, 1881. Bad harvests, disastrous floods, strikes among factory hands, discontent in the army over the renewed resort to conscription, followed by the spread of Socialism, together with an outbreak of cholera in Murcia, brought on the kingdom more or less trouble, with increased anxiety to the administration. In the midst of these depressions, and to add to them, came the early death (November. 1885) of the king, due to the inroads of consumption on a system at the time enfeebled by an attack of dysentery. His royal widow was appointed regent. THE BOURBON RESTORATION 517 1886-1897 and a new administration, the Liberal ministry of Sagasta, was formed; while, after a general election, the Cortes was summoned and assembled. In May, 1886, Maria Christina, the queen-regent, gave birth to a posthumous son, the present Alfonso XIII. The sympathy of the nation for the queen, in spite of her foreign birth, was by this circumstance aroused in her favor; while her own estimable character, gentleness, tact, and dignity, added to her devout life and known charitable disposition, enabled her to endear herself, as she desired to do, to all classes of the Spanish people. Alfonso XIII., as the constitution directs, succeeded by his birth to the throne, and of course over his sisters, Maria Chris- tina having at the same time taken the oath of office as queen- regent during her son's minority. The constitution of 1876 was in 1886 maintained, and it and its provisions are to-day still in force. The executive is vested, under the reigning severeign and queen-regent, in a council of ministers, over which the premier, as president of the body, presides, with departmental heads of justice, finance, war, marine, education, the interior, foreign affairs and agriculture, with which are grouped commerce and public works. The Cortes, by the last constitution, consists of two bodies, the Senate and Congress, with coordinate authority. Government under the queen-regent had as heretofore its difficulties, arising, in part, from the contentions of its various conspiring parties in the state. These at this period were the Conservatives, under Canovas ; the Liberals, under Sa- gasta; the Unionist Republicans, under Margall ; and the remains of the Carlist party, represented by the Marquis de Cerralbo. The chief of these warring sections, the Liberal party, was for a time in contention with tlie Ultramontanes, who, true to their tradi- tions, sought increased power for the church. This the Liberals withstood, in the interest of liberty and toleration, with freedom of worship. The religious aspect of the country is, nevertheless, far frcmi gratifying, as there is much indifference shown to religion and church services. The middle and upper classes have largely broken away from the old faith, while the peasant class is, if not wholly irreligious, sunk in su})erstition. lulucation does not make much progress. Out of a population, in 1897, of eighteen and a quarter millions, as many as two-thirds could neither read nor write. The administration, for a time alternately under Canovas 518 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1868-1897 and Sagasta, had its own perplexities, arising from the condition of the finances and the state of things in the distracted island of Cuba. I'he financial straits of the parent country were temporarily relieved by the state procuring large loans from the Bank of Spain, which had been empowered by the government vastly to increase its note issue; while it also obtained funds from the sale of gov- ernment bonds. Among the younger politicians of eminence in Spain was Emilio Castelar, a literary man as well as a parliamentarian and orator. This liberal-minded and able statesman, though early in his career a republican in sympathies, declared himself loyal to the present dynasty. When Maria Christina became a widow, and later on regent for her son, Castelar did her cause good service by counseling loyalty to her government, using in a speech on a notable occasion the phrase : " Spaniards cannot fight against a woman or against a child in his cradle." His interest in Spain's national affairs was always an enlightened and patriotic one, and, with his confreres, in the years 1868- 1874, among the younger men rising to leadership in the nation, he replaced with acceptance those who were passing away, or those who, since Castelar's period of activity in the Cortes and as president for a time of the Executive, came to an untimely end by assassination. The same fate overtook Canovas del Castillo in 1897, the veteran statesman falling a victim to the vengeance of conspirators wdio had been concerned in anarchic plots in Barcelona and elsewhere, and which the premier had found it expedient to suppress with a heavy hand. Bomb-thrownng and dynamite plots tormented the reforming soul of Sagasta after the proclamation of Alfonso XIII. as king under the regency; while a new insurrection broke out among some of the troops in Madrid, in which, it is affirmed, 10,000 banditti and other seditious persons were impli- cated. Concealed explosives were found under the legislative chamber at the capital, and stern measures were necessary to offset the sedition and evil turbulence of the period, and made slow in their ameliorating operation the government's measures of reform. Castelar, for many years, and until his lamented death in 1895, took no active part in politics, but devoted himself to a literary life, while the honorable and aged Sagasta sei-ved the state as adviser and chief executive in the ministry of the young king THE BOURBON RESTORATION 519 1810-1338 and his mother. Meanwhile, long and strenuous efforts had been made by each dependency in the New World to sunder the bonds that fettered it to the parent state. Reactionary methods of colonial government estranged the dependencies and drove them, again and again, to rebellion. When the national government was overthrown by Napoleon after the French Revolution, in 1810, he set his brother Joseph for a time on the Spanish throne. At this period Mexico began to slip from Spain's grasp, a revolution having been begun in New Spain, as it was called, by Hidalgo, the first leader of the Mexican War for Independence. Hidalgo was defeated by the Spanish general, Calleja, and later had to fly from the country, but was captured and shot. ]\Iexico passed through many trials, lost Texas by secession, and had wars with the United States and with France, but ultimately gained independence and became a republic. Chile, in 1810, also separated herself from Spanish dominion, and in 1818 declared her independence; followed by Peru in 1820, which proclaimed her autonomy and won self-government after the battle of Agacucho, in 1824. This country had once more to fight the motherland in 1865- 1866, and engaged in a war with Chile in 1879. In spite of these embroilments and sundry out- breaks of revolution, together with devastation by earthquakes, the republic has succeeded in overthrowing the Spanish viceroyalty in South America. Though more fortunate than Spain, and much less chargeable with criminal folly in the rule of her South American dependencies, Portugal also had to withdraw from the Xew World, her old-time colony and later empire of Brazil finally establishing an independent republic in 1889, when the imperial family was compelled to leave the country which in the Napoleonic era had provided a refuge for the reigning dynasty. In the West Indies the island of Cuba had for decades been the scene of Spanish misrule. Under General Weyler the atrocities roused popular sympathy in the United States, and even after the recall of Weyler, at the instigation of tlie noble Sagasta, that country continued alert to the condition of its island neighbor. In February, 1898, tlie United States cruiser Maine, in harbor at Havana, was blown up. The finding of the commission of inquiry could not establish Spain's oftlcial rcs])onsibi]ity for the Maine disaster, but a storm of indignation broke over tlie country, de- manding the evacuation of the Spaniards from Cuba. War was 520 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1898-1899 declared. The continental powers looked on, and while admitting the two countries were unequally matched in point of resources, it was considered that Spain's strength would show to advantage over the Americans in her efficient and strongly disciplined navy. But May i, under Admiral Dewey in Manila Bay, the Americans totally destroyed two fleets of Admiral Montojo, and nearer the cause of the conflict, at Santiago de Cuba, Rear Admiral Cervera was defeated by the American Sampson. American land forces were no less successful in the Philippine Islands and Cuba. Parleys of coming peace were already current, when General Miles pro- ceeded on Porto Rico. August i brought definite news of the close of the war, one hundred and thirteen days from its beginning. Spain only yielded to the inevitable. Her army had been practi- cally annihilated and her national debt increased $300,000,000 by the expense of the war. Moreover, she was forced to assume the Cuban and Philippine debts, making an additional $231,050,000. The treaty of peace was signed at Paris on December 10, 1898. Spain relinquished her sovereignty in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippine Islands. The humiliation over this compulsory terri- torial abandonment was great, as evidenced in the Peninsula by a deep sullenness among the people, and here and there by angry riotings. Her serious plight might well awaken emotions of pity, since her condition was most pathetic, in view of the disasters that had befallen her, aggravated by her wrecked financial credit, the pohtical strifes, dynastic plottings, industrial revolts, and general discontent among her subjects. From a calmer standpoint, how- ever, she was the gainer, in being relieved of her turbulent colonies, which had not only drained her resources, but distracted the mind and energies of the kingdom in vain efforts to rule them. This w^as the view of her best friends, and her own dispassionate states- men admitted that what had happened was really her national salvation. But the terms of the treaty were unpopular nevertheless, and the military party made them an issue and succeeded in deposing Sagasta and his liberal regime. Silvela with a conservative min- istry, representing the modern Consei^vative party, took over the reins of government in 1899. Financial reforms, effected by Villa- verdi, and tlie sale of tlie Caroline Islands to Germany for $4,000,- 000, were the important acccMiiplishments of the new ministry, and fortunately both had favorable bearing on the national exchequer. THE BOURBON RESTORATION 521 1900-1903 In October of the following year Silvela's cabinet was succeeded by a new conservative administration of the military party, with General Azcarraga at its head. Meanwhile a more modern spirit was at work leavening the Peninsula. In November, 1900, the efforts of the Sociad Union Ibero-Americana resulted in a congress of the Spanish American States, which met in Madrid for the single purpose of bringing into greater harmony the relations with the mother country. The liberal spirit marked the dawn of the twentieth century. Sagasta returned into power, and the queen in opening the Cortes referred to the necessity for the social reorganization of the country. The new government was marked by strictness and severity toward the religious orders, so numerous and so influential throughout the country. Efforts were made looking to a reduction in the church estimate, about 41,000,000 pesetas yearly, which by the constitu- tion goes to support the clergy and buildings of the church. By a special enactment the registration of the orders was required, pre- liminary to their general investigation, and in many w^ays a stern- ness new to Spain marked the attitude of the government. On May 17, 1902, the young prince was declared of age and was crowned as Alfonso XIII., King of Spain. Thus the regency came to an end, but Sagasta, much against his will, continued in office. In December, 1902. he gave way before Silvela, and in the following year he died. Silvela's brief return to power was marked by little of importance except for the treaties of arbitration con- cluded with the countries of South America, in which, however, Chile was not included. Another year brought another new cabinet, headed by Villaverdi. In the general election of 1903 ^Madrid itself was swept by the Republicans, and the jiarty made strong headway during the year under the leadership of Salmeron. Resistance to the Jesuits and the Vatican more and more characterized its policy. In July, 1903, Villaverdi formed a new administration. In December of the same year Maura became premier of this (to use the phrase of the Paris correspondent of the Times) " most reactionary government that Spain has tolerated since the Restoration." At the same time another new faction, tlic Democratic Liberal Party, came into ex- istence. Maura's cabinet fell twelve months later, and the admin- istration of General Azcarraga again succeeded, only to fall in a few weeks, when X'illavcrdi, with a new ministry, returned to 622 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1905-1910 power. In June Villaverdi's administration was defeated in the Cortes, and the Liberals, under Montero Rios, took office. This year, h'ke its predecessors, so fraught with political changes, brought hardships in the provinces, and Andalusia and Aragon suffered from agricultural depression and lack of employ- ment for the people. A royal decree set aside $2,500,000 for relief, but this proved vastly inadequate, and, to the despair of the minister of finance, who resigned forthwith, the government appealed to the Cortes for an additional $7,500,000 for aid and for construction of public works. In December, 1905, the cabinet resigned, and Moret was instructed to form a new ministry. This ministry remained in office until June 7, 1906. Meanwhile, the marriage of the young king to the Princess Ena of Battenberg on May 31, 1906, took first rank in the interest of the people. The fact that the young queen, now known as Vic- toria, was the niece of Edward VII., King of England, was particu- larly significant, as the alliance marked the first union of the royal houses of Spain and England in over three hundred years. In 1906, several questions raised by the King's speech to the Cortes, three years before, were taken up. A bill was passed giving offenses against the army and national unity to the military rather than to the civil courts. The separation of church and state was discussed, but after a succession of three anti-clerical minis- tries during the months of January and February, 1907, the Con- servatives under Senor Maura came into power and the Law of Association, which had been intended to check the immigration of the clerical orders recently expelled from France, failed to pass. The Conservatives also carried the general elections on April 21, 1907. For a number of years, Spain had been troubled with anarchis- tic plots, of which Barcelona was always the center. In 1907, seventeen bomb explosions took place there, killing five persons and wounding eighteen. At the beginning of the next year, anarchistic attempts seemed to be on the increase, and on January 26 the minister of justice introduced into the senate a bill, known as the Terrorist Bill, dealing with anarchistic agitation. It empowered the government to suppress summarily anarchistic journals and clubs, to close houses used as meeting places by sus- pects, and to banish anyone who in speech or writing advocated doc- trines destructive of the social order. It also enabled the government THE BOURBON RESTORATION 522a 1907-1910 to place any district under martial law and forbade the printing of any unofiicial news in regard to anarchistic crimes. These meas- ures called forth a great deal of opposition, both in the Cortes and among the public. The bill was finally put through the Sen- ate, but was held up in the Chamber, which later decided to sus- pend its report and to adjourn sine die. In this same meeting of the Cortes the government attempted to pass a bill for local adminis- tration. A vigorous campaign against it was carried on by the Socialists, and it also failed to pass. While terrorism was at its height in Barcelona, the king de- termined to visit the city on the occasion of the arrival of an Aus- trian squadron, and he accordingly entered Barcelona on March lo. Pie was received cordially, and there was no sign of the revo- lutionary disturbance. In March was issued a decree which for the first time in Span- ish law placed a limitation on the employment of women in certain industries. The law applies to all children under sixteen years of age and to all women under twenty-five. Chemical works, match factories, type foundries, glass and lead works, and slaughter houses are forbidden to these workers. On April 14, 1909, the Minister of Finance introduced into the Cortes a bill authorizing the issue of a four per cent, loan of $200,000,000, declaring that the funds so provided should be devoted to public works, such as colonization, reforestation, irrigation, and the construction of canals, bridges, highways, and public buildings. On June 22, 1909, the queen gave birth to a daughter, the Princess Beatrice; this was the third child of the royal couple, the older two both being boys Alphonso, the Prince of the Asturias, born May 10, 1907, and Prince Jamie, born June 2;^, 1908. On July 18, 1909, Don Carlos de Bourbon, Duke of Madrid and pretender to the Spanish throne, died at the age of sixty-one. As the head of the Bourbon family, he was also the first in direct succession to the throne of France should the French monarchy have been re- stored. Upon his death his son, Don Jamie de Bourbon, born June 27, 1870, succeeded to all his claims. Don Jamie had been for some years an officer in the Russian army, but had lived most of the time in Paris. Owing to a French law imposing perpetual exile upon the recognized head of any family that has been on the throne of France, he could no longer dwell in France. Early in July, 1909, a party of Spanish workmen were repair- 522b SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1908-1910 ing a bridge near the city of Melilla, on the Mediterranean shore of Morocco, when they were attacked by some natives, and several of the Spaniards were killed. The Spanish governor, with a force of regular troops, defeated the Moroccans in a spirited engage- ment, but was forced to retreat. The weakness of the Spanish forces in this district was thus revealed, and General Marina was sent to take charge of all the Spanish forces in Morocco and to head a punitive expedition. Upon this move of the Spaniards, the natives, to the number of 50,000, took up arms and attacked all the Spanish outposts. Early in August, General Marina asked for additional forces amounting to 40,000 men. The ordering of these troops for service in M'orrocco immediately precipitated popular uprisings throughout Spain and particularly in the province of Catalonia. For several da3^s in the latter part of July, riot, pillage, murder, and outrage ruled Barcelona until on July 26 martial law was declared. Two days later martial law was declared over the entire kingdom. In September the Spanish forces in Africa won several vic- tories over the Moors, two strongly fortified posts Zehuan and Mount Guruzu being taken by General Marina on September 27. The Spanish government celebrated these conquests by an aboli- tion of martial law in all the provinces except Gerona and Barce- lona; the instigators of the riots were sought out and punished. Among those who suffered for their beliefs and actions was Pro- fessor Francisco Ferrer, a Spanish educator of radical tendencies. The government claimed that he was the instigator and director of the Barcelona riots. He admitted his radical opinions, but denied any connection with the uprising. His trial was in secret, and he was condemned by a court-martial decree to death, the sentence being carried out on October 13 in spite of protests and petitions by sympathizers not only in Spain, but in France and Italy. The news of his death was the signal for general rioting throughout Europe; in London, Paris, Vienna, and Rome the police had great trouble in restraining demonstrators and in preventing violence. When the Cortes met on October 15, 1909, it expressed loyalty to the government and the throne. On October 21. Sefior Moret y Prendergast, the Liberal leader, was asked to form a ministry to succeed that of Maura, which had resigned. Within a week after this change in the government, the two provinces of Barcelona and Gerona had been freed from martial law, and more successes for THE BOURBON RESTORATION 522c 1909-l?I0 the Spanish had been reported from Africa. The Liberals were victorious in the municipal elections of December 12 of this same year, and internal affairs are in a more quiet state at present (1910), than for several years. In common with other countries Spain suffered from terrible storms during the latter part of the year 1909, considerable damage being done along the coast. On January 13, 1910, the captain-general of Madrid and several other Spanish army officers were relieved of their commands because of their action in expressing adverse criticism of the government. PART VIII PORTUGAL IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Chapter XXII EVENTS TO THE CLOSE OF THE PENINSULAR WAR 1789-1815 THE earlier narrative of the annals of this kingdom closed with the year 1789, when its then queen, Maria (Fran- cisca) L, lost what little intellect she possessed and the affairs of state had to be intrusted to her son Dom Joam, though he was not declared regent till ten years later. This prince did not come to the throne until the death of his mother in Brazil in 1816, though the government practically fell into his hands in 1792, when Europe began to feel the effects of the outbreak of the French Revo- lution. He assumed the crown of Portugal as Joam, or John, VL During his regency the nation became the theater of prolonged hostile strife, in consequence of its having joined the European coalition against revolutionary France and the First Consul, and later had to contend against the designs of Napoleon. This brought England to the regent's assistance, with the successive armies of Wellington during the historic period of the Peninsular war. At an earlier period Portugal had had a friendly understand- ing with England, dating from the era of the ]\Iethuen commercial treaty of 1703, which permitted Portuguese wines to be admitted at a low rate of duty into Britain, in return for concessions in Por- tugal in favor of English manufactures. The eft'ect of this prac- tical alliance was later on to give ])ermission to England to make use of Portugal as a base of operations against Spain in the war which that nation had entered upon in 1762 under Charles TH., at the period when his kingdom had a C(Mnpact with France and the Bourbon powers to restrain the operations of England in America, and, if possible, place limits upon her naval supremacy at sea. This war with Spain, as well as that with France, known in the New World as the French and Indian wars, brought signal disaster to the arms and colonial possessions of both those countries, while Por- tugal was aided In- hci English ally in securing the restoration from Spain of the Porluguese colonies which that power had taken from 5^5 526 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1756-1792 her, together with the withdrawal of Spanish and French troops from Portuguese territories. Portugal was fortunate at this period in having a capable and enlightened minister in the Marquis of Pombal, who did much for his country by effecting many wise reforms in the kingdom. In Europe after the Seven Years' war and the fall of the Jesuit order, a closer union took place between the Bourbon kingdoms of France, Spain, Naples, and Parma ; but these Latin countries, together with the power of the papacy, declined, while the Slav and Teutonic elements increased in strength and influence, and England began to have her hands full in her struggle with America in the War of Independence. During Pombal's intelligent but conservative administration Portugal pursued a peaceful policy, which gave opportunity for developing the economic as well as the general internal resources of the country, under the quasi-protection of Britain. The kingdom was for a lengthened period under the successive rules of John V. and Joseph (Jose), and was strongly absolutist. In 1773 slavery was abolished and the general enlightenment of the kingdom evinced by the attention to education. The University of Coimbra was modernized and reforms introduced in the army, while greater attention was given to agriculture and to the profitable product of the vine. Active measures were taken to build up anew and embel- lish Lisbon, the capital, which the earthquake in 1755 had nearly destroyed, and means for undertaking this were found in the princely revenues which Portugal long received from her diamond mines and other rich possessions in Brazil. By the time Dom Joam assumed the regency for his mother, all Europe was greatly affected by the menacing movement in revo- lutionary France. The Portuguese regent hastened to take part with Spain, then in the strong hands of Florida Blanca, in a war with the French republic. Though her army contingent, in unison with Spain, did good service in invading the French proy- ince of Roussillon and gallantly fighting in the eastern Pyrenees, besides taking part with her fleet with England in the Alediter- ranean, shortly afterwards Portugal was deserted by her Spanish ally. Spain's motive in this, under the influence of the new court favorite, Godoy, in concert with the French minister at r\ladrid, was jealousy of Portugal, and the scheming of France to make partition of the kingdom, inspired by the ambitious designs THE PENINSULAR WAR 527 1807 of Bonaparte, then rising to power. The natural result of this French intrigue at Madrid soon showed itself, when Spain made her peace with the French directory and declared w^ar against Eng- land in 1796. Bonaparte was engaged in his campaign in Italy against the united forces of Austria and Sardinia. After his victories in Italy the great dictator returned to Paris in December, and a year and a half later he set out for Egypt. At the battle of the Nile, as we know, France lost her llect, which was annihilated by Nelson, and though in his expedition Napoleon took Alexandria, won the battle of the Pyramids, and entered Cairo, he had a narrow escape from capture by English cruisers on his return to France. In the French capital we find him at the close of the century menaced by European monarchs, including Emperor Paul of Russia, while in the war of the Second Coalition against revolu- tionary France tlie Russian general Suwarrow gained a succession of victories over the French forces in Italy. ^Meanwhile Napoleon had become First Consul, on the abolition of the French directory, and in the course of time, with the reaction in France once more towards a monarchy, assumed the rank and title of emperor of the French and king of Italy. One of the am])itious schemes of Napoleon at this period, which he now proceeded to put into execution, was the reduction of Spain to the status of a vassal nation, with the ulterior design of placing a member of liis family on its throne. Another project was the invasion of Portugal, which he hated, and wished to punish by making partition of the kingdom, since he could not get the prince regent to concur in his continental system by closing the ports of the country to English commerce, driving out or imprisoning the English in the seaports, and confiscating their goods and chattels. The invasion and occupation of Portugal l)y a h^rcnch army under Junot so(jn took place, Junot's f(^rccs arriving at Lisbon from the Spanish border towards the end of November, 1807, just before the regent and the whole n^val family embarked for lirazil, under the convoy of some vessels of the luiglish licet. Murat, early in the following vcar, at the head of another wing of the French army, entered Spain and marched upon Madrid. Napoleon's intentions were soon disclosed in the Spanish ca{)ital, though under pretense of a professedly friendly hand. Soon after l-\^rclinand, Spain's heir-apparent, was lured to r)ayonne to an inierview wirli the French emperor, and there with his father, Cluuics III., who had 528 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1808 followed him, was forced to abdicate, and the stolen crown of Spain conferred upon Joseph Bonaparte. Meanwhile, the little kingdom of Portugal, invaded by French troops, and deserted by the reigning family, was in sad plight, especially as inklings got about of the treaty of Fontainebleau, October, 1807, which forshadowed the dismemberment of Por- tugal and its alienation and partition among the obsequious adher- ents of Napoleon. On the coming of Junot with his French army to Lisbon, though its commander at first showed the complaisant side of his face to the chief people at the capital, he presently pre- sented himself in another aspect by dissolving the council of regency which Dom John had called into existence before taking flight with his family to Rio de Janeiro. At the same time he seized all the money in the royal treasury, and by a requisition levy extracted two million francs from the coffers of the capital. He also disbanded the Portuguese army at Lisbon and sent to France democratic con- tingents of it, which became known in the later Napoleonic cam- paigns as the Portuguese Legion, and then notified the people, who were overawed and treated as a subject nation, that an end had come to the late reigning house of Braganza. When news of these rapacious and insolent acts got abroad, there were risings over the country, Oporto, particularly, being indignant at their occurrence. The latter city called into existence a patriotic junta, which seized the French governor, while from Braga to Fara there were risings against the French generals and inferior officers, who were either shot or expelled from the kingdom. Presently, also, came a reac- tion in Spain, with similar revolts against the common enemy, and, encouraged by these protests against French invasion and tyranny, the Portuguese called upon England to come as an ally to their assistance. This appeal was at once met by the dispatch to the country of an army under Sir Arthur Wellesley and the precipita- ting of the Peninsular war. The conscienceless game Napoleon was playing in the Penin- sula was met in Spain by the organization of juntas in the chief centers, by an insurrection, aided bv a strong armed force in Ara- gon, which had its inception at Saragossa: by the renunciation of all duty to the ]\Ladrid government at Valencia ; by a rising m Andalusia, where the French met with a crushing defeat, and by the general resort in many districts to guerrilla warfare. The con- sequences of these risings, and of the exasperation of the Spanish THE PENINSULAR WAR 529 1809-1810 people and their menacing attitude, shown in the fact that at this period 18,000 French soldiers laid down their arms, was the tem- porary withdrawal of Joseph Bonaparte and his flight for personal safety to Burgos. The patriot cause was at this juncture helped by the arrival at Corunna of 7,000 Spanish troops from Denmark, which had been relieved by the English admiral in Baltic waters from service there after the country had come to terms with Britain, following upon Nelson's great victory at Copenhagen and the seizure of Heligoland. The situation in both Spain and Port- ugal, as the result of Napoleon's intrigues, had roused hearty and active sympathy in England, which, as we have said, brought Wellesley to Portugal, where he landed at Mondego Bay, with a force of about 10,000 men, in 1808, to begin his operations in the Peninsula. In the north Sir John Moore, with a large army, was to cooperate with Sir Arthur, the objective point of both com- mands being Lisbon, the capital. Unfortunately, though Wellesley had met Junot and his army of Vimiera and given them a sound beating, the campaign was temporarily closed by the maladroit con- vention at Cintra, foolishly made on behalf of Britain by Sir Hew Dalrymple, a circumstance that brought upon that general the severe censure of the British government. This stupid interference in the affairs of the Peninsula was not made better by Moore's gallant stand at Corunna, whither he had retreated before the French, and where, although he lost his life, he repulsed 20,000 French veterans under Soult on January 16, 1809. WelleL'y, some months before this, had returned to England, leaving !I^,:oore in command at Lisbon, whence the latter took his way northward to his heroic death at Corunna. Here his command embarked for England, while Napoleon, leaving Soult in the field, had been recalled to France by the then threatening attitude of Austria. Presently, however, a new coalition, the fifth, was formed against the eni])eror, and included Britain, Austria, Por- tugal, and Spain. \\'e]lesley, who was to be the main cause of the French dictator's final overthrow, once more set out for Por- tugal, where he lanckxl at tlie mouth of the 'i'agns in April, 1809. Soult had invaded Portugal from the nortli. and marched westward upon Oporto. ^Meanwhile, Wellesley, with a force of 16,000 men, advanced from Lisbon by way of Coimbra, crossed the Dniirn, and drove Soult in retreat into Spain. Towards the end of Julv Ih-itain's great commander, now joined by a Span- 530 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1811-1812 ish force under Cuesta, fought the fiercely contested battle of Tala- vera, on the Tagus, southwestward of Madrid, repulsing with but 16,000 bayonets the French, over 30,000 strong, under Generals Victor and Jourdan and King Joseph, an achievement worthy of the exploits of the great Marlborough. For his victory Wellesley obtained a peerage, with the title of Viscount Wellington. Ham- pered rather than aided by the Spanish troops, and ill-supplied with necessaries for his army by Spain, whose battles he was fighting, Wellington was compelled to forego other operations in Spain and withdraw into Portugal. While doing so he established strong posts on the Tagus and a vast circle of defensive works along the line of French advance from Spain, which now entered Beira under Marshal Massena. This French general took some fortresses on the northeast of Portugal, and advanced upon Wellington's flank at Busaco, to the northward of Coimbra, where, on September 27, 18 10, he met with a bloody reverse at the hands of the British and Portuguese. Wellington now proceeded to fortify himself within the extensive lines he had caused to be constructed to defend the approaches to the capital at Torres Vedras, to the north of Lisbon. From these formidable lines Massena recoiled, though he had been bidden by his great master in Paris " to drive the English into the sea," and as his astute British adversary had desolated the region of country occupied by Massena, the latter and his shattered army, unable to find subsistence, were compelled to retrace their steps into Spain. After losing another great battle, this time at Fuentes de Onoro, Massena was peremptorily relieved of his command by Napoleon. The emperor directed Soult and Marmont to renewed attacks, but the decisive French defeat under the latter at Salamanca (July 22, 18 12) put an end to further French invasion of Portugal. This splendid victory of Wellington and his possessing himself of and fortifying those keys of Spain, Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, put such heart into the Spanish people for the renewed defense of their country against French aggression that King Joseph aban- doned his throne at IMadrid. The capital was entered and occupied by Wellington in August. Here the British commander was hailed with acclaim and received high honors from the Spanish govern- ment, while in England he was rewarded by another step in the peerage, as the Marquis of Wellington. While these events were happening, Napoleon, in conflict now with almost all Europe, had undertaken his ill-starred in- THE PENINSULAR WAR 631 1811-1813 vasion of Russia and marched upon Moscow, with the disastrous result familiar to everyone. England at this time, moreover, had upon her hands a war with the United States ; but in spite of that unnatural embroilment with her kin beyond the sea, she joined actively in the new (sixth) coalition of the European powers against France and her emperor, which now embraced Russia, Sweden, Austria, and Prussia, with some of the minor German states. Meantime Wellington had still opposed to him in Spain the French forces under Jourdan, Suchet, and the discrowned King Joseph, Soult and his army having been recalled to aid Napoleon in the struggle in central Europe. The chronicling of the final campaigns in the Peninsula, until the expulsion of the French, need not now long occupy us. With the withdrawal of portions of the French army for the greater needs of the emperor elsewhere, occurrences in Spain were shorn of much importance, though Wellington had in view, when he had driven the invaders out of the Peninsula, to maintain the fighting across the frontier on French soil. Undertaking this project, and leaving sufficient troops to check any attempts to disturb the upper waterways of the Tagus. \\"ellington moved northward upon Burgos, which the French abandoned to defend the passage of the Ebro. Here the enemy's position was turned, and the victors drove the French back upon and out of Victoria, when they fell back upon the moun- tain frontiers extending through Navarre and the Basque prov- inces close to the Bay of Biscay. In this region Pampeluna was blockaded, and the siege of St. Sebastian undertaken. The menace of the invasion of France by the Britisli and their Peninsular allies was now so great that Soult was sent to the southern frontiers to defend the country, when a series of bloody encounters, known as the battles of the Pyrenees, took place, after whicli St. Sebas- tian fell amid frightful bloodslicd ; while the Bidassoa was crossed, the battle of the Nivelle was fought and won, and the lower Adour River was reached and crossed. The end now approached, for Wellington had driven tlie I-^rench from the Peninsula and achieved his purpose of carrying on the struggle on the soil of France. Soult had done his best to defeat the latter project, but had signally failed; while, after Bayonne had h,ecn invested, the onward movement of the victors forced him inland and eastward. His losses had been a])])alling: yet he \\as ah'uu to suffer still others, for he was beaten at Orthes. unable to defend l^ordcaux. 532 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1813-1815 and after Wellington had crossed the Garonne, the great battle of Toulouse (April lo, 1814) went against him, and the French posi- tion on the heights above the city was taken. With the French evacuation of Toulouse and its occupation by the victors, came the end of strife in the region and the last of the Peninsular wars. The cessation of the long conflict, we need hardly add, was the result of Napoleon's disastrous defeat at Leipsic and Bliicher's entrance in great force into France, events which brought about the surrender of Paris, with the abdication of the emperor, and his commitment into exile at Elba. The necessary historic pendant to this has to be added, that Napoleon escaped from Elba and returned to France in March, 181 5, when he assumed once more the govern- ment of the empire. This brought on the period known as " The Flundred Days," during which Wellington, now a duke, was hur- ried off to Brussels, to crown his triumphs in the brief but decisive Waterloo campaign. On June 16, 181 5, Napoleon, with his veterans, attacked and inflicted a serious defeat upon the Prus- sians at Ligny; while Wellington repulsed Marshal Ney at Quatre Bras, who then fell back on the now historic field of Waterloo. Here, on Sunday, the i8th, after a long day's sanguinary conflict, Napoleon and the French army, together with the emperor's vet- erans of the Old Guard, were decisively beaten by the " Iron Duke," assisted by the Prussians under Bliicher. This final French dis- comfiture brought about the second abdication of Napoleon, and, after his capture by the Bellerophon and departure into exile in St. Helena, there followed the Peace of Paris, signed by the five great powers, and the rearrangement of the map of Europe. Chapter XXIII GROWTH OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY 1816-1910 ylFTER the expulsion of the French from the Peninsula, L\ and the historic sequel of Waterloo. Portugal has little -iL Jk- that is notable to record. The little kingdom for a time was given over to more or less civil strife: and in the absence of a court the nominally reigning family being still in Brazil the country fell to low estate in the rank of European nations, and was, in fact, but a dependency of its South Amer- ican colony. Her people, however, through the trying period of the war had manifested not a few creditable marks of greatness, which, had their nobles and chief leaders not basely deserted the country with their ruler, might have shown to more signal advantage, independently of English assistance. In contrast with the troops of Spain, Portuguese soldiers, more- over, had throughout the war given evidence of a higher patriot- ism, as well as of conspicuous bravery, endurance, and dis- cipline; and to their figliting qualities the great English captain who had led them through many and wearisome campaigns bore emphatic testimony. High, also, was the opinion in regard to them held by the English major-general Marshal Beresford, who had organized many thousands of Portuguese troops and, in spite of the thwartings of tlie ^Madrid Council of Regency, helped to put them efficiently in the field alongside frcsli contingents of the Eng- lish soldiery and the veteran English brigades. Meanwhile, masses of the people in various sections of the country were riven with discord. Political discontent showed itself in revolt against the inert administration at Lisbon, after it had lost tlie active aid and helpful direction of Mr. Villiers, the English ambassador at the caj)ital. This state of unrest was fol- lowed by the crealinn of rival juntas, composed largely of dis- charged troops, and even of those still in the pay of the country. One of these insurreclinnary bodies was at Oporto, the other was at the capital, and both threw off their old allegiance to constitu- ent 534. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1816-1822 tional authority and established provisional governments. What they sought in thus defying the Council of Regency was the sum- moning of the Cortes, with an enlarged representation of the peo- ple among its deputies. They also decried the existing constitu- tion and desired an end to come to government from Brazil, unless money was forthcoming from that quarter to pay arrears due the army at home, while among the more radical element there arose a cry for the sundering of British connection, now that the war subsidies from England had ceased. In short, the desire was that " Portugal should be ruled by the Portuguese." England took the hint to herself, and withdrew Marshal (now Lord) Beresford with his staff; while Russia, Austria, and Prussia recalled from Lisbon their respective ambassadors. In Portugal matters were complicated by the condition that had now existed for thirteen years with the prince regent a resident of Brazil, and drawing there largely upon the wealth which formerly had come to the motherland. When revolution in Portugal broke out, in 1820, Dom John, at the friendly instigation of England, was induced to return to Lisbon, leaving his son, Dom Pedro, regent at Rio de Janeiro in his absence. He left behind him instructions which practically made Brazil independent of the motherland, and directed his son, in the event of any disposition manifesting itself in the col- ony towards independence, to put the crown on his own head and thus save the rich transatlantic possession of the Portuguese for the house of Braganza. This precautionary measure, as it happened, proved ere long to be astutely taken, for Brazil, in September, 1822, declared herself independent of Portugal, and though the Portuguese warships at Rio made a show of resistance, in loyalty to royal con- nection at Madrid, Dom Pedro was elected emperor, having first subscribed to a liberal parliamentary constitution. On his return to Portugal Dom John, now King John VI., for his mad mother. Queen Maria Francisco, had died in 181 6, found the country in the throes of a revolution, mainly incited by his own cjueen. Carlotta did not live happily with her husband, though she returned to Portugal with him, and now schemed to seize the throne for her headstrong son, Dom Miguel, who was, however, be- lieved to be illegitimate. As neither mother nor son favored the new constitution of 1822, they were both compelled to leave Lisbon; but Miguel, nevertheless, continued to intrigue against his father and the constitutional monarchy, wnth the result that John VI. was obliged CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY 535 1822-1827 for a time to take refuge on an English man-of-war in the Tagus. At length, however, the insurrection was suppressed, and the king's unfilial son was banished. King John, not liking the situation of affairs in the country to which he had returned, and being enamored of life in Brazil, set out thither in 1824, leaving the kingdom under the regency of his daughter, Isabel Maria. In Brazil the king died in 1826, and the English government, desirous of securing a peaceable succession, with quietness in the kingdom, sent to Portugal an army division, under Sir William Clinton, to keep order and garrison the chief cities. Under this fostering pro- tection the Brazilian emperor Pedro was declared king as Pedro IV. ; but the new monarch, preferring residence in Rio, and wishing to gratify his Brazilian subjects, abdicated the throne in favor of his seven-year-old -daughter, Maria da Gloria, who became his suc- cessor in the kingdom, while her uncle, Dom ]\Iiguel, now free to return to Lisbon, was declared regent in 1827. The bigoted Dom ]\Hguel showed his intolerant, reac- tionary character, and the country came under a veritable reign of terror. The regent at once deposed and exiled Pal- mella, the prime minister, together with the leaders of the parlia- mentary or chartist party at the seat of government, who found an asylum in the Azores. Setting up absolute rule, he at the same time deported thousands to Africa, and imprisoned, for so-called political offenses, as many as 40,000 of the people. The inevitable result was the distraction and ruin of the kingdom. In the crisis con- flicting parties came togetlier, and, sinking their political differences, sought, under the constitution of 1820 and the charter of 1826, to assert their rights and endeavor to depose the tyrannous regent. Nor was the movement against Dom ^Miguel confined to Portugal, for Dom Pedro, in Brazil, inlluenced in part by disturbances in his American empire and the defection of one of its provinces, which declared its independence as the state of Uruguay, and in part by a desire to return to Portugal to espouse the cause of his youthful daughter, Maria da Gloria, tlicn being educated in Vienna, resigned the Brazilian crown in favor of liis son and set out for Europe. Pro- ceeding first to his nation's old ally, England, he was enabled to raise a loan in tlic ycning queen's interest, and hastened to the Azores, where tlie inlhiential exiled Portuguese had establislied a Council of Kegency, in tlie name of ?klaria da (jloria. Eor this act of hostility to Dom ^liguel thcv had l)cen visited bv a war 536 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1833-1834 fleet sent to the Azores by the tyrant, which, however, they were fortunate enough to fight off and repel. At the ex-emperor's com- ing he found no difficulty in raising an army of adherents, over 7,000 in number, and with them, and the money he had raised in England, Pedro set sail for Oporto. Here the Portuguese, sick of Miguel and his infamous regime, heartily rallied to the young queen's cause; but Miguel's forces, and the following of autocracy at his beck, were soon at the gates of the city, and laid siege to the place. The conflict that ensued was a long and harrowing one, for the besieged suffered from famine, while the besiegers were deci- mated by cholera breaking out among them. At length the Miguel- ite fleet which invested the city on its sea front was defeated, and another section of it, later on, off Cape St. Vincent. The army of besiegers was twice badly beaten, in March, 1833, and in July, when the Pedroites raised the siege and got abroad in the country, it was put to rout and the capital was entered. In the next year Dom Pedro summoned his daughter to Lisbon, and her accession as Queen Maria IL was recognized by England, France, and Spain. The last named country aided Maria's cause by sending two Spanish armies to Portugal to uphold the young queen's interests and crush the Miguelites. This was finally achieved in May, 1834, at Evora Monte, when Dom Miguel sur- rendered, abandoned all right to the Portuguese throne, and with the promise of a pension left the kingdom. Queen Maria IL, although still young, was declared of age, and met the Cortes, having previously appointed her loyal adherent, Palmella, now a duke, president of the Executive. The Cortes declared the throne forever forfeit to Dom Miguel and his heirs, and forbade them, on pain of death, to return to Por- tugal. It, moreover, put under ban, and indeed abolished, the friar orders that had espoused, and interestedly and actively aided, the ]\Iiguelite cause. But the return of peace, with the promise of much usefulness to the country as the result of the new regime and of Palmella's beneficent system of parliamentary government, was not long to gladden the heart of the queen's paternal counselor and wise adviser, for towards the close of the year (1834) Pedro died near Lisbon, worn out by his anxieties and solicitudes for his daughter's welfare, at the same time leaving behind him an honored name dear to the best and most patriotic people of the nation. CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY 537 1835-1847 The death of the good Pedro of Brazil and the fall of his am- bitious empire in the latter country were circumstances not only sadly adverse to Maria II. 's interests in the motherland, but, with the political strife that ensued, were unfavorable to the stability of monarchy in Portugal. Though the house of Braganza recovered for the time from the shocks it had received by these events, the throne for many years seemed to totter, while the state of the na- tion's finances became deplorable, and its credit in the bourses of Europe bad. With the strifes of factions at the capital and the coun- try districts overrun and distracted by guerrillas and bandits, Portu- gal throughout this reign had an unhappy experience. In spite of this, the young queen, as the nation wanted an heir to the throne, within a short time twice entered the bonds of wedlock, marrying, first, Augustus, Duke of Leuchtenberg, and, on his death, within a year, allying herself with Duke Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, nephew of Leopold of the Belgians. The latter the queen made commander- in-chief of the army, and under him there was soon need of the services of the troops, as serious disturbances broke out at the capital over the political complexion of affairs, with an urgent demand for a revision of the constitution. Before this was acceded to there was considerable fighting in Lisbon, though quiet for a time reigned, when the constitution of 1838, a modification of that of 1822, was granted. For four years the new instrument of government worked fairly well, until a demand was made upon the Executive for a revival of the Oporto charter of 1826. Political pressure caused the charter to be adopted, especially as many influential people clamored fur it, among them being the Duke of Terceira and Costa Cabral, the latter, after a change of government, becoming president of the cabinet, and, later on. Count of Thomar. A further outbreak occurred shortly after this, instigated by a third party in the state, the Septcmbrists, who sought to control the administration of affairs. So serious did it become that much fighting ensued, with an attempt to elevate Saldanha, the statesman and general, who again came to power. Still another rising fol- lowed, which brouglit on the wretched war of Maria da Fonte. Through foreign intervention it was, however, ended in 1847, when by tlie convcnticrn of Granada an amnesty was declared. Un- der Saldanha's administration, two years later, the wheel of fate, put in motion by the Count of Thomar. again upset the government and seated the count in office, onlv to be overturned once more 538 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1851-1876 by Saldanha in 1851, with the army at his back. The following year saw some return to stability in Portuguese affairs, with a new revision of the charter and concessions made to the radical party in the state. Tlie era of tumult closed speedily after this, with the death of Maria 11., in November, 1853, and the assumption of the regency, on behalf of Pedro, the heir-apparent, by Ferdinand, Maria da Gloria's widower-husband. In 1855 ^^^^ young king came of age and into the line of succession as Pedro V., marrying, two years later, the Princess Stephanie of Hohenzollern. Pedro V. assumed the government of Portugal in 1855, as we have said, but did not live long to rule, as six years later he fell a victim to cholera, w-hich, with a calamitous outbreak of yellow fever, at this period ravaged Lisbon, then in a most unsanitary condition. The era, politically, was a vast improvement over that of Maria IL The country, with freedom from strife and convulsion, made much advancement; while literature sufficiently felt the calm of the time to burgeon out afresh after a long period of lethargy. The only important event of a disturbing character dur- ing Pedro's era was the threatened invasion of the Tagus by a fleet sent by Napoleon III. to demand monetary compensation for the seizure of a French vessel by the Portuguese authorities at Mozam- bique in 1858. Portugal complied with the demand, yet the government held that there was injustice in this, since the vessel in question was seized because it had, under a thin disguise, been en- gaged in the contraband slave trade off the African coast. The successor on the throne to Pedro was his brother, Dom Luis, Vv-ho, after a brief period under the regency of Ferdinand, came to the crown in 1861, and married shortly afterwards Maria, a daughter of Victor Emmanuel, king of Italy. The political parties acquiesced patriotically in the new regime, though the vet- eran statesman, Saldanha, now almost the last of the old party leaders, appeared menacingly one day at court in 1870, and insisted that King Luis should dismiss his chief minister, the Duke of Louie. The complaisant king wisely humored the old veteran, now a duke, by giving him a seat in the cabinet, after which he dis- patched him to London, as Portuguese ambassador at the court of St. James, where he died in the year 1876. For the next twenty-eight years Portugal made uninterrupted strides in national advancement, Luis I. reigning peacefully throughout this lengthened period, and dying, to the kingdom s CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY 639 1876-1889 great regret, in October, 1889. Ten years before this the flight of Isabella of Spain and the revohition that followed that event brought up the question of a suitable sovereign for the Spanish throne. Among the names under consideration at Madrid was that of Ferdinand of Portugal, the husband of the late Maria da Gloria. The offer was made to him, but declined, when Amadeus, Duke of Aosta, the candidate of Prim, was finally chosen and accepted the crown. The incident shows the degree of favor with which Spain regarded this member of the Portuguese royal family, and how near an approach was then made to the possible and desirable union of the two old countries in the Peninsula under one government. The opportunity of federation was, fortunately or unfortunately, let slip at this crisis, and was not renewed, as it was hoped it would be, during the early seventies, when Spain was oscillating between a monarchy and a republic. The successor of Luis I. of Portugal was his oldest son, Dom Carlos, born in 1863, who was crowned in 1889, taking the title of Carlos (Charles) I. He was the third of the line of the Braganza- Coburg family. In 1886, three years before coming to the throne, he married Marie Amelie, daughter of Philippe, Due d'Orleans, Comte de Paris, and had issue two sons, Luis Philippe, Duke of Braganza (born 1887), and Manuel (born 1889). On Charles Fs coming to the crown, republican sympathies and aspirations in the kingdom were exercised over the dethronement in Brazil of the king's great uncle, Emperor Pedro III, and the reversion of the country to the status of a republic. Beyond a flutter in democratic circles in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal, however, remained loyal to monarchy, thanks to the popular representative institutions which the country at last enjoyed and in spite of the strong social- istic element in the chief cities, which fortunately was not now revolutionary in character. The government is still according to the "Constitutional Charter granted by Pedro IV in 1826, though altered by the Cortes in 1852, in 1885, and in 1896, and with electoral reforms and a remodeling of the house of peers dating from 1895. Like Spain a hereditary monarchy, Portugal recognizes descent in the female line. The government, in addition to the legislative, executive, and judicial functions, includes a "moderating" power vested in the sovereign. 540 SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 1869-1907 Primary education is compulsory by law, but the law, it must be admitted, is not enforced, and of the children of the lower classes only a small percentage can be said to be regular school attendants. The Roman Catholic Church is the state religion, but all forms of worship are tolerated. To-day continental Portugal consists of six natural provinces, with the Azores and Madeiras, considered as an integral part of the kingdom, making eight provinces in all, and an area of 35,490 square miles. The northern provinces may be said to be more flourishing than the southern, but a glance at the statistics of recent years shows conclusively that the natural wealth of the little coast- clinging country has by no means been made use of. Nearly 46 per cent, of the acreage is reported as waste, and the estimate for pasture and fallow lands represents another 26.7 per cent. Wide tracts, it is asserted, lie neglected but capable of profitable cultiva- tion. On the other hand it must be admitted that the country is at serious disadvantage in its lack of adequate coal supply and the general scarcity of fuel. Though rich in other and rarer minerals the lack of coal which in general regulates the cheapness of trans- portation facilities, accounts in large part for the lack of develop- ment of the country's natural resources. In 1904 a cabinet crisis occurred over the question of sending an expedition against the natives rebelling in Portuguese South Africa. Castro became premier and under him was formed a new administration. In November a treaty was signed with China, looking to commercial relations with Macao at the mouth of the Canton River. In the same year an arbitration treaty was signed with Great Britain and another with the United States of Americai On the whole, but little remains to be chronicled of Portuguese his- tory for the last few years. The visits of the sovereign to .King Edward VII of England, in 1902, and again in 1904, and his own exchange of courtesies with President Loubet of France in 1905, are of importance only as indicating the cordial relations now existing between Portugal and the European nations. At the beginning of 1907, there were no funds on hand to meet the expenses of the state, and the government brought into play the unwritten law which allows the king to carry on afiFairs, for at least three years, without summoning a parliament. In May, 1907, the premier, Dom J. F. C. Franco, attempted to allay the pop- ular excitement caused by this action of the king with a statement I CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY 541 1989-1910 that his administrative dictatorship was but temporary, and when the various political parties had learned to work in unison a parlia- ment would be summoned. The newspapers in the towns started an agitation against Premier Franco, who in return, with the sanc- tion of the king, forbade any criticism of the government and sup- pressed those newspapers which violated the decree. General elec- tions were promised by the government for the early part of March, 1908. But on February i, 1908, as King Carlos and Queen Amalia were driving from the railway station to the palace with their two sons, several shots were fired at the party by assassins, and the king and the crown-prince were both killed. Many believe that the rule of Premier Franco was the aggravation liiat caused the assas- sination. The king's second son, Prince Manuel, succeeded to the throne under the title of Manuel II. Premier Franco resigned and left the country. A new ministry was formed under Admiral Ferreira de Amaral, an Independent. By the end of February all the repres- sive measures of Franco were repealed. The elections were held as previously promised and were the cause of some rioting in Lis- bon. The Cortez was summoned on April 29. In August was passed a tariff bill doubling the duties on articles from countries which discriminated against Portugal. On December 21, the municipal council of Lisbon discovered that $7,000,000 of the city's funds had been misappropriated. The friends of Franco took ad- vantage of this scandal to reorganize, and on December 23, 1908, a new ministry was formed with Pereira de Lima, a former minis- ter of foreign affairs, as premier. In 1909 the question of the young king's marriage was upper- most in interest in the affairs of Portugal. The new progressive cabinet formed on December 22, 1909, was headed by Senor Beisao, and met with popular approval. The most important matter before it during the latter part of 1909 and early part of 1910 was the settlement of the boundary lines of ]\Iacao, the seaport on the Chinese coast, which it has occupied since the early part of the seventeenth century. China having refused to submit the question to arbitration, Portugal is equally determined not to adjust the difficulty this way and it still (loio) remains unsettled. Portu- gal, too, suffered from the lu-av}' storms during the latter part of 1909, but not as seriously as Prance. 542 CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCHY 1889-1910 Of recent years the kingdom has lost, in the way of emigra- tion to old colony of Brazil, many thousands of its enterprising pop- ulation, who thus seek to escape, with other financial exactions, the burdensome taxation imposed to meet interest on the large national debt, and at the same time live under prosperous conditions in "a greater Portugal," as Brazil is admiringly termed. The kingdom's loss in population to its other colonies has not been great, though their founding and maintenance (if we except the rich but now independent Brazil) has cost the mother country, first and last, a large amount of money. The dependencies now left to her are situated in Asia and Africa, and include Goa, on the Malabar coast; Danao, on the coast, one hundred miles north of Bombay, with the small island of Diu, about one hundred and fifty miles west of Danao. The trade of these possessions is chiefly with some adjacent islands, at the mouth of the Canton River. Their trade is mainly in Chinese hands, and consists of the now dwindling exports of opium. She also owns Timor, a Portuguese settlement on the eastern section of the island of that name in the Malay Archipelago, with a small island attached. The chief prod- ucts here are coffee and wax. Another dependency is Portuguese Guinea, on the coast of Senegambia, with the adjacent archipelago of Bijagoz, and the island of Bolamo. From the chief port, that of Bissau, are exported wax, rubber, oil seeds, hides, and ivory. Portugal owns the Cape Verde Islands, the capital of which is Praia, with a considerable trade, together with the islands of St. Thomas and Prince, the combined provinces of which are under a governor. Angola, in the Congo region of Western Africa, with over a thousand miles of coast line, the capital of which is St. Paul de Loanda, is another possession of Portugal. Angola has 470 miles of railway open with a system of telegraphs and is rich in mineral wealth, besides its export trade in rubber and coffee.^ In Portuguese East Africa, with the three districts of Mozambique, Zambesi, and Lourengo Marques, the nation has an important dependency, with a trade in rubber, wax, ivory, and various ores. The colony has also the modern adjuncts of railways and about a thousand miles of telegraph line. The combined area of all these colonial possessions is 802,952 English square miles, with a popnla- ' Recent authors, notably among them Henry W. Nevison, claim that slave traffic with the neighboring islands, under disguise of '" contract labor," is a source of enormous revenue to Portuguese traders in Angola. SPAIN AND PORTUGAL 642a 1889-1910 tion estimated to exceed 9,000,000, chiefly natives. Few of them, however, do more than pay the cost of their local administration, and can therefore hardly be deemed valuable to the motherland. In Africa her sons have been adventurous in undertaking exploration, and, like Serpa Pinto, have accomplished not a little in penetrating and opening up vast sections of the Dark Continent. In doing so, the question of international boundaries has frequently come up, to the embarrassment of the kingdom and its local representatives. Mozambique and Angola, as historical students know, were origi- nally ports of call for the pioneer fleets of Portugal on their ven- turesome early voyages to India, when they were not only occu- pied by her sons, but strongly fortified. As a modern colonial power, Portugal, the nation that pro- duced Bartholomew Diaz, Magellan, and Vasco da Gama, it will be seen, has a respectable status, far exceeding that now of her Peninsular neighbor, since Spain, by the war with the United States, has been shorn of her colonial possessions, with those she parted with for a monetary consideration to Germany. Spain's possessions abroad are now confined to those in Africa, which, though nearly 244,000 square miles in extent, have a population of only 136,000. She has also the Canary Islands, which for admin- istrative purposes are considered part of the Spanish kingdom, with the country on the banks of the rivers Muni and Campo, but the ownership is contested by France. In literature and art, Spain, on the other hand, has far surpassed Portugal in achievement, if we except the immortal " Lusiad " of Camoens ; though in archi- tecture she makes a creditable showing, not only in Lisbon, but in various other cities of the kingdom, especially at Cintra, Braga, Evora, and Coimbra. Nor, comparatively speaking, is she so de- cadent a power as Spain, while her people are far less turbulent and treacherous. What licr future may be it is not within human power safely to predict; but her destiny may yet be a hope- ful and bright one, if, with righteousness and true patriotism, she pursues the paths of peace and of progressive national, intellectual, and economic development. BIBLIOGRAPHY m BIBLIOGRAPHY The sources of Spanish history inckide the meager chronicles of Christian ecclesiastics and the more elaborate narratives of Moorish historians. Reliable accounts from the Moorish side commence with the collection of these latter in the famous " Mohammedan Dynasties," translated by Don Pascual de Gayangos. The chronicles of the early Christian writers, Isidorus Paccnsis (754 j, Sebastion of Salamanca (866-910), the monks of Silas and Albelda (881-883), etc., all are included in Florez's monumental work " Espana Sagrada," which represents what now remains of old Spanish history. Fortunately this noble beginning has been brought down continuously to 1850, constituting now a veritable and comparatively virgin mine of historic richness. The chronicles of Alfonso X and his successors carry the record to Alfonso's reign. But tb.e modern spirit of investigation may be said to have only just begun in Spain. Voluminous and valuable as are the historic documents available, unfortunately they are not always easily accessible. It remains for a future historian to collect and compare, and when in addition the scattered and ill-classified material to be found in Spanish archives has been made judicious use of, we may look for what as yet does not exist in any language, a full, comprehensive, sequential history of the Spanish Peninsula and its people. GFx\ERAL HISTORIES Burke, Ulick Ralph. " History of Spain to the Death of Ferdinand." 2d ed. (Hume). New York, 1900. One of the most useful English works. Hale, Edward Everett, and Ilale, Susan. "Spain" (Story of the Nations). New York, 1899. Traces the successive steps from Iberia to the Spain of glory, and on to the Spain of our own day, intentionally avoiding the details of long periods in order to emphasize the important steps of progress. Herculano, Alexandra." Historia de Portugal." 1848-1853. Based on careful examination and comparison of contemporary documents and the first to distinguish fact from legend in the early history of Portugal. Hume, M. A. S, " The Spanish People, Their Origin, Growth and Influence." New York, 1901. Lafuente, Modcsta, and Valcra, Juan. -" Historia general de Iispana." 28 vols. Barcelona. Extends from the death f)f King h'crdinand VH. ami ranks among the best modern histories f)f Spain. Lcmbke and Sduifcr. ' Ceseliiclite von Spanien." 3 vols. Hamburg, 1831-1861. This is considered by scholars the best general history of Spain ever pub- lished, though still leaving much to be desired. Morse-Stephens, li." Portugal" (Story of the Nations). New York. 1890. One of the bci^t of that series and practically the only really good modern general Instory of Portugal. Oliveira-Martins. j. P." Historia de Portugal." 5th ed. 2 vols. Lisbon, 1880. A good consecutive narrative. 546 BIBLIOGRAPHY Parmcle, Mary Piatt. " A Short History of Spain." New York, 1898. Aims at exclusion of confusing details ; a book of " essentials," dealing with the main facts and influences of development and with little attention to incidents by the way. SPECIAL PERIODS AND PHASES Alfonso X. "Chronica General." Compiled and partly written by the King. The earliest book of any im- portance in the Romance or Castilian tongue, with a literary rather than historic value. Alfonso's example was followed by his successors, so that the chronicles of the later reigns down to Ferdinand and Isabella are pre- served. Baumgarten, Hermann. " Geschichte Spaniens vom Ausbruch des franzosischen Revolution bis auf unsere Tage." 3 vols. Leipsic, 1860-1871. For its period this work, based on careful research and attractively written, has no rival in any language. Ballaert, William. " The Wars of Succession in Portugal and Spain from 1826 to 1840; wath a Resume of the Political History of Portugal and Spain to the Present Time." 2 vols. London, 1870. In the limited bibliography of this important period Ballaert's volumes acquire some importance, though intrinsically not of extraordinary value. Brown, J. ]\I. " Historical Review of the Revolutions of Portugal since the Close of the Peninsular War." Collado, M. Danvilay. "El Poder Civil en Espana." 6 vols. Madrid, 1893. This work, dealing with the growth and decay of civil power, possesses the highest value. Coppee, Henry. " History of the Conquest of Spain by the Arab Moors, with a Sketch of the Civilization They Achieved and Imparted to Europe." 2 vols. Boston, 1881. Attractive in presentation and a thoroughly readable account, as well as extremely interesting and important in subject. Coxe, Archdeacon William. " Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of the House of Bourbon from the Accession of Philip V. to the Death of Charles HI. (1700-1788)." 2d edition. London, 1815. 5 vols. The work of a conscientious historian, prepared after great labor in the field of original investigation, the memoirs have hardly been shaken in authority by more recent contributions to the literature of the period. Crawfurd, Oswald. " Portugal, Old and New." London and New York, 1880. An important addition to the scanty historical literature of Portugal. Its author was for many years English consul at Oporto, and his close observa- tions united with experienced scholarship to produce this volume. The value of the book is much increased by the attention given to literature and the life of the people. Danvers, C. F. " The Portuguese in India." London, 1894. Furnishes an account of the Portuguese ascendancy in the East and exhibits the commercial policy of Portugal. Dunlap, John. " Memoirs of Spain during the Reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II. (1621-1700)." 2 vols. Edinburgh, 1834. Important to the English reader, but does not rank with the larger works ia French and German. Elliot, Frances Minto. "Old Court Life in Spain." 2 vols. New York, 1894. Vivid pictures of historic scenes and personages. BIBLIOGRAPHY 547 "La Espana del Siglo XIX." t, vols. Madrid, 1885-1887. A series of historical essays, originally given as lectures in the Atheneum of Madrid. Fernald, James C " The Spaniard in History." New York, 1898. The author believes that a comprehension of the leading traits of Spanish character will afford the best means of estimating the history of the nation. His book is limited, therefore, to the critical moments of the history of Spain, and does not furnish a complete chronology. Hume, M. A. S." Spain, its Greatness and Decay (1479-1788)." Cambridge, 1897. Traces the working out of historic cause and effect in the period covering the rise and decadence of Spain and the commencement of its " fallacious resuscitation." 'Ilie author attempted, and has succeeded in, absolute impar- tiality, so that his work is a trustworthy as well as readable account. "Modern Spain. 1788-1898" (Story of the Nations). New York, 1900. The story of the Spanish nation during a century of struggle upward from mediccvalism. "The Year after the Armada and other Historical Studies." New York, 1896. Makes use of certain previously neglected contemporary sources which seem to throw fresh light on important periods. The vokune contains nine essays. Irving, Washington. " The Conquest of Granada." Many editions. The charm of Irving's style and the permanent value of this particular work hardly need any emphasis. James I., King of Aragon. The Chronicles of, written by Himself. Trans- lated from the Catalan by John Forster, with Historical Introduction, etc., by Pascual de Gayaugos. 2 vols. London, 1883. One of the most remarkable historical productions of the 13th century, pre- serving a simple, manly style, without pretense to elegance, but giving living reality to the multitudinous events of a long and agitated reign. Jessett, M. G. "The Key to South Africa: Delagoa Bay." London. 1900. Johnston, Sir Harry. " The Colonization of Africa." Cambridge, 1899. The part of the Portuguese in the development of Africa, and the commer- cial-colonial policy of the nation may be followed in these two books. Lacroix, Paul. " Bcautcs de I'liistoire de la domination dcs Arabes ct dc Manrcs en Espagnc et en Portugal." 1824. Landmann, George. " Historical, Military, and Picturesque Observations on Portugal." London, 1818. 2 vols. The descriptive part is more attractive and more valuable than tiie historical, but the work as a whole has been superseded by Crawfurd's. Lane-Poole, S., and Gilman, A. "Story of tlie Moors in Spain" (Story of the Nations). New York, 189 1. Popular in treatment and very good. Latimer, Elizabeth Wormelev. " Spain in the Nineteenth Century." Chicago. 1897. Offers the reader a general survey of the period witliin its title linn'ts. Relying entirely upon contemporary sources, Miss Latimer's vohmie supplies the first continuous history of Spain in the last century. MacMurdo, M. M., and Montciro, ^I, "History of Portugal." 3 vols. London, 1888. Limited to the period from Diniz to .Alfonso V. Practically a translation of Herculano's work. -Major, R. 11. "Prince Henry the Navigator." London, 1877. 548 BIBLIOGRAPHY Marliani, M. de. " Histoire Politique de I'Espagne Moderne, suivie d'un Apcrgu sur Ics Finances." 2 vols. Paris, 1840. Of value, but hardly equal to Baumgarten on the same period. Mariana, J. de. " Historia General de Espana." In point of style Mariana has been called the Spanish Livy, and he is regarded as the national historian of the 17th century. Ticknor describes him as uniting " picturesque chronicling with sober history." Writing before the era of " scientific history," Mariana must be taken as a model of the historian's art without the historian's knowledge. Mazade, Charles de. " L'Espagne Moderne." Paris, 1855. A descriptive commentary by a trained student of political conditions, ten- dencies, and events. The only misfortune is that it covers so short a period. Medeiros, Tavares de. "Das Staatsrecht des Konigrcichs Portugal." Freiburg, 1892. Mendes, A. Lopes. "A India Portuguesa." 2 vols. Lisbon, 1886. Meyrick, F. " The Church in Spain." London, 1892. Mommsen; Theodor. " Provinces of the Roman Empire." Eng. translation. New York, 1887. Napier, Sir William Francis Patrick. " History of the War in the Peninsula and the South of France." London, 1883. One of the best military histories in literature and a vivid picture of the events of the campaign. Oliveira-Martins, J. P. " Portugal Contemporanes." 2 vols. Lisbon, 1881. " O Brasil e as colonias portugtiezas." Lisbon, 1888. "Portugal em Africa." Porto, 1891. Prescott, William H. " History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella." 3 vols. Philadelphia. It was Ticknor who introduced Prescott to the unworked literary wealth of Spanish history. In the early chapters of the first volume Prescott excellently summarizes the history of Spain during the Middle Ages. Other chapters furnish good accounts of Spain's political and social condition, and the chapter on the Inquisition is an admirable sketch. " History of the Reign of Philip II." 3 vols. Philadelphia. Although never completed (in vol. iii the account reaches 1580), this work has been lauded justly, not only for its value as literature, but for its true historian spirit and "tolerant and dispassionate judgment." Scott, S. P. " History of the IMoorish Empire in Europe." 1904. Seignobos, Charles. " Political History of Contemporary Europe." New York. Southey, Robert. " Chronicle of the Cid." Translated from the Spanish, with an introduction by Henry Morley. 1894. " The Cid " is as much history as literature. Strobel, Edward Henry. "The Spanish Revolution, 1868-1875." Boston, 1898. Covers the most interesting period in the modern history of Spain. Wallis, S. T. "Spain, Her Institutions, Politics, and Public Men." Baltimore, 1896. Watts, H. E. "The Christian Recovery of Spain" (Story of the Nations). New York, 1894. A concise and judicious summary of the period from the conquest of the Moors to the fall of Granada. Whiteway, R. S. " Rise of the Portuguese Power in India." London, 1899. Contributes to an important historic and economic subject. Wilson, H. W. "The Downfall of Spain: Naval History of the Spanish-Ameri- can War." London, 1899. Yonge, Charlotte M. " The Story of the Christians and Moors in Spain." New York, 1878. BIBLIOGRAPHY 549 Miss Yonge described her famous book as an effort to " combine in a gen- eral view Spanish and Moorish histor}', together with tradition, romance, and song." Her work is a compilation designed to give a surface idea to the reader. Zimmerman. " DjV Kolonialpolitik Portugals und Spaniens." Berlin, 1896. LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AND ART Balagner, V. " Ilistoria de los trovadores" Madrid, 1888. Bermudez, J. A. Cean. " Sumario dc la:: Antigiiedades Romanas en Espana." Madrid, 1832. One of the few useful and reliable works on the important subject of Spanish architecture. Bruyn, Theophilo. " Antologia Portugucca." 1876. " Cancioneiro Portuguez." 1876. Both books are valuable, and the learned introductory essays will repay close reading. Clarke, H. Butler. " Spanish Literature : An Elementary Handbook." New York, 1893. An excellent introduction to the subject, with good selections from Spanish authors. Not a substitute for Ticknor, but in every respect a well-written compendium. Garcia, Francisco Blanco. " Literatura Espanola en el Siglo XIX." 2 vols. Madrid, 1891. One of the most useful volumes for the modern period, and a good supple- ment to Ticknor's volume. Grober. " Grimdriss des romanischcn Philologic." Strassburg, 1894. Vol. II, pt. 2, of Grober contains a sketch of Portuguese literature by Caro- lina Michaelis de Vasconcellas, and this is probably the best account as yet. Justi, Carl. "Diego Velasquez and His Times." Translated by A. H. Keanc. London, 1889. A book of exceptional value. Kelly, James Fitzmaurice. " A History of Spanish Literature." New York, 1898. Lemcke, E. " Handhuch dcr spanischcn Littcratur." Leipsic, :856. Menendez y Pelayo. " Historia dc las Ideas Esieticas en Espana." Madrid, 1886. " La Cienca Espanola." Madrid, 1889. These volumes furnish exhaustive bibliographies of Spani.sh art, philosopliy, and science. Plummer, Mary Wright. "Contemporary Spain as Shown by Her Novelists." London, 1899. Valuable for tlie light thrown on present religious, political and social con- ditions. Sismondi, J. C." Literature of Southern luirope " (Roscoe). New York. Rivadeneyra. " Biblioteca dc auturcs cspanolcs." 71 vols. Madrid, 1846-1880. The best collection of the Sfjanish ckissics, including masterpieces from tiie earliest times down to the opening of the nineteenth century. Stirling-Maxwell, Sir W. " Annals of the Artists of Spain." London, i8<)i. Originally published in 1848, tliis work has held its rank of chief importance for many years. It is based on Bernuulcz's " Diccionario." and is historically accurate. Ticknor, Georcre. " History of Sp;misli T.i'teratr.re." 41)1 ed. Boston, 1871. In point of vahie Ticknor's volunu' takes undisputed first place among his- tories of Spanish literature. Critical and comprehensive, it is undoubtedly 550 BIBLIOGRAPHY tlie most useful handbook for the average reader, and fully covers the sub- ject before the nineteenth century. From the point where Ticknor breaks off only modern Spanish authors are as yet available. TRAVEL AND DESCRIPTION Amicis, Edmondo de. " Spain and the Spaniards." New York, 1892. Translated from the Italian by Wilhelmina Cady. The book has the charm of an intimate " letters home " style. Baedeker, Karl. " Spain and Portugal." 2d ed. 1901. The Baedeker guide book should be referred to by the reader as well as traveler. Bates, Katharine Lee. " Spanish Highways and Byways." London, 1900. Records the impressions of a traveler awake to the picturesque and poetic charm of the Peninsula. Biddle, A. J. D. "The Land of the Wine" (Madeira Islands). 2 vols. Phila- delphia, 1901. Blond, Mrs. A. de. " Cities and Sights of Spain." London, 1904. Borrow, George. " The Bible in Spain." London, 1893. An account of the journeys, adventures, and imprisonments of an English missionary. " The Zincali : An Account of the Gypsies of Spain." London, 1901. Brown, A. S. " Madeira and the Canary Islands." London, 1894. Chapman, A., and Buch, W. T. " Wild Spain." London, 1893. An admirable work for the sportsman and naturalist. Crawfurd, Oswald. " Round the Calendar in Portugal." London, 1890. Elliot, Frances Minto. " Diary of an Idle Woman in Spain." 2 vols. London, 1884. Finch, Henry T. "Spain and Morocco: Studies in Local Color." New York, 1891. Hale, E. E. " Seven Spanish Cities and the Way to Them." 1890. Hare, A. J. C. " Wanderings in Spain." 6th ed. London, 1892. Hay, John. " Castilian Days." Boston, 1882. Higgin, J. " Spanish Life in Town and Country." New York, 1903. Jaccaci, Augu.st F. " On the Trail of Don Quixote." New York, 1896. A record of rambles in the ancient province of La Mancha. The book is illustrated (by Daniel Vierge), which considerably increases its charm of suggestion. Kennedy, Bart. " A Tramp in Spain from Andalusia to Andova." 1904. Lathrop, George Parsons. " Spanish Vistas." New York, 1883. A faithful picture of Spain as seen by a careful observer. Numerous sketches from life contribute to a vivid impression. Rose, H. J. " Untrodden Spain and Her Black Country." New York, 1875. " Among the Spanish People." New York, 1877. Sellers, C. " Oporto, Old and New." London, 1899. Smith, F. Hopkinson. " Well Worn Roads of Spain, Holland, and Italy." Boston, 1886. Stoddard, Charles Augustus. " Spanish Cities, with Glimpses of Gibraltar and Tangier." New York, 1892. Of unusual value as a record of travel and enhanced by the attention given to historic associations. Williams, L. " The Land of the Dons." London, 1902. Wood, C. W. "Letters from Majorca." London. " The Romance of Spain." London, 1900. " Glories of Spain." London, 1901. INDEX INDEX Abazuza: battle of (1873), 514 Abdalkerim : campaign against Alfonso the Chaste, "jt, Abdalla ben Abderahman : revolts against Alhakem, 72; revolts against Abderahman II, 73 Abdalla ben Abdelmelic : his campaign against the Gauls, 72 Abdalla ben Balkin, king of Granada : dethroned, 89 Abdalla ben Humusqui : defeats the Al- mohades, 95 Abdalla ben Malchi : campaign against Alfonso the Chaste, ^2) Abdalla ben Mohammed, caliph of Cor- dova : reign of, 75 Abdalla ben Mohammed el Zagai, king of Granada: reign of, 121 Abdallah Abu Mohammed, surnamed Aladel, Mohammedan ruler: reign of, 102 Abdelasis ben Muza : his campaign in Spain, 51; succeeds to command in Spain, 63 Abdelbar, hagib of Granada : revolt of, 119 Abdelmelic, governor of Seville: crushes rebellion of Yussuf, 69 Abdelmelic ben Cotan : made emir of Spain, 65 Abdelmelic ben Giafar, surnamed Amad Dola: reign of, gi Abdelmelic ben Mohammed : made regent of Cordova, 79 Abdelmumen, iraan of the Almohades: reign of, 95 Abderahman I, caliph of Cordova : his conquests in Catalonia, 219 Abderahman (11) ben Alhakem, caliph of Cordova : reign of, "2, Abderahman (III) ben Mohammed, caliph of Cordova: reign of, 'jb; campaign against Ordono II of Leon, 135; invades Navarre C921 A. D.), 198 Abderahman (IV) Almortadi, caliph of Cordova : proclaimed king, 81 Abderahman (V) ben Hixem, caliph of Cordova : reign of, 81 Abderahman ben Abdalla : made emir of Spain, 63 ; his campaign against the Franks, 64 Abderahman ben Abdalla, surnamed Almuda^far : crushes rebellion of his brothers, 76 Abderahman ben Mohammed : made hagib of Cordova, 79 Abderahman ben Ocba : at siege of Cor- dova, 66; at battle of Calatrava, 66; made caliph of Cordova, 67 Aben Aboo : see Diego Lopez ben Aboo Aben Alafia, emir of Mequinez: cap- tures Fez, 76 Aben Alhamar : see Mohammed I, king of Granada Aben Dylnun, king of Toledo: besieges Cordova, 86 Abrantes: battle of (1176), 98 Abu Abdalla, hagib of Granada: mur- dered, III Abu Abdalla ben Muley: revolt of, 121 Abu Abdalla Mohammed ben Hud: re- volts against Moors, 102 Abu Amram : his campaigns in Anda- lusia, 97 Abu Bekir, wali of Suz : sent against Mohammed ben Abdalla, 94 Abu Giafer, king of Saragossa : forms alliance witli Yussef, 90; defeated by Alfonso I of Aragon. 91 Abu Mohammed el Baxir : his campaign against Ali lien Yussef, 94 Abu Said: conspiracy of, 116; usurps throne of Granada, 116 Abu Said, king of Fez : accession of, 117 Abul Cassem, hagib of Granada: nego- aJ3 554 INDEX tiates the surrender of Granada, Aledran, count of Barcelona: reign of, 124 Abul Hassan, wali of Carmona : at war with the Christians, 106, 114 Abul Melic Abdelwahid, Mohammedan ruler: reign of, 102 Aden: siege of, 329 Adrian VI, Pope: acts as agent for Charles V in Spain, 339; made regent of Castile, 346; invested with pontifical crown, 350 Adrian, Roman emperor: condition of Spain under, 26 Aemilanus, St. ; see Milan, St. Afranius, campaigns in Spain, 22 Agacucho: battle of (1824), 519 Agilan, king of the Goths : reign of, 40 Agriculture : in ancient Spain, 5 Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaties of: (1668), 381; (1748), 412 Al Raxid ben Mohammed: advises al- liance with Alfonso VI of Leon, 89 Alarcon: battle of (1195). 99, I47, 204, Alaric (son of Euric), king of the Goths: reign of, 38 Albaqui : attempts to reconcile the Moriscos with Philip II of Spain, 371 Alberoni, Giulio : negotiates marriage of Philip V of Spain, 404; intrigues of, 405 Albert, Archduke : made regent of Portugal, 453 Albert of Austria: Philip II of Spain cedes the Low Countries to, 363 Albuquerque, Don : career of, 162 Albuquerque, Alfonso dc : his voyage to India, 327; viceroy of India, 329 Albuquerque, Francisco de : his voyage to India, 327 Alcagar do Sal: sieges of (1158), 275; (1217), 278 Alcagar Seguer (Alcazar-Seguer) : siege of (1457), 315; battle of (1578), 445 Alcala de Henares, University of: founded, 342 Alcassim ben Hamad : at war with Solyman, 80; seizes throne of Cor- dova, 81 Ak-olea Bridge: battle of (1868), 508 Akoraz : battle of (1096), 232 Alexander IV, Pope: supports claims of Alfonso X to the imperial dignity, 153; issues a bull against Alfonso III of Portugal, 282 Alexander I, emperor of Russia : signs Peace of Tilsit, 485 Alfarrobeira : battle of, 313 Alfonso I, king of Aragon : defeats Abu Giafar, 91 ; his campaigns against Moors, 95 ; at war with Leon and Castile, 144; accession to throne of Navarre, 201 ; accession to throne of Aragon, 233 ; death of, 145 Alfonso II, king of Aragon: reign of, 236 Alfonso III, king of Aragon : reign of, 246 Alfonso IV, king of Aragon: reign of, 249 Alfonso (V) the Wise, king of Aragon : attempts to reconcile Juan I of Navarre and his son, 214; reign of, 262 Alfonso II, king of Naples : reign of, 269 Alfonso, count of Portugal : reign of, 273 Alfonso I, king of Portugal : accession of, 97 ; reign of, 274 Alfonso II, king of Portugal: reign of, 278 Alfonso III, king of Portugal : made regent, 280 ; reign of, 281 Alfonso (IV) the Brave, king of Portu- gal : rebellion of, 283 ; reign of, 284 Alfonso V, king of Portugal : aids Cas- tilian rebellion, 184; reign of, 310 Alfonso VI, king of Portugal: reign of, 464 Alfonso (I) the Catholic, king of As- turias and Leon: reign of, 131 Alfonso (II) the Chaste, king of As- turias and Leon : revolt of, ^2 ; reign of, 132 Alfonso (III) the Great, king of As- turias and Leon : at war with Mohammed I, 74; reign of, 134 Alfonso (IV) the Monk, king of As- turias and Leon: reign of, 136 Alfonso V, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 138; death of, 272 INDEX 655 Alfonso (VI) the Valiant, king of Leon and Castile : at war with the Mo- hammedans, 87; accession to throne of Leon, 142; accession to throne of Castile, 143 ; his conquests in Portu- gal, 272 Alfonso (VII) Raymond, king of Leon and Castile: his campaigns against the Saracens, 96; reduces Baeza, 97; made lord of Galicia, 143; reign of, 145 ; his invasions of Navarre, 202 ; forms alliance with Raymundo of Aragon, 236 Alfonso VIII, king of Castile: at battle of Alarcon, 99; reign of, 146 Alfonso IX, king of Leon : reign of, 147 ; marries Teresa of Portugal, 277 Alfonso (X) el Sabio, king of Leon and Castile : reign of, 108, 152 Alfonso XI, king of Leon and Castile : besieges Gibraltar, 112; campaign of, against Moors, 115; reign of, 158; at war with Alfonso IV of Portugal, 284 Alfonso XII, king of Spain: birth of, 506; reign of, 514 Alfonso XIII, king of Spain: reign of, 517; crowned, 521 Alfonso, son of Joam II of Portugal: marries Isabella of Castile, 324; death of, 324 Alfonso Henriques : takes up arms against Alfonso IV of Portugal, 284 Algeziras: siege of (1342-1343), 115, 209 Alhakem (I) ben Abdelmclic, caliph of Cordova : reign of, 72 Alhakem (II) ben Abderalnnan, caliph of Cordova : reign of, 78 Alhambra, The: built, no; captured by the Christians, 150 Alhange : siege of (917 a. i).), I35 Alhaur ben Abderahman : made emir of Spain, 63 AH ben Hamad: at war with Solyman, 80; proclaimed king of IMoham- medan Spain, 81 Ali ben Yussef, caliph of Cordova: reign of, 91 Alicante: siege of (1691), 384 Aljubarota: battle of (13^^), '74. 299 Alkassim ben Abdalla : rebellions of, 76 Almamum Abu Ali, Mohammedan ruler : reign of, 102 Almansor: see Mohammed ben Abdalla Almanza : battle of, 398 Almeida, Francisco de, viceroy of the Indies : reign of, 328 Almenara : battle of (1710), 399 Almeria : siege of (1146), 236 Almohades, Dynasty of: established in Spain, 97 Almondhir ben Mohammed : campaigns of, against Omar, 75 ; reign of, 75 Almoravides, Don Garciade : rebellion of, 208 Almunecar : battles of (755 a. d.), 68; (1014), 80 Alvaro de Luna: made constable, 176; fate of. 179 Alvara Nufiez de Lara, Count: regent of Castile, 149 Alva, hY'rnando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of: his campaigns in Italy, 354; his campaigns in the Low Countries, 359 Alxaman : his campaigns against the Christians, 129 Amadeus I, king of Spain : reign of, 512 Amalaric, Gotliic king: establishes lii> court in Spain, 39; marries Clotilda, 40 Amiens. Peace of (1802), 483 Amsterdam : siege of, 360 Ana, daughter of Philip III of Spain: marries Louis XI II of France, 375 Andeca, king of the Suevi : consigned to a monastery, 42 Andciro, Joam Fernando: sketcii of, 293 Angouleme, Louis Autoine de Bourbon, duke of: his campaign in Spain, 495 Anjou, Francis, duke of: schemes for the throne of the Netherlands, 361 Anjou, Rene, duke of: clai:2is tlironc of Nai)les, 264 Ante(iuera: battle of, iio Antislius: his campaigns in Spain. 24 Antoninus Pius: condition of Spain under, 26, 29 Antonio, kintj of Portugal: claims throne, 448; proclaimed kiiu', 450 556 INDEX Aragou, Kingdom of: history of, 230 Aranda, Pedro Pablo Abarca y Bolea, Conde de : administration of, 420 Armada, The Invincible: destruction of, 364 Arsilla: siege of, 316 Artois, Robert, Count d' : his campaign in Navarre, 208 Ast irians: description of, 7 Atace : leads the invasion of the Alans into Spain, 35 Ataide, Luis de : made viceroy of the Indies, 458 Ataide, Nuno Fernandos de : campaigns of, in Africa, 334; death of, 335 Ataide, Pedro de: attempts to assassi- nate Joam II of Portugal, 321 Atapuerca: battle of (1054), 200 Ataulphus: leads Gothic invasion of Spain, 36 Athalaric, Gothic king: succeeds Theo- doric II, 39 Athanagild, king of the Goths : reign of, 40, 50 Attila, king of the Huns : leads invasion of Spain, 38 Augustus, Roman emperor: condition of Spain under, 24 Augustus, duke of Leuchtenberg : mar- ries Maria II of Portugal, 537 Aumale, Mademoiselle d' : marries Al- fonso VI of Portugal, 467 ; marries Pedro II of Portugal, 468 Aurelio (Aurelius), king of Asturias and Leon: reign of, 131 Austerlitz: battle of (1805), 484 Aveiro, Joam Alfonso de: explorations of, 323 Ayub ben Habib : becomes emir of Spain, 63 Azamor: siege of (15 13), 333 Azcarraga, General : ministry of, 521 Azis ben Abdelmclic, wall of Lorca : refuses to acknowledge supremacy of Castile, 104 B Raeza: siege of (1146), 97, 236 Baleg ben Bakir: expelled from Africa, 65 ; his campaigns in Spain, 66 Barcelona : captured by Christians (801 A.I).). 2ig; sieges of (i6gi), 384; (1694). 384; (1705), 395; (X7r4). 402 Barreto, Francisco : viceroy of the In- dies, 437 Basel, Treaty of (1795), 482 Beatrix of Portugal : marries Juan I of Castile, 173, 291 ; proclaimed queen of Portugal, 295 Beatrix de Guzman : marries Alfonso III of Portugal, 281 Beaumarchais, Eustace de : made gov- ernor of Navarre, 207 Belisarius : captures the Balearic Isles, 53 Ben Alarabi : sends embassy to Char- lemagne. 70, 218 Bera, count of Barcelona: reign of, 219 Berengaria, queen of Castile : marries Alfonso IX of Leon, 148; regent of Castile, 149 Berengaria of Navarre : marries Richard I of England, 203 Berengario I, count of Barcelona : reign of, 226 Berengario, brother of Raymundo III of Barcelona : attempts to gain the fief of Barcelona, 226 Berlin Decrees : issued, 484 Bemohi, king of the Jalofs : forms al- liance with Joam II of Portugal, 323 Bermudez, Gonzalo : encourages Mo- hammedan invasion of Leon, 138 Bermudo (Veremundo) I, surnamed the Deacon, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 132 Bermudo (Vermundo) II, king of As- turias and Leon : reign of, 137 Bermudo (Vermundo) III, king of Asturias and Leon: reign of, 139; at war with Ferdinand of Castile, 200 Bernard, Atto, viscount de Beziers : usurps the fief of Carcassonne, 227 Bernardo, count of Barcelona : reign of, 220 Bertram de la Cueva: his campaign against the French, 349 Berwick, James Fitzjames, Duke of: commands French army in Spain, 393; invades Spain, 406 Betrand du Guesclin: joins conspiracy against Pedro the Cruel, 166 INDEX 557 Bilbao: siege of (1835), 497 Blanche, queen of Navarre: regent for Jeanne, 207; reign of, 212; made regent of Sicily, 259; marries Juan II of Aragon, 261 ; accession to throne of Navarre, 263 Blanche de Bourbon : marries Pedro the Cruel, 161; imprisonment of, 163; death of, 165 Bonaparte, Joseph : made king of Naples, 486; made king of Spain, 486, 528 Bonaparte, Louis : made king of Naples, 486 Bonaparte, Napoleon: see Napoleon (I) Bonaparte Boniface VIII, Pope: attempts to ar- range relations between Jayme II of Aragon and Charles of Anjou, 247 Boniface IX, Pope : foments rebellion in Sardinia, 259 Boniface, Raymond : at the siege of Se- ville (1247), 106 Bonnivet, Guillaume Gouflfier de : his campaigns in Spain, 349 Borba, Francisco Coutinho de : defeats Moors, 324 Bordeaux: siege of (1130), 234 Borello, count of Barcelona : reign of, 225 Bourbon, House of: rules in Spain, 386 Braganza, House of: rules in Portugal, 462 Braganza, Alfonso, Duke of: created duke, 312; leader of discontented nobles, 319 Braganza, Constantine de : viceroy of the Indies, 458 Braganza, Joam, Duke of: see Joam IV, king of Portugal Braso, Gonsalez : administration of, 508 Brazil : discovered, 326, 459 ; wins her independence, 519, 534 Brihuega : battle of (1710), 399 Bull-fights in ancient Spain, 5 Burgos: battle of (1054). 141 Burgoyne, John : his campaign in Spain, 473 Ruriana: siege of (1233), 241 P)Usaco: battle of (1S09), 48(1 Byng, John: defeats Spanisli off the SiciHan coast, 406 Cabral, Costa, count of Thomar : desires the revival of the Oporto Charter, 537 Cabral, Pedro Alvares: discovers Brazil, 326 Cadiz: founded, 12; captured by the Carthaginians, 13; surrendered to the Romans, 18; captured by the allied forces (1702), 391 Caenza: siege of (1176), 98 Caesar, Caius Julius : his campaigns in Spain, 22 Cagliari : siege of (1326), 249 Calat Anosor (Calatanazar) : battle of (looi), 78 Calatrava: battle of (736), 66; siege of (1212), 100 Calderon, Rodrigo : administration of, 374 Calib ben Omar : at war with Almond- hir, 75 Caligula, Caius : condition of Spain under, 25 Cam, Jayme: explorations of, 323 Cantabres : description of, 8 Cape Finisterre: battle of ( 1S05), 484 Cape St. Vincent: battles of (1381), 173; (1797), 483 Carcassonne : siege of, 39 Carisius : his campaigns in Spain, 25 Carlist Revolts: (1833). 497; (1851). 503; (1859), 507; (1873). 513 Carlos (Charles) I, king of Portugal: reign of, 539 Carlos I, king of Spain: see Charles V, Holy Roman emperor Carlos II, king of Spain: reign of, 380; summary of condition of Spain lunler, 427 Carlos 111. king of Spain: birth of. 405; invested with Naples and Sicily, 409; accession to Spaiii^h throne, 414; sununary of condition of Spain under, 4J1) Carhw IV, king of Portugal; reign of, 481 Carlos V. Don: rrhellioiis of, 41/), j^i)y Carlos VII, Don: cl.-iini-; throne. 514 Carlos, sou of Philip 11 of Spain: fate of. 3;-' Carlotta, dauyhter oi Carlos III of 558 INDEX Spain: marries Joam VI of Portu- gal, 418; intrigues of, 534 Carmona: sieges of (713 a. D.), 5^'> (1052), 86; (1246), 106 Carrion: battle of the (1037), 140 Carthaginians : in Spain, 13 Carthagena : siege of, 18 Carvajal, Josef de: policy of, 413 Cassius Longinus, Caius : in command in Spain, 23 Castelar, Emilio : president of the repub- lic, 513; sketch of, 518 Castillo, Canovasdel : made prime min- ister, 514; death of, 518 Castro : becomes premier, 540 Castro, Joam de : viceroy of the Indies, 436 Catalan Insurrection, 378 Catherina of Portugal : marries Charles II of England, 465 Catherine of Aragon : marriages of, 187 Catherine, queen of Navarre : reign of, 215 Cea: siege of (1055), 141 Celestine III, Pope: orders dissolution of marriage of Alfonso IX of Leon and Theresa of Portugal, 147 Celtiberians : origin of, 3 ; description of, II Celts : invade Spanish peninsula, 3 Cervera y Topete, Pascual : at battle of Santiago, 520 Ceuta: sieges of (1415), 301; (1464). 316 Chalons: battle of, 38 Charlemagne : invades Spain, 69, 132 Charles I, Holy Roman emperor : see Charlemagne Charles (I) the Bald, Holy Roman em- peror: education of, 221 Charles V, Holy Roman emperor : birth of, 188; acknowledged as heir of Castile, igi; accession to Spanish throne, 339 ; accession to the im- perial throne, 343; marries Isabel of Portugal, 350 ; resigns crowns, 351 ; death of, 352; summary of con- dition of Spain under, 423 Charles VI, Holy Roman emperor: at war with Spain, 388 ; accession to imperial throne, 400 Charles I, king of luigland : visits Spain, T,7C): concludes treaty with Joam IV of Portugal. 462 note Charles I, king of France: see Charle- magne Charles V, king of France : aids Enrique II against Pedro the Cruel, 166 Charles VIII, king of France: concludes treaty with Philip the Handsome, 189; his relations with Ferdinand the Catholic, 190, 268 Charles (II) le Mauvais, king of Na- varre: reign of, 210 Charles (III) the Noble, king of Na- varre : reign of, 212 Charles I, king of Spain : see Charles V, Holy Roman emperor Charles II, HI, IV, V, and VII, of Spain: see Carlos II, III, IV, V, and VII Charles XII, king of Sweden : forms al- liance with Philip V of Spain, 406 Charles, prince of Viana: revolt of, 213 Charles Martel : at Battle of Tours, 64 Charles (I) of Anjou, king of the Two Sicilies : reign of, 244 Chile: wins her independence from Spain, 519 Chintila, king of the Goths: reign of, 44 Choiseul or Choiseul-Amboise, fitienne Frangois, Duke de: expels Jesuits from France, 419 Cisneros, Ximines: made regent of Spain, 339 Claudius : condition of Spain under, 25 Clement VI, Pope : attempts to restore peace between Pedro IV of Aragon and Jayme of Majorca, 254 Clement XIV, Pope: refuses to allow Jesuits to settle in Italy, 419 Clinton, Sir William: keeps order in Portugal, 535 Clotilda, daughter of Clovis: marries Amalaric, 40 Clovis, king of the P'ranks : in war with the Goths, 39 Cochin : siege of, 470 Coelho, Pedro : deatli of, 289 Coepio, Quintus: his campaign in Spain, 19 Coimbra: siege of (1058), 142; battle of (1810), 530 Coimbra, University of: modernized, 526 Colonna, Marco Antonio: at battle of Lepanto, 355 INDEX 559 Columbus, Christopher: voyages of, i86 Conancio: encourages Mohammedan in- vasions of Leon, 138 Concha, Manuel, Marquis of Duero: in Carlist revolt, 514 Conradin, son of Conrad IV of Sicily: rebellion of, 244 Constanga, daughter of Manfred of Sicily: marries Pedro III of Ara- gon, 243 Constans : his campaign in Spain, 35 Constantine the Great: condition of Spain under, 28 Constantius : his campaign against the Goths, 36 Constanza, daughter of Pedro IV of Aragon: declared heir to throne, 251 Copenhagen: battle of (1801), 529 Cordova: sieges of (711 ad.), 50; (736 A.D.), 65; (755 A.D.), 68; (1060), 86; (1145), 97; battle of (1089), 225 Corunna: battle of (1809), 486, 529 Coutinho, Vasco: warns Joam II of Portugal against conspirators, 321 Covilham, Pedro de : explorations of, 322 Cuesta: at Battle of Talavera, 530 Cunha, Nuno da : viceroy of the Indies, 434 Cunha, Pedro Vas da: sent to make conquests in Africa, 323 D Dalrymple, Sir Hew : concludes conven- tion of Cintra, 529 Daroca : battle of (1120), 233 Davalos, Fernando : arrested, 346 Dewey, George : at battle of ^Manila Bay, 520 Dias, Count Diego : takes up arms against accession of Ferdinand II 1 of Castile, 151 Dias de Haro, Lojic : career of, 157 Diaz, Bartholomeo : discovers tlie Cape of Good Hope, 323 Didius: defeated l)y Sertorius, 20 Diego, prince of Visco : schemes for the throne of Portugal, 320 Diego Alguazil : plots ruin of Moham- med ben Hiuncya, 370 Diego Gomez, Don : at battle of Sepul- veda, 144 Diego Lopez ben Aboo (Muley Ab- dalla) : leader of Morisco revolt, 367; submits, 369; again joins the rebels, 370; acknowledged as chief of the Moriscos, 370 Diego Nunez, count of Castile : revolt of, 136 Dinis, king of Portugal : reign of, 282 Diocletian : persecutes Christians, 31 Diu: sieges of (1529), 434; (i537). 435 Domitian : condition of Spain under, 26 Domitius : defeated by Sertorius, 20 Doria, Andrea: at battle of Lepanto, 355 Drake, Sir Francis : his depredations on Spanish possessions, 363 Duarte (Edward), king of Portugal: reign of, 304 Dulce, General: rebels against Isabella II, 504 Eboric, king of the Suevi : consigned to a monastery, 42 Edward I, king of England : marries 1-^leanor of Castile, 152; forms al- liance with Alfonso HI of Aragon, 247 Edward HI, king of England: forms al- liance witli Charles tlie Bad o{ Navarre, 210, 211 Edward, the Black Prince : reinstates Pedro the Cruel, 167 Edward : see Duarte h'gilona, widow of Rodcric : given as hostage to the Saracens, 52 Egmont, Count: attempts to gain the rcgenc}- of the Low CniuUrics. 357; arrested .-md executed, t,^0 l-'Jeanor of Castile: marries Edward I of I-'ngland, 152 [.leaTior : see Leonora I'Jiott or l-'lliott, George Augustus: de- fends Giliraltar (1779), 417 Elizabeth, cjueen of luigland : aids Henry IV of IVance against Plulip H of Spain. 356; aids Protestant refugees from tlie Netherlands, 3()o; 560 INDEX attempts to restore Antonio to Por- tuguese throne, 454 Elizabeth, sister of Henry II of France: marries PhiHp II of Spain, 355 Elvas: battle of (1659), 465 Elvira, Doiia, abbess of San Salvador convent : regent of Leon, 137 Enrique (Henry) I, king of Leon and Castile : reign of, 149 Enrique II, king of Leon and Castile: proclaimed king, 166 ; his second conquest of the kingdom, 169; reign of, 171 ; at war with Navarre, 211 Enrique (III) the Infirm, king of Leon and Castile: reign of, 175 Enrique .(IV) the Impotent, king of Leon and Castile : his campaigns against the Moors, 120; at war with Juan II of Aragon, 178, 266; reign of, 180 Enrique, Don, brother of Alfonso X : aids Alfonso X to crush revolt of nobles, 109 Enrique, Don, brother of Pedro the Cruel : rebellions of, 164 Enrique, Don, infante of Aragon : re- bellions of, 176, 177 Ensenada, Zenon Silva, Marquis de : policy of, 413 Ermengaudo, count of Urgel : his cam- paign against the Mohammedans, 225 Ermenigild, career of, 41 Escovedo, Juan de : assassination of, 272, Espartero, Baldomero : his campaign against the Carlists, 497; made regent of Spain, 500; attempts to restore peaceful relations after revo- lution of 1854, 505 Estrees, Cardinal d' : sketch of, 392 Eudes : defeated by the Saracens, 64 Eugene of Savoy, Prince : his campaigns in Italy, 390 Eugenius III, Pope: opposes Neapolitan policy of Alfonso V of Aragon, 264 Eugenius IV, Pope : recognizes Alfonso V of Aragon as king of the Two Sicilies, 265 Euric, king of the Goths : reign of, 38 Evora, University of : founded, 449 Fabius: his campaigns in Spain, 22 Fadrique, grand master of Santiago: remonstrates with Pedro the Cruel, 162; death of, 164 Family Compact (Family Treaty) : con- cluded, 414; Portugal joins, 416 Farnese, Alessandro, duke of Parma : see Parma, Alessandro Farnese, duke of Favila, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 130 Felipe, Don : revolt of, 108 ; becomes regent for Alfonso XI, 159 Ferag ben Ferag: leader of Morisco re- volt, 367 Fernan Gonsalez, count of Castile: re- volt of, 136 Fernando de Valor: see Mohammed ben Humeya Ferdinand (I) the Just, king of Aragon and of Sicily : accession to throne of Aragon, 260 Ferdinand II, king of Aragon : see Ferdinand V, king of Spain Ferdinand I, king of Naples : declared legitimate, 265 ; accession of, 266 ; reign of, 268 Ferdinand II, king of Naples: reign of, 269 Ferdinand HI, king of Naples: see Fer- dinand V, king of Spain Ferdinand I, king of Portugal : reign of, 290 Ferdinand (I) the Great, king of Leon and Castile : reign of, 140 ; defeats Bermudo of Leon, 200 Ferdinand II, king of Leon: reign of, 146 Ferdinand (III) the Saint, king of Leon and Castile: birth, 100; cam- paigns against the Moors, 102, 104; accession to throne of Castile, 150; accession to throne of Leon, 151 Ferdinand IV, king of Leon and Cas- tile: reign of, 157 Ferdinand (V) tlie Catholic, king of Spain (V of Castile, H of Aragon, III of Naples) : negotiations with the Moors, 120; accession to throne of Aragon, 121, T84, 268; his cam- INDEX 561 paigns against the Moors, 122; marries Isabella, 182; accession to throne of Castile, 183 ; reign of, 185 ; conquers Navarre, 216; accession to throne of Sicily, 267 Ferdinand VI, king of Spain : reign of, 412 Ferdinand VII, king of Spain : intrigues of, 482, 485 ; reign of, 488 Ferdinand IV, king of the Two Sicilies : accession of, 414 Ferdinand, Don, son of Alfonso IV of Aragon : rebellion of, 251 Ferdinand, infante of Portugal : cam- paign of, in Africa, 305 Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg: marries Maria II of Portugal, 537 Figuerola y Moracas, Estanislao : made minister of finance in provisional government, 510 Foix, Andre de :. attempts to restore Navarre to Henri d'Albret, 349 Foix, Germaine de : marries Ferdinand V of Spain, 190 Foix, Gaston, Count de : death of, 214 Foix, Matthieu, Count de : claims throne of Aragon, 258 Fontainebleau, Treaty of (1807), 528 Florida Blanca, Josef Monino, Conde de : favors American rebellion, 416 Flushing: revolts against Spanish rule, 360 Francis I, king of France : opposes elec- tion of Charles V to the imperial throne, 343; taken prisoner by Charles V, 350 Francis de Borgia, St.; consoles Em- peror Charles V, 352 Francis Xavier, St.; see Francisco de Xavier, San h>ancisco d'Assisi : marries Isabella II of Spain, 501 Francisco dc Xavier, San: goes to India, 435 Frangois Phccbus, king of Navarre: reign of, 215 Franks : invade Spain, 26 Fraza: siege of (1134). 234 Frederic It, king of Naples: reign of, 269 P'rederic 11. king of Sicily: at war with Jayme II of Aragon, 248 Frederick William III, king of Prussia: signs Peace of Tilsit, 485 Fruela (Froila) I, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 131 Fruela (Froila) II, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, i3t Fuentes de Onora: battle of (1811), 530 Gadalebi : battle of the, 437 Gades : see Cadiz Gaeta : siege of (1435), 265 Galba, Servius Sulpicius (second cen- tury B. c.) : his campaign in Spain, 19 Galba, Servius Sulpicius (3 B. C.-69 A. D.) : declared emperor, 25 Galiano: leader of Spanish revolution, 492 Gallicians (Gallaici) : description of. Q Galvez, Josef: conquers West Florida, 416 Gama, Estevan de: his voyage to India, 327; viceroyal of tlie Indies, 435 Gama, Francisco dc : expels Dutch from the Indian seas, 459 Gama, Paulo de : suppresses meeting against Vasco de Gama, 325 Gama, Vasco de: his voyage to India, 325 ; his second voyage to India, 327 ; death of, 434 Gama, Vicente Sodre de: his campaigns in India, 327 Garces, Garcia, coiuit of Castile: career of, 13S Garces, Sancho, count of Castile: rebel- lion of, 138 Garcia, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 134 Garcia, king of Cialicia: reign c^f. 142 Garcia (1) Sanclicz (Garcia Iniguez), king of Navarre : reign of, 195, 197 Garcia (11) el Trembloso, king of Na- varre : reign of, I99 Garcia HI, king of Navarre: accession of, 139; deatli of, 141 ; reign of, 200 Garcia (IV) Ramirez, king of Navarre: at war witli .Mtonso VTI of Leon. 145; reign of, 2or ; acces^^ion of, 235; Gaza : battle of, 205 Cahwar ben Moliannncd, caliph of Cor- dova : reign of, 85 562 INDEX Gensaleic: usurps throne of the Visi- goths, 39 Gerona: siege of (1283), 246 Gibraltar: sieges of (1329), 112; (1705), 394; (1779), 417 Godov. Manuel de : administration of, 481 Gonsalo de Cordova, Don: career of, 269 Gonsalves, Alvaro : death of, 289 Gosvinda, queen of Leovigild : her quarrel with Ingunda, 41 Goths : history of, 35 ; condition of the people under, 53 Granada: conquest of, by Christians, 124; battle of (1319), 159 Granada, Kingdom of: history of, 104 Granvelle, Antoine Pierrenot de, bishop of Arras : influences Margarita of Parma, 357 Gregory XI, Pope : upholds rights of daughter of Frederic II of Sicily, Guiomar de Castro, Dona : her relations with Enrique IV of Leon, 181 Guise, Frangois de Lorraine, duke of: his campaign against the Spanish in Italy, 354 Gunderic : leads the invasion of the Van- dals into Spain, 35 H Hairan, hagib of Cordova: at war with Solyman, 80; deserts Ali ben Hamed, 81 Hamed ben Mohammed, king of East Morocco : reign of, 437 Hamilcar Barca: his career in Spain, 13 Hannibal : career of, 14 Hanno : defeated by Scipio, 16 Hanno, son of Gisgo : taken prisoner by the Romans, 18 Hasdrubal, son-in-law of Hamilcar Barca: his career in Spain, 13 Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal : de- feated by the Scipios, 16 Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo : defeated bj' Martins, 17; defeated by Scipio Africanus, 18 Henri, king of Navarre : marriage of, 206; reign of, 207 Henri d'Albret: claims throne of Na- varre, 349 Henri of Besangon, count of Portugal : reign of, 272 Henrique, king of Portugal : regent for Sebastian, 440; reign of, 447 Henrique, infante of Portugal : scientific career of, 304; campaign of, in Africa, 305 Henry III, king of England : concludes treaty with Alfonso X of Leon, 152 Henry VII, king of England: detains Philip the Handsome and Juana in England, 190 Henry II, king of France : concludes treaty with Emperor Charles V, 351 Henry IV, king of France: at war with Philip II of Spain, 356 Henry : see Enrique Hermeric : leads the invasion of the Suevi into Spain, 35 ; reign of, 2>7 Hixem (I) ben Abderahman, surnamed Alhadi Rhadi, caliph of Cordova : birth of, 68; reign of, 71 Hixem (II) ben Alhakem, caliph of Cordova : reign of, 78 Hixem III, caliph of Cordova: reign of, 82 Horn, Count : arrested and executed, 359 Hunfrido : see Wifredo Husam ben Dhizar surnamed Abul- chatur : subdues rebellion in Spain, 66 Iberians : earliest inhabitants of Spanish peninsula, 3 ; divisions of, 10 Ibrahim Abu Ishac ben Taxfin: reign of, 97 Ibrahim ben Yussef: sent against Mo- hammed ben Abdalla, 94 Idatius : persecutes Priscillianists, 31 Ifies de Castro, Dona : sketch of, 286 Ingunda: marries Ermenigcld, 41 Innocent III, Pope : demands separation of Alfonso IX of Leon and Beren- garia of Castile, 148 Innocent IV, Pope : deprives Sancho 1 1 of Portugal of his royal powers, 280 INDEX 563 Inquisition: introduced into Aragon, 271; introduced into Portugal, 439; reestablished in Spain, 488 Invincible Armada, The: see Armada, The Invincible Isabel of Portugal: marries Charles V, 350 Isabel, infanta of Spain: marries Albert of Austria, 363 Isabel Farnese : marries Philip V of Spain, 404; influence of, over Philip 405 Isabel Maria, daughter of Joam VI of Portugal : regent of Portugal, 535 Isabella I, queen of Leon and Castile : negotiations with the Moors, 120; at the siege of Malaga, 123 ; marries Ferdinand, 182 ; accession to throne of Castile, 183 ; reign of, 185 ; death of, 188 Isabella (II) Louisa, queen of Spain: birth of, 496; reign of, 497 Isabella of Castile, daughter of Ferdi- nand V: marries Alfonso of Portu- gal, 312, 324; marries Manuel of Portugal, 325 Isabelle de Bourbon : marries the prince of the Asturias, 375 Isabelle of France: marries Thibault II of Navarre, 206 Ismail ben Yussef: revolt of, 116 Iviga: siege of (1235), 241 J. K Jaen: sieges of (1228-1230), 150; (1245), 105 James the Elder, St. : introduces Cliris- tianity into Spain, 31 James : see Jayme Japan: first approached by Europeans 435 Jayme (I), the Conquistador, kuig of Aragon: birth of, 237: campaigns against the Moors, 102, T07; named as successor to Sanclio VI of Na- varre, 204 ; rciRn of, 230 Ja3'me II, king of Arayon : reic;n of, 247 Jayme, king of Majorca: joins crusade against Pedro HI of Aragon, 24(); at wax with Pedro IV of Aragon, -'54 Jayme, Don, son of Alfonso IV of Ara- gon : rebellion of, 251 Jayme of Aragon, Don : revolt of, 268 Jean d'Albret, king of Navarre : at war with Ferdinand V of Spain, 192 ; reign of, 216; attempts to regain his throne, 340 Jeanne I, queen of Navarre: reign of, 207 Jeanne II, queen of Navarre: reign of, 209 Jena: battle of (1806), 484 Jesuits : expelled from France and Spain, 418; influence of, in Portugal. 439; expelled from Portugal, 418, 472 ; recalled to Spain, 496 Jews : persecuted by Sisebert, 44 ; perse- cutions of, inider Ferdinand and Isabella, 185 ; massacre of, under Jeanne II of Navarre, 209; perse- cution of, under Manuel of Portu- gal, 336 Joam I, king of Portugal : does homage to Leonora, 292 ; imprisoned, 294 : schemes for the throne of Portugal. 296 ; made re<-::ent of Portugal, 297 ; accession co throne. 299 Joam (II) the Great and the Perfect, king of Portugal : sends out expedi- tions to the New World, 187: his campaign in Africa, 316; reign of. 318 Joam 111, king of Portugal: reign uf, 433 Joam IV, king of Portugal: claini'^ throne of Portugal. 448; plots for the throne. 456; accession of, 379; reign of, 462 Joam V, king of Portugal: reign of, 470 Joam VT, king of Portugal: marries Carlotta of Spain, 418; made regent of Portugal. 475; reign of, 525 Joan, queen of Naples: marries the count de la Marclie, 261; ajipeals to tlie king of Aragon for aid against I'Vench. 262 Jolm XXI 1. Pope: grant-; dispensation for marriage of Pedro I (^f Portugal and Ines de Cri'-tro, joo John: see Juan, also Joam Jomail ben Zeyan : rc\(ilt of, lOJ Jose, king of Portugal: reign of. 471 564 INDEX Juan I, king of Aragon : reign of, 257 Juan II, king of Aragon: marries Blanche of Navarre, 261 ; accession to throne of Navarre, 263; accession to throne of Aragon, 265 Juan I, king of Leon and Castile : reign of, 172; marries Beatrix of Portu- gal, 291 ; claims throne of Portugal, 295 Juan II, king of Leon and Castile: re- stores Mohammed VII to throne of Granada, 118; aids revolt of Mo- hammed ben Ismail, 119; reign of, 175 ; his relations with Alfonso V of Aragon, 263; attempts to restore peace between the Moors and Duarte of Portugal, 309 Juan I, king of Navarre: reign of, 212 Juan II, king of Navarre: see Juan II, king of Aragon Juan I, king of Portugal : usurps throne, 173 Juan, infante of Spain : claims regency, 158; death of, iii, 253 Juan de Lara, Don : claims regency of Alfonso XI, 158 Juan el Tuerto, Don : rebellion of, 159 Juan of Austria, Don : birth of, 353 ; at battle of Lepanto, 355 ; appointed regent of the Low Countries, 361 ; his campaign against the Moriscos, 371 ; death of, 361 Juan of Austria, Don (b. 1629) : career of, 380; at war with Portugal, 46s Juan Manuel, Don : becomes regent for Alfonso XI, 159; influence of, 285 Juana, queen of Castile : reign of, 188 Juana, queen of Spain: acknowledged as queen, 347; death of, 351 Juana, daughter of Emperor Charles V; marries Joam, infante of Portugal, 439 Juana de Castro, Dona: her relations with Pedro the Cruel, 162 Jubiles : massacre of (1568), 368 Julian, Count : summons the Saracens to Spain, 47 Julius II, Pope: requests aid of Fer- dinand V of Spain, 192 Junot, Andoche : his campaign in Portu- gal, 527 Kinsale: battle of, 375 Lamego: siege of (1057), 142 Lanuza, Juan de : made regent of Ara- gon, 346; puts down rebellion against Charles, 348 Lauria, Roger de : his campaigns in the Two Sicilies, 245; at battle of Rosas, 246 Lazzara: battle of (1702), 390 Leander, St., bishop of Seville : urges Ermenigild to accept Catholicism, 41 ; sketch of, 59 Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of: his campaigns in the Netherlands, 362 Leipsic: battle of (1813), 486 Leonora, daughter of Alfonso VIII of Castile : marries Jayme I of Aragon, 240 ; marriage annulled, 243 ; her quarrel with Pedro IV of Aragon, 250; death of, 253 Leonora, queen of Navarre: reign of, 215 Leonora, queen of Portugal : marries Ferdinand I of Portugal, 291 ; acknowledged as queen, 292 ; in- trigues of, 293 ; taken as prisoner to Spain, 298 Leonora of Sardinia : at war with Pedro IV of Aragon, 256 Leonora, infanta of Portugal : marries Pedro IV of Aragon, 251 Leonora de Guzman, Dona : her rela- tions with Alfonso XI of Leon, 160, 285 Leopold I, Holy Roman emperor : claims throne of Spain, 384 Leovigild, king of the Visigoths : reign of, 41 Lepanto : battle of, 355 Lepidus, Marcus /Emilius : left in com- mand of Spanish province, 23 Lerida : battle of, 22 Ligny: battle of (1815), 487, 532 Lippe, Count de : takes command of Portuguese army, 473 Lisbon : captured by Alfonso the Chaste, 72; siege of (1147). 275 Lisbon Earthquake, The (1755), 471 Liuva, king of the Goths : reign of, 43 Logrofio: battles of (1367), 167; siege of (1521), 349 INDEX 565 Lorca : battle of, 69 Louis, king of Aquitaine: campaigns against the Mohammedans, 219, 220 Louis XI, king of France: his relations with Juan II of Aragon, 266; his relations with Alfonso V of Portu- gal, 317 Louis XII, king of France: concludes treaty with Ferdinand, the Catholic, 270 Louis XIII, king of France: marries Ana of Spain, 375; at war with Philip IV of Spain, 378; claims throne of the Netherlands, 381 Louis XIV, king of France: marries Maria Teresa of Spain, 379; expels Jesuits from France, 419 Louis of Nassau : campaigns of, 359 Louis : see Luis Louisa, infanta of Spain : marries Duke of Montpensier, 501 Louise Isabelle, daughter of the Due d'Orleans : marries Luis I of Spain, 408 Louisiana : ceded to the United States, 484 Lucar: battle of, 515 Luchana: battle of, 497 Lucullus, Lucius Licinius : his cam- paign in Spain, 19 Luis I, king of Portugal : reign of, 538 Luis I, king of Spain : marries Louise Isabelle, 408; accession to throne, 408 Luneville, Treaty of (1801), 483 Lusitanians : description of, 9 M Madagascar: discovered by the Portu- guese, 329 Madrid: captured by the allies, 397 Mafra, Convent of: founded, 471 Magalhanes (Magellan), Fernando de : discoveries of, 331 Mago: defeats Publius Scipio, 17; taken prisoner by the Romans, 18 Maine: blown up, 519 Malaga: siege of (1488), 122 Malagon : siege of (1212), 100 Malta: siege of (1565), 355 Manila Bay: battle of, 520 Manuel the Fortunate, king of Portugal : marriages of, 187; made constable of the kingdom, 322; reign of, 325 Manuel Philibert, duke of Savoy: claims throne of Spain, 448 Marche, Count de la: joins conspiracy against Pedro the Cruel, 166 Marck, Count de la : atrocities of, 360 Marcus Aurelius: condition of Spain under, 26 Margall, Pi y: president of the republic, 513 Margarita, queen of Martin of Aragon: marriage of, 260 Margarita of Parma: sketch of, 353; made regent of the Low Countries, 357 Alaria I, queen of Portugal: reign of. 474 Maria (II) da Gloria, queen of Portu- gal : reign of, 535 ; recognized as queen, 536 Maria, daughter of Victor Emmanuel of Italy: marries Luis I of Portugal. 538 Maria Christina of Naples- marries Fer- dinand VII of Spain, 49<); regency of, 407, 517 Maria de Padiila, Dona: her relations with Pedro the Cruel, 161 ; death of, 165 Maria Teresa, daughter of Philip TV of Spain: marries Louis XIV of France, 379 Maria Teresa Magdalena P>arhara, queeJi of Spain: character of. 413 Marie Amelic, daugliter of the comte de Paris : marries Carlos I of Portugal, 539 Marie Louise of I'rance : marries Carlos II of Spain, ^H^y, her relations with Godoy, 481 Marnix, Philip de : leads rebellion in the Low Countries. 358 Marriage: laws of tlie Goths. >7 Martin IV, Pope: excoinniunicates Pedro 111 of Ar;ig(i;i. 245 Martin V, Pope: grants (lisco\ereil lands to Portugal, 304 Martin, king of .dragon: reign of, 258 Martins. Lucius: his c.unpai^ai acjaiust Carthaginians, 17 M.iry I, queen of England: inarrit,-s 566 INDEX Philip II of Spain, 351; death of, 356 Mascarenhas, Pedro : viceroy of the Indies, 434 Massena, Andre: his campaign in Span- ish peninsula, 530 Matilda, wife of Alfonso III of Portu- gal : abandoned by her husband, 281 Maura: administration of, 521 Mauregato, the Usurper, king of As- turias and Leon : reign of, 132 Maurice of Nassau, prince of Orange : assumes leadership of Dutch Pro- testants, 362; his campaign against the Portuguese, 460 Mazarin, Jules Giulio : favors war with Philip IV of Spain, 378 Medina-Sidonia, Alonzo de Guzman, duke of: given command of the Spanish Armada, 364 Melito, Conde de : made regent of Val- encia, 347 Menezes, Duarte de : his campaign in Africa, 316; made governor of the Indies, 33 1, 433 Menezes, Henrique de : viceroy of the Indies, 434 Mequinencia: siege of (1133), 234 Merida: sieges of (.713 A. d.), 51; (736 A. D.), 66 Metellus Pius : his campaign in Spain, 21 Methuen Commercial Treaty (1703), 52s Mexico: sketch of the history of, 519 Miguel, Dom, son of Joam VI of Portu- gal : intrigues of, 534 ; regency of, 535 Milan Decree (1807), 485 Milan, St. (St. Aemilanus) : sketch of, 59 Miles, Nelson Appleton: his campaign in Porto Rico, 520 Mina, Francisco : leader of reform move- ment in Spain, 493 Minas, Marquis das : in war of Spanish Succession, 393 Miro, count of Barcelona : reign of, 224 Mohammed, caliph of Cordova: usurps throne (1009), 79 Mohammed (I) ben Abderahman, caliph of Cordova : reign of, 74 Mohammed (II) ben Abderahman, caliph of Cordova: usurps throne, 81 Mohammed (I) ben Alhamar, king of Granada : accession of, 103 ; reign of, 104 Mohammed II, king of Granada: reign of, 109 Mohammed (III) Abu Abdalla, king of Granada: reign of, no Mohammed (IV) ben Ismail, king of Granada: reign of, in Mohammed (V) ben Yussef, king of Granada: reign of, 115; aids Pedro the Cruel, 170 Mohammed (VI) ben Yussef, king of Granada: reign of, 117 Mohammed or Muley (VII) ben Yussef, surnamed El Hayzari, king of Granada: reign of, 118 Mohammed (VIII) el Zaquir, king of Granada: reign of, 118 Mohammed (IX) ben Osmin, king of Granada: reign of, 119 Mohammed (X) ben Ismail, king of Granada: revolt of, 119; accession and reign of, 120 Mohammed Abu Abdalla, surnamed Al- nassir, Mohammedan ruler : reign of, 100 Mohammed Almoateded, king of Seville : reign of, 86 Mohammed ben Abdalla, king of Car- mona : at war with Mohammed ben Ismail ben Abid, 85 Mohammed ben Abdalla : rebellion of, 75 Mohammed ben Abdalla : rebellion of, 93 Mohammed ben Abdalla, surnamed Al- mansor : regent of Cordova, 78; his campaigns against Leon, 138; his conquests in Portugal, 272 Mohammed ben Ferag: revolt of, 112 Mohammed ben Gehwar, king of Cor- dova : reign of, 86 Mohammed ben Hamed : leads rebellion against Portuguese rule in Africa, 333 Mohammed ben Ilumeya : proclaimed king of the Moriscos, 367 Mohammed ben Ismail ben Abid, king of Seville: defeats Yahia, 82; as- sumes the powers of royalty, 85 INDEX 56' Mohammed ben Mohammed, king of Cordova : reign of, 87 Mohammed ben Mohammed, king of West Morocco : reign of, 437 Mohammed ben Yacub: defeated at battle of Tolosa, 148 Moncada: siege of (1234), 241 Mondejar, Marquis of: presents com- plaints of AToriscos to Philip II, 366 Monscato : battle of, 393 Montalvan: captured by Pedro II of Aragon, 237 Monteagudo, Don Pedro Sanchez de : regent of Navarre, 207 Monterroso: battle of (982 a. d.), 137 Montfort, Simon de : his crusade against the Albigenses, 238 Montojo, Admiral : at battle of Manila Bay, 520 Montpensier, Duke of: marries Louisa of Spain, 501 Monzon: siege of (1089), 232 Moore, Sir John: his campaign in the Spanish peninsula, 486, 529 Moret: forms cabinet, 522 Morillo, Pablo: quells disturbance at Madrid, 495 Moriscos : revolt of, 366 Morocco : siege of, 97 Moroto : leader of Carlists, 498 Mugueiz el Rumi : besieges Cordova, 50 Munoz, duke of Rianzares: his relations with Maria Christina of Spain, 499. 501 Muley, king of Fez : at war with Alfonso V of Portugal, 316 Muley, king of Fez : at war with Mo- hammed ben Mohammed, 438 Muley Abdalla: sec Diego Lopez ben Aboo Muley Abdallah ben Mohammed, king of Morocco: accession of, 439: reign of, 440 Muley Ali Abul Hassan ben Mohammed, king of Granada: reign of, 120 Muley Hamet ben Muley, king of Mo- rocco: at war with the Portuguese, 440; accession of, 44'; dethrdued, 442 ; death of, 447 Muley Moluc Abdelmelic, king of Mo- rocco: flees from Morocco, 441; accession to throne, 442 Murat, Joachim : invades Spain, 485 ; his campaign in Portugal, 527 Murat : battle of, 238 Musa ben Nozeir: plans conquest of Spain, 48; his campaigns in Spain, 51 Muza ben Zeyad: rebellion of, 74 N Napoleon (I) Bonaparte: sketch of. 483. 527 Narvaez, General : opposes regency of Espartero. 500; second ministry of, S06 Nassir ben Fcrag, king of Granada: reign of, in Navarre, Kingdom of: history. 194 Navas de Tolosa : see Tolosa Nelson, Horatio: his campaign against the Spanish and French fleets. 484 Nero: condition of Spain under, 25 Nicholas III, Pope: interferes between Philip of France and Alfonso of Leon, 155 Nile: battle of the (179S), 483, 527 Nimeguen, Peace of, 383 Nivelle: battle of the, 531 Nolle, Antonio: discovers the Cape de Verd islands. 318 Normatis : invade Leon. 137 Noronha, Alfonso de : viceroy of the Indies, 436 Noronha, Antonio de : defeated by Moors, 324; atleni])t^ to build a citadel at the nioutli of the River Mamora, 334 Noronha, Garcia de : viceroy of the Indies, 435 Numantia: siege of, 19 o Obeidala. Fatimitc caliph: be-icges I'ez, 76 Ocb;i ben Albegriq : emir ot Spain. 65 O'Donnell. Henry Jo>eph : crusho in- surrection against l-'crdr.iand \' 1 1 of Spain, 492 O'Doinu'll, Lcopoldo, duke of i'viuan : conspires a^aiiL-t I>abel!a. 50 ) 568 INDEX Omar, king of Badajoz : dethroned, 90 Olite: founded, 44 Olivares, Count of: becomes royal favorite, 376 Olmedo: battles of (1445), 178; (1467), 182 Olosaga : leader of conspiracy against Isabella II of Spain, 508 Oporto: siege of (1833), 536 Oppas, bishop of Toledo: joins Mo- hammedans against Christians, 129 Oran: sieges of (1145), 96; (1509), 192 Ordoiio I, king of Asturias and Leon: reign of, 133 Ordono II, king of Asturias and Leon: invades Mohammedan possessions, 76; reign of, 135; aids king of Navarre, 198 Ordono III, king of Asturias and Leon; reign of, 136 Ordono IV, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 137 Orguiva : siege of, 1569 Ormond, James Butler, duke of (1665- 174s) : commands expedition against Cadiz, 390 Orsini, Princess Anna Maria : sketch of, 387 ; disgraced, 404 Orthes: battle of, 531 Ortiz de Zuniga, Inigo, governor of Xeres : refuses to poison Blanche de Bourbon, 165 Otgar: exploits of, 218 Othman : favors the Franks, 64 Othman: revolt of, 112 Ourique: battle of (1138), 96, 274 Pacheco, Diego-Lopes : concerned in the murder of Ifies de Castro, 289 Padilla, Juam de : arrested, 346 Palafox, Joseph : defends Saragossa, 489 Palmella: administration of, 536 Palmera: battle of (1228), 240 Pampeluna: captured by Charlemagne 70 Pamplona: siege of (907 A. d.), I97 Paralada : siege of (1471), 2G7 Paris, Peace of (1815), 532 Parma, Alessandro Farnese, duke of: ordered to invade France, 356 Pascal II, Pope: releases Spain from crusade obligations, 90; aids Ray- mundo III of Barcelona against Mohammedans, 228 Paul, St.; preaches in Spain, 31 Paul IV, Pope: opposes Spanish rule in the Two Sicilies, 354 Paul, Duke: rebellion of, 45 Pavia : battle of, 350 Payva, Alfonso de : explorations of, 322 Pedro I, king of Aragon and Navarre : accession to throne of Navarre, 201 ; accession to throne of Aragon, 232 Pedro II, king of Aragon: reign of, 237 Pedro III, king of Aragon: marries Con- stanta, 243 ; reign of, 243 Pedro IV, king of Aragon : reign of, 250 Pedro (I) the Cruel, king of Leon and Castile: reign of, 160; his relations with Charles II of Navarre, 210; at war with Pedro IV of Aragon, 253 Pedro (I) the Severe, king of Portugal: concludes a treaty with Pedro the Cruel of Castile, 164; relations of, with Ines de Castro, 286; rebellion of, 288; reign of, 289 Pedro II, king of Portugal: joins allies against France and Spain, 392; plots to obtain throne, 467 ; made regent, 468; reign of, 469 Pedro III, king of Portugal: marries Maria I of Portugal, 474 Pedro IV, king of Portugal (I of Bra- zil) : accession to and abdication of throne of Portugal, 535 ; resigns Brazilian crown, 535 ; death of, 536 Pedro V, king of Portugal : reign of, 538 Pedro, son of Juam I of Portugal : travels of. 304 ; made regent of Portugal, 311; death of, 314 Pedro, infante of Portugal (d. 1466) : at war with Juan II of Aragon, 266 Pedro, infaiite of Spain : claims regency, 158; death of, 11 1 Pedro de Lara, Don : takes command of Spanish forces, 144 INDEX 569 Pedro de Menezes, governor of Ceuta : heroism of, 301 PelayO;, king of Asturias and Leon: lends Christian forces, 129; char- acter of, 130 Pepin II, king of Aquitaine: revolt of, 221 Pepin, son of Charlemagne: invades Navarre, 196 Peralta, Don Pedro de : assassinates the bishop of Pamplona, 214 Perez, Antonio : persecution of, 373 Perez de Castro, Fernando : leader in rebellion against Pedro the Cruel, 163 Perpenna, Marcus Vento: joins Sertor- ius in Spain, 21 ; conspires against Sertorius, 21 Perpignan: siege of (1473), 267 Peru : wins her independence from Spain, 519 Peter (I) the Great, emperor of Russia: forms alliance with Philip V of Spain, 406 Peter : see Pedro Peterborough, Charles Mordaunt. F-arl of: his campaign in Spain, 394 Petreius, Marcus : his campaigns in Spain, 22 Petronilla, queen of Aragon : marries Raymundo V of Barcelona, 228; reign of, 235 Philip (III) the Bold, king of France: declares war on Alfonso X of Leon, 154; grants protection to Jeaime of Navarre, 207 Philip (IV) the Fair, king of France: his crusade against Pedro 111 of Aragon, 246 Philip I, king of Portugal: see Phiiip II, king of Spain Philip II, king of Portugal: see Philip III, king of Spaiii Philip III, king of Portugal: sec PlnHp IV, king of Spain Philip (I) the Handsome, king of Loon and Castile : reign of. 180 Philip II, king of Spain: birlh of, 350; marries Mary of I'Jigland. 351; ac- cession to throne of the NetlH'rlaiits : liere-y of, 31 Pyranuds l'>attle of the (I7'>'>), 4^3 Pyreni'i-, P.allles (.f the, 531 Pvrenees Treaty of the ( 165')), 370, 465 570 INDEX Q, R Quadruple Alliance, The (1718), 406 Quadruple Alliance, The (1834), 497 Quatre Bras: battle (1815), 487, 532 Quiroga, General : leader of Spanish revolution, 492 Rainucci, prince of Parma: claims throne of Portugal, 448 Ramilies : battle of, 397 Ramiro I, king of Aragon : accession of, 140; invades Navarre, 200; reign of. 231 Ramiro (II) the Monk, king of Aragon: accession of, 202 ; reign of, 235 Ramiro I, king of Asturias and Leon: reign of, 133 Ramiro II, king of Asturias and Leon: reign of, 136 Ramiro III, king of Asturias and Leon: reign of, 137 Raymundo I, count of Barcelona: reign of, 225 Raymundo II, count of Barcelona: reign of, 226 Raymundo (III) the Hairy, count of Barcelona: reign of, 226 Raymundo IV, count of Barcelona: reign of, 227 Raymundo (Raymond) V, count of Barcelona : concludes treaty with Alfonso VII of Leon, 145 ; at war with Navarre, 202, 203 ; reign of, 228 ; becomes king of Aragon, 229, 235 Recared I, king of the Goths : his cam- paigns in Gaul, 42 ; reign of, 43 Recared II, king of the Goths : reign of, 44 _ Receswind, king of the Goths : reign of, 44 Reformation, The : in Holland, 356 Revolution, The French : effect on Spain, 482 Revolution of 1820, Portuguese, 534 Revolution of 1820, Spanish, 493 Revolution of 1854, 503 Rhodia: see Rosas Richard I, king of England : marries Berengaria of Navarre, 203 Richard, earl of Cornwall : see Plantag- enet, Richard Richelieu, Armand Jean du Plessis, Car- dinal and duke of: his assassination plotted, 378 Richiarius, king of the Suevi : taken prisoner by the Goths, 38 Richilan, king of the Suevi: reign of, 37 Riego y Nunez Rafael del : leader of Spanish revolution, 492; death of, 495 Rios, Alontero : administration of, 522 Ripperda, Baron de : negotiates treaties between Philip V of Spain and the emperor, 409 Rivas, Due de : administration of, 504 Roderic, king of the Goths : reign of, 46 Rodney, Sir George Brydges: defeats Franco-Spanish fleet, 416 Rodriguez, Mendo : attempts to save Pedro the Cruel from Enrique, 170 Rojas, Miguel de : death of, 369 Rome : interferes with Carthaginian rule in Spain, 14 Rooke, Sir George : his campaigns against the French and Spanish, 394 Rosas (Rhodia) : founded, 12; battle of. 246 Roupinho, Fuas : his campaign against the Mohammedans, 276 Ryswick, Peace of (1697), 384 Saa, Duarte de : governor of the Muluc- cas, 437 Sagasta, Praxedes Mateo : administra- tion of, 516; returns to power, 521; death of, 521 Saguntum : siege of, 15 St. George of the Mine: growth of. 322 St. Jean Pied de Port: siege of (1516), 340 St. Quentin: battle of (i5S7), 354, 355 St. Sebastian: siege of, 531 Sala ben Sala : at siege of Ceuta, 301 ; at siege of Tangier, 306 Salado: battle of, 286 Salamanca: battle of (1810), 486. 530 Saldanha, General: administration of, 537 Salic Law : introduced in Spain. 403 ; INDEX 571 abolished by Ferdinand VII of Spain, 496 Salmeron, Nicolas : president of tlie re- public, 513 Salomon, count of Barcelona : reign of, 223 Salvatierre: sieges of (1211), 100; (1704), 393 Samail : his campaigns in Spain, 68 Sampeyo (Sam Paio), Lopo Vaz de : viceroy of the Indies, 434 Sampson, William Thomas: at battle of Santiago, 520 Sancho (I) Ramirez, king of Aragon, (IV of Navarre) : invades Andalu- sia, 90; his campaign against the Moors, 100; accession to throne of Navarre, 201 ; reign of, 231 Sancho (I) the Fat, king of Asturias and Leon : reign of, 137 Sancho (II) the Brave, king of Leon and Castile : reign of, 142 Sancho III, king of Leon and Castile: reign of, 146 Sancho IV, king of Leon and Castile : rebellion of, 155 ; accession of, 156 Sancho Inigo, count of Bigorre and king of Navarre : reign of, 195 Sancho I (Garces Abaraca), king of Navarre : reign of, 197 Sancho (II) el Mayor, king of Navarre: invades Leon, 139; reign of, 199 Sancho III, king of Navarre: reign of, 200 Sancho (IV) Ramirez, king of Navarre : see Sancho (I) Ramirez, king of Aragon Sancho V, king of Navarre : reign r)f. 203 Sancho VI, king of Navarre : reign of, 204 Sanclio I. king of Portugal: forms al- liance with Alfoii>() IX of Leon, 147; his campaigns against the Moors. 276: reign of, 2~J Sancho 11, king of rortugal : reign of, 279 Sancho, count of Ro;i->sillon : rcgeiU nl Aragon, 239 Sancho, brother of Onlt.no 111 of Leon: revolt of. i.V) San Pedro iry of, 520; second lui-u's- try of. 521 Siinancas; battle of ( ')39 a. i).). 13O Si(incira, Diogo Lo])(.'S di* : made go\- ernor of the Indies. 331 Si^fbert. king of the Goth';: rvign of, 44 Slavery : in ancient Spain. },i 572 INDEX Scares, Lope: his campaigns in the East, 328; made viceroy of India, 330 Soliman, Pasha : besieges Diu, 435 Solyman I, sultan of Turkey: besieges Malta, 355 Solyman, caliph of Cordova : reign of, 80 Solyman ben Abderahman : revolts against Alhakem, 72 Soria, Marquis de : his campaign in Por- tugal, 415 Soult, Nicolas Jean de Dieu : at battle of Corunna, 529 Sousa, Alfonso de: viceroy of the In- dies, 435 Spain and Portugal, History of: early history, 3; the Romans in Spain, 16; political and religious state under the Romans, 28; history of the Goths, 35 ; condition of the people under the Goths, 53; dominion of the Arabs, 63; dominion of the Africans, 85 ; kingdom of Granada, 104; the Asturias, Leon and Cas- tile, 129; kingdom of Navarre, 194; counts of Barcelona, 218; kingdom of Aragon, 230; establishment of Portuguese kingdom, 272 ; the house of Austria, 339; house of Bourbon, 386; general condition of the mon- archy, 421 ; last of the ancient dynasty in Portugal, 433 ; house of Braganza, 462; events of the critical era of Spain to the close of the first Carlist war, 479; last years of Maria Christina, and the era of Queen Isabella II, 499; the brief reign of Amadeus, and the Bour- bon restoration, 510; events in Por- tugal to the close of the Peninsular War, 525; growth of the consti- tutional monarchy in Portugal, 533 Spanish-American war, 520 Spanish Era, 24 Stephanie of Hohenzollern : marries Pedro V of Portugal, 538 Succession, War of Spanish, 390 Suevi : invade Spain, 26 vSuleiman : see Solyman Suniario, count of Urgel : regent of Bar- celona, 225 Suwarrow (Suvarrau), Count Alexan- der: his campaigns in Italy, 527 Swintila, king of the Goths : reign of, 44 Syr ben AH Bckir: his campaigns in Spain, 89 Syracuse: siege of (1298), 248 Tadmir: see Theodomir Tafalla: siege of (1035), 231 Talavera: battles of (918 a. d.), 135; (1811), 486, 530 Tangier: siege of (1437), 306 Tarifa: siege of (1340), 113 Tarik ben Zeyad : his campaigns in Spain, 48 Taxfin ben Ali : made governor of Spain, 95 ; reign of, 96 Tello, Don, brother of Pedro the Cruel : rebellions of, 164; at battle of Lo- grono, 168 Temin, brother of Ali : death of, 233 Temim ben Yussef : his campaign against the Christians, 91 ; his campaign against Mohammed ben Abdalla, 94 Templars, Knights : suppression of, 158, 249 Teresa of Portugal : marries Alfonso IX of Leon, 277 Tetuan : battle of, 507 Thalaba ben Salema: his campaign in Spain, 65 Theobald : see Thibault Theodomir (Tadmir), king of the Goths : defeated by the Saracens, 48; reign of, 50 Theodored, king of the Goths : reign of, Theodoric I, king of the Goths, reign of, 38 Theodoric II, Gothic king: his campaign in Spain, 39 Theudis, king of the Goths : administers government of Spain, 39; accession, 40 Theudisel, king of the Goths: reign of, 40 Thilxiult I (count of Cliampagne), king of Navarre : reign of, 205 Thibault II, king of Navarre: reign of, 206 INDEX 573 Thorismtind, king of the Goths : reign of, 38 Tiberius : condition of Spain under, 25 Tilsit, Peace of (1807), 485 Timur ben Balkin, king of Malaga: de- throned, 89 Titus : condition of Spain under, 26 Toledo: sieges of (713 a. d.), 51; (736 A, D.), 66; (854-859 A. D.), 74; (1083), 143; battle of (1176). 98 Tolosa: battle of (1212), loi, 148, 204, 238 Tortosa: sieges of (804 A. d.)^ 220; (1147), 236 Toulouse: battle of (1814), 486, 532 Tours, Battle of (Battle of Poitiers), 65 Trafalgar Bay: battle of (1805), 484 Trajan: condition of Spain under, 26 Tremecen : battle of, 96 Trimumpara, governor of Cochin : forms alliance with Manuel of Portugal, 326 Tulga, king of the Goths : reign of, 44 Victor Asmodeus (Victor Amadeus), of Savoy, king of Sicily: joins the allies against Spain, 407 Vienna, Council of: abolishes the Knights Templars, 249 Vienna, Treaty of (1735), 410 Vieyra, Martin : treason of, 307 Villadarias, Francisco de Castilla, Mar- quis of: attempts to defend Cadiz, 391 Villaragnt, Dofia Carraza: promotes the follies of the Aragonese court, 258 Villaverdi : ministry of, 521 Villaviciosa: battles of (1657), 466; (1664), 379 Vittoria: battle of (1813). 486, 488 Vimeiro: battle of (1808), 486 Violante, queen of Juan I of Aragon : conduct of, 258 Viriatus : his campaigns against the Romans, 19 Viseu : sieges of (1027), 139, 272; (1057), 142, 272 U, V Ucles : battle of, 91 Urban VT. Pope: opposes Juan of Portugal, 173 Urgel : siege of (1091), 384 Urgel, Count de : claims the throne of Aragon, 260 Urraca, queen of Leon and Castile : reign of, 143; marries Alfonso I of Aragon, 233 Utrecht, Peace of (1713), 401 Val de Junquera : battle of (921 a. d.), 135, 198 Valencia: siege of (i2.mS), 242: rises against the nobles and clergy, 34^^ Valor: battle of (1569), 370 Varro, Marcus Terentius : his campaign in Spain, 23 Vascones : description of. 8 Velasquez, Rodrign : enconrages Mo- hammedans to invndc Leon, 138 Venice: at war with Turkey (1570). 355 Veremundo : see Bcrnnulo Vespasian : condition of Spain under, 26, 28 Vicalvaro: battle of (i of. 350: made governor of the Low Countries, 360; death of, 361 William Loni,'sword : at ^iege f>f Lisbon, -7.T Witcric, king of tlte Goths: reign of. 43 Witiza. king of the Goths: reign of, 46 Women : condition of, in ancient Spain, 5 574 INDEX X, Y, Z Xativa: battle of (i347), 252 Xavier, San Francisco de : see Fran- cisco de Xavier, San Xenil: battle of the, ^7 Xeres de la Frontera : battle of, 49 Xerifs : rise of, 333 Xucar: battle of the, 21 Yacub ben Yussef, surnamed Alman- sor, Mohammedan ruler: reign of, 99 Yahia Alkadia, king of Toledo : reign of, Yahia ben Anasir : attempts to usurp Moorish throne, 102 Yahia ben Edris, sovereign of Fez: be- sieged by Obeidala, 76; made caliph of Cordova, 82 Yahia ben Tafut : his campaigns against the Xerifs, 334; death of, 335 Yoland of Hungaria : marries Jayme I of Aragon, 243 Yussef (I) Abu Yacub, sovereign of Mohammedan Spain : campaigns of, in Andalusia, 98; reign of, 98, loi ; invades Portugal, 277 Yussef (II) Abu Abdalla ben Moham- med, king of Granada: reign of, 117 Yussef (III) ben Mohammed, king of Granada: reign of, 117 Yussef Abul Hegiag ben Ismail, king of Granada: reign of, 113 Yussef ben Taxfin : his campaigns in . Spain, 88 Yussef ben Zeragh, hagib of Granada: wisdom of, 118 Yussuf: refuses to acknowledge Abder- ahman as caliph, 67; leads rebellion, 69 Yussuf ben Amru : tyranny of, in Toledo, yT, Zalaca : battle of, 88 Zamora : battle of, 134 Zayd Aben Kesadi : besieges Malaga, 50 Zeid ben Cassim : assassination of, 74 Zeyad, wali of Barcelona ; career of, 219 Zoraya, wife of Abul Hassan : leads re- bellion, 121 Zorilla, Manuel Ruiz : made minister of commerce in provisional govern ment, 510; prime-minister under Amadeus, 512 Zumalacarregui : successes of, 497 I Malpi) C.Vi/ant .^TUlP;^^^: Orense V oil K-\ ^?*. l^ \. JOD: IT" ^^H^n-P^ro >k: \i wiu T^yj J*^ -if Villa do CoBde] Rlano^ Robla Z^- Mill Kpll IMedloao Sedanoo Brlblesca L ^AlcAnleles andi / Oport vnte JJora da OaJ Vurta !?*> 'Arpiler ^^ ' ' ^^^"j a.wi> R^ri^^S^^.^ jfciudadVo y f^RodrlgoV-*" \^ ">-^' *r~N CaMeIl0j4Jran i Viija vvb//j Togrtts IHBarw- -TataTera:^5:ii^,rrU' Puente /\*' H^ ( T L ! 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