OF THE 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF 
 
PRICE, 
 
 
 IAN EPITOME) 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 OF THE 
 
 EMINENT REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOT 
 
 AND APOSTLE OF RELIGIOUS LIBERTY 
 
 THOMAS PAINE 
 
 FROM THE BUST BY SIDNEY MORSE, IN INDEPENDENCE HALL, PHILADELPHIA 
 
 1737 = 1809 
 
A PAPER 
 
 / 
 ON THE 
 
 LIFE AND CHARACTER 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. THOMAS PAINE 
 
 PREPARED AND READ BY THE SCRIBE 
 
 (HON. JAMES A. RANDALL) 
 
 Before the Society of the 
 
 PSYCHIC BAND OF RESEARCH 
 
 DETROIT, MICH. 
 
 Printed, Published and Sold by the Society. 
 
 1909 
 
COPYRIGHTED 
 
Introductory Note By the President of the 
 P. B. of Research. 
 
 Not the least remarkable thing about the following pages is 
 that at this late day, so long after the living Paine played so 
 conspicuous a part in the world's most glorious epoch as bearing 
 upon the destiny of this nation, so much new light and such cogent 
 chastening of previous harsh judgments should be supplied by 
 the author. 
 
 Paine was one of the best and truest of men, and in religion 
 was an iconoclastic thinker and lived a century or more ahead of 
 his time. It was a sublime courage which in the /8th century 
 a time of great religious intolerance and superstition compared 
 with the present 20th prompted Paine to write and give to the 
 world his masterful 'Age of Reason,' a work which breathed the 
 loftiest sentiments of pure natural religion than were ever penned 
 by man. 
 
 "I believe in one God, and the word of Cod is the creation 
 we behold, and it is in this word which no human invention can 
 counterfeit or alter that Cod speaketh universally to man' was 
 Paine 's declaration of faith. He believed in the equality of man 
 and that religious duties consisted in doing justice, loving mercy 
 and endeavoring to make his fellow creatures happy. 
 
 For having thus declared himself, Paine, whose active mind 
 and brilliant, forceful pen had played so important a part in 
 rearing a great Republic in America, was practically dropped 
 from its history. 
 
 Had Paine never written the 'Age of Reason his memory 
 would have been lauded for his great work during the revolu- 
 tionary struggle, but unfortunately he is known mainly as a free 
 thinker, and by the ignorant as well as those who never read his 
 writings, as a scoffer against religion. This grand work turned 
 
 M342008 
 
public opinion in the United States, as well as in England, 
 against Paine. 
 
 The World has moved. Human intelligence has advanced. 
 Man is beginning to do his own thinking, and Paine is taking 
 his place among the few great men, so-called, of the revolution. 
 
 In his second 'Crisis' on January 13, 1777, Paine suggested 
 the United States of America as a proper name for the new 
 republic on gaining its independence. 
 
 It was some months previous to January 9, 1776, when 
 Paine s 'Common Sense burst upon the people and brought about 
 the declaration of July 4 of that year, that Paine first sent out 
 a feeler in an essay published by him October 18, 1775, entitled 
 'A Serious Thought', in which he intimated that the colonies 
 ought to cut loose from the mother country. 
 
 The distinguishing feature of this succinct, brilliant and com 
 prehensive work f Mr. Randall is its bold comparisons and fear- 
 less deductions in logic. It is a startling innovation and a rude 
 assault upon cherished traditions to place the name of Paine 
 above those of Washington, Franklin, and other of the fathers 
 in bringing about the establishment of this mighty republic, but 
 he presents the facts and the genius of truth seems to be in the 
 conclusions. 
 
 There are touches of sentiment that carry the breath of 
 poetry, if not the spiritual essence, which so many reject as yet, 
 and there are the hard, resounding blows of truth wielded by one 
 who is unafraid, and who has his whole heart in the work- 
 
 The author does not hold a brief for Mr. Paine, but 
 clearly aims to picture him as he was, to relieve him of the odium 
 of false testimony and grant the world a chance for fair, enlight- 
 ened judgment of the wonderful man. 
 
 When the intellectual Paine had passed in the flesh from the 
 haunts of men, when his hand could no longer hold his brilliant 
 pen, and when human ghouls could empty the vials of wrath and 
 vituperation with impunity, one James Cheatham, of New York, 
 
then editor and publisher of the 'American Citizen,' whom Paine 
 had unmercifully flailed through the public press, in J 809 under- 
 took t write, what he was pleased to call, the life of Paine. 
 Cheatham was a foresworn witness, a subtle poisoner of his own 
 sentiments and the eager assassin of character where his own 
 sufered by comparison. He was the ass kicking the dead lion 
 from which he would have fled in terror had he been alive, and 
 then it was that Cheatham, the despicable, did his work- 
 How much better the grand patriot, statesman, soldier, writer 
 and unselfish lover of his fellow men, appears in the writings of 
 Rev. Moncure D. Conway, broad, fair and liberal. He con- 
 scientiously investigated and put down his conception of the truth 
 without fear or favor. He routs Cheatham and places Paine 
 much nearer the higher position which will eventually be his in 
 the eyes of the world.* 
 
 Paine was the writer of immortal literature. He was the 
 irresistible champion of human liberty. He was conspicuously a 
 good man in all his acts and thoughts, clean and unselfish to the 
 uttermost degree. His courage was invincible, and no allure- 
 ments of earthly wealth or honors, not the menace of death itself 
 could swerve him from his high purpose. Some one has said of 
 Paine, "If he lived today his severest critics would be the follow- 
 ers of Bob Ingersoll, who would criticize him for not going 
 further, and the Chautauqua assemblies Would swing wide their 
 gates that he might enter." 
 
 No one should have the slightest hesitation in commending 
 this little work of the Scribe to every person who can spare the 
 time to read it, for Mr. Randall has written to the end that the 
 memory of Paine, who was one of the great men of his time, 
 might come into its own, and those who read will, at least, admire 
 the diction, the beauty, the earnestness and integrity of his work- 
 
 JOSEPH BRENT. 
 
 *Life of Thomas Paine, toith a history of his literary, political and 
 religious career in America, France and England. 2 Vols. 900 pp. 7893. 
 G. P. Pu/nam's Sons. 
 
THOMAS PAINE 
 
 FROM PAINTING BY JARVIS, 1803 
 
ESPONDING to the suggestion of 
 the members of this little band of 
 Psychic Research engaged in the 
 study of new and advanced 
 thought, and prompted by the fact 
 that this year of 1909 is the cen- 
 tenary of his passing from the 
 mortal life, this little paper has 
 been prepared in which I have endeavored to give to 
 you the salient points and outlines of Mr. Paine's dis- 
 tinguished and somewhat stormy career, covering a 
 period from the time he came to America in the latter 
 part of 1774, until he passed into the realm of spirit 
 less than thirty-five years thereafter. 
 
 Within the length of a paper of this character it 
 would be impossible to cover, at least by more than 
 mere mention, the work of this ever active and busy 
 man, for to have done otherwise would have taken the 
 space which it was preferred to use in brief, running 
 comments when going over, as stated, the principal 
 events in Mr. Paine's life, as they were chronologically 
 reached, as well in brief quotations from his principal 
 works, therefore it is, many and most in number of the 
 
 writings of Mr. Paine are not even mentioned. 
 * * * * 
 
 Born in 1736, the son of an English Quaker, and 
 armed with letters of introduction from Dr. Franklin, 
 who was then in London on an embassy from a North 
 American State to the British Government, Mr. Paine 
 emigrated to America in the latter part of 1774, when 
 
8 Paine's Opportunity Came 
 
 the quarrel between the Colonies and the mother country 
 was reaching an acute stage, and the question of sub- 
 mitting to petty and unjust taxes levied by the mother 
 country was the paramount one. 
 
 Able, in the very prime of manhood, for he was but 
 38, of a combative temper, inherently a great lover of 
 liberty and freedom, and a strong, vigorous and incisive 
 writer, pre-eminently possessing the power of clearly 
 and terribly stating a fact, Mr. Paine's opportunity came 
 when the leaders of the opposition to England, in the 
 latter part of 1775, had become weak and dispirited and 
 ready to compromise on any reasonable terms. 
 
 Alluding to the predominant wishes of the colonists 
 soon after his arrival in America, Paine, in his Crisis 
 VII, says: that he found the disposition of the people 
 such they might have been led by a thread and governed 
 by a reed. Their attachment to Britain was obstinate, 
 and it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against 
 it; they disliked the ministry, but they esteemed the na- 
 tion. Their idea of grievance operated without resent- 
 ment and their single object was reconciliation. 
 
 Then it was that Paine, taking advantage of this 
 fact, set the colonies on fire, laying the foundation of 
 this great Republic, by the writing and publication of 
 that famous pamphlet appealing to the feelings and pride 
 of a brave, faithful, abused and misrepresented people, 
 and which spoke a language so terrible in its conse- 
 quences to England, and so strong, powerful and direct, 
 setting forth in burning eloquence a telling array of 
 facts and arguments, which showed the very need of 
 
Aroused Public Opinion 
 
 separation and, incidentally, the establishment of a Re- 
 public. 
 
 The enormous circulation of this remarkable little 
 book of but forty-seven pages, a book which gave spirit 
 and resolution to the wavering and undetermined, and 
 inspired a decisive energy into their councils, instantly 
 aroused smouldering public opinion, and by it, the feel- 
 ing of the people of the colonies was consolidated. The 
 loyalists could not, and dared not even attempt to an- 
 swer the powerful, and, by reason of the circumstances, 
 inflammatory utterances of the unknown author, and, 
 public opinion thus aroused, launched the colonies on 
 their seven year's struggle for commercial and national 
 freedom. 
 
 Up to this time, it must not be forgotten, the idea 
 of separation from England had not been seriously 
 thought of. "Before the 19th of April" (1775), writes 
 Jefferson, "I never heard a whisper of a disposition to 
 separate from the mother country." 
 
 In March of that year (1775) Franklin declared that 
 "No American, drunk or sober, thought of such a thing 
 as independence." 
 
 It was in May of 1775, that George Washington, in 
 reply to the interrogation of a friend as to his attitude 
 on the question of separation, said, "If you ever hear 
 of my joining in any such measure of separation, set me 
 down for anything and everything wicked," and the 
 sentiment was more strongly and unequivocally iterated 
 by him in the following July, after he had taken com- 
 mand of the army, when he said that he abhorred the 
 idea of independence. 
 
10 Lighted the Torch of Liberty 
 
 It was Paine and his "Common Sense" (Jan. 9, 1776) 
 which wrote the future of the United States and changed 
 the views of Mr. Washington as well as a majority of 
 the people of the colonies, and led to the Declaration of 
 Independence and the subsequent career of Washington, 
 who at that time was a very wealthy slave holding Vir- 
 ginia farmer. Had it not been for Thomas Paine, his- 
 tory would not record the struggle, known as the war of 
 the revolution, and "Common Sense" may be called the 
 fire that relighted the torch of liberty which the pessim- 
 ism coming from hardships had well nigh exhausted. 
 
 There is a complete concurrence of testimony, and it 
 was unanimously conceded by the people of the colonies 
 at the time that the writing and publication of "Common 
 Sense" was the turning point in the struggle, for it 
 roused and consolidated public sentiment, swept the 
 waverers along with the tide and independence was 
 assured. To this fact I will again advert. 
 
 After the real beginning of hostilities following the 
 Declaration, the little, half-clad continental army of a 
 few thousands under Washington, suffering defeat after 
 defeat, disheartened and discouraged, after having been 
 driven across the Delaware, retreated to Newark 
 (Nov. 23, 1776), where, because of the expiration of 
 their enlistment, half of the little army returned to their 
 homes, when affairs were in a desperate plight, for it 
 must be remembered that the British held all of New 
 Jersey, and, they claimed were only waiting for the 
 river to freeze over to catch Washington and thus end 
 the war. Philadelphia was in a panic. Congress, which 
 had been meeting there had taken refuge in Baltimore. 
 
Times that Tried Men's Souls 1 1 
 
 Hosts of half-hearted people were taking what was 
 called "British Protection," in other words, swearing 
 allegiance to the King, and the times indeed were 
 trying the very souls of men. Then it was that 
 this man of unconquerable perseverance, who at the 
 time was serving as a private soldier under General 
 Washington, by the light of the camp fire, wrote the 
 first number of that little pamphlet which has never 
 been surpassed for true eloquence and power, which he 
 called the "Crisis." 
 
 The battle of Trenton (Dec. 25, 1776), followed, be- 
 fore which what was left of the little army was called 
 together in little groups to listen to the reading of 
 Paine's thrilling exhortation, beginning: 
 
 "These are the times that try men's souls. The sum- 
 mer soldier and the sunshine patriot will in this crisis 
 shrink from the service of his country, but he that stands 
 it now deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. 
 Tyranny, like hell itself, is not easily conquered, yet we 
 have this consolation with us, that the harder the con- 
 flict the more glorious the triumph; what we obtain too 
 cheap we esteem too lightly; 'tis dearness only that 
 gives everything its value. Heaven knows how to put 
 a price on its goods, and it would be strange indeed 
 if so celestial an article as Freedom should not be highly 
 rated." 
 
 Toward the close of this remarkably adroit and pow- 
 erful, simple and sympathetic address, after hinting at 
 the treatment in the way of confiscation which ought to 
 be accorded the loyalists or tories, Paine said: 
 
 "Quitting this class of men I turn with the warm 
 
12 Cathered Strength from Distress 
 
 ardor of a friend to those who have nobly stood, and are 
 yet determined to stand the matter out. I call not upon 
 a few, but upon all. Not on this State, or that State, 
 but on every State. Up and help us! Lay your shoul- 
 der to the wheel; better have too much force than too 
 little, when so great an object is at stake. Let it be 
 told to the future world that in the depths of winter, 
 when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that 
 the city and the country, alarmed at one common dan- 
 ger, came forth to meet and repulse it! Say not that 
 thousands are gone, but turn out your tens of thous- 
 ands ; throw not the burden of the day upon Providence, 
 but 'Show your faith by your works,' that God may 
 bless you. It matters not where you live, or what rank 
 in life you hold, the evil or the blessing will reach you 
 all. The far and the near, the home counties and the 
 back, the rich and the poor will suffer or rejoice alike. 
 The heart that feels not now, is dead. The blood of his 
 children will curse his cowardice, who shrinks back at a 
 time when a little might have saved the whole, and 
 made them happy. I love the man that can smile when 
 in trouble, that can gather strength from distress, and 
 grow brave by reflection. 'Tis the business of little 
 minds to shrink, but he whose heart is firm and whose 
 conscience approves his conduct will pursue his princi- 
 ples unto death. My own line of reasoning is, to myself, 
 as straight and clear as a ray of light. Not all the 
 treasures of the world, so far as I believe, could have 
 induced me to support an offensive war, for I think it 
 murder, but if a thief breaks into my house, burns and 
 destroys my property, and kills or threatens to kill me 
 
Turned Despair into Hope 13 
 
 or those that are in it, am I to suffer for it? What sig- 
 nifies it to me whether he who does it is a king or a 
 common man, my countryman or not my countryman, 
 whether it be done by an individual villain or an army 
 of them. If we reason to the root of things we shall 
 find no difference, neither can any just cause be as- 
 signed why we should punish in the one case and par- 
 don in the other. Let them call me rebel and welcome 
 for I feel no concern from it, but I should suffer the 
 misery of devils were I to make a strumpet of my soul 
 by swearing allegiance to one whose character is that 
 of a sottish, stupid, stubborn, worthless, brutish man. 
 I conceive likewise a horrid idea in receiving mercy from 
 a being who at the last day shall be found shrieking to 
 the rocks and mountains to cover him, and fleeing with 
 terror from the orphan, the widow and the slain of Am- 
 erica!" 
 
 Printed copies of this little pamphlet were scattered 
 broadcast, and in the army and out of it it had a simply 
 marvelous effect in restoring a courage which was fast 
 ebbing, and at the time likely to result in the disband- 
 ing of the army. It turned despair into hope, gloom 
 into cheerfulness, and irresolution into firmness. 
 
 Men returned to the army. Washington saw his 
 dispirited soldiers beaming with hope, and, "These are 
 the times that try men's souls!" became a battle cry, 
 and were a magical inspiration to the army. 
 
 Then, Mr. Chairman, came the English disaster at 
 Trenton, (Dec. 25, 1776), the first practical and glorious 
 victory of the continental army, a victory which resulted 
 in the surrender of the Hessians. 
 
14 Victory at Trenton Followed 
 
 This .victory at Trenton with the capture of the 
 hated Hessians put new life, vigor and hope into the 
 hearts of the colonists. It was the turning point in the 
 fortunes of the colonies, for victories followed which 
 brought new recruits, and few doubted the ultimate re- 
 sult of the war. The brave patriots who had affixed 
 their signatures to the Declaration of Independence had 
 fewer visions of the drawing of the halter. 
 
 It has been stated by many that it was Paine with 
 his pen and Washington with his sword, who fought 
 and won the war of the revolution, a war which re- 
 sulted in the establishment of a republic, now the great- 
 est this world ever saw, and under the protection of 
 which live over one hundred millions of people, but I 
 deny the truth of a statement which thus associates the 
 names of these two men together, for it is a belittling 
 of the services of the former to thus associate with him 
 the latter, of which I will have occasion to refer here- 
 after. Say rather, that it was George the Third, the 
 stubborn and stupid hereditary tainted King of Eng- 
 land, and Mr. Paine, and it would be nearer the fact. 
 
 Paul Allen, one of if not the earliest historical writer 
 on the American Revolution (1819) in referring to the 
 moulding of sentiment in the first half of 1776, in favor 
 of separation, says: 
 
 "Among the numerous writers on the momentous 
 . question, the most luminous, the most eloquent, and the 
 most forcible was Thomas Paine. His pamphlet entitled 
 'Common Sense* was not only read but understood by 
 everybody. It contained plain and simple truths told in 
 a style and language which entered the heart of every 
 
"Common Sense 1 Published 15 
 
 man, and those who regard the independence of the 
 United States as a blessing will never cease to cherish 
 the remembrance of Thomas Paine." 
 
 Mr. John Fiske, a man of some erudition, a gradu- 
 ate of Harvard, and for a time its assistant librarian, 
 some fifteen or twenty years ago essayed to write a his- 
 tory of the Revolutionary War (and from the fact that 
 he refers to the tone of Paine's 'Age of Reason' as 
 coarse, containing crude argument, and with the im- 
 provement of popular education was fast sinking into 
 complete and deserved oblivion, and for other reasons 
 apparent in his work, he is not here quoted as an au- 
 thority, but rather as a compiler of historical facts) 
 after speaking of Mr. Paine and his 'Common Sense' 
 and that it was written at the suggestion of Benjamin 
 Rush with the approval of Dr. Franklin and Samuel 
 Adams, admits that this great caustic pamphleteer set 
 forth a sensible and striking statement of the practical 
 state of the case between England and the Colonies, the 
 reason for looking upon reconciliation as hopeless, and 
 for seizing the moment to declare to the world what 
 the logic of events was already making as an accom- 
 plished fact, and he says these were shrewdly and vividly 
 set forth and carried conviction wherever it went. Fiske 
 says that it was difficult for the printers with the clumsy 
 presses of that day to bring out copies of 'Common 
 Sense* fast enough to meet the demand for it, more than 
 one hundred thousand copies being speedily put out. 
 
 Ramsey, in his "American Revolution" (London, 
 1793), in referring to Mr. Paine's pamphlet, says: "In 
 union with the feelings and sentiments of the people, it 
 
16 Rapidly Changed Opinion 
 
 produced surprising effects. Many thousands were con- 
 vinced and were led to approve and long for a separa- 
 tion from the mother country, though that measure a 
 few months before was not only foreign to their wishes, 
 but the object of their abhorrence; the current became 
 so strong in its favor that it bore down all before it." 
 
 Cheatham, the renegade apostate, and enemy of 
 Paine, in his book which he called "The Life of Paine" 
 (1809), says that " 'Common Sense' spoke a language 
 which the colonists had felt, but had not dared to think ; 
 that its popularity terrible in its consequences to the 
 parent country, was unexampled in the history of the 
 press. It was first read with alarm, but recovering from 
 the first shock its arguments nourished the reader's feel- 
 ings, appealed to his pride, reanimated his hopes and 
 satisfied his understanding. The unknown author was 
 hailed by the people (for everybody read it) as an angel 
 sent from heaven to save all from the horrors of slavery 
 by his timely, powerful and unerring counsels." 
 
 When "Common Sense" arrived in Albany the con- 
 vention of New York was in session. George Scott, a 
 leading member, alarmed at the boldness and novelty of 
 its arguments, mentioned his fears to several of his dis- 
 tinguished colleagues, and suggested a private meeting 
 in the evening for the purpose of preparing an answer. 
 They accordingly met, and Mr. McKesson read the 
 pamphlet through. At first it was deemed both neces- 
 sary and expedient to answer it without delay, but cast- 
 ing about for the requisite arguments they concluded to 
 adjourn and meet again. In a few evenings they reas- 
 sembled, but so rapid was the change of opinion in the 
 
Action by the Colonies 17 
 
 colonies at large in favor of independence, and at a loss 
 for answer, they agreed not to oppose it. 
 
 North Carolina took the first decisive action in the 
 latter part of March, 1776. 
 
 Rhode Island, with its original charter needed not to 
 form a new government, but on the fourth of May omit- 
 ted the king's name from its public documents and sher- 
 iff's writs. 
 
 Virginia followed on the fifth by choosing a conven- 
 tion to consider the question of independence. 
 
 On the fifteenth of the same month Congress adopted 
 the resolution of Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, rec- 
 ommending all the colonies to form for themselves inde- 
 pendent governments, and in a preamble written by 
 John Adams, it was declared that the American people 
 could no longer conscientiously take oath to support 
 any government deriving its authority from the crown, 
 and with the adoption of this resolution the whole united 
 colonies were put upon the verge of what was at the 
 time termed "the glorious revolution." 
 
 Connecticut, like Rhode Island, having been organ- 
 ized under the charter of 1662, followed (June 14), and 
 the following day New Hampshire, New Jersey, Penn- 
 sylvania, Delaware and Maryland, and on July first, 
 every single one of the colonies had cut the apron 
 strings which held them to the mother country. 
 
 From my early reading of colonial history, the war 
 of the revolution, and especially of the period covering 
 the fifteen years from 1770 to 1785, in my youth I 
 formed an opinion to which I have remained steadfast, 
 for in my subsequent reading it has never been shaken, 
 
18 Mightier than the Sword 
 
 and that is: to the inspired Thomas Paine, and to him 
 alone can be credited the creation and consolidation of 
 a sentiment which in 1775 made the separation of the 
 colonies from Great Britain, and their establishment into 
 a confederation or republic possible, and at no time since 
 have I doubted the truth of the old saying, that, when 
 well wielded, "The Pen is Mightier than the Sword." 
 
 How few of us realize the vastness, the unparalleled 
 resources, the greatness of our country. The United 
 States with its area of three millions five hundred fifty- 
 seven thousand square miles, is eighteen times larger 
 than France, fifty-six times larger than England, and 
 were the United States peopled as densely as those two 
 countries they would contain, approximately, one thous- 
 and million of souls! 
 
 From the original thirteen colonies rebelling against 
 George the Third, and which, urged and persuaded by 
 Paine in that superbly bitter, that masterly and wonder- 
 fully forceful pamphlet of "Common Sense" declared 
 their independence on July Fourth thereafter, there have 
 sprung a people who have increased in number, wealth 
 and intelligence, with a rapidity in which history furn- 
 ishes no parallel. 
 
 The republic was established. Restless, and dissatis- 
 fied to remain in a country where full liberty was en- 
 joyed, Paine determined to return to England and open 
 the eyes of the people to the madness and stupidity of 
 its government, and he did so. 
 
 It is said that when Dr. Franklin first met Paine, 
 after having learned of his intended departure for Eng- 
 land, he expressed regret that Paine was, voluntarily, 
 
For the Good of Nations 19 
 
 leaving a land where full liberty was enjoyed, saying, 
 "Where liberty is, there is my country," and Paine 
 quietly replied, "Where liberty is not, is mine/' 
 
 In England, in reply to Burke's pamphlet, which he 
 called "Reflections on the Revolutions of France," (1790) 
 he wrote the "Rights of Man," the first part of which 
 appeared in 1791, a copy of the original edition of one 
 hundred sixty-two pages, as well as a governmental 
 emasculated copy of the second part, issued in 1792, and 
 rebound in one volume we have here in the library. Its 
 circulation was enormous, and the English Government, 
 taking the alarm, endeavored to suppress it, but without 
 avail. Much of its influence was because of its force, its 
 dignity, and temperance, and it was the clear statement 
 of facts, and the time, which alone made it inflammatory. 
 
 In his preface to the second part of the work, and in 
 justification of its production, after stating that it was 
 for the good of nations, and, (taking a fall out of Burke 
 who was on the government's secret pension list), not 
 for the emolument and aggrandizement of particular in- 
 dividuals that governments ought to be established, and 
 that mankind is at the expense of supporting it, he 
 states an unanswerable proposition and note with what 
 clearness he does it: 
 
 "The defects of any government and constitution, 
 both as to principle and form, must on a parity of reas- 
 oning, be as open to discussion as the defects of a law, 
 and it is a duty every man owes to society to point them 
 out. When those defects, and the means of remedying 
 them, are generally seen by a nation, that nation will 
 reform its government or its constitution in the one 
 
20 Branded as an Outlaw 
 
 case, as the government repealed or reformed the law in 
 the other. The operation of government is restricted to 
 the making and the administering of laws, but it is to a 
 nation that the right of forming, or reforming, generat- 
 ing or regenerating constitutions and governments be- 
 long, and consequently, those subjects as subjects of in- 
 vestigation are always before a country as a matter of 
 right, and cannot, without invading the general rights 
 of a country be made subjects of persecution. On this 
 ground I will meet Mr. Burke whenever he please." 
 
 Paine was indicted for treason, before which and 
 pending his trial, in recognition of his ability, of his re- 
 publicanism, and his championship of the people of 
 France, he was elected by several of the departments as 
 a member of the French convention. He accepted that 
 of Calais. 
 
 As the easiest way to get rid of this firebrand, he was 
 allowed by the English Government to pass into France, 
 first, however, being branded as an outlaw. 
 
 In France (at Calais) he was received by the firing 
 of guns from the battery, and the flying of flags, and 
 became the guest of honor of the municipalities through 
 which he passed on his way to the French capitol. He 
 was treated with great respect, and while in and out of 
 the convention always counseling moderation, and not- 
 withstanding his inability to speak the language, because 
 of his judgment, his power and force of argument, his 
 very greatness, he wielded great influence in that stormy 
 convention, and became a famous figure. He took his 
 seat in this excitable body in the latter part of 1792, and 
 in the memorable and exciting scenes which followed, 
 
Looked Daily for Death 2 1 
 
 resulting in the execution of Louis XVI, Paine, moved 
 by his humanity and mindful of the help the king had 
 accorded the American colonists during their struggle 
 for independence, strongly and eloquently urged disposi- 
 tion of the king by banishment to the United States, 
 closing with this lofty sentiment, "My anxiety for the 
 cause of France has become, for the moment, concern 
 for its honor. If, on my return to America I should 
 employ myself on a history of the French Revolution, I 
 had rather record a thousand errors dictated by human- 
 ity than one inspired by a justice too severe." 
 
 After the guillotine had fallen which sent the soul of 
 that staunch friend of the struggling American colonies 
 into the presence of its maker, realizing his inability to 
 accomplish any results in the interests of humanity and 
 freedom within the convention, he absented himself 
 much from its sittings, spending most of his time quietly 
 in his lodgings and garden in the Faubourg St. Denis in 
 the writing and preparation for the printer of the first 
 part of the "Age of Reason," and, falling under the sus- 
 picion of Robespierre and Marat, who believed he had 
 gone over to the Girondest party by reason of his having 
 declined to cast his vote as a deputy for the death of 
 the king, he was arrested and thrown into the prison of 
 Luxembourg, charged with no other offense than of be- 
 ing a foreigner. 
 
 Expelled from the convention on Christmas night, 
 his arrest was in the night of the 27th (1793), and, it is 
 said that for some months previous Mr. Paine, seeing 
 his friends one by one taken to Luxembourg, to leave 
 it only to be beheaded, he looked daily for his own sum- 
 
22 His Conception of Cod 
 
 mons, and hurried along his greatest, and what he be- 
 lieved would be his last work for humanity. 
 
 Pause with me right here, Mr. Chairman, and con- 
 sider and reflect for a moment at the wonderful mind of 
 a man fully recognizing the fact that he was under the 
 very shadow of the guillotine, which could in a few 
 months and under such circumstances produce so 
 thoughtful, so scholarly, so philosophical, so grand a 
 work as the "Age of Reason." (Pub. at Paris, Jan. 27, 
 1794.) 
 
 Declaring his disbelief in what is called revealed re- 
 ligion and giving his reasons therefor, the reader is given 
 Paine's conception of what he conceived to be the true 
 word of God, the only true revelation, and as it breathes 
 as pure a spirit of morality and philosophy as anything 
 which was ever written, pardon me for quoting it here: 
 
 "It is only in the creation that all our ideas and con- 
 ceptions of a word of God can unite. The creation 
 speaketh an universal language independently of hu- 
 man speech or human language, multiplied and various 
 as they may be. It is an ever existing original which 
 every man can read. It cannot be forged it cannot be 
 counterfeited, it cannot be lost; it cannot be altered; it 
 cannot be suppressed. It does not depend upon the will 
 of man whether it shall be published or not. It pub- 
 lishes itself from one end of the earth to the other. It 
 preaches to all nations and to all worlds; and this word 
 of God reveals to Man all that is necessary for man to 
 know of God! Do we want to contemplate His wis- 
 dom? We see it in the unchangeable order by which 
 the incomprehensible whole is governed. Do we want 
 
The Moral Duty of Man 23 
 
 to contemplate His munificence? We see it in the abun- 
 dance with which He fills the earth. Do we want to 
 contemplate His mercy? We see it in his not withhold- 
 ing that abundance, even from the unthankful. In fine, 
 do we want to know what God is? Search not a book 
 called the Scripture, which any human hand might make, 
 but the scripture called 'The Creation !' " 
 
 Where can greater and more sublime faith be found 
 than in the following, which I take from the closing 
 page of the first part of this work, six '.lours after the 
 penning of which by him, the pulsations of whose heart 
 were as loving and kind as ever throbbed in the breast 
 of man, was under arrest and supposedly, on his way to 
 death. 
 
 "The Creation we behold is the real and ever-existing 
 word of God, in which we cannot be deceived. It pro- 
 claimeth His power, it demonstrates His wisdom, it man- 
 ifests His goodness and beneficence. The moral duty of 
 Man consists in imitating the moral goodness and ben- 
 eficence of God manifested in the creation toward all 
 his creatures. That seeing as we daily do, the goodness 
 of God to all men, it is an example calling upon all men 
 to practice the same toward each other, and consequently 
 that everything of persecution and revenge between 
 man and man, and everything of cruelty to animals, is a 
 violation of moral duty." 
 
 Mr. Paine never believed that the grace of God 
 would save souls any more than the grace of colleges 
 would make scholars independent of earnest effort, nor 
 that the blood of one could atone for the sins of another. 
 He knew that true and exact justice was as sweet as 
 
24 The Republic s Ingratitude 
 
 mercy, and he believed that God is just, and compensa- 
 tion an inexorable law. 
 
 Mr. Paine remained at Luxembourg ten months and 
 nine days, being released in the latter part (Oct. 1794) 
 of the following year. While in prison an order for be- 
 heading him was made, but by a mere accident, and Mr. 
 Paine himself relates the story, he escaped. 
 
 While his friends were coming into the prison and 
 out of it to the guillotine, expecting each day to be his 
 last on earth, this remarkable man, it is said, wrote the 
 second part of "The Age of Reason," though I am more 
 inclined to believe that it was later, and in 1795, after 
 his release from Luxembourg, and while for a year and 
 a half as a guest, he was a member of the household of 
 Minister Monroe at Paris, that the bulk of it was writ- 
 ten and prepared for the press. 
 
 A natural inquiry here arises, and I must, for I can- 
 not avoid sort of parenthetically referring to it, and that 
 inquiry is: What was the American Government, in 
 the meanwhile doing toward his release from Luxem- 
 bourg? Nothing, simply nothing. Mr. Paine was an 
 American citizen a distinguished foreigner who had 
 been invited into France to aid in the formation of a 
 republic. He had been thrown into prison charged with 
 no crime other than that of his citizenship. Unfortun- 
 ately however by reason of his great popularity with the 
 American residents and visitors to Paris, and from other 
 causes, he had incurred the displeasure of the American 
 minister, Mr. Morris, who, it is said, was ever in heart 
 a royalist, and no genuine effort was made for his re- 
 lease. 
 
President Failed to Act 25 
 
 Stray away right here for a moment with me and 
 think of the picture thus presented. Paine, the author 
 of "Common Sense," the "Crisis," "The Rights of Man," 
 who, unselfishly and without reward other than that 
 which came to his own conscience, had spent twenty of 
 his best years in the work of humanity, liberty and free- 
 dom, who after rearing one republic in the new world, 
 putting aside all ambition and hope of political reward 
 or emolument, returned to a country whose monarch he 
 had referred to as a drunken, worthless character, a 
 stupid brute and murderer, and then in the cause of 
 human freedom, in the interests of the common people, 
 by agitation endeavored to rear another, and quitting 
 this work only at the hasty call of a people living in 
 distress under another monarchy, and fleeing to their 
 aid, this grand man, this noblest of American citizens 
 whose country was the world itself, in a foreign prison 
 awaiting for eleven months the republic he reared to 
 claim him! 
 
 Washington, who had become the first president, 
 knew that Thomas Paine, whose able and trench- 
 ant pen had played such a part in creating the very 
 republic over which he was the executive head, and 
 recognized by its congress as the founder of the 
 republic, ought to have known, if he did not, that 
 the French Committee of Public Safety, appreciating 
 the greatness and the humanity of the man, was only 
 waiting for some authoritative request from America 
 to set him at liberty, but, and ashamed am I to con- 
 fess it, history contains no record of a single effort 
 
26 Truth About Washington 
 
 put forth by President Washington to save this man 
 from dying at the hands of a French mob. 
 
 If, Mr. Chairman, you now observe a slight degree of 
 warmth settling under my ears in contemplation of this 
 neglect, amounting almost to a crime, of President 
 Washington, a man who possessed a rare balance of 
 large powers, whose fine exterior attracted respect and 
 whose natural dignity and silence tended to preserve it, 
 but the pulsations of whose heart were abnormally slow, 
 who was never charged by contemporary friend or foe 
 with possessing a single sympathetic feeling; whose 
 cold blood flowed sluggishly in his veins, in whose com- 
 position there was never found by friend a single kindly 
 or lovable trait of character, and in the glamor of whose 
 fame the American people have for nearly a century 
 gone into rhapsodies, let it serve as an apology for my 
 briefly calling attention to an historical fact, by relating 
 one or two things which may put the student on in- 
 quiry and enable him to reform his judgment of Amer- 
 ican history, and it is this; that Washington is not 
 entitled to the credit of bringing to a successful termin- 
 ation the War of the Revolution, for he was but a 
 mere spoke in the wheel, and not a very efficient one 
 at that. 
 
 Fame has always been unusually cheap, and grows 
 greater to the uninformed with the lapse of time. 
 
 The war of the revolution had been happily ended 
 with Washington commander-in-chief of the army. 
 With much dignity he uncovered his head to receive 
 the customary crown of laurel wreath. The bells were 
 ringing, anvils were being fired, and every one was 
 
Had a Separate Command 27 
 
 joyous and happy. No one at such a time was disposed 
 to dispute with Washington its possession. 
 
 It is conceded that Mr. Washington had no share 
 in the political part of the revolution, and the services 
 he rendered were entirely of a military character. 
 
 He began his command in June, 1775, with the rank 
 or title only of commander-in-chief, but in reality he 
 had a separate command. He had no control over or 
 direction of the army to the northward under Gates that 
 captured Burgoyne, or that to the south under Greene 
 that recovered the southern states, but it served to 
 throw upon him the lustre of those actions and make 
 him appear as the soul and center of all military opera- 
 tions in America. His inactivity in 1775, when the 
 enemy had a less force than in the campaign of 1776, 
 produced the losses and misfortunes that marked this 
 gloomy campaign, which Paine sought and in a great 
 measure did repair with his first "Crisis." 
 
 Your new historian denies that it was Washington 
 who fought and won the battle of Trenton, but he 
 attributes it rather as a victory won by Paine and his 
 "Crisis," and on this proposition he stands ready to 
 make good, although a discussion of it here is beyond 
 the limit of the present paper. 
 
 Burgoyne and his army in 1777 was captured at 
 Saratoga by Gates, who was not under the authority 
 of Washington it must be remembered, and the latter 
 was afterward informed of the fact by a private letter, 
 not from Gates, for there was no correspondence be- 
 tween them, but from Clinton. Burgoyne's capture 
 
28 Sat in French Convention 
 
 sent a thrill throughout Europe and brought to the col- 
 onies their alliance with France. 
 
 But, Mr. Chairman, I must hurry along, for what 
 was intended as a brief sketch is reaching the propor- 
 tions of a book. 
 
 We left Mr. Paine, if my memory serves me, after 
 his release from the prison of Luxembourg, a guest of 
 James Monroe, then American Minister to France, he 
 who afterward became a President of the United States. 
 The French Convention, from which he had been ex- 
 pelled, unanimously setting aside the order of expulsion, 
 invited him to retake his seat therein, which he did, 
 and continuing to serve with distinction he was shown 
 great consideration, although not with the majority. 
 He participated in the debates which resulted in the 
 formation of the constitution. 
 
 The Convention being permanently dispersed and the 
 Directory organized, the second part of the "Age of 
 Reason" was brought out, (Oct., 1796), and he now 
 wrote and published several pamphlets, the principal 
 ones being his "Dissertations on First Principles of 
 Government," which contained a clear and temperate 
 statement of his theories. . . "Agrarian Justice Opposed 
 to Agrarian Law," and the "Decline and Fall of the 
 English System of Finance," which foretold the suspen- 
 sion of specie payments by the Bank of England, which 
 was to follow. 
 
 In the same year (1796), at Paris, he published a 
 letter, principally on the subject of the treaty Jay had 
 concluded with Great Britain, and it was from this let- 
 ter, which I believe to have been an injudicious one, 
 
The Friend of Napoleon 29 
 
 given to the press while Paine was smarting under the 
 treatment which had been accorded him by Washington, 
 that first served to call my attention to the fact that 
 Washington in name only had been commander-in-chief, 
 of the continental forces during the revolutionary 
 struggle. 
 
 Pairie for the next few years led a quiet, but an in- 
 dustrious life in Paris. Napoleon, who was then in the 
 earlier stages of his career, called at his quarters and 
 formed a pleasant acquaintance with him. 
 
 The desire, however, to return to his beloved Amer- 
 ica grew stronger and stronger, and while he diverted 
 his mind in mechanics and inventions, he determined 
 to take all chances of being found by a British cruiser, 
 and he returned to America in the fall of 1802, landing 
 at Baltimore. 
 
 The "Age of Reason" had, of course, preceded him, 
 and on account of religious prejudice, to be seen in his 
 society was to be socially ostracized and damned by 
 one's neighbors. Forgetting the importance and the 
 magnitude of his revolutionary services, unmindful of 
 his grand ability, the loftiness of his soul, and his great 
 love for humanity, of his sufferings and many depriva- 
 tions for the cause of freedom, the author of "Common 
 Sense" and the "Rights of Man" was unmercifully 
 abused, roasted and villified by the political and secular 
 press, and the church. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was President, and he greeted 
 Paine with great cordiality at the White House, which 
 brought a storm of abuse upon him, and, to Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's credit it may be said that, notwithstanding the 
 
30 His Death at New York 
 
 political and other disadvantages of Paine's friend- 
 ship, he braved sentiment and publicly avowed that 
 friendship. 
 
 Mr. Paine went to New York, where he was wel- 
 comed by Mayor Clinton and a few devoted friends, 
 and from thence to Bordentown, and from there to his 
 farm at New Rochelle, a farm which had some years 
 before been presented to him by the State of New 
 York. 
 
 All of Jefferson's enemies became Paine's, some of 
 Paine's became Jefferson's, notwithstanding which the 
 latter was re-elected to the presidency by a decisive 
 vote, and this fact was really the one happy and shining 
 episode which brightened the life of Mr. Paine, after 
 resetting his feet on the shores of America, following 
 his fifteen years of tumultuous life abroad. 
 
 In the beginning of 1809, in his seventy-third year, 
 recognizing that he was approaching the end of the 
 mortal, Mr. Paine made his will. The people of Amer- 
 ica knew, and those abroad were apprised of his physical 
 condition, and then it was that brutal curiosity in some 
 cases, and well meant kindness on the part of clergy- 
 men and religious fools and fanatics in others, did much 
 to annoy him. Some of the latter sought to have him 
 repent and believe, that he might avoid damnation and 
 eternal suffering. His home and his sick chamber had 
 to be guarded during the whole of his illness, and fin- 
 ally, on June 8, 1809,, at New York, the grand spirit 
 of that ardent lover of human souls, whose country 
 encompassed the whole globe, and whose religion was 
 to do good, passed into the higher and better life. 
 
Vilified by the Church 31 
 
 Denied burial elsewhere, his poor, tired old body, 
 followed only by the members of a little French family 
 who in France had befriended him, and, in turn he had 
 befriended, a couple of negroes, and a dear old Quaker 
 by the name of Hicks, was two days afterward taken 
 to his New Rochelle farm, and buried. Then there arose 
 villiners of all creeds and religions, because of Paine's 
 crime for having stood for a pure natural religion, had 
 written and published the fact that his God was Omni- 
 potent Goodness, and the blood-guilty Jehovah of the 
 Old Testament who bade his favorites wade in the 
 blood of their enemy, was an intolerable calumny. 
 
 Ah, Mr. Chairman, you, sir, who have that wonder- 
 ful clairvoyant power, that enables you to see spirit as 
 well as material objects, look about you tonight! All 
 over this little home, in the lower part of the house, 
 prone on the floor and huddling in the corners of the 
 rooms the better to cover their nakedness, a nakedness 
 denoting the ignorance of their minds, the darkness of 
 their souls, are six hundred ragged, wretched, disem- 
 bodied spirits, silent, but terrible witnesses of the truth 
 of what this man taught in his "Age of Reason" and 
 for which he was stoned. 
 
 Through the press and otherwise, his political and 
 personal enemies, the clergy and ignorant fanatical 
 devotees of the church, shamefully traduced by libel 
 and slander the character of this man when they learned 
 that he was dead. He was pictured as a two-horned 
 devil with the usual forked, orthodox tail, and as having 
 possessed all the vices which had ever been charged to 
 any member of the human race. 
 
32 Mr. Paine s Character 
 
 Conway in his Life, tells us that within the past fif- 
 teen years, in the British Museum, he himself counted 
 three hundred and twenty-seven entries of books of and 
 concerning Paine, in the majority of which he was 
 characterized as this devil. 
 
 During all this time where was Thomas Paine? The 
 unstrung, tuneless harp, that magnificent instrument 
 upon which for many years by a master musician had 
 been played a grand symphony of nature, the melody 
 of. which heard around the world had stirred the very 
 souls of men prompting the exercise of thought and rea- 
 son, lay dead and buried in a little corner of the New 
 Rochelle farm, scoffed and jeered at by the ignorant and 
 malicious, but sir, the living harper, the real player 
 whose skillful touch on the strings of the mortal instru- 
 ment had brought forth such grand and lofty music, 
 and whose country was the very globe itself, his religion 
 to do good, was over the mountains borne tenderly in 
 the loving arms of divine teachers to spheres of learn- 
 ing and erudition, and without for a moment losing con- 
 sciousness as he passed through the so-called gateway 
 of death, he began at once breathing the pure atmosphere 
 of spirit, and in continuance of his work on earth his 
 power and eloquence were again being exercised in the 
 cause of humanity that he so dearly loved. 
 
 Now comes a bit of embarrassment on my part, for 
 this paper would not be considered complete by my 
 hearers without after having outlined the principal parts 
 of his work, my own judgment, humble as it is, was not 
 expressed as to Mr. Paine's character. 
 
Knew the Human Heart 33 
 
 I have looked for some grave faults in Mr. Paine, for 
 though an ardent admirer I dislike to appear as one 
 who, were there such, would gloss them over, but the 
 fact is that so much has been said and written by the 
 traducers of Mr. Paine during the fifteen or twenty 
 years following his death, which was not truthful, so 
 much after having been run down were found to be abso- 
 lutely wicked falsehoods begotten by the ignorance and 
 superstitions of the time, and which have since passed 
 as history, that one cannot rely on a single statement 
 then made and recourse must be had to that well-known 
 maxim, so unquestionably a fact in the case of Mr. 
 Paine, "Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus." 
 
 I am prepared to concede, however, and am glad to 
 do so for I weary of eulogism, taking advantage of the 
 fact that his friend and first biographer, Clio Rickman, 
 failed to deny it, that during the Reign of Terror in 
 Paris after he absented himself from the sittings of the 
 French Convention and was for many months living 
 quietly at his house in the Faubourg St. Denis prepar- 
 ing the first part of his "Age of Reason," and before he 
 was sent to Luxembourg, he indulged somewhat freely 
 in French brandy, and if this be true and the literary 
 work then done was under its inspiration, I can but re- 
 peat the saying attributed to Lincoln that Mr. Paine 
 should be severely censured in that the world was not 
 apprised by him of the brand and the maker's name, 
 that a barrel of it could possibly be found and, if you 
 please, placed in the cellar of this home. 
 
 Mr. Paine was evidently a keen observer with a log- 
 ical, scientific mind, a man of great determination and 
 
34 Brave, Forcible and Eloquent 
 
 wonderful perseverance. His biographers seem to think 
 that he lacked knowledge of men, but those wonderful 
 appeals to the patriotism of his countrymen in "Common 
 Sense" and his earlier numbers of the "Crisis," bear wit- 
 ness to the contrary, and show that he intimately knew 
 the human heart as well as how to reach it. 
 
 He certainly was absolutely lacking in that commer- 
 cial spirit which clings as a close fitting garment to the 
 average American of today, for he might have acquired 
 considerable wealth by the sale of his copyrights alone, 
 but he chose to present them to the people in behalf of 
 whom his pen was ever wielded. 
 
 He was always brave, forcible and eloquent. It was 
 a wonderful knack he had of stating a proposition, in 
 fact stating anything, clearly and distinctly. 
 
 He was a man who possessed that highest attribute 
 of the human heart, a large humanity, and he was as 
 gentle and kindly as a child. Sensitive, though he lacked 
 that pride which usually accompanies sensitiveness. 
 
 His biographers claim that he was comparatively 
 ignorant of books, and came to his own conclusions by 
 the logic of his own reasoning. Although he had an 
 uncommon share of original genius, the implied compli- 
 ment in the first half of this claim I do not assent to, 
 although agreeing with the last. He certainly was one 
 of the great luminaries of the age in which he lived, and 
 because of his wonderful memory his mind was a perfect 
 storehouse of facts. 
 
 He was religious, his convictions were few, but they 
 were profound. He disliked war; he disliked injustice; 
 he hated slavery, and his public life was one long battle 
 
Great Love for Humanity 35 
 
 against every form of oppression. I presume he had 
 faults, but they must have been trivial. He was very 
 intolerant himself, and yet he seems to have abhorred 
 it in others, but Mr. Chairman, during the period in 
 which we have attempted to review him, never was 
 there a pulsation of the kindly heart of this gifted, noble 
 soul, which did not throb in behalf of humanity he so 
 much loved. 
 
 His last days were bitter ones, for he was unable to 
 endure the ingratitude and the contempt of his former 
 friends. He did not enjoy being let alone, and during 
 the last six years of his life in the mortal which were 
 spent in his beloved republic, he was cross, sour, ner- 
 vous, irritable and out of temper, and in that condition 
 his great soul passed into the life of spirit, and, living 
 there under its quickening influence, he seems never to 
 have been able to forget the injustice and wrong done to 
 his reputation, nor the noble cause for which it was sac- 
 rificed. 
 
 His inherent love of humanity accentuated as it was, 
 as I have stated, by the quickening power of spirit and 
 his determination to do good and aid in bringing relig- 
 ious freedom to the minds of the people, has prompted 
 him since passing to the higher and better life where 
 hosts of advanced helpers were found to carry on the 
 fight for humanity, and the mighty influence of Thomas 
 Paine, and that of his divine compatriots is now being 
 felt over the entire civilized world, and along religious 
 lines man is beginning to do his own thinking, has be- 
 gun to use his God-given reason as this untiring and 
 
36 Future Will do Him Justice 
 
 unselfish laborer for humanity in his masterful work 
 the "Age of Reason" urged he should do. 
 
 Then, Mr. Chairman, as thought has advanced during 
 the century following his passing, and the human mind 
 has become so liberalized along the lines I have referred 
 to, we can perhaps now afford to become better ac- 
 quainted with the divine patriotic, noble and unselfish 
 life of Mr. Paine and reform our estimate of his char- 
 acter, for: 
 
 While the name of this great teacher and patriot has 
 almost been left out of the history of the glorious deeds 
 which his inspiration caused to be performed, in the per- 
 fected half regenerate future the author of that grand 
 sentiment, which has been an inspiration to so many, 
 "The World is My Country, to do Good My Religion," 
 though he had never written "Common Sense," the 
 "Crisis," or the "Rights of Man," nay, though he had 
 never written another line, in the re-written history of 
 the United States of the world, that name will stand 
 out in great letters of light. 
 
14 DAY USE 
 
 DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED 
 
 LOAN DEPT. 
 
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 LD 2lA-60w-4,'64 
 (E4555slO)476B 
 
 .General Library 
 
 Umversity of California 
 
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YC 05968