r i: -^ ^^ EX LIBRIS Uht6^C^u^^ f \ GEOGRAPHY HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF PARTHIA. a o CO B THE Sixth Great OmENTAL Monarchy OK THE ^ GEOGEAPHY, HISTORY, AXD ANTIQUITIES OF PARTHIA COLLECTED AND ILLUSTRATED FROM ANCIENT AND MODERN SOURCES. BY GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A. lAMDBN PBOFBS90R OP ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNTVBESITT OF OXFORD, CANON OF CANTKKBUET. NEW YORK DODD, MEAD & COMPANY Publishers LIBRARY UNTV ERSITY OF CALIFORAU SANTA BARBARA PREFACE. The following work is intended, in part, as a con- tinuation of the ancient Histoiy of the East, already treated by the author at some lenc^th in liis ' Five Great Monarchies : ' but it is also, and more expressly, in- tended as a supplement to the ancient History of the West, as that history is ordinarily presented to moderns under its two recognised divisions of ' Histories of Greece ' and ' Histories of Rome.' Especially, it seemed to the wi'iter that the picture of the world during the Roman period, commonly put before students in ' His- tories of Rome,' was defective, not to say false, in its omission to recognise the real position of Parthia during the three most interesting centuries of that period, as a counterpoise to the power of Rome, a second figure in the picture not much inferior to the first, a rival state dividing with Rome the attention of mankind and the sovereignty of the known earth. Writers of Roman history have been too much in the habit of representing the later Republic and early Empire as, practically, a Universal Monarchy, a Power unchecked, unbalanced, having no other limits than those of the civilised world, engrossing consequently the whole attention of all thinking; men, and fvep to VI PREFACE. f act exactly as it pleased without any regard to opinion beyond its own borders. One of the most popular ^ enlarges ou the idea — an idea quite inconsistent with the fact — that for the man who provoked the hostility of the ruler of Rome there was no refuge upon the whole face of the earth but some wikl and barbarous region, where refinement was unknown, and life "would not have been worth having. To the present writer the truth seems to be that Rome never was in the position supposed — that from first to last, from the time of Pompey's Eastern Conquests to the Fall of the Empire, there was always in the world a Second Power, civilised or semi-civilised, which in a true sense balanced Rome,^ acted as a counterpoise and a check, had to be consulted or considered, held a place in all men's thoughts, and finally furnished a not intolerable refuge to such as had provoked Rome's master beyond forgiveness. This Po^wer for nearly three centuries Cb.c. 64 — a.d. 225) was Parthia, after Avhich it was Persia under the Sassanian kings. In tlie hope of gradually vindicating to Parthia her true place in the world's liistory, the Autlior has in his 'Manual of Ancient History ' (published by the Dele- gates of the Clarendon Press) placed tlie Parthians alongside of the Romans, and treated of their history at a moderate length. Rut it has seemed to him that something more was requisite. He could not expect ' Gihiion {Dediuc and F.tll, vol. i xl. 14; Stral). xi. 0, §2; Plin. //. N. i. ch. iii. sub fin.) v. 25; and llerodian, iv. 18.) It '' Tlic ancient writers are lihcral is surprising that moderns have in their admissions of this fact, so generally overlooked tliese pas- (Sec .Justin, xli. 1, § 7 ; Dio Cass. ' sages. PREFACE. Vll tliat students would be able to give Parthia her proper place in their thoughts, unless her history were col- lected and i:»ut fortli in a readable form with some fulness. He has, therefore, employed most of his leisure during the last two years in writing the pre- sent work, "which he commends to students of the later Greek and Roman periods as supplemental to the modern Greek and Roman histories in which those periods are commonly studied. The Parthian Chronology depends very much upon coins. In preparing this portion of his work the Author has l)een greatly indebted to aid kindly ren- dered him by Mr. R, Stuart Poole and Mr. Gardiner of the British Museum. The representations of coins in the work have been, with one exception, taken by the Author from the originals in the National Collec- tion. For the illustrations of Parthian architecture and art he is indebted to the published works of Mr. Ains worth, Mr. Ross, the late Mr. Loftus, and MM. Flandin and Coste. ' He feels also bound to express his obligations to the late Mr. Lindsay, the numismatic portion of whose work on Parthia^ he has found of much service. Canterbury : December, 1872. ' Iliatory and Coinage of the Parthians, published at Cork in 1855 CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Geography of Parthia Proper. Character of the Region. Climate. Character of the surrounding countries . . . .1 CHAPTER II. Early notices of the Parthians. Their Ethnic character and connec- tions. Their position under the Persian Monarchs, from Cyrus the Great to Darius III. (Codomanuus) . . . .1.1 CHAPTER HI. Condition of Western Asia under the earlier Seleucidas. Revolts of Bactria and Parthia. Conflicting accounts of the establishment of the Parthian Kingdom. First War with Syria . . .29 CHAPTER IV. Consolidation of the Parthian Kingdom. Death of Tiridates and accession of Arsaces HI. Attack on Media. War of Artabanus (Arsaces HI.) with Antiochus the Great. Period of inaction. Great development of Bactrian power. Reigns of Priapatius (Ar- saces IV.) and Phraates I. (Arsaces V ) . . . .52 CHAPTER V. Reign of Mithridales I. Position of Bactria and Syria at his accession. His tirst War with Bactria. His great E.xpedition against the F^ast- ern Syrian provinces, and its results. His second war with Bactria, terminating in its conquest. Extent of his Empire. .Attempt of Demetrius Nicator to recover the lost Provinces, fails. Captivity of Demetrius. Death of Mithridates . . . .69 X CONTENTS. CHAPTER Vr. PAGE System of government established by Mithridates I. Constitution of the Parthians. Government of the Provinces. Laws and institu- tions. Character of Mithridates I. . . . . .84 CHAPTER VII. Reign of Phraates II. Expedition of Antiochus Sidetes against Parthia. Release of Demetrius, Defeat and death of Sidetes. War of Phraates with the Northern Nomads. His death and char- acter . . . . • . . , .96 CHAPTER VIII. Accession of Artabanus II. Position of Parthia. Growing pressure upon her, and general advance towards the south, of the Saka or Scyths. Causes and extent of the movement. Character and principal tribes of the Saka. Scythic war of Artabanus. His death Ill CHAPTER IX. Accession of IMithridates II. Termination of the Scythic Wars. Commencement of the struggle with Armenia. Previous history of Armenia. Result of the first Armenian War. First contact of Rome with Parthia. Attitude of Rome towards the East at this time. Second Armenian War. Death of Mithridates . . 123 CHAPTER X. Dark period of Parthian History. Doubtful Succession of the Mon- archs. Accession of Sanatroeces, ab. B.C. 76. Position of Parthia during the Mithridatic Wars. Accession of Phraates TIT. His Re- lations with Poiiipoy. His death. Civil War between his two .sons, Mithridates and Orodes. Death of Mithridates . . IS"] CHAPTER XL Accession of Orodes T. Expedition of Crassus. His fate. Retalia- tory im-oad of the Parthians into Syria under Pacorus, the son of Orodes. Defeat of I'acorus by Cassiiis, His recall. End of first War with Rome . . , . . . .150 CONTENTS. XI CHAPTER XII. PAGE Relations of Orodes with Pompey, and with Brutus and Cassius. Second War with Rome. Great Parthian Expedition against Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor. Defeat of Saxa. Occupation of Anti- och and Jerusalem. Parthiuns diiven out of Syria by Yentidiui>. Death of Pacorus. Death of Orodes .... 182 CHAPTER Xin. Reign of Phraates TV. His cruelties. Flight of Monfese; to Antony. Antony's great Parthian Expedition, or Invasion of Media Atropa- tene. Its Complete P^ailure. Subsequent Alliance of the Median King with Antony. War between Parthia and Media. Rebellion raised against PIn-aates by Tiridates. ' Phraates expelled. He re- covers his Throne with the help of the Scythians. His dealings with Augustus. His death and character . . . .197 CHAPTER XrV'. Short Reigns of Phraataces, Orodes II., and Vonones I. Accession of Artabanus HI. His relations with Germanicus and Tiberius. His war with Pharasmanes of Iberia. His first Expulsion from his Kingdom, and return to it. His Peace with Rome. Internal Troubles of the Parthi m Kingdom. Second Expulsion and Return of Artabanus. His Death ...... 217 CHAPTER XV. Doubts as to the successor of Artabanus III. First short reign of Gotarzes. He is expelled and Vardanes made King. Reign of Vardanes. His War with Izates. His Death. Second reign of Gotarzes. His Contest with his Xephcw, Meherdates. His Death. Short and inglorious reign of Vonones II. . . . . 249 CHAPTER XVI. Reign of Volagases I. His first attempt on Armenia fails. His quarrel with Izates. Invasion of Parthia Proper by the Dahae- and Sacae. Second Attack of Volajases on Armenia, 'i'iridatts estab lished as King. First Expedition of Corbulo. Half submission of Volagases. Revolt of Vardanes. Second Expedition of Cor- XU CONTENTS. bulo. Armenia given to Tigranes. Eevolt of Hyrcania. Third Attack of Volagases on Armenia. Defeat of Ptxitus, and re-estab- lishment of Tiridates. Last Expedition of Corbulo, and arrange- ment of Terms of Peare. Tiridates at Rome. Probable time of the Death of Volagases ...... 282 CHAPTER XVII. Results of the ostaljiishmont of Tiridates in Armenia. Long Period of Peace between Parthia and Rome. Obscurity of Parthian His- tory at this time. Relations of Volagases I. wiih Vespasian. In- vasion of Western Asia by the Alani. Death of Volagases T. and Character of his Reign. Accession and Long Reign of Pacorus. Relations of Pacorus with Decebalus of Dacia. Internal Condition of Parthia during his Reign. Death of Pacorus and Accession of Chosroes ........ 287 CHAPTER XVIir. Reign of Chosroes. General condition of Oriental Affairs gives a handle to Trajan. Trajan's Schemes of Conquest. Embassy of Chosroes to Trajan fails. Great Expedition of Trajan. Campaign of A.D. 115. Campaign of a.d. IIG. Death of Trajan, and relin- quishment of his Parthian Conquests by Hadrian. Interview of Chosroes with Hadrian. Its Consequences. Death of Chosroes and Accession of Volagases II. .... . 298 CHAPTER XIX. Reign of Volagases II. Invasion of the Alanl. Communications be- tween Volagases and Antoninus Pius. Death of Volagases II. and .\ccession of Volagases III. Aggressive War of Volagases III. on Rome. Campaign of a.d. 163. Verus sent to tiie East. Sequel of the War. Losses suffered by Parthia. Death of Volagases III. 319 CHxVPTER XX. Accession of Volagases IV. ITis Alliance sought by Pescennius Ni- ger. Part taken by Parthia in the Contest between Niger and SeveruH. Mesopotamia revolts from Rome. First Eastern Expe- dition of Severus. Its Results. Second Expedition. Successes of Sevcms. His fa'lure at Hatra. General Results of the War. Death of Voiaeases IV. . o . . . . 333 CONTENTS. XIH CHAPTER XXI. PA.QB Struggle between the two Sons of Volagases lY., Volagases V. and Artabanus. Continued Sovereignty of both Princes. Ambition of Caracallus. His Proceedings in the East. His Resolve to quarrel with Parthia. First Proposal made by hira to Artabanus. Perplexity of Artabanus. Caracallus invades Parthia, His Suc- cesses, and Death. , Macrinus, defeated by Artabanus, consents to Terms of Peace. Revolt of the Persians under Artaxerxes. Pro- longed Struggle. Death of Artabanus, and Downfall of the Parthian Empire ....... 348 CHAPTER XXII. On the Architecture and Ornamental Art of the Parthians . . 371 CHAPTER XXIII. Customs of tlie Parthians — in Religion ; in War ; in their Embassies and Dealings with Foreign Nations; at the Court ; in Private Life. Extent of the Refinement to which they reached. Their gradual Decline in Taste and Knowledge ..... 398 List of Authors and Editions quoted in the Notes . . . 431 Injex ..,,,.,.. 435 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIO]::TS. MAPS AND PLANS. Page Map of Parthia Proper .... to face p. 1 Parthian Empire at its greatest extent . , ,, 79 Plan of Hatra (after Ross) .... . . 374 ,, Palace-Temple at Ilatra (after Fergusson and Rocs) . . 37,5 OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS. View of Ruins of Ilatra (from an original drawing), to face title-page. Coin of Diodotus I. 40 Pliraates I. 63 Obverse of a Coin of Phraates I. 68 Coins of Mithridates I. . 69 Mithridates I., Ar.saces I., and Artabanus I. , 91 Coin of Labienus 189 Phraataces and Mousa . 220 Vonones I. 22?. Artabanus III. . 228 Vardanes I. 250 Vardanes II. 269 Pacorus 11. 294 Coins of Volagases II. and Mithridates IV. 296 Coin of Volagases II. . 320 Parthian sculpture of a female head (after Ross) 376 Parthian sculptui^, cornice and quasi-capital (after Ross) Parthian sculpture, frieze over doorway (af tei- Ross). Restoration of Palace-Temple at Hatra (after Ainsworth) . Parthian capitals (after Loftus) 383 Parthian diapering (ditto) . 384 ornamented coffin (ditto) Parthian statuette (ditto) vases, jugs, and lamps (ditto) Bas-relief of Gotarzes (after Coste) Parthian bas-relief (ditto) Bas-relief of Magus, probably Parthian (ditto) Bas-relief of hunter and bear, probably Parthian (ditto) Parthian kings from coins 379 380 385 386 387 389 391 393 395 415 A HISTORY OF PARTHIA. CHAPTER I. Geography of PartJiia Proper. Character of the Region. Climate. Character of the surrounding Countries. ' Parthiae pleraque tinium aut aestus aut f rigoris magnitudo possidet, quippe cum monies nix, et campos aestus infestet.' — Justin, xli. 1. The broad tract of desert which, eastwaixl of the Caspian Sea, extends from the Moughojar hills to the Indian Ocean, a distance of above 1,500 miles, is interrupted about midway by a strip of territory possessing features of much beauty and attraction. This strip, narrow compared to the desert on either side of it, is yet, looked at by itself, a region of no inconsiderable dimensions, extending, as it does from east to west,^ a distance of 320, and from north to south of nearly 200 miles. The mountain chain, which I'unning southward of the Caspian, skirts the great ])lateau of Iran, or Persia, on the north, broadens out, after it passes the south-eastern corner of the sea, into a valuable and productive mountain-region. Four or five distinct ranges ^ here run parallel to one another, having between them latitudinal valleys, with glens transverse to their courses. The sides of the ' The limit, eastward, of the region 1 ' The chief of these are known here described is the course o!' the as the Daman-i-Koh, the Ala Tugh, Heri-rud, which pierces the moun- and the Jaghetai or Djuvein moun- tain chain in Ion". Gl° E. nearly. tains. THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. I. valleys are often well wooded ; ^ the flat ground at the foot of the hills is fertile ; water abounds ; and the streams gradually collect into rivers of a considerable size. The fertile territory in this quarter is further in- ci-eased by the extension of cultivation to a con- siderable distance from the base of the most southern of the ranges, in the direction of the Great Iranic desert. The mountains send down a number of small streams towards the south ; and the water of these, judiciously husbanded by means of reservoirs and hanats^ is capable of spreading fertility over a broad belt at the foot of the hills ;^ which, left to nature, would be almost as barren as the desert itself, into which it would, in fact, be absorbed. It was undoubtedly in the region which has been thus l)riefly described, that the ancient home of the Parthiaus lay. In this neighbourhood alone are found the geographic names which the most ancient writers wdio mention the Parthians connect with theni.^ Here evidently the Parthians were settled ^ at the time when Alexander the Great over-ran the East, and first made the Greeks thoroughly familiar with the Parthian name and territory. Here, lastly, in the time of the higliest Parthian splendour and prosperity, did a pro- vince of the Empire retain the name of Parthyene, or Parthia Proper;^ and here, also, in their palmiest ' See Fraser's Khoramn^ pp. 433, 434, .008, &c. * II. id. pp. 380, 405, 40G, &c. * Herodotus unites the Piirthians with the Chorasiiiians (Khnreum)^ the Sogdians, and tlie Arians {He- rtttces)^ and ajrain with the Hyrca- nians (Gu/yha/i), the Haranj^ians, and the Thainaniuans (Herod, iii. 93, 117). In the Inscriptions of Da- riii.s, Parthia is connected with Sa- rangia, Aria, Sagartia (the Iranic desert), and Ilyrcania. (See the author's IIerodotii.% vol. iv. p. 162, 2nd edition.) ■* Arri.in, Exp. Alex. iii. 25. " Isid. Char. Mans. Parth. § 12. Compare Plin. Jl N. vi. 25. CH. I.] LIMITS OF PARTHIA PKOPER. 3 days, did the Parthian kings continue to have a capital and a residence.^ Parthia Proper, however, was at no time coex- tensive with the region described. A portion of that region formed the district called Hyrcauia ; and it is not altogether easy to determine what were the limits between the two. The evidence goes, on the whole, to show that, while Hyrcania lay towards the west and north, the Parthian country was that towards the south and east,^ the valleys of the Ettrek and Gurghan constituting the main portions of the former, ^^hile the tracts east and south of those valleys, as far as the sixty-first degree of E. longitude, constituted the latter. If the limits of Parthia Proper be thus defined, it will have nearly corresponded to the modern Persian province of Khorasan. It will have extended from about Damaghan (long. 54° 10') upon the west,^ to the Heri-rud upon the east, and have com[)rised the modern districts of Damaghan, Shah-rud, Sebzawar, Nishapur, Meshed, Shebri-lS^o, and Tersheez. Its length from east to west will have been about 300 miles, and its average width about 100 or 120. It will have contained an area of al)out 33,000 square miles, being thus about equal in size to Ireland, Bavaria, or St. Domingo. The character of the district has been already stated in general terms ; but some further particulars may Ilecatorapylos. (See Polyb. x. i western boundary of Parthia was at 25 ; Strab. ix. 9, § 1 ; Diod. Sic. ] the Caspian Gates, or more than a xvii. 57.) hundred miles further west than ^ See especially A rrian, ^.r/). Alej;. , Damaghan; but ihe region immedi- iii. 23-25 ; Plin. II. N., 1. s. c. ; and ately east of the Gates is more com- Isid. Char. § 10-12. monly assigned eitlicr to Hyrcania ^ According to Strabo (l.s.c), the or to Media. 4 THE SIXTH MONARCHY [cil, I. now be added. It consists, in the first place, of a mountain and a plain region — the mountain region lying towards the north and the plain region towards the south. The mountain region is composed of three main ranges, the l)aman-i-Koh, or Hills of the Kurds,^ upon the north, skirting the great desert of Kharesm ; the Alatag^h and Meerabee mountains in the centre ; and the Jaghetai or Djuvein range, upon the south, which may be regarded as continued in the hills above Tersheez and Khaff. The three ranges are parallel, running east and west, but with an inclination, more or less strong, to the north of west and the south of east. The northern and central ranges are connected by a water-shed, which runs nearly east and west, a little to the south of Kooshan, and separates the head streams of the Ettrek from those of the Meshed river. The central and southern ranges are connected by a more decided mountain line, a transverse ridge which runs neai'ly north and south, dividing between the waters that flow westward into the Gurghan, and those which form the river of Nishapur. This conformation of the mountains leaves between the ranges three principal valleys, the valley of Meshed towards the south-east, loetween the Kurdish range and the Alatagh and Meeral)ee ; that of Miyanabad towards the west, between the Alatao^h and the Jas^hetai ; and that of Nisliapur towards the south, l)etween the eastern end of the Jaghetai and the Avestern flank of the Meerabee. As the valleys are three in number, so likewise are the ' Shall Abbas the First trans- against the Usbegs and other Tatar planted about 15,000 Kurds from ; trihes. The descendants of these the Turkish frontier to Khorasan, 1 colonists still occupy most of the and setth^l them in (he mountain j range between the Meshed valley region, that they might guard it and the Kharesmian desert. CII. l] IUVEKS of rAIlTIIIA. 5 rivers, wLicli are known i-espectively as the Tejend, or I'iver of Meshed, the river of Nisliapiir, and the river of Miyanabad.^ The Tejend, which is the principal stream of the tliree, rises from several sources in the hills south of Kooshan, and flows Avith a south-easterly course down the valley of Meshed, receiving numerous tributaries from both sides,^ until it reaches that city, when it bends eastward, and finding a way through the Kurd- ish range. Joins the course of the Heri-rud, about long. 61° 10'. Here its direction is completely changed. Turning at an angle, which is slightly acute, it proceeds to flow to the west of north, along the northern base of the Kurdish rano-e, from which it receives numerous small streams, till it ends finally in a large swamp or mai'sh, in lat. 39°, long. 57°, nearly,^ The entire length of the stream, including only main windings, is about 475 miles. In its later course, however, it is often almost dry, the greater portion of the water being: consumed in irrig^ation in the neiorhbourhood of Meshed. The rivei" of Nishapur is formed by numerous small streams, which descend from the mountains that on three sides inclose that city. Its water is at times wholly consumed in the cultivation of the plain ; but the natural course may be traced, running in a southerly and south-westerly direction, until it debouches from the hills in the vicinity of Tersheez. The IMiyanabad stream is believed to be a tributary of the Gurghan. It rises from several sources in the ' Fraser, Khorasan, p. 55i. I side of the valley, about twenty- "^ One of the chief of these con- five miles above Meshed. veys to the Tejend the winters of ^ Vambery, Travels in Central the Tchcxhma Gilass, a small lake I Asia, Map. beautifully clear, on the western | 6 TllE SIXTH MOIST AECIIY. [CH. I. transverse range joining tlie Alatagli to the Jaglietai, the streams from Avhich all flow westward in narrow valleys, nnitiDg about long. 57° 35'. The course of the river from this point to Piperne has not been traced, l)ut it is believed to run in a general westerly direction along the southern base of the Alatagh, and to form a Junction with the Gurghan a little below the ruins of the same name. Its length to this point is probably about 200 miles. The elevation of the mountain chains ir? not great. No very reraarkalde peaks occur in them ; and it may be doubted whether they anywhere attain a height of above 6,000 feet. They are for the most part barren and rugged, very scantily supplied 'with timber,^ and only in places capable of furnishing a tolerable pas- turage to flocks and herds. The valleys, on the other hand, are rich and fertile in the extreme ; that of Meshed, which extends a distance of above a hundred miles from north-west to south-east, and is from twenty to thirty miles broad, has almost everywhere a good and deep soil,^ is abundantly supplied with water, and yields a plentiful return even to the simjilest and most primitive cultivation. The plain al)out Nishapur, which is in length from eighty to ninety miles, and in width fi-om forty to sixty, boasts a still greater fertility.'^ Tlie flat counti'y along the southern base of the mountains, which ancient writers regard as Parthia ' In this respect the mountains j are almost destitute of trees. (Fra- of ancient J*artliia present a stiong .ser, pp. ■p)7, 470, &c.) contrast to those of the neighbour- '• Evin where the suiface was ing ll3iTania. Tiic l)anlerry, the apricot, and numerous other fruit trees.*' Saffron, assafcetida, and the gum ammoniac plant, are indi- genous in parts of it." Much of the soil is suited fur ' Plin. 77. N. vi. 25. | Arian daman, which has the same * As Bostnm (Fraser. p. 336), application and meaning. (Fraser, Khyzabad (Iljid. p. 859), and others. ; p. 245.; (H)id. pp. 373, 374, 380, &c, ' Kinneir, p. 185; Fraser, pp. 343, 379, &c. * Tlie name ' Atak ' is given to the .skirts of the mountains both north and south of Parthia. It is the Turanian correspondent of the pcndix, p. 25. See above, p. 6, note '. Yet Strabo says (xi. 9, § 1) that it was ' thicklv wooded ' {iaaela). " Fraser. pp. 401, 405, 432, 433, 436, &c. ; Kinneir, p. 175. ' Kinneir, p. 185 ; Fraser, Ap- 8 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cil. I. the cultivation of wlieat, barley, and cotton.^ The ordinary retui*n upon wheat and barley is reckoned at ten for one.^ Game abounds in the mountains, and fish in the undero^round water-courses.^ Aniono: the mineral treasures of the region may be enumerated copper, lead, iron, salt,"* and one of tlie most exquisite of gems, the turquoise.^ This gem does not appear to be mentioned by ancient writers ; but it is so easily obtainable, that we can scarcely suppose it was not known from very ancient times. The severity of the climate of Pai-tliia is strongly stated by Justin.^ According to modern travellers, the winters, though protracted, are not very inclement, the thermometer rarely sinking l)elow ten or eleven degrees of Fahrenheit during the nights," and during the daytime rising, even in December and January,^ to 40° or 50°. The cold weather, liowever, which commences about October, continues till nearly the end of March, when storms of sleet and liail are common.^ Much snow falls in the earlier portion of the winter, and the valleys are scarcely clear of it till March. On the mountains it remains nuich longer, and forms the chief source of supply to the rivers during the sj)ring and the early summer time. In summer the heat is considerable, more especially in the region known as the 'Atak;' and here, too, the unwholesome w4nd, which blows from the southern desert, is felt from time ' Fraser, pp. 319, 379, &c. | ^ On the turquoise mines of Nish- "^ So Fra.ser, p. 335. Macd nald apur, sec Fraser, ch. xvi. pp. 407- Kinneir, with unwonted cxtniva 417. gance, speaks of the return fr..ni „ g^^^ ^,^^ ^ ^^^ ^^ ^,^g dry gram ben,- a hum red, and from ^^,^^^j ^^^ ^,,^ ^j, ^^,. rice lour hinnlred fold! { Icrxtait Eiii]>lre, p. 17.S.) ' Fraser, A|jp^ndix, p. 134. ; !^':^'^^'> I'P- 'i^^ '^'"1 ^^^'- .,,. ^ Ihid. pp. 303, 343, and 581. ' Kinneir, p. 184 ; J^raser, pp. •)•>(, '• ' 371, 413, 431, Sec. , " ihid. pp. 430, 552, and 554. OH. l] border districts — CHORASMIA. 9 to time as a temV)le scourge.^ But in the nplantl country the heat is at no time very intense, and the natives boast that they are not compelled by it to sleep on their house-tops during more than one month in the year.^ The countries by which Parthia Proper was bound- ed were the following : Chorasmia, Margiana, Aria, Sarangia, Sagartia, and Hyrcania. Chorasmia lay upon the north, consisting of the low tract l)etween the most northerly of the Parthian mountain chains and the old course of the Oxus. This region, which is for the most part an arid and inhospitable desert,^ can at no time have maintained more than a sparse and scanty population. The Tur- koman tribes which at the present day roam over the waste, feeding their flocks and herds alternately on the banks of the Oxus and the Tejend, or finding a bare subsistence for them about the ponds and pools left by the winter rains, represent, it is probable, with sufficient faithfulness, the ancient inhabitants, who, whatever their race, must always have been nomads, and can never have exceeded a f ew^ hundred thousands.^ On this side Parthia must always have been tolerably safe from attacks, unless the Cis-Oxianian tribes were reinforced, as they sometimes were, by hordes from l)eyond the river. > Kinneir, p. 170. * Fraser. p. 557. verdure nor vegetation cheers the sight, except here and there at long Vaniber}- calls it 'that immense intervals some spots on which there awful desert where the traveller m:iy grow a few stunted shrubs.' (See wander about for weeks and weeks j De Hell's Travels in thfi ^^teppes of witliout finding a drop of sweet the Caspian Sea, p. 326, E. T.) water, or the shelter of a single * M. Vamberj'^ reckons the entire tree' {Travels, p. 302). MouraviefF Turkoman population south of the says: 'This country exhibits the Oxus from the Caspian to Balkh at image of death, or "rather of the 196,500 tents, or (182,500 souls, desolation left behind by a great] {Travels, p. 309.) Chorasmia was convulsion of nature. Neither birds , not more than about one-half of this nor quadrupeds are found in it; no I region. 10 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. I. On the nortli-east was Margiana, sometimes regarded as a country by itself, sometimes reckoned a mere district of Bactria,^ This was tlie tract of fertile land upon the Murg-ab, or ancient Margus river, which is known among moderns as the district of Merv. The Murg-ab is a stream flowing from the range of the Paropamisus, in a direction which is a little east of north ; it deljouches from the mountains in about lat. 3G° 25', and thence makes its w^ay through the desert. Before it reaches Merv, it is eighty yards wide and five feet deep,^ thus carrying a vast body of water. By a judicious use of dykes and canals, this fertilizino; fluid was in ancient times carried to a dis- tance of more than twenty-five miles from the natural course of the river ; and by these means an oasis was created with a circumference of al)o^■e 170, and con- sequently a diameter of above fifty miles.^ This tract, inclosed on every side by deserts, was among the most fertile of all known regions ; it was especially famous for its vines, which grew to such a size that a single man could not encircle their stems with his two arms, and boi'e clustei's that were a yard long,"* Margiana possessed, however, as a separate country, little mili- tary strength, and it Avas only as a portion of some larger and more populous territory that it could be- come formidable to the Parthians. South of Margiana, and adjoining upon Parthia ' Tn the Behistiin Inscription Da- rius evidently includes Margiana {MfirrjiiHh) in Bactria (col. iii. p;ir. 3, 4). Strabo, however (xi. 10. §2), Ptolemy (vi. 1 1), and I.sidorc (Mans. Parth. § 14) inaiic it a separate country. '■' See the Map to Vanib6ry's Travch. ^ Strab. xi. 10, §2. There seems no reason to doubt this statement, though Mr. Frascrsuppo.se.-; that the irrigation could nevur have been carried to a much greater distance than twelve or fourteen miles. (lOioraHun, App. p. 50.) * Strab. 1. s. c. (II. ].] MARGIANA, ARIA, SARANGIA, SAGARTIA. n towards the east, was Aria, tlie tract which lies about the modern Herat. This w^as for the most part a mountain region, very similar in its general character to the mountainous portion of Parthia,^ but of luuch smaller dimensions.^ Its people were fairly warlike ; but the Parthian population was probably double or triple their numl)er, and Parthia consequently had but little to fear in this quarter. Upon the south-east Parthia was bordered by Sarangia, the country of the Sarangge, or Drangse. This appears to have l)een the district south of the Herat valley, reaching thence as far as the Hamoon, or Sea of Seistan. It is a country of hills and downs,^ watered by a number of somewhat scanty streams, w^hich flow south-westwards from the Paropamisus to the Hamoon. Its population can never have been great, and they 'were at no time aggressive or enter- prising, so that on this side also the Parthians were secure, and had to deal with no formidable neighbour. Sagartia succeeded to Sarangia towards the west, and Ijordered Parthia alono; almost the whole of its southern frontier. Excepting in the vicinity of Tebbes and Toun^ (lat. 34°, long. 56° to 58°), this district is an absolute desert, the haunt of the o-azelle and the wdld ass,^ dry, saline, and totally devoid of vegetation. The wild nomads, who wandered over its wastes, obtaining a scanty subsistence by means of the lasso,^ ' See Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, pp. 139, 165 ; Fraser, Ehorasan, App. pp. 30-33; Vamb^ry, pp. 257- 270. ^ Strabo gives Aria a length of 2,000 stades (230 miles, and a breadth of 300 stades (35 miles). This would make its area about 8,000 square miles, or less than one- third of the area of Parthia (supra, p. 3). * Ferrier, Caravan Journeys, pp. 273, 274. * Fraser, p 24:6, and App. p. 24. " Vambery, p. 288. " Herod, vii. 85. If the Sagar- 12 THE SIXTH MONAECIIY. [cil. I. were few in numher,^ scattered, and probably divided by feuds. Southern Partliia might occasionally suffer from their raids ; but tliey were far too weak to con- stitute a serious danger to the mountain country. Lastly, towards the west and the north-west, Parthia was boi-dered l)y ITyrcania, a I'egion geographically in the closest connection with it, very similar in general character, Init richer, warmer, and altogether more desirable. ITyrcania was, as already observed,^ the western and north-western portion of that broad moun- tain region Avhich has been described as intervening between the eastern shores of the Caspian and the river i\jius, or Heri-rud. It consisted mainly of the two rich valleys of the Gurghan and Ettrek, with the mountain chains enclosing or dividing them. Here on the slopes of the hills grow the oak, the beech, the elm, the alder, the wild cherry ; here luxuriant vines spring from the soil on every side, raising themselves aloft ])y the aid of their stronger sisters, and hanging in \vild festoons from tiee to tree; beneath their shade the ground is covered with flowers of various kinds, primroses, violets, lilies, hyacinths, and others of un- known species ; while in the flat land at the bottom of the valleys ai'e meadows of the softest and the tenderest grass, capable of aflbrding to numerous flf^cks and herds an excellent and unfailing pasture.^ Abundant game finds shelter in the foi'ests,'* while towards the mouths of the riveis, wlieie the ground is for the most part marshy, large lierds of \vild boars tians used the las'o in war, we may I the field by the Sagartians. (ITerod. be sure that, like the inhabitants of 1. s. c.) the I'ampMri, they ein|)l()3fd it also j ^ See above, p. 3. in peace, to ca|)tine the animals j ^ Sec the graphic descriptions of which they huiiti'd. Mr. Fraser (Khorasaii, pp. 59!), 000, ' Eight thousand is the largest COS, &c ) number which we find brouj^ht into ' * Ibid. p. GIG. CH. I.] POSITION OF PAKTHIA J-'AVOLKED IIEK RISE. 13 are frequent ; a single herd sometimes containing hundreds.^ Altogether Hyrcauia was a most pro- ductive and desirable country, capable of sustaining a dense population, and ^vell deserving Strabo's descrip- tion of it as ' highly favoured of Heaven.' ~ The ai-ea of the country was, however, small ;^ probably not much exceeding one-half that of Parthia Proper ; and thus the people were not sufficiently numerous to cause the Parthians much apprehension. The situation and character of Parthia thus, on the whole, favoured her becoming an imperial power. She had abundant resources within herself; she had a territory apt for the production of a hardy race of men ; and she had no neio;hbours of sufficient strength to keep her down, when she once developed the desire to become dominant. Surprise has been expressed at her rise.'* But it is perhaps more astonishing that she passed so many centuries in obscurity before she be- came an important state, than that she raised herself at last to the first position among the Oiiental nations. ' YambCry, p. 72. 1 cation as running along the nioun-_ " 2^6(5p« eidn'/iuf (Strab. xi. 7, tains south of the Gurghan. thence §2). According to this writer, a I passing to the Alatagh, and proceed- singlc vine in Hyrcania produced a ing along the wattr-shed south of metretes (nine gallons) of wine, a Kooshan to the Kurdish range about single fig-tree produced sixty me- IMohamniedabad, the proportions of climni (ninety bushi Is) of figs, and , the two will be as stated in the text, corn did not require to be sown, ' ^ See Justin, xli. 1. 'Hi et but sprang from the casual droppings Assyrioruni et Medorum temporibus of the last years crop. ! inter Oricntis populos obscurissimi ^ When Hyrcania is called by fuere. Po.stea quoque cum imperium Straho 'large' (-n/vj/), he intends Orientis a Medis ad Persas transla- te compare it, not with Parthia, but turn est, veluti vulgus sine nomine, with the small districts occupied by prajda victorum fuere. Postremo separate tril)es a'ong the south coast \ Maced.mibus, triuntphato Oriente. of the Caspian Sea (Strabo, xi. 7, servierunt: id c>/ivis mirum vidca- §1,2). A comparison of it with Par- tnr ad tantam eos felicitatem pro- thia is difficult, owing to the uncer- vectos, ut imperent gentibus, sub tainty of their respt ctive boundaries ; quarum imperio veluti servile vulgus but if we regard the line of demar- fuere.' 14 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. I. Her ambition and her material strength were plants of slow growth ; it took several hundreds of years for them to attain maturity : when, however, this point was reached, the circumstances of her geographical position stood her in good stead, and enabled her rapidly to extend her way over the greater portion of Western Asia. CH. U.] EARLY NOTICES OF THE PARTHIANS. 15 CHAPTER 11. Early notices of the Parthiana. Their Ethnic character and connections. Their position under the Persian Monarchs, from Cyrus the Great to Darius III. [Codomannus). UdpOcju yevoS IIkvOikov. — Arrian, Fr. 1. The Parthiaiis do not appear in liistoiy iHitil a com- paratively recent period. Their name occiii-s nowhere in tlie Old Testament Scriptures. They obtain no mention in the Zendavesta. The Assyrian Inscriptions are wholly silent concerning them. It is not nntil the time of Darius Hystaspis that we have trustworthy evidence of their existence as a distinct people.^ In the inscriptions of this king we find their country included under the name of Partliva or P, ^ 2). cir. II.] PARTIIIAX NAMES NOT AKIAK 21 evidence is pi-odnced it lias weight, and constitutes an arofiiment, tlie force of which is considei'able. In the present instance, the presumption raised is met by no argument of any great ^veight ; while, on the other hand, it receives important confirmation from several different quarters. It is said, indeed, that as all, or almost all, the other nations of these parts ^vel•e confessedly Arians (e.g. the Bactrians, the Sogdians, the Chorasmians, the Margians, the Arians of Herat, the Sagartians, the Sarangiaiis, and the Hyrcanians), it would 1)6 strange if the Parthians belonged to a wholly different ethnic family.^ But, in the first place, the existence of isolated nationalities, detached fragments of some greater ethnic mass, embodied amid alien material, is a fact familiar to ethnologists ; ^ and, further, it is not at all certain that there were not otlier 'Juranian races in these parts, as, for instance, the Thamanseans. Again, it is said that the Parthians show their Arian extraction by their names ; but this argument may«be turned airainst those who adduce it. It is true that among the Parthian names a considerable number are not only x\rian,but distinctly Persian — e.g., Mithridates, Tiridates, Artabanus, Orobazus, Rhodaspes — but the Inilk of the names have an entirely different character. There is nothing Arian in such appellations as Am mi- napes, Bacasis, Pacorus, Vonoues, Sinnaces, Abdus, Abdageses, Gotarzes, Vologeses, Mnasciras, Sanatroeces ; nor anything markedly Arian in Priapatius,'^ Ilimerus, ' See the article on Parthia in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Ttoman (icography. ■ The Etrn--cans in Italy, the Ga- hitians in Asia Minor, the Basques in Spain, are ca?, found in such names as Volo-geses, Abda-geses, and the like, may be com- pared with the -fjliiz of Yenghiz. The Turanian I'oot annap^ ' God,' is perhaps traceable in Amm-inap-es. If the Parthian ^Chosroes' represents the Persian 'Kurush' or Cyrus, the corruption which the word has undero:oiie is such as to Gno^i>:est a Tatar articulation. Ihe remains of the Parthian lans^uas^e, which we possess, beyond their names, are too scanty and too little to l)e depended on to afford us any real assistance in settling the question of their ethnic character. Besides the words surena^ ' commander-in-chief,' and harta or herta, '^'ity,' 'fort,' there is scarcely one of which we can be assured that it was really, understood by the Parthians in the sense assigned to it.^ Of these two, the latter, which is undoubtedly Arian, may have been adopted from the Persians :~ the former is uon- Arian, l)ut has no known Turanian congeners. If, however, the consideration of the Parthian lan- guage does not help us to determine their race, a con- ' Justin pays that the word 'Par- 1 mianus tells us that a coniinander thi ' meant ' exiles ' in the Scythic of the cavalry was called rita.rtr by speech (xli. 1), but this derivatinn ' the Parthians ; but Hesychius alters assumes the jiroper original forni of both the word and the meaning, the name to be Panida (Sanskrit making the former iSicm^^ and tho latter ' king.' - The Persian form seems to have been gnnhi, as in Parsagarda (I'lin. // N. vi. 26), which became con upt- ed into Pasargadfie. The Parthian panleH, = 'of another counliy '), whereas the earliest and piobably most correct form \s Piirthirn. (Com- pare Greek Uaiif)ui'/iTi and Jlniiflvaini.) Lassen translates the word ' Paithi ' l>y 'those who march over the bor- is. like thj Armenian, crrta, as in ders ' (1/1)1. Alt. 1. s. c), but gives j Vologesocerta (ib. 1. s. c.) explanation of his etymology. Am- j 24. THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cii. 11. sideration of their manners and customs strengthens much the presumption that they were Turanians. Like the Turkoman and Tatar tiiljes generally, they passed almost their whole lives on horseback, conversinir, transactiiig lousiness, l)uying and selling, even eating on their horses.^ T^^^y practised polygamy, secluded their women from the sight of men, punished unfaithfulness with extreme severity, delighted in hunting, and rarely ate any flesh but that whicli they obtained in this way. were moderate eaters^ but great drinkers,^ did not speak much, but yet were very unquiet, being con- stantly engaged in stirring up trouble either at home or abroad.'* A small portion of the nation alone was free ; the remainder were the slaves of the privileged few.^ Nomadic habits continued to prevail among a portion of those who remained in their primitive seats, even in the time of their greatest national prosperity ; ^ and a coarse, rude, and semi-l)arbarous character at- tached always even to the most advanced part of the nation, to the king, tke court, and the nobles generally, a character ^vdiich, despite a certain varnish of civilisa- tion, was constantly showing itself in their dealings with each other and with foreign nations. 'Ihe Parthian monarchs,' as Gibbon justly observes,' '■ like the INIogul (Mongol) sovereigns of Ilindostan, delighted in the pastoral life of their Scythian ancestors, and the imperial camp. was frequently pitched in the plain of ' Justin, xli. 3. ' Eqiiis omni tem- pore vectaiitur: illis belia, illis con- viviii, illis public;!, a': privata negotia ob( unt.'' (oriipar^ Vainbery's ac- count of the uinderfi llshogs {Trav- els ill (Jeidrdl Axid, p. o45 and plate opposite). '^ Il)i(l. ' In cibuin j)arci.' = I'lin. //. N. XIV. 22. * Justin, 1. R. c. ' Semper aut in exteniosaut in dotncsticos motus in- quieti ; natura taciti.' '' Ibid. xli. 2. Compare the ca.sc of the Mongols, win re the ' Golden Horde ' alone was free. ° Plin. //. N. vi. 25. ' Decline and Fall, vol. i. p. 34 J. (Suiith's edit'on.) ClI. II.] PARTHIAN MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, TURANIAN. 25 Ctesiplion, on the eastern bank of tlie.Tigris.' Niehulir seems even to doubt wlietiier the Partliians dwelt in cities at all.^ He represents them as maintaining from first to hist their nomarince, as Herodotus tells us, subdued the whole of Western Asia, proceeding from nation to nation, and subjugating one people after another. The order of his conquests is not traceable ) but it is clear that after his conquest of the Lydiau empire (about n.c. 554 ), he proceeded eastward, with the special object of subduing Bactria."^ To reach Bactria, he ^vould have to ]:)ass through, or close by, Parthia. Since, as Herodotus says,"* ' he conquered the Avhole w^ay, as he Avent,' we ' Diod. Sio. ii. 2, §;3 ; 34, § 1 and | * Herod, i. 177. Ta iifv vw kcitu i C. Ttji 'Xn'iTji "AfiKaynr civdnrara froief '•* Sec Anrirnt Monarchies, vol. ii. pp. 2:54 and 428 ; 2nd cd, ' Herod, i. 15:3. dl avu nvTT/i avToi Kvpni it d v e Ov o i K a rna r p e (ji 6 fi f V o i kui ov (S ^ V 7T a p I e i i . CII. ir.] PARTHIANS CONQUERED BY CYRUS. 27 may fairly conclude tliat on his road to Bactria he sub- jugated the Parthiaus. It was thus, almost certainly, that they lost their independence and became Persian subjects. Competent enough to maintain themselves against the comparatively small tribes in their near neiglibourhood, the Chorasmians, Hyrcanians, Arians of Herat, Bactrians, and iSagartiaus, it was not possible for tliem to make an effectual resistance to a monarch who brought against them the entire force of a mighty empire. Cyrus had, it is probable, little difficulty in obtaining their submission. It is possil)le that they resisted ; ])ut perliaps it is more probable that their course on this occasion was similar to that which they pursued when the Macedonian concpieror swept across these same regions. Tlie Parthians at that period sub- mitted without striking a 1j1ow.^ There is no reason to believe that they caused any greater trouble to Cyrus. AVhen the Persian empire was organised by Darius Hystaspis into satrapies, Parthia was at first united in the same government with Chorasmia, Sogdiana, and Aria.^ Subsequently, however, when satrapies were made more numerous, it was detached from these extensive coTmtries, and made to form a distinct go- vernment, with the mere addition of the comparatively small district of Ilyrcania.^ It formed, apparently, one of the most tractable and sul>missive of the Persian provinces. Except on the single occasion already noticed,"* ^vhen it took part in a revolt that ex- tended to nearly one-half the empire,^ it gave its rulers Al Q. ' Arrian, Krp. Cuit. I list. AL\\. 2. • Ilcrod. iii. 93. ' Strab. xi. 9, § 1. Swen/f^ /xeru T(jf 'Y(jKi.vuD Kara rd UepaiKa. * Su;ira, p. 15. ^ Bell int. Ins. col. ii. par. 2. Com- nare Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii. pp. 411-413; 2nded. 28 THE SIXTH MONAECHY. [cil. II. no trouble ; no second attempt was made to shake off the alien yoke, which may indeed have galled, but which was felt to be inevitable. In the final struggle of Persia as^ainst Alexander, the Parthians were faithful to their masters. They fought on the Persian side at Arbela;^ and though they submitted to Alexander somewhat tamely when he invaded their country, yet, as Darius was then dead, and no successor had de- clared himself, they cannot be taxed with desertion. Pro])ably they felt little interest in the event of the struficixle. Habit and circumstance caused them to send their contingent to Arbela at the call of the Great King ; but when the Persian cause was evidently lost, they felt it needless to make further sacrifices. Having no hope of establishing their independence, they thought it unnecessary to prolong the contest. They might not gain, but they could scarcely lose, by a change of masters. ' Arrian, iii. 8 ; Q. Cart. iv. 12. CH. in.] PARTHIA UlfDER THE GREEKS. 29 CHAPTER III. Condition of Western Asia under the earlier Seleucidm. Revolts of Badria and Parthia. Cotijlicting accounts of the establishment of the Parthian Kingdom. First War with Syria. To l^ivix; yiaKfi%vuv u-nsarriaav, koX kuV eavrovr tjp^av, koI €■?■} fiiya Svva/xeu'i ^Auaav. — Airian, Fr. 1. The attempt of Alexander the Great to unite tbe wliole civilised world in a single vast empire niigbt j^erLaps have beeu a success if the mind which, conceived the end, and which had to a considerable extent elaborated the means, had beeu spared to watch over its own woi-k, and conduct it past the perilous period of infancy and adolescence. But the premature decease of the great JMacedonian in the thii'tythird year of his age, when his plans of fusion and amalgamation were only just beginning to develop themselves, and the un- fortunate fact that among his ' Successors ' there was not one who inherited either his gi-andenr of concep- tion or his powers of execution, caused his scheme at once to collapse ; and the effort to unite and consolidate led only to division and disintegration. In lieu of Europe being fused with Asia, Asia itself was split up. For nearly a thousand years, from the formation of the great Assyrian empire to the death of Darius Codo- mannus. Western Asia, from the Mediterranean to Aff- ghanistan, or even to India, had been united under one head, had acknowledged one sovereign. Assyria, ^ledia, Persia, had successively held the position of dominant power ; and the last of the three had given union, and 30 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. lU. consequently peace, to a wider stretch of country and a vaster diversity of peoples tlian either of her 2^i"ede- cessors. Under the mild yoke of the Achsemenian princes had been held together for two centuries, not only all the nations of Western Asia, from the Indian and Thibetan deserts to the ^gean and the Mediter- ranean, but a great part of Africa also, that is to say, Egypt, north-eastern Libya, and the Greek settlements of Cyrene and Barca. The practical effect of the conquests of Alexander was to break up this unity, to introduce in the place of a single consolidated enquire, a multitude of separate and contending kingdoms. The result was thus the direct opposite of the great con- queror's design, and forms a remarkable instance of the contradiction which so often subsists between tlie pro- positions of man and the dispositions of an overruling Providence. The struggle for power which broke out almost im- mediately after his death among the successors of Alexander may be regarded as having been l)rouglit to a close by the battle of Ipsus. The period of fermen- tation was then concluded, and something like a settled condition of things brought about. A (piadripartite division of Alexander's dominions was recognised, Mace- donia, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Syria (or south-western Asia) becoming thenceforth distinct political entities. Asia Minor, the kingdom of Lysimachus, Iiad indeed less of unity than the other three states. It was already disintegrated, tlie kingdoms of Bithynia, Pontus, and Cappadocia, subsisting side by side with that of Lysi- machus, which was thus limited to western and south- western Asia Minor. After tlie deatli of Lysimachus, furtlier changes occurred ; but the state of Peigainus, which sprang up at this time, may be regarded as the CH. Ill] CAKEEll OF SELEUCUS NICATOi;. 31 continuation of liysimaclius's kingdom, and as consti- tuting from the time of Eumenes I. (b.c. 263) a fourth power in the various political movements and combina- tions of the Grceco-Oriental world. Of the four powers thus established, the most im- portant, and that with which we are here especially concerned, was the kingdom of Syria (as it was called), or that ruled for 247 years by the Seleucidse. Seleucus Nicator, the founder of this kingdom, was one of Alexander's officers, but served without much distinc- tion through the various campaigns by which the con- quest of the East was effected.^ At the first distribu- tion of provinces (b.c. 323) among Alexander's generals after his death, he received no share ;^ and it was not until B.C. 320, when upon the death of Ji^erdiccas a fresh distribution was made at Triparadisus, that his mei'its were recognised, and he was given the satrapy of Babylon.^ In this position he acquired a character for mildness and liberality, and made himself generally beloved, both by his soldiers and by those who were under his government.'* In the struggle between Anti- gonus and Eumenes (e.g. 317-316), he embraced the side of the former, and did him some good service ; but this, instead of evoking gratitude, appears to have only roused in Antigonus a spirit of Jealous}'. The ambitious aspirant after universal dominion, seeing in the j^opular satrap a possible, and far fj-oni a contemj)- tible, rival, thought it politic to sweep him out of his way ; and the career of Seleucus would have been cut short, had he not perceived his peril in time, and l)y a precipitate flight secui-ed his safety. Accompanied by ' Seleucus is rarely mentioned by Arrian. His nuine occurs only in v. 13, 16 ; V i. 4 and 20. "^ Sej Thirhvall, Ilint. of Greece, vol. vii. pp. 139, 140; Grote, Hist, of Greece, vol. viii. p. 517. ^ Thirlwall. vol. vii. p. 245. ' Ibid p. 308. 32 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cH. III. a body of no more tban fifty horsemen, be took the road for Egypt, escaped the j^ursuit of a detachment ^ sent to overtake him, and threw himself on the pi-otec- tion of Ptolemy. This event, nntoward in appearance, proved the turning-point in Seleucus's f oj-tunes. It threw him into irreconcilable hostility with Antigonus, while it bi-ought him forward before the eyes of men as one whom Anti- gonus feared. It gave him an opportunity of showing his military talents in the West, and of obtaining favour with Ptolemy, and with all those by whom Antigonus was dreaded. When the great struggle came between the confederate mouarchs and the aspirant after uni- vei'sal dominion, it placed him on the side of the allies. Having recovered Babylon (b.c. 312), Seleucus led the flower of the eastern provinces to the field of Ipsus (b.c. 301), and conti'ibuted largely to the victory, thus winning himself a position among the foremost poten- tates of the day. By the terms of the agreement made after Ij^sus, Seleucus was recognised as mon^u'ch of all tlie (jreek conquests in Asia, with the sole exceptions of Lower Syria and Asia Minor.^ The monarchy thus established extended fi'om the Holy Land and the Mediterranean on the west, to the Indus valley and the Bolor mountain-chain upon the east, and from the Caspian and Jaxartes towards the north, to the Persian Gulf and Indian Ocean towards the south. It comprised Up])er Syria, Mesopotamia, parts of Cap])adocia and Phrygia, Armenia," Assyria, ' Thirhvall, vol.vii. p. 401 ; Grote, vol. viii. p. 57(i. * Bishop 'j'liirhvall notes that Ar- menia, shortly lioforo the hatlle of Ipsus, was independent under Ar- (loales, a native kinj; (vol. vii. p. 402, and coni})aro Diod. Sic. x.\xi. 19, § 5), and su;^:^o ts tliat alter Ip- sus Seleucus was too much engaged with other aflairs to l)ring Armenia under. But eitiier Scleucu-; or one of ills early successors must have reconquered Armenia, for it did not permanently establish its independ- ence till u.c. 190. (Strub xi. 14, §5.J CII. in.] EXTENT OF HIS EMPIRE. 33 Media, Babylonia, Susiana, Persia, Carmania, Sagartia, Hyrcania, Parthia, Bactria, Sogdiana, Aria, Zarangia, Aracbosia, Sacastana, Gedrosia, and probably some part of India.^ Its entire area could not have been nuicli less than ] ,200,000 square miles. Of these, some 300,000 or 400,000 may have been desert; but the remainder was generally fertile, and coinpi-ised within its limits some of the very most productive regions in the whole world. The Mesopotamian lowland, the Orontes valley, the tract between the Caspian and the moun- tains, the regions about Merv and Balkh, were among the richest in Asia, and protluced grain and fruits in incredible abundance. The rich pastures of Media and Armenia furnished excellent horses. Bactria gave an inexhaustible supply of camels. Elephants in large numbers were readily procurable from India.^ Gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, tin, were furnished by several of the provinces, and precious stones of various kinds abounded.^ Moreover, for above ten centuries, the precious metals and the most valuable kinds of mer- chandise liad flowed from every quarter into the region ; and though the Macedonians may have car- ried off, or wasted, a considerable quantity of ]joth,yet the accumulations of ages withstood the drain, and the hoarded w^ealth which had come down from Assyrian, Babylonian, and Median times was to be found in the days of Seleucus chiefly within the limits of his Empire. The situati(Mi which nature pointed out as most suitable for the capital of a kingdom having the exten- ' Its limits eastward are somewhat i with 500 of these animals (Strab. doubtful. Sc'leuciis appears to have xv. 2, § !i). They were largely used ceded a portion, at any rate, of his both by him and by his successors Indian possessions to Saiidracottus in their wars. before Ipsus. (Thirlwall, vol. vii. p. ' See, for details of the localities, ^y-^) Ancieitt Monarchies, vol. iii. pp. 158- ' Sandracott us presented Seleucus 102, 2nd edit. 34 THE SIXTH JMONAKCHY. [CH. III. sion that lias been here indicated, was some portion of the Mesopotamian valley, which was at once central and fertile. The empire of Seleucus might have been conveniently ruled from the site of the ancient JS'ineveh, or from either of the two still existing and still flourish- ing cities of Susa and Babylon. The impetus given to commerce ])y the circumstances of the time^ rendered a site near the sea preferable to one so remote as that of Nineveh, and the same consideration made a position on the Tigris or Euphrates more advantageous than one upon a smaller river. So for, all pointed to Babylon as the natural and best metropolis; and it was further in favour of that place that its merits had struck the Great Conqueror, who had designed to make it the capital of his own still vaster Empire." Accord- ingly Babylon was Seleucus's lirst choice ; and there his Court was held for some years previously to his march against Antigonus. But either certain disad- vantages were found to attach to Babylon as a residence, or the mere love of variety and change caused him very shortly to repent of his selection, and to transfer his capital to another site. He founded, and built with great rapidity, the city of Seleucia upon the Tigris,^ at the distance of about forty miles fi'om Babylon, and had transferred thither the seat of government even before i?.c. 301. Thus far, however, no fault had been committed. The second capital was at least as con- veniently placed as the first, and would have served equally well as a centre from which to govern the ' Tliirlwall, Illd. of Greece, vol. vii. p. 120. ^ This is rather indicated hy the pains which he took to improve Bab- ylon CArr. Krp. Al. vii. 17, 19. 21) than distinctly tleclarcd Ity any im- portant authorities. It has been rec- ognisel as tolerably certain by mod- ern writers. (See Dr. SmitlTs Diet. of Bhtqvdph)!, vol. i. p. 122, &c.) = Slrab. xvi. 1, § 5 ; Plin. H. N. vi. 2(5. CII. III.] ILL CHOSEN POSITION OF THE CAPITAL. 35 Empire. But after Ipsiis a further change was made — a change that was iiijiulicious in the extreme. Either setting undue store by his newly-acquired western pro- vinces, or over-anxious to keep close watch on his powerful neighbours in those parts, Lysimachus and Ptolemy, Seleucus once more transferred the seat of empire, exchanging this time the valley of the Tigris for that of the Orontes, and the central position of Lower Mesopotamia for almost the extreme western point of his vast territories. Antioch arose in extraordinary beauty and magnificence during the first few years that succeeded Ipsus, and Seleucus in a short time made it his ordinary residence.^ The change weakened the ties which bound the Empire together, offended the bulk of the Asiatics, who saw their monarch withdraw from them into a remote region, and ^particularly loosened the grasp of the government on those more eastern districts which ^veve at once furthest from the new metropolis and least assimilated to the Hellenic character. Among the causes which led to the dis- integration of the Seleucid kingdom, there is none that deserves so well to be considered the main cause as this. It was calculated at once to produce the de- sire to revolt, and to render the reduction of revolted provinces difficult, if not impossible. The evil day, however, might have been indefinitely delayed had the Seleucid princes either established and maintained through their Empire a vigorous and effective administration, or abstained from entangling themselves in wars with their neighbours in theWest, the Ptolemies and the princes of Asia IMinor. But the organisation of the Empire was unsatisfac- tory. Instead of pursuing the system inaugurated by ' Strah. xvi. 2, § 4. 36 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. IIL Alexander and seeking to weld the heterogeneous elements of which his kingdom was composed into a homogeneous whole, instead of at once conciliating and elevating the Asiatics by uniting them with the Mace- donians and the Greeks, by promoting intermarriage and social intercourse between the two classes of his subjects, educating the Asiatics in Greek ideas and Greek schools, opening his court to them, promoting them to high employments, making them feel that they were as much valued and as well cared for as the people of the conquering race,^ the first Seleucus, and after him his successors, fell back upon the old simpler, ruder system, the system pursued before Alexander's time by the Persians, and before them perhaps by the Medes — the system most congenial to human laziness and human pride — that of governing a nation of slaves by means of a class of victorious aliens. Seleucus divided his empire into satrajjies, seventy-two in number. He bestowed the ofiice of satrap on none but Macedonians and Greeks. The standing army, by w^hich he main- tained his authority, was indeed composed in the main of Asiatics, disciplined after the Greek model ; but it was officered entirely by men of Greek or Macedonian parentage. Nothing Avas done to keep up the self- respect of Asiatics, or to soften the unpleasantness that must always attach to being governed by foreigners. Even the suj^erintendence over the satraps seems to have been insufficient. According to some writei's, it was a gross outrage oftered by a satrap to an Asiatic subject that stirred up the Parthians to their revolt.^ The story may not be true; but its currency shows of what conduct towards those under their government ' On the views ami intentions I torji of Greece, vol. vii. pp. 119- of Alexander, see the excellent 125). remarks of IJishop Thirhvall (Ilin- \ '' Sco below, p. 43. CH. in.] WARS OF SELEUCUS AND HIS SUCCESSORS. 37 the satraps of the Seleucid?e, were thought, by such as lived near the time, to have been capable. It would, i^erhaps, have been difficult for the Seleiicid princes, even had they desired it, to pursue a policy of absolute abstention in the wars of their western neio-h- bours. So long as they were resolute to maintain their footing on the right bank of the Euphi'ates, in Phrygia, Cappadocia, and Upper Syria, they were of necessity mixed up with the quarrels of the west. Could they have been content to withdraw within the Euphrates, they might have remained for the most j^art clear of such entanglements ; but even then there would have been occasions when they must have taken the field in self-defence. As it was, however, the idea of absten- tion seems never to have occurred to them. It was the fond dream of each ' Successor ' of Alexander that in his person might, perhaps, be one day united all the territories of the great Conqueror. Seleucus would have felt that he sacrificed his most cherished hopes if he had allowed the west to go its own way, and had contented himself with consolidating a great power in the regions east of the Euphrates. And the policy of the f).'* This aggression brought him into collision with the Gauls, whom Nicomedes called to his aid, and with whom Antiochus had sev* eral struggles, some successful and some disastrous.^ He also attacked Eumenes of Pergamus (b.c. 263), but was defeated in a pitched battle near ^ardis.'' The second Antiochus was not engaged in so great a multiplicity of contests ; but we hear of his taking a part in the in- ternal affairs of Miletus,''' and expelling a certain Tima- chus, who had made himself tyrant of that city. There is also some grround for thinkino' that he had a stand- ing quarrel with the king of Media Atropatene.^ Alto- gether it is evident that from B.C. 280 to B.C. 250 the Seleucid princes were incessantly occupied Avitli wars in the west, in Asia Minor and in Syria Proper, wars which so constantly engaged them that they had neither time nor attention to spare for the affairs of the far east. ISo long as the Bactrian and Parthian satraps ' Pausiin. i. 7, §3. ^ On this war, see Niebiihr, Zt'c- tures on And. Jllnto?'//, vol. iii. p. 286, E. T. ^ Mcinnon, De rrhu.s Ifrnirl. xx. 3. * ma xvi. ^ Antiochus 1. obtained iiis name of Sotcr (Saviour) from a victoiy over the Gauls (Appian, Syj'lacn, p. 130, C.) He was slain in" a battle af^ainst the same encmv (Piiv larch, ap. Plin. //. N. viii. 43; ..Elian, IL An. vi. 4-1). '■ Stral). xiii. 4, §2. ' Appian, Syr. p. 130, D. " Stral). xi.'o, §2. CH. III.] CHARACTER OF ANTIOCHUS TIIEUS. 39 paid tlieir triljutes, and supplied the requisite quotas of troops for service in tbe western wars, the Antiochi were content. The satraps were left to manage affairs at their own discretion ; and it is not sui-prising that the absence of a controlling hand led to various com- plications and disorders. Moreovei', the personal character of the second Antiochus must be taken into account. The vanity and impiety, which could accept the name of 'Theus' for a service that fifty other Greeks had rendered to oppressed tow^ns without regarding themselves as having done anything very remarkable,^ would alone indicate a weak and contemptible morale^ and might justify us, did we know no more, in regarding the calamities of his reign as the fruit of his own unfitness to rule an empii'e. But thei-e is sufificient evidt^nce that he had other, and worse, vices. He was noted, even among Asiatic sovereigns, for luxury and debauchery; lie neglected all state affairs in the pursuit of pleasure ; his wives and male favourites were allowed to rule his kino^dom at their will ; and their most fiao^rant crimes were neither restrained nor punished."^ Such a character could have inspired neither respect nor feai'. The satraps, to whom the conduct of their sovereign could not but become knowm, would be partly encouraged to follow the bad example, partly provoked by it to shake them- selves free of so hateful and yet contemptible a master. It was, probably, about the year b.c. 256, the fifth of the second Antiochus, when that prince, hard pressed by Philadelphus in the west, was also, perhaps, engaged in a war with the king of Atropatene in the north, that ' The tiUe was conferred by the I " See Niebuhr's Tjtetnres, vol. iii. Milesians on the expulsion o"f Ti- 1 pp. 286, 287; and compare Athen. marchus. (See above,, note ° on p. 1 Deipnonoph. ii. p. 45 ; x. p. 438 ; 38.) I Hieronym. ad. Dan. xi. &c. 40 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [ciI. III. the standard of revolt was first actually raised in the eastern jjrovinces, and a Syrian satrap ventured to de- clare himself an independent sovereign. This was Diodotus/ satrap of Bactria, a Greek, as his name shows. Suddenly assuming the state and style of king he issued coins stamped with his own name, and esta- blished himself without difficulty as sovereign over the large and flourishing province of Bactria,^ or the tract of fertile land about the upper and middle Oxus. This district had from a remote antiquity been one with special pretensions. The country ^vas fertile, and much of it strong ; the people were hardy and valiant ; ^ they were genei-ally treated with exceptional favour by the Persian monarchs ; ■* and they seem to have had traditions ^vhich assigned them a pre-eminence among the Arian tribes at some indefinitely distant period.^ * Justin gives the name as Theo- 1 trian coins (Lassen, IncUsche Alther- dotus (Justin, xli. 4) ; but l^iodotu-i, | thumsk. vol. ii. p. 284 ; JVum. Clir. which is the form used by Strabo | New Series, vol. viii. p. 278). (xi. 9, § 8), appears upon the Bac- I ^ Justin's ' thousand Bactrian cit- Coin of Diodotiis I. ics' (xli. 1) are no doubt an exag- geration, but they indicate a truth — that the country was populous and floui ishiiig. ' The Hactrians were amonp; the nations selected by Mardonius to continue the Ktrn(i;>:;le with the Greeks when tlie bulk of Xerxe.s' army returned home (Ilerol. viii. 113). They foutioii.s, and also that some of th'-ir kings took the tiilc of (/f/X;;i'. Still I hclieve tlie slate- nicnt in the text to be a correct one. It applies especially to the early kinf^dom — from n.c. 250 to n.c. 127. '^ Straho (xi. 9, § 8) mentions this view, but implies his own dissent from it. CII. III.]* KEVOLT OF PAKTIIIA UNDER ARSACES I. 43 Arsaces. Plierecles, who had been made satrap of their country by Antiochiis Theus, offered a gross insult to one of them, whereupon, as they could not bi'ook the indignity, they took five men into counsel, and with their aid slew the insolent one. They then induced their nation to revolt from the Macedonians, and set up a government of their own, which attained to gi'eat power.' ^ A third version says that the Arsaces, whom all represent as the first king, was in reality a Scythian, who at the head of a body of Parnian Dahae, nomads inhabiting the valley of the Attrek (Ochus), invaded Parthia, soon after the estaljlishmeiit of Bac- trian independence, and succeeded in making himself master of it.^ AVith this account, which Strabo seems to prefer, agrees tolerably well that of Justin, who says ^ that ' Arsaces, having been long accustomed to live by robbery and rapine, attacked the Parthians with a predatory band, killed their satrap, Andragoras, and seized the supreme authority.' As there was in all probaV)ility a close ethnic connection between the Dahne and the Parthians,^ it would be likely enough that the latter might accept for king a chieftain of the former, who had boldly entered their country, challenged the Greek satrap to an encounter, and by defeating and killing him, freed them^at any rate for the time — from the Greek yoke. An oppressed 2">eople gladly adopts as chief the head of an allied tribe, if he has shown skill and daring, and offers to protect them from their oppressors. ' Arr. Fr. 1. Compare Syncell. ] a'lTiav i6uKe ro?s UapOvnloic CKfla^ovat p. 284, B, and Zosiiuus, i. 18. The MoK£fIo»'aS, els iavTovi ttjv 'apxfjt latter says : 'kpouK-qi 6 UapOvnin':, 'i^einnTriani. 6i(l ri/v e'li Tov a6e7.(p6v TripK^iirT/v otrab. XI. 9, § 2. vjipiv aynvaKTTjoai, "KolEtiov ~pnc ■ Justin, xli. 4. Tdv 'Xvrii'ixov aarpdnr/v cipofievoi, * See above, p. 17. u THE SIXTH ]MO]N^ARCIIY. ' [CII. IIL The revolt of Arsaces lias been placed by some as early as tlie year b.c. 256.^ The Bactrian revolt is assigned by most historians to that year;^ and the Parthian, according to some;^ was contemporary. The best authorities, however, give a short interval between the two insurrections;'* and, on the whole, there is perhaps reason to regard the Parthian independ- ence as dating from about b.c. 250.^ This year was the eleventh of Antiochus Theus, and fell into the time when he w^as still eno-a^-ed in his war Avith Ptolemy Philadelphus. It might have been expected that when he concluded a peace with the Egy2:>tiari monarch in b.c. 249, he would have turned his arms at once towards the east, and have attempted at any rate the recovery of his lost dominions. But, as already stated,^ his personal character was weak, and * Frolich, Annales Regum Syrise, p. 26; Heeren, Manual of Ati' lent History, p. 299, E. T. Mr^ P. Smith {Ancient IIisf.o7'>/, vol. ii. p. 92), and Mr. Lindsay {History and Coinage of the Partliians, p. 4), tiiking the later part of the same Olympic year, make the Bactrian kingdom to have been founded in B.C. 255. Major Cunningham has recently argued for the low date of b.c. 24ii {Num. Chron. New Series, vol. vii. pp. 2fil-2r)5) ; by which the Bactrian revolt is made to fall four years later than the Parthian. But Strabo, whom he confesses to be the main authority, is clear that Bactria set the example of revolt, which Parthiu followed {G<,o(/rajih. xi. 9, § 2 and § 3). " See Wilson, Ai'iaria, Antigua, p. 210, n. 1. ' Justin says, after speaking of the Partliian revolt: *■ Emlein tem- pore, etiam Thcodotus, mille urbi- um Bactrianaruin praifectus, deficit' (xli. 4). * Strabo says : U puTov /nlv rfiv BaKTpiav^/v ciniaT'qnnv o'l neniorev- /ifvoi . . . E TT e I. t' 'kpariKiji . . . iwr/l. Ocv tnt Till) Tlnp^Jvaiav Kal ^KpiiTT/aev nvTi/?. This authority is followed by Droysen {Gcschichte des Hcllen- isnuis, vol. ii. § 331), Lassen {In- discJie Altcrthumshunde, vol. ii. p. 284), Mr, P. Smith (Ancient His- tory, vol. ii. pp. 91, 92), and most moderns. ^ Justin places it in the consul- ship of L. Manlius Vulso and M. .\tiluis Regulus, which was b.c. 256. But 31. Atilius is probably an error for C. Atilius, who was consul wiih L. Manlius Vulso in B.C. 250. Eusebius distinctly places the revolt of the Parlhians in this year {Chron. Can. ii. p. 352); and Moses of Chorene exactly agrees, when he assii^ns it to the ehrcnth year of Antiochus Theus. {Hist. Armen. ii. 1, ad fin.) Compare Samuel Aniens. Sum. Temj). i. 7, § 13. ° See above, p. 39. CII. III.] ARSACES I. SUCCEEDED BY TIRIDATES. 45 he preferred the pleasures of repose at Antioch to the hardshij)S of a campaign in the Caspian region. So far as Ave hear, he took no steps to re-establish his authority ; and Arsaces, like Diodotns, Avas left un- distii]'l)ed to consolidate his power at his leisure. Arsaces lived, however, but a short time after obtaining the crown. His authority was disputed within the limits of Parthia itself; and he had to engage in hostilities Avitli a portion of his own sub- jects.^ AVe may suspect that the malcontents Avere chiefly, if not solely, those of Greek race, Avho may haA'e been tolera1>ly numerous, and Avhose strength Avould lie in the toAvns. Hecatompylos, the chief city of Parthia, Avas among the colonies founded by Alexander ; ^ and its inhabitants Avould naturally be disinclined to ac([uiesce in the rule of a ' barl)arian.' Within little moi-e than tAA^o years of his coronation, Arsaces, Avho had never been able to give his kingdom peace, AA^as killed in battle by a S]3ear-thrust in the side;^ and was succeeded (b.c. 247) by his brother, having left, it is probable, no sons, or none of mature age.^ Tiridates, the successor of Arsaces, took upon his accession his brothers name, and is known in history as Arsaces II. The practice thus begun passed into a custom,^ each Parthian monarch from henceforth bearing as hing the name of Arsaces in addition to his own real appellation, Avhatever that might be. In the native remains the assumed name almost supersedes ' Strab. xi. 9. § 2. Kar' apxui fiev ovv anOevi/i t/v didTzo'Aefiuiv rzpbi Tovi Q. Curt. vi. 2, cellus indicates that his death was violent (vol. i. p. 540). * See .Justin, xli. 5 ; Strab. xv. 1, § 3ti ; Mos. Chor. ii. 1 ; Amra. ' Suidas ad voc. 'ApaaKrjr. Syn- ; Marc, xxiii. (>, &c. 46 THE SIXTH JVrOlSrARCIIY. [CH. III. the other ; ' l)iit, fortunately, the Greek and Eoniaii writers who treat of Parthian affairs, have presei'ved the distinctive appeUations, and tliiis saved the Parthian history from inextricable confusion. It is not easy to see from what quarter this practice was adopted;^ perhaps we should regard it as one j^reviously existing among the Dalian Scyths. If the Parthian monarchy owed its origin to Arsaces I., it owed its consolidation, and settled establishment to Arsaces II,, or Tiridates. This prince, who had the good fortune to reign for above thii'ty years,^ and who is confused by many writers ^ with the actual founder of the monarchy, having received Parthia from his brother, in the weak and unsettled condition above descril)ed, left it a united and powerful king- dom, enlarged in its boundaries, strengthened in its defences, in alliance with its nearest and most for- midable neighbour, and triumphant over the great power of Syi'ia, which had hoped to bring it once more into subjection. He ascended the throne, it is probable, early in B.C. 247, and had scarcely been monarch a couple of years when he witnessed one of those vast but transient revolutions to which Asia is subject, but which are of rare occuri'ence in Europe. Ptolemy Euei'getes, the son of Philadelphus, having succeeded to his father's kingdom in the same year ' All the Parthian coins bear the name of Arsaces. A low compara- tively iiavc the special name of the monarch in addition. (See Clinton, F. li. vol. ii. p. 252 ; Lindsay, Midory of the Parthian.% pp. 134- 16.3, and pl.ites 1-10.) In the " The practice is not that of the Ptolemies, who bore the name of Ptolemy as a family ap|)edation, and took some further designation for distinction's sake. ' Syncellus (p. 284, E) says 37 years; but the synchionisms in the public docmnents also it, would Parthian history scarcely allow so seem that the special designation of ' much. the monarch was omitted (l)io Cass. ' As bjf Justin, Ammianus(l.s.c.), Ixvi. 11). ! and others. CII. ni.] TIRIDATES THREATENED BY PTOLEMY IIL 47 with Tiridates!, niarclied (in B.C. 245) a liuge expedi- tion into Asia, defeated Seleucus II. (Callinicus) in Syria, took Antioch, and then, having crossed the Eupliiates, proceeded to bring the greater part of Westein Asia under his sway. Mesoj)otamia, Assyria, Babylonia, Susiana, Persia, Media, submitted to him. He went in person as far as Babylon, and, according to his own account,^ was acknowledged as master by all the Eastern provinces to the very borders of Bactria. The Parthian and Bactrian kingdoms cannot but have trembled for their newly won independence. Here was a young warrior who, in a single campaign, had marched the distance of a thousand miles, from the banks of the Nile to those of the Lower Euphrates, without so much as receiving a check, and who was threatening to lepeat the career of Alexander. What resistance could the little Parthian state hope to offer to such an enemy ? It must have rejoiced 1 ii-idates to hear that while the new concpieror was gathering somewhat too hastily the fruits of victory, collecting and despatching to Egypt the most valuable works of art that he could find in the cities which he had taken, and levying heavy contributions on the sub- mitted countries, a revolt had broken out in his own land, to quell which he was compelled to retire suddenly and to relinquish the greater part of his acquisitions. Thus the threatened conquest proved a mere inroad, and instead of a jiower of greater strength replacing Syria in these regions, Syria practically re- tained her hold of them, but with enfeebled grasp, her strength crippled, her prestige lost, and her honour tarnished. Ptolemy had, it is probable, not retired ' See the inscription of Adule (Bockh, Corp. Inscr. Gr. vol. iii. p. 509). 48 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CII. III. very long, when, encouraged by what lie had seen of Syria's weakness, Tiridates took the aggressiv^e, and invading the neighbouring district of Hyrcania, suc- ceeded in detaching it from the Syrian state, and adding it to his own territory,^ This was throwing out a challenge which the Syrian monarch, Callinicns, could scai'cely decline to meet, unless he was pre- pared to lose, one by one, all the outlying provinces of his empire. Accordinly in B.C. 237, having patched np a peace with his brother, Antiochus Hierax, the Syrian monarch made an expedition against Parthia. Not feeling, however, altogether confident of success if he trusted wholly to his own unaided efforts, he prudently entered into an alliance with Diodotus the Bactrian two agreed "to combine their forces Tiridates. Hereupon that monarch, im pi'essed with a deep sense of the impending danger, quitted Parthia, and proceeding northwards, took refuge with the Asj^asiacsB,'^ a Scythian tribe which dwelt be- tween the Oxus and the Jaxartes.^ Tlie Aspasiacae probably lent him troops ; at any rate, he did not remain long in retirement, but, hearing that the king,^ and the ao-ainst ' Justin, xli. 4. (On the situation and general character of Hyrcania, sec ch. i. p. 12.) = Ibid. ° Strab. xi. 8, § 8. 'ApnaKT)^ tov KaX/.iviKov (pevyiov "ZDrvKov eii rovi 'AaTTaaiuKag ixtJiirjie. Major Cunnin<^- ham pbices the flight of Tiridates in B.r. 24G, the Jirnt year of Callinicus (Num. Chroii. New Series, vol. ix. ]). 33) ; but there seems to bo no rc:ison for sui)posing that that mon- arch tlireatened tlie eastern ])rov- irices until Jt.e. 237, his tenth year, nor any probability that Tiridates would desert his kingdom until the Syrian monarch actually made his expedition. ■* On the character and geogra- phical position of the Aspasi.ica?, see Polyb. x. 47. This writer assigns (hem the whole region be- tween the Oxus and the Tanais ; but such an extension of their country can only have rested on conjecture. What Polybius Ineic was that they dwelt north of the Oxus, which they were in tlie habit of cro.ssing to make raids into Hyrcania. CH. III. J TIRIDATES DEFEATS SELEUCUS CALLINICUS. 49 Bactrian king, whom lie especially feared, was dead, he contrived to detach his son and successor from the Syi'ian alliance, and to draw liim oVei' to his own side. Having made this important stroke, he met Callinicus in battle, and completely defeated his array.^ This victor}' was with reason regarded Ly the Par- thians as a sort of second besrinnino' of their inde- pendence.~ Hitherto their kingdom had existed pre- cariously, and as it were by sufferance. It could not but be that the power from which they had revolted would one day seek to reclaim its lost territory; and, until the new monarchy had measured its strength ao:ainst that of its former mistress, none could feel secure that it would be able to maintain its existence. The victory gained by Tiridates over Callinicus put an end to these doubts. It proved to the world at large, ' Justin, 1. s. c. : ' Seel cito. morte Theodoti metu li icratu'^, cum filio ejus — et ipso Theodoto— fwdus ac pacem fecit ; nee multo post cum Sc- leuco rege, ad defe'lores jiersequen- dos veniente, congressus victor fuit.' Major Cunningham concludes, on the strength of a fragment of Po- sidonius (ap. A then. Beipn. iv. p. lo3, A), that Seleucus was not only defeated by Tiridates, but made pris- oner {Nam. Chroii. vol. ix. p. 34). But this would make Posidonius expressly contradict Justin, who says that Seleucus after his defeat was recalled to his own kingdom by fresh troubles. (See note ' on the next chapter.) Others, as Vaillant, Clinton, and II. II. Wilson, have concluded fi'om the fragment of Po- sidonius that Callinicus must have subsequ'-ntly made a second expedi- tion agiinst the Parlhians, and have then b en made p;isoner — an expe- dition of which the Posidonian frag- ment is the only trace. But it has been well pointed out by 'Sir. Bun- bury that that fragment belongs lo the history, not of Seleucus Callini- cus, but of Seleucus, the eldest son of Autiochus Sidetes, who was taken prisoner by Phraates II. in B.C. 129 {Diet, of Oreek and Itoman Biogra- j>hj, vol. iii. p. 774). The sirteenth book of Posidonius, which con- tained the passage, treated of this period, and the p:issage itself, which speaks of a Syrian expedition against Sledin, is inappropriate to the time of Tiridates. The objection taken to Mr. Bunbury's view, that Seleucus is called ' king ' in the passage, has no force. The word j3acucvi is con- stantly applied to princes by the Greek writeis; and, moreover, Seleu- cus, the eldest surviving son of Cal- linicus (Euseb. Chrcn. Can. i. 40, § 19), would have been de -j'/r.^ 'king' on his father's death. - 'Yelut initium libertatis.' iJu.s. tin, xli. 4, ad fin.) 50 THE SIXTH MOXAECIIY. [cil. III. and also to the Partliiaiis themselves, that they had nothing to fear — that they were strong enough to preserve their freedom. Considering the enormous disproportion between the military strength and re-, sources of the narrow Parthian State r.nd the vast Syrian Empire— considering that the one comprised about fifty thousand and the other above a million of square miles ;^ that the one had inlierit- d the wealth of ages and the other was probably as poor as any province in Asia ; tliat the one ]ioss ssed the Ma- cedonian arms, training, and tactics, while the other knew only the I'ude warfare of the Steppes : the result of the struggh^ cannot but be regarded as surprising. Still it was not without precedent, and it iias not been ^vithout repetition. It adds anotlier to the many instances, where a small but brave people, bent on resisting foreign domination, have, \\ lien standing on their defence in their own territory, proved more than a match for the utmost force that a foe of overwhelm- ing strength could b;'ing against them. It reminds us of Marathon, of Bannockburn, of Morgai'ten. We may not sympathise wholly with the victors, foi- Greek civilisation, even of the type introduced by x\lexander into Asia, was ill replaced by Tatar coai-seness and barbarism; but we cannot refuse our admiration to the spectacle of a handful of gallant men deferniinedly resisting in the fastne-^ses of their native land a host of aliens, and triumphing over their would-be op- pressors. The Paithians themselves, deeply impressed with the importance of the contest, prese)' ^d the memory 'Sec above, pp. 3 anl .To Tiie I rai-;ele. It was siiri'ouuded with precipitous rocks, which enclosed a plain of extraordinary fertility. Abun- dant wood and copious streams of water were in the neighbourhood. The soil was so rich that it scarcely required cultivation, and the woods were so full of game as to afford endless amusement to hunters.^ To the town which he built in this locality, Tiridates gave the name of Dara, a word which the Greeks and Ivomans elongated into Dareium.^ Unfortunately, modern travellers have not yet succeeded in identifying the site, which should, however, lie towards the East,^ perhaps in the vicinity of Meshed. We may presume that Tiridates, when he built this remarkable city, intended to make it the seat of govern- ment. Hecatompylos, as a Greek town, had the same disadvantasres, which were considered in later times to render Seleucia unfit for the residence of the Parthian Couit and monarch. Dara, like Ctesiphon, Avas to be wholly Parthian. Its strong situation would render it Mutin, l.s. c. 'Datolaxamento, I = See Plin. H. K vi. 16. The regiuini Parthicum format, niilitem j double resemblance of Apavortene legit, ca^tt'lla miinit, civitates fir- (Zapavortene in one MS.) to Zapa- mat ; urbem quoque nomine Darara 1 ortenon, and of Dnreium to Dara, in mnnte Zapaortenon condit; cu- . is enough to show that Pliny and jus ioci ea conditio est, ut neque ' Justin are speaking of the same munitius qnidquain esse, neque ! locality. The description of Da- amoenius possii. Ila enini et pr;v- reium .in Pliny as 'fcrtilitatis in- ruptis rupibus undique cingitur, ut clutte locus' is a confirmation, if tutela ioci nullis defensoribusegeat ; ' one were needed, et seace with him, in which he acknowledged the Parthian independence. It is probable that he exacted in return a pledge that the Parthian monarch should lend him his assistance in the expedition which he was bent on conducting: aiyainst Bactria ; "* but there is no actual proof that the conditions of peace contained this clause. We are left in doubt whether Artabanus stood aloof in the war which Antiochus waged with Euthydemus of ' Aid jrtp'/Mprt? xfrna/j/Sw. (lb. X. j nia Polybius calls it Mount Labus. 30, § 2.) The situation of the Par- j - As Tambraca and Syrinx, thian and Hyrcanian townsis, unf'T- I ^ Justin, xli. 5: ' Adversus An- tunatelj\ still so uncertain that it is tiochutn Selcuci filiuMi laira xivtuU impossible ti follow the march of pugnavir.' Antiocluis upon the map. Heca- j * Tiie expression used by Justin tompylo-; pro'. ably lay between the — 'ad postreuium in .sorietultm ejus Ja^lietaiand the Alatash ; and it was (so. Antioclii) ailsumptus est' — this latter chain which Antiochus seems to imply something more had to cross in order to enter Hyrca- i thin a mere peace. 58 THE SIXTH MONARCHY, [CH. IV. Bactria immediately after the close of lils Partbian campaigns, or whether he lent his aid to the attempt made to crush his neighbour. Perhaps, on the whole, it is most probable that, nominally, he w^as Antiochns' ally in the w^ai', but that, practically, he gave him little help, having no wish to see Syria aggrandised. At any rate, Avhether Enthydemus had to meet the attack of Syria only, or of Syria and Parthia in combi- nation, the result was, that Bactria, like Parthia, pi-oved stronfic enouo-h to maintain her arround, and that the Syrian King, after a while, grew tired of the struggle, and consented to terms of accommodation.-^ The Bactrian monarchy, like the Parthian, came out of the contest unscathed — indeed Ave may go further, and say that the position of the two kingdoms was improved by the attacks made upon them. If a prince possessing the personal qualities that distinguished the third Antioch us, and justified that title of ' (jireaf which he derived from his Oriental expedition^ - if such a prince, enjoying profound peace at home, and directing the Avhole force of his Empire against them, could not succeed in reduc- ing to subjection the revolted provinces of the north- ' Polyb. xi. 34, § 9, 10. The terms were the following;: — Euthy- dcmus supplied Antiochus witii provisions tor his army, and surren- dered to him all iiis elephanis. Antiochus allowed Euthydeimis to retain his j^overnment, and recog account of liis representations that a strong Bactria was needed in order to keep in check the northern nomad^:, who were (oni inn illy threatening an irruption, wiiich, if it once took place, would barliarise the whole country. This is the nised his title of "king.' A mar- j first we hear of an aggressive atti- ria<^e was ariangcd Ixlween Deme- tude being assumed by the Scytliic trius, tiie eldest son of Kuthydenuis, liordes across the Jaxartcs and a daughter of Antiociuis, pro bably not of marriageable age. Finally, an alliance, offensive and defensive (""/'/^"vV'"), was con Appian, S>/rii(c, p. 80 a. 'AvtI- OYOS . . . iniia'Auv f; ^ijdinv re Kol Uai/JvTJvTjt', Kal Irtpa i6vij (Kpiard/jeva en nfid nvrnv, Kul iroX^h dpaoai, KCti eluded betuecn the ' two powers. !/''>5 'A. 'r/o^vof eTruar/Oiii. Coui- These favourable terms were granted I>'ii"« Polylj- xi. 84, § IG. to the liacirian monarch, eliiefly oni CII. IV.] BIANK PERIOD IN PAliTHIAlS' HISTORY. 59 east, l>ut, wliatever military advantacces he miu-lit ^nm, found conquest impossible, and returned home, Laving acknowledged as independant kings those whom he went out to chastise as rebellious satraps, it was evi- dent that the kingdoms might look upon themselves as fiinily established, or, at least, as secure from the danger of re-absorption into the Syrian State. The repulse of Callinicus was a probable indication of the fate of all future efforts on the part of Syria to reduce Parthia: the conditions of peace granted by Antiochus to 1/oth countries, after a series of military successes, constituted almost a pi'oof that the yoke of Syria would never be re-imposed on either the Parthian or the Bacti'ian nation. With the departure of Antiochus from the East, aV)out B.C. 206, we enter upon a period when Parthian history is, for a quarter of a century, almost a blank Nothing more is known of Arsaees HI. after Antiochus I'etired ; and nothing at all is known of his successor, Priapatius, l)eyond his name and the length of his reign, ^vhicli lasted for fifteen years ^ (from a))out e.g. 19(3 to 181). The reigns of these princes coincidiE^ with those of Euthydemus and his son, Demetrius, in Bac- tria ; and perhaps the most probable solution of the problem of Parthian inactivity at this time is to be found in the great development of Bactrian ])ower which noAv took place, and the influence which the two neighbouring kingdoms naturally exercised upon each other. When Parthia was stronc: and air^'ressive, Bactria ^vas, for the most part, quiet ; and when Bac- tria shows signs of vigorous and active life, Parthia languishes and retires into the shade. ' Justin, xli. 5. CO TlIK SLXTII MONAKOllY. [cil. IV. The Bactrian Kingdom, founded (as we have seen*) a little before the Parthian, sought from the first its ao-izrandisement in the East rather than in the AVest. The Empire of Alexander had included all the countries between the Caspian Sea and the Sutlej ; and these tracts, which constitute the modern Khorasan, Affghan- istnn, and Punjaub, had all been to a certain extent Hellenised by means of Greek settlements^ and Greek government. But Alexander was no sooner dead than a tendency displayed itself in these regions, and parti- culai'ly in the more eastern ones, towards a relapse into barbarism, or, if this expression be too strong,^ at any rate towards a rejection of Hellenism. During the earl 3^ wars of the '■ Successors ' the natives of the Pun- jaub generally seized the opportunity to revolt ; the governors placed over the various disticts by Alex- ander Avere murdered ; and the tribes everywhere declared themselves free. Among the leaders of the revolt was a certain Chandragupta (or Sandracottus), who contrived to turn the circumstances of the time to his own special advantage, and built up a considerable kinirdom in the far East out of the fra^-ments which had detached themselves from what was still called the Macedonian Empire."* When Seleucus IS'icator, about J5.C. 805, conducted an expedition aci'oss the Indus, he ' See above, p. 44. ' On tlie (iriek cities founded by Alexamler in Bachia, seeStrabo, xi. 11, § 4; in Sogdianu, see Anian, Ewp. Al. iv. 3, ad. fin. ; in the Paro- paniisus, ib. iv. 22; on the Indus and its tributaries, Strab. xv. 2, § 9; Arrian, v. 10; vi. 1.'5, 21, &c. ' That tiie llindoo civihziition of * See especially the account of Justin, XV. 4, ^12-19. ' Trnnsitum deindc in India fecit, qu;ic post mortem Alexandri, veluti ceivicibus jugo servitutis excusso, ])i affect os ejus occiderat. Auctor libc-rtatis Saiidrocottus fui-rat; sed tiUilum libertatis post victori;im in scrvi- tutcm vcrtcrat ; si(|uidom ()ccuj)ato tbe time was not altogether con- regno popuhun, quom ab externa temptible is shown by Lassen in ! doniinatione vindicaverat, ipseseivi- the second book of his y//cZ/.sr7/c tio premebat. ' Alter thumiikunde (vol. ii. pp. 1-111). ' CH. IV.] co^■TE^lPOl^Al^Y state of bactkia. 61 found this monarch established in the tract between the Indus and the Ganges/ ruling over extensive dominions and at the head of a vast force.^ It is uncertain whe- ther the two rivals eng-asjed in hostilities or no.^ At any rate, a peace was soon made ; and Seleucus, in return fur five hundred elephants, ceded to Sandra- cottus certain lands On the west bank of the Indus, which had hitherto been regarded as Macedonian."* 'Iliese prol)ably consisted of the low grounds between the Indus and the foot of the mountains — the districts of Peshawui', Bunnoo, Murwut, Shikarpoor, and Kurra- chee — which are now in British occupation. Thus Hellenism in these parts receded more and more, the Sanskritic Indians recovering by degrees the power and independence of which they had been deprived by Alexander. This state of things could not have been pleasing to the Greek pi'inces of Bactria, wdio must have felt that the reaction towards l)arVjarism in these parts tended to isolate them, and that there was a danger of their being crushed 1>etween the Parthians on the one hand and the perpetually advancing Indians on the othei'. ^^'hen Antiochus the Great, after concluding his treaty with Euthydemus, marched eastward, the Bactrian monarch j^robably indulged in hopes that the Indians ' Palibothra, on the Ganges, is made the head of the kingdom of Sandracottu-; by Strabo, wlio fol- lows the eye-witness, Megasthenes (XV. 1, § 36). Plutarch {Vit. Alex. § 62) extends the Praesian * Strabo (1. s. c.) gives as the amount of his force 400,000; Plu- tarch (1. s. c), 000,000. ' Appian mentions hostilities (rciv 'Ivt'idv nepnaaii k— o?. ifitiaer 'j\.v<^poKuTct7,'een the east and the west necessarily passes to the south of it. In this quarter the Great Desert offering an insu- perable obstacle to transit, the line of communication has to cling to the flanks of the mountain chain, the narrow strip between the mountains and the desert — rarely ten miles in width — being alone traversable. But about long. 52° 20' this strip itself fails. A rocky spur runs due south from the Elburz into the desert for a distance of some twenty or thirty miles, breaking the line of communication, and seeming at first sight to obstruct it completely .■' This, however, is not the case absolutely. The spur itself is penetrable by two passes, one where it joins the Elburz, which is the more difficult of the two, and another, further to the south, which is easier.^ The latter, now known as the Glrduni Sudurrah pass, constitutes the famous ' Pyhis Caspia3.' Through this pass alone can armies proceed from Armenia, Media, and Persia east^V'ard, or fi'oni Turkestan, Khorasan, and Aft'ghanistan into the more western parts of Asia. The position is therefore one of primaiy importance. It was to guard it that Rhages was built so neai' the eastern end of its territory. So long as it remained in the possession of Syria, Parthian aggression was checked. Khagiana, the rest of Media, and the other provinces were safe, (^i; nearly so. On the other hand, the loss of it to Parthia laid the eastern provinces open to her, and was at once almost equiva- ' Fraser, Khornmn, p. 291. "^ Ancient MonarchieH^ 1. s. c. The more northern pass is called the Girduni Siyaliilc. It is perhaps the 'Pylaj Caspia}' of Pliny (//. N. vi. 14J. CII. IV.] DEATH OF PIIRAATES I. 67 lent to the loss of all Eliagiaiia, wliich had no other natural protection. Now we find that Phraates sur- mounted the ' Gates,' and effected a lodgment in the plain country beyond them. He removed a portion of the conquered Mardians from their mountain homes to the city of Charax, which was on the western side of the Gates/ probably on the site now occupied by the ruins known as UewanlMfr Iheir location in this strong ])ost'^ was a menace to the neighbouring town of Rhages, which can scarcely have maintained itself long against an enemy encamped at its doors. AVe are not informed, however, of any results which followed on the occupa- tion of Charax during the life-time of Phraates. His reign lasted only seven years — from b.c. 181 to b.c. 174 — and it is thus probable that he died before there was time for his second imj^ortant conquest to have any further consequences. Phraates had sufficient warning of his coming decease to make preparations with respect to a suc- cessor. Though he had several sons, some of whom were (we must suppose) of sufficient age to have ascended the throne,^ he left his crown to his brother, jMithridates. He felt, probaVdy, that the State re- ' See above, p. 65, note ^. Mr. Lind- say {Uixtory of the Pdrtliidns^ p. 7) has strangel)' confounded the Me- dian Charax with Charax Spasini at the nioulh of the Tigris, and has hnagined that Phraates I. extended his dominion to the Persian (iulf. '" So Droysen, Gesc/ticJite des IleUetiismiiii^ vol. ii. p. TIG. Isidore's description {ioTLv vnd to upos d KaleiTat Ka^TTrto?) would lead one fo place it somewhat nearer the ' Gates.' ' The word ' Charax ' properly means ' palisade,' and applied to a town indicates that it was guarded by a pahsaded earthwork. Un the strength of sucli palisaded places under the Parthians, see Polyb. x. 31, § 8. Ta(pp»i yup j/oau Tpirral, n'/.uToi fxtv oi'X e^aTTov ixovaut rpui- Kovra iT7]xoiv, fidOo^ 6i TrevTSKaldeKa' kni f?t7r/l« ETTfKeiTo, Kut Te?.£VTalov nporei- Xifyua (^vvarnv. * Unless this had been the case, Justin would scarcely have dwelt so much upon the meritorious cha- racter of Phraates' action {Hint. Phil. xli. 5, ad Jin.). 68 THE SIXTH MONAIICHY. [CH. IV, quired the direction of a firm hand, that war might at any time break out with either Syria or Bactria ; while, if the career of conquest on which he had made Parthia enter, were to be pursued, he could trust his brother better than any of his sons to conduct aggres- sive expeditions with combined vigour and prudence. We shall see, as the history proceeds, how Mithridates justified his choice. Phraates would also appear to have borne his brother especial aflfection, since he takes the name of ' Philadelphus ' (brother-loving) upon his coins.^ It must have been a satisfaction to him that he was able by his last act at once to consult for the good of his country, and to gratify a sentiment 'on which it is evident that he prided himself. ' See Lindsay's Parthians, p. 136. The subjoined is from a coin of this monarch. Phraates I. (Obverse.) cii. v.] ACCESSION OF MlTHiilDATES I. 69 CHAPTER V. Beign of Mithridntes I. Position of Bactria and Syria at his accession. His first tear tcith Bactria. His great Expedition against the Eastern Syrian provinces, and its results. His second icar with Bactria, termi- nating in its conquest. Extent of his Empire. Attempt of Demetrius Nicator to recover the lost Provinces, fails. Captivity of Demetrius. Death of Mithridates. ' Mithriduti, iusignls virtutis viro, reliquit imperiiim (Pliraliates).' Justin, xli. 5. •The reign of Mithridates I. is the most important in the Parthian history. Receiving from his brother Phraates a kingdom of but nari-ow dimensions, con- fined (as it would seem) between the city of Charax on the one side, and the river x\]-ius, or Heri-rud, on the other, he transformed it, within the space of thirty- seven years (which was the time that his reign lasted), into a great and flourishing Empire. It is not too much to say that, but for him, Parthia might have Coin of Mithridates I. (dative) Coin of Mitliridates I. (Greek.) remained a mere petty State on the outskirts of the Syrian kingdom, and instead of becomimx a rival to Rome, might have sunk shortly into obscuiity and insiirnificance. 70 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. Y. As commonly happens in tlie grand changes which constitute the turning-points of histoiy, the way for Mithridates' vast successes was prepared by a long train of antecedent circumstances. To show how the rise of the Parthians to greatness in the middle of the second century before our era was rendered possible, we must turn aside once more from our proper suVgect and cast a glance at the condition of the two kingdoms between which Parthia stood, at the time when Mithridates ascended the throne. The Bactrian monarchs, in their ambitious stru2:2:les to possess themselves of the tracts south of the Paro- pamisus,^ and extending from the Heri-rud to the Sutlej and the mouths of the Indus, overstrained the strength of their State, and V)y shifting the centre of its power injured irretrievably its principle of cohesion. As early as the reign of Demetrius" a tendency to disruption showed itself, Eucratidas having lield the supreme power for many years in Bactria itself, while Demetrius exercised authority on the southern side of tlie mountains.'^ It is true that at the death of Demetrius this tendency was to a certain extent checked, since Eucratidas w^as tlien able to extend his sway over almost the wliok^ of the Bacti'ian territory."* ' See above, ch. iv. p. 62. i Nos. 5-7 ; PI. 9, No.s. 1-8.) Major " IJactriut the old evil recurred shortly, though in a less pronounced form. Eucratidas, without l)eing actually supplanted in the north by a rival, found that he could devote to that portion of the Empire but a small part of his attention. The southern countries and the prospect of southern and eastern conrpiests engrossed him. While he carried on successful wars with the Arachotians, the Drangians, and the Indians of the Punjaul) region, his hold on the more northern countries was relaxed, and they began to slip from his grasp.^ Incursions of the nomad Scyths from the Steppes carried fire and sword over portions of these provinces, some of which were even, it is j)i'obable, seized and occupied by the invaders." Such Avas, it would seem, the condition of Bactria under Eucratidas, the contempoi-ary of Mithridates. In Syria, Antiochus Epiphanes had succeeded his brother Seleucus IV. (Philopator) about a yenr before Mithridates ascended the Parthian throne.'^ He was a prince of courage and energy ; Ijut his hands were fully occupied with wars in Egypt, Palestine, and Armenia, and the distant East could attract but a small share of his thought or attention. The claim put forward by Egypt to the possession of Coele-Syria and Palestine, promised to Ptolemy V. (it was affirmed) as a dowry with Cleopatra, the daughter of Autiochus the Great, led to hostilities in the south-west which hiin, the Indian provinces reuiaincd in llio posses-ion of tiie family of Doinotrius, fallin;:^ to his son (V), Lysias, who iiad for successors Antialcidas, Amyntas, and Ilcr- ma-us. {2iiim. Citron. New Series, vol ix. p. 150. Compare vol. viii. p. 274.) ' .Tiistin, ::li. G. = Strab. xi. ^, § 2. MIAiara f5? yru-iif^oi yeyuvaai rdv vofn'i^ui' ol roOS 'K/./ij/vic ucfiAt'ijiEvni rt/V BaKTpiavi/v. Stralo does not fix tlie da'e, but it can sc rc:ly h?.vo been eitlier earlier or later than the reign of Eucrati- das. (LTomparo Wdson, Ariaiia An- tiqnn, p. 23G ) ' Ihe accession of Epiphanes is fixed to B.C. 175 bv the best cliro- nologers. (Sec (Uiiiton. /'". //. v. 1. iii. p;i. 317-322.) Mithridates pro- bably became king in b.c. 174. 72 THE SIXTH MONAKCIIY. [CH. lasted continuously for four years (b.c. 171 to b.c. 168), and were complicated during two of them ^vitll troubles in Jud«a, rashly provoked by the Syrian monarch, who, unaware of the stubborn temper of the Jews, goaded them into insurrection.-^ The war with Egypt came to an end in b.c. 168 ; it brought Syria no advantage, since Rome interposed, and required the restitution of all conquests. The ^var with the Jews had no such rapid termination. Antiochus, having not only plundered and desecrated the Temple, but having set himself to eradicate utterly the Jewish religion, and completely Ilellenise the people, was met with the most determined resistance on the part of a moiety of the nation. A patriotic party rose up under devoted leaders,^ who asserted, and in the end secured, the independence of their country. Not alone during the remaining years of Epiplianes, but for half a century after his death, throughout seven reigns, the struggle continued ; Judaea taking advantage of every trouble and difficulty in Syria to detach herself more and more completely from her oppressor ; being a continual thorn in her side, a constant source of weakness, pre venting more than anything else the recovery of her power. The triumph which Epi[)hanes obtained in the distant Armenia (n.c. 166-5), where he defeated and captured the king, Artaxias;^ was a poor set-off asrainst the foe which he had created to himself at his doors through his cruelty and intolerance. In another cpiarter, too, the Syrian power received a severe shake through the injudicious violence of Epiplianes. The Oriental temples had, in some instances, escaped the rapacity of Alexander's generals and ' Suc- ' Hoe 1 Maccab. i. 21-64; and coiiij)arc Joseph. A/if,. Jud. xii. 5, 0; Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 1, § 3, 4. ^ 1 Mac. ii.-vi. ^ Appian, Si/riac. p. 131, B. Liv. xli. 25. en, v.] CONDITIO]^ OF SYRIA 73 cessoi-s ;' their treasuries remained imviolated, aud contained lai'ge hoards of the j^recions metals. Epi- phanes, having exhausted his own exchequer by his wars and his lavish gifts, saw in these unplundei'ed stores a means of replenishing it, and made a journey into his south-eastern provinces for the purpose. The natives of Elymais, however, resisted his attempt, and proved strong enough to defeat it ; ^ the baffled luonarch retired to Tal)c^?, where he shortly afterward fell sick and died. In the popular belief his death was a judg- ment upon him for his attempted sacrilege ;^ and in the exultation caused by the event, the bands which joined these provinces to the Empire must undoubtedly have been loosened. Nor did the removal of Epiphanes (b.c. 164) im- prove the condition of affairs in Syria. The throne fell to his son, Antiochus Eupator, a boy of nine, according to Appian,^ or, according to another autho- rity,* of twelve years of age. The regent, Lysias, exercised the chief po^ver, and was soon engaged in a war with the Jews,^ whom the death of E[)iphanes had encouraged to fresh efforts. The authority of Lysias was further disputed by a certain Philip, whom Epijjhanes, shortly before his death, had made tutor to the young king.^ The claims of this tutoi- to the regent's office being supported by a considerable por- tion of the army, a civil war arose between him and Lysias, which raged for the gi'eater part of Uxo years (b.c. 16o-2), terminating in the defeat and death of Pliilip. But Syrian affairs did not even then settle Pol3^b. xxxi. 11 ; 1 Mac. vi. 1-4. | the cause of their oppressor's un- Appian makes him succeed in plun- dering the Temple (Si/riac. p. 181, C), but he is to be corrected from Polyl:)ius. '^ Polyb. 1. s. c. The Jews natu- rally regarded their own wrongs as timely end. (1 Mac. vi. 13.) ^ Si/rinr. p. 117, B. ■• Porphyr. a|). Eiiseb. Chron. Can. i 40,' § 15. " 1 Mac. vi. 17-62. " Ibid vi. ir>, 55, (S3. 74 THE SIXTH IMONAKCHY. [cH. Y, down into tranquillity. A prince of the Seleucid house, Demetrius by name, the sou of Seleucus IV., and consequently the first cousin of Eupator, was at this time detained in Home as a hostage, having been sent there during his father's lifetime, as a security for his fidelity. Demetrius, with some reason, regarded his claim to the Syrian throne as better than that of his cousin, the son of the younger brother, and being in the full vigour of eai'ly youth,^ he detei*mined to assert his pretensions in Syria, and to make a bold stroke for the crown. Having failed to ol)tain the Senate's consent to his quitting Italy, he took his departure secretly,^ crossed the Mediterranean in a Car- thaginian vessel, and landing in Asia, succeeded within a few months in estal^lishino- himself as Syrian monarch. From this review it sufficiently appears that the condition of things, l)oth in Syria and Bactria, was favourable to any aspirations which the power that lay between them might entertain after doininion and selfaggrandizement. The Syrian and Bnctrian kings, at the time of Mithridates' accession, were, both of them, men of talent and energy ; l)ut the Syrian monarch was soon involved in difficulties at home, while the Bactrian had his attention attracted to ])ros- pects of advantage in a remote quarter. Mithi-idates might, perhaps, have attacked the territory of either with an equal chance of victory ; and as his j)re- decessor had set him the example of successful \varfiire on liis western frontier, Ave might have expected his first efforts to have l)een in this direction, against the dependencies of Syria. But circumstances which we ' lie was in his twenty-third year, lybius, who wiis a friend of Deme- (See Polyb. xxxi. 12, ;que populi casus fuisset, ad pos- the time of the Sassanians. A.-pi- ; tremum victoria [ enes Parthos fuit.' 70 'J'lIE SIXTH MOISTAKCIIY. [ciT. V. eventually tbe Partliian prince proved victorious, and tbe great and valuable province of Media Magna was added to the dominions of the Arsacidse. A certain Bacasis was appointed to govern it, whether as satrap o-r as tributary monarch is not apparent ; ^ while the Parthian king, recalled towards home by a revolt, proceeded to crush rebellion before resuming his career of conquest. The revolt which now occupied for a time the atten- tion of Mithridates was that of Hyrcania.^ The Hyr- canians were Arians in race ; they were brave and high-spirited;^ and under the Persian monarchs had enjoyed some exceptional privileges,'* which placed them above the great mass of the conquered nations. It was natural that they should dislike the yoke of a Turanian people ; and it was wise of them to make their effort to obtain their freedom before Parthia grew into a .power against which revolt would be utterly hopeless. Hyrcania might now expect to be joined by the Medes, and even the Mardi, who were Arians like themselves,^ and could not yet have forgotten the pleasures of independence. But though the effort does not seem to have been ill-timed, it was unsuccess- ful. No aid was given to the rebels, so far as we hear, by any of their neighbours. Mithridates' prompt return nipped the insurrection in the bud ; Plyrcania at once submitted, and became for centuries the obedient vassal of her powerful neighbour. The conquest of Media had brought the Parthians ' Justin's words (' ^^ithI■idates i '■' Justin, 1. s. c. Mediae IJacasin prasponit ') point [ * Q. Curt. Hid. Alex. vi. 4, ratiier to an ap|iuintnient as satrap ; § 15. but the ordinary system of tlie Par- [ * Xen. Cjirop. iv. 2. § 8. thians vv;is lo {jovern by means of i "^ See the- •,\\\i\wY^ a Herodotus, vol. tributary monarchs. i. p. 345, 2t)d edit. cii. v.] :media and susiAisrA conquered. 77 into contact witli the rich country of Susiana, or Ely- ma'is ; and it was not long before Mitliridates, having crushed the Ilyrcanian revolt, again advanced west- Avard, and invaded this important province. Elymais appears to have had a king of its own/ ^vho must either have been a vassal of tlie Seleucidie, or have acquired an independent position by revolt after the death of Epiphanes. In the war which followed between this monarch and Mithridates, the Elymseans proved wholly unsuccessful, and Mithridates I'apidly overran the country and added it to his dominions. After this he appears to have received the submission of the Persians on the one hand and the Babylonians on the otlier,^ and to have rested on his laurels for some years,'^ having extended the Parthian sway from the Hindoo Koosh to the Euphrates. The chronological data which have come down to us for this period are too scanty to allow of any exact statement of the number of years occupied by Mithridates in effecting these conquests. All that can 1)e said is that he appears to have commenced them about B.C. 163, and to have concluded them some time before n.c. 140, Avhen he was in his turn attacked by the Syrians. Probably they had been all effected by the year B.C. 150; since there is reason to believe that about that time** Mithridates found his power sufficiently ' Justin, 1. s. c. ' Bellum cum Ely- [ nians is assigned by Orosius (v. 5) mseoruni rt'se gessit [Mithridates].' ! to the time of the contest betvveon ^ If tlie Persians and Babylonians j Demetrius and Alexander Bains, b.c. had been reduced by force of arms, j lo3-151. But the authority is not Justin would j)rol)ably have men- I very good, and it is probable that tioned their reduction in Bk. xli. ch. they submitted earlier. 6. As it is, we must, regard the ■* The reduction of the Bactrians submission of B.ihylonians as im- by Mithridates is imjilied in the plied in that chapter, and that of statement of Justin, that they were the Persians in Bk. xxxvi. ch. 1. amonz the people wlio welcomed the ^ The re luction of tiie Babylo- expcd tion of Demetrius, having ex- THE SIXTH MONAECHY. [CII. establislied in the west to allow of liis once more tnrn- ms; liis attention eastward, and renewino- his ao-crres- sions upon the Baetrlan kingdom, which had passed from the rule of Eucratidas under that of his son and successor, Heliocles.^ Heliocles, who was allowed by his father a quasi- royal position,^ obtained the full possession of the Bactrian throne by the crime of parricide. It is conjectured that he regarded with disappi-oval his father's tame submission to Parthian ascenihmcy, and desired the recovery of the provinces which Eucratidas had been content to cede for the sake of peace.'^ We are told that he justified his crime on the ground that his father was a public enemy ; ^ which is best ex- plained by supposing that he considered him the friend of Bactria's great enemy, Parthia. If this be the true account of the circumstances under which he liecame king, his accession would have been a species of chal- lenge to the Parthian monarch, whose ally he had assassinated. Mithridates accordingly marched against him with all speed, and easily defeating his ti'oops, took possession of the greater part of his dominion.'' hlated by this success, he is said to have pressed east\5^ard, to have invaded India, and overrun the country as far as the river Hydaspes f but, if it he true that his arras pene- perienced the cruelty of the Par- thians (xxxvi. 1). The exact time of the invasion and the Bactrian monarch who resisted it, are un- certain. ' This relation of Heliocles to Eu- cratidas is jirovcd l)y a coin, which ■shows liiin to have been associated with that monarch, agree il)ly to the statement of .Instin. (See Wilson, Ar. Ant. p. 2r.4 ; Lassen, hid. Alt. ii. p. ;jl3.) Major Cunningham's idea, that the effigies on the obverse of this coin reprc se t the lather and mother of Eucratidas, seems to me quite untenable. ■ Justin, xli. (i, § 5. ' Wilson, p. 2(i4. * Justin, I. s.c. It may have been in the samespirit that Heliocles took the epithet of A//i«(o5, wiiich appears upon his coins. '' .Justin, xli. 0. " Urosius, V. 5. Compare Died. CH v.] EXTENT OF e:\ipire uxdek ^iitiiridates. 79 trated so far, it is, at any rate, certain that lie did not here effect any conquest, Greek moiiarchs^ of the Bactrian series continued masters of Cabul and AVestern India till about B.C. 126; no Parthian coins are found in this i-egion ; nor do the best anthorities claim for Mithridates any dominion beyond the mountains which enclose on the west the valley of the Indus. By his war with Heliocles the empire of Mithridates reached its greatest extension. It comprised now, besides Parthia Proper, Bactria, Aria, Di'angiana, Arachosia, Mai'giana, Hyrcania, the country of the Mardi, Media Magna, Susiana, Persia and Babylonia. Very probal>ly its limits were still wider. The power which possessed Parthia, Hyrcania, and Bactria, v>-ould rule almost of necessity over the whole tract between the Elburz rano-e and the Oxus, if not even over the re2:ion l^etween the Oxus and the Jaxartes: that which held the Cas])ian mountains and eastern Media could not fail to have influence over the tribes of the Iranic desert ; -while Assyria Proper would naturally follow the fortunes of Babylonia and Susiana.~ Still the ex- tent of territory thus indicated rests only on conjecture. If we confine ourselves to what is known by positive evidence, we can only say that the Parthian Kingdom of this period contained, at least, the twelve provinces above enumerated. It thus stretched from east to west a distance of fifteen hundred miles between the Sulei- man mountains and the Euphrates, varying in width from three or four hundred miles — or even more — towards the west and east, to a naiTow strip of less than a Sic. xxxiii. 20. Tlu'se conquests i - Moses of Chorene makes A.s- are somewhat doubtful, since Justin 1 syria subject to Mithridates, whom seems to have known nothing of them. 1 he calls 'the grreat Arsaces ' (£fis^. * See Wilson, Arinna Antiqua, \ Arrnen. ii. 4, § Ij. pp 268-300. 1 80 THE SIXTH 5I0NARCIIY. [cil. Y. hundred miles t(nvard the centre, Tt prohahly com- prised an area of about 450,000 square miles ; wliicli is somewhat less than that of the modern Persia. Unlike. the modern Persia, however, the territory consisted almost entirely of productive regions. The excellent quality of the soil in Parthia Proper, Hyrcania, and IMargiana, has been already noticed.^ Bacti'ia, the next province to Margania to^vards the east, Avas less uniformly fertile ; Init still it contained a considerable propoi'tion of good land along the course of the Oxus and its tributaries, which was cultivated in vineyards and cornfields, ov else pastured large herds of cattle." The Mardian mountain territory was well wooded f and the plain Ijetween the mountains and the Caspian ^vns rich in the extreme.'* Media, where it adjoined on the desert, was comparatively sterile ; but still even here an elaborate system of artificial irrigation brought .'i belt of land under culture.^ Further west, in the Zagros chain. Media comprised some excellent pasture lands,'' together with numerous valleys as productive as any in Asia.^ Elymais was, in part, of the same cha- racter wnth the mountainous portion of Media, wiiile beyond the mountain it sank down into a rich alluvium, not much inferior to the Babylonian.^ Babylonia itself was confessedly the most fertile country in Asia. It IDroduced wheat, barley, millet, sesame, vetches, dates, > Supra, pp. 7, 10, and 12. = Q. Cmt. Jla^t. Alex. vii. 4, 5 26 : ' Bactriana tcrr t multiplex et varia natiira est. Alibi miilia arbor, et vilis Lirgos initcsf|iic fniftiis alit : scliim |)inf;ue crebri foiitcs rigant; quic mitiora .sunt fruineuto cunsc- runtur* caUera aruientoruin pabiilo cedunt.' " Ibid. vi. 5. * Ibid. vi. 4. " Polyl). X 28, § 0. " Especially the district called Ni-a3a, «here the Nisaean horses were bred. (Ariian, E.rp. Al. vii. 13; Diod. Sic. xvii. 110, §6; Am. Marc, xxiii. C.) ' See A)irieiit, Monarchies, vol. ii pp. 280, 290, 2nd ed. «Strab. XV. 3, § 11. CII. v.] TROUBLES IN SYRIA. 81 and fruits of all kinds.^ The return of the wheat crop was from fifty to a hiindred-and-fifty-fold ;^ while that of the barley crop w^as three hundredfold;^ The dates were of unusual size and superior flavour;* and the palm, wliieh abounded throughout the region, fni'nished an inexhaustible supply both of fruit and timber.^ The great increase of power which Mithridates had obtained by his conquests could not be a matter of indifference to the Syrian monarchs. Their domestic troubles — the contentions l)etween Philip and Lysias, between Lysias and Demetrius Soter, Soter and Alex- ander Balas, Balas and Demetrius II., Demetrius II. and Tryphon, had so engrossed them for the space of twenty years (from B.C. 162 to b.c. 142), that they had felt it impossible, bv hopeless, to attempt any expedition towards the East, for the protection or recovery of their provinces. Mithridates had been allowed to pursue his career of conquest unopposed, so far as the Syrians were concerned, and to establish his sway from the Hindoo Koosh to the Euphrates. But a time at last came Avlien home dangers were less ])ressing, and a l^rospect of engaging the terrible Parthians with success seemed to present itself. The second Demetrius had not, indeed, wholly overcome his domestic enemy, Tryphon ; but he had so far brought him into difficul- ties as to believe that he might safely l)e left to be dealt with by his wife, Cleopatra, and by his captains.^ ' Hcrod.i. 193 ; Berosus, Fr. 1, §3. ' Amm. Marc. xxiv. 3; Zosim. iii. '-' Thcophiast. Hist. Plant, viii. I p. 17:>. : Plin. JI. y. xviii. 17. " The troul>le.s of the reign of ^ Strab. xvi. 1, § 14. Dcmeirius are given witli much ' Theoplirast. Ilid. Plant, ii. 2. fulness in thj first book of Macca- ^ Herod. 1. s. c. ; Strab. 1. s. c; bees, ch. xi.-xiii. 82 THE SIXTH jVIONAECHY. [ciI. V. At the same time the condition of affairs in the East seemed to invite his interference. Mithridates ruled his new conquests with some strictness,^ suspecting, pro- bably, their fidelity, and determined that he Avould not by any remissness allow them to escape from his grasp. The native inhabitants could scarcely be much at- tached to the Syro-Macedonians, who had certainly not treated them very tenderly;^ but a possession of 170 years' duration confers prestige in the East, and a strange yoke may have galled more than one to whose pressure they had become accustomed. Moreover, all the provinces which Parthia took from Syria contained Greek towns, and their inhabitants might at all times be depended on to side with tlieir countrymen against the Asiatics. At the present conjuncture, too, the num- ber of the malcontents was swelled by the addition of the recently subdued Bactrians, who hated the Parthian yoke, and longed earnestly for a chance of recovering their freedom. Thus when Demetrius II., anxious to escape the reproach of inertness,^ determined to make an expedi- tion against the great Parthian monarch, he found himself welcomed as a deliverer by a considerable number of his enemy's subjects, whom the liarshness, or the novelty, of tlje Parthian rule had offended.^ The malcontents joined his standard as he advanced ; and supported, as he thus was, by Persian, Elyma3an, and Bactrian contingents, he engaged and defeated the Par- thians in several battles.^ Upon this, Mithridates, ' The provinces complained of his cruelty ('propter Arsacithi; rej^is Parthoruiii crudelitatem.' — Justin, xxxvi. 1, § 3). ■^ Sec above, p. 73 perio admoti, novi populi super- l>iam indif^ne ferebant. ' (Justin, xxxvi. 1, § 3.) '' Cilra et Persarum, ct Ely- iineoriim, et Bactrianorum auxiliis ' Justin, xxxvi. 1, § 3 : 'ad abo- ! jiivaretur, nuiUis ])ra^liis Parthos lendain set^nitiac maculam.' jfudit' (lb. §4. Coni[tarc xxxviii. * ' Quud vetcri Maccflonum im- 1 9, § 2.) en. v.] IXVASION OF PARTHIA BY DEMETIIIUS. 83 finding himself inferior in strength, liad i-ecourse to stratagem, and having put Demetrius off his guard by proposals of peace/ attacked him, defeated him, and took him prisoner.^ The invading army appears to have been destroyed.^ The captive monarch was, in the first instance, conveyed about to the several nations which had revolted, and paraded before each in turn, as a proof to them of their folly in lending him aid ; ^ but afterwards he was treated in a manner befittino- his rank and the high character of his captor.^ Assio'ned a residence in Hyrcania, he was maintained in princely state, and was even promised by Mithridates the hand of his daughter, Rhodogune.^ The Parthian monarch, it is probable, had the design of conquering Syria, and thought it possil)le that he might find it of advantao-e to have a Syrian prince in his camp, well disposed towards him, connected by marriage, and thus fitted for the position of tributary monarch, Bu the schemes of Mithridates proved abortive. His career had now reached its close. Attacked by illness'' not very lono- after his capture of Demetrius, his strength proved insufiicient to bear up against the malady, and he died after a glorious reign of about thirty-eight years, B.C. 136. ' Ad postremum tamen pacis ' dcsciverant, in ladibrium favoris simulationc decejitus capitur' (lb. ostenditur. xxxvi. 1, § 5). ' Repente insidiis ^ Ibid. 1. p. c. : ' Missus deinde in circumventus ' (lb. x.xxviii. 9, § Hyrcaniam, benigne et juxta cultum 2). I pristinse fortunae habetur.' Compare * Justin, 1. s. c. ; Appian, Syriac. j xxxviii. 9, § 3. ' Cui Arsacides p. 132, A ; Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 15 ; Parthorum rex, mntjno et rerjio ani- Ores. V. -t. mo, misso in Hyrcaniam non cul- ' 'Amisso exercitu' (Justin, turn tantum regium pra?stitit, sed xxxviii. 9, 3). Comp. 1 Mac. xiv. I et filiam in matrinionium dedit, &c. 3- _ } ^ -A-PP- i^yriac. 1. s c. * Justin, xxxvi, 1, §,3: ' Traduc- ] ' ' Advcrsa valetudine correptus' tus per ora civitutium, populis, qui (Justin, xli. 6, § 9). 84 • THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cH. VL CHAPTER VL System of government estahlished hy Mlthridntes I. Constitulion of the Parthians. Government of the Provinces. Laics and Institutions. Character of Mithridates I. ' Rex, maijno et regio animo.'— Justin, xxxviii. '.), § 3. The Parthian institutions possessed great simplicity ; and it is pi'obable that they took a shape in the reign of Arsaces I., or, at any I'ate, of Tiridates, which was not greatly altered afterwards. Permanency is the law of Oriental governments ; and in a monarchy which lasted less than five hundi'ed years, it is not likely that many changes occurred. The Parthian institutions are referred to Mithridates I., rather than to Tiridates, because in the reign of Mithridates Parthia entered upon a new phase of her existence — became an empire instead of a mere monarchy ; and the sovereign of the time could not but have reviewed the circumstances of his State, and have determined either to adopt the previous institutions of his country, or to reject them. Mithridates I. had attained a position which entitled and enabled him to settle the Parthian constitution as he thought best ; and, if he maintained an earlier arrangement, which is uncertain, he nuist liave done so of his own free will, sim[)l3^ because he preferred the existing PartluJin institutions to any oth(;)'. Thus the institutions may be regarded as starting from him, since he approved them, and n)ade them those of the Par- thian p:MPniE. Uke most sovereio-nties wliich have ai"isen out of an CII. Tl] PAKTIIIAN SYSTE:\r OF GOVERNMENT. 85 association of chiefs banding: themselves too^ether for warlike purposes under a single head, the Parthian monarchy was limited. The king Avas permanently advised by two councils, consisting of persons not of his own nomination, whom rights, conferred by birth or office, entitled to their seats. One of these Avas a family conclave {concilium domesticum), or assembly of the full-grown males of the Koyal House ; the other was a Senate comprising both the spiritual and the temjwral chiefs of the nation, the Sophi, or ' AVise Men,' and the Magi, or ' Priests.' ^ Together these two bodies consti- tuted tlie Megistanes, the ' Nobles ' or ' Great Men ' — the ])rivileged class which to a considerable extent checked and controlled the monarch. Tlie monarchy was elective, but onl}' in the house of the Arsacid;e ; and the concurrent vote of both councils Avas necessary in the aj^pointment of a new king. Practically, the ordinary law of hereditary descent appears to have been followed, unless in the case whei'e a king left no son of sufficient age to exercise the royal office. Under such circumstances, the Megistanes usually nominated the lat(^ king's next brother to succeed him,^or, if he liad left behind him no brother, went l)ackto an uncle.'^ AVhen the line of succession had once been chano-ed, the riixht of the elder branch was lost, and did not revive unless the branch prefei'red died out or possessed no member qualified to rule. When a king had been duly nomi- nated by the two councils, the right of placing the ' Posidonius ap. Strab. xi. 9, • Mithridates I., Orodes T., Gotarzps, § 3. Tijy \lapf)vaLuv avvidpiov ^Tjniv . Chosrol'S, and Artabanus III One fhini UoneuStjvLoi (hrTov, to filv avy. of these, howerer, that of Mithri- ytvCor, To (\t aov Kal /xdyov, £| uv \ dates I., is ascribeil to the will of aiKiinr Tovi jjanWili KaOinTanOai. the previous monarch. "There are five instances of ^ As in the case of Artabanus I., brothers succeeding — viz., those of the successor of Phraates II. 86 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. VI. diadem upon his head belonged to the Surena/ the ' Field-Marshal,' or ' Commander in Chief of the Par- thian armies,' The Megistanes further claimed and sometimes exercised the right of deposing a monarch whose conduct displeased them ; but an attempt to exercise this privilege was sure to be followed by a civil war, no monarch accepting his deposition without a struggle ; and force, not right, practically determining whether he should remain ^kins: ov no. After a king was once elected and firmly fixed upon the throne, his power appears to have been nearly despotic. At any rate he could put to death without trial whomsoever he chose ; and adult members of the Royal House, who provoked the reigning monarch's jealousy, were constantly so treated.^ Probably it would have been more dangerous to arouse the fears of the ' Sophi ' and ' Magi.' The latter especially Avere a powerful body, consisting of an organised hierarchy, which had come down from ancient times, and was feared and venerated by all classes of the people.^ Their numbers at the close of the Empire, counting adult males only, are i*eckoned at eighty thousand;^ they possessed consideral)le tracts of fertile land,^ and were the sole inhabitants of many large towns or vil- lages, Avhich they were permitted to govern as they pleased.*' The arbitrary power of the monarchs must, in practice, have been largely checked by the privileges 'Tacit. Arui. vi. 42; Appian, ParfJi. p. 141, A. According to this latter writer, the right was he- reditary in the family to which the Siirena who 02)posed Crassus be- longed. ■ Phraates IV., on his accession, put to death his twenty-nine bro- thers. ^ The high position of the Magi under the Parthian kings is strongly marked by their place in the Great Council. (See above, p. 85, note 1.) ■* Gibbon, Decline ainl Fall, vol. i. p. 3-53 (Smith's edition). '' Amm. Marc, xxiii. G ; p. 405. " Ibid. p. 406. en. YI.J THE VITAX^. 87 of this numerous priestly caste, of wliicli it would seem that in later times they became jealous, thereby pre- paring the way for their own downfall.^ The dominion of the Parthians over the conquered provinces Avas maintained l)y ireverting to the system Avhich had prevailed generally through the East before the accession of the Persians to power, and establishing in the various countries either viceroys, holding office for life, or sometimes dependent dynasties of kings."^ In either case, the rulers, so long as they p:iid tribute regularly to the Parthian monarchs and aided them in their wars, were allowed to govern the people beneath their sway at their pleasure. Among monarchs, in the higher sense of the term, may be ('numerated the kings of Persia,^ Elymais,^ Adiabene,^ Osrhoene,^ and of Armenia and Media Atropatene, when they formed, as they sometimes did, portions of the Parthian Empire. The viceroys, who governed the other provinces, bore the title of Vitaxoe (^ftiGzaKsi), and were fourteen or fifteen in numl)er7 The remark has been made by the historian, Gibbon,^ that the system thus established ' exhibited under other names, a lively image of the feudal system, which has since prevailed in Europe.' ' Agathias, li. 25. To fiayiKdv di'Aov eyKparii i^ SKeivov [rov 'kpra- ^dpov] yiyovE Koi ay^puxov, bv fz^v fj(')ri Kal TTpOTSpOV, OVTTG) f'^ H TOVTO Tlflt/i re KOi Tzn^iftTjoiai i/pfiivoi', a/Jk' 6-olov i'TTu tC)v tv TiTifi eariv ^ koX ~epiopuaOai. ' Pliny correctly calls the Par ® Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 2 ; Oros- vii. 6; Dio Cass. Ixviii. 19. ' Dio Cass. xl. -20 ; Ixviii 18. ' Ammianus makes the vifaxa' eighteen in number, but includes iunfing them the 'kitgs'of Persia thian provinces ' kingdoms.' ( ' ^/'y- ; Susiana, &c. He explains the term na Parthorum octodecim sunt oiii- j ^^ signifying ' Masters of ^' e Horse nia,' H. JV. vi. 2.5.) The Greek 1 and Royal Satraps'; bu^ .^esychius writers most commonly call them 'satrapies,' but incorrectly. = Strab. XV. 3. ? 24. says more briefly, ° e'iis;un, and lias been thouglit to throw some doiiht on the identilicition of the Gotarzcs •who set it up with tuc twc^nty-first Arsaces. IJiil the doubt is scaiccly reasonable; and it does not seem unlikely that under tlie Parthian system the distinct force of the worvl 'satrap' would be lost, and it would come to be regarded as a title e(iuivalent to king. " Appian enumerates twenty-five besides those thai Sclcucus Nica- tor l)uilt and named after himself or his relations, which he estimates at thirty five more. {S>/ri(K-it, pp. 124, 125.) Isidor of Charax finds, upon a single line of loute, Hxtcen (Mans. Purth. § 1-1 ). On the general subject, see Giote. Hhtory of Greece, vol. viii. p. 474, cd. of 18G2. ^ Plin. 11 N. vi. 3('.. ' ' (Mvitas potcns, septa niuris.' (Tac. Ann. vi. 42.; CH. VI.] THE GREEK TOWNS. 89 most fertile territory.^ It had its own senate, or muni-. ci])al council, of three Imndred members, elected by the ])eople to I'lile them from among the wealthiest and best educated of the citizens.^ Under ordinary circum- stances, it enjoyed the blessing of complete self-govern- ment, and was entirely free from Parthian interference, ])aying no doubt its tribute, but otherwise holding the position of a ' free city.' It was only in the case of internal dissensions that these advantages Avere lost, and the Parthian soldiery, invited within the walls, arranged the quairels of parties, and settled the consti- tution of the State at its pleasure. Privileges of a similar character, though, probably, less extensive, belonged (it would seem) to most of the other Greek cities of the Empire. The Parthian monarchs thought it polite to favour them ; and their practice justified the title of ' Phil-Hellene,' which they were fond of assuming upon their coins. On the whole, the policy may have been wise, but it diminished the unity of the Empire ; and there Avere times when serious danger arose from it. The Syro-Macedoniau monai'chs could always count with certainty on having powerful friends in Parthia, whatever portion of it they invaded ; and even the Ilomaus, though their ethnic connection with the cities ^vas not so close, were sometimes indebted to them for very important assistance.^ A\ e are told that ]\Iithridates I., after effectinsr his con(piest>*, made a collection of the best laws which he found to prevail among the various subject peoples, and imposed them u})on the Parthian nation.'* This state- ' 'Agcr toMus Orientis ferfilis- and Macedonian colonies in Meso- simus.' (Plin. 1. s. c.) potamia at the lime of the invasion ^ 'Treceiiti, opibus aut sapientia of Crassus (xl. K!). Compare Ap- delecti, ut Senatus.' (Tacit. 1. s. c.) pian, Parthica, p. loO, I). ^ t^co what. Dio says of the Greek '' biod. Sic. xxxiii. 'JO. 90 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. VI. •ment is, uo doubt, an exaggeration ; but we may attri- bute, with some reason, to Mitliridates the introduction at this time of various practices and usages, whereby the Parthian Court was assimilated to those of the 'earlier Great Monarchies of Asia, and became in the eyes of foreigners the successor and representative of the old Assyrian and Persian Kingdoms. The assump- tion of new titles and of a new state — the oi'ganisation of the Court on a new plan — the bestowal of a new character on the subordinate officers of the Empire, Avere suitable to the new phase of its life on which the monarchy had now entered, and may with the highest j^robability, if not with absolute certainty, be assigned to this period. It has been already noticed that Mithridates appears to have been the first Parthian sovereign wlio took the title of ^ King of Kings.' ^ The title had been a favourite one with the old Assyrian and Persian monarchs,^ but was not adopted either by the Seleucidjie or by the Greek kings of Bactria.^ Its revival implied a distinct pretension to that mastery of Western Asia which had belonged of old to the Assyrians and Persians, and which was, in later times, formally claimed by Arta- xerxes,"* the son of Sassan, the founder of the New Persian Kingdom. Previous Parthian monarchs had been content to call themselves 'the King,' or 'tlie Great King' — Mithridates is 'the King of Kings, the great and illustrious Arsaces.' At the same time Mithridates appears to have ' Supra, p. 88. '■' See TUjldUi-Pllescr Inscr'iption, p. 20 ; Beldxt. Lis. col. i. par. 1 ; Perupp. liiH. passim. ^ The Solcucida; from first to last rftain tlio modest HAi;iAP:i22. The Graeco-Hactrian kings use the same style at first, hut afterwards change it for BAlIAEiii; MKrALOY. (See WiNon, Arid/Id Antii/ua, pp. 237- 241.) 'l'i y (iani- 'Acia [ill Jli'ifiOoi^ tx'ivnc (Illst. Horn, xl.- 45) ; Auunianus (xxiii. 6, p. 402), as ' I'ersidis specimen sununum.' ■* F.'iMantv tvravOa roil ^f«//6)i'(>S (hdyeiv oi jianO^elq (Wd to evuepov (xvi. 1, §10). * II. N. vi. 26; § 122. CII. \I.^ MIGUATIONS OF THE COUET. 93 probable — viz., tliat it grew uj) gradually out of the wish of tbe Parthian kings to spare Seleucia the unplea- santness of having the rude soldiery, which followed the Court from j)lace to place, quartered upon tliem.^ The remainder of the year, Strabo tells us, was spent by the Parthian kings either at the Median city of Ecbatana, which i>i the modern Hamadan, or in the province of Hyrcania.' In Hyrcania, the palace, according to him, was at Tape' f and between this place and Ecbatana he no doubt regarded the monarchs as spending the time which was not passed at Ctesiphon. Athenseus, how- ever, declares that Phages was the spring residence of the Parthian kings f and it seems not unlikely that this famous city, which Isidore, writing in Parthian times, calls 'the greatest in Media,' ° was among the occasional residences of the Court. Parthia itself Avas, it would seem, deserted f but still a city of that region preserved in one respect a royal character, being the place where all the earlier kino-s were interred.'^ The pomp and grandeur of the Parthian monarchs are descril)ed only in the vaguest terms by the classical wi-iters. No author of repute appears to have visited the Parthian Court. We may perhaps best obtain a true notion of the splendour of the sovereign from the. accounts which have reached us of his relations and ' Strab. 1. S C. Tnvrnv ettolovvto Xeifidihoif oi Tuv Tlaiidvaicjv finai'/.el'i, (peu^o/iFvot Ttliv ^e?.eviituv, ii>a /jr/ Kara- nrndfievnivTo inra rov S/cuOt/coi) (jiv/^ov Kai orparKjTiKnv. ■ Strab. 1. s. c. Compare xi. 13, § 1- ' Ihid. xi. 7. § 2. * DelpnosopJi. xii. 8 ; p. 514. ^ Mrni)^. PdHli, § 7. ' An occasional flying Aisit may have been paid to Hecitompylos. ^iiere the old palace of the early kinii;swas maintiiiued ;it least to the time of Strabo (xi. 9. ^ 1) ; but the province w;is not rich enough to furnish fo'>d for the vast numbers of the ht^r Court. (Il)id.) ' Isid. C'.Kir. Mam. Parth. § 12. In later times Arliela appears to have bec'>me the royal burying- place (D. Cass. Ixxviii. 1). 94 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. VI. officers, wLo can have reflected only faintly the magni- ficence of the sovereign. Plutarch tells us that the general whom Orodes deputed to conduct the war against Crassus came into the field accompanied by two hundred litters wherein were contained his concubines, and by a thousand camels which carried his baggage.^ His dress was fashioned after that of the Medes; he wore his hair parted in the middle and had his face painted with cosmetics.^ A body of ten thousand horse, composed entirely of his clients and slaves, fol- lowed him in battle.^ We may conclude from this picture, and from the general tenor of the classical notices, that the Arsacid?e revived and maintained very much such a Court as that of the old Achtemenian princes, falling probably somewhat below their model in politeness and refinement, but equalling it in luxury, in extravagant expenditure, and in display. Such seems to have been the general character of those practices and institutions which distinguish the Par- thians from the foundation of their Empire by Mithri- dates. Some of them, it is probable, he rather adopted than invented ; but there is no good I'eason for doubt- ing that of many he was the originator. He appears to have been one of those I'are individuals to whom it has V^een given to unite the powers which form the conqueror with those which constitute the successful organiser of a State. Brave and enter])rising in war, prompt to seize an occasion and to turn it to the best advantage, not even averse to severities Avhei'e they seemed to be i'equired,he yet felt no acrimony towards those who had resisted his arms, but was ready to be- ' Plutarch, Vit. Crass. § 21. i "- Pint. Vit. Crass. ^ 24. Comp. Appian, Parthka, p. 141, A. I ^ Ibid. § 21. CII. VI.] ClIARACTEU OF MITHRIDATES I. 95 friend them so soon as their resistance ceased. Mild, clement, philanthropic/ he conciliated those whom he subdued almost more easily than he subdued them, and by the efforts of a few years succeeded in welding toG:ether a dominion which lasted without sufferino- serious mutilation for nearly four centuries. Though not dignified with the epithet of ' Gi'eat,' he was beyond all question the greatest of the Parthian monarchs. Later times did him more justice than his contempo- raries, and, when the names of almost all the other kings had sunk into oblivion, retained his in honour, and placed it on a par with that of the original founder of Parthian independence.^ ' Diod. Sic. xxxiii. 20. ' See Aanquet, birds, beasts, and !ish their bow-strings. But physically, that had not l)veii touched, to the they weie as capable of enduring extent of a wngion-load each ban- tlie winter cold as the summer iieats. quet ; in addition to which he prc- ■ .\cc0rdin2 to Po^idnniiis. An- sented them with honey-cikes and ti(ichu> in this expedition " feasted garlands scented with myrrh and daily vast crowds of his men. and frankincense t ed with golden allowed his guests not only to con- strings six feet long' (Fr. 17). 102 THE SIXTH MONAKCHT. [cH. VIL manly ; tlieir general tone was relaxed ; and they were likely to deteriorate still more in the wealthy and luxurious cities where they were bidden to pass the w^inter. These various circumstances raised the spirits of Phraates, and made him hold himself in readiness to resume hostilities at a moment's notice. Nor was it long before the complications which he had foreseen began to occur. The insolence of the soldiers * quar- tered upon them exasperated the inhabitants of the Mesopotamian towns, and caused them to look back with regret to the time when they were Parthian sub- jects. The requisitions made on them for stores of all kinds was a further grievance."^ After a wdiile they opened communications with Phraates, and offered to return to their allegiance if he would assist them against their oppressors. Phraates gladly listened to these overtures. At his instigation, a plot was formed like that wdiich has given so terrible a significance to the phrase ' Sicilian vespers.' It was agreed that on an appointed day all the cities should break out in I'evolt: the natives should take arms, rise against the soldiers quartered upon them, and kill all, or as many as possi- ble. Phraates promised to. be at hand with his army, to prevent the scattered detachments from giving help to each other. It ^vas calculated that in this way the invadei's might be cut off almost to a man without the trouble of even fio-htinq; a battle. But, before he proceeded to extremities, the Parthian prince determined to give his adversary a chance of ' Sec Justin, xxxviii. JO, § 8 ; and 1 \voi*so than others towards those on compare Diodorus (xxxv. 17, §2;, where Afhctueus, one of the gin- eiiils of Antinflms, is suidtohnvc distinguished himself \>y beliaving wiiom he was quartered, and to hav ■ suffered for it afterwards, ■■' Justin, 1. s. c. CII. YII.] ATTEMPT AT NEGOTIATIOX FAILS. 103 escaping the fate i:)repared for him by timely conces- sions. The winter was uot over ; but the snow was beginning to melt through the increasing warmth of the sun's rays/ and the day appointed for the general rising was probably drawing near. Phraates felt that no time Nvas to be lost. Accordingly, he sent ambas- sadors to Antiochus to propose peace, and to inquire on Avhat conditions it woukl be granted him. The reply of Antiochus, according to Diodotus, w^as as fol- lows : — ^ If Phraates would release his prisoner, Deme- trius, from captivity, and deliver him up without ransom,^ at the same time restoring all the provinces which had been taken from Syria, and consenting to pay a tribute for Parthia itself, peace might be had ; but not other\Adse.' To such terms it was, of course, impossible that Phraates should listen ; and his am- bassadors, therefore, returned without further parley. Soon afterwards the day appointed for the outbreak arrived. Apparently, no suspicion had been excited. The Syrian troops were everywhere quietly enjoying themselves in their winter quarters, when, suddenly and without warning, they found themselves attacked by the natives.^ Taken at disadvantage, it was im- ' This seems the only way of reconciling Diodorus (xxxv. 15) with Porphyry (ap. Eusf^b. 1. s. c) and Mose- of Choiene (ii. 2). The last two distinctly state th^t the battle in which Antiochus f :11 was fought in the winter. Diodorus, on the other hand, speaks of the ni. at th 1 ginniDg of he Printer; but it may w.jI be that it jou»d n^t be executed imme'iat ly. Th-^ severity of the weather mak:s travelling very "iffl.ult . n .he high platea'i during Decomber and Jr.nuary • and it would have been espc Sally hrrd to cross tb • Zagros spring warmth as having begun tr j range duiing this season. Deme- raelt the snow, when Phrantes trius may not have rcac'ied Syria sent his embassy. til'i Tebruary, und Antio hus may, It would appeir from this that Demetrius vras either not yet re- leased, or not known to bo at large by his brother. Proljably the order to release him was sent to Hyrca- theref'>re, not have known that he was a*^ liberty. ' Justin, xxxviii. 10, §8. 'Die statuta cmnes apiid sc divisum exercitum per insidias, ne inyicem 104 THE SIXTH MONAECHY. [CH. VU possible for tliem to make a successful resistance ; and it would seem that the great bulk of them were mas- sacred in their quarters. Antioclius, and the detach- ment stationed with him, alone, so far as we hear, escaped into the open field and contended for their lives in just warfare.^ It bad been the intention of the Syrian monarch, when be took the field, to hasten to the protection of tlie troops quartered nearest to him ; but he no sooner commenced bis march than be found himself confi'onted by Pbraates, who was at the head of his entii'e army, having, no doubt, anticipated Antio- chus's desio-n and resolved to frustrate it. The Parthian prince was anxious to e'ngage at once, as his force far outnumbered that commanded by his adversary ; but the latter mio;ht have declined the battle, if he had so willed, and have, at any rate, gi-eatly protracted the struggle. He had a mountain region — Mount Zagros, probably — within a short distance of him, and might have fallen ])ack upon it, so placing the Parthian horse at great disadvantage ; but he was still at an age when caution is apt to be considered cowardice, and temerity to pass for true courage. Despite the advice of one of his 'aj^tains, he determined to acce})t the ])attle which the enemy offered, and not to fly before a foe whom he had three times defeated.^ But the determination of the commander was ill seconded by his army. 1 hough Antiochus fought sti'enuously,^ he was defeated, since his troops were without heat't and offei-ed l)ut a ]X)or I'esistance.'* Antioclius himself perished, eithei- slain by ferre auxilii pos.sent, aggrcdiun- tur.' ' .Jii^t'n. xxxviii. 10, § 9; Diod. Sic. xxxiv. Ifi. * Diod. Sic. 1. s. c. * ' KvriMxf~f> '"'/" '■''"^ i3np,idf)t.)i' tiJ(jT ui, says Diodorus. 'Fortius, qu;im excrcitus ejus, diml- cavit,' says Justin. * '.\Ietu siioruii) dc^crtus occi- ditur' (Justin, xxxviii. 10, § 10). Atlieriiuus, tlic gciicr.d who liad advised retreat, was the first to fly. (Diod. Sic. 1. s. 0.) Cir. VII,] DESTRUCTION OF SIDETES AND HIS ARMY. 105 the enemy or 1)}' his own hand.' His son, Seleucus, a boy of tender age,~ and liis niece, a daughter of Demetrius,^ who had accompanied him in liis expedi- tion, were captui'ed. His ti'oops were either cut to pieces, or made prisoners. Tlie entire number of those slain in the battle, and in the previous massacre, w^s reckoned at 800,000/ Such w^as the issue of this great expedition. It was the last w^hich any Seleucid monarch conducted into these countries — the final attempt made by Syria to re- possess herself of her lost Eastern provinces. Hence- forth, Parthia was no further troubled by the power that had hitherto been her most dangerous enemy, but was allowed to enjoy without molestation from Syria the conquests which she had effected. Syria, in fact, had from this time a difficulty in preserving her own existence. The immediate result of the destruction of Antiochus and his host was the revolt of Judaea,^ which henceforth maintained its independence uninterruptedly. The dominions of the Seleucid^e were reduced to Cilicia and Syria Proper,^ or the tract west of the Eu- phrates, between Amanus and. Palestine. Internally, the state was agitated by constant commotions from the claims of various pretenders to the sovereignty : exter- nally, it was kept in continual alarm by the Egyptians, Aral)ians, or Romans. During the sixty years''' which elapsed, between the return of Demetrius to his king- ' Justin, Porphyry, Joylonia, felt it necessary to entrust affairs there to an officer, and to take the field in person against this new enemy, which w^as certainly not less formidable than the Syrians. He selected for his representative at the seat of Enquire a certain Ilimerus^ (or Evemerus),^ a youth with whom he had a disgraceful connection, and having established him as a sort of viceroy,^ marched away to the north- east, and proceeded to encounter the Scythians in. that renfote region. Besides his native troops, he took with liim a nundjer of Greeks, whom he had made prisoners in liis w^ar with Antiochus.^ Their fidelity could not but be doubtful; probal)ly, howevei", he tliought that at a distance fi-om Syria they would not dare to fail him, and that with an enemy so barbarous as the ' Justin, xlii. 1, ? 2. ■' Ibi.l. ? 3; I'osidon. Fr. 21. ^ i)io(l. Sic. xxxiv. 21. * Iliincrus is called ' king of the Parthians ' Vjy Diddonis — an ex- ! was I'hraitus' /i/m/-/'/,'( pression which requires cxplma- '' Justin, x ii 1, §4. tion rather than correction. Posi- donius speaks of him as i>?.<.)V!(,)f (Fr. 21). According to Justin (xlii. 2, § 3), he CH. VII.] DEATH OF PHRAATES. 109 Scythians tliey would have no temptation to fraternise. But the event proved him mistaken. 'J he Greeks were sullen at their captivity, and exasperated by some cruel treatment which they had received when first captured. They bided their time ; and when, in a battle with the Scythians, they saw the Parthian soldiery hard pressed and in danger of defeat, they decided matters by going over in a body to the enemy. The Pai-thian army was completely routed and destroyed, and Phraates himself was among the slain.^ We are not told what became of the victoi'ious Greeks ; but it is to be presumed that, like the 'ien Thousand, they fought their way across Asia, and rejoined their own countrymen. Thus died Phraates II., after a reigrn of about eis^ht or nine years.^ Though not possessing the talents of his fatlier, he was a brave and warlike prince, active, enterprising, fei-tile in resources, and bent on maintain- ing against all assailants the honour and integrity of the Empire. In natural temperament he "was probal)ly at once soft '^ and cruel.'' But, when polic}' required it, he could throw his softness aside and show himself a hardy and intrepid warrior.'^ Similarly, he could con- trol his natural harshness, and act upon occasion Avith clemency and leniency.^ He was not, perhaps, without Ihid. § 5. I rum superbc cruileliterque tracta- " The accession of Pliraates II. is fixed by various considerations to about the year b.c. 136. His death must have taken place in B.C. 128 or B c. Xil. ^ Indication-; of this are his rela- tions with ilimeru-i (■r'i, p. lOS), and the rani iitv with which he fell verat,' Justin, xli'. 1, § 4; 2, ia his feelings towards ihe people of Seleucia (a'/.'/MTpui npoS Se/ei'KfZS (haKei/xi vo? ko: fiv t} a ina ku v , Diod. Sic. xxxiv. 19); and perhaps 3, in his appointment u thoughtest to swallow down the kingdom of the Arsacidae ! " ' (Po- sid,Fr. 20.) CH. VUI.] ACCESSION OF ARTABANUS U. lH CHAPTER VIII Accession of Artnhnrnis II. Position of Parthia. Growing pressure upoji her, and general advance toicards the south, of the Saka or Scyths. Causes and extent of the movement. Character and pj'incipal tribes of the Saka. Scythic tear of Artalanus. His death. 'Imperiuiii Asiie [Scythoe] ter quaesivere.' — Justin, ii. 3, §1. The successor of Pbraates was his uncle, Artahanus,^ a son of Priapatius. It is probable that the late king Lad either left no son, or none of sufficient age to be a fit occupant of the throne at a season of difficulty. The ' Megistanes, thei'efore, elected Artabanus in his nephew's place,^ a man of mature age,^ and, probably, of some experience in war. The situation of Parthia, despite her recent triumph over the Syro-Macedo- nians, was critical ; and it was of the greatest im- portance that the sceptre should be committed to one who would bring to the discharge of his office those qualities of \\dsdom, promptness, and vigour, which a crisis demands. The difficulty of the situation was two-fold. In the first place, there was an immediate danger to be escaped. The combined Greeks and Scythians, who had defeated the Parthian army and slain the monarch, might have been expected to push their advantage to ' Justin, xlii. 2, § 1. I been the regular course of procedure. ^ Justin's phrase (' In hujus (See abovo, p. 85.) locum Artabanus. jiatruus ejus, rex - " As Prinpatius died in or about Hiihxtitiiittir ■) implies their election, B.C. 181. .Artabanus could not in B.C. which, besidis, vro know to hnve i 127 be less than 54 years of age. 112 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. Vi:i. tlie utmost, and seek to establish themselves as con- querors in the country which lay apparently at their mercy. At any rate, the siege and sack of some of the chief towns was a probable contingency, if j^ermanent occupation of the territory did not suit the views of the confederates. The new monarch had to rid Parthia of her invaders at as little cost as possible, before he could allow himself to turn his attention to any other matter whatsoever. Nor did this, under the circum- stances, ap])ear to be an easy task. The llo-sv^er of the Parthian troops had been destroyed in the late battle, and it Avas not easy to I'eplace them by another native array. The subject-nations were at no time to be de- pended upon wdien Parthia was reduced to straits, and at the pi'esent conjuncture some of the most impoi'tant were in a condition bordering upon rebellion. Himerus, the viceroy left by Phraates in Babylonia, had first driven the Bal)ylonians and Seleucians to desperation by his tyranny,^ and then plunged into a war with the people of Mesene,^ which must have made it diliicult for hira to send Artabanus any contingent. Fortu- nately for the Parthians, the folly, or moderation, of their enemies rendered any great effort on their part unnecessary. The Greeks, content with having i"e- venged themselves, gave the ne^v monarch no trouble * The t3'ranny of this jrovernor I to slnvorv, and sent them with iheir is witnessed to in a general way by i families into Media to be publicly Ju'^tin (xlii. 1, § o), and Posidoniiis sold. lie burnt the market-place (Fr. 21). Some particulars o( it are ' of Babylon, and several of (he given by Diodorus. ' Rvemerus,' temples, destroying at the same lie says, 'the Parthian king, was a time the finest portion of the city.' Hyrcanian by race, and exceeded in ! '^ Trog. Pomp. Prolog, lib. xlii. cruelty all other tyrants on record. | ' Ut pnefoctus Paithis a l^hraute There was no form of punishment Mcsenis bellum intulit.' MesC-nc which he otnittcd to use. On ac- ! was the tract between Babylonia cusations of a trivial character he and the sea ; it had probably not coi'demncd many of the liabyloniars [ yet been made subject to Parthia. en. Till.] DAXGEK TO PARTHIA FROM THE SOYTHS. 113 at all : the Scythians were satisfied with plundering and wasting the open country, after which tliey re- turned quietly to their homes.^ Artabanus found him- self quit of the immediate danger which had tlireatened him almost without exertion of his own, and could now bend his thoughts to the position of his country gen- eral]}^, and the proper policy to pursue under the circumstances. For there was a second and more formidable dancfer impending over the State — a danger not casual and temporary like the one just escaped, but arising out of a condition of thing's in neifrhbourins; reo^ions which had come about slowly, and which promised to be permanent. To give the reader the means of esti- mating this danger aright, it will be necessary to take a somewhat wide view of the state of affairs on the northern and north-eastern frontiers of Parthia for some time previously to the accession of Artabanus, to trace out the causes which were at work, producing important changes in these regions, and to indicate the results which threatened, and those which were accom- plished. The opportunity will also serve for giving such an account of the chief races which here bordered the empire, as will show the nature of the peril to which Parthia was exposed at this period. In the wide plains of Northern Asia, extending from the Arctic Ocean to the Thian Chan mountains and the Jaxartes, there had been nurtured from a remote antiquity a nomadic population, at no time very numerous in proportion to the area over which it was spread, but liable on occasions to accumulate, owing to a combination of circumstances, in this or that ' Justin, xlii. 2, § 1. ' Scj'thae lata Parthia, in patriam revertuu- autem contenti victoria, depopu- 1 tur.' 114 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. VIII. portion of the region occupied, nncl at such times causing ti'ouble to its neighbours. From about tlie close of the third century b.c, symptoms of sucli an accumulation had begun to display themselves in the tract immediately north of the Jaxartes, and the in- hal)itants of the countries south of that river had suf- fered from a succession of raids and inroads, which were not regarded as dangei'ous, Init which gave constant annoyance. Crossing the great desert of Kharesm by forced marches, some of the hordes in- vaded the green valleys of Hyrcania and Parthia, and carried desolation over those fair and flourishing dis- tricts.'' About the same time other tril)es entered the Bactrian territory and caused alarm to the (xreek kingdom recently established in that pi'ovince.^ It appears that the Parthian monarchs, unable to save their country from incursions, consented to pay a sort of black-mail to their invaders, by allowing them the use of their pasture grounds at certain fixed times — probably during some months of each year.^ The Bactrian princes had to pay a heavier penalty. Pro- vince after province of their kingdom was swallowed up by the northern hordes,^ who gradually occupied Sogdiana, or the tract be ween the lower Jaxartes and the lower Oxus, whence they ])roceeded to make inroads into Bactria itself. The rich land on the Poly- ' Strab. xi. 8, § 3. I riai jpr?x'Oif tt/u ;^;wpnv KaTarpexnv Kal " That the pressure of the no-\arians miglit naturally have ceased to fear the arms and discipline of the South. Moreover the circum- stances of the time scarcely left them a choice. Pressed on continually more and more l)y the newly-arrived Su and Yue-chi, the old inhal)itants of the Ti-ansoxi- anian regions were under the necessity of seeking new settlements, and could only attempt to find them in the quarter, towards which they were driven by the new-comers. Strengthened, probably, by daring spirits from among their conquerors themselves,^ they crossed the rivers and the deserts by which they had been hitherto confined, and advancing against the Parthians, Bactrians, and Arians, threatened to carry all before them. We have seen how successful they were against the Bactrians.^ In Ariana, they passed the mountains, and, proceeding southwards, occupied the tract below the great lake wherein the Helmend terminates, which took from them the name of Sacastane * (' laud of the ' The attack made by Cyrus on ' led by individuals of the race that the Massagetae belongs to the year B.C. 559. ^ The Chinese regard the con- quests as made by the Su and the Yue-chi. In niigrntor}' movements, i bably to the .\ugii.stan age. the expelled people are constantly has expelled them. ' See above, p. 1 15. ' This name is first found in Isi- dore of Charax, who belongs pro- 118 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cH. vni. Saka,' or Scyths) — a name still to he traced in the modern ' Seistan.' Further to the east, they effected a lodgment in Kabul, and another in the southern portion of the Indus valley, which for a time bore the name of Indo-Scythia.-^ They even crossed the Indus and at- tempted to penetrate into the intei'ior of India, but here they were met and repulsed by a native monarch, about the year e.c. 56.^ The people engaged in this great movement are called, in a general way, by the classical writers, Sacae, or Scythse — i.e. Scyths. They consisted of a number of tribes, similar for the most part in language, habits, and mode of life, and allied more or less closely to the other nomadic races of Central and Northern Asia. Of these tribes the principal were the Massagetae C great Jits, or Jats '), who occupied the country on both sides of the lower course of the Oxus ; ^ the Dahae, who bordered the Caspian above Hyrcauia, and extended thence to the latitude of Herat ; ^ the Tochari,^ who settled in the mountains between the upper Jaxartes and the upper Oxus, where they gave name to the tract known as Tokharestan ; the Asii, or Asiani, who were closely connected with the Tochari ; •"' and the Sakarauli (Saracuca}?), who are found connected with both the Tochari and the Asiani." kSonie of these tribes contained within them further sub-divisions; e.g. the Dahie, who comprised the Parni (or Aparni), the Pissuri, and the Xanthii;^ and the Massaget;io, who included among them Chorasmii, Attasil, and (Hhers.'' ' Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, pp. .302, 305. 347, &c. '' Il)id. p. 302. ^ Sirab. xi. 8, § 8. * Ibid. § 2. ' See Trog. Pomp. Prol. lib. xlii. ; Justin, xlii. 2, § 2 ; Strab. 1. s. c. ; Di^ny^. Pericg. 752. ° Trogus said (hat the Asiani at one time furnished kings to the Tochari. (Prol. lib. xlii. ad Jin.) ' Strab. 1. s. c. ; Trog. Pomp. Prol. lib. xli. ' Str.ib. 1. s c. » Il)id. xi. 8, § 8. CH. VIII.] CITAKACTER OF THE SCYTHIC BARBAKISM. 119 The general character of the barbarism, in which these various races were involved, may be best learnt from the description given of one of them,the Massagetje, with but few differences, by Herodotus ^ and Strabo.* According to this description, the Massagetse were nomads, who moved about in wagons or carts, accom- panied by their flocks and herds, on whose milk they chiefly sustained themselves. Each man had only one wife, but all the wives were held in common. They were good riders and excellent archers, but fought both on horseback and on foot^and used, besides their bows and ai-rows, lances, knives, and battle-axes. They had little or no iron, but made their spear and arrow-heads, and their other weapons, of bronze. They had also bronze breast-plates ; but otherwise the metal witli which they adorned and protected their own persons, and the heads of their horses, was gold. To a certain, extent they were cannibals.^ It was their custom not to let the aged among them die a natural death, but, when life seemed approaching its natural term, to offer them up in sacrifice, and then boil the flesh and feast on it. This mode of endius: life was refijarded as the best and most honourable ; such as died of disease were not eaten but buried, and their friends bewailed their misfortune. It may be added to this, that we have sufficient reason to believe that the Massagetse and the other nomads of these parts regarded the use of poisoned arroAvs as legitimate in warfare, and employed the venom of serpents, and the corrupted blood of ' Herod, i. 215, 216. i from Pliny, who notes the same "" Strab. xi. 8, §6. feature in the Tochari (-Tochari * That the Massagetae were not the only ciiinibals :imong the no- madic hordes of these parts, appears humanis corporibus vescuntur.' II. K. vi. 17). 120 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. VIII. man, to make the wouuds wliicli they inflicted more deadly/ Thus, what was threatened was not merely the eon^ quest of one race by another cognate to it, like that of the Medes by the Persians, or of the Greeks l)y Kome, but the obliteration of such art, civilization, and refine- ment as Western Asia had attained to in course of as-es o by the successive efforts of Babylonians, Assyrians, Medes, Persians, and Greeks — the spread over some of the fairest regions of the earth of a low type of savagery — a type which in religion went no further than the worship of the sun f in art knew but the easier forms of metallurgy and the construction of carts ; in man- ners and customs, included cannibalism, the use of poisoned weapons, and a relation between the sexes destructive alike of all delicacy and of all family affec- tion. The Parthians were, no doul)t, rude and coarse in their character as compared "with the Persians; but they had been civilized to a cei'tain extent by three centuries of subjection to the Persians and the Greco- Macedonians l)efore they rose to power; they affected Persian manners; they patronized Greek art, they appreciated the advantages of having in their midst a number of Greek states. Had tlie Massau^et;^ and their kindred triljes of Sakas, Tochari, Dalue, Yue-clii, and Su, which now menaced the Parthian power, succeeded in sweeping it away, the general declension of all which is lovely or excellent in human life would have l)een marked. Scythicism would have overspread Western Asia. No doubt the con(pierors would have learned something from those whom they sul)jected ; but it cannot be supposed that they would have learned nuich. ' See Plin. //. N. xi. 53. [ v'nn^' afpnvTni. Strabo repeats the ' Herod, i. 216. OeCjv /'/oOw))' I .sta'ement (1. s. c.) CII. YIII.] ARTABANUS II. ATTACKS THE TOCHARI. 121 The change would have been like that which passed over the Empire of the West, when Goths, Vandals, Biirgundians, Alans, Heruli, depopulated its fairest pro- vinces and laid its civilisation in the dust. The East would have 1)een barbarised ; the gains of centuries would have been lost ; the work of Cyrus, Darius, Alexander, and other great benefactors of Asiatic humanity, have been undone ; AVestern Asia would have sunk back into a condition not very much above that from which it was raised two thousand years earlier by the primitive Chaldteans and the Assyrians. Artabanus II., the Parthian monarch who succeeded Phraates II., appears to have appreciated aright the perils of his position. He was not content, when the pai-ticular body of barbarians wdiicli had defeated and slain his predecessor, having ravaged Parthia Proper, returned home, to fold his arms and wait until lie was again attacked. According to the brief, but expressive Avords of Justin,^ he assumed the aofcrressive, and in- vaded the country of the Tochari, one of the most powerful of the Scythic tribes, which was now settled in a portion of the region that had, till lately, belonged to the Bactrian kingdom.^ Artabanus evidently felt that what was needed Avas to roll back the flood of in- vasion, which had advanced so near to the sacred home of his nation ; that the barbarians required to be taught a lesson ; that they must at least be made to under- stand that Parthia was to he respected ; or that, if this •could not be done, the fate of the Empire was sealed. lie therefore, with a gallantry and boldness that ^ve cannot sufficiently admire — a boldness that seemed like ■ ' Bello Tocharis illato '' (Bist. I ' See above, p. 115. Phil xlii. 2, § 2). ' 122 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cH. YIII. rashness, but was in reality prudence, without calculat- ing too closely the immediate chances of battle, led his troops against one of the most forward of the advancing tribes. But fortune, unhappily, was adverse. How the battle was progressing, w^e are not told; but it apjjears that in the thick of an engagement, Artabanus received a wound in the fore-arm, from the effects of which he died almost immediatel}^^ The death of the leader decides in the East, almost to a certainty, the issue of a contest. We cannot doubt that the Parthians, having lost their monarch, were repulsed; that the expedition failed ; and that the situation of affairs became once more at least as threatening as it had been before Artabanus made his attempt. Two Parthian monarchs had now fjillen within the space of a few years in combat witli the aggressive Scyths — two Par- thian armies had suffered defeat. Was this to be always so? If it was, then Parthia had only to make up her mind to ftill, and, like the great Roman, to let it be her care that she should fall grandly and with dignity. ' 'In brachio vulneratus, Htatim ' painful suspicion that the weapon dccedit.' (Justin, 1. s. c.) The m- ; which dealt the wound had been^ mediate death consequent upon a poisoned. (See above, p. 12U, note wound in the /ore-arm raises a 1.) CIL IX.] ACCESSIOX OF MITIIRIDATES II. 123 CHAPTEE IX. Accession of MithrUlates II. Termination of the Scythie Wars. Com- mencement of the struggle with Armenia. Previous history of Armenia, liesnlt of tlie first Armenian War. First contact of Rame trith Parthin. Attitude of Pome totcards the East at this time. Second Armenian War. Death of Mithridates. ' Mithridati res gcstte Magni cognomen dedere.' — Justin, xlii. 3, § 3. On the death of Artabanus II., about e.g. 124, his son, Mithridates IT., was proclaimed king. Of this monarch, whose achievements (according to Justin^) procured liim the epithet of Hhe Great,' the accounts which have come down to us are extremely scanty and unsatis- factory. Justin, who is our principal informant on the subject of the early Parthian history, has unfortunately confounded him with the third monarch of the name," who ascended the throne more than sixty years later, and has left us only the slightest and most meagre out- line of his actions. The other classical writers, only to a very small extent, supplement Justin's narrative ; and the result is that of a reign which was one of the most important in the early Parthian series, the historical inquirer at the present day can form but a most incom- plete conception. It appears, however, from the account of Justin, and from such other notices as have reached us of the con- ' Sec the passage quoted at the pears from the Prologue to book head of the chapter. Compare xlii., where \ve are told that he Trog. Pomp. Prol. lili. xlii. placed t^ereral kings between Mi- - Juw the Scyths^ which is attested by Strabo,^ belongs, in all likelihood, to his reign ; and the exten- sion of the Parthian dominion to Seistan^ may well date from the same period. Justin tells us that he added many nations to the Parthian Empire.^ The statements made of the extent of Parthia on the side of Syria in the time of Mithridates the First render it impossible for us to discover these nations in the west : Ave are, therefore, compelled to regard them as consist- ing of I'aces on the eastern frontier, who could at this period only be outlying tribes of the recent Scythic' immijj^ration. The victories of Mithridates in the East encouraged him to turn his arms in the opposite direction, and to make an attack on the important country of Armenia, which bonlercHl his north-western fiontier. Armenia Av^as at the time under the govei-nment of a certain ' ' Cum Scythis prosper© aliquo- ties dimicavit, ultorquc injuriae parentutn fuit.' (Justin, xlii. 2, § 5.) TfjerAwTo jiddidit.' (xlii. 2, § 4.) CII. IX.] THE SCYTHS CHECKED ARMENIA ATTACKED. 125 Ortoadistus/ wlio seems to have been the preeedessor, and was perhai)s the father, of the great Tigraues.^ Orto- adistus rilled the tract called by the Romans 'Armenia Magna/ Avhich extended from the Euphrates on the west to the mouth of the Araxes on the east, and from the valley of the Kur northwards to Mount Kiphates and the head streams of the Tisfris towards the south. The people over which he ruled was one of the oldest in Asia, and had on many occasions shown itself im- patient of a conqueror. Justin, on reaching this point in his work, observes that he could not feel himself justified if, when his subject brought before him so mio:hty a kino-dom, he did not enter at some lenofth on its previous history,^ The modern historian would be even less excusable than Justin if he omitted such a review, since, while he has less right to assume a knowledge of early Armenian history on the part of his readers, he has greater means of gratifying their curiosity, owing to the recent discovery of sources of information unknown to the ancients. Armenia first comes before us in Genesis, where it is mentioned as the country on whose mountains the ark rested.* A recollection of it was thenceforth retained in the semi-mythic traditions of the Ba])ylonians.^ According to some,^ the Egyptian monarchs of the ' Justin, xlii. 2, § 6. Some of I etymological ly quite distinct from the MSS. have ' Arthoadisti,' others Armenia, I'Ut wliich desij^nates the 'Artadisti.' It may be su>i)ecteJ that the true reading is ' Arta- vasdis.' Appian makes Tigranes the son same country. ' See Beros. Pr. .7. § 6. ' Leni)rmant, Manuel d'Histoire Antique lie P Orient, vol. i. pp. 379, of a Tigranes {Hijr. p. IIS, D) ; but ' 385, &c. The conclusion is based his authority is not very great, on the etymological identity of a Moses of Chorene calls his father word read as Ltmnnen or Remanen Ardasiies. with Annina (Old Pers.) or Ar- ^ Justin, xlii. 2, §§ 7, 8. I menia. The elymolocry is. of course, * Gen. viii. 4. The geographic d quite po->ibl? ; but it is against the term used is Ararat, ;2"1~1N' " hich is identification that the word Armina 126 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CU. IX. eigliteentli and nineteenth dynasties carried their arms into its remote valleys, and exacted tribute from the petty chiefs who then ruled there. At any rate, it is certain that from about the ninth century B.C. it was well known to the Assyrians, ^vho were engaged fi'oni that time till about e.c. 640 in almost constant wars with its inhabitants.* At this period three princii)al races inhabited the countiy — the Nairi, who were spread from the mountains west of Lake Van along both sides of the Tigris to Bir on the Euphrates, and even further; the Urarda (Alarodii, or people of Ararat), who dwelt north and east of the Nairi, on the upper Euphrates, about the lake of Van, and probably on tlie Araxes ; and the Minni, whose country lay south-east of the Urarda, in the Urumiyeh basin and the adjoin- ing parts of Zagros, Of these three races, the Urarda were the most powerful, and it was with them that the Assyrians waged their most bloody wars. The capital city of the Urarda was Van, on the eastern shores of the lake ; and here it was that their kings set up the most remarkalde of their inscriptions. Six monarchs, who apparently all belong to one dynasty, left insci'ip- tions in this locality commemorative of their military expeditions or of their offerings to the gods." Tlie later names of the series can be identified with those of kings who contended with Assyrian monarchs belong- ing to tlie last, or Sargonid, dynasty;"^ and hence we are entitled apj^roximately to fix the series to the seems not to liavo been known in ! Bahylon, pp. 304-403. 'I'liey huve the country till the times of the Medo Persians. ' See Ancient Monnrchics, vol. ii. pp. 10], 112, 150, 210, &c. (2n(l edit.) For an account of these inscrip tions, see Layard, Nineceh and\D.c. 04U. been published by Scbulz. ' Arare lloxane) ; Zaria is from Z(tra, 'gold,' and would mean ' golden-haired.' Com- pare the Greek Chryse and Chry- sis. * The later Armenian religion was like the Persian (Strab. xi. 14, § IG). The religion of the Urarda was entirely ditferent. '■' Step'i. Byz. ad voc. 'hp^evia. * Hint. Armen. i. '21. CII. IX.] AH.AIENIA UNDER THE PERSIANS AND GREEKS. 129 their position under the Persians is abundantly evident ; ^ and, so fai' as aj^pears, there was only one occasion during the entire Achaemenian period (b.c. 559 to b.c. 331) when they exhibited any impatience of the Persian yoke, or made any attempt to free themselves from it. In the early portion of the reign of Darius Hystaspis they took part in a revolt raised by a Mede called Phraortes, and were not reduced to obedience without some difficulty.^ But from henceforth their fidelity to the Acluemeuian Kings was unbroken ; they paid their tribute (apparently) without reluctance,^ and furnished contingents of troops to the Persian armies when called upon.'* After Arbela, they su])mitted without a struggle to Alexander;^ and when in the division of his dominions, which followed upon the battle of Ipsus, they fell naturally to Seleucus, they ac- quiesced in the arrangement.^ It was not until Antiochus the Great suffered his great defeat at the hands of the Romans (b.c. 190) that Armenia bestirred itself, and, after probably four and a half centuries of subjection, became once more an indepen- dent power. Even then the movement seems to have originated rather in the ambition of a chief than in a desire for libei'ty on the part of the people. Artaxias had been governor of the Greater Armenia under Anti- ochus,'^ and seized the opportunity afforded l)y the battle of Magnesia to change his title of satrap into that of sovereign. No war followed. Antiochus was too Behid. Ins. col. i. par. 6 ; I * Herod, vii. 73 ; Arrian, 1. s. c. Herod, iii. 93 ; Xen. An. iv. 3, § 4 4, § 4 ; Arrian, Erp. Alex. iii. 8. "^ Beh. Inscr. col. ii. par. 2-18. ' Strab. xi. 14, § 9. 'O aarpdivr]^ TTj'i Apfisviai Tu Tlepay kot' Irni (hrtfiv- piovi TTuT^ov's rolg MiOpaKtvoiS €TrejUirev. ' Arrian, iii. 16. ' Strab. xi. 14, § 15. * Ibid. ' lixpov ovroi ['A/jrrt|/aS re KOI Zapia(5/3iS] Tov ^auiAewS ettc- TpeipavToi. 130 THE SIXTH MONAKCIIY. [Cll. IX much weakened by his reverses to make any attempt to reduce Artaxias or recover Armenia ; and the nation obtained autonomy without having to undergo the usual ordeal of a bloody struggle. AVhen at the expi- ration of five-and-twenty years Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus the Great, determined on an effort to recon- quer the lost province, no very stubl)orn resistance was offered to him. Artaxias was defeated and made pri- soner in the very first year of the war (b.c. 165), and Armenia seems to have passed again imder the sway of the Seleucidge.^ It would seem that matters remained in this state for the space of about fifteen or sixteen years. When, however, Mithridates I. (Arsaces VI.), about b.c. 1 50, had overrun the eastern provinces of Syria, and made himself master in succession of Media, Elyma'is, and Babylonia, the revolutionary movement excited by his successes reached Armenia, and the standard of independence was once more raised in that country. According to the Armenian historians,^ an Arsacid prince, Wagharshag or Valarsaces, was established as sovereign l)y the influence of the Parthian monarch, l)ut was allowed to rule independently. A reign of twenty-two years is assigned to this prince, whose kino^dom is declared to liave reached from the Caucasus to Nisibis, and from the Caspian to the Mediterranean.^ lie was succeeded by bis son, Arsliag (Arsaces), who reigned thirteen years, and was, like liis father, active and warlike, contending chiefly -with the people of Pontus.'* At Ids death the crown descended to his son, Arly the Ortoadistus of Justin.*' Such were the antecedents of Armenia when Mithri- Appian, Syrhtca, p. 117, B. Sec Mos. Clior. HiM. Arm. Ibid. chs. 4-7. * Ibid. ch. 8. " Ibid. ch. 9, § 1. " Ardashes, is made by Moses the father and ])redec('SSor of Tigraiies, CH. IX.] ARMEXIA ATTACKED BY MITHUIDATES II. 131 dates II., having given an effectual clieclv to the pro- gress of the Scythians in tlie east, determined to dii-ect his arms towards the west, and to attack the dominions of his relative, the third of the Armenian Arsacidje. Of the circumstances of this war, and its results, we have scarcely any knowledge. Justin, who alone distinctly mentions it, gives us no details. A notice, however, in Strabo, which must refer to about this time, is thouo'ht to indicate with sufficient cleai-ness the result of the struggle, which seems to have been unfavoural)le to the Armenians. Strabo says that Tigranes, before his accession to the throne, was for a time a hostai>:e amons* the Parthians.^ As hostao-es are only given hy the vanquished party, we may assume tliat Ortoadistus (Ardashes) found himself unable to oifer an effectual resistance to the Parthian kinof, and consented after a while to a disadvantao^eous peace, for his observance of which hostages wei'e required l)y the victor. It cannot have been more than a few years after the termination of this war, which must have taken place towards the close of the second, or soon after the beginning of the first century,^ that Parthia was for the first time brousflit into contact with Rome. The Great Republic, which after her complete victory over Antiochus III., b.c. 190, had declined to take and is given a reign of twenty-five ' " As Tigranes lived to b.c. 55, years. (Compare ii. 10, § 1, with and was eighty-five at his death ii. 13, § 1.) This would bring his (Lucian, Macr. § 15), he must accession to b.c. 121, and would have been born b.c. 140; in which makethe expedition of Mithridates II. case he can scarcely liave been (ab. B.C. 100) certainly fall in his time, given as a hostage till b.c 120. His ' Sirab. xi. 14, § 15. Kar' ap,v"5 accession to the throne is generally H^v ufiTJpevae irapii UufjOoii. Corn- placed B.C. 96. pare Justin, xxxviii 3, § 1. ' 132 THE SIXTH 310NAKCnY. [cTI. IX. possession of a single foot of ground in Asia, regarding the general state of affairs as not then ripe foi" an advance of Terminus in that quartei', had now for some time seen reason to alter its policy, and to aim at adding to its European an extensive Asiatic do- minion. Macedonia and Greece having been absoi-bed, and Carthage destroyed (b.c. 148-146), the conditions of the political problem seemed to be so far changed as to render a further advance towards the east a safe measure ; and accordingly, when it was seen that the line of the kins^s of Pero-amus was comins: to an end, the Senate set on foot intrigues which had for their object the devolution upon Kome of the sovei'eignty belonging to those monarchs. By clever management the third Attains was induced, in repayment of his father's obligations to the Romans,^ to bequeath his entii'e dominions as a legacy to the Republic. In vain did his illegitimate half-brother, Aristonicus, disj^ute the validity of so extraoi'dinary a testament; the Romans, aided by Mithridates IV., then monarch of Pontus, easily triumphed over such resistance as this unfortunate prince could offer,^ and having ceded to their ally the portion of Phrygia which had belonged to the Pergamene kingdom,^ entered on the possession of the i-emainder. Having thus become an Asiatic j)ower, the Great Republic was of necessity mixed up henceforth witli the various movements and struo-o-les which agitated Western Asia, and was natui-ally led to strengthen its position among the Asiatic kingdoms ' The chief use which Rome | Lectnres on Ancient History, vol. made of her vi<;lory at Mapncsia iii. p. 403, E. T.) was to aii^^nient the territory of her " Justin, xxxvi. 4, §§ 6-9 ; YelL ally, Eiirncne.s of Perpimus, whose Paterc. ii. 4, &c. (loiiiinioris she more than don' led ' Justin, xxxvii. 1, § 2. on the occasion. (Sec Niebuhr, CH. IX.] FIRST CONTACT OF PAETHI A WITH ROME. 133 by siicli alliances as seemed at each conjuncture best fitted for its interests. Hitherto no occasion had arisen for any direct dealings between Rome and Parthia. Their respective territories were still separated by considerable tracts, which were in the occupation of the Syrians, the Cappadocians, and the Armenians. Their interests had neither clashed, nor as yet sufficiently united them to give rise to any diplomatic intercourse. But the progress of the two Empires in opposite directions was continually bringing them nearer to each other ; and events had now reached a point at which the Empires began to have (or to seem to have) such a community of interests as led naturally to an exchange of com- munications. A great power had been recently de- veloped in these parts. In the rapid way so common in the East, Mithridates V., of Pontus, the son and successor of Rome's ally, had, between b.c. 112 and B.C. 93, built up an Empire of vast extent, numerous population, and almost inexhaustible resources. He had established his authority over Armenia Minor, Colchis, the entire east coast of the Black Sea, the Chersonesus Taurica, or kingdom of the Bosporus, and even over the whole tract lying west of the Chersonese as far as the mouth of the Tyras, or Dniester.^ Nor had these gains contented him. He had obtained half of Paphlagonia ])y an iniquitous compact with Nicomedes, King of Bithynia ; he had occupied Galatia ; and he was engaged in attempts to bring Cappadocia under his influence. In this last- named project he was assisted by the Armenians, with whose king, Tigranes, he had (about b.c. 96) formed a close alliance, at the same time giving him his ' Meranon, Fr. 30 ; Justin, xxxvii. 3 ; Strab. vii. 4, § 3, &c. 134 THE SIXTH MON Alien V. [CH. IX. daiigliter, Cleopatra^ in marriage.^ Eonie, though she had not yet determined on war with Mithridates, was resolved to thwart his Cappadocian projects, and in B.C. 92 sent Snlla into Asia with orders to pnt down the puppet whom Mithridates and Tigranes were establishing, and to replace upon the Cappadocian throne a certain Ariobarzanes, whom they had driven from his kino:dom.^ In the execution of this com- mission, Sulla was brought into hostile collision with the Armenians, whom he defeated with great slaughter, and drove from Cappadocia together with their puppet king.^ Thus, not only did the gi'owing power of Mithridates of Pontus, by inspiring Rome and Parthia with a common fear, tend to draw them together, but the course of events had actually given them a common enemy in Tigranes of Armenia, who was equally obnoxious to both. For Tigranes, who, during the time that he was a hostao-e in Pai'thia, had contracted eno:ao:ements towards the Parthian monarch which involved a cession of territory, and who in consequence of his promises had been aided by the Parthians in seating himself on his father's throne,^ thougli lie made the cession i'e(prired of him in the hrst instance, had soon afterwards repented of his good faith, had gone to war witli liis benefactors, recovered the ceded territory, and laid waste a considerable tract of country lying witliin the admitted limits of the Parthian kino-dom.^ ' Appian, Mlthridat. p. 180 C. Plut. LucmU. § 14; Justin, xxxviii. 3, ? 2 ; Memnon, Fr. 43, <^ 2. ■■'Plut. Snll. § 5 ; Liv. Epit. Ixx. ' Plut. 1 s. C. W'^Kiovai 'Ap/iEiiui' TrftdiiiiTi^JovVTiiS ('nroKTeivai. T('ii)(hm> /itH/ iiani'kta. j exact period ■• Strub. xi. 14, § 15 ; Justin, xxxviii. 3, § 1. ^ Strab. 1. s. c. The district ra- Viip^ed was that about Niiiovch and Arbela {inhp^inne rijv Tf TTepl NiPim Kal t;/p Tvcfu ' KftStj'ka). There is a diffiouity in fixin'j; the time of these events, and I have been guieled by proi>al)ility in placing them at this en. IX.] PAllTIILl ATTACKED BY TIGEAXES. 185 These proceedings liacl, of course, alienated Mitbri- dates II. ; and we may with much probability ascribe to them the step, which he now took, of sending au ambassador to Sulla. Orobazus, the individual selected, was charged to propose an alliance offensive and de- fensive between the two countries.* Sulla received the overture favourably, but probably considered that it transcended his powers to conclude a treaty ; and thus nothing moi-e was effected by the embassy than the establishing of a good understanding between the two States.^ Soon after this Tigranes appears to have renewed liis attacks ujwn Parthia,'^ which in the interval between B.C. 92 and b.c. 83 he greatly humbled,^ depriving it of the whole of Upper Mesopotamia, at this time called Gordyene, and under the rule of one of the Parthian tributary kings.^ Of the details of this war we have no account ; and it is even uncertain whether it fell within the reign of Mithridates II. or no. The un- fortunate mistake of Justin,® whereby he confounded this monarch with Mithridates III., has thrown this portion of the Parthian history into confusion, and hns made even the successor of Mithridates II. uncertain. Mithridates 11. probably died about b.c. 89, after ' Plutarch speaks of the Par- 1 were regarded as established is im- thians as avufiaxini koI tpiliac ihofif. I plied in the expression of Livv's vovc. Livy's epitomizer says : | epitomizer, under b.c. 66, ' Cn. 'Parthorum legati. a rege Arsace Pompeius cum regc Paithorum missi, venerunt ad Sullain, ut ami- Phraate araicitiam renovavit.'' (Ep. .. ^ . . ^^ = See Plut. TAtcnll. § 14. TiypAvTi^, EX(->v Svva/iiv y n«p0oi'5 nepiKonret Tt/i 'Aoiai. Mbid. § 21. Tf/v TlapODv, J.; u^/oi ovSei^, dvvafjiv k t air e i v u n ev. " Cf. Slr.ib. xi. 14, § 15. with Plut. Lmnll. § 21. « See above, p. 123. citiam populi Romuni peterent.' Velleius puts the embassy nine years later (\. 24, § 3), when Sulla was in Asia for the second tune; but the coml)ined authority of Livy and IMutarch outweighs his. "^ We find no mention in any author of a treaty being made at this time. That friendly relations 186 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. IX. a reign which must have exceeded thirty-five years. His great successes against the Scythians in the earlier portion of his I'eign were to some extent counter- balanced by his losses to Tigranes in his old age ; but on the Avhole he must be regarded as one of the more vigorous and successful of the Parthian monarchs, and as combining courage with prudence. It is to his credit that he saw the advantage of establishing friendly relations Avith Rome at a time when an ordi- nary Oriental monarch might have despised the distant Republic, and have thought it beneath his dignity to make overtures to so strange and anomalous a power. AVhether he definitely foresaw the part which Rome was about to play in the East, we may doubt ; l)ut at any rate he must have had a ])revision that the ])ait would not be trifling oi' insignificant. Of the j^i^i^'^'ite character of Mithridates Ave have no sufficient materials to judge. If it 1)3 true that In; put his envoy, Orobazus, to death on account of his having allowed Sulla to assume a position at their conference dei'ogatory to the dignity of the Parthian State,-^ we nuist pronounce him a harsh master; but the tale, which rests wholly on the weak authority of the gossip-loving Plutarch, is perhaps scarcely to be accepted. ' As related by Pliitaich, Si/U. § 5. CII. X.] GAP IX THE LIST OF PARTHIAN KINGS. 137 CHAPTER X. Darh period of Pnrtldan History. DoxMful Succession of the MovarcTis. Accesxion of Snnutraces, nh. B.C. 76. Position of Parthia dttring the Mithridatic Wars. Accession of Phrnates III. His Relations with Pompey. His Death. Civil War heticeen his two sons, Mithridates and Or des. Death of Mithridates. ' Varirt compluriurn reguin in Paithis successione impcrium accepit Orodes.' Trog. Pomp. Epit. lib. xlii. The successor of Mithridates 11. is unknown. It lias been argued, indeed, that the reigns of the known monarchs of this period would not be unduly long if we regarded them as strictly consecutive, and placed no blank between the death of ^Mithridates 11., and the accession of the next Arsaces whose name has come down to us.^ Sanatroeces, it has been said, may have been, and may, therefore, well be regarded as, the successor of Mithridates. But the words of the epitomiser of Trogus, placed at the head of this chapter, forbid the acceptance of this theory. The epitomiser would not have spoken of '^ mamj kings' as intervening between Mithridates II. and Orodes, if the numV)er had been only three. The expression implies, at least, four or five monarchs ; and thus we have no choice but to suppose that the succession of the kings is here imperfect,^ and that at least one or ' Clinton, Fasti Pomani, vol. ii. I succession of these three and of p. 245, note 1. I Orodes to Mithridates III. is cer- '■' The known kings between Mi- j tain. Thus the only possible gap thridates II. and Orodes are three is between Mithridates 11. and Su- only — viz., Sanatroeces, Phraates natroeccs. III.' and Mithridates III. The i 138 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cil. X. two reigns were interposed between those of the second Mithridates and of the monarch known as Sanatroeces, Sinatroces, or Sintricns. A casual notice of a I'arthian monarch in a late writer may supply the gap, either wholly or in part. Lucian speaks of a certain Mnasciras as a Parthian king, who died at the advanced age of ninety-six.^ As there is no other place in the Parthian history at which the succession is doul)tful, and as no such name as Mnasciras occurs elsewhere in the list, it seems necessary, unless we reject Lucian's authority altogether, to insert this monarch here. We cannot say, however, how long he reigned, or ascribe to him any })articular actions ; nor can we say definitely what king he either succeeded or preceded. It is possible that his reign covered the entire interval between Mithridates II. and Sanatroeces ; it is possible, on the other hand, that he had successors and predecessors, whose names have altogether perished. The expression used l)y the epitomiser of Trogus,^ and a . few words dropped by Plutarch,'^ render it probal)le tliat al)out this time tliere were contentions between various members of the Arsacid family which issued in actual civil war. Such contentions are a marked feature of the later history ; and, according to Plutarch, they commenced at this period. AVe may suspect from the great age of two of the monarchs chosen,"* tliat the Arsacid stock was now very limited in luiniber, that it offered no candidates for the throne ' Lucian, Marroh. S 15. " ' Varia Compluriutu rcf^um mccfiHHioiic.'' A varied succession implies irrregularity, which is natu- rally iiccompanieil hy disturbance. (^vvdfiEuS vtt' e fM V X l (a) V Kat npnanl- Kuv noTitfxuv oiV5' ' Ap/xeviovi vfipi- ^ovTfiS c/ipufiivrii afivveaOai. * Sanatroeces and Mnasciras, who were respectively ei}z;hty and about Plut. Lncull. § 36. T^s UupOuv ninety ut their accession. CH. X.] ACCESSION OF SANATKCECES. 139 whose claims were indisputable, and that consequently at each vacancy there was a division of opinion among the ' Mesfistanes ,' wliich led to the claimants making appeal, if the election ^vent against them, to the arbitrament of arms. The dark time of Parthian history is terminated by the accession — probably in e.g. 76^ — of the king above mentioned as known by the three names of Sanatroeces, Sinatroces, and Sintricus.^ The form, Sanatrc9ces, whicli appears upon the Parthian coins, is on that account to be preferred. The king so called had reached when elected the advanced age of eighty.^ It may be suspected that he was a son of the sixth i^rsaces'* (Mithridates I.), and consequently a brother of Phraates II. He had, perhaps, been made prisoner by the Scythians in the course of the disastrous war waged by that monarch, and had been retained in captivity for above fifty years. At any rate, he appears to have been indeV)ted to the Scythians in some measure for the cro\vn which he acquired so tardily, his enjoyment of it having been secured by the help of a contingent of troops furnished to him by the Scythic tribe of the Sacauracie.^ ' So Phlcson {Fr. 12), who is more definite in his statement than Mr. Clinton, represents (F. li. vol. ii. p. 245). Dio {Hist. linm. xxxv. 3 ; xxxvi. 28) and Appian {Mithri- d(it. p. 242, E.)* are les> exact, but on the whole confirm Phleujon. " Sanatroeces (2AN.\TP0IKHS) is the form foimd upon the coins; Sinatroces is that of the best MSS. of Lucian ; Sintricus occurs in Ap- pian (1. s. c.) Phlegon gives Sina- truces (SivmrpovKj??). ' Or, strictly speaking, seventy- nine {oySorjKoaTov iroi yeyoviji. Lu- cian, 1. s. c.) * The suspicion arises from the fact that, like Phraates II., he takes the epiihet of fjf«-uruf> upon his coins, which implies the divi- nity of his father. It is doubtful if any Parthian moiiarrh besides Mithridates I. had yet been dei- fied. The age of Sanatroeces is suitable. As he was seventy- nine in B.C. 76, he must have been born B.C. 155, or a'lout twenty years before Mithridates I. died. ' Lucian, 1. s. c. The ' Sacau- racae ' are not otherwise known, unless we regard them as identical with thcSacaiauli (sui)ra, p. 118). 140 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cil. X. The position of the Empire at the time of his accession was one of considerable difficulty. Parthia, during the period of her civil contentions, had lost much ground in the west, having been deprived by Tigranes of at least two important provinces.^ At the same time she had been witness of the tremendous struoo-le between Rome and Pontus, which, commenced in B.C. 88, was still continuing, and still far from decided, when Sanatroeces came to the throne. An octogenarian monarch was unfit to engage in strife, and if Sanatroeces, notwithstanding this drawback, had been ambitious of military distinction, it would have been difficult for him to determine into which scale the interests of his country required that he should cast the weight of his sword. On the one hand, Parthia had evidently much to fear from the military force and the covetous disposition of Tigranes, king of Armenia, the son-in-law of Mithi-idates, and at this time his chosen ally. Tigranes had hitherto been continually increasing in strength. Ky the defeat of Artanes,~ king of Sophene, or Armenia Minor, he had made himself master of Armenia in its widest extent; by his wars with Parthia herself, he had acquired Gordyene, or Northern Mesopotamia, and Adiabenc, or the entire rich tract east of the middle Tigris (including Assyria Proper and Arbelitis, as fiir, at any rate, as the course of the lower Zab; ^ V>y means which are not stated he liad brought under subjection the king of the important country of Media Atropatene, independent ' Gordyc'nC and AdiahOnfi. (See Pint. LhcuU. % 21 and § 20.) It is uncertain wliethcr Media Atro- patenC, which had also been con- quered by Tigranes (Strab. xi. 14, § 15 ; Plut. Lucull. § 2G), had up 1. s. c. to this time ever formed a portion of th" Parthian dominions. Most probaltly it had not. " Str.ab. xi. 14, § 15. FMiitarch. Lucull. § 26; Strab. CII. X.] CONTEMPORARY POWER OF TIGRANES. 141 since the time of Alexander.' Invited into Syria, about B.C. 83, by the wretched inhabitants, wearied with the perpetual civil wars between princes of the house of the Selencidse, he had found no difficulty in establish- ing Jiimself as king over Cilicia, Syria, and most of Phoenicia.^ About B.C. 80 he had determined on building himself a. new capital in the province of Gordyene,^ a capital of a vast size,'* provided with all the luxuries required by an Oriental court,^ and fortified with walls which recalled the glories of the ancient cities of the Assyrians.^ The position of this huge town on the very borders of the Parthian king- dom, in a province which had till very recently been Parthian, could be no otherwise understood than as a standing menace to Parthia itself, the proclamation of an intention to extend the Armenian dominion south- wai'ds, and to absorb at any rate all the ridi and fertile country betw^een Gordyene and the sea. Thus threatened by Armenia,^ it was impossi])le for Sana- troeces cordially to eml)i-ace the side of Mithridates,^ * 'TnrjKoov? errxe Kal tov 'ATpn/iarTj- v6v Kal rdv ro/)(hcuni'. Strab. 1. S. C. Compare Plut. Lucull. §§ 2(5 and 27. ' Appian, 8i/r. p. 133 ; Pint. Lucull. § 14; Justin, xl. 1 ; Eutrop. vi. 8. Assyria,and Adiabene {Lucull. §26). * See Appian, Mithrid. p. 229, A. Krri j-i.iniAtLa Kal nnpai^eiaovi Karu TO TTpodnrewv inolei /^UKpui)^, Ka} KVVTjyeaia tu/J.u kuI ^.ifivnr. Appian says the walls were '■^ The exact position of Tigrano- seventy-five feet high (ih. p. 228, certa is unknown, but it was pro- E). The lieight of those seen by bably not far from the modern | Xenoplion in Assyria, was 100 or Mardin. (See Strab. xvi. 1, § 23 ; | 150 feet. (Ai.ah. in. 4, ^ 7-\].) Tac. Ann. xv. 5.) j ' A threat was also implied in the * According to Strabo, twelve assumption by Tigranes of tive title Greek cities were depopulated to • King of kinirs' (Plut. Lucrill. furnish Tigranocerta with inhabit- ^§ 14 and 21), hitherto only borne ants (xi. 14, § 1.5). According to by the Paitliian monarchs. Appian, 300,000 Cappadocians were * One of the predecessors of transplanted thither {Mithrid. p. Sanatroeces had, it would seem, 210, C). Plutarch speaks of the allied himself with Mithridates population as having been drawn about B.C. 88 (.\ppian, Mithr. p. from Cilicia, Cappadocia, Gordyen6, 180 C. ; Meninon, Fr. 30, | 3) ; but 142 THE SIXTH iMONAKCIIY. [CH. X. with wliicli Anneiiia and its king were so closely allied; it was impossible foi- liiiii even to wish that the two allies should ])e free to work their will on the Asiatic continent unchecked by the power which alone had for the last twelve yeai's obstructed their ambitious projects. On the other hand, there was already among the Asiatic princes generally a deep distrust of Rome^ — a fear that in the new people, which had crept so quietly into Asia, was to be found a power more permanently formidable than the Macedonians, a ])ower which wonld make up for want of brilliancy and dash by a dogged perseverance in its aims, and a stealthy, crafty policy, sure in the end to achieve great and striking results. The acccptanc^e of the kingdom of Attains had not, perhaps, alarmed any one ; but the seizure of Phrygia during the minority of Mithridates, without so much as a pretext,^ and the practice, soon afterwards established, 6^ setting up puppet kings,^ bound to do the bidding of theii' Roman allies, had raised suspicions ; the ease with whicli Mithridates, notwithstanding liis great power and long preparation, had been vanquished in the first war (b.c. 88-84), had aroused fears ; and Sana- trceces coidd not but misdoubt the advisability of lend- ing aid to the Komans, and so helping them to obtain a still firmer hold on Western Asia. Accordingly we find, that when the final war broke out in b.c. 74, his inclination was, in the first instance, to stand Avholly aloof, and when that became impossible, then to tempo- Pan hia floes not appear to have ever lent liim any aid. ' The existence of these feelings is infli(;ate(l, 1, by the s{)eech whieh Troffiis put into the mouth of jMithrirlates (Justin, xxxviii. 4-7) ; and, 2, by the allegc.1 loiter of ' nia. Mithridates to the Parthian king. (Sallust, Jlisf. Rom. \x. Fr. 12.) * Justin, xxxviii. 5, § 3 ; Meranon, Fr. 30, § 2. ' As Aiiobarzancs in Cappadocia, and the third Nicomedes in Bithy- Cir. X.] DIIEAD OF R03IE DEATH OF SAXATR(ECrS. 143 rise. To the application for assistance made by Mith- ridates in B.C. 72, a direct negative was returned ;^ and it was not until, in B.C. 69, the war had approached his own frontiei', and both parties made the most earnest appeals to him for aid, that he departed from the line of pure abstention, and had recourse to the expedient of amusing both sides with promises, while he helped neither.^ According to Plutarch, this line of procedure offended Lucullus, and had nearly induced him to defer the final struo-ijrle with Mithridates and Tic^-anes, and turn his arms against Parthia.^ But the prolonged resistance of Nisibis, and the successes of Mithridates in Pontus, diverted the danger; and the war rolling north- wards, Parthia was not yet driven to take a side, Ijut was enabled to maintain her neutral position for some years longer. Meanwhile the asjed Sanatroeces died* and was succeeded by his son, Phraates III. This pi-ince fol- lowed at first his father's example, and abstained from mixing himself up in the Mithridatic war; but in B.C. 66, being courted by both sides, and promised the re- storation of the provinces lost to Tigranes,^ he made alliance with Pompey, and undertook, while the latter pressed the war against Mithridates, to find occupation for the Armenian monarch in his own land. This en- ' Memnon, Fr. 43, §> 2. \ * Appian, p. 242, E ; Dio Cass. ' Appian, Mithr. p. 230, D; Dio ' xxxvi. 28. B. Cass. XXXV. 1 and 3 ; Memnon, Fr. j s Dio Cass. 1. s. c. 'O Un^-^ioi 58, § 2. This last writer calls theN-,)^ (pumv tu ^padri^ i~l Tolg av- Parthian monarch, by mistake, ] r o i S v-fwavverifjero. This can only Phradates (i.e. Phraate'). It is ! mean that Pompey and Mithridates evident from Dio Cass. xxxv. 3, ! offered the same terms. What compared with xxxvi. 28, that it was these were is best learnt from Sanxtrocoes, find not his son. Phra- [ Memnon, Fr. 58. § 2 (du-peciJei-ero ales, who amused Lucullus and Tznpnxupeiv avTu r^r Mejo-ora/xiav uai Mithridates with promises. r?/i' 'A(ha37jv}/K ku] tovS UeyuXovi Av- ' Plut Luciill. § 30. I ?.umi). 144 THE SIXTH MONARCHY, [CH. X. gagemeiit he executed \Yith fidelity. It had happened that the eldest living son of'Iigranes, a prince hearing the same name as his fathei", liavins^ raised a rebellion in Armenia and been defeated, had taken i-efuge in Parthia with Phraates.^ Phi'aates determined to take advantaire of this circumstance. The young;- Ti2:ranes was supported hj a party among his countrymen who wished to see a youthful monarch npon the throne ; and Phraates therefore considered that he would best dis- charge his obligations to the Pomans by fomenting this family quarrel, and lending a moderate support to the younger Tigranes against his father. He marched an army into Armenia in the interest of the young prince, overran the open country, and advanced on Artaxata, the capital. Tigranes, the king, fled at his approach, and betook himself to the nei2:hbourin52: mountains. Artaxata was invested ; but as the siege promised to be long, the Parthian monarch after a time withdrew, leaving the pretender ^vith as many troops as he thought necessaiy to press the siege to a successful issue. The result, however, disappointed his expectations. Scarcely was Phraates gone, ^vhen the old king fell upon his son, defeated him, and drove liim l)eyond his l)oi'ders.^ He was forced, liowever, soon afterwards, to sui)mit to Pompey,^ who, while the civil war was I'aging in Armenia, had defeated Mithridates and driven him to take I'efuge in the Tauric Chersonese. Phraates, no^v", naturally expected the due reward of his services, according to the stipulations of his agree- ment with Pompey. But that general was either dissatisfied with the mode in which the Parthian had ' Appian, p. 242, E; Dio Cass, xxxvi. 34, C. ^ Dio Cass. 1. s. c. ' Dio Cass, xxxvi. 35 ; App. uMithr. p. 243, B. Cir. X.] DEALINGS OF PIIRAATES III. WITH POMPEY. 145 discharged his obligations, or disinclined to sti'engthen the power which he saw to be the only one in these parts capable of disputing with Eome the headship of Asia. He could scarcely prevent, and he does not seem to have tried to prevent, tlie recovery of Adiabene by the Partliians ; but the nearer province of Gordyene, to which they had an equal claim, he would by no means consent to their occupying. At first he des- tined it for the younger Tigranes.^ When that prince offended liim, he made it over to Ariobarzanes, the Cappadocian monarch." That arrangement not taking- effect, and the tract being disputed between Phraates and the elder Tigranes, he sent his legate, Afranius, to drive the Parthiansout of the country, and delivered it over into the hands of the Armenians.^ At the same time he insulted the Parthian monarch by refusing him his generally recognised title of ' King of Kings.' * He thus entirely alienated his late ally, who remonstrated against the injustice with which he was treated,^ and ^vas only deterred from declaring war by the whole- some fear which he entertained of the Poman arms. Pompe}', on his side, no doubt took the question into consideration, whether or no he should declare the Parthian prince a Poman enemy, and proceed to direct against him the available forces of the Empire. He had purposely made him hostile, and compelled him to take steps which might have furnished a plausible casushelli. But, on the whole, he found that he was not prepared ' Appian, Mith: p. 243, C. ' Ibid. p. 243, E. ' Pint. Pomp. § 36 ; Dio Cass, xxxvii. 5, C. * Plut. Pomp. § 38; Dio Cass. xxxvii. 6. navra oaa Tiai -piaiSeii which Phraates was treated. 146 THE SIXTH iMONAIiCIir. [cH. X. to ventiii'e on the encounter. The war liad not been formally committed to liim ; and if he did not prosper in it, he dreaded the accusations of his enemies at Home. He had seen, moreover, with his own eyes, that the Parthians were an enemy far from despicable, and his knowledge of campaigning told him that success against them was not certain. He feared to risk the loss of all the glory which he had obtained by grasping greedily at more, and pi'eferi-ed enjoying the fruits of the good luck which had hitherto attended him to tempting fortune on a new field. ^ He therefore determined that he would not allow himself to be provoked into hostili- ties by the reproaches, the dictatorial words, or even the daring acts of the Parthian King. When Phraates demanded his lost provinces, he replied, that the ques- tion of borders was one which la}^^ not between Parthia and Kome, but between Parthia and Armenia.^ When he laid it down that the Euphrates properly bouncied the Roman teri-itory, and charged Pompeynot to cross it, the latter said he would keep to the just i)ounds, whatever they were.^ A¥hen Tigranes comj)lained that after havinsr been received into the lioman alliance he was still attacked l)y the Parthian armies, the reply of Pompey was that he was willing to appoint arbitrators who should decide all the disputes between the two nations.'* The moderation and caution of these answers proved contagious. The monarchs addressed resolved to compose their differences, or at any rate to defer the settlement of them to a more convenient time. The}' ' Soc the account wliich Dio gives I Plutarch {Pomp ? 83, ad Jin.) re- of Ponipey's motives (xxxvii. 7). cord Phraates' detnand, bui, tho * <^r/Tai vnip oplov tivi',)v rrjv (haipn- latter alonc gives Pompey's reply — puv nvT(') TpoS Tov Tiyix'ii'Ti elnii. (Dio ofx.) xp'/ct-nOni ru dmaiu. Cass, xxxvii. 7, D.) ] ' I'hit. Pomp. § 39; Dio Cass. ' iJolh Dio (xxxvii 6) A. and xxxvii. 7, D. CII. X.] REIGN OF MITIIRIDATES III. 147 accepted Pompey's proposal of an arbitration ; and in a short time an arrangement was effected by which rela- tions of amity were re-established between the two countries.^ It would seem that not very long after the conclusion of this peace and the retirement of Pompey from Asia (b.c. 62), Phraates lost his life. He was assassinated by his two sons, Mithridates and Orodes ; ^ for what cause we are not told. Mithridates, the elder of the two, succeeded him (about b.c. 60) ; and, as all fear of the Romans had now passed away in conse(|uence of their apparently peaceful attitude, he returned soon after his accession to the policy of his namesake, Mith- ridates II., and resuuied the struggle with Armenia from which his Either had desisted."^ The object of the war was probably the recovery of the lost province of Gordyene, which, having been delivered to the elder Tigranes by Pompey, had remained in the occupation of the Armenians Mithridates seems to have succeeded in his enterprise. When we next obtain a distinct view of the boundary line which divides Parthia fi'om her neighbours towards the noi'tli and the north-west, which is within five years of the probable date of Mithridates' accession, we find Gordyene once more a Parthian pro- vince."* As the later years of this intermediate lustre are a timt; of civil strife, during which teri-itorial gains can scarcely have been made, we are compelled to refer ' Dio Cass, "{xxvii. 7. Eu vm- oravTo niitpoTep'ji, says Dio, on oird- were engaged in Armenian wars Tepoi uv avT(I)v roi hipov KpaTijotie, TL)V re Tvpay^iuTov roi; 'Pufiaioii npo- OKoxpei (li'jr. irpoKotpEi), Ko^ avrui evx^i- puTepoi o<})im yevTjeierai. 'Ekeivoi jmIv 6r) 6ia ravra Knrji/JiiiyTjaav. " Ibid, xxxix. 56. "Justin, xlii. 4, f 1. The fact that both Mithridates IT. and III. seems to have been among the reasons of Justin's confusing them. ■* This was clearly the case at the time of the invasion of Crassus, when the Parthians were masters- of the whole of Mesopotamia as far as the Euphrates. 148 THE SIXTH. MONAECIIY. [CIL X. the conquest to about B.C. 59-57. But in this case it must have been due to Mithridates III., whose reign is fixed with much probability to the ^^ears n.c. 60-56. The credit which Mithridates had acquired by his conduct of the Armenian war, he lost soon afterwards by the severity of his home administration. Tliere is reason to believe that he drove his brotln^r, Orodes, into banishment.^ At any rate, he ruled so harshly and cruelly that within a few years of his accession the Pai'thian nobles deposed him,~ and recalling Orodes from his place of exile, set him up as king in his brother's room. Mithridates was, it ^vould seem, at first allowed to govern Media as a subject monarch ; but after a while his brother grew jealous of him, and deprived him of this dignity.^ Unwilling to acquiesce in his disgrace, Mithridates fled to the Romans, and being favourably received by Gabinius, then proconsul of Syria, endeavoured to obtain his aid against his countrymen. Gabinius, wdio was at once weak and ambitious, lent a ready ear to his entreaties, and was upon the point of conducting an expedition into Par- thia^ when he received a still more tempting invitation from another quarter.^ Ptolemy Auletes, expelled from Egypt by his rebellious subjects, asked his aid, and having recommendations from Pom[)ey, and a fair sum of ready money to disburse, found little difficulty in per- suading the Syrian proconsul to relinquish his Parthian plans and march the force at his disposal into Egypt. Mithridates, upon this, withdrew from Syiia, and re-en- ' Plutarch tells na that (lie Par- tliian {general who defeated Orassus had previously broujrht back Orodes from banishiMcnt ( Vit. Cmsx. § 21). Appian follows hirn (Parth. p. 141, A). "Justin, 1. s. c. 'Propter crudeli- tatcm a senatu Parthico regno pel- litur.' = Dio Cass, xxxix. 56. MiOpuViTtiv * App. Syriac. p. 120, A ; Parthic p. \U, A. Clio X.] HIS CIVIL WAE WITH ORODES. 149 tering the Pai'tliian territory, commenced a civil war against his Ijrother, finding numerous partisans, espe- cially in the region about Babylon.^ It maybe suspected that Seleucia, the second city in the Empire, embraced his cause.^ Babylon, into which he had thrown him- self, sustained a long siege on his behalf, and only yielded when compelled by famine.^ Mithridates might again have become a fugitive ; but he was weary of the disappointments and hardships which are the ordinary lot of a pretender, and preferred to cast himself on tlie mercy and affection of his brother. Accordingly he surrendered himself unconditionally to Orodes ; but this prince, professing to place the claims of -patriotism above those of relationship,'* caused the traitor who had sought aid from Rome to be instantly executed. Thus perished Mithridates III. after a reign which cannot have exceeded five years, in the winter of b.c. 56, or the early spring of b.c. 55. Orodes, on his death, was accepted as king by the whole nation. ' Justiu. xlii. 4, § 2. ^ positively. {Rom. Geschichte, vol. ^ That Seleucia had been in re- j iii. p. 333.) bellion against Orodes before b.c. 'Justin incorrectly says. '■ Bdby- 54, and had been recovered for him loniam, quo Mithridates confugerat, by the general whom he employed diu oljsidet, et fame coactos in de- against Crassus, is related b}' Plu- ditionem oppidanos compellit.' (1. s. tarch (Crass. § 21). It is reason- c.) But it is evident that the town, able to connect this rebellion with Babylon ('Babyloneni '), is intended, the civil war between the brothers. * "Plus hostem quaui fratrem Moramsen. however, does so too cogitans,' (Justin, xlii. 4, § 4.) 150 THE SIXTH MONAECHY. [CH. XI. CHAPTER XL Accession of Orodes I. Exjjeditwn of Crassus. His fate. Retaliatory inroad of the Parthians into Syria under Pacoriis, the son of Orodes. Defeat of Pacorus l)y Cassias. His recall. End of fYst War tcith Rome. ' Parthi ... a Romanis, bellis per maximos duces florentissimis temporibus lacessili, soli ex omnibus gentibus non pares solum, sed etiam victores fuere.' Justin, xli. 1, § 7. The complete triumph of Orodes over Mithridates, aud his full establishment in his kingdom, cannot be placed earlier than b.c. 5G, and most probably fell in b.c. 55.^ In this latter year Crassus obtained the consulship at Kome, and, being appointed at the same time to the command of the East," made no secret of his intention to march the Roman legions across the Euphrates, and engage in hostilities with the great Parthian kingdom.^ According to some writers, his views extended even further. He spoke of the wars which Lucullus had waged against Tigranes and Pompey against Mithri- dates of Pontus as mere child's play, and announced his intention of carrying the Roman arms to Bactria, India, and the Eastern Ocean.'* The Parthian king was ' r!a>)iniuR, to whom Mithridates fled, was not proconsul of ,S\ ria till B.C. 5Q, and Mitlirid.itcs tliorcfore cannot have a])[)iic(l to liiin till tliut year. As the civil war followed on this application, and the siege of Bahylon is expressly said to have occupied a lonj^ time (Justin), Mithridates can scarcely have suh- niitted until B.C. 55. ' Liv. Epit. cv. ; Diu Cass, xxsix. 33 » Pint. Crass. § IG. ^ Ihid. 'iif nauhav (i7ro/- yev tavrbv Tali eTnriai. Compare A pp. Parth. p. 135, C. CII. XI.] ACCESSION OF OEODES I. 151 thus warned V)etinies of the impending danger, and enabled to make all such prejiarations against it as he deemed necessary. More than a year elapsed between the assignment to Crassus of Syria as his province, and his first overt act of hostility against Orodes. It cannot be doul>ted that this breathino--time was well spent by the Parthian monarch. Besides forming his general plan of campaign at his leisure, and collect- fng, arming, and exercising his native forces, he was enabled to gain over certain chiefs upon his borders, who had hitherto held a serai-dependent position, and might have been expected to welcome the Romans. One of these, Abgarus,^ prince of Osrhoene, or the tract east of the Euphrates about the city of Edessa, had been received into the Roman alliance by Pompey, but, with the fickleness common among Orientals, he now readily changed sides, and undertook to play a doul)le part for the advantage of the Parthians.^ Another, Alchaudonius, an Arab sheikh of these parts, had made his submission to Rome even earlier;^ but havinQ;l)ecome convinced that Parthia was the strons^er power of the two, he also went over to Orodes.* The importance of these adhesions would depend greatly on the line of march which Crassus might determine to follow in making his attack. Three j)lans were open to him. He might either throw himself on the support of Artavasdes, the Armenian monarch, who had recently succeeded his father Tio:ranes, and enterino- Armenia, take the safe but circuitous route through the moun- ' The naine is given variously, ■ All the princes of Edessa seem to as Abgarus, Acl)aru3, and Avgarus have been called either Abgarus or (Avynpor) ; but the first form is the Mannus. onl}' one used upon the coins of ; - Dio Cass. xl. 20 ; App. Parlh. Edessa. Otherwise the form Ac- p. 14i% A. barus might seem preferable, as the ^ Dio Cass. xxxv. 2, ml fin. representative of the Arabic Akbar. : * Ibid. xl. 20. 152 THE SIXTH IMOJS^ARCHY. [CH. XI tains into Adlabeue, and so by the left bank of tlie Tigris to Ctesiphon ; or he might, like the younger Cyrus, follo^v the course of the Euphrates to the lati- tude of Seleucia, and then cross the narrow tract of plain which there separates the two rivers; or, finally, he might attempt the shortest but most dangerous .Une across the Belik and Khabour, and directly through the Mesofiotamian desert. If the Armenian route were preferred, neither Abgarus nor Alchaudonius would be able to do the Parthians much service ; but if Crassus resolved on following either of the others, their alliance could not but be most valuable. Crassus, however, on reaching his province, seemed in no haste to make a decision. He must have arrived in Syria tolerably early in the spring;^ but liis opera- tions during the first year of his proconsulship were unimportant. He seems at once to have made up his mind to attempt nothing more than a reconnaissance. Crossing the Eupli rates at Zeugma, the modern Bir or Bh'eh-jik, he proceeded to ravage the open country, and to receive the submission of the Greek cities, which were numerous throucrhout the res^ion between the Euphrates and the Belik.^ The country was defended by the Parthian satrap with a small force ; buttliis was easily defeated, the satrap himself receiving a wound.^ ' Crassus left T?ome in the year of his consulship B.C. 65, later than Nov. 15 fOic. Ep. ad Att. iv. 13). lie took ship from Brun- dusiiim ])t'fore tiie storms of winter were ovor (Phit, Ci-nxn. § 17), pio- ceedc'l to .Asia Minor, and marched rapidly tlirouj:,h Galatia (r/rrsiyETo 6id Vahirifi?^ l/,,) into Syria, where ho must h;ive arrived as early as April or May. Mommscn, how- ever, ovirstites the case, when he makes him reach Syria 'at the very beginning of 700' (bereits Anfang 700). "^ Dio Cass. xl. 13. Compare Isid. Char. Mrmn. Pnrth. § 1. The chief of these cities were Apamciii, Antliemusias or Charax Sida', Ich- nae, and Nicephorium. * Dio Cass. xl. 12. This engage- ment took phice near Ichnju, which was on the Belik, about seventeen miles north of Rakkah (Nicepho- rium). CH. XI.] FIKST IXYASIOX OF CKASSUS, B.C. 54. 153 One Greek city only, Zenoclotium, offered resistance to the invader; its inhabitants having requested and received a Roman garrison of one hundred men, rose upon them and put them harLarously to the sword ; Avhereupon Crassus besieged and took the place, gave it up to his army to plunder, and sold the entire popu- lation for slaves.^ He then, as winter drew near, deter- mined to withdraw into Syria, leaving garrisons in the various towns. The entire force left behind is estimated at eio:ht thousand men.^ It is probable that Orodes had expected a more determined attack, and had retained his army near his capital until it should become evident by which route the enemy would advance against him. Acting on an inner circle, he could readily have interposed his forces, on whichever line the assailants threw themselves. But the tardy proceedings of his antagonist made his caution superfluous. The first campaign was over, and there had scarcely been a collision between the troops of the two nations. Parthia had been insulted by a wanton attack, and had lost some disaffected cities ; but no attempt had been made to fulfil the grand boasts with which the war had been undertaken. It may he suspected that the Parthian monarch began now to despise his enemy. He would compare him with Lucullus and Pompey, and undei'stand that a Koman army, like any other, was formidable, or the reverse, according as it was ably or feebly commanded. He would know that Crassus was a sexagenarian, and may have heard that he had never yet shown himself a caj)taln or even a soldier. Perhaps he almost doubted whether the proconsul had any leal intention ' Plut. Crass. § IT; Dio Cass. I ^ Seven thou-aml foot and a si 13. 'thousand horse. ^Plut. i. s. c.) 154 THE SIXTH MOKAKCHY. [on. XL of pressing tLe contest to a decision, and niiglit not rather be expected, when he had enriched himself and his trooj^s with Mesopotamian plunder, to withdraw his garrisons across the Euphrates. Crassus was at this time showing the worst side of his character in Syria, despoiling temples of tlieir treasures,^ and accepting money in lieu of contingents of troops from the dynasts of Syria and Palestine.^ Orodes, under these circumstances, sent an embassy to him, which was well calculated to stir to action the most slug-o-ish and poor-spirited of commanders. ' If the war,' said Lis envoys, ' was really waged by Rome, it must be fought out to the bitter end. But if, as they had good reason to believe,^ Crassus, against the wish of his country, had attacked Parthia and seized her territory for his own private gain, Arsaces would be moderate. He would liave ]jity on the advanced years of the iwoconHid^ and would give the Romans back those men of theirs, who were not so much keeping watch in Mesopotamia, as having watch ke])t on them.' Crassus, stung with the taunt, exclaimed, ' He would return the am})assadoi's an answer at Seleucia.' Wa- gises, the chief anil)assador, ])i-epared for some such exhiljition of feeling, and glad to heap taunt on taunt, replied, striking the palm of one hand with the fingers of the other : ' Hairs Avill grow here, Crassus, before you see Seleucia.''* ' It IS certain tliat Crassus plun- dered the ancient shrine of Atarj^a- tis or Derceto at Ilierapolis (I'lut. O/vm. ij 17; App. Pakh. p. 137, B). Accordinp; to Joseplius {Ant. Jnd. xiv. 7, «> 1), he also made a journey to Jerusalem for the px- jtress purpose of ])lun(lering the Jewish 'I'einple. (Compare Oro- sius, vi. 13.) nreiai? arpnTiuruv Kara^^yov?, elr' avietiapyvptnv ihthvraS. (Plut. Crass. 1. s. c.) ' The intention of Crassus to attack the Parthians was well known at Rome, and w.is opposed by a, powerful party. (See Plut. Crass. § 16; Cic. Ej). ad 3ii). v. 8; &c.) ' Plut. Crass. § 18 ; Dio Cass, xl. 16. CH. Xr.] SECOND INVASION OF CRASSUS, B.C. 53. 155 Still further to quicken the action of the Romans, before the winter was well over, the offensive was taken against their adherents in Mesopotamia. The towns wliich held Roman garrisons were attacked by the Parthians in force ; and, though we do not hear of any T)eing captured, all of them were menaced, and all suffered considerably.^ If Crassus needed to be stimulated, these stimulants were effective ; and he entered on his second campaign with a full determination to compel the Parthian monarch to an engagement, and, if possible, to dictate peace to him at his capital. He had not, however, in his second campaign, the same freedom with regard to his movements that he had enjoyed the year previous. The occupation of Western Mesopotamia cramped his choice. It had, in fact, compelled him before quitting Syria to decline, definitely and decidedly, the over- tures of Artavasdes, Avho strongly urged on him to advance by way of Armenia, and promised him in that case an important addition to his forces.^ Crassus felt himself compelled to support his garrisons, and therefore to make Mesopotamia, and not Armenia, the basis of his operations. He crossed the Euphrates a second time at the same point as before,'^ with an ' Dean Merivale speaks of some - Artavasdes offered a contingent of the Roman dcta-^-hments in Me- of 30,000 f o H and l(i. OdO horse, of sopolamii as ' compelled to abandon whom 10,000 should be iieavily their post-;' {U'lniiii E'/ft/)i)-e, vol. ii. armed. Crassus replied 'that his p. llj ; but I find no such statement march would lie throiigli Mesopo- in the authorities. Dio says that a tamia, a>i lie had left there many good Parthian army was sent against the soldiers.'' (Pint. 1. s. c.) places th it had b'jea taken and those I * This point, as already stated, that ha 1 fallen nwny (1. s. c.) ; Plu- | was probably the modern Bir, or tarch adds thit attacks and combats Bireh-jik, which best an-^wers on took place, ami tliat someof the sol- the whole to the Roman 'Zeugma.' diers in garrison, escajiing from the (See the note of C. Miiller on Isid. beleaguered towns, brought Craproved talents.^ It was of the gi-eatest importance to })revent the Armenians from effecting a junction with the Romans, and strengtliening them in that arm, in which they were especially deficient, the cavalry. Perhaps nothing short of an invasion of his country by the Parthian king in person would have prevented Arta- vasdes from detaching a ])ortion of liis troops to act in Mesopotamia. And no doul)t it is also true that Orodes had great confidence in his general, whom he may even have fel't to be a better commander than ' Sec ('hcsney, Eajthnitts Kvpe- dition, vol. i. pj). 40-4!) ; Niel)uhr, Voyofje en Arafne, pp. 330-3:54 ; Pocock, IMseription of the Eaat^ vol. ii. pp. 1.58-103. * On iIh! line of route between Zeugniii and Nirephorimn, which must have nearly coincided with the march of Crassus, Isidore places three cities, one village, and four fortified 1-) => Plut. xl. IG. posts. Grass. {Mans. Parth. § 21 ; Dio Cass. Cir. XI.] HIS ADVEUSARY, THE PARTUIAN SURENAS. 159 himself. Sureiias, as we must call liim, since his name has not been preserved to us/ was in all respects a })erson of the highest consideration. He was the second man in the kingdom for birth, Avealth, and I'eputation. In courage and ability he excelled all his countrymen ; and he had the physical advantages of commanding height and great personal beauty. When he went to battle, he was accompanied by a train of a thousand camels, which carried his baggage ; and the concubines in attendance on him I'equired for their conveyance two hundred chariots. A thousand horsemen clad in mail, and a still greater number of light-armed, formed his bodyguard. At the coronation of a Parthian monarch, it was his hereditary right to place the diadem on the l^row of the new sovereign. When Orodes was driven into banishment, it was he who brought him back to Parthia in triumph. AVhen Seleucia revolted, it was he who at the assault first mounted the bivacli, and striking terror into the defenders, took the city. Though less than thirty years of age at the time when he was appointed commander, he was believed to possess, liesides these various qualifications, consummate pru- dence and sagacity.^ The force which Orodes committed to his brave and skilful lieutenant consisted entirely of horse. This was not the ordinary chai'acter of a Parthian army, which often comprised four or five times as many infantry as cavalry. It was, perhaps, rather fortunate accident than profound calculation that caused the ' It has been already observed the Pseudo-Appian use it asa proper that Surenas, or Surena, was pro- name. perly an officii! title. (See above, ^ TIii.s account is taken from p. 80 ) Plu'aich, however, Dio, and Plutarch {Crass. § 21). 160 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XI. sole employment against the Eomans of this arm.* The foot soldiers were needed for the rough warfare of the Armenian mountains; the horse would, it was known, act with fair effect in the comparatively open and level Mesopotamia. As the king wanted the foot- men he took them, and left to his general the troops Avhich were not required for his own operations. The Parthian horse, like the Persian,^ was of two kinds, standinf]^in strono; contrast the one to the other. The bulk of their cavaliy was of the lightest and most agile desciiption. Fleet and active coursers, with scarcely any caparison hut a headstall and a single rein, were mounted by riders clad only in a tunic and trousers,"'^ and arnied with nothing but a strong bow and a quiver full of arrows. A training begun in early boyhood made the rider almost one with his steed ; and he could use his weapons with equal ease and effect whether his hoi'se was stationary or at full gallop, and whether he was advancing towards or hurriedly retreating from his enemy.'* His supply of missiles was almost inexhaustible, for when he found his quiver empty, he had only to retire a short distance and replenish* his stock from magazines, borne on the backs of camels, in the I'ear.^ It was his oi-dinary plan to keep constantly in motion when in the presence of an enemy, to gallop backwards and forwards, or I'ouud and round his square or column, never charging ' Mommsen rcfjards the omploy- ment of cavalry only against Orassus as a ' ))rilliaii"t idea' (^'eniak'n Ge- danken) of the Parthian commander ■{Oenrhic/itr, vol. iii. p. 828). ' See Aticieiit Monarchies, vol. iii. pp. 178-179, 2nd edit. ■' On th(! ordinary Scythic Cfjuip author's Herodotus, vol. iii. p. 34, 2nd edit. There is no reason to su|)i)ose that the Parthian was dif- ferent. * Plut. Crass. § 24, ad Jin. ; Virg. Oeorfl. iii. 31; Ilor. Od. i. 19, 11; ii. 13, 16; Justin, xli. 2 ; Tac. .4?i. vi. 35, &c. mint of a light liorseman, see the " Plut. Cntss. ^ 2~). en. XI.] CHARACTER OF THE PARTHIA]^ CAVALRY. 161 it, but at a moderate interval plying it with his keen and Ijarbed shafts ; ^ whicli were driven by a practised hand from a bow of unusual strength. Clouds of this light cavalry enveloped the advancing or the retreating foe, and inflicted grievous damage without, for the most part, suffei'ing anything in return. But this was not the whole. In addition to these light troops, a Parthian army comprised always a body of heavy cavalry,^ armed on an entirely different system. The strong horses selected for this service were clad almost wholly in mail. Their head, neck, chest, even their sides and flanks, were protected by scale-armour of brass or iron, sewn, probably, upon leather, ^^ Their riders had cuirasses and cuisses of the same materials, and helmets of burnished iron.^ For an offensive weapon they carried a long and strong spear or pike.^ Tb«3y formed a serried line in battle, bearing down with great weight on the enemy whom they charged, and standing Arm as an iron wall against the charges that were made upon them. A cavalry answei'ing to this in some respects had been employed by the later Persian monarchs,^ and was in use also among the Armenians at this period ; but the Par- thian pike was apparently more formidable than the corresponding weapons of those nations, and the light spear carried at this time by the cavalry of a Roman army was no match for it. ' Plutarch speaks of the ' barbed ' matae sunt, qua? utrumque toto ])oint.s' (?))/c('77/j(j/it'i.'as (i/ii(5«?) of the Parthian arrows. (1. s. c.) ^ The Greeks called these horse- men KaTCKppitKTuv^, ' protected, cov- ered up.' They are best (lescril)ed by Ileliodorus {^Mhiop. ix. pp. 431- corpore tegunt.' Compare Vu-g. ^£"71. xi. 770. * Plut. Crass. § 24. Kpaveai tov Map-jiavov ai^iipov ari'/Sovroi o^ij kuI TTVpi'/MflTric. Tho contus (Koi-roi) of the Greeks 433). and Romans ^ See Justin, xli. 2, § 10. ' iluni- ^ See Ancient Monarchies, vol. mentum ipsis equisque loricae plu- | iii. p. 178, 2nd edit. 162 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XI. The force entrusted to Siirenas comprised troops of both these classes. No estimate is given us of their number, but it was probably considerable.^ At any rate it was sufficient to induce him to make a move- ment in advance — to cross the Sinjar range and the river Khabour, and take up his position in the country between that stream and the Belik— instead of merely seeking to cover the capital. The presence of the traitor Abgarus in the camp of Crassus was now of the utmost importance to the Parthian commander. Abgarus, fully trusted, and at the head of a body of light horse, admirably adapted for outpost service, was allowed, upon his own request, to scour the country in front of the advancing Romans, and had thus the means of communicating freely with the Parthian chief. He kept Surenas informed of all the movements and intentions of Crassus,^ while at the same time he suggested to Crassus such a line of route as suited the views and designs of his adversary. Our chief authoi'ity for the details of the expedition tells us,"^ that he led the Koman troops through an arid and trackless desert, across plains without tree, or shrub, or even grass, where the soil was composed of a light shifting sand, which the wind raised into a succession of hillocks that resembled the waves of an interminable sea. The soldiers, he says, fainted with the heat and with the drought, while the audacious Osrhoene scoffed at their complaints and reproaches, asking them whetlier they expected to find the border-tract between Arabia and Assyria a country of cool streams and ' They are called 'a vast number' tlie field against Antony (Justin, (nAyfXK no'/.v, Plut. C'/vf.s.s. § 23), ' xli. 2, § 0). and 'an immense bodv ' {cop'ua^ '^ Dio Cass. xl. 21. immrnies, Veil. Pat. ii. 40). The ' Plut. Crcm. ^ 22. Parthians brought 50,000 horse into I CH. XI.] ADVANCE OF CRASSUS. 163 shady groves, of baths, and hostelries, like their own delicious Campania. But our knowledge of the geof^-ra- jDhical character of the region through which the march lay makes it impossible for us to acce23t this account as true.^ The country between the Euphrates and the Belik, as already observed, is one of alternate hill and plain, neither destitute of trees nor ill-provided with water. The march through it could have presented no great difficulties. All that Abgarus could do to serve the Parthian cause w^as, first, to induce Crassus to trust himself to the open country, without clinging either to a river or to the mountains, and, secondly, to bring him, after a hasty march, and in the full heat of the day, into the presence of the enemy. Both these things he contrived to effect, and Surenas was, no* doubt, so far beholden to him. But the notion that he enticed the Roman army into a trackless desert, and gave it over, when it was perishing through weariness, hunger, and thirst, into the hands of its enraged enemy,~ is in contradiction with the topo- graphical facts, and is not even maintained consistently by the classical writers.^ It was probably on the third or fourth day after he had quitted the Euphrates,"* that Crassus found ' Tlie arguments of Dean Merivale I "^ See Moiiimsen, Bom. Geschichte, are conclusive {Romnn Empire., vol. vol. iii. p. 327. This writer shows ii. pp. 18, 19); but lie .somewhat no knowledge of the real character mars their effect b}' suggesting that of the country. Plutarch may have coiifounded the ^ Dio has no mention of sands or Belik with the Khabour, and that deserts. On the contrary, he makes tlie battle may have leally been the scene of the battle hilly ground, fought on the latter stream. The ' partly covered with trees (xl. 21). general tradition that the scene of j * The direct i. Pnrth. § 1 ; and compare Mons. C. Mailer's note ad loc. CII. XI.] BATTLE OF THE EELIK. 167 returned to resume tlieir attack on the main body of the lionian army. The main body, much relieved by the diminution of the pressure upon them, had waited patiently for Pub- lius to return in triumph, regarding the battle as well nio'h ov^er and success as certain. After a time, the prolonged absence of the young caj)tain aroused suspi- cions, which grew into alarms when messengers arrived telling of his extreme danger.* Crassus, almost beside himself with anxiety, had given the word to advance, and the army had moved forward a short distance, wdien the shouts of the returning enemy were heard, and the head of the unfortunate officer was seen dis- played aloft, while the Parthian squadrons, closing in once more, renewed the assault on their remaining foes with increased vigour. The mailed horsemen approached close to the legionaries and thrust at them with the long pikes," while the light-armed, galloping across the Roman front, discharged their unerring arrows over the heads of their own men. The Romans could neither successfully defend themselves, nor effectively retaliate. Still time brought some relief. Bowstrings broke, spears were blunted or splintered, arrows began to fail, thews and sinews to relax ;^ and when night closed in both parties were almost equally glad of the cessation of arms which the darkness rendered compulsor}'. It was the custom of the Parthians, as of the Per- sians,"* to l^ivouack at a considerable distance from an ' Plut. Crni^x. § 20. I * On the Persian practice, see " Plut. Crass. § 27; Dio Cass. xl. 22. Ancient Monarchies, vol. iii. p. 191, ' Dio Cass. xl. 24. 01 re kovtoI \ 2nd edit. Fear of a night attack, Twv iiapSnpuv 01 fxev cnreaTpd(pr/aav, a'l and the difficulty of unfastening 61 EK7.drif)Tinnv, Kalni vsvpnl . . . f/i^a- and caparisoning; their horses in a yTjoav TO. TE i3f/71 iSero^evOt], Knl tu ^'(Ptj TTilvra uTTTifiii^iVvOTj' To re fJ^yi- arov, oi uvdpeg avrol (povtvovre'i k^i- KOflOV. hurry, were at the root of the custom 168 THE SIXTH MONAECHY. [CH. XL enemy. Accordingly, at nightfall tliey drew off, having first shouted to the Romans that they would grant the general one night in which to bewail his son ; on the morrow they would come and take him prisoner, unless he preferred the better course of surrendering himself to the mercy of Arsaces.^ A short breathing-space was thus allowed the Romans, Avho took advantage of it to retire towards Carrhse, leaving behind them the greater part of their wounded, to the number of 4,000. A small body of horse reached Carrhse about midnight, and srave the commandant such information as led him to put his men under arms and issue forth to the suc- cour of the proconsul. The Parthians, though the cries of the wounded made them well aware of the Roman retreat, adhered to their system of avoiding night combats, and attempted no pursuit till morning^^ Even then they allowed themselves to be delayed by comparatively trivial matters — the capture of the Roman camp, the massacre of the wounded, and the slaufrhter of the numerous strao-a-lers scattered alono; the line of march — and made no haste to overtake the retreating army. The bulk of the troops were thus enabled to effect their retreat in safety to Carrh^e, where, having the protection of walls, they were, at any rate for a time, secure. It might have been expected that the Romans Avould here have made a stand. The siege of a fortified place ' Plut. Oraas. 1. s. c. ) '"'ji' noAefji.u)i') — and lias niiule tho ' So Plutarch (§ 28). 01 TlapOo*, Parthians start in pursuit, but soon vvtcrdi /tlv aioOdfjevoL r?)v f/7r'j(5p«(nv, i j^ive up the attetnpt, liecause 'their ovK idicjKov. Dean Merivale has, horses, after a long wed a train ofSeleucian music-girls, who sang songs derisive of the effeminacy and cowardice of the proconsul. After this jiretended parade of his prisoner through the streets of the town, Surenas called a meeting of the Seleucian senate, and indignantly denounced to them the indecency of the literature which he had found in the Koman tents. The charge, it is said, was true ; ^ but the Seleucians were not greatly impressed by the moral lesson read to them, when they remarked the train of concubines that had accompanied Surenas himself in the iield, and thought of the loose crowd of dancers, singers, and prostitutes, that was commonly to l)e seen in the rear of a Parthian army. The political consequences of the great triumph Avhich the Parthians had achieved were less than might have been anticipated. Mesopotamia was, of course, recovered to its extremest limit, the Euphrates; Ar- menia was lost to the Roman alliance, and thrown for the time into complete dependence upon Parthia. The whole East was, to some extent, excited ; and the Jews, always impatient of a foreign yoke, and recently aggrieved by the unprov^oked spoliation of tLeir Temple ' Plut. Crass. §32. Ovtol Tavra ye KaTatjievadjuePoc. CII. XI.] RESULTS OF THE DISASTER. 177 by Crassus, flew to arms.^ But no general movement of the Oriental races took place. It might have been expected that the Syrians, Phoenicians, Cilicians, Cappa- (locians, Phrygians, and other Asiatic peoples \vliose proclivities were altogether Oriental, wou hi have seized the opportunity of rising against their Western lords and driving the Ponians back upon Europe. It might have been thought that Parthia at least would have assumed the offensive in force, and have made a de- termined effort to rid herself of neighbours who had proved so ti-oublesome. But though the conjuncture of circumstances was most favourable, the man was wantinof. Had Mithridates or Tis^ranes been livino*, or had Surenas been king of Parthia, instead of a mere general, advantage wouhl proba))ly have been taken of the occasion, and Kome mi2:ht have suffered seriouslv. But Orodes seems to have been neither ambitious as a prince nor skilful as a commander ; he lacked at any rate the keen and all-embracing glance which could sweep the j)olitical horizon and, comprehending the exact character of the situation, see at the same time how to make the most of it. He allowed the opportu- nity to slip by without putting forth his strength or making any considerable effort ; and the occasion once lost never returned. In Parthia itself one immediate result of the expedi- tion seems to have Ijeen the ruin of Surenas. His services to his sovereign had exceeded the measure which it is safe in the East for a subject to render to the crown. The jealousy of his royal master was aroused, and he had to pay the penalty of over-much success with his life.^ Parthia was thus left without a Josephus, Ant. Jtid. xiv. 7, § 3. ] ' Plut. Cmxa. § 33. 178 THE SIXTH JIONAKCHY. [CH. XI. general of approved merit, for Sillaces, tlie second in command during the war with Crassiis/ had in no way distinguished himself through the campaign. This con- dition of things may account for the feebleness of the efforts made in B.C. 52, to retaliate on the Romans the damage done by their invasion. A few weak bands only passed the Euphrates, and began the work of plunder and ravage, in which the}^ ^vere speedily dis- turbed by Cassius, who easily drove them l)ack over the river.^ The next year, however, a more determined attempt was made. Orodes sent his son, Pacorus, the young bridegroom, to win his spurs in Syria, at the head of a considerable force, and sujiported by the experience and authority of an officer of ripe age, named Osaces.^ The army crossed the Euphrates unresisted, for Cassius, the governor, had with him only the broken remains of Crassus's army, consisting of about two le(»:ions, and deemino* hiuiself too weak to meet the enemy in the open field, ^vas content to defend the towns. The open country was consequently oveiTun ; and a tlfl'ill of mino-led alarm and excitement passed through all the Roman provinces in Asia.^ The provinces were at the time most inadequately supplied with Roman troops,'' tlirough the desire of Caesar and Pompey to maintain large armies about their own per- sons. The natives were for the most part disaffected and inclined to hail the Parthians as brethren and deliverers." Excepting Deiotarus of Galatia, and Ario- Plut. Crrm. § 21. Compare Dio Cass, xl 12; Ores. vi. 13. = Dio Cass. xl. 28. ' Ibid. CoMiparo Cic. E/i. ad Att. V. 18, 20; ff,f Dh. XV. 1 ; &c. * See, o!i this point, tlie interest- ing despatch \»f Uifero to tiie Roman Senate (Ep. ad Div. xv. 1). ^ See the complaints of Cicero in the despatch above referred to ; and note that Cicero himself had for his larp;e province not two complete leijions {Kn.
    , mature in has provincias miseritis, sunimum periculum sit, ne amit- tendct sint omnes h;B provinci:*^.' " Dio Cas.s. xl. 29 ; Cic. Ep. ad Att. V. 20. ' Cicero tells iis that liis civalry defeated a Part h inn detachment within the limits of Cilicia (Ejk ad Div. XV 4). 180 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [cH. X. almost entirely to the narrow valley of tlie Orontes.^ Under tliese circumstances we are not surprised to learn that Cassius, having first beat them back from Antioch,^ contrived to lead .them into an ambush on the banks of the river, and severely handled their troops, even killing the general Osaces.^ The Parthians withdrew from the neighbourhood of the Syrian capital after this defeat, which must have taken place about the end of September, and soon afterwards went into winter quar- ters in Cyi'rhestica,^ or the part of Syria immediately east of Amanus. Here they remained during the winter months under Pacorus, and it was expected that the war would break out again with fresh fury in the spring ; ^ but Bibulus, the new proconsul of Syria, con- scious of his military deficiencies, contrived to sow dissensions among the Parthians themselves, and to turn the thoughts of Pacorus in anotherdirection. lie sug- gested to Ornodapantes, a Parthian noble, with whom he had managed to open a corresj)ondence, that Paco- rus would.be a more worthy occupant of the Parthian throne than his father, and that he would consult well for his own interests, if he were to proclaim tlie young prince, and lead the army of Syria against Orodes.^ These intrigues seem to have first caused the war to languish, and then produced the recall of the expedi- tion. Orodes summoned Pacorus to return to Parthia before the plot contrived between him and the llomans was ripe for executi try tlie stren<;th of the Parthians before engnging them in battle (Jul § 44). Plu- tarch says that he meant, after conquering the Parthians, to pro- ceed by the Cas|)ian and the Cau- oiisus into Scythia, from Scythia to a-sail the Germans, and when he h:ul overrun Germany, to return into Italy by way of Gaul (Jul. § 08). CH. XII.] RELATIONS WITH BRUTUS AT^D CASSIUS. 185 most splendid description ; liis powers of organisation and consolidation enormous ; his prudence and caution equal to his amVjitioii and his courage. Once launched on a career of conquest in the East, it is impossible to say whither he might not have carried the Roman eagles, or what countries h,e might not have added to the Empire. But Parthia was saved from the immi- nent peril without any effort of her own. The daggers of 'the Liberators' struck down on the 15th of March, B.C. 44, the only man whom she had seriously to fear ; and with the removal of Julius passed away even fr-om Roman thought for many a year ^ the design which he had entertained, and which he alone could have accomplished. In the civil war that followed on the murder of Julius, the Parthians are declared to have actually taken a part. It appears that — about B.C. 46 — a small body of Parthian horse-archers had been sent to the assistance of a certain J^assus,^ a Roman who amid the troubles of the times was seeking to obtain for himself something like an independent principality in Syria. The soldiers of Bassus, after a while (b.o. 43), went over in a body to Cassius, who was in the East collect- ing troops for his great struggle with Antony and Octavian ; and thus a handful of Parthians came into his power.^ Of tliis circumstance he determined to take advantage, in order to obtain, if possible, a con- siderable body of troops from Orodes. He presented each of the Parthian soldiers with a sum of money, and dismissed them all to their homes, at the same ' No attempt was made seriously ] Antony's invasion was a mere osten- to curtail the Parthian power, much less to conquer the Parthian State, until the time of Trajan (ad. 115), SI hundred and sixty years later. tatious raid without serious object. ■ Dio Cass, xlvii. 27. ' Appian, Bell. Civ. \y. pp. 623, 624. 186 THE SIXTH MOITAECHY. [CH. XII. time seizing the opportunity to send some of his own officers, as ambassadors, to Orodes, with a request for substantial aid.^ On receiving tliis application the Parthian monarch appears to have come to the con- clusion that it was to his interest to comply with it. Whether he made conditions, or no, is uncertain ; but he seems to have sent a pretty numerous body of horse to the support of the ' Liberators ' against their antagonists.^ Perhaps he trusted to obtain from the gratitude of Cassius what he had failed to extort from the fears of Pompey. Or, perhaps, he was only anxious to prolong the period of civil disturbance in the Koman State, Avhich secured his own territory from attack, and might ultimately give him an op- portunity of helping liimself to some portion of the Poman dominions in Asia. The opportunity seemed to him to have arrived in B.C. 40. Philippi had been fought and lost. The ' Liberators ' were crushed. The struggle between the Pepublicans and the Monarchists had come to an end. But, instead of being united, the Roman world was more than ever divided ; and the chance of making an actual teri'itorial gain at the expense of the tyrant power appeared fairer than it had ever been before.' Three rivals now held divided sway in the Roman State ;^ each of them jealous of the other two, and anxious for his own aggrandisement. The two chief pi'etenders to the first place were bitterly hostile ; and while the one was detained in Italy by insurrec- ' Appian, 7jV/. rV?). iv. p. 625, D, E. I that the Parthians lielpcd Brutus authorities arc not allo- frcther a<;recd on this point. Dio says (xlviii. 24) that Orodes tem- porised, and neither refu.sed I he and Cassius ( xlii. 4, § 7) and j\ppian mentions ihein thrice among the iroops who fought at Philippi {Bell. Cir. p. 640, C. D). overtures of Cassius nor accepted ' Octavinn. Antony, and Lepidus. them. But Justin di tinctly states J There Avas also a fourth, Sext. Pom CH. Xn.] SECOND PARTHIAN ATTACK OX EOME. 187 tiou against his authority, the other was plunged in luxury and dissipation, enjoying the first delights of a lawless passion, at the Egyptian capital. The nations of the East were, moreover,, alienated by the recent exactions of the profligate Triumvir,^ who, to reward his parasites and favourites, had laid upon them a burthen that they were scarcely able to bear. Further, the Parthians enjoyed at this time the advantage of having a Roman officer of good position in tlieir service,^ whose knowledge of the Homan tactics, and influence in Koman provinces, might be expected to turn to their advantage. Under these circumstances, when the spring of the year arrived, Antony being still in Egypt, and Octavian (as far as was known) occupied in the siege of Perusia,'^ the Parthian hordes, under Labienus and Pacorus, burst upon Syria in greater force than on any previous occasion. Over- running with their numerous cavalry the country between the Euplirates and Antioch, and thence the valley of the Orontes, they had (as usual) some dif- ficulty with the towns. From Apamsea, placed (like Durham) on a rocky peninsula almost surrounded by the river,^ they were at first repulsed;^ Init, having shortly afterwards defeated Decidius Saxa, the governor of Syria, in the open field, they received the submis- sion of Apam;ea and Antioch, which latter city Saxa abandoned at their approach, flying precipitately into peius, who f>rcel himself into arrive;!. Dreading the 'pros, rip- partnership with the other three a tion ' of the victors, lie deteniiiiied little later. to continue with the Parthians, and ' Appian, Bell. Cu\ v. p. 674. i to put his services at their disposal. "^ Q. Libieiiiis, the son of Titus, ^ P^^^rusia was taken in January, Cfesar's k-gate in Gaul, had been b.c 40 ; but the news of its capture sent as envoy to Orodes by iirutus woidd not reach Ctesiphon Oir some and Cassius (Dio Cas.s. xlviii. 24), months, and was at the Parthian Court * Strah. xvi. 2, § 10. when news of the defeat at Philippi '■' Dio Cass, xlviii. 25 (.§ 108). 188 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CU. XII. Cilicia.^ Encouraged by these successes, Labienus and Pacorus agreed to divide their troops, and to engage simultaneously in two great expeditions. Pacorus undertook to carry the Parthian standard throughout the entire extent of Syria, Phoenicia, and Palestine, while Labienus determined to invade Asia Minor, and to see if he could not wrest some of its more fertile regions from the Romans. Both expeditions were crowned with success. Pacorus reduced all Syria, and all Phoenicia, except the single city of Tyre, which he was unable to capture for want of a naval force.^ He then advanced into Palestine, which he found in its normal condition of intestine commotion.^ Hyrcanus and Antigonus, two princes of the AsmonsBan house, were rivals for the Jewish crown; and the latter, whom Hyrcanus had expelled, was content to make common cause with the invader, and to be in- debted to a rude foreigner for the possession of the. kingdom whereto he aspired. He offered Pacorus a thousand talents, and jive hundred tTewish women^ if he would espouse his cause and seat him upon his uncle's throne,* The offer was readily embraced, and by the irresistible help of the Partliians a revolution was effected at Jerusalem. Hyrcanus was deposed and ' mutilated. A new priest-king was set \\^ in the person of Antigonus, the last Asmonaean prince, who held the capital for three years — n.c. 40-37 — as a Parthian satrap, the creature and dependant of the great monarchy on the further side of the Euphrates. Meanwhile in Asia Minor Labienus carried all before Ijiin. Decidius Saxa, having once more (in Cilicia) ' Dio Cass, xlviii. §§ 108-110. ' Ibid, xlviii. 26 (§ 111). Com- pare A[ii)ia'i, BcIL Civ. v. p. 701, V>. ^ Joseph. Ant. Jud. liv. 13 Pell. Jml. i. 13. ^Joseph. Bell. Jud. i. 13, § 1. ClI. XII,] SUCCESSES OF PACOEUS AND LABIENUS. 189 ventured upon a battle, was not only defeated, but slain.^ Pampliylia, Lycia, and Caria were overrun. Stratonicea was besieged; Mylasa and Alabanda were taken.- According to some writers, the Partbians even pillaged Lydia and Ionia, and were in possession of Asia to tbe shores of the Hellespont.^ It may be said that for a full year AVestern Asia changed masters ; the I'ule and authority of Rome disappeared ; and the Parthians were recognised as the dominant power. But the fortune of war now bes^an to turn. In the autumn of b.c. 39, Antony, having set out from Italy to resume his command in the East, despatched his lieutenant, PubliusVentidius, into Asia, with orders to act against Lal)ienus and the triumphant Parthians.* Ventidius landed unexpectedly on the coast of Asia Minor, and so alarmed Labienus, who had no Parthian troops with him, that the latter fell back hurriedly towards Cilicia, evacuating all the more- western pro- vinces, and at the same time seiidino; urirent messages to Pacorus to implore succour. Pacorus sent a body of horse to his aid; but these troops, instead of jmtting themselves under his command, acted independently, and, in a rash attempt to surprise the Koman camp, were defeated by Ventidius, whereupon they fled hastily into Cilicia, leaving Labienus to his fate.^ The self-styled ' Imperator,' "^ upon this, deserted his men, ' Dio Cass, xlviii. 25, ad Jin. " Il)i(l. xlviii. 26. Compare Strab. xiv. 2, § 24. ' Plut. Anton. § 30 ; Appian, Parth. p. 156, A. * Dio Cass, xlviii. 39 ; Plut. An- ton. § 33. ' bio Ca rin/f'ipoi' hfioia roli /idXtnra tmi> ■mltiroTE (■fnrsi'/.frvGavTuv koI. ittl (hKatom/vrj Kfit CIL XII.] VICTOIUES OF VEXTIDIUS. 191 tliat they preferred liis govern iiient to that of the Komans. He had many allies among the petty princes and dynasts/ who occupied a semi-independent position on the borders of the Parthian and Roman empires. Antigonus, whom he had estaldished as king of the Jews, still maintained himself in Judrea ao-ainst the efforts of Herod,^ to whom Augustus and Antony had assigned the throne. Pacoi'us therefore arranged during the remainder of the winter for a fresh invasion of Syria in the spi'ing, and, taking the field earlier than his adversary expected, made ready to recross the Euphrates. AVe are told that if he had ci'ossed at the usual point, he would have found the Romans unpre- pared, the legions being still in their winter (j^uarters, some north and some south of the ran2:e of Taurus.^ Ventidius, however, contrived by a stratagem to induce him to e"ffect the passage at a different point, considerably lowei' down the stream, and in this way to waste some valuable time, which he himself employed in collecting his scattered forces. Thus, when the Parthians ap- peared oil the right bank of the Euphrates, the Roman general was prepared to engage them, and ^vas not even loth to decide the fate of the war by a single battle. He had taken care to provide himself with a strong force of slingers, and had entrenched liimself in a position on high ground at some distance from the river.^ The Parthians, finding their passage of the Euphrates unopposed, and, when they fell in with the enemy, seeing him entrenched, as though i-esolved to ' As Antiochus, king of Com- [ " Joseph. Ant. Jii J. x'w. 15; Bell. magfinii; Lysanias, tctrarch of i /w<^?. i. 15, IG. Itursea; Malchus, sheikh of the Nabatiiean Arabs ; Chavnauis, Anti ironns, and others. (Dio Cass "xlviii. 41 ; xli.v. I'.i, 32, &c.) Dio Cass. xlix. 19. Ibid. 20. 192 TIIE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XH act only on tlie defensive, became overbold ; they thouglit the force opposed to them must be weak or cowardly, and might yield its position witlioiit a blow, if briskly attacked. Accordingly, as on a former occa- sion/ they charged up the hill on which tlie Roman camp was placed, hoping to take it by sheer audacity. But the troops inside were held ready, and at the proper moment issued forth ; the assailants found themselves in their turn assailed, and, fighting at a dis- advantage on the slope, were soon driven dow^n the declivity. The battle was renew-ed in the plain below, where the mailed horse of the Parthians made a brave resistance ; l)ut the slingers galled them severely, and in the midst of the struggle it happened that by ill- fortune Pacorus was slain. The result followed which is almost invariable with an Oriental army : having lost their leader, the soldiers everywhere gave way ; flight became universal, and the Romans gained a coni])lete victory.^ The Parthian army fled in two directions. Part made for the bridge of boats l)y which it had crossed the Euphrates, _ but was intercepted l)y the Romans and destroyed. Part turned northwards into Commagene, and there took refuge with the king, Antiochus, who refused to surrender tlieni to the demand of Ventidius, and no doubt allowed them to return to their own country. Thus (nided tlie great Parthian invasion of Syria, and with it ended the pros])ect of any further spread of the Arsacid dominion towards the west. When the two great powers, Rome and Parthia, first came into col- lision — when the first blow struck by the latter, the ' See iibove. p. 100. | 20), rather tliun Justin's (xlli. 4) ^ In (IcscrihiiiK this })iittle, I as at once more graphic and more have followed Dio's account (xlix. j probable. CII. XII.] ROMANS AND PARTIUANS COMPAlJED. 103 destruction of the ai-niy of Crassus, was followed up by the advance of their clouds of horse into Syria, Pales- tine, and Asia Minor — when Apama^a, Antioch, and Jerusalem fell into theii* hands, when Decidius 'oaxa was defeated and slain, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Caiia, Lydia, and Ionia occupied — it seemed as if Rome had found, not so much an equal, as a superior ; it looked as if the power heretofore predominant ^vould be com- pelled to contract her frontiei', and as if Parthia would advance hers to the Eo-ean or the Mediterranean. The history of the contest between the East and the West, between Asia and Europe, is a history of reactions. At one time one of the continents, at another time the other, is in the ascendant. The time appeared to have come when the x\siatics were once more to recover their own, and to beat back the European aggressor to his proper shoi-es and islands. The triumphs achieved by the Seljukian Turks between the eleventh and the fifteenth centuries Avould in that case have been antici})ated by aV)ove a thousand years thi'ough the efforts of a kindred, and not dissimilar peo[)le.^ But it turned out that the effort made was premature. AYhile the Parthian warfai'e was admirably adapted for the national defence on the broad plains of inner Asia, it was ill suited for conquest, and, comparatively speaking, ineffective in more contracted and difficult regions. The Parthian military system had not the elasticity of the Roman — it did not in the same way adapt itself to circumstances, or admit of the addition of new arms, or the indefinite expansion of an old one. However loose and seemingly flexible, it was rigid in its uniformity ; it never altered ; it remained under the ' Supra, p. 25. 194: THE SIXTH MONARCHY: [cH. XII. tliirtietli Arsaces sucli as it bad been under the first, improved in details, perhaps, but essentially the same system. The Komans, on the contrary, were ever modifying their system, ever learning new combinations or new manoeuvres or new modes of warfare from their enemies. They met the Parthian tactics of loose array, continuous distant missiles, and almost exclusive em- ployment of cavalry, with an increase in the number of their own horse, a larger employiuent of auxiliary irregulars, and a greater use of the sling.* At the same time they learnt to take full advantage of the Parthian inefficiency against walls, and to practice against them the arts of pretended retreat and ambush. The result was, that Parthia found she could make no impression upon the dominions of Pome, and having become persuaded of this by the experience of a decade of years, thenceforth laid aside for evei' the idea of attempting Western con(|uests. She took up, in fact, from this time, a new attitude. Hitherto she had l)een consistently aggressive. She had laboured constantly to extend herself at the expense successively of the Bactrians, the Scythians, the Syro-Macedonians, and the Armenians, SIk; liad proceeded from one aggres- sion to another, leaving only short intervals between her wars, and had always been looking out for some fi'esh enemy. II(3nceforth she became, comparatively speaking, pacific. She was content for tlie most ])art, to maintain her limits. She sought no new foe. Her contest with Pome dcijrenerated into a struo-ji-le for ' Compare on tliis point Diojrwr t6^ov levreZ, irnpra h-ai t<)v Cass. xlix. 20, and 20, with Pint. 'ii)aKT()V 'inxvpOS tAvfinivniTO — Jnton. § 41. Note especially ihe'anfl the fact imi)lic(l in Plutarch statement of Dio :— oi c(i)Ev6ov}/Tni, j tliat (he slinijers ii-ed leaden bullets Tro'/2ol T£ ovrei, Kcii // a /c /9 o r £ p 6; | (,uf)AwWttr) instead of stones. CII. XII.] ABDICATION OF ORODES I. 195 influence over the kingdom of Armenia; and her hopes were limited to the reduction of that kingdom into a subject position. The death of Pacorus is said to have caused Orodes intense grief. ^ For many days he would neither eat nor speak ; then his sorrow took another turn. He imagined that his son had "returned ; he tliought con- tinually that he heard or saw him; he could do nothing but i-epeat his name. Every now and then, liowever, he awoke to a sense of the actual fact, and mourned the death of his favourite with tears. After a while this extreme grief wore itself out, and the aged king began to direct his attention once more to pul)lic affairs. He grew anxious about the succession.^ Of the thirty sons who still remained to him there was not one who had made himself a name, or was in any way distin- guished above the i-emainder. In the absence of any personal ground of preference, Orodes — who seems to have regarded himself as possessing a right to nominate the son who should succeed him — tliought the claims of primogeniture deserved to l)e considered, and selected as his successor Phraates, the eldest of the thirty.^ Not content with nominating him, or perhaps doubtful whether the nomination would be accepted by the Megistanes, he proceeded further to abdicate in his favour, whereupon Phraates became king. The transaction proved a most unhappy one. Phraates, jealous of some of his brothers, who were the sous of a princess married to Orodes,^ whereas his ow^n mother was only a concubine, removed them by assassination. ' Justin, xlii. 4, §§ 12-13. pate Dio Cass. xlix. 23. "^ Justin, xlii. 4, § 14, ' Dio Cass. xlix. 23. Com- * Orodes had marrifd a daughter of Antiochus, king of Comiuagen^ (Dio Cass. 1. s. c.) 196 THE SIXTH MONARCHY [CH. XII. and when the ex-monarch ventured to express dis- approval of the act, added the crime of parricide to fratricide by putting to death his aged father.^ Thus perished Orodes, after a reign of eighteen years — the most memorable in the Parthian annals. ' According to Plutarch (Crass. § 33) Phraates first attempted his father's destructiou by means of poisoD, but the poison faih'ng to take effect, he then smothered him with his pillow. CH. XTTT.] EEIGX OF PHKAATES IV. 197 CHAPTER XIII. Beign of Phraates IV. His cruelties. Flight of Monmes to Antony. Antony's great Parthian Expedition, or Invasion of Media Atropatene. Its Complete. Failure. Subsequent Alliance of the Median King with Antony. War hetueen Parthia and Media. Rebellion raised against Phraates iy Tiridates. Phraates expelled. He reovers his Throne with the help of the Scythians. His dealings with Augustus. His death and Character. 'Redditnm Cj'ri solio Phraatem Dissidens plebi miinero bealorum Exiinit Virtus.'— Hor. Od. ii. 2, 16-18. The shedding of blood is like ' the letting out of water.' When it once begins, none can say where it will stop. The absolute monarch who, for his own fancied security, commences a system of executions, is led on step by step to wholesale atrocities from which he would have shrunk, with horror at the outset. Phraates had removed brothers whose superior advan- tages of birth made them formidable rivals. He had punished with death a father who ventured to blame his act, and to forget that by abdication he had sunk himself to the position of a subject. Could he have stopped here, it might have seemed that his severities proceeded not so much from cruelty of disposition as from political necessity; and historians, always tender in the judgments which they pass on kings under such circumstances, would probably have condoned or Justi- fied his conduct. But the taste for T)loodshed grows with the indulgence of it. In a short time, the young 198 THE SIXTH jMONARCHY. [cIT, XIII kino: had killed all his remainina: brothers,^ althouo-h their birth was no better than his own, and there was no valid ground for his fearino- them \ and soon after- wards, not content with the murder of his ow^n rela- tions, he began to vent his fury npon the Parthian nobles. Many of these suffered death ; ^ and such a panic seized the order, that numbers quitted the country, and dispersed in different directions, content to remain in exile until the dano-er wliich threatened them should have passed by. There were othei's, however, who were not so patient. A body of chiefs had fled to Antony, among whom was a certain Moutieses, a nobleman of the highest rank,'^ ^vho seems to have distinguished himself previously in the Syrian wars.* This person represented to Antony that Phraates had by his tyrannical and bloody conduct made himself hateful to his sul^jects, and that a revo- lution could easily be effected. If the Konians would support him, he offered to invade Parthia ; and he made no doul)t of wresting the greater portion of it from the hands of the tyrant, and of being himself accepted as king. In that case he would consent to hold his crown of thePomans, who might depend npon his lldelity and gratitude. Antony is said to have listened to these overtures, and to have been induced by them to turn his thoughts to an invasion of the Pai-tiiian kingdom.'^ He began to collect troops and to ol)tain allies with this object. He entered into negotiations Avith Artavasdes, the Armenian kino^^ ' To reconcile Dio (xlix. 23) with j ^ Dio Cass. 1. s. c. .Justin (xlii. 4, § 14\ it is ncces- ' ' T'l'it. Anton. §37. 'Av?)p eni^a Kiiry 1o Kiipfiose th-it the m'Jir.dson ; ./'f '.-" ''^" "r.f. of AntiocliiH wore niiirrlercil flirt. ■* ilor. 0/. iii. 0, 0. tlio sons of OrodiiS by his c nca- '' Dio (!as-. xlix. 24. bines afterwards. " IbiU. c. 25. CH. XUI.] RELATIONS OF MON.ESES WITH A^vTONT. 199 who seems at tliis time to have beeu more afraid of Home tliaii of Parthia, and engaged him to take a part in liis projected campaign. He spoke of emjdoying MoniTsses in a separate eAj)edition. Under tliese cir- cumstances, Phraates became alarmed. He sent a message to Mona3ses witli promises of pardon and favour, whicli that chief thought worthy of accej^tance. Hereupon Momeses repi'esented to Antony that by a peaceful return he miglit pei'haps do him as much service as by having recourse to arms ; and thougli Antony was not persuaded, he thought it prudent to profess himself well satisfied, and to allo\v ^Momeses to quit him. His relations with Parthia, he said, might perhaps be placed on a proper footing ^vitlloat a war, and he was quite willing to try negotiation. His ambassadors should accompany Mona^ses. They would l)e instructed to demand nothing of Phraates but the restoration of the Roman standards taken from Crassus, and the liberation of such of the captive soldiers as were still livino^.^ But Antony had really determined on ^var. It may be doubted whether it had required the overtures of Mona3ses to put a Parthian expedition into his thoughts. He must have been either more or less than a man if the successes of his lieutenants had not stirred in his mind some feeling of Jealousy, and some desire to throw their victories into the shade by a grand and notable achievement. Especially the gloiy of Ventidius, who had l)een allowed the mucli-coveted honour of a triumph at Kome on account of his defeats of the Parthians in Cilicia and Syria," must have moved him - Dio Cass. xlix. 24, ad fin. \ 38) the entrj- ' P. VEXTIOTYS ^ The 'Fasti triumphales' give PRO COS. EX TAVllO MONTE under the year a.u.c. 715 ( = b.c. , E L' PARTHEIS.' 200 THE SIXTH MONAKCHY. [cH. XIII. to emulation^ and have caused liim to cast about for some means of exalting his own military reputation above that of bis subordinates. For this purpose no- thing, he must have known, would be so effectual as a real Parthian success, the inflicting on this hated and dreaded foe of an unmistakable humiliation, the dic- tating to them terms of peace on their own soil after some crashino; and overwhelmins; disaster. And, after the victories of Ventidius, this did not ajjpear to be so very difficult. The prestige of the Parthian name was gone. Poman soldiers couki be trusted to meet them without alarm, and to contend with them without undue excitement oi' flurry. The weakness, as well as the strength, of their military system had come to be known ; and expedients had been devised by which its strong points were met and counterbalanced.^ At the head of sixteen legions,^ Antony mi^lit well think that he could invade Parthia successfully, and not only avoid the fate of Crassus, but gather laurels which might serve him in good stead in his contest with his great political rival. Nor can the Roman general be taxed with undue precipitation or with attacking in insufficient force. He had begun, as already noticed, with securing the co-operation of the Armenian king, Artavasdes, who promised him a contingent of 7,000 foot and 6,000 horse. His Roman infantry is estimated at 60,000 ; besides which he liad 10,000 Gallic and Ibei'ian liorse, and ^50,000 light armed and cavalry of the Asiatic allies.^ Ilis own army thus amounted to 100,000 ' S'C above, p. lOi. ! ' Th''se iiiimhcrs arc t.ikcn from ■■' So Floras (iv. 10) ami Jusiiii Piiit.iich {Au'dn. § 87), wn- se ac- (xlii. 5, § :J). Livy .say.s cightt-cn • o int i-; the ino t circumstantial, fEpit. cxxx.); Vclleius (ii. 82, § I), and (on t'lc wlidle) the one most to thirteen. i be depended upon. CII. Xrir.] PARTHIAN EXPEDITIOX OF AXTOXY. 20] men ; and, with the Armenian contingent, his entire force would have been 113,0u0. It seems that it was Lis original intention to cross the Euphrates into Meso- potamia, and thus to advance almost in the footsteps of Crassus ;^ Init, when lie reached the banks of the river (about midsummer n.c. 87), he found such preparations made to resist him, that he abandoned his first design, and, turning northwards, entered Armenia, determined to take advantage of his alliance with Artavasdes, and to attack Parthia with Armenia as the basis of his operations. Artavasdes gladly received him, and per- suaded him, instead of penetrating into Parthia itself, to dii'ect his arms against the territory of a Parthian subject-ally,^ the king of INIedia Atropatene, whose territories adjoined Armenia on the south-east. Arta- vasdes pointed out that the Median monarch was absent from his own country, having joined his troops to those wliich Phraates had collected for the defence of Parthia. His territory therefore would be o2:)en to ravage, and even Praaspa, his capital, might prove an easy prey. 'J he prospect excited Antony, who at once divided his troops, and having given orders to Oppius Statianus to follow him leisurely with the more unwieldy part of the army, the baggage-train, and the siege batteries, proceeded himself l)y forced marches to Pi-aaspa with all the cavalry and the infantry of the better class.^ This town was situated at the distance of nearly three hundred miles from the Armenian frontier:^ but the ' Dio Cass. xlix. 25. I * See below, p. 204. On the - Media AtropatC-nG was some- 1 identity of D\o's Praaspa (the Vera times subject I o Parthia, sometimes ■ of Stmbo. xi. 13, § 3) with the independent. That at this time it modern Takht-i-Siileiman, see a was dependent appears from tlie 1 paper by Sir II. Rawlinson in the whole n:irralive of the war in Plu- Geographical Journal, vol. x. p. tarch and Dio. 113 117. ' Dio Cass. I. s. c. I 202 , THE SIXTH JMONARCHY. [CH. XIIl way to It lay tliroiigli well-cultivated plains, where food and water were abundant. Antony performed the march without difficulty, and at once invested the place. The walls were strong, and the defenders numerous, so that he made little impression ; and when the Median king returned, accompanied by his Parthian suzerain, to the defence of his country, the capitalseemed in so little dano-er that it was resolved to direct the first attack on Statianus, who had not yet joined his chief. A most successful onslaught was made on this officer, who was surprised, defeated, and slain.^ Ten thousand Komaus fell in the battle,^ and all the l)ai>:i''a2:e-wao:ons and engines of war w^ere taken. A still worse result of the defeat was the desertion of Artavasdes, who, re- gard ing the case of the Ilomans as desperate, drew oft' his ti'oops, and left Antony to his own resources.^ The Roman general now found liimself in great dif- ficulties. He had exhausted the immediate neighbour- hood of Praaspa, and was obliged to send his foraging- parties on distant ex})editious, where, being beyond the I'eacli of his ])rotection, they were attacked and cut to pieces by the enemy.^ He had lost liis siege-train, and found it impossible to construct another. Such works as he attemi)ted suffered throuii-h the sallies of the be- sieged; and in some of these his soldiers behaved so ill that he was forccfl to punish their cowardice by deci- mation."^ His su[)[)lies failed, and he had to feed his trooi)S oil barley instead of wheat. Meantime the autumnal e({uinox was approaching, and the weather * Plut. Anton. § ;?8, ad fin.; Dio 82, § 2. ' Pint. Anton. § 89. Cass. xlix. 25. ' ; ■• Dio Cass. xlix. 20. '^ So Plutarcli (1. s. c). The ' two legions 'of l-ivy (' diiabus legionibiis aiiiissis,' p]/i!i. cxxx ) s"e:n to refer to this battle. Compare Veil. Pat. ii. '' Pint. Anton. § oO, Oeipo. of the soldiers and one-third of the fihcov 6e tto^.Awv, aal rijv UdpBuv oik attendants perished (ii. 82). Plu- (Kpiarajievuv T:o7.1uKii ava(pOiy^ac6ai tarch estimates the loss in Media ! t6v 'Avtuviov loropovciv, 'Q uvpioi. at 24,000 men {A),ton. § 50); but' * Dio Cass. xlix. 33. Flut. Anton. it is doubtful whether he means to § 52. include in this the 10,000 destroyed ' Polemo, who is called 'king of with Statianus. If not, he would Pontus ' (Dio Cass. xlix. 23) — that 206 THE SIXTH MONARCHY, [CH. XIIL wliere Antony was passing the winter, and boldly pro- posed the alliance. Antony readily accepted it ; he was intensely angered by the conduct of the Armenian monarch, and determined on punishing his defection ; he viewed the Median alliance as of the utmost import- ance in connection with the design, which he still entertained, of invading Parthia itself;^ and he saw in the powerful descendant of Atropates a prince whom it would be w^ell worth his while to bind to his cause indissolubly. He therefore embraced the overtures made to him with Joy, and even rewarded the mes- senger who had brought them with a principality.' After sundry efforts to entice Artavasdes into his power, which occupied him during most of r>.c. 35, in the spring of e.g. S-i he suddenly appeared in Armenia. His army, which had remained there from the previous campaign, held all the more important positions, and, as he professed the most friendly feelings towards Artavasdes, even proposing an alliance between their families,^ that prince, after some hesitation, at length ventured into his presence. He was immediately seized and put in chains."* Armenia was I'apidly overi'un. Artaxias, w^hom the Armenians made king in the room of his father, was defeated and forced to take refuge with the Parthians. Antony then arranged a marriage between the daughter of the Median monarch^ and his own son by Cleopatra, Alexandei", and, leaving garrisons is, of the portion which had not I * These are said to liave l)een at been absorbed into the Roman first of silver (l)io t\'iss. xlix. 39, Etnj)ire. On the liistorv of this ar/ _/?«.), and afterwards of gold (ib. Polenio, see Clinton, F. 11. vol. iii. ! 40 ;" Yill. Paterc. ii. 82). p. 42S, note m. ^ 'I'his king had the same name ' Plut. yl?ito«. § 52. as the Armcniun monarch — viz., Dio Cass. xlix. 33. T^ Uo7ufimiL innOiiv Tr'/S KTjfWKeini ttjv niKpoTijiav 'Ap/iri'lnv flofi'at. " Ibid. xlix. 39. Artavasdes. lie has, tlicrefore, to prevent confusion, not been named in the text. CH. Xin.] ANTOXY TUXISIiES AiniEisnA. 207 in Armenia, carried off Artavasdes and a rieli hooty into Egypt. Phraates, during these transactions, stood wholly upon the defensive. It may not have heen unpleasing to him to see Artavasdes punished. It must have gra-. tified him to observe how Antony was injuring his own cause by exasperating the Armenians, and teaching them to hate Kome even more than they hated Pai'thia^ But while Antony's troops held both Syria and Arme- nia, and the alliance between Media Atropatene and Rome continued, he could not venture to take any aggressive step or do aught but protect his own fron- tier. He was obliged even to look on with patience, when, early in b.c. 33, Antony appeared once more in these pai'ts,^ and advancing to the Araxes, had a con- ference with the Median monarch, whereat their alliance was confii-med, troops exchanged, part of Armenia made over to the Median king, and Jotapa, his daughter, given as a bride to the young Alexander, whom Antony designed to make satrap of the East.^ But no sooner had Antony withdrawn into Asia Minoi- in preparation for his contest with Octavian, than Phraates took the offensive. In combination with Artaxias, the new Armenian king, he attacked Antony's ally; but the latter repulsed him by the help of his Roman troops. Soon after\vards, however, Antony recalled these troops without restorino; to the Median kins; his own contin- gent ; upon which the two confedei'ates renewed their attack, and were successful. The INIedian prince Avas defeated and taken prisoner.^ Artaxias recovered ' Compare Tacit. Ann. ii. 3 : - Dio Cass. xlix. 44. 'Armenia inter Parthorum et Ro ^ See Plut. -4//^?//. §54 ; Dio Cass manas opes inQda ob scdus An- xlix. 41. tonii.'' * Dio Cass. xlix. 44. 208 THE SIXTH ^rO?fARCIIY. [CH. XIII, Armenia and massacred all the Roman garrisons whicli he found in it.^ Both countries became once more wholly independent of Kome, and it is probable that Media returned to its old allegiance. But the successes of Phraates abroad produced ill consequences at home. Elated by his victories, and regarding his position in Parthia as thereby secured, he resumed the series of cruelties towards his subjects which the Roman war had interi'upted, and pushed them so far, that an insurrection broke out against his authority (n.c. 33), and he was compelled to quit the country."^ The revolt was headed \)y a certain Tiri- dates, who, upon its success, was made king by the insurgents. Phraates fled into Scythia, and persuaded the Scythians to embrace his cause. These nomads, nothing loth, took up arms, and without any great difficulty restored Phraates to the throne from which his people had expelled him. Tiridates fled at their approach, and, having contrived to carry off in his flight the youngest son of Phraates, presented him- self befoi'e Octavian, who was in Syria at the time on his return from Egypt (b.c. 30),^ surrendered the young prince into his hands, and requested his aid agninst the tyrant.^ Octavian accepted the valuable hostage, but, with his usual caution, declined to pledge ' Dio Cass. li. 10. "^ Ju.stin, xlii. /), § 4. It was probably now tliat Phraates, fearing that his seraglio would fall into the hands of 'i'iridates, murdered all his concubines. (Isid. Cliar. Ai.r. s 1 ) ^ Tiridalos cannot have reit^ned in Parthia more than about three years (from b.c. 33 to 30) ; but he continued to claim the title of kini: assigned to him in the British Mu- seum Collection (iirrunired by the lale Mr. J)e Salis) bear the dates Ens nnd Sns, or B.C. 27 and 20. The earliest coin of a similar type which is dated, be.irs the letters 902, or i!.c. 33. * Justin makes these events take place later, when Augustus was in Spain (B.C. 27-24) ; but it seems impossible that the circumstantial and to issue coins till, at any rate, [ account of Dio (li 18) can be a more B.C. 26. Coins which seetn rightly fiction. en. XIII.] EEBELLION OF TIRIDATES. 209 himself to furnish any help to the pretender ; he might remain, he said, in Syria, if he so wished, and while he continued under Roman.protection, a suitable provision should be made for his support, but he must not expect armed resistance against the Parthian monarch. To that monarch, M'hen some years afterwards (b.c. 23) he demanded the surrender of his subject and the resto- ration of his young son, Octavian answered/ that he could not give Tiridates up to him, but he would restore him his son without a ransom. He should expect, however, that in return for this kindness the Parthian king would on his part deliver to the Romans the standards taken from Crassus and Antony, together with all who survived of the Roman captives. It does not appear that Phraates was mucli moved by the Emperor's generosity. He gladly received his son ; but he took no steps towards the restoration of those proofs of Parthian victory which the Romans were so anxious fo recover. It was not until b.c. 20, when Octavian (now become Augustus) visited the East, and war seemed the probable alternative if he continued obstinate, that the Parthian mouarcli brou2:ht himself to relinf|uish the trophies which were as much pi'ized by the victors as the vanquished.^ In extenuation of his act w^e must remember that he was unpopular with his subjects, and that Augustus could at any moment have produced a pretender, who had once occupied, and with Roman help might easily have mounted for a second time, the throne of the Arsacidae. ' Dio Cass. liii. 33. i Roman writers. (Suet. Odav. § 21. '' The standards were surrendered Liv. Epit. cxxxix. ; Vel]. Pat. ii. to Tiberius (Suet. Tib. § 9), who 91 ; Florus, iv. 12, § 6?. ; .Justin, xlii. was coniinissioned by Augustus to 5, § 11 ; Eutrop. vli. 5 ; Oros. vi. receive them. Their recovery is 21, ad^fin. ; Hor. Od. iv. 1,5, 6-8; celebrated in jubilant chorus by the ■ Ovid. Trist. ii. 227, 228, &c.) 210 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XIII. The remaining years of Pliraates — and he reigned for nearly twenty years after restoring the standards — are almost unbroken by any event of importance. The result of the twenty years' struggle between Kome and Parthia had been to impress either nation with a wholesome dread of the other. Both had triumplied on their own ground ; both had failed ^vheu they ven- tured on sending expeditions into the enemy's territory. Each now stood on its guard, watching the movements of its adversary across the Euphi'ates. Both had become pacific. It is a well-known f[ict that Augustus left it as a principle of policy to his successors that the Boman Empire had reached its proper limits, and could not witli advantage be extended further.^ This piinciple, followed with the utmost strictness by Tiberius, was accepted as a rule by all the earlier C;esars, and only regarded as admitting of rare and slight exceptions. Trajan was the first who, a hundred and thirty years after the accession of Ausrustus, made lio:ht of it and set it at defiance. With him re-awoke the spirit of con- quest, the aspiration after universal dominion. But in the meantime there was peace — peace indeed not absolutely unbroken, for l)order wars occurred, and Rome was tempted sometimes to interfere by arms in the internal quarrels of her neighbour^ — but a general state of j^eace and amity prevailed — neither state made any grand attack on the other's dominions — no change occurred in the frontier — no great battle tested the relative strengtli of the two peoples. Such rivalry as remained was exhibited less in arms than in diplomacy, and showed itself mainly in Endeavours on either side to obtain a predominant influence in Armenia. There ' See TaciL Ann. i. 11, adjin. ; i "As when she assisted Moher- Dio Cass. Iv. 33, &c. J dates against Gotarzes (mfra, p. 256). CH. XIII.] PHRAATES SEISTDS HIS SONS TO ROME. 211 alone during the century and a half tliat intervened between Antony and Trajan did the interests of Rome and Parthia come into collision, and in connection with this kingdom alone did any struggle between the two countries continue. Phraates, after yielding to iVugustus in the matter of the standards and prisoners, aj^pears for many years to have studiously cultivated his good graces. In the interval between b.c. 11 and b.c. 7,^ distrustful of his subjects, and fearful of their removing him in order to place one of his sons upon the Parthian throne, he resolved to send these possible rivals out of the country ; and on this occasion he paid Augustus the compliment of selectino; Rome for his children's residence.^ The youths were four in number, Yonones, Seraspadanes, Rhodaspes, and Phraates ; ^ two of them were married and had children; they resided at Rome during the remainder of their father's lifetime, and were treated as became their rank, being supported at the pul)lic chars^e and in a mag-nificent manner."* The Roman writers speak of these as ' hostages ' given by Phraates to the Roman Emperor ; ^ but this was certainly not ' This date is fixed by the men- I RHODASPES . PHRAATIS tion in Strabo (xvi. ], f- 2f^) of Titius as ttie governor of Syria at the time when the youths were sent to Rome. M. Titius ruled Syria as legate from B.C. 11 to B.C. 7. "" Strab. xvi. 1, § 28 ; Tao. Ann. ii. 1; Veil. Pat. ii. 94; Justin, xlii. 5, § 12. ' Strabo, 1. s. c. The names of ARSACIS . REGVM . REGIS . F PARTHVS * Strab. 1. s. c. To>v filv ovv ■n-aidui' oaoi -Epietatv kv'Pufirj Si]fj.ocia ^actli- /ccJ5 TTjueTiOvvTai, * Among the Latin writers, the idea commences with Yelleius, the flatterer of Tiberius (ii. 94, ad Jin.). From him it passes to Suetonius two of these youths appear in an ' ( Oc^ati. §21), Justin (1. s. c), Eutro inscription found at Rome and pub- j ])ius (vii. 5), Orosius ( vi. 21, fljjin.^. lishcd by Grutcr {Corp. I/iscr. p. i &c. We find it, however, even pre- cclxxviii. 2), part of which runs thus : j viously to Yelleius. in Strabo. The SERASPADANES . PHRAATIS good sense of Tacitus prevents him ARSACIS . REG VM . REGIS . F I from accepting the view. PARTHVS I 212 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XIU. the intention of the Parthian monarch ; nor could tl;ie idea well be entertained by the Romans at the time of their residence. These amicable relations between the two sovereis^ns would probably have continued undisturbed till the death of one or the other, had not a revolution occurred in Armenia, which tempted the Parthian king beyond his powers of resistance. On the death of Artaxias, (b.c. 20), Augustus, who was then in the Kast, had sent Tiberius into Armenia to arrange matters, and Tiberius had placed upon the throne a brother of iVrtaxias, named Tig^ranes.^ Tis^ranes died in b.c. 6, and the Armenians, without waiting to know the. will of the Koman Emperor, conferred the royal title on his sons, for whose succession he had before his death paved the way by associating them with him in the government.^ Enraged at this assumption of independence, Augustus sent an expedition into Armenia (b.c. 5), deposed the sons of Tigranes, and established on the throne a certain Artavasdes, whose birth and parentage are not known to us.^ But the Armenians were not now inclined to submit to foreign dictation ; they rose in revolt against Artavasdes (ab. e.g. 2), defeated his Koman supporters, and expelled him from the kingdom."* Another Tigranes was made king;^ and, as it was pretty certain that the Romans would interfere with this new display of the spirit of indej^endence, the Parthians were called in to resist the Roman oppressors. Armenia was, in fact, too weak to stand alone, and was obliged to lean upon one - Tac. Ann. ii. 3; Suet. Tlh. § 9; Dio Cass. liv. 9. By a strange mistake, Velleius calls the king whom Tiberius set up Artavasdes (a.u.c. 749) have the legend ARMKNIA RECEPTA. ' Dio Cass. Iv. 9. ^ This Tigranes is, I believe, mcn- fii. 94). I tinned only in a fragment of Dio (Iv. Tac. An?). 1. s. c. 11), the exact j)]ace of which is un- Ibid, Coins of the year b.c. 5 certain. en. XIII.] FRESH TROUBLES IX ARMENIA. 213 or other of the two great empires upon her borders. Her people liad no clear political foresight, and allowed themselves to veer and fluctuate between the two influ- ences accordins: as the feelino-s of the hour dictated. Rome had now angered them beyond their very limited po^vers of endurance, and they flew to Parthia for help, just as on other occasions we shall find them flying to Rome. Phraates could not bring himself to reject the Armenian overtures. Ever since the time of the second Mitliridates it had been a settled maxim of Parthian policy to make Armenia dependent ; and, even at the cost of a rupture ^vith Rome, it seemed to Phraates that he must respond to the appeal made to him. The rup- ture miirht not come. AuQ:ustus was now ao;ed, and might submit to the affront without resenting it. He had lately lost the services of his best genei'al, Tiberius, Avho, indignant at slights put upon him, had gone into retirement at Rhodes. He had no one that he could employ but his grandsons, youths who had not yet fleshed their maiden swords, Phraates probably hoped that Anfjustus would draw back before the terrors of a Pai'thian wai* under such circumstances, and would allow without remonstrance the passing of Armenia into the position of a subject-ally of Parthia. But, if these were his thoughts, he had miscalculated. Augustus, from the time that he heard of the Arm«niian troubles, and of the support given to them by Parthia, seems never to have wavered in his determination to vindicate the claims of Rome to paramount influence m Armenia, and to have only hesitated as to the person whose services he should employ in the business. He would have been glad to employ Tiberius ; but that morose prince had deserted him and, declining public life, had betaken himself to Rliodes, where he was 214 THE SIXTH MONAECHY. [cn. XIIL living ill a self-chosen retirement. Cains, tlie eldest of bis grandsons, was, in B.C. 2, only eighteen years of age ; and, thon2:li the thous^hts of Au2:nstus at once turned in this direction, the extreme youth of the prince caused him to hesitate somewhat ; and the consequence was that Cains did not start for the East till late in e.g. 1. Meanwhile a change had occurred in Parthia. Phraates, who had filled the throne for above thirty-five years, ceased to exist,^ and was succeeded l)y a young son, Phraataces, who reigned in conjunction with the queen- mother, Thermusa, or Musa.^ The circumstances which brought about this change were the following. Phraates IV. had married, late in life, an Italian slave-girl, sent him as a present by Au- gustus ; and she had borne him a son for whom she was naturally anxious to secure the succession. Accord- ing to some, it was under her influence that the monarch had sent his four elder boys to Rome, there to receive their education.^ At any rate, in the absence of these youths, Phraataces, the child of the slave-girl, became the chief support of Phraates in the administration of affairs, and obtained a position in Parthia which led him to regard himself as entitled to the throne so soon as it should become vacant. Doul)tful, liovVever, of his father''s goodwill, or fearful of the rival claims of his brothers, if he waited till the throne was vacated in * It lias been usual to regard Phraates IV. as having reigned till A.D. 4 (Ileercn, Manval, p. oOB, E.T. ; Plate in Smith's BUKjniphicid Dictiovary, vol. i. p. 357 ; Lindsay, lUatory and Cointtge, pp. 48, 49) ; or even till a.d. 15 (Clinton's FukH Romani, vol. ii. p. 246). But the dates on the coins of Phraataces prove that lie was king in h.c. 2, and there is no reason to think that he was associated by his father. The difficulty on the point has been in part owing to Dio's calling the son 'Phraates' (Iv. 11) as well as the father. '■* Joseph. [Ant. Jnd. xviii. 2, § 4) gives the name as Thermusa ; but it appears as 'Musa' (M0T2A) in- variably upon the coins. * Joseph. Ant Jud. 1. s. c. CH. XIII.] DEATH OF PHRAATES TV. HIS CHARACTER. 2l5 the natural course of events, Pliraataces resolved to anticipate the hand of time, and, in conjunction Avith bis mother, administered poison to the old monarch,* from the effects of which he died. A just Nemesis for once showed itself in that portion of human affairs which passes before our eyes. Phraates IV., the parri- cide and fratricide, was, after a reign of thirty -five years, himself assassinated (b.c. 2) by a wife whom he loved only too fondly and a son whom he esteemed, and trusted. Phraates cannot but be regarded as one of the ablest of the Parthian raonarchs. His conduct of the cam- paign against Antony — one of the best soldiers that Rome ever produced — was admirable, and showed him a master of guerilla warfare. His success in maintaining himself upon the throne for five and thirty years, in spite of rivals, and notwithstanding the character which he obtained for cruelty, implies, in such a state as Parthia, considerable powers of management. His dealings with Augustus indicate much suppleness and dexterity. If he did not in the course of his long reign advance the Parthian frontier, at any rate he was not obliged to re- tract it. Apparently, he ceded nothing to the Scyths as the price of their assistance. He maintained the Parthian supremacy over Northern Media. He lost no inch of territory to the Romans. It was undoubtedly a prudent stej:) on his part to soothe the irritated vanity of Rome by a surrender of useless trophies, and scarcely more useful prisoners ; and, we may dou))t if this con- cession was not as effective as the dread of the Parthian ' Pacorus, the eldest son of I the second son, is hkcly to have Orodes, was of age to receive a j been but a few years younger. He military command in b.c. 51, and would therefore be sixty-five or must therefore have been born as sixty-six in B.C. 2. early as b.c. 69 or 70. Phraates, , 216 THE SIXTH MOIS-AECHY. [CH. XIII. arms in producing that peace between the two countries wliicli continued unbroken for above ninety years from the campaign of Antony/ and without serious interrup- tion for yet another half century.^ If Phraates felt, as he might well feel after the campaigns of Pacorus, that on the whole Kome was a more powerful state than Parthia, and that consequently Parthia had nothing to gain but much to lose in the contest with her western neighbour, he did well to allow no sentiment of foolish prido to stand in the way of a concession that made a prolonged peace between the two countries possible. It is sometimes more honourable to yield to a demand than to meet it with defiance ; and the prince who removed a cause of war arising out of mere national vanity, while at the same time he maintained in all essential points the interests and dignity of his kingdom, deserved well of his subjects, and merits the approval of the historian, Asa man, Phraates has left behind him a bad name : he was cruel, selfish, and ungrateful, a fratricide, and a parricide ; but as a king he is worthy of respect, and, in certain points, of admiration. From the year of the campaign of Antony (b.c. 36) to the com- mencement of the war between Vologeses I. and Nero (a.d. 58) was a period of ninety-four years. ^ Till the attack of Trajan, a.d. 114, fifty-two years after the end of the war with Nero. CH. XIV.] ACCESSIOif OF PHKAATACES. 217 CHAPTER XIV. Short Reigns of Phraataces, Orodes 11, , and Vonones I. Accession of Artabanus III. His relations with Germanicus and Tiberius. His War with Pharasmanes of Ileria. His First Exjjulsion from his King- dom, and return to it. His Peace icith Rome. Internal Troubles of the Parthian Kingdom. Second Eximhion and return of Artabanus. His Death. • Mota Orieutis regua, provinciiEque Romanae, initio apud Parthos onto.' Tacit. Ann. ii. 1. The accession of Phraataces made no difference in tlie attitude of Parthia towards Armenia. The young prince was as anxious as bis father had been to maintain the Parthian chums to that country, and at first perhaps as inclined to believe that Augustus would not dispute them. Immediately uj3on his accession, he sent am- T)assadors to Pome announcing the fact, apologising for the circumstances under which it had taken place, and proposing a renewal of the peace which had subsisted between Augustus and his father.^ Apparently, he said nothing about Armenia, but preferred a demand for the surrender of his four brothers, whom no doubt he designed to destroy. The answer of Augustus was ' Dio Cass. Iv. 11. It has been i Phraates, with whom he had kept usual to regard this passage of Dio ' up diplomatic intercourse as un- (recovered from the Excerpt, de questioned King of Parthia for Legationihus) as belonging to the ! nearly thirty years. The miscon- reign of Phraates lY., and not of [ ception has arisen from the name. Phraataces ; but I have no doubt But it should be remembered that tliat it refers to the latter. The the form Phraataces is a mere di- phra-^e roOs a(h'/.<^ovi i-n-'i etpqvri arr- minntive of Phraates, and that it a(TC)v is by itself decisive. There I is found only in Josephus, whose were no brothers of Phraates at Parthian names are not always to Rome whom he coald demand, be depended upon. (See note 2 on Nei her could Augustus have called i p. 214.) m question the royal title of I 218 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XIV. severe in the extreme. Addressing Pbraataces by his bare name, without adding the title of king, he re- quired him to lay aside the royal appellation, which he had arrogantly and without any warrant assumed, and at the same time to withdraw his forces from Armenia.^ On the surrender of the Parthian princes he kept silence, ignoiiug a demand which he had no intention of according. It was clearly his design to set up one of the elder brothers as a lival claimant to Phraataces, or at any rate to alarm him with the notion that, unless he made concessions, this policy would be adopted. But Phraataces was not to be frightened by a mere message. He responded to Augustus after his own fashion, despatching to him a letter wherein he took to himself the favourite Parthian title of ' kins; of kings,' and addressed the Poman Emperor simply as 'Caesar.'^ The attitude of defiance would no doubt have been maintained, had Augustus confined himself to menaces ; when, however, it appeared that active mea- sures would be taken, when Augustus, in c.c. 1, sent his grandson, Caius, to the East, with ordei's to re-establish the Roman influence in Armenia even at the cost of a Parthian war, and that prince showed himself in Syria with all the magnificent surroundings of the Imperial dignity, the Parthian monarch became alarmed. He had an interview with Caius in tlie spring of a.d. 1, upon an island in the Eu])hrates;^ where the terms of an arrangement between the two Empires were dis- ' Dio Cass. iv. 11. T6 re bvoua ro I view is placed by some in a.d. 2 Paai'AiKov KaTa9f:oOai,, K(ii TijQ 'Apfievia'; | (Clinton, Jf. II. vol. iii. p. 2G2 ; ano/JT/'/vai Tzponira^f. I Merivnle, Roman Empire, vol. iv. "^ Ibid. 'O Udf/JoS ovx orrov ov ; pp. 285, 28()) ; but it seems un- KnTEnTTj^Ev, (lA.'Xa koI nvrt-y/xitpEV ol rd j likely thnt C ius would have da- re d'A'/in v-!rEp(ppovuS, Kai avTov fih> i3nat.\\a,yct\ so long the inain purpose of Xeu [iaai'Atuv tKelvuv (5t Kft/CT«p« ^oj^of ! his Kastern e.xpcdilion. In the bvoiidnai. I Tauchnitz edition of Velleiu,s, the ' Veil. Pat. ii. 101. This inter- date a.d. 1 is given for it. en. Xn^] PEACE -AIADE WITH KOME, A.D. 1. 219 cussed and settled. The armies of tlie two cbiefs were drawn up on the opposite l)anks of the river, facing one anotlier ; and the chiefs themselves, accompanied by an equal number of attendants, proceeded to de- liberate in the sight of both hosts. Satisfactory pledges having been given by the Parthian monarch, the prince and king in turn entertained each other on the bordei's of their respective dominions;^ and Caius returned into Syria, having obtained an engagement from the Parthians to abstain from any further inter- ference with Armenian affairs.^ The engagement ap- pears to have l>een honourably kept ; for when, shortly afterwards, f]-esh complications occurred, and Caius in endeavouring to settle them received his death-wound before the walls of an Armenian town,^ we do not hear of Parthia as in any way involved in the un- fortunate occurrence. The Romans and their partisans in the country were left to settle the Armenian succes- sion as they pleased ; and Parthia kej^t herself wholly aloof from the matters transacted upon her l:)orders. One cause — perhaps the main cause — of this ab- stinence, and of the engagement to abstain entered into by Phraataces, was doubtless the unsettled state of things in Parthia itself.'^ The circumstances under ' Yelk'ius, who gives these de- tails, was himself present at the meeting, and evidently regards it as an event of first-rate importance. 'Quod spectaculiim,' he says. ' stantis ex divcrso, hinc Romani, illinc Parthorum exercitus, cum duo inter se eminentissima imperi- orum et hominum coirent capita. perqiutm cUirum et memoraliUe, sub initia stipendiorum meorum, tri- buno milituni mihi viscre coiuigit.' That Phra:'.taccs, and not Phraates thus : ' Cum rege Parthorum, eminentissiaw juven^, in insula quam amnis Euphrates ambiebat, jcquato utriu^que partis numero, coiit.' Recent editors have altered ' eminenlissimo juvene' into ' emi- nentissimus jiivenis.' - Dio Cass. Iv. 11. 'O 6l dfj 'I'pndrj^i KnTri7J.(iyrj kiu rij Tiji 'Ap/xe- I'ini a-oartjvai. ^ Yell. Pat. ii. 102 ; Suet. Octav. § Go ; Tacit. Ann. i. 3 ; Zonaras, p. 589, D. was the Parthian monarch ))re>ent * Dio (1. s. c.') notes this, assign- appears ftom the .MS. reading of ' ing two reasons for the withdrawal the preceding sentence, which runs , of the Parthian claims to Armenia, 220 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XIV. which that prince had made himself king, though not unparalleled in the Parthian annals, were such as nattirally tended towards civil strife, and as were apt to produce in Parthia internal difficulties, if not disorders or commotions. Phraataces soon found that he would have a hard task to establish his rule. The nobles objected to him, not only for the murder of his father, but his descent from an Italian concubine, and the incestuous commerce wdiicli he was supposed to main- tain with her.^ They had perhaps grounds for this last charge. At any rate Phraataces provoked suspicion by the singular favours and honours which he granted to a w^oman whose origin was mean and extraction foreign. Not content with private marks of esteem and love, he departed from the practice of all former Parthian sovereigns ^ in placing her effigy upon his coins ; and he accompanied this act with fulsome and absurd titles. Musa w^as styled, not merely 'Queen,' but 'Heavenly Goddess,'^ as if /;he realities of slave origin and con- cubinage could be covered b}^ the fiction of an the presence of dvu'^ 'n Syria, and the Parthian kinQ;'s expectation of disturbances among his subjects {ru o'lKEia TafjarTO/isra fxiaei, avruv vnero- naae). ' Joseph. Ant. Jud. xviii. 2, § 4. ' It "s perhaps doubtful whether Phraatss IV. had not done the same iur'ne; his later years, as, Mion>^«t (Medailles, supplrment. torn iw pp. 441-443) and Mr. liindsay {Hintory and Cowacje, p. 149) imag;ine. On the whole, however, I incline to the belief that the Musa coins belong wholly to Phraataces. ^ The coins of Phraataces have on the one side his head, which is being crowned by two Victories ; on the other the head of Musa, witii the legend MOTSHS BASI- AI22H2 0EA2 OYPANlAi;. COIN OF I'llRAATACES AND MOUSA. CII. XIV.] DEATH OF PHUAATACE3. 221 apotheosis. It is not surprising that the proud Parthian nobles were offended by these proceedings, and deter- mined to rid themselves of a monarch whom they at once hated and despised. Within a few years of his obtainino- the throne an insurrection broke oat against his authority ; and after a V^rief struggle he was de- prived of liis crown and put to death. ^ The nobles then elected an Arsacid, named Orodes, whose resi- dence at the time and i-elationship to the former monarchs are uncertain. It seems probable^ that, like most princes of the blood royal, he had taken refuge in a foreign country from the suspicions and dangers that beset all possible pretenders to the royal dignity in Parthia, and was living in retirement, unexpectant of any such offer, when a deputation of Parthian nobles arrived and brou2:lit him the intellio^ence of his election. It might have been expected that, obtain- ing the crown under these circumstances, he would have ruled well ; but, according to Josephus (who is here, unfortunately, our sole authority), he very soon displayed so much violence and cruelty of disposition, that his rule was felt to be intolerable; and the Par- thians, again breaking into insurrection, rid themselves of him, killing him either at a banquet or on a hunting excursion.^ This done, they sent to Rome, and re- quested Augustus to allow Vonones, the eldest son of Phraates IV., to retui'u to Parthia in order that he might receive his fathers kingdom.'* The Emperor They bear the three dates IT, AIT, | ^ Joseph. 1. s. c. The .violent and EIT, or b.c. 2, b.c. I, and a.d. I deaths of at least two kings between 4. (See for the last-mentioned | Phraates IV. and Artabanus III. are dates, Numisrnntic Chronicle, New { attested by Tacitns(,-1»/^ ii. 2), who Series, No. xliii. p. 218.) says: 'Post flnem Phraatis et sc- ' Joseph. Ant. Jii/l. xviii. 2, § 4. quentium regum ob internas cmles,^ ^ This seems to follow from the &c. ex])ression used by Josephus, ol ^ Tacit. ■Ann. 1. s. c. ; Joseph. yEi'vaioraroi- Hz/iCwv . . . 'Opudrjv eku- 1- S. 0. ; Suet. Tib.'^ IG, /■ovv ■^ p E a id £ V c a V T £ i. I 222 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XIV. complied readily enough, since he regarded his own dignity as advanced by the transaction ; and tlie Par- tliians at first welcomed the object of their choice with rejoicings. But after a little time their sentiments altered. The young j^riuce, bred up in Rome, and accustomed to the refinements of Western civilisation, neglected the occupations which seemed to his subjects alone worthy of a monarch's regard, absented himself from the hunting-field, took small pleasure in riding, when he passed through the sti'eets indulged in the foreign luxury of a litter, shrank with disgust from the rude and coarse feastings which formed a portion of the national manners. He had, moreover, brought with him from the place of his exile a number of Greek companions, whom the Parthians despised and ridiculed ; and the favours bestowed on these foi-eign interlopers were seen with jealousy and I'age. It was in vain that he endeavoured to conciliate his offended subjects by the openness of his manners and the facility with which he allowed access to his person. In their prejudiced eyes virtues and graces unknown to the nation hitherto were not merits but defects,^ and rather increased than diminished their aversion. Having con- ceived a dislike for the monarch personally, they began to look back with dissatisfaction on their own act in sending for liini. ' Parthia,' they said, ' had indeed de- generated from her former self to have requested a king to be sent her ^vho belonged to another world and had had a hostile civilisation ingrained into him. All the glory gained by destroyingCrassusand rej)ulsing Antony was utterly lost and gone, if the country was to be ruled l)y Cljesar's bond-slave, and the throne of the Arsacidii! to be treated like a Roman province. It ' ' Ignotuj Parthis virtntcs nova vitia.' (Tacit. 1. s. c.) CH. XIV. J SHORT RElGJf OF YONONES. 223 would have been bad enough to liave liad a prince imposed on them by the will of a superior, if they had been conquered ; it was worse, in all respects worse, to suffer such an insult, when they had not even had war made on them.' Under the influence of such feelings as these, the Pai-thians, after tolerating Vonones for a few years^ rose against him (aVj. a.d. 16), and summoned Artabanus, an Arsacid who had gi'own to manhood among the Dahte of the Caspian region, l)ut was at this time king of Media Atropatene, to rule over them,^ It was seldom that a crown was declined in the ancient world ; and Artabanus, on receiving the over- ture, at once expressed his willingness to accept the proffered dignity. He invaded Parthia at the head of an army consisting of his own subjects, and engaged Vonones, to whom in his difficulties the bulk of the Parthian people had rallied. The engagement resulted in the defeat of the Median monarch,"^ who returned to his own country, and, having collected a larger army, made a second invasion. This time he was successful. Vonones fled on horseback to Seleucia with a small body of followers ; while his defeated army, following in his track, was pressed upon by the victorious Mede, and suffered great losses. Artabanus ' Tacit. Ann. ii. 3. ' A pud Dahas ' striking coins which bore upon the adultus.' Joseph. Ant. Jud. 1. s. c. one side his head, with the legend 'ApTuSavov MrideiaS [3aai?.evovTa, yivo; BA2IAEY2 ONflXHS ; and on the '\paaKL6C)v. other a Victory, with the legend * Vonones commemorated his BA2IAEY2 ONONHS NEIKH2AS victory in the Roman fashion by APTABANON. COIN OF VONONES I. 224 THE SIXTH MOIS^AKCHY. [CH. XIV. having eutered Ctesiplion in triumph, was immediately proclaimed king/ Vonones, escaping from Seleucia, took I'efuge among the Armenians ; and, as it happened that Just at this time the Armenian throne was vacant, not only was an asylum granted him, but lie was made king of the country.^ It was impossible that Ai'tabanus should tamely submit to an arrangement which would have placed his deadly enemy in a position to cause him constant annoyance. He, there- fore, at once remonstrated, both in Armenia and at Rome. As Rome now claimed the investiture of the Armenian monarchs, he sent an embassy to Til^erius, and threatened war if Vonones were acknowledged ; while at the same time he applied to Armenia and required the surrender of the refugee. An important section of the Armenian nation was inclined to grant his demand f Tiberius, who would willingly have supported Vonones, drew back before the Parthian threats j"** Vonones found himself in imminent danger, and, under the circumstances, determined on quitting Ai'menia and })etaking himself to the protection of the Roman governor of Syria. This was Creticus Silanus, who received him gladly, gave him a guard, and allowed him the state and title of king.'^ Meanwhile Ai'ta])anus laid claim to Armenia, and suggested as a candidate for the throne one of his own sons, Orodes.^ ' Joscpli. 1. s. c. "^ Tacit. Ann. ii. 4. * 01 TTEpl NiclxiTTju (hi>aro1 tuv 'Ap/ze- vluv ' A/jTuiSafif) TTiiuaTiOevTai. (.Joseph. 1. s. c.) * Josephus expresses this broiidly. 'O TifiypioS avTO) UTrelire, 7r/;'i5 . . . Tov Tldj/joi> r a 5 nir e i2,dc . Tacitus ad fin. It is supposed by some that Josephus in this passage refers to the cstablislitiient of Arsaces, an- other son of Artabanus, on the throne of Armenia, nearly twenty years afterwards. But the close connection of the clause with one in wbich he speaks of Vonones as impiles it when he says : 'Si nostra f^uarded in Syria, limits the date to vi defenderctur, bellum adveisus a.d. 10-18. That Artabanus had T*arlhos sumcndinn erat.' , a son, Oro les, distinct from Arsaces, '" Tacit. Ann. ii. 4, (id fin. king of .Armenia, appe.ivs from Tacit. " Joseph. Ant. Jud. xviii. 2, §4, > Ann. vi. 33. CII. XIV.] REIGN OF ARTABANUS III. 225 Uucler these circumstances, the Roman Emperor, Tiberius, who had recently succeeded Augustus, re- solved to dispatch to the East a personage of import- ance, who should command the respect and attention of the Oriental powers by his dignity, and impose u^^on them by the pomp and splendour with which he was suri'ounded. He selected for this office Germanicus, his nephew, the eldest son of his deceased brother, Drusus, a prince' of much promise, amiable in his dis- position, courteous and affable in his manners, a good soldier, and a man generally popular. The more to strike the minds of the Orientals, he gave Germanicus no usual title or province, but invested him with an extraordinary command over all the Roman dominions to the east of the Hellespont,^ thus rendering him a sort of monarch of Roman Asia. Full powers were granted him for making peace or war, for levying troops, annexing provinces, appointing subject kings, and performing other sovereign acts, without referring back to Rome for instructions. A train of unusual magnificence accompanied him to his charge, calculated to impress the Orientals with the conviction that this was no common negotiator. Germanicus arrived in Asia early in a.d. 18, and applied himself at once to his task. Entering Armenia at the head of his troops, he proceeded to the capital, Artaxata,^ and having as- certained the wishes of the Armenians themselves, determined on his course of conduct. To have insisted on the restoration of Vonones would have been grievously to offend the Armenians who had expelled him, and at the same time to provoke the Parthians, who could not have tolerated a pretender ' ' Porii)iss;c Oermanico provin- 1 ^nn. ii. 43. ^ Ibid. ii. 56. ciae, quae nnri dividuntur.' Tac. 226 THE SIXTH MOIS^AKCHY. [CH. XIV. in a position of power upon their borders; to have allowed the pretensions of the Parthian monarch, and accepted the candidature of his son, Orodes, would have lowered Kome in the opinion of all the surround- ing nations, and been equivalent to an abdication of all influence in the aifairs of AVestern Asia. Germanicus avoided either extreme, and found happily a middle course. It happened that there was a foreign prince settled in Armenia, who having grown up there had assimilated himself in all respects to the Armenian ideas and habits, and had thereby won golden opinions from both the nobles and the people. This was Zeno, the son of Polemo, once king of the curtailed Poiitus, and afterwards of the Lesser Armenia,^ an outlying Roman dependency. The Armenians themselves sug- gested that Zeno should be their monarch ; and Ger- manicus saw a way out of his difficulties in the suggestion. At the seat of government, Artaxata, in the presence of a vast multitude of tlie people, with the consent and approval of the principal nobles, he placed with his own hand the diadem on the brow of the favoured prince, and saluted him as king under the new name of ^Artaxias.'^ He then returned into Syria, where he was shortly afterwards visited by am- bassadors from the Parthian monarch.^ Artabanus reminded him of the peace concluded between Rome See above, p. 205, note *. "^ Tacitus says (I. s. c.) that the name was taken from that of the city Artaxata, which is absurd ; for Artaxata is Arfaxla-sata^ ' Ar- taxias's city ' (compare Sainosata, and see Strab. xi. 14, § 6), and itself took its name from the first Artaxias. Dean Merivale observes that the word ' sif^nified greatness or sovereignty' (vol. v. p. 192); which is true, but not of much im- portance, since the derivation would scarcely occur to either Zeno or his subjects. What was needed was that the new king should exchange his Greek name for a native one. lie chose Artaxias as that of t«-o previous nionarchs who had dis- tinguished themselves. = Tacit. Ann. ii. 58. cii. :xiv.] AKTABA^^us a:n^d ger^ianicus. 227 and Partliia in tlie reign of Augustus, and assumed that the circumstances of his own appointment to the throne had in no way interfered with it. He would be frlad, he said, to renew with Germanicus the inter- change of friendly assurances which had passed be- tween his predecessor, Phraataces, and Caius ; and to accommodate tlie Roman general, he would willingly come to meet him as far as the Euphrates ; meanwhile, until the meeting could take place, he must request that Vonones should be removed to a greater distance from the Parthian frontier, and that he should not be allowed to continue the correspondence in which he was engaged with many of the Parthian nobles for the purpose of raising fresh troubles. Germanicus re2:)lied politely, but indefinitely, to the proposal of an interview, which he may have thought unnecessary, and open to misconstruction. To the request for the removal of Vonones he consented.^ Vonones was transferred from Syria to the neighbouring province of Cilicia ; and the city of Pompeiopolis, built by the great Pompey on the .site of the ancient Soli, was assigned to him as his residence. With this arrangement the Parthian monarch appears to have been contented. Vonones on the other hand was so dissatisfied with the change that in the course of the next year (a.d. 19) he endeavoured to make his escape ; his flight was, however, discovered, and pursuit l)eing made, he was overtaken and slain on the banks of the Pyramus.~ Thus perished ingloriously one of the least blameable and most unfortunate of the Parthian princes. * Germanicus was believcl to i)e ' it may be doubted whether he actuated on this occasion in part by allowed motives of this kind to his hostility to the governor of influence him. Syria, Piso, and his wife, Plancina, i ^ Tacit. Ann. ii. G8. whom Vonones had courted. But 1 228 THE SIXTH MONARCHY. [CH. XIV. After the death of Germaniciis, in a.d. 19, the details of the Parthian history are for some years un- known to ns. It appears that during this interval Artabanus was engaged in wars with several of the nations upon his borders,^ and met with so much success that he came after a while to desire, rather than fear, a rupture berius was now an old man,^ and that he was dis- inclined to engage in distant wars ; he was a^vare that Germanicus was dead ; and he was probably not much afraid of L. Vitellius, the governor of Syria, who had been recently deputed by Tiberius to administer that province.^ Accordingly in a.d. 34, the Armenian thi'one being once more vacant by the death of Ar- taxias (Zeno), he suddenly seized the country, and appointed his eldest son, whom Dio and Tacitus call simply Arsaces,* to be king. At the same time he sent ambassadors to require the restoration of the treasure which Vonones had carried off from Parthia and had left behind him in Syria or Cilicia. To this plain and definite demand were added certain vague threats, or boasts, to the effect that he was the rightful master of all the territory that had belonged of old to Macedonia or Persia, and that it was his intention to resume possession of the provinces, whereto, as the representa- ' Tacit. A7in. vi. ,31. " Tiberius was seventy-five in A.D. 84. ' Vitellius, who was made consul and compare Burton, Jlist of First Three Centtiries, vol. i. p. 125.) ■* It is almost certain tliat this prince must have had some real at the bcjjinnin}]^ of A.n. ;?4, appears i personal name besides the family (like Germanicus) to have at once title of Arsaces. (See Strab. xv. 1, set out for his province. (Seel §36.) Joseph. Ant. Ji(