REESE LIBRARY 
 
 OF THK 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, 
 
 Deceived 
 Accession No. 91553 . Class No. 
 
CONRAD WEISER 
 
 From a sketch found in York, I\i., by H. Diffenderfer, member of 
 the Pennsylvania German Society 
 
 
CONRAD WEISER 
 
 AND THE 
 
 INDIAN POLICY 
 
 OF 
 
 COLONIAL PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 BY 
 
 JOSEPH S. WALTON 
 
 MEMBER PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 GEORGE W. JACOBS & CO., 
 No. 103-105 SOUTH FIFTEENTH STREET. 
 
Copyright, 1900, by 
 GEORGE W. JACOBS & Co 
 
TO 
 
 DR. NATHAN C. SCHAEFFER, 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction in Pennsylvania. 
 
 91553 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 DURING colonial times the French greatly excelled 
 the English in their ability to secure the friendship and 
 the trade of the Indians. 
 
 The eagerness which characterized the men of New 
 France, as they explored the water-courses searching for 
 new scenes and new lands, was in marked contrast with 
 the conservative English who clustered near the coast and 
 despised Indian affiliations. 
 
 The French quickly absorbed the Indians customs 
 and language, and reveled in their metaphorical phrases. 
 
 The typical Englishman despised these things, and 
 consequently his intercourse with the Indians w r as unfor 
 tunate and disastrous. The French captured the friend 
 ship and the trade of the natives. 
 
 The Germans and Dutch on the contrary were sig 
 nally successful in Indian trade, not merely because they 
 were honest, but largely because they grasped with skill 
 the spirit of the Indian language. In this respect none 
 excelled Conrad Weiser, the champion of the English 
 among the Indians. He enlarged the trade facilities of 
 Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland, while he jealously 
 guarded the encroachments of the French. 
 
 Weiser s skill in guiding and controlling the Indian 
 policy of Colonial Pennsylvania, and the South, postponed 
 the threatened rupture with the Six Nations, until the 
 English Colonies were prepared to cope with their French 
 enemies. 
 
 A history of this man was suggested to the author by 
 
Dr. Nathan C. Schaeffer, Superintendent of Public In 
 struction in Pennsylvania. As the work grew the late Dr. 
 Frederick Stone, Librarian of the Pennsylvania Historical 
 Society, recommended that it assume its present size and 
 purpose. 
 
 The manuscript correspondence of Conrad Weiser, 
 and Richard Peters, has been especially helpful in the pre 
 paration of the work. 
 
 The author is under obligation to Dr. M. G. Brum 
 baugh, Prof. W. W. Deatrick, E. \V. Zeigler, and a num 
 ber of Weiser s descendants for material and aid so cheer 
 fully furnished. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 /INDIAN AFFAIRS IN THE MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN COLONIES, 
 1721-1730 9 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 ^ THE TREATY OF 1736 . , 25 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ^X THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY 33 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ^ RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPHRATA 44 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE ALIENATION OF THE DELA WARES 56 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 THE VIRGINIA TROUBLES OF 1743 76 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE LANCASTER TREATY 93 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY 122 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST 152 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE OHIO MISSION 180 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF 198 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS 216 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 THE FRENCH IN THE O?no VALLEY 228 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE ? 251 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 THE OHIO INDIANS Go OVER TO THE FRENCH 274 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 WEISER AND THE PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE 302 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 RECONCILIATION , 327 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 PEACE 360 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 CONCLUSION 382 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 CONRAD WEISER Frontispiece 
 
 SIR WILLIAM KEITH IO 
 
 CONRAD WEISER S WIFE T 5 
 
 STENTON 26 
 
 THE CLOISTERS AT EPHRATA 45 
 
 BETHANIA, BROTHERS HOUSE, EPHRATA 5 
 
 COUNT ZINZENDORF 54 
 
 SHIKELLIMY I0 
 
 COLONEL GEORGE CROGHAN T 55 
 
 GOVERNOR JAMES HAMILTON 205 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON 2 73 
 
 WASHINGTON, AND THE INDIANS 2 9* 
 
 AUTOGRAPH AND LETTER OF CONRAD WEISER 36 
 
 JOHN HARRIS FERRY [HARRISBURG, PA.] 313 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF BETHLEHEM 320 
 
 TEEDYUSCUNG 33 2 
 
 CHARLES THOMSON 354 
 
 CONRAD WEISER s HOUSE NEAR WOMELSDORF 364 
 
 WEISER S MONEY Box AND LOCK 381 
 
 WEISER s BURIAL PLACE . . 386 
 
CONRAD WEISER 
 
 AND 
 
 THE INDIAN POLICY OF COLONIAL 
 PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INDIAN AFFAIRS IN THE MIDDLE AND SOUTHERN COLO 
 NIES; 1720-1731. 
 
 Status of Indian Affairs in the Middle and Southern Colonies 
 previous to the public Appearance of Conrad Weiser 
 The Tulpehocken Settlement Their Land Titles Their Land 
 finally purchased from the Indians Iroquois revise their estimate 
 of Land Values The Tuscarora war Shall Carolina aid the 
 Catawba Indians? Peace desired between the Northern and South 
 ern Indian Confederacies Virginia s Trouble with the Iroquois 
 Indians Conrad Weiser His Education He comes to Pennsyl 
 vania Shikellimy sent by the Onandago Council to supervise 
 Indian affairs in Pennsylvania The Liquor Traffic with the In 
 dians Assembly and Governor differ upon the course to pursue 
 Shikellimy sent to Onandago James Logan s Explanation 
 Shikellimy returns and brings Conrad Weiser The Iroquois Con 
 ference of 1732 Fruitless efforts to induce the Shawanese to 
 return Thomas Penn gives the Indians advice. 
 
 CONRAD WEISER came into service of the 
 Province of Pennsylvania about 1738. At that 
 time a radical change in the management of Indian affairs 
 was taking place. The Delaware tribes were losing their 
 former prestige, and the powerful confederacy of the Six 
 Nations were claiming more and more attention from the 
 Pennsylvania authorities. While the Province was under 
 
IO CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the personal control of William Penn, unusual care had 
 been taken to placate the Delaware Indians. A broad belt 
 of purchased land had been kept between the frontier set 
 tlers and the Indians eastern claims. Perm s, heirs, on the 
 other hand, were indifferent in this matter, and as a 
 result, misunderstandings arose, not only between the 
 Indians and the settlers, but between the Proprietors and 
 the Governors. 
 
 The sufferings of the German Palatinates in the 
 Schoharie Valley were related to Governor Keith at 
 Albany. His interest and sympathy were at once aroused. 
 He offered them a home in Pennsylvania, where their 
 titles could be clear, and their land free from Indian 
 claims. 
 
 A number of these Germans led by Conrad Weiser s 
 father cut a road from the Schoharie Valley through the 
 forests into the head waters of the Susquehanna. Down 
 this rock-strewn river these hardy pioneers floated their 
 precious freight until they reached the mouth of the 
 Swatara Creek. They ascended this stream, crossing the 
 divide between the Susquehanna and the Schuylkill, and 
 entered the fertile valley of the Tulpehocken. Their 
 cabins were scarcely built, and their little patches of corn 
 ground planted until the Indians informed them that this 
 land had never been purchased by the Government. Im 
 mediately petitions were sent to the Governor from these 
 long-suffering and oppressed Germans praying that their 
 lands might be relieved from any Indian claims. They 
 insisted that Governor Keith had given them this promise 
 before they left the Schoharie. Long delegations of Del 
 aware Indians came down to Philadelphia demanding an 
 explanation. Surely, they said, brother Onas would never 
 have permitted such things to happen. Allummappees, 
 
SIR WILLIAM KEITH, GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 - 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. II 
 
 their chief, said he could not believe that William Perm s 
 people would do this, and he did not believe it until he 
 went there and viewed the Tulpehocken lands with his 
 own eyes. James Logan, the land agent, explained that 
 these settlements were made without his knowledge, that 
 Governor Keith had acted entirely on his own authority, 
 and contrary to the well known desire of the former pro 
 prietary William Penn. Governor Gordon was now in 
 office, Keith having in various ways deferred a consid 
 eration of these things during his administration. The 
 new Governor suggested that the lands in dispute might 
 have been included in one of the former purchases. The 
 Indians immediately informed Gordon that no lands had 
 ever been sold northwest of the Blue Ridge, then known 
 as the Lehigh Hills. In the face of this evidence the 
 claims of the Delaware Indians in the Tulpehocken re 
 mained unsatisfied for nine years after the first German 
 settlement. The purchase was finally made in 1732.* 
 It included all the land drained by the Schuylkill River 
 lying between the Blue Mountains and the Blue Ridge. 
 This reluctant recognition of Indian rights, together with 
 the well known Walking Purchase in Bucks County in 
 1737 combined to alienate the Delaware Indians from 
 the Pennsylvania government. 
 
 The exodus of the Schoharie Germans to the Tulpe 
 hocken Valley seems to have first opened the eyes of the 
 Six Nation Indians to the value of land in Pennsylvania. 
 After that time, they denied the right of the Delaware 
 Indians to sell any territory, and pressed their own claims 
 with diplomatic skill. The Iroquois were quick to learn 
 that the French and English were rival powers, and 
 claimants for the same colonial possessions. These In- 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. 1., pp. 344-7- 
 
12 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 dians realized that by a skillful use of confederated 
 strength it was possible to hold the balance of power. In 
 1711 the Tuscarora nation, then located south of the Ohio 
 River, and west of the Allegheny Mountains, entered 
 into a conspiracy with several neighboring tribes to fall 
 upon the Carolina settlers. The white men immediately 
 availed themselves of the ancient feud between the North 
 ern and Southern Indians, and formed an alliance with 
 the Catawba and other Muskokee Indians. After some 
 severe fighting, fifty Carolinians and 1000 Indians drove 
 the Tuscaroras out of their hunting grounds. The 
 broken remnant of this once famous nation retired to 
 Pennsylvania and New York, becoming a part of the 
 great Iroquois Confederacy. Thus in 1713 the Five 
 Nations became the Six Nations. From that hour the 
 Iroquois hatred of the Catawba Indians became 
 relentless. 
 
 Scarcely a season passed but several roving bands 
 of painted warriors followed the mountain valleys toward 
 the South, where they might satiate their revenge with 
 Southern scalps. The Catawba Indians demanded pro 
 tection from the men of Carolina. It was a well known 
 fact that if the white men, while aiding the Catawbas 
 should injure any of the Six Nation Indians, it would 
 precipitate an Iroquois war, in which event it was feared 
 that the Six Nations would form an alliance with the 
 French, and jeopardize the very existence of the Ameri 
 can colonies. The English crown, before whom the Six 
 Nations had already been represented by able deputies, 
 counseled peace at all hazards. The colonies of New 
 York and Pennsylvania were decidedly opposed to war 
 with the Iroquois. It, accordingly, became the purpose 
 of Carolina to effect a peace between the Northern and 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 13 
 
 the Southern Indians. For over thirty years this subject 
 was pending. In these negotiations Carolina appealed to 
 Virginia, and Virginia in turn to Pennsylvania and 
 New York. There was one man who, during these diffi 
 culties, retained the confidence of both the Iroquois and 
 the Southern Indians, and that man was Conrad Weiser. 
 Although a lasting peace was never made between the 
 Indian confederacies, Conrad Weiser so managed the Six 
 Nations as to reduce hostilities to a minimum. He not 
 only guided the Indian policy of Pennsylvania, but also 
 of Virginia and Carolina. In this affair the influence of 
 Colonel Johnson in New York stopped with the Mo 
 hawks, but Conrad Weiser operated upon all the remain 
 ing nations of the confederacy, and for twenty-five years 
 held the Iroquois aloof from the French with one hand, 
 while with the other he prevented Virginia and Carolina 
 from bringing on a \var with this powerful confederation. 
 And all these years were needed to enable the English to 
 win the victory which swept French dominion from 
 North America in 1763. 
 
 When the Virginia settlements began to encroach 
 upon Iroquois war trails to the South, these bands of 
 Northern warriors annoyed the settlers by picking up a 
 living as they passed. The Virginians would not submit 
 to this and passed their famous ranger law,* which pro 
 vided for a body of rangers or lieutenants, who were 
 authorized to arrest all armed bands of roving Indians 
 and take them before the nearest magistrate for further 
 examination, and until said Indians could give a satisfac 
 tory account of themselves they were to be lodged in the 
 county jail. This law further provided that if any In 
 dians resisted or ran away, it would be entirely legal for 
 
 *Virginia State Papers, vol. I., p. 153. 
 
14 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the officers to kill them. The effects of such legislation, 
 as executed by the frontier magistrate plunged Virginia 
 into endless trouble with the Iroquois, and, had it not 
 been for Conrad Weiser, the results might have been 
 serious. Pennsylvania on the other hand, followed a dif 
 ferent course. When the settlers lost any of their stock 
 through the thieving propensities of some of the Indians, 
 the matter was laid before the nearest magistrate, and 
 certification of the amount of damage was sent to the 
 Governor, who paid the bill out of moneys appropriated 
 for Indian affairs; and at the next council these things 
 were all charged to the Indians and deducted from the 
 amount of their presents, or the purchase money for land. 
 As a result the Iroquois warriors were extremely careful 
 of their behavior while passing through Pennsylvania, 
 but when they reached Virginia, took every opportunity 
 to annoy the settlers. Such was the condition of Indian 
 affairs when Conrad Weiser came into public life in 1731. 
 This sturdy, honest, strong-willed man of frontier 
 diplomacy was born at Afsteadt, in Herrenberg, near 
 Wurtemberg, Germany, in 1696. When thirteen years 
 old he came with his father to America, and assisted his 
 people for three years in a vain effort to make tar, and 
 raise hemp on the Livingston Manor in New York. Then 
 these long-suffering people revolted and looked around 
 for other lands. The Weisers spent the winter of 1713- 
 14 with a chief of the Iroquois Indians at Schenectady. 
 Here, doubtless, young Weiser secured his first lessons 
 in the Maqua tongue. He followed his father in the 
 spring to Schoharie, and suffered want and privation to 
 the verge of starvation among his people for a year. "Our 
 hunger," he writes, "was hardly endurable, many of our 
 feasts were wild potatoes and ground beans, which grew 
 
CONRAD WEISER S WIFE 
 
 From a sketch found in York, Fa., by H. Diffenderfer, member of 
 the Pennsylvania German Society 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 15 
 
 in abundance. We cut mallows and picked juniper ber- 
 
 r i es If we were in need of meal we were obliged 
 
 to travel from thirty-five to forty miles and beg it on 
 
 trust." 
 
 When Conrad was seventeen years old he went to live 
 with Quagnant, a prominent Indian chief. "I went," 
 says Weiser, "on my father s reque-c. I endured a great 
 deal of cold in my situation, and by spring my hunger 
 surpassed the cold by much." After eight months Conrad 
 returned to his father s house. Here he did good service 
 as interpreter between "the high mettled Dutch and the 
 
 tawny nation There was plenty of business and no 
 
 pay." Doubtless Conrad was a stubborn boy ; at any rate, 
 the father s discipline was not lax. "I had frequently 
 , . . . determined to desert from my father," he says, 
 "but the bit of the bridle had been laid so tight in my 
 mouth, that I gave up this resolution. I was tied with a 
 cord to prevent me from running away. I was severely 
 chastised by my father, and finally took another resolu 
 tion." Conrad left his father s home and lived the greater 
 part of the time, during a period of fifteen years, among 
 the Indians. In this manner he became familiar with the 
 Indians habits, customs and language. Such was his 
 education, and, like Lincoln s, it was a daily contact with 
 men and things. In 1720, while his father was absent in 
 Europe, "I married my Anna Eve," says Weiser, "and 
 was given in marriage by Rev. John L. Haeger, Re 
 formed clergyman, on 22d of November, in my father s 
 home, in Schoharie." 
 
 Nine years later Conrad followed his father s people 
 to Pennsylvania and settled in the Tulpehocken Valley, 
 and in 1731 his public life commenced. 
 
 Previous to this time nearly all the negotiations be- 
 
l6 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 tween Pennsylvania and the Six Nations were held at 
 Albany, and as a natural consequence were under the 
 direct influence of the Mohawk nation. The Schoharie 
 exodus and the Tulpehocken land purchase opened the 
 eyes of the Iroquois to the value of their Pennsylvania 
 land claims. Here was a country, they thought, well 
 worthy of closer attention. And since the Mohawks had 
 never aided in the Indian conquests on Pennsylvania soil, 
 why should they have any part in the income from land 
 sales there? And as a matter of fact they never did 
 receive any portion of this money, until a division arose 
 among the Iroquois, and the Mohawks sold to the Sus- 
 quehanna Land Company of Connecticut, the Wyoming 
 region. For these reasons, doubtless, the great Onon- 
 dago Council sent Shikellimy, an Oneida chief, to the 
 forks of the Susquehanna, in 1728, to guard the interests 
 of the Six Nations in Pennsylvania. He had general 
 oversight over the Shawanese and Delaware Indians. 
 These tribes were soon given to understand that in their 
 future dealings with the proprietary government it would 
 be necessary to consult him ; that all their business would 
 be done in the future in the same manner as the affairs 
 of the Six Nations were accomplished, which was 
 through their appointed deputy. About 1745, Shikel 
 limy was appointed to the full vice-gerency over these 
 tributary tribes with Shamokin for his seat. He was 
 shrewd and clear in his efforts to promote the interests 
 of his people, and was well aware that up to this time 
 there had been little or no intercourse between the gov 
 ernment of Pennsylvania and the Six Nations. With 
 true Indian shrewdness he knew where to begin his nego 
 tiations. 
 
 The weak spot in Indian affairs was the effort to con- 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. IJ 
 
 trol the liquor traffic. Almost with the beginnings of 
 the colony the Society of Friends had thrown their influ 
 ence against the iniquity of selling rum among the In 
 dians. At one time all such traffic was forbidden by 
 statute. The Indians petitioned again and again against 
 the trade and the manner in which it was conducted. Yet 
 whenever they experienced the effects of prohibitory law, 
 they immediately begged that rum might be sold to them 
 again. It is more than probable that these latter requests 
 were inspired by the traders, whose business was very 
 much impaired by the loss of the rum trade. Various 
 laws and proclamations were issued with but little effect. 
 The Delaware and Shawanese Indians complained bit 
 terly of traders who carried rum back into the woods and 
 met their young men returning from hunting and trap 
 ping, and in this manner robbed the old men, the women, 
 and the children of the tribe of the very necessities of 
 life. Accordingly in 1731, Shikellimy gave the authori 
 ties of Pennsylvania to understand that friendly relations 
 with the Six Nations could not exist unless the liquor 
 trade with their subjects, the Delawares and the Shaw 
 anese, was regulated. This led the Assembly to urge 
 Governor Gordon to embrace every opportunity "to re 
 new and maintain the same good will and friendship for 
 the Five Nations which the honorable William Penn al 
 ways expressed to them in his lifetime, and this House 
 will readily defray the necessary charges which shall at 
 tend a treaty with these people."* 
 
 This report met with Governor Gordon s hearty ap 
 proval. In his reply to the Assembly he declared that 
 immediate negotiations with the Six Nation Indians was 
 necessary for the security of the Province, and since the 
 
 *Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, vol. III., p. 407, 
 
i8 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 expense would be greater than at any previous treaty, he 
 appreciated the Assembly s promptness in having the 
 money ready for any emergency. The Governor further 
 explained that the Six Nations "had from time to time 
 complained of the abuses put upon them" by the great 
 quantities of rum brought among them by the traders, 
 making it almost impossible for them to control their 
 tributary tribes. "And yet," says the Governor, "it is 
 found altogether impracticable to carry on a trade with 
 them, and to furnish them with necessaries for their hunt 
 ing and clothing, which is the only bond and tie of their 
 friendship with us, without some moderate quantities of 
 that liquor; nothing will more sensibly affect them nor 
 more strongly engage them to us, than if I can assure 
 them that now, at this present meeting of the Representa 
 tives of all our people we have taken such measures as 
 will furnish them with as much liquor as they shall judge 
 really necessary for them, and yet that it shall be so re 
 strained as that the ill consequences arising from large 
 quantities .... shall be effectually prevented." 
 
 The Governor then asked the Assembly to pass a bill 
 which would permit the selling of rum among the In 
 dians and at the same time prevent any evils from arising 
 through drunkenness. The Assembly attempted to pass 
 such a bill, but it was defeated by a large majority. The 
 Friends in the Assembly were of the opinion that if the 
 Governor would be more careful in the selection of the 
 men licensed as traders, and if he would personally ex 
 amine them, and use more stringent means to enforce the 
 laws already existing, it would be much better than any 
 additional legislation. It would thus appear that the 
 Governor based the Indian complaints upon a lack of 
 legislation, while the Assembly insisted that the cause of 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 19 
 
 the trouble arose from inefficiency in the executive 
 department. It was finally agreed that the Governor 
 should issue a proclamation warning all offenders of the 
 penalties of the law, and that a messenger be sent to the 
 Six Nations, inviting them to come to Philadelphia, and 
 offering them a present of ten pounds. 
 
 "Shikellimy," the Governor said, "is willing to under 
 take such a journey;" he "is a trusty, good man, and 
 a great lover of the English." His affection for the Eng 
 lish was the result of his intimacy with Conrad Weiser. 
 The purpose of the embassy, which he was chosen to ac 
 complish, was to secure the friendship and alliance of the 
 Six Nations. The immediate necessity of this was forci 
 bly set forth by James Logan in 1731, when at the re 
 quest of the Governor he explained to the Assembly that 
 the unrestrained traffic in rum had driven a large number 
 of Shawanese Indians to the Ohio River region in 1730, 
 that a Frenchman had been among them all the previous 
 winter, with an interpreter and a gunsmith who did all 
 the repairing gratuitously. Logan further explained that 
 the Shawanese chiefs had been on a visit to the Governor 
 of Canada, and were highly pleased with their reception. 
 A map of Louisiana, published in London in 1721, was 
 then produced, and Logan showed the Assembly "the 
 exorbitant claims of the French" wherein they laid down 
 the water parting between the Susquehanna and the Alle 
 gheny Rivers as the western boundary of Pennsylvania. 
 This claim Logan declared was fraught with much dan 
 ger to the Province, and measures should be taken im 
 mediately to put a stop to it. He suggested that a treaty 
 be held with the Six Nations, since they have absolute 
 authority over the Shawanese Indians, and are the only 
 power that can hold them in the English interest, or have 
 
2O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 any influence in persuading them to return east of the 
 mountains. To accomplish this, Logan insisted that it 
 would be necessary to have such legislation as would 
 assure the Indians that the liquor traffic was being regu 
 lated. He further urged that the sincere friendship of 
 the Six Nations was the first requisite. From this report 
 the instructions for Shikellimy were drawn. Logan s 
 knowledge of the importance and power of the Iroquois 
 Indians over the surrounding tribes was drawn from 
 Conrad Weiser. Not until after the coming of the Scho- 
 harie Germans did the Pennsylvania authorities have any 
 definite knowledge of the importance of the Six Nations. 
 Shikellimy was to make the journey to Onondago during 
 the summer of 1731. He appeared in Philadelphia in 
 December, bringing with him a Cayuga chief and Conrad 
 Weiser ; the latter he introduced as the official interpreter 
 of the United Nations. This action of Shikellimy s was 
 an indication of the Iroquois mistrust of all provincial 
 interpreters, whose interests, the Indians felt, were too 
 closely allied with the Delaware tribes. In Weiser, the 
 Iroquois had a man, who shared with them their contempt 
 for the Delaware Indians, and who they declared was an 
 adopted son of the Mohawk nation. 
 
 Shikellimy reported that the Iroquois councils were 
 very glad to hear from the Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 It was, of course, too late in the season now for them to 
 think of coming to Philadelphia, but in the spring, when 
 the days were longer, they would most surely come. In 
 confirmation of their good will and friendship they sent 
 the Governor a present of a bundle of dressed deer skins. 
 Shikellimy was given ten pounds for his journey and 
 Conrad Weiser was paid forty shillings for interpreting 
 his report. The Six Nations did not send deputies to 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 21 
 
 Philadelphia during the spring of 1732, as they had prom 
 ised. The traders on the Allegheny reported that the 
 French were gaining the friendship of the Shawanese, 
 and that these Indians still complained about the Penn 
 sylvania laws not being strong enough to prevent such 
 great quantities of rum being sold among them, that war 
 had only been prevented by Peter Chartiers. Indeed these 
 Indians declared that it had not been five years since the 
 Six Nations themselves had tried to persuade the Ohio 
 Indians to go to war against the English. This, they 
 said, was one reason why they removed to the Allegheny 
 country. Another reason they alleged, was because a 
 number of escaped negro slaves found refuge among 
 them, and they feared that the English would not like it. 
 Conrad Weiser well knew that these were not bona fide 
 causes. And unless the Six Nations could be held in the 
 interests of the English, the Shawanese and the Delaware 
 Indians on the Ohio would join the French. Every effort 
 was therefore used to persuade the Six Nations to send 
 deputies to Philadelphia. 
 
 At last, late in August, 1/32, a deputation of Oneida, 
 Cayuga and Ononclago chiefs arrived, authorized to 
 speak for the nations not represented. Early in this con 
 ference complaints were made, probably by the Assem 
 bly s party, against the private nature of the council. 
 Conrad Weiser was accordingly selected to interview the 
 leading Indians, and learn their pleasure in the matter. 
 The wary chiefs expressed a willingness to deal in a more 
 public manner if it was desired, yet at the same time were 
 entirely content to continue the secret sessions. Thus 
 they played into the hands of both the Governor s faction 
 and the Assembly s party. Weiser was invariably suc 
 cessful in preventing any serious friction, and the confer- 
 
22 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 ence continued, a vigorous test of diplomatic skill on each 
 side. Thomas Penn spoke for the Province the words 
 which Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters put into his 
 mouth. After dwelling at some length upon the policy of 
 his father, he asked them how they stood toward the 
 French, their former enemies. What do your allies think 
 of the French? How do these people treat you? After 
 a day spent in reflection the Six Nations replied that they 
 had no great faith in the Governor of Canada or his 
 people, who had deceived them. "Yet the Six Nations 
 were not afraid of the French. They were always willing 
 to go and hear what they had to propose. Peace had been 
 made with the French. A tree had been planted big 
 enough to shelter them both. Under this tree a hole had 
 been dug and the hatchets had been buried therein. 
 Nevertheless the chiefs of the Six Nations thought that 
 the French charged too much for their goods, and for this 
 reason they recommended their people to trade with the 
 English who would sell cheaper than the French." The 
 Indians well knew what would be pleasing to the ears of 
 the Governor. They expressed their pleasure in having 
 a son of the great Onas in their midst. Then growing 
 more familiar they told Penn that when they were at 
 Montreal in 1727, the French Governor told them that he 
 was going to make war upon Corlear,* and he desired 
 that the Six Nations might remain neutral. One of their 
 chiefs answered saying, "Onontejo, you are very proud. 
 You are not wise to make war with Corlear, and to pro 
 pose neutrality to us. Corlear is our brother, he came 
 to us when he was very little and a child. We suckled 
 him at our breasts, we have nursed him and taken care 
 
 *Corlear, the Indian name for the Governor of New York. 
 Onontio, the Indian name for the Governor of Canada. 
 
THE STATUS OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 23 
 
 of him till he is grown up to be a man. He is our brother 
 and of the same blood. He and we have but one ear to 
 hear with, one eye to see with, and one mouth to speak 
 with, we will not forsake him nor see any man make war 
 upon him without assisting. We shall join him, and if 
 we fight with you, we may have our own father* Onon- 
 tejo to bury in the ground." But back of all this pleasing 
 talk, which was more or less meaningless to the Iroquois 
 diplomat, was the promise that if Pennsylvania would 
 remove all her traders from the Ohio, the Six Nations 
 would see that the French traders were removed, and 
 then if the Governor desired it the Shawanese would be 
 ordered to go East again, and live near the settlements. 
 At the close of this conference the council declared that 
 Conrad Weiser had been very serviceable, and exhibited 
 unusual tact in managing the Indians, therefore he should 
 be paid twelve pounds. 
 
 The Iroquois were true to their promise and tried 
 every means short of war to induce the Shawanese to 
 come back and live east of the Allegheny Mountains. 
 The Governor of Pennsylvania sent them a large belt of 
 wampum as an inducement. The Shawanese replied that 
 they were very well fixed where they were, and that the 
 wampum had never been received. This independent 
 spirit of these Shawanese Indians so offended the Iro 
 quois, that one of their deputies to these Indians spoke 
 with such force, and reproved them with such vigor that 
 the Shawanese themselves became angry, and after 
 the council some of their warriors treacherously mur 
 dered the Iroquois deputy. This stirred the Six Nations 
 to revenge the outrage with a war upon the Shawanese. 
 
 *The French taught the Indians to call the Governor of Canada 
 their father. 
 
24 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 But most probably through the intercession of Conrad 
 Weiser the Iroquois leaders were induced to ask advice 
 from the Governor of Pennsylvania. Thomas Penn con 
 doled with them for the loss of a great man, and sent 
 them "six handkerchiefs to wipe and dry away (the) 
 tears,"* and encourage them to maintain the peace at all 
 hazards. Since the offending Shawanese tribe had fled 
 south to Carolina would it not be better to overlook the 
 matter? Pennsylvania would withdraw her request for 
 the removal of the remaining Shawanese tribes from the 
 Ohio country. To confirm the Governor s good feelings 
 a present of two strouds was sent with the letter, and the 
 messengers were given a liberal present of powder, lead 
 and blankets. The expense of the entertainment of the 
 Indians who came to Philadelphia on this mission was 
 paid, and Conrad Weiser was given money "with which 
 to guard their comfort" on the road home. The Six 
 Nations concluded to refrain from \var with the Shaw 
 anese Indians, but these difficulties led them to remain, as 
 much as possible, away from the influence of Pennsyl 
 vania. 
 
 *Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, vol. III. p. 610. 
 
THE TREATY OF 1736. 25 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 THE TREATY OF 1736. 
 
 Reluctance of the Iroquois Indians to hold a Conference with 
 the Governor . of Pennsylvania The Six Nations estimate 
 of Conrad Weiser s ability The Dongan Deed, The first 
 Iroquois Purchase The Blue Mountain Purchase of 1736 
 The Six Nations establish a Claim to the Delaware 
 River Lands Results of this Innovation Philadelphia alarmed 
 at the Drunkenness among the Indians The Iroquois discover 
 Land Claims against Maryland and Virginia The Shawanese 
 enter complaint; its Cause Shawanese Diplomacy The Begin 
 ning of the Shawanese Alienation. 
 
 THE authorities of Pennsylvania did not feel that the 
 treaty of 1732 was as strong as it might be until it 
 was confirmed by deputies representing the remaining 
 tribes of the Six Nations. Accordingly Conrad Weiser 
 was directed to employ his influence with Shikellimy and 
 bring about a conference which would represent the en 
 tire Six Nation Confederacy. Year after year went by 
 and still the promised visit of the crafty Iroquois was 
 deferred. Finally at a conference of Delaware and Co- 
 nestoga chiefs an appeal was made to them to explain why 
 the Iroquois did not come to Philadelphia as they 
 had promised. Their old men replied that they had been 
 expecting the Iroquois for three years past, but had been 
 informed that they were detained ( i ) by reason of many 
 nations coming to treat with them, (2) "because tribes of 
 strange Indians from the north were among them, In 
 dians who had never seen bread, corn or white people, 
 therefore the Iroquois were determined to keep near home 
 as long as these strangers remained in their midst." 
 
26 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 The Governor gave the Delaware chiefs a large pres 
 ent, urging them to influence the Six Nations to send 
 deputies to Philadelphia, and to keep Conrad Weiser 
 thoroughly informed of any Indian news. 
 
 This present to the Delawares seems to have had a 
 salutary influence. In less than six weeks Conrad Weiser 
 reported that there were over one hundred Iroquois chiefs 
 on their way to Philadelphia. The long expected, and 
 much solicited visit now came upon the provincial author 
 ities with an embarrassing suddenness. The smallpox 
 was raging in the city. What should be done with the one 
 hundred Iroquois chiefs and their numerous retinues? 
 Conrad Weiser solved the problem by taking the Indians 
 to the Governor s mansion at Stenton, and inviting the 
 provincial officers and the Proprietors out to meet them. 
 
 The Indians expressed great satisfaction with Conrad 
 Weiser s care for their health. They told the Proprietors 
 that at the treaty of 1732 it was agreed that Conrad 
 Weiser and Shikellimy were the proper persons "to goe 
 between the Six Nations and this Government," that they 
 were to be employed in all treaties and conferences. 
 Their bodies, said the Indians, are to be equally divided 
 between the sons of Onas and the Red Men, half to the 
 Indian and half to the white man. Conrad Weiser, they 
 said, was faithful and honest, a good, true man, who had 
 spoken their words and not his own. Indeed at this time 
 there was scarcely an honest interpreter in the colonies. 
 Colonel Johnson, of New York, relates an instance of an 
 interpreter who, in his presence, translated the text of a 
 missionary sermon which read, "God is no respector of 
 persons," into "God has no respect for such as you." The 
 Indians expressed their gratitude towards Weiser by pre 
 senting him with "a dressed skin to make him shoes, and 
 
OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF 
 
THE TREATY OF 1/36. 2? 
 
 two deer skins to keep him warm." The provincial 
 council, accordingly, directed that a present worth two 
 hundred pounds be given to the Iroquois Indians, and to 
 Conrad Weiser, "the interpreter, who is extremely useful 
 on all such occasions, and on the present one has been 
 very serviceable, there be given twenty pounds." 
 
 Weiser at once suggested to the council that a part 
 of the two hundred pounds be withheld from the Indians 
 until it was ascertained what amount the Proprietors 
 were going to pay for the land. Previous to this time all 
 the proprietary purchases of land had been from the Dela 
 ware Indians, except the Dongan deed which Penn him 
 self had secured in England from the former Governor 
 of New York. This deed the Six Nation Indians de 
 clared had been given many years before (1696) to the 
 Governor of New York to hold their Susquehanna lands 
 in trust, and in no way resigned any control or rights. 
 
 Weiser had impressed the Pennsylvania officers and 
 Proprietors with the power and influence of the Iroquois. 
 Accordingly no one disputed with them when they 
 claimed indemnity for all Susquehanna lands south and 
 east of the Blue Mountains, then known as the Endless 
 Mountains. With great deference, and amid many com 
 pliments, tlie Proprietors paid the Six Nation Indians for 
 this land which had all been previously purchased from 
 the Conestoga and Delaware Indians. The Iroquois now 
 received 500 pounds of powder, 600 pounds of lead, 45 
 guns, 1 60 coats, 100 blankets, 200 yards of cloth, 100 
 shirts, 40 hats, 40 pair of shoes and buckles, 40 pair 
 stockings, TOO hatchets, 500 knives, 100 hoes, 60 kettles, 
 100 tobacco tongs, 100 scissors, 500 awls, 120 combs, 
 2000 needles, 1000 flints, 24 looking glasses, 2 pounds of 
 
28 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 vermilion. 100 tin pots, 25 gallons of rum, 200 pounds 
 of tobacco, 2000 pipes, 24 dozen of gartering. 
 
 Two weeks after this deed was signed, when most of 
 the influential Indians had gone from Philadelphia, and 
 after the remainder had been drinking excessively for 
 several days, another deed was drawn covering all the 
 Six Nations claim to the land drained by the Delaware 
 River, and south of the Blue Mountains. Since the Six 
 Nations had never, until this elate, laid any claim to the 
 lands on the lower Delaware, this second deed becomes 
 significant. It established a precedent for an Iroquois 
 claim to the lands owned by the Delaware Indians. Wil 
 liam Penn had never recognized any Six Nation claims 
 on the Delaware. The Iroquois themselves had never 
 made any such pretensions. It is highly probable that no 
 one at that time realized what might be the outcome of 
 such a deed, which was an indirect way of denying to the 
 Delaware Indians all their land claims. It is quite prob 
 able that the chief purpose in securing the deed was to 
 place in writing the promise of the Six Nations that they 
 would never in the future sell land within the limits of 
 Pennsylvania to any one except Penn s heirs. 
 
 The deed was carefully read and interpreted to them 
 by Conrad Weiser. The Iroquois were evidently aware 
 that they had gained a most important point. Hence 
 forth Pennsylvania would be their sponsor for claims on 
 the Delaware River, and all ancient disputes with the 
 Delaware Indians on this matter were settled. Pennsyl 
 vania had taken sides in the quarrel, and hereafter must 
 recognize the power of the Iroquois, and lay the hand of 
 oppression upon the Delawares. The wise statesmanship 
 of William Penn, who refused to take sides in any Indian 
 differences, was unfortunately no more. His sons were 
 
THE TREATY OF 1/36. 29 
 
 more bent on personal profit than public justice and secur 
 ity. No doubt, Shikellimy was the Indian agent who 
 accomplished this, and that he used Conrad Weiser to 
 bring it to pass. This action clearly marked a change in 
 the Indian policy of Pennsylvania. It was no longer 
 possible to treat the Delaware Indians as formerly. The 
 Six Nations become the favored people, and the Dela- 
 wares become underlings. Weiser helped Shikellimy sow 
 the seed which drenched Pennsylvania in blood from 
 1755 to 1764. In permitting this second deed, Pennsyl 
 vania started that series of events with the Delawares, 
 which cost her one of the most remarkable Indian inva 
 sions in colonial history. And at the same time by secur 
 ing this and thus conciliating the Iroquois, and holding 
 the key to their future attitude, Weiser and the proprie 
 tary made a future nation possible. Pennsylvania suf 
 fered that a nation might live. She brought upon herself 
 after many years a Delaware war, but escaped a Six 
 Nation war, a French alliance with the Iroquois, and the 
 threatening possibility of the destruction of all the Eng 
 lish colonies on the coast. 
 
 The provincial Executive was well pleased with 
 Weiser s suggestion to cut the amount of the Governor s 
 present from two hundred pounds to something less than 
 seventy pounds. Doubtless the council considered this a 
 sufficient sum to pay for "brightening the chain of 
 friendship," relighting the "council fire," and opening 
 more thoroughly a "path to Onodago." 
 
 The council now realized with some force that the 
 expenses of Iroquois conferences far exceeded those held 
 with the Delawares and Conestogas. 
 
 The authorities were as anxious to have the Indians 
 leave Philadelphia as they had been to have them come. 
 
3 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 After three or four weeks had passed, after the Indians 
 fear of small-pox had evaporated, and the streets of the 
 city were turbulent with drunken chiefs, the Governor 
 and council applied to Conrad Weiser to dispatch the 
 dusky deputies as soon as possible. Accordingly a proc 
 lamation was at once issued and put into the mouth of the 
 street crier, threatening- to fine any person ten pounds 
 who should be found selling any kind of strong liquor to 
 the Indians. Horses and wagons were furnished to carry 
 the Indians presents part way on the home journey. 
 After the deputies had departed the city authorities 
 breathed more freely, and the provincial Executive real 
 ized that a new force had entered into the Indian rela 
 tions of the colony. 
 
 As the old chiefs slowly wound their way deeper and 
 deeper into the forests of the Alleghenies, they no doubt 
 wondered why their request to have the Indian traders 
 removed from the Ohio country was so politely refused, 
 and why their petition to have no more strong drink sold 
 to their young men was evaded. Doubtless, the older 
 chiefs questioned the truth of the Governor s rebuke when 
 he told them that the Indians should control themselves 
 like the white men did. "All of us here," said the Gov 
 ernor, "and all you see of any credit in this place, can 
 every day have as much rum of their own to drink as they 
 please, and yet scarce one of us will take a dram, at least 
 not one man will on any account be drunk, no, not if he 
 were hired to it with great sums of money." 
 
 After a year or more of meditation the Onondago 
 chiefs reached the conclusion that the traders and the 
 white men on the frontiers were not like the people of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Since Pennsylvania had paid the Six Nations for 
 
THE TREATY OF 1736. 31 
 
 their Susquehanna claims south of the Blue Mountains, 
 the shrewd Iroquois became aware that neither Maryland 
 nor Virginia had ever paid them for lands to the south 
 ward which lay within the western borders of those 
 States. They stated that their claims to this region were 
 based upon the conquests of their fathers. They now in 
 sisted that Pennsylvania should assist them in securing 
 this land from Virginia and Maryland. The Governor, 
 who was evidently following the advice of Conrad 
 Weiser, put the Indians off until he could secure better 
 information about these claims. 
 
 The growing discontent among the Shawanese seized 
 upon the recent Iroquois land sale as another source of 
 their dissatisfaction. When these Shawanese heard of 
 the treaty of 1736, one hundred and thirty of their leaders 
 sent a belt to the French, saying, our land has been sold 
 from under our feet, may we come and live with you? 
 The French not only readily consented, but offered to 
 come and meet them with provisions. This information 
 came from the Mohawks, who received no share from the 
 recent Iroquois land sale. In the treaty of 1736 the Six 
 Nations had promised to send all the Shawanese back 
 from the Ohio, and compel them to live on the Susque 
 hanna lands, where forty-five years before they had asked 
 permission to live. The Iroquois found this a difficult 
 thing to do, especially since the Mohawks received noth 
 ing from the late treaty. The Shawanese, moreover, 
 were learning valuable lessons in diplomacy from the Iro 
 quois and the French. In August, 1737, a message and 
 a belt came to Philadelphia from the Shawanese on the 
 Ohio, saying that the French had always been their 
 friends, that each year they gave them powder, lead and 
 tobacco, that these presents enabled them to hold their 
 
3^ CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 own against their Indian enemies in the south. Now if 
 they should go hack to their Susquehanna lands, as the 
 leading men in Pennsylvania, and the Iroquois chiefs de 
 sired, they must starve, and lay themselves open to their 
 enemies. With genuine shrewdness the Shawanese de 
 clared that they had no desire to join the French, and if 
 the Pennsylvania authorities would send them a present 
 as compensation for the land they had lost they could keep 
 back their enemies, and avoid falling into the hands of 
 the French. 
 
 The Pennsylvania council, after 1736, always con 
 sulted Conrad Weiser on all Indian affairs. Weiser had 
 little or no respect for a Shawanese Indian. The council, 
 while it realized that the Shawanese had no legal claims 
 on the Susquehanna land, from a white man s standpoint 
 in reference to land tenure, inclined to take Weiser s 
 advice, and believed that it would be establishing a dan 
 gerous precedent to recognize Shawanese claims when 
 they were but sojourners in the country. The Indians 
 had a quite different conception of land tenure, and the 
 Shawanese held that occupancy did in time become pos 
 session. Therefore, when they received a present of ten 
 pounds from the Province, and an invitation to a treaty, 
 they swallowed their chagrin, and found solace in the 
 sympathy of the French. This paltry present was the 
 beginning of a series of misunderstandings with these 
 tribes which finally led to their total alienation from the 
 English cause. 
 
THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 
 
 Feuds between the Northern and Southern Indians Virginia 
 becomes a Peacemaker Governor Gooch secures the Consent 
 of the Southern Tribes Virginia applies to Pennsylvania for aid 
 Weiser sent on a Mission of Peace Indians starving at Shamokin 
 Weiser visits Madame Montour Life in the Woods The 
 Otkon, the Evil Spirit of the Valley Weiser quarrels with the 
 Guide A Famine among the Indians An Indian Seer s strange 
 Vision Weiser s skill in procuring Provisions The Indian Guide 
 saves Weiser s Life Weiser at Onandago Some lawless Iroquois 
 frustrate the purposes of Weiser s mission Causes of suspension 
 of further peace negotiations. 
 
 THE Iroquois confederacy had been at war for years 
 with the Southern Indians. The great mountain 
 valleys of Virginia contained their war-trails. Silently 
 along these paths of blood small bands of ambitious young 
 Iroquois warriors pushed southward every season in 
 search of Muskokee scalps. The white people experienced 
 no serious trouble as long as the Virginia planters re 
 mained east of the mountains. But when a century of 
 colonization produced the enterprising frontiersman, the 
 land speculator, and the fur trader, then men commenced 
 to look into the Shenandoah Valley, then friction with 
 the Iroquois Indians commenced. In Pennsylvania when 
 difficulty of this nature occurred its settlement was re 
 ferred to the next treaty, where, after some discussion, 
 orders were usually given by the old men that their war 
 riors should for the future go south by some path further 
 west, and more removed from the haunts of the settler. 
 In Virginia for a number of years there had been an 
 
34 CONK AD WEISER. 
 
 enactment authorizing the county authorities to arrest 
 and bring before the magistrates any bands of strange 
 roving Indians, and if said Indians should in any manner 
 try to elude the officers they would then be justified in 
 shooting the Indians on the spot. 
 
 Immediately after the Pennsylvania purchase of 1736, 
 the difficulties so increased that the Governor of Virginia 
 reached the conclusion that the only solution of the vexa 
 tious problem was to bring about a peace between the two 
 great confederacies of Indians. Late in the autumn of 
 1736, Governor Gooch succeeded in securing the consent 
 of one of the Southern tribes to make peace. Finally 
 late in the winter the entire Southern confederacy of In 
 dians agreed to send deputies, during the following 
 spring, to meet a similar party of peace commissioners 
 from the Iroquois, at some place like Williamsburg, in 
 Virginia. This was the more easily accomplished with 
 the Southern Indians, owing to their distance from the 
 influence of the French, and the looseness of their con 
 federacy. 
 
 When Governor Gooch fully realized what he had 
 accomplished, it became highly desirable to secure ( I ) 
 an armistice between the two hostile confederacies, (2) 
 to persuade the Iroquois to send peace commissioners to 
 Williamsburg. Therefore, Virginia immediately applied 
 to Pennsylvania for aid in this affair. It was at that time 
 generally conceded that Conrad Weiser was the only man 
 able to stay the bloody tomahawk of the Iroquois. It was 
 now midwinter, and the difficulties of sending a messen 
 ger to Onondago seemed insurmountable. Yet if the 
 young men among the Iroquois, who were accustomed 
 to go on the war trail in the early spring, should get 
 started before a messenger arrived they could not be re- 
 
THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 35 
 
 called, and all the peace negotiations would fail for an 
 other year, if not ultimately. 
 
 Accordingly Conrad Weiser was selected to perform 
 this mission. He started on his journey on the 27th of 
 February. The snow on the mountains made horseback 
 riding exceedingly difficult. At Shamokin, on the forks 
 of the Susquehanna River, it was found impossible to get 
 the horses across. After more than a day s delay a daring 
 Indian crossed and took Conrad and his German com 
 panion, Stoffel Stump, safely over in a canoe. Weiser 
 had expected to secure provisions and a guide at Shamo 
 kin; he only found a guide. 
 
 The Indians there were on the verge of starvation. "I 
 saw a blanket," writes Weiser, in his journal, "given for 
 about one-third of a bushel of corn." Here they first 
 learned what the pangs of hunger were ; and only after 
 great difficulty did Weiser succeed in getting a small 
 quantity of cornmeal and a few beans. With this scanty 
 store he determined to plunge into a trackless wilderness 
 toward Onondago. The Indians reported the streams 
 impassable, and the snow waist-deep. Weiser was a man 
 who rarely turned back. 
 
 The little party of two white men and two Indians 
 followed the north bank of the west branch of the Sus 
 quehanna River. The Indians called this the "Zinachsa" 
 (Ot-zin-ach-son). With and without snowshoes they 
 traveled, crossing the streams as best they could. At the 
 mouth of Loyalsock Creek they found the hut of Madame 
 Montour, that remarkable French woman who lived in 
 great favor among the Indians. At first Madame Mon 
 tour told Weiser that she had no food, but later when all 
 the Indians had withdrawn from the cabin she deftly 
 
36 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 raised a plank from the floor and out of her hidden store 
 fed Weiser bountifully. 
 
 They left Madame Montour s with provision sacks 
 comparatively empty, and snow over four feet deep in the 
 mountains. Their camp-fire built under the spruce trees 
 would often sink over three feet into the snow before 
 morning. A bed of spruce boughs and a meagre breakfast 
 of cornmeal and beans boiled in water was above the 
 average of their comforts. More than once did they 
 stand all night around a sputtering fire, while torrents of 
 rain moved the masses of snow on the mountains. After 
 leaving the west branch of the Susquehanna they fol 
 lowed what the Indians called the lost or bewildered 
 stream. "The woods was so thick," writes Weiser, "that 
 for a mile at a time we could not find a place the size of 
 a hand where the sunshine could penetrate even in the 
 clearest day." The swiftness of the stream made it neces 
 sary for them all to grasp one long pole while wading 
 across. They often found it impossible to keep warm by 
 walking, owing to the frequent crossings. 
 
 In one valley which might have been the Loyalsock, 
 the storms of March were so frequent and severe that the 
 Indians were of the opinion that an evil spirit "Otkon," 
 lived and ruled there. " It was such a desolate region," 
 says Weiser, "that I often thought I must perish in this 
 frightful wilderness." The Indians told Weiser that if 
 they only had a magician along he could appease the 
 wrath of "Otkon" by appropriate sacrifices. With gen 
 uine sincerity Weiser expressed his desire that one of the 
 Indians present might try his skill in this dark art. Near 
 the head of the same valley they found two skulls securely 
 fastened upon poles. These the Indians said were the re 
 mains of two unfortunate Iroquois warriors who, while 
 
THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 37 
 
 returning from a war excursion to the South, encamped 
 here one stormy night with two Carolina Indians as cap 
 tives. These "prisoners," says Weiser, "who were two 
 resolute men, found themselves at night untied, which, 
 without doubt, had been done by the Otkon, and hav 
 ing killed their captors and taken possession of their arms 
 had returned home."* 
 
 On the 28th of March, they ate their last handful of 
 
 meal fully expecting to reach the north branch of the Sus- 
 
 quehanna River that night, where they supposed that they 
 
 would find an abundant supply of provisions. About the 
 
 middle of the forenoon they came to Sugar Creek, which 
 
 was much swollen by melting snow. They found it too 
 
 high and rapid to ford. Accordingly, by dint of much 
 
 patience, having only one small hatchet, they felled a 
 
 long pine tree, but unfortunately it did not reach the 
 
 opposite bank. The stream having already risen a foot 
 
 since they arrived, its raging currents caught the pine 
 
 tree and swept it clown the stream. The Indian guide 
 
 now suggested wading the stream, and all holding to a 
 
 long pole. Weiser was decided in his opinion that the 
 
 current was too swift and would sweep them away. The 
 
 entire party was irritated over the loss of food, and the 
 
 two Indians "fell to abusing Stoffel." They told him that 
 
 it was his fault that Conrad would not follow the words 
 
 of the guide. When Weiser defended Stoffel, they 
 
 called him a coward, who loved his life so much that he 
 
 would force them all to die of hunger on the spot. The 
 
 guide declared that he knew more about this wild country 
 
 than Weiser, that he was responsible for the party and 
 
 they must do as he said. If they could not wade they 
 
 must build a raft and cross on that. Conrad with great 
 
 *Memoirs of the Pennsylvania Historical Society, vol. I., p. II. 
 
3 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 determination told them that no raft could be kept right 
 side up in that current, and it would be far better for them 
 to follow Sugar Creek until they reached the Susque- 
 hanna, and then ascend the river. The guide with 
 increasing warmth told him that he did not know what 
 he was talking about. The other Indian, an Onondago 
 warrior, who had joined the party as a convenient way to 
 return from a Southern raid, insisted that no white man 
 could give him any advice in the woods. Weiser promptly 
 put an end to all further controversy by slinging his pack 
 over his back and starting down the stream. Stoffel 
 obediently followed. The Indian guide hesitated for 
 some time, but finally shouldered his burden and sullenly 
 followed the resolute German. The proud Onondago 
 remained alone. About a mile down the stream Conrad 
 found a narrow place where a tree would bridge the flood 
 with safety. Here they silently crossed, then fired a 
 signal for the stubborn Onondago, and without a word 
 plunged into the dark forest. Late that night Ta-wa- 
 gar-et, the Onondago, came humbly into camp, wet to 
 the skin, and nearly exhausted. He told them that after 
 they left he made himself a raft and attempted to cross. 
 His craft was overturned in the stream and he was 
 thrown upon an island from which he barely escaped 
 with his life. After some minutes silence in the camp, 
 the Onondago asked Conrad Weiser s pardon for his 
 stubborn conduct. This incident was of no small impor 
 tance in the negotiations which followed some weeks later 
 at the Onondago council fire, where Conrad Weiser s 
 words had great weight. 
 
 When this starved and tottering embassy reached the 
 Susqnehanna several miles above the present site of 
 Towanda, it found the Indians there on the verge of 
 
THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 39 
 
 starvation. All the able-bodied men were away vainly 
 searching for game. The old men, squaws, and children 
 had been living for weeks upon maple juice and sugar. 
 With all his trinkets Weiser could buy no meal. The 
 women made him a weak soup of corn-meal and ashes 
 boiled separately and then mixed. The two Indians ate 
 so greedily of this that they became quite sick. Conrad 
 gave his portion to the bony little children who crowded 
 around with tears on their stolid faces. Stoffel ate 
 heartily of the soup, and there is no evidence that he 
 experienced the least inconvenience. Later in the evening, 
 in another hut, Weiser succeeded in buying with twenty- 
 four needles and six shoe-strings, five small loaves of 
 corn-bread "of about a pound in weight." With Stoffel s 
 assistance this was quickly consumed. Nothing more 
 could be purchased. Stoffel urged that they abandon the 
 mission, procure a canoe and float down the river. The 
 high water and the numerous rapids would have made it 
 possible to have reached Shamokin "in six or eight days," 
 if they had been able to procure provisions. Weiser 
 refused to entertain such a suggestion. 
 
 He called a conference of the old and wise men and 
 asked them why game was so scarce. "Twelve years 
 ago," said Weiser, "when I was here you had a greater 
 supply than all the other Indians. Why is game so scarce 
 now?" 
 
 They replied that hunting had strangely failed since 
 last winter. Some of them had found nothing at all. 
 The Lord and Creator of the world, they said, was 
 resolved to destroy all the Indians. One of their seers, an 
 old gray-headed Indian, told Weiser that he had had a 
 vision of God. When he inquired of the Great Spirit why 
 game was so scarce he received the following reply: 
 
4O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 "You inquire after the cause why game has become so 
 scarce. I will tell you. You kill it for the sake of the 
 skins, which you give for strong liquor and drown your 
 senses, and kill one another, and carry on dreadful 
 debauchery. Therefore, I have driven the wild animals 
 out of the country, for they are mine. If you will do 
 good, and cease from your sins, I \vill bring them back ; 
 if not, I will destroy you from off the earth." Conrad 
 Weiser then asked them if they believed what the seer 
 had seen and heard. They replied that some of their 
 number believed that it would happen so ; others believed 
 it, but gave themselves no concern about it. Time will 
 show, they said, what will happen to us. "Rum will kill 
 us and leave the land clear for the Europeans without 
 strife or purchase." 
 
 While Conrad Weiser took careful note of these 
 things they were not to his purpose. lie must devise 
 some means of reaching the Onondago Council before 
 the war parties were organized. How to do this without 
 food, and with failing strength, \vas a serious problem. 
 Again he called the old men together, lie told them that 
 he was on a mission for the good of the Six Nations; 
 that he came in behalf of the Governor of Virginia and 
 Brother Onas, and something must be done to further his 
 enterprise. After some consideration and delay, the 
 Indians concluded that a hut, whose owners were away 
 on a hunt, should be broken open and as much of the con 
 tents as necessary be used for the expedition. A share 
 was given to two Indians, who were directed to go ahead 
 as runners and herald the coming of the embassy. Weiser 
 and his little party, with great thankfulness, received 
 their share, which was about one-third of a bushel of 
 corn. Weiser had this pounded before they started. It 
 
THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 4! 
 
 was not done without considerable loss. "Hunger," 
 writes Weiser, "is a great tyrant, he does not spare the 
 best of friends, much less strangers." With less than ten 
 quarts of pounded corn Weiser pushed on toward Onon- 
 dago, following the North Branch of the Susquehanna, 
 and doling out the little stock of meal each day with a 
 parsimonious hand. 
 
 Several days before they reached the "Great Water 
 Shed" which divides the waters of the Susquehanna from 
 those of the Hudson on the east, the Mississippi on the 
 west, and the St. Lawrence on the north, they waded 
 through soft snow in what seemed an endless forest. On 
 the "8th of April," he writes, "we were still on the jour 
 ney, and I was utterly worn out by cold and hunger, and 
 so long a journey, not to mention other hardships; a fresh 
 snow had fallen about twenty inches deep; I found my 
 self still nearly three days journey from Onondago, in 
 a terrible forest. My strength was so exhausted that my 
 whole body trembled and shook to such a degree that I 
 thought I should fall down and die ; I went to one side 
 and sat down under a tree, intending to give up the ghost 
 there, to attain which end I hoped the cold of the night 
 then approaching would assist me. My companions soon 
 missed me, and the Indians came back and found me 
 sitting there. I would not go any further, but said to 
 them in one word: Here I will die; they were silent 
 awhile; at last the old man (Shikellimy) began, My dear 
 companion, take courage, thou hast until now encouraged 
 us, wilt thou now give up entirely? Just think that the 
 bad days are better than the good ones, for when we 
 suffer much we do not sin, and sin is driven out of us by 
 suffering. But the good days cause men to sin, and God 
 cannot be merciful ; but on the other hand, when it goes 
 
42 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 badly with us, God takes pity on us/ I was therefore 
 ashamed, and stood up and journeyed on as well as I 
 could."* 
 
 The following day they crossed the water shed, and 
 the next day traveled forty miles to reach the Onondago 
 Council. Unfortunately Weiser gives us no report of 
 his negotiations there, other than the results. To stay 
 the tide of war, which was strong in the hearts of the 
 Iroquois toward the Southern Indians, was no easy task. 
 At last the proud Maqua consented to the armistice but 
 refused to send deputies to Williamsburg. They claimed 
 that it was too far to travel. If the Southern Indians 
 wished to treat with the Iroquois let them come to 
 Albany. Although Weiser failed to accomplish all that 
 was desired, he secured the armistice and saved Virginia 
 from an invasion of Iroquois warriors. He reported to 
 Pennsylvania and the Governor immediately advised 
 Virginia of the results of the mission. The Governor of 
 Virginia, at once, sent deputies to the Cherokee and 
 Catawba tribes. 
 
 At the very time that these deputies were in session, a 
 roving band from the Six Nations, either with or without 
 orders, or in ignorance of the decisions of the Onondago 
 Council, fell upon a hunting party of the Cherokees and 
 killed three of them and destroyed five of their horses. 
 This piece of wanton mischief so incited the Southern 
 Indians that they declared that all further peace negotia 
 tions with such treacherous people were at an end. In 
 despair, Carolina and Virginia appealed to Pennsylvania. 
 James Logan, the Governor, turned the entire affair over 
 to Conrad Weiser, urging him to go to the Six Nations 
 and secure a firm peace if possible. 
 
 *Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. I., p. 165. 
 
THE ONONDAGO JOURNEY. 43 
 
 Several years elapsed before this question came up 
 again, during which time we have no knowledge of 
 whether Conrad Weiser did anything or not. The prob 
 abilities are that he did nothing. The Indian policy of 
 the Province was more and more becoming the result of 
 pressure, and it naturally inclined to follow the lines of 
 least resistance. And since there \vas no pressure on 
 the part of the Six Nations upon this point, little was 
 done during the following five or six years. 
 
 Another reason might be assigned for the cessation of 
 all efforts to secure peace between the Northern and the 
 Southern Indians, and that is the fact that Conrad Weiser 
 was the only agency through which anything could be 
 done in this line, and during this period he was more 
 interested in affairs of the church than in those of the 
 state. 
 
44 CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPHRATA TEMPORARILY WIN 
 WEISER AWAY FROM INDIAN AFFAIRS. 
 
 Religious awakening at Tulpehocken Beissel s Visit to Weiser 
 Weiser withdraws from the Lutheran Church Weiser be 
 comes a Seventh-day Baptist Weiser burns the Lutheran Cate 
 chism Governor Thomas seeks to draw Weiser away from 
 the Ephrata Influence Weiser appointed Justice of the Peace 
 Weiser quarrels with Beissel A "Spiritual Virgin" makes 
 Trouble at. Ephrata Weiser, the Magistrate, outgrows Weiser, 
 the Church Elder Weiser leaves the Seventh-day Baptists 
 His spiritual Return Weiser becomes interested in the 
 Moravian Missionaries Weiser travels with Zinzendorf Weiser 
 saves Zinzendorf s Life The. Moravians turn away from Weiser 
 Weiser secures the Release of two Moravians from the Jail in 
 New York. 
 
 AT the time of Conrad Weiser s arrival in Pennsyl 
 vania there was an unusual awakening in the 
 .eastern part of the Province upon religious subjects. In 
 a few years the people of Tulpehocken, who were largely 
 Lutherans, agreed that none but Protestants and people 
 of like persuasion should be permitted to live among 
 them. Peter Miller, a highly educated man from Ger 
 many, was called among these Tulpehocken people to 
 be their teacher. He served them four years. Conrad 
 Beissel,* the leader and organizer of the "Seventh Day 
 Baptists" at Ephrata, had for some years made the 
 conversion of the Tulpehocken people the subject of regu 
 lar prayer. 
 
 Beissel and several of his disciples finally made a visit 
 to Tulpehocken, and were received by Conrad Weiser, the 
 
 *See Dr. M. G. Brumbaugh s "History of the Brethren" for a full account 
 of these Men. 
 
RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPHRATA. 45 
 
 elder of the church, and Peter Miller, the teacher, "with 
 the consideration due to him as an embassador of God." 
 When Beissel was about to return from this remarkable 
 journey, Peter Miller and Conrad Weiser accompanied 
 him for six miles over the mountains. The subject of 
 conversation between these men is not known. The ser 
 mons and prayers of Beissel are not recorded. We only 
 know the results, and they are of themselves remarkable 
 enough. A division was caused in the Lutheran congre 
 gation at Tulpehocken. Conrad Weiser, and Peter 
 Miller, and a number of the elders withdrew from the 
 Church. 
 
 A new question now faced these seceders from the 
 faith of their fathers. What should they do ? They could 
 not endorse "Separatism," even if the country was full of 
 "Laodiceans, Naturalists, Ishmaelites and Atheists." 
 Weiser and his little band of the dissatisfied felt the su 
 preme need of some kind of church government, some 
 system with an organization. Weiser s was eminently 
 an orderly mind. Pie was a leader and an organizer. The 
 authors of the Chronicon Ephratense speak of him as a 
 "man who had received from God remarkable natural 
 gifts and sound judgment, and therefore carried weight 
 with him into whatever sphere he might turn, whether 
 of nature or of the church. He was the teacher s (Peter 
 Miller) main-stay, for they were on intimate terms to 
 gether, which death itself did not destroy." 
 
 Weiser s unrest soon led him to make a visit to Eph- 
 rata, where he sought a long interview with Beissel. This 
 strange man had a remarkable and powerful influence 
 upon W r eiser, so much so that the latter was instrumental 
 in securing the complete surrender and final conversion 
 
 Chronicon Ephratense. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 of Peter Miller himself. Both of these men were baptized 
 by Beissel in May, 1/35. For some time after this, Peter 
 Miller lived in a hermitage near Tulpehocken. This place 
 of abode was erected for him by the Ephrata Brethren. 
 
 For a time all went well in the church ; Weiser became 
 exceedingly zealous in the new faith. On one occasion we 
 are informed that in company with Peter Miller and 
 others of the new converts he went to the house of God- 
 fried Fidler where he burned the Lutheran catechism, 
 the Psalter, the Heidelberg catechism, and several other 
 time- honored books of devotion.* 
 
 Weiser gave liberally of his possessions for the "up 
 building of the new enterprise" at Ephrata. According 
 to the custom of these people, he allowed his beard to 
 grow until it reached such dimensions that even his for 
 mer acquaintances failed to recognize him. Beissel led a 
 proselyting party, composed of the twelve fathers in the 
 church, into New Jersey. Weiser was one of these 
 honored fathers, and added very materially to the 
 standing of the church through his influence in public 
 affairs. Indeed he was very enthusiastic in his sup 
 port of the Seventh Day Fraternity, and especially of 
 Beissel. The majority of Weiser s friends were exceed 
 ingly sorry to see him join such a religious body. The 
 chronicler of the Ephrata history, who despised the ways 
 of the world, declares that "the country could neither 
 wage war nor make peace with the Indians without him." 
 So important, indeed, was Weiser to the Provincial 
 authorities, that Governor Thomas used all his public and 
 private influence to win him away from these strange 
 people. The Governor fully realized that Indian affairs 
 would suffer unless his rising power in the Province was 
 
 *See C. Z. Weiser s Life of Conrad Weiser. 
 
RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPPIRATA. 47 
 
 drawn away from the allurements of this peculiar form of 
 worship. In the language of the Chronicler, Governor 
 Thomas "well understood the art of dissimulation," and 
 "took measures to bring him over to his" (Governor 
 Thomas ) "side again, to cope with which the good broth 
 er was by no means competent. The former took hold of 
 the matter very shrewdly, spoke in praise of the organiza 
 tion at Ephrata, and that he was not disinclined to come 
 into closer relations with such a people.- This he could 
 well say, for he went to the trouble to visit the settlement 
 with a following of twenty horses and accompanied by 
 many people of quality from Virginia and Maryland. He 
 was worthily received by the Brethren, though the Super 
 intendent, and the Mother Superior of the sisters held 
 themselves aloof. He" (Governor Thomas) "declared 
 himself well pleased with the institution. But when he 
 saw that the families also had an own household in the 
 settlement, he wanted to know what the object of this 
 was; and on being told that they too had entered the 
 celibate state, he regarded it as something curious. 
 Having made a favorable impression on the Brother* 
 he now tendered him the office of a justice of the peace, 
 which the Brother would then no doubt have gladly 
 accepted if it were not against the principles of his people ; 
 he did so, however, only on condition that the congrega 
 tion would permit it. Thereupon at his request a council 
 was held to decide the question whether a Brother of this 
 confession might be allowed to hold a government office. 
 The fathers were of the opinion that this could not be 
 done. But the Superintendent thought differently, and 
 asked them whether they had a right to respect a Brother s 
 
 *Conrad Weiser. 
 The Governor. 
 
48 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 conscience. And when he" [Conrad Weiser] "was asked 
 about it, he declared that his conscience did not forbid him 
 to accept ; upon which full liberty was granted him. The 
 Governor also gave him the privilege to withdraw from 
 court whenever such matters should happen to come up as 
 it were against his conscience."* 
 
 After this time, if we are to believe the Ephrata chron 
 icle, Conrad Weiser became more and more occupied with 
 the business of the magistracy, and less and less interested 
 in the affairs of the Brethren. There were other more 
 potent reasons which operated to turn Weiser away from 
 the Seventh Day Fraternity. A difference soon sprang 
 up between Weiser and the Superintendent. When the 
 Tulpehocken branch of the Ephrata Church asked for a 
 preacher in addition to Peter Miller, their teacher, the 
 difficulty began. Several preachers were tried, even the 
 celebrated "Elimelech," but none remained. "After the 
 priestly chair was now empty again," says the Chronicler, 
 "Conrad Weiser incautiously seated himself in it, and 
 thereby opened the door for the tempter to try him." It 
 must be borne in mind that the forms of the "Seventh 
 Day Baptists" permitted householders to live in member 
 ship with the single brothers and the virgins. While 
 Beissel placed a high value upon those who took vows of 
 celibacy, he yet had room in his heart for the householder 
 or married people. Yet one is led to suppose that the 
 rituals of the order placed a somewhat modified defini 
 tion upon the bonds of marriage. In the mysterious 
 style of the chronicler it is hinted that since baptism had 
 considerably weakened the ties of matrimony, "there were 
 spiritual courtings through which the void," in Conrad 
 Weiser s "side might easily have been filled again." It 
 
 *Chronicon Ephratense, pp. 82, 83. 
 
RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPIIRATA. 4Q 
 
 appears that Beissel warned Weiser of this danger, real 
 or imaginary. Whatever this mystery was it remained 
 locked in the bosom of Beissel. "In this severe trial," 
 says the chronicler, "Conrad Weiser in his God-enamored 
 condition found himself, and because he did not take suf 
 ficient heed to himself the tempter assailed him anew, and 
 would probably have overcome him, had not God put it 
 into the heart of the sister to seek out the convent and 
 have herself re-baptized by the Superintendent," (Conrad 
 Beissel) "then the cords of the tempter were torn, and 
 they again became as strangers to each other."" 
 
 It appears that one time at a foot washmg, Beissel 
 warned Weiser of the danger he was in from temptations 
 of the "female sex." Sometime after this Weiser found 
 occasion to rebuke Beissel for assuming that he was the 
 Christ, because Beissel had remarked that "when he stood 
 in the breach for a deceased brother the blood was forced 
 from his finger nails." Out of these things a coldness 
 grew between the two brothers. Finally Weiser, for 
 reasons which he saw best to keep to himself, forbid Beis 
 sel, the Superintendent, from frequenting the Sisters 
 Convent. The extent of Weiser s authority among the 
 Brethren is not known, yet we are told that he placed the 
 penalty of severe punishment upon Beissel if he did not 
 obey. For some time Weiser had believed that things 
 were not as they should be at the Cloisters. One of the 
 spiritual virgins consulted him, who, in his capacity as 
 justice of the peace had become the leading man on the 
 bench at county court, complaining of Beissel. Whether 
 the Superintendent was guilty, or the virgin was jealous, 
 is shrouded in doubt. 
 
 It is recorded that the virgin offered herself in mar- 
 
 *Chronicon Ephratense, p. 75. 
 
5O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 riage to Beissel, and was refused; and when he placed 
 others, in the Sisters Convent, in positions above that 
 occupied by herself, she brought these charges against 
 Beissel. Conrad Weiser immediately reported the entire 
 affair to the Governor. Two solitary brothers, believing 
 that Beissel was innocent, went to Conrad Weiser and 
 implored him not to stain his hands in innocent blood. 
 He promised them that if it were possible to withdraw 
 the case he would do so. But meanwhile the Governor 
 had written him to give the parties a hearing and send 
 the case to Lancaster Court for trial. Then Weiser had 
 another interview in the presence of "a housefather" ; the 
 "virgin" again confessed that she assisted Beissel in mak 
 ing way with an illegitimate child. 
 
 The Brethren all insisted that Beissel was innocent, 
 and that the virgin was imbittered because her sister had 
 been appointed Mother Superior instead of her. Be this 
 as it may, the "virgin" recanted all her charges when 
 Weiser told her that by the laws of the Province her 
 own life was endangered by the admission of such a 
 crime. The Brethren were afterwards more than con 
 vinced that her testimony was false, because soon after she 
 left the order, she became engaged to be married to 
 another man, and died just before the wedding. This 
 the Brethren declared was the justice of heaven slaying 
 the wicked in their sins. 
 
 Weiser, after this, is said to have turned away from 
 the Brethren, and been received into his former church 
 with much rejoicing. Just why he left the Ephrata 
 Fraternity is not clear, but we find the following letter 
 which he wrote to the Brethren, that in a measure explains 
 itself: 
 
 "Conrad Weiser, your former Brother, has the fol- 
 
RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPHRATA. 5! 
 
 lowing to say to you in this writing, on behalf of the poor 
 sighing souls, of whom there are not a few among you, 
 who are groaning day and night unto God because of 
 the Pharaohic and Egyptian bond service with which the 
 Congregation is so heavily laden and burdened that it 
 scarcely can endure any. 
 
 "Besides which this bond service is much worse than 
 the Egyptian, for the latter was for the payment of debts, 
 but with that under which the Congregation is in bond 
 age no debts can be paid. Yea, what am I saying? Pay? 
 The more one lets oneself come under this service the 
 more one sinks into debt. 
 
 "But they who withdrew from it, because - they see 
 that no debts can be paid with this bond service, and that 
 one cannot fulfill it so long as one lives, are refused fel 
 lowship as though they were evil-doers, and are expelled 
 from the congregation, etc." 
 
 Weiser went further and recommended a reformation 
 in the church, and offered to go and assist in it. This 
 gratuity being refused we find Weiser for a long time 
 estranged from the Brethren. 
 
 The warm intimacy and love between Weiser and 
 Peter Miller became after a time the means of drawing 
 Weiser back to the community once more. When he 
 again visited Ephrata, after his prolonged absence, no one 
 censured him, and no one turned from him. Weiser 
 inquired for Beissel, who came forward, and received 
 him with open arms into "the sisters home, where his old 
 acquaintances rejoiced with him that he had found again 
 his piece of silver which had been lost." 
 
 Soon after, at a love feast, the Brethren reincorporated 
 Weiser into the "spiritual communion; although," says 
 
52 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 their historian, "we willingly yield to his mother church 
 the honor of garnering in his body."* 
 
 These experiences had a tendency to alienate Weiser 
 from the public affairs of the State. Indeed, no sooner 
 was he away from the community at Ephrata than a group 
 of earnest Moravian missionaries interested him deeply 
 in their plans for the conversion and improvement of the 
 Indians. 
 
 Spangcnberg, Zeisberger and Zinzendorf, all applied 
 to Weiser for aid and guidance. As early as November 
 8, 1/37, Bishop Spangenbcrg writes: "I have made the 
 acquaintance of a certain man, Conrad Weiser, who was 
 nurtured in the faith of the Reformed Church, but who 
 has for some time been identified with the Seventh Day 
 Baptists." Weiser instructed several of these men in the 
 Mohawk tongue, and furnished advice about what he 
 considered the best methods of converting the Indians. 
 He urged the adoption of the French plans in a measure. 
 Before sermons were preached, smith shops should be 
 opened, and the guns and hatchets of the Indians gratuit 
 ously mended. That a concrete favor should be given 
 before an abstract truth was elucidated was Weiser s 
 plan. He was especially desirous that a smithy should 
 be established at Shamokin. 
 
 After Weiser had gone on several mission journeys 
 with the Moravians, Governor Thomas, who was well 
 aware of Weiser s importance in the Indian policy of the 
 Province, used every possible means to draw him away 
 from these people. 
 
 When Count Zinzendorf, in 1742, applied to Conrad 
 Weiser to accompany him to Onondago, and introduce 
 him to the Six Nation Indians, Governor Thomas urged 
 
 *Chronicon Ephratense, p. 86. 
 
RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPHRATA. 53 
 
 him not to go. Weiser hesitated, but finally concluded 
 to guide Zinzendorf as far as Shamokin. He had 
 already been entertaining the Count for some time. 
 Indeed, Zinzendorf was at Weiser s house when that nota 
 ble party of Iroquois sachems stopped there on their 
 return from a treaty at Philadelphia. With Weiser s 
 assistance these Indians were won over to the Moravian 
 project of establishing a mission among them. In reply 
 to Zinzendorf s offer they said: Brother, you have 
 journeyed a long way from beyond the sea, in order to 
 preach to the white people and the Indians. You did not 
 know that we were here; we had no knowledge of your 
 coming. The Great Spirit has brought us together. Come 
 to our people, you shall be welcome, take this fathom of 
 wampum, it is a token that our words are true." 
 
 On the journey to Shamokin, Weiser named the 
 mountains which they crossed "Thurnstein," in honor of 
 Zinzendorf. "At Ostonwacken they waited upon Madame 
 Montour, who burst into a flood of tears when she saw 
 Zinzendorf, and heard that he had come to preach the 
 gospel, the truths of which she had almost forgotten. 
 Zinzendorf remarks in his journal that Madame Mon 
 tour was a French woman who was captured in Canada 
 when she was but ten years old. She had forgotten most 
 of her early teachings, and believed that Bethlehem, the 
 Saviour s birth-place, was in France, and that his cruci- 
 fiers were Englishmen." This perversion was extensively 
 taught by some of the French missionaries. 
 
 Zinzendorf, after his return from the west branch of 
 the Susquehanna River, desired to go up into the Wyom 
 ing Valley, where the Shawanese Indians lived. Weiser 
 did all in his power to prevent the Count from undertak 
 ing this journey, but to no avail. Zinzendorf found a 
 
54 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 cold reception among the Shawanese. These Indians 
 were suspicious, and could not comprehend why he came 
 among them. They scorned his missionary projects, and 
 in their hearts believed that he came to take possession 
 of their land, and if he did not do it at first, he would 
 eventually accomplish it. 
 
 One day when the Count had his tent removed from 
 the vicinity of those occupied by his daughter and serv 
 ants, in order that he might without the possibility of 
 interruption examine some packages of letters recently 
 forwarded from Germany, a stealthy Indian scout peered 
 upon him from a leafy thicket. When he reported to the 
 wise men they declared that the white man was arranging, 
 and reading his deeds to their land. Accordingly a plot 
 was laid to murder the Count. The hour was fixed, and 
 the Indian selected to strike the blow. 
 
 In the meantime Conrad Weiser had been much 
 troubled about Zinzendorf. "His prolonged absence 
 bodes ill," thought Weiser. The interpreter s mind was 
 filled with a presentment that some hidden danger was 
 threatening the Count. He at once started for Wyoming, 
 where he arrived just in time to discover the plot, and 
 save the life of this remarkable missionary. 
 
 "His presence," writes Zinzendorf of Weiser, "and 
 the bold authority with which he dealt with the Shaw 
 anese, put an end to their evil purposes."* 
 
 In the winter of 1/45 Zeisberger and Frederick Chris 
 tian Post W 7 ere among the Mohawk Indians learning their 
 language. For sometime the colonial Governors looked 
 with suspicion upon the Moravians, believing them to be 
 in league with the French. The Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania shared strongly in this prejudice. And since 
 
 *See Life of Zeisberger, pp. 117, 119. 
 
COUNT ZINZENDORF 
 
RELIGIOUS REVIVALS AT EPHRATA. 55 
 
 Conrad Weiser belonged to the Governor s party, he, too, 
 received the suspicion and distrust of the Moravians. 
 They turned away from him, and said many bitter things 
 against him. To what extent Weiser merited the ill-will 
 of the Moravians is not clear. The probability is that 
 he differed with the Moravians in the method designed 
 for the conversion of the Indians, and from this differ 
 ence a coldness arose between them. That Weiser always 
 felt kindly towards the Moravians is certain. When the 
 Governor of New York, under the impression that Zeis- 
 berger and Post were spies in the interest of the French, 
 had them arrested while they were in the Mohawk coun 
 try, and thrown into jail because they refused to take the 
 oath, then it was that Conrad Weiser interceded with 
 Governor Thomas.and secured their pardon from Gover 
 nor Clinton.* 
 
 After Weiser had found disappointment with the 
 Brethren at Ephrata, and lost interest in the Moravians, 
 he turned with renewed zeal to public affairs, and the 
 interests of the Indians. 
 
 *See Letter from Weiser to Spangenberg. 
 
56 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 THE ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 
 
 Weiser s Indian Policy The Delaware Indians lose their Power 
 The Shawanese Treaty of 1701 The Shawanese Confer 
 ence of 1739 The Delawares from Ohio come to Phila 
 delphia Trouble grows out of the "Walking Purchase"- 
 Weiser s Attitude toward the Delaware Indians Weiser op 
 posed to the Quakers Weiser grasps the Ohio Problem The 
 Iroquois hold the Balance of Power Weiser s Policy in 
 the Interest of the Six Nations The Conference of 1742 
 The Indians dissatisfied with their Presents The Six 
 Nations complain of the Squatters in the Juniata Valley The 
 Iroquois drive the Delawares from their Hunting Grounds Can- 
 assatego chastises the Delawares They are dismissed from the 
 Conference The Six Nations claim Western Maryland and Vir 
 ginia Difficulties over Indian Expenses The Indians and Gov 
 ernor eulogize Conrad Weiser Conrad Weiser entertains the 
 Iroquois Deputies Maryland in trouble with the Six Nations 
 The friendly Delawares driven from Home. 
 
 DURING the period from 1735 to 1742, as has 
 been seen, Conrad Weiser was largely engaged 
 in church affairs. The Indian relations were not 
 pressing, though silent influences were at work which 
 in a few years led to important results. Had Conrad 
 Weiser shown the same zeal for the Delaware 
 and Shawanese tribes that he did for the Iroquois 
 many difficulties might have been avoided. It was the 
 nature of the Indian to tolerate no compromise, which 
 made it difficult for the Province of Pennsylvania 
 to avoid being dragged into the quarrel brewing 
 between the Six Nation Indians and their allies, the 
 Delawares. Weiser s policy was invariably in favor 
 of the Iroquois, and, therefore, necessarily against the 
 Delawares and Shawanese. 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 57 
 
 After William Penn s time the old men of the Dela- 
 wares continued to come to Philadelphia each autumn and 
 receive a few trivial gifts. In October, 1738, Allummap- 
 pees came and had the chain of friendship brightened to 
 the extent of thirty pounds worth of presents, he and the 
 other old men of his tribe having brought skins to the 
 value of eight pounds and presented them to the Gov 
 ernor. This was almost the last of the old regime in 
 Indian affairs. A set of younger men were coming into 
 power among the Delawares, and they were susceptible 
 to the influence of the Shawanese. These tribes came 
 into the Province from the south about 1699, and were 
 given permission by William Penn to live among the 
 Delaware Indians. The Conestoga Indians pledged 
 themselves for the "good behavior of these new arrivals. 
 
 In 1701 the Shawanese tribes made a firm treaty of 
 peace and friendship with William Penn. They prom 
 ised to submit to the laws of Pennsylvania, and to refrain 
 from any alliances with other Indians or white men. 
 They further promised to trade with no one except Penn 
 sylvania traders, provided, the Governor would per 
 mit none but licensed traders to come among them. After 
 the death of William Penn, an increasing number of com 
 plaints came up from these Indians in reference to the 
 unrestrained traffic in rum, which unlicensed traders 
 brought among them. This, together with the various 
 land sales made by the Delawares and the Iroquois, led 
 the majority of the Shawanese to move to the Allegheny 
 and Ohio Rivers. 
 
 The Provincial authorities of Pennsylvania fully real 
 ized the importance of having these Shawanese tribes 
 east of the mountains again, it being evident that the 
 French were rapidly winning them over as allies. 
 
5 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Consequently in 1739 a number of Shawanese chiefs 
 were induced to come to Philadelphia. At this confer 
 ence, when the Governor put the plain question of loyalty 
 to past agreements, the Indians desired that their reply 
 might be postponed until morning, saying that it was 
 their custom to do public business only during the rising 
 of the sun, and not during the setting. In the morning 
 they showed that all past agreements had been kept by 
 them quite as faithfully as by the white men. And since 
 Pennsylvania had, about a year previous, promised to 
 issue an order forbidding the sale of any more rum 
 among them, they had sent one of their young men to 
 the French, as an agent to induce them "for all time, to 
 put a stop to the sale of rum, brandy and wine." With 
 the full understanding that the rum traffic was to be 
 stopped the Shawanese confirmed the old treaty of 1701, 
 and promised not to join any other nation. A wagon 
 was furnished to carry their old men, baggage and 
 liquors, some distance out of Philadelphia. 
 
 In the following year Conrad Weiser was called to 
 Philadelphia to serve as an interpreter for a party of 
 eastern and western Delawares and a group of Iroquois. 
 The Friends Meeting House, where the conference was 
 held, was crowded with a throng of curious people. The 
 Allegheny Indians, fresh from French overtures, were 
 full of complaints. 
 
 "We are great hunters," they said, "but your young 
 men have driven the game off. We want you to keep your 
 young men away. We \vant our guns and axes mended 
 free." 
 
 The Governor readily promised them all they asked, 
 and gave them a present to the value of 150 pounds. This 
 was a more valuable gift than those usually bestowed 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 59 
 
 upon the Delawares, and it is more than probable that the 
 giving of it aroused a jealousy among the eastern Dela 
 wares. 
 
 The Allegheny Indians were then told not to believe 
 false stories, and were urged to look upon Philadelphia 
 as their home. At this point in the conference the Gov 
 ernor turned to the Six Nation chiefs who were present, 
 and charged them with a violation of good faith. It 
 appears that an Iroquois Indian had nearly killed a white 
 man on the Minisink lands/" and when the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania demanded the person of the offending 
 Indian, his tribe refused to give him up. This the Penn 
 sylvania authorities insisted was a breach of former trea 
 ties. The Iroquois deputies at Philadelphia acknowledged 
 this and Shikellimy, who had control of the Six Nation 
 affairs in the Province, pledged himself that the offender 
 should be delivered if possible. Since the Indian code 
 recognized that one favor deserved another, the Iroquois 
 at once asked that Pennsylvania use her influence in 
 securing the liberty of two of their children who were 
 prisoners among the Catawba Indians in Carolina. Gov 
 ernor Thomas promised to write to the Governor of Vir 
 ginia about it. 
 
 The following spring a complaint was received from 
 the eastern Delawares, saying that the white people had 
 taken possession of certain lands in Bucks county which 
 had never been purchased. The Governor at once pro 
 duced the deed of the celebrated Walking Purchase, 
 together with a map showing them conclusively that their 
 claims upon these desirable lands were all covered by the 
 writings. A letter was also shown them from the Iroquois 
 
 *The Minisink Lands were a part of the territory covered by the 
 Walking Purchase, over which there was so much dispute among the 
 Indians. 
 
6O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 chief declaring that their cousins, the Delawares, owned 
 no lands, and, therefore, had no right to sell land. This 
 letter went further and begged the Proprietors not to 
 accept any grant of land from any Delaware Indians 
 whatsoever. All these documents were sent to the 
 sachems of the Delawares, with the request from the 
 Provincial Council that the Delawares should live peace 
 fully and friendly with their neighbors, the English. 
 
 A notice was also sent to these once- favored people, 
 that the deputies of the Six Nations were expected to be 
 in Philadelphia in May (1742), and if the Delawares 
 chose to come down at their own expense and be present, 
 no objections would be offered.* 
 
 The Delawares were slowly coming to realize that 
 Indian affairs were not conducted as they were formerly. 
 To what extent Conrad Weiser was instrumental in 
 divorcing the Pennsylvania policy from the Delaware 
 interests is not clear; that he was a potent and tireless 
 factor in arousing an interest for the Iroquois is evident. 
 Since Weiser \vas an ardent advocate of the Governor s 
 party, and threw his influence against the Friends who 
 were in public office, it is highly probable that he was 
 instrumental in developing that policy which rudely 
 pushed the Delaware Indians into the background. 
 
 In the State election of 1741, Weiser took an active 
 part, and used all his influence to persuade his German 
 brethren from supporting Quakers for representatives. 
 In an open letter to his "worthy countrymen," Weiser 
 says, "You have been told, it seems, that if you took not 
 care to choose Quakers you would be caught in the same 
 slavery you came hither to avoid. It grieves me to think 
 that any should give themselves the liberty to invent and 
 
 *Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 481. 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 
 
 6l 
 
 propagate such falsehood. The Quakers are a sober, 
 industrious people, and so far as they have been concerned 
 in government we have shired in their protection, but we 
 see there are amongst them who shew they have the same 
 pashions and give way to them as much, full as much as 
 other men, and we want such 1 (for assemblymen) "as 
 will make up our breaches and not widen them, but as to 
 the slavery that has been mentioned, you may be assured 
 that whomsoever you shall shuse, by much the greater 
 part will be English, and there is no nation in the world 
 more jealous and careful of their laws than the English 
 nation, and therefore you may fully trust them, and that 
 you may be directed by wisdom in your choice, and that 
 peace, love, truth and good- will amongst men may pre 
 vail is the hearty prayer of your friend, 
 
 "CONRAD WEISER. 
 "Tulpehockin, in Lancaster County, 
 "the 20th of Sept., i74i." :! 
 
 In this same letter, however, Conrad Weiser reveals 
 the fact that he is thoroughly awake to the situation rela 
 tive to French encroachments, and since he uses his knowl 
 edge on this subject for campaign purposes it is more 
 than evident that the people, and especially the German 
 people, were also awakening to the danger. "The French 
 Nation," says Weiser in this letter, "is many thousands 
 strong in America, and possessed of Canada, a large and 
 well fortified country to the nord of us, and to the \vest of 
 us they are possessed of the great river Meshasigg, which 
 extends in its several parts far and wide, one part of it 
 generally going where traders go" (Logstown, on the 
 
 *From MSS. found among the Smith Papers at the Falls of the 
 Schuylkill. 
 
62 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Ohio, below the present site of Pittsburg), "to deal with 
 our Indians, is within the bounds of pensilvana, insomuch 
 that between that and the west branch of the Susque- 
 hanna, is but a short land carriage, and all the Indians 
 near the aforesaid great Rivere" (Ohio), are in league 
 with the enemy, and it is an easy matter for the "french 
 with the help of these Indians, to come this road and lay 
 this province waste in a few days." The prophetic vision 
 of Conrad Weiser would indicate that no man in the 
 Province knew its geography better, or realized the com 
 ing danger more clearly. Few Englishmen as early as 
 1741 had any knowledge of the country beyond the Alle 
 gheny Mountains, or knew the nature and extent of the 
 French claims. Conrad Weiser seems to have been the 
 one man who was keenly alive to the situation. It is true 
 that Colonel Johnson, of New York, was exerting all his 
 influence against the French and endeavoring to hold the 
 Iroqnois aloof from any alliance, yet Colonel Johnson s 
 influence availed but little, at that time, beyond the 
 Mohawk tribes. 
 
 All persons who were then well informed upon Indian 
 affairs were thoroughly aware that the Iroquois held the 
 balance of power; and should a struggle between the 
 French and English ever come, the Six Nations could, 
 by their alliances, decide the matter. Accordingly they 
 were courted on all sides. The French missionaries 
 obtained a foothold in the west, and soon caused a divi 
 sion among the Senecas, thus securing to the arms of 
 France the tributary tribes on the Allegheny. Colonel 
 Johnson held the Mohawks firmly to the English interests, 
 while Conrad Weiser, who was given the most honored 
 seat at the Onondago Council Fires, held the three cen 
 tral nations, the Cayugas, Onondagos and Oneidas in 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 63 
 
 sympathy with Pennsylvania and the English, thus neu 
 tralizing the French influence until the Albany purchase 
 of 1754 drove the western Pennsylvania Indians into the 
 arms of the French. 
 
 It was under a sense of this impending danger that 
 Conrad Weiser was led to bend the Indian policy of the 
 Province away from the Delaware and Shawanese tribes, 
 and unite it with the interests of the Six Nations. On 
 account of these facts it is not difficult to comprehend 
 why the Delawares were now given to understand that if 
 they cared to attend the approaching conference with the 
 Iroquois at Philadelphia in 1742 they were at liberty to 
 come, provided they would bear their own expenses. At 
 all previous conferences the Delawares had been enter 
 tained at the expense of the Province. They felt thte 
 change of policy keenly, but for many years they remained 
 silent, ruminating over their wrongs. 
 
 The conference of 1742 was called for the purpose of 
 paying the Six Nations for that portion of the land pur 
 chased from them in 1736, which lay west of the Susque- 
 hanna River. At the time of the purchase the Indians 
 were unwilling to receive pay for this portion. It included 
 all the lands in Pennsylvania west of the Susquehanna 
 River and south and east of the Blue Mountains. 
 
 The Seneca s were not present at this meeting because 
 of a famine reported to be among them. The Mohawks 
 were absent because they were not considered to have 
 any claims upon Susquehanna lands. The three remain 
 ing nations of the Iroquois received for this section of 
 land, which now comprises the counties of York, Cum 
 berland, Adams and most of Franklin, "500 pounds of 
 powder, 600 pounds of lead, 45 guns, 60 stroud match 
 coats, 100 blankets, 60 kettles, TOO tobacco tongs, 100 
 
64 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 scissors, 500 awl blades, 120 combs, 100 duffil coats, 200 
 yards of half-thick, 100 shirts, 40 hats, 40 pair stockings, 
 100 hatchets, 500 knives, 100 hoes, 2000 needles, 1000 
 flints, 24 looking glasses, 2 pounds of vermilion, 10 tin- 
 pots, 1000 tobacco pipes, 24 dozen of gartering, 200 
 pounds tobacco, 25 gallons of rum."* 
 
 When these goods were divided the Indians promptly 
 expressed their dissatisfaction with the amount. They 
 admitted that it was all that had been agreed upon, but 
 they felt sure that if the Proprietors themselves were pres 
 ent they would take pity on their wretched condition and 
 give them more. Then with genuine Iroquois skill their 
 leader begged the Governor, since he had the keys of the 
 Proprietors chest, to open it and take out a little more for 
 them. The Governor replied that the Proprietors had 
 gone to England and had taken the keys of the chest with 
 them. The Indians replied, saying, we know that our 
 lands are growing more valuable. "Land is everlasting, 
 and the few things we receive for it are soon worn out 
 and gone; for the future we will sell no lands but when 
 Brother Onas is in the country, and we will know before 
 hand the quantity of goods we are to receive." 
 
 The Indians went a step further and declared that the 
 Governor did not keep his word in reference to lands 
 which had not been sold. "Your, people daily settle on 
 these lands" (Juniata Valley), said the Indians, "they 
 spoil our hunting. The white man s horses and cows eat 
 the grass which formerly our deer fed upon. You must 
 remove the settlers from the Juniata." The Governor 
 replied that he had ordered the magistrates of Lancaster 
 County to go there and drive off the squatters, and 
 
 *Pennsylvania Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 566, 56?- 
 Meaning the sons of William Penn. 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 65 
 
 he was not aware that any had stayed after that. Here 
 the Indians interrupted the speaker and said that the per 
 sons sent for this purpose did not do their duty; that 
 instead of removing the settlers from the Juniata they 
 made surveys for themselves; that these men were in 
 league with the squatters. In strong language the Indians 
 insisted that more effectual means must be employed, and 
 honest men selected for the work. 
 
 The Governor promised them that all this would be 
 done, but since they demanded the removal of the Juniata 
 squatters with such promptness the Governor would call 
 their attention to the fact that a number of Delaware 
 Indians above the mouth of the Lehigh River, on the 
 Minisink lands, had refused to give peaceful possession 
 of the territory secured by the Walking Purchase. 
 Accordingly, in the presence of the Delaware Indians who 
 were attending the treaty at their own expense, Canas- 
 satego, the Iroquois speaker, said, You informed us of 
 the misbehavior of our cousins, the Delawares, with 
 respect to their continuing to claim and refusing to 
 remove from some land on the River Delaware, notwith 
 standing their ancestors had sold it by deed under their 
 hands and seals to the Proprietors for a valuable consider 
 ation, upwards of fifty years ago, and notwithstanding that 
 they themselves had about (five) years ago, after a long 
 and full examination, ratified that deed of their ancestors, 
 and given a fresh one under their hands and seals, and 
 then you requested us to remove them, enforcing your 
 request with a string of wampum. Afterwards you laid 
 on the table by Conrad Weiser our own letters, some of 
 our cousins letters, and the several writings to prove the 
 charge against our cousins, with a draught of the land in 
 dispute. We now tell you that we have perused all these 
 
66 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 several papers. We see with our own eyes that they (the 
 Delawares) have been a very unruly people, and are alto 
 gether in the wrong in their dealings with you. We have 
 concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the 
 River Delaware, and to quit all claim to any lands on this 
 side for the future, since they have received pay for them, 
 and it has gone through their guts long ago. To con 
 firm to you that we will see your request executed, we 
 lay down this string of wampum in return for yours."* 
 
 The above statements, which sound as if they had been 
 inspired by the Governor s Council, seem to have wholly 
 overlooked the fact that when John and Thomas Perm 
 were persuading the chiefs of the Delaware Indians to 
 confirm the deeds which covered the Walking Purchase, 
 they promised that said papers" would not cause the 
 removal of any Indians then living on the Minisink 
 Lands. 
 
 Whoever furnished the material for Canassatego s 
 speech was careful that he should not be aware of this 
 promise. The Delawares were given no opportunity to 
 defend themselves. Indeed, as soon as Canassatego had 
 finished the above address to the Governor, he turned to 
 the Delawares, and taking a belt of wampum in his hand 
 spoke as follows : 
 
 "CousiNS : Let this belt of wampum serve to chastise 
 you ; you ought to be taken by. the hair of the head and 
 shaked severely till you recover your senses and become 
 sober ; you don t know what ground you are standing on, 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 578, 579. 
 
 The Indians (Delawares) request that they be permitted to 
 remain on the present settlements and plantations, though within 
 that purchase, without being molested. In answer to which the as 
 surances that were given on this head at Pennsbury, were repeated 
 and confirmed to them. Penna. Archives, ist series^ vol. I., p. 541. 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 67 
 
 or what you are doing. Our Brother Onas case is very 
 just and plain, and his intentions to preserve friendship; 
 on the other hand your cause is bad, your head far from 
 being upright, you are maliciously bent to break the chain 
 of friendship with our Brother Onas. We have seen with 
 our eyes a deed signed by nine of your ancestors above 
 fifty years ago for this very land, and a release signed 
 not many years since by some of yourselves and chiefs 
 now living to the number of fifteen or upwards. But how 
 came you to take upon you to sell land at all? We con 
 quered you, we made women of you, you know you are 
 women, and can no more sell land than women. Nor is 
 it fit that you should have the power of selling land since 
 you would abuse it. This land that you claim is gone 
 through your guts. You have been furnished with cloths 
 and meat and drink by the goods paid you for it, and now 
 you want it again like children as you are. But what 
 makes you sell land in the dark ? Did you ever tell us that 
 you had sold this land ? Did we ever receive any part, 
 even the value of a pipe shank for it? You have told us 
 a blind story that you sent a messenger to inform us of 
 the sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never 
 heard anything about it. This is acting in the dark, and 
 very different from the conduct our Six Nations observe 
 in their sales of land. On such occasions they give public 
 notice and invite all the Indians of their united nations, 
 and give them a share of the present they receive for their 
 lands. This is the behavior of the wise United Nations, 
 but we find that you are none of our blood. You act a 
 dishonest part, not only in this, but in other matters. 
 Your ears are ever open to slanderous reports about our 
 
 brethren And for all these reasons we charge you 
 
 to remove instantly, we don t give you liberty to think 
 
68 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 about it. You are women, take the advice of a wise man 
 and remove immediately. You may return to the other 
 side of the Delaware, where you came from, but we don t 
 know whether, considering how you have demeaned 
 yourselves, you will be permitted to live there, or whether 
 you have not swallowed that land down your throats, as 
 well as the land on this side. We, therefore, assign you 
 two places to go, either to Wyomin or Shamokin. You 
 may go to either of these places, and then we shall have 
 you more under our eye, and shall sec how you behave. 
 Don t deliberate, but remove away and take this belt of 
 wampum." 
 
 Conrad Weiser interpreted this into English, and 
 Cornelius Spring turned the English into the Delaware 
 tongue. While this rebuke was still smarting on the ears 
 of the Delawares, Canassatego, taking up another belt of 
 wampum, said to them, "This serves to forbid you, your 
 children, and grandchildren, to the latest posterity, forever 
 meddling in land affairs, neither you nor any who shall 
 descend from you are ever after to presume to sell any 
 land, for which purpose you are to preserve this string in 
 your memory of what your uncles have this day given 
 you in charge. We have some other business to transact 
 with our brethren, and therefore depart the Council and 
 consider what has been said to you." 
 
 The Delawares sullenly withdrew to brood over their 
 insult. They were well aware that during the days of 
 William Penn nobody had ever disputed their right to sell 
 land. And for many years after this they found a sympa 
 thetic ear among the Friends in and around Philadelphia, 
 who were very much dissatisfied with the Governor s 
 Indian policy. 
 
 A careful examination of Canassatego s address on 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 69 
 
 this matter, suggests that he drew most of his facts from 
 the Governor s representatives. Whether Conrad Weiser 
 assisted in inspiring this rebuke or not is unknown, yet 
 he with the others permitted it, and thus scattered seed 
 which in time caused more bloodshed in peaceful Penn 
 sylvania than the Walking Purchase ever did. 
 
 The Delawares having been ordered out of the house, 
 the shrewd Iroquois turned their attention to more import 
 ant business. They claimed that both Maryland and 
 Virginia were settling on land owned by the Six Nations, 
 land that had never been sold to the white man. The 
 Iroquois then asked that the Governor of Pennsylvania 
 should intercede and demand payment for damages. 
 "That country" (Western Maryland and Virginia), said 
 the Indians, "belongs to us by right of conquest. We 
 have bought it with our blood, and taken it from our 
 enemies in fair war ; and we expect as owners of that land 
 to receive such a consideration for it as the land is worth. 
 We desire you" (Governor of Pennsylvania), "will press 
 him to send us a positive answer; let him" (Governors 
 of Virginia and Maryland), "say yes or no ; if he says yes, 
 we will treat with him, if no, we are able to do ourselves 
 justice, and we w r ill do it by going to take payment on 
 ourselves." The Six Nations were well aware of their 
 vantage ground, knowing full well that the English colo 
 nies dare not refuse their request.* This was virtually a 
 declaration of war unless terms of their own making were 
 complied with at once by Virginia and Maryland. The 
 Governor of Pennsylvania promptly promised to intercede 
 and if possible secure payments. He told the Indians that 
 after the last treaty (1736), James Logan did write to 
 the Governor of Maryland about the land, but did not 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV.., p. 571. 
 
7 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 receive one word from him upon the subject. "I will 
 write him again," said the Governor, "and I have no 
 doubt, but he will do you justice. We caution you mean 
 while not to allow any acts of violence to be committed." 
 In secret session, however, the Governor and Council 
 concluded to write to Maryland at once, demanding a 
 satisfactory reply, and that the letter should be sent by a 
 special messenger at public expense. It was also decided 
 to give the Indians a present in addition to what had been 
 received for land. The Governor and Council were desir 
 ous of making this present quite liberal, but feared to 
 name a large amount lest the Assembly might not approve 
 it. For some time the Assembly had been expressing its 
 dissatisfaction with the recent management of Indian 
 affairs, and had hinted that the Legislature should have 
 some voice in the Indian policy of the Province, if it was 
 expected to defray the expenses. In this particular case 
 the Governor had a consultation with the speaker of the 
 Assembly, and it was agreed that presents should be made 
 to the value of 300 pounds. The amount of this gift had 
 no small influence in preventing an Indian outbreak, 
 because at that very time the Governor of Maryland 
 became alarmed over a rumor that the Shawanese and 
 Delaware Indians had joined the French in a conspiracy 
 to destroy the frontier settlers in Maryland and Pennsyl 
 vania. A short time after the Six Nation chiefs left 
 Philadelphia this rumor became quiet. The Indians were 
 greatly pleased with the magnitude of their present, and 
 asked for wagons to haul their goods home, and they also 
 requested that the rum bottle, which had been so tightly 
 corked while they were in Philadelphia, be now uncorked 
 on the way home. The board decided to furnish them 
 twenty gallons of rum, and Conrad Weiser was asked to 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELA WARES. 71 
 
 estimate the cost of transporting them to Onondago. 
 Weiser s estimate was 100, which sum the treasurer de 
 clared he was unable to advance without an order from the 
 Assembly. James Logan then offered on behal f of the Pro 
 prietors to advance 40 of the hundred, and the speaker and 
 a few members of the Assembly, who were in town, were 
 consulted to know if they were willing to have the remain 
 der of the money advanced on the credit of the Assembly. 
 
 Just before the Indians departed they told the Gov 
 ernor and his Council that the business they had trans 
 acted was of great importance. It "requires a skillful and 
 honest person to go between us, one in whom both you 
 and we can place confidence. We esteem our present 
 interpreter to be such a person, equally faithful in the 
 interpretation of whatever is said to him by either of us, 
 equally allied to both. He is of our nation and a member 
 of our Council, as well as yours. When we adopted him 
 we divided him into equal parts, one we left for our 
 selves, and one we left for you. He has had a great deal 
 of trouble with us, wore out his shoes in our messages, 
 and dirty d his clothes by being amongst us, so that he is 
 as nasty as an Indian. In return for these services we 
 recommend him to your generosity. And on our own 
 account we give him five skins to buy him clothes and 
 shoes with."* To this the Governor replied : "We enter 
 tain the same sentiments of the ability and probity of the 
 interpreter as you have expressed; we were induced at 
 first to make use of him in this important trust, from his 
 being known to be agreeable to you, and one who had 
 lived amongst you for some years in good credit and 
 esteem with all your nations, and have ever found him 
 equally faithful to both. W^e are pleased with the notice 
 you have taken of him, and think he richly deserves it at 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 581. 
 
7 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 your hands. We shall not be wanting to make him a 
 suitable gratification for the many good and faithful ser 
 vices he has done this government."* 
 
 A few days previous Conrad Weiser presented his bill 
 for 36 1 8s. 3p. to the Council, which having been 
 examined was pronounced a just and very moderate one. 
 The Council then "taking into consideration the many 
 signal services performed by the said Conrad Weiser to 
 this government, his diligence and labor in the service 
 thereof, and his skill in the Indian language and methods 
 of business, are of the opinion that the said Conrad 
 Weiser should be allowed, as a reward from the Province 
 at this time, the sum of 30 at least, besides the payment 
 of his account." 
 
 Conrad Weiser conducted this delegation of over two 
 hundred Indians, ninety of whom were sachems and 
 chiefs, with their presents and baggage into the forests 
 toward Shamokin. At his house, in Tulpehocken, the 
 entire party tarried some time. Here in an open meeting 
 Weiser induced them to reveal the strength of the tribes 
 in alliance with the Six Nations. They told him that 
 outside of their own tribes they could control 5000 war 
 riors, and that on "the great River Missysippy," above 
 the mouth of the Ohio, were tribes of unknown number 
 in alliance with the Six Nations, and on the north side of 
 Lake Huron were several flesh-eating tribes, "who do 
 not plant corn or anything else, but live altogether upon 
 flesh, fish, roots and herbs, an infinite number of people 
 of late becomes allies to the Six Nations."! Conrad 
 Weiser secured and forwarded this information in order 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 582. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 576, 577, 
 [|Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 586, 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 73 
 
 that the Province might realize the importance of keeping 
 the friendship of the Iroquois Indians. 
 
 In the meantime Governor Thomas had addressed a 
 letter to Conrad Weiser asking his opinion upon the Iro 
 quois attitude toward Maryland. When Weiser s reply 
 reached the Council it was decided that a letter should be 
 sent to the Governor of Maryland with Weiser s sugges 
 tions enclosed. While these letters were being trans 
 mitted by a special messenger at public expense, word 
 came that some Nanticoke Indians were imprisoned in 
 Maryland, and unless they were released their allies would 
 make trouble. This report was scarcely read before a 
 letter came from Governor Ogle himself. On behalf of 
 the Maryland Council he asked the advice and assistance 
 of Pennsylvania in this trouble with the Six Nations. 
 Governor . Thomas at once engaged Conrad Weiser to 
 accompany the Maryland messenger to the country of the 
 Six Nations, and to act as interpreter. The purpose of 
 this Maryland mission was to invite the Iroquois to a 
 treaty to be held the next spring (1743), at Harris Ferry 
 (Harrisburg). While the Iroquois were deliberating 
 upon this matter a little affair occurred with the Delaware 
 Indians which materially increased the misunderstanding 
 and hard feeling existing between these tribes and the 
 Governor, and further illustrates that Conrad Weiser 
 exerted none of his influence towards keeping the Dela- 
 wares in a peaceful frame of mind. Indeed, it would 
 seem in our colonial history that when any Province took 
 sides in an Indian quarrel or feud it was sure to bring on 
 war with the other faction. 
 
 In November, 1742, Captain John and Titami, two 
 worthy old Delaware chiefs, who had once been leaders 
 of their people, and had always been warm friends of the 
 
74 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 white man, sent a petition to the Governor in behalf of 
 themselves and several others who had for many years 
 been living near the Friends. 
 
 In this petition the Indians claimed to have embraced 
 the Christian religion "and grown into considerable 
 knowledge thereof" ; and in view of these facts they beg 
 ged permission to remain where they were near the Eng 
 lish, and under the same laws. They further petitioned 
 that a portion of land might be set apart for their use. 
 
 The Governor called Titami and Captain John into the 
 presence of the Council and asked them some questions 
 regarding their knowledge of Christianity. From which 
 interview it appears, said the Governor, "that they had 
 very little, if any at all." He then asked them if they 
 knew the nature of last summer s treaty with the Six 
 Nations. Not satisfied with this the Governor ordered 
 that Canassatego s speech be read to them, and then asked 
 them if they understood that. They replied that they 
 did; but had not been fully informed of its purposes by 
 the Delawares. 
 
 The Governor told them that the bad behavior of the 
 Delawares had brought all this upon them. The two old 
 gray chiefs acknowledged it, and expressed their concern 
 for the conduct of their countrymen. Titami then said 
 that he was in possession of three hundred acres of land 
 granted him by the Proprietors, and he merely asked per 
 mission to live there in peace and friendship with the 
 English. 
 
 Captain John said that he did not at present own any 
 land, but he intended to buy some if he might be allowed 
 to live among the English. The Indians were then told 
 to withdraw from the room while the matter was con 
 sidered. The Council concluded that it would be highly 
 
ALIENATION OF THE DELAWARES. 75 
 
 improper to grant the petition, because it might be 
 resented by the Six Nations, and it might be the means 
 of reviving the late troubles with the Delawares. 
 
 The Indians were called in and the Governor told them 
 that he had some knowledge of them and their good 
 behavior towards the English, he would agree, provided 
 they could obtain the consent of the chiefs of the Six 
 Nations, that they two should be suffered to remain in 
 the neighborhood of the English, but that Captain John 
 must remove from the land where he now dwells, that 
 being the property of persons who bought it from the 
 Proprietors, and they were to understand that the other 
 petitioners were by no means to be included in this per 
 mission, nor any other of the Delaware Indians, whom 
 they call their cousins, nor any besides themselves and 
 their proper families dwelling in the same house with 
 them ; and this the Governor frequently repeated to them 
 that they might not pretend misapprehension, and with 
 this answer they were dismissed."* 
 
 To compel these old men to ask permission from the 
 Iroquois was asking more than the pride of a Delaware 
 could endure. The two old chiefs were never heard of 
 again in public places, they quietly drew back into the 
 forests, their friends among the white men never knew 
 why they left their former haunts. Slowly the young 
 warriors among the Delawares learned the old men s cause 
 of sorrow, and a store of revenge was laid up toward a 
 day of retribution. 
 
 While the Delawares were brooding over these things, 
 and the Six Nations were playing a fast and loose game 
 with the deputies from Maryland, a condition of things 
 sprung up in Virginia which threatened an Indian outbreak. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 625. 
 
76 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1743. 
 
 Virginia denies the Iroquois Land Claim Iroquois Warriors take 
 Virginia Scalps Thomas McKee s Account McKee pleads with 
 the Shawanese Indians McKee runs for his Life Virginia s Ac 
 count Weiser goes to Shamokin to learn the Truth Governor 
 Thomas Opinion The Pennsylvania Assembly furnish Money 
 Weiser attempts to make Peace A second Trip to Shamokin 
 Weiser speaks to the Indians Virginia accepts Weiser s Media 
 tion The Iroquois angry about the Juniata Squatters Virginia 
 forced to accept the Iroquois Terms Weiser goes to Onandago 
 to arrange a Treaty An Indian Banquet Weiser at the Onan 
 dago Conference Weiser makes Peace The Lancaster Treaty of 
 1744 arranged. 
 
 SINCE the treaty of 1736, Virginia had given little or 
 no attention to the Iroquois land claims. After the 
 treaty of 1742, Maryland, we have seen, opened negotia 
 tions at the great Onondago Council Fire, but Virginia 
 did nothing; in fact she denied that the Six Nations had 
 the right to any land in Western Virginia. To what extent 
 these things irritated the Iroquois is not known. These 
 Indians were accustomed to be fawned upon by the French 
 on one side and the New York and Pennsylvania authori 
 ties on the other. It is highly probable that at their council 
 fires, after the deputies had returned from the Philadelphia 
 conference of 1742, some hard things were said about 
 Virginia. 
 
 Be this as it may, the facts remain that a party of 
 Iroquois warriors started south immediately after the 
 return of the Philadelphia deputies. This party claimed to 
 have gone out against their old enemies, the Catawba 
 Indians. They came down the Susquehanna River in 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1743- 77 
 
 canoes until they reached John Harris Ferry, which was 
 the first important white settlement on their route. Here 
 they secured from a magistrate of Lancaster county a 
 pass for their safe passage through the inhabited parts of 
 Pennsylvania. With this they started across the country 
 in a southwestward direction toward the Shenandoah 
 Valley. They traveled very civilly and without molest- 
 me anvone until they reached Virginia, where they fell 
 
 o -- ^ 
 
 in with a party of settlers and a severe engagement 
 ensued in which several lives were lost on each side. The 
 Indians made a hasty retreat towards New York. 
 
 Sometime in January, 1743, Thomas McKee, a Lan 
 caster county trader, living on the Susquehanna, went up 
 to the "Bigg Island"* to trade with the Shawanese 
 Indians. One morning some of these Indians came run 
 ning into McKee s store greatly excited, saying that they 
 had heard the "Dead Halloo" several times, and that it 
 seemed to come from the "Bigg Island." The Indians 
 shouted over to know what was wrong, and received the 
 reply that the white people had killed some of their men. 
 McK.ee went over in a canoe and spoke to these Iroquois 
 warriors in his usual friendly manner. The Indians shook 
 their heads and turned away from him. A council was 
 immediately held by the Shawanese Indians, and McKee 
 was allowed to attend. One of the Iroquois warriors 
 made a speech to the Shawanese. He told them that when 
 his party were in Virginia they camped one night near 
 a white man s house, and the next morning when three of 
 their party went there a quarrel broke out. Four white 
 men tried to tie the Indians : knives were drawn and lives 
 would have been lost had the white men refused to let the 
 
 *"Big Island" was on the west branch of the Susquehanna River, 
 at the present site of Lock Haven. 
 
7< CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Indians go. They ran at once to the camp and the entire 
 party of Iroquois packed up their bundles and hurried off. 
 A large party of white men followed them; after travel 
 ing a long distance the Indians found that they were 
 pursued. They then stopped at a house where there were 
 a number of men who invited the Indians into the build 
 ing, asking them to leave their arms outside. Several 
 of the Indians did this, but the more cautious remained 
 outside, suspecting some ill designs of the Virginians. 
 These Indians were uneasy until they got those who were 
 in the house out again, when they all started off at a good 
 pace and kept it up during the remainder of the day. The 
 following morning a large party of white men came upon 
 them firing continually. A boy in the rear was killed. 
 Then the Indian captain ordered his men to turn and 
 fight. Several white men were shot, including the color 
 bearer. A sharp engagement followed in which the 
 tomahawks were freely used. Ten Virginians and four 
 Indians were killed, and a considerable number were 
 injured on each side. The Indians carried their wounded 
 away and cared for them. Ten able-bodied Indians were 
 sent home to Onondago to report and receive orders. 
 These runners were told by their captain "that as there 
 were different sorts of white people, if they should meet 
 any on the road they should not meddle with them, lest 
 they should by mistake kill any of those who were in 
 friendship with them. * 
 
 The Shawanese at the "Bigg Island 1 were very much 
 disturbed over this report. Although Thomas McKee 
 tried to convince them that the bonds of friendship 
 between the Iroquois and the Pennsylvanians were as 
 strong as formerly, and that the sons of Onas were in no 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 632. 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1 743. 79 
 
 way responsible for what had happened in Virginia; 
 therefore he hoped that the Shawanese would protect him 
 while he was among them. One of the Indians replied 
 that all white people were of one color, and as one body ; 
 that in case of war they would aid one another. When 
 McKee inquired if any of the Shawanese had seen his 
 servant who had been sent to Chiniotta for skins, he was 
 told that they had not seen his man, and if they had, they 
 most certainly would have killed him. This alarmed 
 McKee very much. He got up, and took an old Shaw 
 anese Indian with him into his storehouse ; after present 
 ing him with two or three twists of tobacco he tried to 
 convince him of what would happen to the Shawanese 
 Indians if they broke their Pennsylvania treaty by killing 
 a white man. 
 
 The old Indian promised to do what he could in 
 council. After some time he called McKee out of his 
 store, and told him that the Shawanese were very angry 
 in council. 
 
 A short time after this a white woman, who had been 
 taken prisoner by the Iroquois in Carolina, came to 
 McKee in the dark and told him secretly that the Iroquois 
 Indians had given the Shawanese permission to do with 
 him as they thought fit. And that the Shawanese had 
 gone out some distance into the woods to hold a council 
 in privacy upon the matter. The woman told McKee that 
 if he did not make his escape he would surely be killed. 
 The trader needed no further hints. He told his man, 
 and they decided to leave the store and all the goods 
 behind, and escape. They traveled for three days and 
 nights through the uninhabited parts of the country until 
 they believed that they were out of danger. 
 
 McKee s account was the Indians side of the story. 
 
So CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 The white people in Virginia, where this occurred, 
 reported that as soon as the Indians reached Virginia 
 they commenced killing the settlers hogs and cattle, and 
 in one instance a man s horse was killed. By these out 
 rages, they said that the Indians brought all this difficulty 
 upon themselves. The settlers tried to approach the 
 Indians with a flag of truce, but were fired upon and 
 several of their number were killed. 
 
 Conrad Weiser was immediately dispatched to Sham- 
 okin to learn the truth. A grandson of Shikellimy, in 
 the presence of Weiser and the Indian sachems told the 
 entire story. He said that "there were twenty-nine in the 
 party which crossed the Potomac. They wanted to go to 
 some justice of the peace to get their passes renewed, but 
 they could find none. There were no deer to be killed. 
 They would have starved if they had not killed a hog now 
 and then, which they did at Jonontere. On the other side 
 of said hills they laid down their bundles, and sent three 
 of them 1 (their men) "to look for the road they must go. 
 These three men were met by two white men, who asked 
 them many questions, till a third person of the w r hite 
 came up, then they all at once took hold of the Indians 
 guns, but the Indians would not let them go out of their 
 hands. One of the Indians took out his knife and threat 
 ened to stab the white man, upon which they let go the 
 guns and went their way, and the Indians returned to 
 their company and told what had happened to them."* 
 The captain told them not to pay any attention to this. 
 The next day the Indians were followed again by the 
 white men with guns and pitchforks. The remainder of 
 this report was substantially similar to that given by 
 McKee, the trader. The serious question growing out of 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 644, 645. 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1743- 8l 
 
 Weiser s negotiations was to know which story to 
 believe. 
 
 Governor William Gooch, of Virginia, in writing to 
 Governor Thomas, of Pennsylvania, said : "If what the 
 Six Nations insist upon be true, that we are the aggres 
 sors, the matter has been greatly misrepresented to me."* 
 Governor Thomas in his reply said: "From the inter 
 preter s private conversation with Shikellimo," (Shikel- 
 limy) "you will observe that the Six Nations insist upon 
 the Virginians having been the aggressors; and to be 
 plain, from all the circumstances I have been able to col 
 lect, I am of that opinion If the inhabitants of the 
 
 back parts of Virginia have no more truth and honor than 
 some of ours, I should make no scruple to prefer an 
 Iroquois testimony to their s. The Indians own that 
 they killed some hoggs to assuage their hunger, which 
 joined to their threats last year, in case they were not 
 paid for their lands, seems to me to have been the fatal 
 cause of the skirmish. " These opinions of Governor 
 Thomas were, most probably, reflections of Conrad 
 Weiser s judgment. So strong was the influence of this 
 sturdy German that Virginia did not insist upon carrying 
 her point, but after some little "flurry and bluster" || con 
 cluded to do as Weiser thought best. 
 
 The first thing that Governor Thomas did when he 
 heard of the difficulty in Virginia was to send Conrad 
 Weiser, in all possible haste, to Shamokin, to use his influ- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 654. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 653. 
 
 ||R. Peters, Secretary of the Pennsylvania Provincial Council, 
 writing to Conrad Weiser, February, 1743, says : "The Virginia 
 Governor seems to swear and talk big, but it being grounded on a 
 mistake of his own, I suppose he will take shame for it." (From the 
 manuscript collection of C. Weiser s letters in the Library of the 
 Penna. Historical Society.) 
 
82 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 ence in assuring the Six Nations and all the Indians in 
 alliance with them, that Pennsylvania and the sons of 
 Onas stood faithfully by the former treaties of friend 
 ship. The second thing the Governor did was to report 
 this action to his Assembly with the statement : "I doubt 
 not of your giving the proper orders to the treasurer for 
 defraying what expenses shall be incurred on this occa 
 sion."* The Assembly promptly replied that "whatever 
 sums of money shall become necessary to expend to these 
 good purposes we shall cheerfully pay, and give the proper 
 orders to the treasurer to this end." 
 
 In the meantime the Governor had written Conrad 
 Weiser, saying: "I will do all I can to procure you an 
 handsome reward for the trouble and ffatigue you must 
 necessarily undergo in the persecution of this matter at 
 this bad season of the year." Conrad Weiser had a diffi 
 cult affair to manage. No definite instructions were given 
 him. "I leave it to your own judgment," wrote the Gov 
 ernor, "how far it may be proper for you as our agent to 
 proceed in it. . . . . I need not say anything more to you 
 who know so much." Thus this honest-hearted and 
 strong-willed German was left to get Virginia out of her 
 difficulty as best he could. And Virginia was at that time 
 loudly insisting that she was not in the wrong, that the 
 Six Nations commenced it, and that their land claims 
 were hollow subterfuge. Furthermore, Pennsylvania 
 herself was in a very precarious position. Should the Six 
 Nations go to war with Virginia, Pennsylvania could not 
 remain neutral, and be expected to provision the bands of 
 Iroquois warriors who passed through her borders; and 
 this the Indians would demand as a right: and if it was 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 634. 
 Penna Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 637. 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1743- 83 
 
 refused there would be war in Pennsylvania. Then to add 
 to the difficulties of Weiser s mission, the settlers west of 
 the Susquehanna had no love for the Indians, and under 
 the excitement of the Virginia rumors there was great 
 danger of their doing some rash thing for which all 
 Pennsylvania would be held responsible. Weiser well 
 knew how easy it would be for these things to bring on a 
 general Indian outbreak. He alone at that time measured 
 the influence of the French. To foment this quarrel would 
 be exactly to their liking. Should the Iroquois turn 
 against the English, the Shawanese would remember their 
 unanswered petitions about rum, and the Delawares 
 would recall the Walking Purchase, and what a harvest 
 this would be for the French. Weiser did not know, 
 however, that Europe was just on the eve of the war of 
 the Austrian Succession. But he did know that should 
 such an outbreak arise, and the Iroquois be lost to the 
 English, victory must crown the French in their struggle 
 for empire in America. 
 
 The fate of a future nation was at stake when Weiser 
 started through the snow for Shamokin in January, 1743. 
 He received his orders on the evening of January 30, and 
 the- next morning, with Thomas McKee, he was pushing 
 through the forests. They crossed the trails of Indian 
 scouts who had been watching the actions of the white 
 men. A few days later they reached a Shawanese village 
 where twenty-five warriors ran into a trader s house when 
 they saw Weiser coming. They sat down in the corner 
 of the house where their arms were. Each Indian had a 
 cutlass in addition to his gun. The Indian trader s wife 
 told Weiser when he dismounted from his horse that these 
 Indians were unfriendly and had been plotting mischief. 
 Weiser went into the house and shook hands with them. 
 
84 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 "Their hands trembled," writes Weiser, "and none of 
 them hardly looked to my face till I sat down and began 
 to talk with them."* Weiser soon won the friend 
 ship of these Indians and they accompanied him to 
 Shamokin. At that place the representative Indians 
 of many tribes and nations were waiting for the 
 news. Twenty-five wise men met at Shikellimy s 
 house. In addition to the regular Five Nation embassies, 
 there were present Sachsidowa, chief of the Tuscaroras, 
 Allummappees and Lapapeton of the Delawares, and the 
 "Great Huminy," chief of the Shawanese, and also 
 Andrew, son of Madame Montour, who served as inter 
 preter for the Delawares. Since Shikellimy was in 
 mourning for his cousin who was killed in the recent 
 skirmish in Virginia, Weiser first directed his speech to 
 the old chief, saying, "Brother, Shikellimo, you have just 
 cause to mourn for the loss of your cousin killed in Vir 
 ginia lately; I am also sensible of the grievous accident, 
 but as the public welfare calls for your aid at this time, I 
 have been sent to comfort you, and to wipe away the tears 
 from your eyes, and, in short, to put your heart at ease, 
 for which purpose I present you with these two 
 shrouds. " 
 
 Weiser called the attention of the company to former 
 treaties of friendship, to William Penn s many favors 
 shown to the Indians, and to the protecting care of the 
 great King of England over his red children in America. 
 He then insisted : ( i) That a delegation with Shikellimy 
 at its head be sent at once to Onondago to inform the Six 
 Nations at their great Council Fire that we are all of one 
 body, one heart and one mind ; (2) That the goods which 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 641. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 641. 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1 743. 85 
 
 the Shawanese Indians had stolen from the trading houses 
 be returned. If this is not done it would be a direct viola 
 tion of former treaties. If the traders are not desired 
 among you send them home unmolested; (3) That 
 measures be taken to meet the Governor of Virginia and 
 have this unfortunate accident settled. The Indians, after 
 many councils and lengthy deliberations agreed to all 
 these things, Weiser having been quite generous in mak 
 ing presents of match coats to the most influential of the 
 chiefs. When Thomas McKee fled from his trading 
 house, the Shawanese Indians rifled it. Weiser at this 
 meeting so influenced Shikellimy that the old chief forced 
 the Shawanese to return the stolen goods to McKee. 
 
 After Weiser s return from Shamokin a letter was 
 received from Governor Gooch consenting to the media 
 tion offered on the part of Pennsylvania, and expressing a 
 hearty desire to have the affair made up in an amicable 
 manner. Weiser was, therefore, sent a second time to 
 Shamokin and instructed to arrange for reconciliation 
 between Virginia and the Six Nations, and also to arrange 
 for a conference with Maryland, who was still waiting for 
 an opportunity to meet the Iroquois. When Weiser 
 reached Shamokin the second time he found the Indians 
 who had been sent to Onondago as deputies on behalf of 
 the Virginia affair had returned. They thanked him for 
 the concern he showed for the misfortunes which befell 
 their warriors in Virginia. "We take it," they said, "as a 
 particular mark of friendship. We assure you that not 
 withstanding the unjust treatment our warriors met with 
 in Virginia, we did not allow our heads to be giddy, nor 
 to resent it as it deserved, which might have occasioned a 
 violation of treaties, and the destruction of many."* 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 647. 
 
86 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 The speaker then turned his speech from Conrad 
 Weiser the individual to Conrad Weiser the Governor s 
 representative. "Brother Onas," he said, "the Dutchman 
 on Scokooniady" (Juniata) "claims a right to the land 
 merely because he gave a little victuals to our warriors 
 who stand very often in need of it. This string of wam 
 pum serves to" (the speaker then took two strings of 
 wampum in his hands) "take the Dutchman by the arm 
 and to throw him over the big mountain within your bor 
 ders. We have given the River Scokooniady for a hunt 
 ing place to our cousins the Delawares and our brethren 
 the Shawanese, and we ourselves hunt there sometimes. 
 We therefore desire you will immediately by force remove 
 all those that live on the said River Scokooniady." Here 
 he laid down two strings of wampum. Then directing 
 his speech to the Governor of Maryland he said : "You 
 have invited us to come to your town, and you offered to 
 treat with us concerning the messages we sent by our 
 brother the Governor of Pennsylvania and to establish 
 good friendship with us. We are very glad you did so, 
 and we thank you for your kind invitation. 
 
 "Brother, we have a great deal of business and things 
 of moment under our deliberation, and it will take the 
 best of the Day (this summer) before we can finish them. 
 We, therefore, desire you will set your heart at ease, and 
 think on nothing but what is good; we will come and 
 treat with you at Canataquany (a place near Harris 
 Ferry) to-morrow morning (next spring), since you live 
 so near the sea and so far from us. We accept kindly of 
 your invitation. Our brother, the Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania, recommended your messages to us, which he would 
 not have done if he had not been satisfied your intentions 
 were good; we, therefore, promise you by these strings 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1 743. 87 
 
 of wampum to come and treat with you at the aforesaid 
 place." The speaker laid down four strings of wampum, 
 and turning to the Shawanese said : "Brethren, . . . you 
 believe too many lies, and are too forward in action. You 
 shall not pretend to revenge our people that have been 
 killed in Virginia. We are the chief of all the Indians. 
 Let your ears and your eyes be open toward us, and order 
 your warriors to stay at home, as we did ours." Then 
 turning to Pennsylvania again he said : "Brother Onas, 
 your back inhabitants are people given to lies and raising 
 false stories. Stop up their mouths; you can do it with 
 one word. Let no false stories be told ; it is dangerous to 
 the chain of friendship."* 
 
 During all these negotiations not a word was said 
 about Virginia. After the public conference was over, 
 Weiser asked Shikellimy why the Iroquois were not will 
 ing to come down and treat with Virginia. Shikellimy 
 asked him if "he could not guess. Weiser said, no. How 
 could they come down, said Shikellimy, with a hatchet 
 stuck in their heads ; the Governor of Virginia must wash 
 off the blood first, and take the hatchet out of their head 
 and dress the wound (according to custom he that struck 
 first must do it) and the Council of the Six Nations will 
 speak to him and be reconciled to him, and bury that affair 
 in the ground that it never may be seen nor heard of any 
 more so long as the world stands. But if the Virginians 
 would not come to do that, he (Shikellimo) 
 believed that there would be a war." Shikellimy 
 also told Weiser that the Six Nation warriors 
 would not disturb the people of Pennsylvania. They 
 would go directly to Virginia from the Big Island in the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 649. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 650. 
 
88 CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 west branch of the Susquehanna River. Weiser, the 
 Tuscarora chief, Shikellimy, and two Delaware chiefs 
 brought this information to Philadelphia. The Governor 
 told the Delaware chief that he was sorry that their uncles, 
 the Iroquois, had occasion to find fault with the behavior 
 of the Delaware Indians and the back inhabitants. You 
 both spread false stories among the Indians. "I hope you 
 will take good notice of what they" (the Iroquois) "said 
 to you about it in my presence."* 
 
 To Shikellimy, the Governor gave ten pounds and 
 compliments. To Sbikellimy s two sons he gave six 
 pounds each, to Sachsidowa, the Tuscarora chief, he gave 
 five pounds. These same Indians also received free enter 
 tainment while in Philadelphia. Conrad Weiser well 
 knew where Pennsylvania money would bring the best 
 returns in Indian affairs. When Virginia received his 
 report she came to terms promptly. A present of one 
 hundred pounds value was placed in the hands of Gover 
 nor Thomas by Virginia. Governor Gooch writes : "We 
 request that you will be pleased to send your honest Inter 
 preter once more to the Indian chiefs, and if possible pre 
 vail with them to accept through your hands a present 
 from us of one hundred pounds sterling value, in such 
 goods as you may think proper, as a token of our sincere 
 disposition to preserve peace and friendship with them, 
 and as an earnest that we will not fail to send commis 
 sioners next spring, at the time and place that shall be 
 agreed upon, to treat with them concerning the lands in 
 dispute. " 
 
 The Provincial Council of Pennsylvania agreed that 
 Conrad Weiser should be sent at once to Onondago to 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, Vol. IV., p. 651. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 654. 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1 743. 89 
 
 arrange for the time and place of meeting, and to deliver 
 the generous present sent by Virginia. When Weiser 
 arrived at Onondago, and had .exchanged the usual greet 
 ings with the Indians, Tocanontie, known as the "Black 
 Prince" of the Onondagos, expressed great satisfaction 
 at Weiser s arrival, saying, you never come without good 
 news from our brethren in Philadelphia. Weiser smiled 
 "and told him it was enough to kill a man to come such a 
 long and bad road over hills, rocks, old trees and rivers, 
 and to fight through a cloud of vermin, and all kinds of 
 poisen d worms and creeping things, besides being loaded 
 with a disagreeable message, upon which they laughed." 
 Weiser went about this mission with a marked degree of 
 care. He had Shikellirny with him, and they held several 
 secret preliminary interviews with the leading men, before 
 the great Council Fire took place. At these interviews 
 Weiser was told that the Six Nations had put the settle 
 ment of this Virginia affair into the hands of the Onon 
 dago Nation, that all the Iroquois had great "regard for 
 Onas and his people, that they would do anything for 
 them in their power, and they looked upon the persons 
 who kept house for Onas" (meaning the Governor) "as if 
 Onas was there himself." Then Weiser listened to Joun- 
 haty, the captain of the Indians in the Virginia skirmish, 
 relate the circumstance with all its details. 
 
 After this the captain gave a feast to which Assary- 
 quoa* and Onas were invited together with eighteen 
 chiefs. "The feast consisted of a cask of rum of about 
 two gallons; several songs were sung before the feast 
 began, in which they thanked Assaryquoa for visiting 
 them ; they also thanked Onas for conducting Assaryquoa 
 
 *Governor of Virginia, represented by Weiser. 
 Governor of Pennsylvania, represented by Shikellirny. 
 
9 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 and showing him the way to Onondago; the sun was 
 praised for having given light, and for dispelling the 
 clouds; then the cask was opened, and a cup of about 
 three-fourths of a gill was rilled for Canassatego, who 
 drank to the health of Assaryquoa; next him drank Cahesh- 
 carowano to the health of the Governor of Pennsylvania, 
 and after this manner we drank round," writes Weiser. 
 "The next time the cup was first reached to me by Joun- 
 haty, who attended the feast, I wished long life to the 
 councellors of the Six Nations, and drank my cup, so did 
 Shikellimo and the rest ; after that the kettle was handed 
 around with a wooden spoon in it, every one took so much 
 as he pleased, whilst we were drinking and smoking, news 
 came that a deputation of Nanticoke Indians arrived at 
 Cachiadachse from Maryland ; the house of Canassatego 
 was ordained for them, since the town house was taken 
 up by Onas and Assaryquoa ; after all the rum was drunk s 
 the usual thanks was given from every nation or deputy 
 with the usual sound of Jo-haa, and we parted."* 
 
 For several days after this there was a grand collect 
 ing of the head men from the surrounding tribes and 
 nations. Many ceremonies were observed in receiving 
 them. Finally when the great Conference took place, 
 Weiser spoke to them with all the profuseness of Indian 
 metaphor. Belt after belt of wampum was used, and the 
 magnitude of Virginia s present was made to dazzle in the 
 Indians eyes. Weiser offered to make peace with them 
 on behalf of Virginia, and then demanded their reply. 
 "All the wampum," writes Weiser in his journal, "were 
 hung over a stick laid across the house about six foot 
 from the ground, several kettles of hominy, boiled Indian 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 661, 662. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 665. 
 
THE VIRGINIA TROUBLE OF 1743- 9 1 
 
 corn and bread was brought in by the women, the biggest 
 of which was set before Assaryquoa" (Conrad Weiser) 
 "by the divider; all dined together; there were about 
 sixty people. After dinner they walked out, every nation s 
 deputies by themselves, and soon came in again, and sat 
 together for about two hours; then Zilla Woolie pro 
 claimed that Assaryquoa was to have an answer now 
 immediately; upon which all the men in town gath 
 ered again and the house was full, and many stood out of 
 door (so it was in the forenoon when the message was 
 delivered to them). 
 
 "Zilla Woolie desired Assaryquoa to give ear, Toca- 
 nuntie being appointed for their speaker, spoke to the 
 following purpose: Brother Assaryquoa, the unhappy 
 skirmish which happened last winter betwixt your people 
 and some of our warriors was not less surprising to us 
 than to you ; we were very sorry to hear it, all amongst 
 us were surprised; a smoke arose from the bottomless 
 Pitt, and a dark cloud overshadowed us; the chain of 
 friendship was endangered and disappeared, and all was 
 in confusion. We the chiefs of the United Nations took 
 hold of the chain with all our strength, we were resolved 
 not to let it slip before we received a deadly blow. But to 
 our great satisfaction, in the darkest time, our Brother 
 Onas enter d our Door and offer d his Mediation. He 
 judged very right to become mediator betwixt us. We 
 were drunk on both sides, and the overflow of our galls 
 and the blood that was shed had corrupted our hearts, 
 both yours and our s. You did very well to come to our 
 fire and comfort the mourning ffamilies. We thank you ; 
 this belt shall serve for the same purpose to comfort the 
 ffamilies in mourning amongst you. The speaker here 
 laid a belt of wampum on the table and Conrad Weiser on 
 
9 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 behalf of Virginia thanked them. The Indian speaker 
 laid down a belt of wampum for every proposition upon 
 which he spoke. Under the eighth belt he thanked the 
 Governor of Virginia for the present the old and wise men 
 of that country had sent them by the Governor of Penn 
 sylvania. "Let this string of wampum serve to assure 
 you . . . that we will come down within the borders of 
 Pennsylvania to a place called Canadequeany, next spring, 
 and will be very glad of seeing your commissioners there, 
 we will treat them as becomes brethren with good cheer 
 and pleasure. We will set out from our several towns 
 after eight moons are past by, when the ninth is just to be 
 seen, this present moon, which is almost expired, not to 
 be reckoned, upon which you may depend."* 
 
 Thus Conrad Weiser prevented \var between Virginia 
 and the Six Nations. Such a war must eventually have 
 involved the other colonies. Weiser also arranged for a 
 treaty to take place at Lancaster the following year 
 (1744) where Maryland and Virginia could meet to buy 
 out the Iroquois land claims, which these astute diplomats 
 had so skillfully established within their borders, and 
 where Pennsylvania could suppress all disputes and renew 
 her old chains of friendship. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 665, 667. 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 93 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 THE LANCASTER TREATY. 
 
 Virginia treats with the Indians Virginia also denies Land Claims 
 but offers Presents The Iroquois establish their Claim to Western 
 Virginia The Cause of the Indian Complaint against Virginia- 
 Virginia attempts to teach the Indians History -The Iroquois 
 Reply The Iroquois Opinion of the Catawba Indians The In 
 dians want to see the promised Presents Two Views of the Deed 
 Pennsylvania the Mediator The Juniata Squatters The Mur 
 der of John Armstrong Pennsylvania makes a Present to the 
 Indians French versus English Drinking Glasses Importance 
 
 * of the Treaty Weiser s Suggestion Maryland hesitates 
 Weiser Distrusted Lancaster in 1744 The Arrival of the In 
 diansThey pitch their Camp The Indians Public Welcome An 
 Indian Dance Indian Behavior Maryland s Attitude at the 
 opening of the Treaty Maryland denies the Indian Land Claim 
 The Iroquois Reply The Indians Version of the Dongan Deed- 
 Maryland s Reply Maryland gives the Indians a Present Public 
 Opposition to a secret Treaty Banquet given to the Indians in the 
 Court House The Indians Christen the Governor of Maryland- 
 Signing the Deed Shikellimy refuses to sign The Indian Deed 
 to Maryland The Deed finally signed. 
 
 THE approaching treaty at Lancaster was anticipated 
 with no small degree of anxiety by the different 
 colonies. A French war was expected at any time, and 
 unless the Six Nations and their allies were held in the 
 colonial interest, it was conceded by all that the French 
 would secure their friendship, and then the entire frontier 
 of Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania and New York 
 would be open to their marauding expeditions. The fear 
 of such results very naturally aided in bringing Virginia 
 and Maryland into a conciliatory attitude towards the 
 Indians. Conrad Weiser was the leading spirit in securing 
 this condition of affairs. The Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania used Weiser to keep him informed of the actions 
 
94 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 of the Indians, and asked him to write out his suggestions 
 in full about the approaching treaty. 
 
 In acknowledging Weiser s letter the Governor s 
 secretary says : "I handed your communication to the 
 Governor, who is very well pleased with every part of it, 
 and most where you say that Maryland may treat first 
 before the Virginia people arrive, but there the Governor 
 has ordered me to tell you that they will not consent to 
 treat separately, but both at the same time, and of this 
 you may certainly depend, and accordingly arrange with 
 the Indians." 
 
 Governor Thomas experienced many difficulties in 
 working out Conrad Weiser s plans. The Maryland, 
 government had been bitterly divided upon the subject 
 since 1742, at which time the Governor recommended this 
 subject to the Maryland Assembly. The Legislature 
 concurred, but a dispute at once arose about the method 
 of appointing commissioners to the treaty. The Assem 
 bly insisted upon the right to appoint half of the com 
 missioners, and to draw up their instructions. Governor 
 Bladen looked upon this as a usurpation of his powers, 
 and declined to confirm their proceedings. The House 
 would not yield and negotiations were suspended. The 
 Governor finally appointed the commissioners on his own 
 account. 
 
 Before this dispute was finally settled at Annapolis the 
 Virginia commissioners arrived and were informed by 
 the Maryland delegates that Conrad Weiser was a sus 
 picious character, and not to be trusted. The Maryland 
 distrust of Weiser was so great that it caused the Vir 
 ginia commissioners to write home for new instructions 
 relative to an interpreter. In this letter, dated at Annapo 
 lis, May, 20, 1744, they say that the Maryland com- 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 95 
 
 missioners "have great suspicion of Mr. Weiser, and we 
 
 believe that they will not solely rely upon him ; 
 
 we submit it to your Honor whether it will not be proper 
 for us to have your command to have another, if we find 
 it necessary, this we think we are not at liberty to do by 
 our instructions, which are positive as to Weiser ; but if 
 your Honor thinks proper to write us by the Post to 
 Philadelphia, a liberty to take another, we shall either 
 do it or not as we see occasion." Before the Virginia 
 delegation left Annapolis for Philadelphia, Weiser s letter 
 to the Maryland commissioners containing his plans was 
 received. In reporting this letter to Governor Gooch, 
 the Virginia commissioners say, "Before we left Annapo 
 lis there was an express from Conrad Weiser, with an 
 artful letter relating to the Indian affairs, which they 
 say is Logan, tho Weiser signs it; a good deal of 
 expense is proposed in favor of the Indians, and they are 
 persuaded that there will arise some difficulty, by our 
 having no other interpreter but Weiser."* In this letter 
 to Maryland, Conrad Weiser insisted that much more 
 could be accomplished in this treaty if the Governor him 
 self would come to Lancaster, instead of sending commis 
 sioners; that the Indians on such occasions would only 
 talk with the Governor. After a long wrangle Maryland 
 sent commissioners. When the Virginia delegation 
 reached Philadelphia and came under the influence of 
 Governor Thomas, we hear nothing more derogatory to 
 Conrad Weiser. Indeed, the subtle influence of the 
 Indian diplomat appears in the letters of these commis 
 sioners to Virginia. 
 
 The little town of Lancaster was sixteen years old 
 
 *See Journal of William Black, Secretary of the Virginia Com 
 missioners, in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 
 yol. I., pp. 129, 238. 
 
96 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 at the time of the treaty. Only a few brick and stone 
 buildings overlooked the home-like cluster of wooden 
 houses. The treaty was held in the Court House, a two- 
 story brick building erected in 1/39. There were two 
 court rooms, one on the first floor capable of holding 
 eight hundred persons. The one upstairs was supplied 
 with a huge fire-place. To this room the February ses 
 sion of court was accustomed to adjourn. 
 
 The commissioners and the Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania with their numerous followers had been assembled 
 in Lancaster several days before the Indians arrived. On 
 Friday, June 22, while the commissioners were all din 
 ing together in the Court House the long expected dele 
 gation of Indians appeared. The procession headed by 
 Canassatego numbered two hundred and fifty-two. A 
 number of the women and children were mounted on 
 horseback. A great crowd of people followed them. 
 When they came in front of the Court House their leaders 
 saluted the commissioners with a song which was an in 
 vitation to the white people to renew all former treaties, 
 and to make good the one now proposed. 
 
 Conrad Weiser conducted this motley procession of 
 sachems, chiefs, warriors, squaws and Indian children to 
 some vacant lots in the outskirts of the town. Here the 
 authorities had placed some poles and boards to assist the 
 Indians in building their wigwams, which were largely 
 constructed from the boughs of the trees in the adjacent 
 woods. It was said of these Indians that they would not 
 permit themselves to be entertained in houses made by 
 the white men. On these lots their cabins were placed 
 according to their rank, the Onondagos being first. When 
 the commissioners and the curious people in Lancaster 
 came out to view the Indian camp, Conrad Weiser 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 97 
 
 requested them not to talk much about the Indians, nor 
 to laugh at their dress or behavior, since many of them 
 understood English and might take offence at such 
 remarks, which would make it more difficult to conduct 
 the treaty. 
 
 That afternoon the commissioners assembled in the 
 Court House to welcome the Indians. After shaking 
 hands with all, Governor Thomas seated himself in the 
 centre on the judges bench. The Virginia commission 
 ers, Col. Thomas Lee and Col. William Beverely, took 
 position on the right. The Maryland commissioners, 
 Hon. Edmund Jennings and Hon. Philip Thomas were 
 on the left. Around the large half oval table, which 
 stood down and in front of the judges bench sat the sec 
 retaries, William Peters, of Pennsylvania, in the centre, 
 William Black, of Virginia, on the right, and Witham 
 Marshe, of Maryland, on the left. The Indians also took 
 position according to their rank, on the ascending steps 
 which flanked the judges bench. The body of the house 
 was rilled with attendants of the treaty and with specta 
 tors. After a hearty speech of welcome by Governor 
 Thomas, interpreted by Conrad Weiser, "a good quan 
 tity of punch, wine and pipes were given to the sachems, 
 and the Governor and all the commissioners drank to 
 them, whom they pledged. When they had smoked 
 some small time, and each drank a glass or two of wine 
 and punch, they retired to their cabins,"* where they had 
 been bidden to rest a few days before commencing the 
 business of the treaty. 
 
 The following day the Indians all remained in their 
 wigwams, while the commissioners with Governor 
 Thomas and Conrad Weiser went to visit the Seventh 
 
 *Marshe s Journal, p. 14. 
 
9 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Day Baptists at Ephrata, it being their Sabbath day. That 
 evening Witham Marshe and James Logan went to the 
 Indian camp to witness one of their dances, which Marshe 
 describes in the following manner : "Thirty or forty of 
 the younger men formed themselves into a ring, a fire 
 being lighted (notwithstanding the excessive heat) and 
 burning clear in the midst of them. Near .his sat three 
 elderly Indians who beat a drum to the time of the others 
 dancing, when the dancers hopped round the ring after 
 a frantic fashion, not unlike the priests of Bacchus in old 
 times, and repeated sundry times, these sounds : Yo-hoh ! 
 BughF Soon after this the major part of the dancers 
 (or rather hoppers) set up a horrid shriek or halloo! 
 They continued dancing and hopping after this manner 
 for several hours and rested very seldom. Once, while 
 I stood with them they did seat themselves, immediately 
 thereupon the three old men began to sing an Indian song, 
 the tune of which was not disagreeable to the white 
 by-standers. Upon this, the young warriors renewed 
 their terrible shriek and halloo, and formed them 
 selves into a ring environing the three old ones, and 
 danced as before. . . . 
 
 "These young men are surprisingly agile, strong and 
 straight-limbed. They shoot both with the gun and bow 
 and arrow most dexterously. They likewise throw their 
 tomahawk (a little hatchet) with great certainty, and at 
 an indifferent large object for twenty or thirty yards dis 
 tance. This weapon they use against their enemies, when 
 they have spent their powder and ball, and destroy many 
 of them with it. The chiefs who were deputed to treat 
 with the English by their different nations were very 
 sober men, which is rare for an Indian to be so, if he can 
 get liquor. They behaved very well during our stay with 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 99 
 
 them, and sundry times refused drinking in a moderate 
 way. Whenever they renew old treaties of friendship, 
 or make any bargains about lands they sell to the Eng 
 lish, they take great care to abstain from intoxicating 
 drink for fear of being overreached, but when they have 
 finished this business then some of them will drink with 
 out measure."* 
 
 The Maryland commissioners had no intention of 
 recognizing any Indian claims to land within the borders 
 of their Province. Their position was based upon the 
 following facts: (i) In 1652, Maryland bought from 
 the Minquas or Susquehanna Indians all their claims on 
 both sides of the Chesapeake Bay up to the mouth of the 
 Susquehanna River. (2) In 1663 eight hundred Seneca 
 and Cayuga Indians from the Five Nation Confederacy 
 were defeated by the Minqua Indians aided by the Mary- 
 landers. The Iroquois never relinquished this war, until 
 a famine had so reduced the Minquas that in 1675 when 
 the Marylanders had withdrawn their alliance, the Min 
 quas were completely subdued by the Five Nations, who 
 now claimed a right to the Susquehanna lands to the head 
 of the Chesapeake Bay. From these facts Maryland 
 claimed that the Iroquois right was merely from con 
 quest, and this was surrendered when Governor Dongan, 
 of New York, obtained his deed from the Six Nations 
 for their land on the Susquehanna River, because ( i ) 
 Penn had bought that deed in 1696; (2) the Conestoga 
 Indians had confirmed it in 1699; (3) the Conestoga 
 Indians (the remnant of the ancient Minquas) were put 
 on a reservation in Pennsylvania in 1718, and when they 
 for a second time confirmed Bengali s deed it was done in 
 the presence of the Onondago deputies; (4) Pennsyl- 
 
 *Marshe s Journal, pp, 14, 15. 
 
IOO CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 vania had purchased these conquest lands from the Iro- 
 quois in 1736, as far north and west as the Blue Moun 
 tains. Therefore the Six Nations had no land claims 
 within the borders of Maryland. 
 
 When the Maryland commissioners came before 
 the Indians at Lancaster they said that when they were 
 first notified of this demand in 1737 they felt that upon 
 second thought the Indians would withdraw it since 
 there could be no possible reason for such a claim. 
 Speaking directly to the Indians they said : "It was very 
 inconsiderately said by you, that you would do your 
 selves justice by going to take payment yourselves; such 
 an attempt would have entirely dissolved the cnain of 
 friendship subsisting not only between us, but perhaps 
 the other English and you. We assure you our people, 
 who are numerous, courageous, and have arms ready in 
 their hands, will not suffer themselves to be hurt in their 
 lives and estates."* The Indians were then told that the 
 old and wise people of Maryland had reflected upon these 
 rash threats of the Iroquois deputies and concluded to 
 hold a treaty whereby they could learn by what right the 
 Six Nations claimed this land. "We are desirous of 
 brightening the chain of friendship, and for this purpose 
 we have brought a quantity of goods with us. We are 
 not satisfied with the justice of your claim for land, but 
 we have brought the goods along to show our brotherly 
 kindness and affection for the Red Man." 
 
 The next day Canassatego arose to reply to the 
 Maryland commissioners. This remarkable Iroquois 
 orator "was a tall well-made man." He "had a very full 
 chest and brawny limbs. He had a manly countenance, 
 mixed with a good-natured smile. He was about sixty 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 703- 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. IOI 
 
 years of age, very active, strong, and had a surprising 
 liveliness in his speech." . . . . Canassatego referred 
 in very complimentary language to the selection of Lan 
 caster as a place of meeting, and the generous reception 
 which had been tendered them. Then turning to the 
 Maryland commissioners, he said: "You tell us that 
 when about seven years ago you heard by our brother 
 Onas of our claim to some lands in your Province, you 
 took no notice of it, believing, as you say, that when we 
 should come to reconsider that matter we should find 
 that we had no right to make any complaint of the Gov 
 ernor of Maryland and would withdraw our demand. 
 And when about two years ago we mentioned it again 
 to -our brother Onas, you say we did it in such terms as 
 looked like a design to terrify you; and you tell us 
 further, that we must be beside ourselves in using such 
 rash expressions as to tell you we know how to do our 
 selves justice if you should still refuse. It is true we did 
 say so, but without any ill design, for we must inform 
 you" that when we first asked brother Onas to intercede 
 for us, we desired him to also write to "the Great King 
 beyond the seas, who would own us for his children as 
 well as you, to compel you to do us justice. And two 
 years ago, when we found that you paid no regard to our 
 just demands, nor that brother Onas had conveyed our 
 complaint to the Great King over the seas, we were 
 resolved to use such expressions as would make the great 
 est impressions on your minds, and we find that it had 
 its effect, for you tell us that your wise men held a 
 council together and agreed to invite us, and to inquire 
 of our right to any of your lands; and if it should be 
 found that we had a right we were to have a compensa- 
 
 From Marshe s Journal, p. 12. 
 
IO2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 tion for them; this shows that your wise men 
 
 understood our expressions in their true sense. We had 
 no designs to terrify you, but to put you to doing us the 
 justice you had so long delayed.-. . . . We are well 
 pleased to hear that you are provided with goods and do 
 assure of our willingness to treat with you for these 
 unpurchased lands." . . . You tell us that you have been 
 in possession of this land "above one hundred years, but 
 what is one hundred years in comparison to the length of 
 time since our claim began since we came out of this 
 ground ? For we must tell you that long before one hun 
 dred years our ancestors came out of this very ground, 
 and their children have remained here ever since. You 
 came out of the ground in a country that lies beyond the 
 seas, there you may have a just claim, but here you must 
 allow us to be your elder brethren, and the lands long 
 before you knew anything of them." We were so well 
 pleased with the Dutch, when they came here over one 
 hundred years ago, "that we tied their ship to the bushes 
 on the shore and afterwards liking them still better the 
 longer they stayed with us, and thinking the bushes too 
 slender, we removed the rope and tied it to the trees, and 
 as the trees were liable to be blown down by high winds, 
 or to decay of themselves, we, from the affection we bore 
 them, again removed the rope, and tied it to a strong big 
 rock (here Conrad Weiser said that they meant the 
 Oneida country), and not content with this, for its 
 further security we removed the rope to the Big Moun 
 tain (Onondago country), and there we tied it very fast 
 and rolled wampum about it." After this when the Eng 
 lish came and became one people with us as the Dutch 
 were, they (the English) "found that the rope which tied 
 the ship to the great mountain was only fastened with 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 103 
 
 wampum, which was liable to break and rot, and to perish 
 in a course of years, he therefore told us that he would 
 give us a silver chain which would be much stronger and 
 last forever. 
 
 "We have been good friends ever since, yet we are 
 sensible that with all the advantages of the white man s 
 guns and knives and hatchets, we are each year growing 
 poorer, deer are growing scarcer. We are losing much 
 since the white man came among us, and particularly 
 from that pen and ink work going on at the table (point 
 ing to the secretaries), and we will give you an instance 
 of this. 
 
 "Our brother Onas, a great while ago, came to Albany 
 to buy the Susquehanna lands of us, but our brother, the 
 Governor of New York, who, as we suppose, had not a 
 good understanding with our brother Onas, advised us 
 not to sell him any lands, for he would make an ill use of 
 it, and pretending to be our good friend he advised us, 
 in order to prevent Onas or any other person from impos 
 ing upon us, and that we might always have our land 
 when we should want it, to put it into his hands, and told 
 us he would keep it for our use, and never open his hands, 
 but keep them close shut, and not part with any of it but 
 at our request. Accordingly we trusted him, and put our 
 lands into his hands and charged him to keep it safe for 
 our use; but some time after he went away to England 
 and carried our land with him, and there sold it to our 
 brother Onas for a large sum of money ; and when at the 
 instance of our brother Onas we were minded to sell him 
 some lands, he told us that we had sold the Susquehanna 
 lands already to the Governor of New York, and that he 
 had bought them from him in England, tho when he 
 came to understand how the Governor of New York had 
 
IO4 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 deceived us, he very generously paid us for our lands over 
 again We have had" the Maryland deeds "inter 
 preted for us, and we acknowledge them to be good and 
 valid, and that the Conestoga or Susquehanna Indians 
 had a right to sell those lands unto you, for they were 
 then theirs, but since that time we have conquered them, 
 and their country now belongs to us, and the lands we 
 demand satisfaction for are no part of the land com 
 prised in those deeds they are the Cohongorontas 
 (Potomac) lands. These we are sure you have not pos 
 sessed one hundred years, no nor above ten years." 
 
 The Maryland commissioners replied as follows : "We 
 have considered what you said concerning your title to 
 some lands now in our Province, and also of the place 
 where they lie. Altho we cannot admit your right, 
 yet we are so resolved to live in brotherly love and affec 
 tion with the Six Nations that upon giving us a release 
 in writing for all your claim to any lands in Maryland, 
 we shall make you a compensation to the value of three 
 hundred pounds currency." For the part payment of this 
 three hundred pounds a parcel of goods with the prices 
 attached were spread out upon the table in the Court 
 House. 
 
 After the Indians had examined these they expressed 
 their dissatisfaction with the prices attached. Accord 
 ingly a council was held and Conrad Weiser was called 
 in to advise them. He sat down among them, and after 
 some discussion the Indians agreed to take the goods at 
 the valuation of 220 155. In addition to this the com 
 missioners of Maryland presented the Indians with $100 
 in gold, which was received with the Red Man s shout of 
 "Jo-hah." These Maryland presents were probably the 
 result of Conrad Weiser s persistent influence, urging the 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. IO5 
 
 necessity of the colonists outdoing the French if they 
 would hold the friendship of the Iroquois. 
 
 Early in these negotiations Virginia and Maryland 
 closed the Court House doors to all visitors from these 
 two States. When this was enforced it produced great 
 indignation among many. No measures were taken to 
 exclude Pennsylvania visitors, until the Maryland deed 
 was ready for the Indians signatures, then out of feat 
 of undue influence on the part of those present from 
 Pennsylvania, who were supposed to be in the interests 
 of the Proprietors, a strictly secret session was held. In 
 this meeting, which is not referred to in the proceedings 
 of the treaty, the Indians refused to sign the release. Con 
 siderable delay was occasioned until Conrad Weiser 
 explained the demands of the Maryland commissioners 
 "in so clear a manner that there came such an amicable 
 determination as proved agreeable to each party."" The 
 "amicable determination" spoken of by Marshe was the 
 verbal promise of the Indians to sign the deed when it 
 was engrossed. 
 
 To celebrate what seemed to the commissioners as a 
 diplomatic victory it was decided to give the Indians a 
 great dinner. The tables were spread in the Court House. 
 Twenty-four chiefs of the Six Nations were invited, 
 together with a large number of the citizens of Lancaster. 
 Five tables were covered with a great variety of palatable 
 dishes. The Indians were seated at two separate tables, 
 with Canassatego at the head of one, the other Indians 
 taking place according to rank. The three secretaries 
 assisted by Thomas Cookson, prothonotary of Lancaster 
 county, William Logan, and Col. Rigbie, carved the 
 meat and served the Indians. Conrad Weiser stood 
 
 *Marshe s Journal, p. 19. 
 
IO6 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 between the Governor s table and the Indians, informing 
 them when the Governor drank to their healths, and giv 
 ing general directions to the order of the ceremonies. 
 The Indians were served in addition to the meats, with 
 cider and wine mixed. The sachems "seemed prodig 
 iously pleased with their feast, for they fed lustily, drank 
 heartily, and were very greasy before they finished their 
 dinner, for, bye the bye, they make no use of forks."* 
 
 The Indians were now feeling in a jovial state of 
 mind and they seized upon this opportunity to perform 
 the ceremony of giving to the Governor of Maryland an 
 Indian name. Since Penn s days they had called the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania brother Onas, Virginia s Gov 
 ernor was known among them as Assaraquoa, but Mary 
 land had no name by which it was known. Accordingly, 
 after much demonstration and speech making, the com 
 missioner of Maryland representing tlie Governor, the 
 absent official was christened by the Indians "Tocary- 
 ho-gon," meaning excellent position between Assaraquoa 
 and Onas. Conrad Weiser was interpreter for these cere 
 monies, which ended by all drinking bumpers of 
 wine to the King s health. Governor Thomas and the 
 commissioners, says Marshe, "indeed, all the persons 
 present, except the Indians, gave three several huzzas, 
 after the English manner, on drinking the King s health, 
 which a good deal surprised them, they having never 
 before heard the like noise." 
 
 At the close of these ceremonies the Governor and 
 commissioners retired for about an hour, when Mr. 
 Marshe produced an engrossed copy of the deed of land 
 from the Indians. Some difficulty had been anticipated 
 in getting the Indians to sign it. "Here, by the order of 
 
 *Marshe s Journal, p. 20. 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 
 
 our commissioners," says Marshe, "I produced the 
 engrossed release for the lands, with the seals fixed. We 
 were obliged to put about the glasses pretty briskly, and 
 then Mr. Weiser interpreted the contents of it to the 
 sachems, who conferring among themselves about the 
 execution of it, the major part of them seemed very 
 inclinable to sign and deliver it. 
 
 "But upon Shikellimy, an Oneida chief s remon 
 
 strance, some of the others, with himself, refused for 
 
 that day executing it, which refusal of Shikellimy s, we 
 
 imputed, and not without reason, to some sinster and 
 
 underhanded means made use of by Pennsylvania to 
 
 induce the sachems not to give up their right to the lands 
 
 by deed, without having a larger consideration given 
 
 them by the Province of Maryland than what was speci 
 
 fied in the release. Shikellimy, who, before we had 
 
 esteemed one of our fastest friends, put us under a deep 
 
 surprise and confusion, by his unfair behavior; yet we 
 
 in some measure extricated ourselves out of them, by the 
 
 honest Canassatego s and the other sachems to the num 
 
 ber of sixteen, delivering the deed, after the forms cus 
 
 tomary to the English, to which there were a great many 
 
 gentlemen signed their names as witnesses. Mr. Weiser 
 
 assured the commissioners that he with Canassatego and 
 
 some other chiefs would so effectually represent the unfair 
 
 dealings of Shikellimy and his partisans in Council that 
 
 he did not doubt to induce him and them totally to finish 
 
 this business on Monday next, manage- all the insinua 
 
 tions and misrepresentations agitated by the enemies of 
 
 Maryland, and, indeed, Mr. Interpreter proved successful, 
 
 as is evident in the transactions of Monday, and may be 
 
 seen in the printed treaty."* Weiser s diplomatic skill 
 
 *Marshe s Journal, pp. 19, 20. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 is well illustrated in this affair. The Maryland commis- 
 s ; oners, who before the treaty were loud in expressions 
 of Weiser s duplicity and treachery were now his warm 
 friends. Shikellimy, who had been on intimate terms 
 with Weiser for many years finds his confidence not in 
 the least shaken. 
 
 To what extent the Maryland commissioners were 
 aware that Weiser secured such changes in the deed as 
 to satisfy Pemrs heirs and Shikellimy is not known. 
 Marshe himself seems to be entirely oblivious of such a 
 change.* The celebrated boundary dispute between 
 Maryland and Pennsylvania was then pending, and the 
 deed which Shikellimy refused to sign would have given 
 Maryland an Indian title to a large portion of land 
 claimed by Pennsylvania. Marshe reflects this idea, 
 which was the opinion of the Maryland commissioners, 
 when he says, we "thereby gained not only some hundred 
 thousand acres of land for Lord Baltimore, who had no 
 good right to them before this release, but an indisput 
 able and quiet enjoyment of them to the several posses 
 sors, who in fact had bought of that Lord s agents." 
 The release which the Six Nations did eventually sign 
 for Maryland recognized an undetermined boundary line 
 between Pennsylvania and Maryland, and in no way tried 
 to fix that boundary as Marshe and the commissioners 
 from Maryland supposed. The release reads for all 
 "lands lying two miles above the uppermost forks of 
 Patowmack or Cohongoruton River, near which Thomas 
 Cresap has a hunting or trading cabin, by a north line 
 to the bounds of Pennsylvania. But in case such limits 
 shall not include every settlement or inhabitant of Mary- 
 
 *See note by Dr. Egle, in Marsha s Journal, p. 21. 
 Marshe s Journal, p. 21. 
 
SHIKELLIMY, THE ONEIDA CHIEF 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 
 
 land, then such other lines and courses from the said two 
 miles above the forks to the outermost inhabitants or 
 settlements, as shall include every settlement and inhab 
 itant in Maryland, and from thence by a north line to 
 the bounds of Pennsylvania, shall be the limits. And 
 further, if any people already have or shall settle beyond 
 the lands now described and bounded, they shall enjoy 
 the same free from any disturbance of us in any manner 
 whatsoever, and we do and shall accept those people for 
 our Brethern, and as such shall always treat them. We 
 earnestly desire to live with you as Brethern, and hope 
 you will show us all brotherly kindness; in token thereof 
 we present you with this belt of wampum." 
 
 Shikellimy never signed this deed. Since Canas- 
 satego was a superior sachem we have- no record of Shi- 
 kellimy s views. We only know that the old man was 
 always opposed to the immoderate use of strong liquor, 
 and stood aloof from men under its effects. Marshe 
 gives us the following interesting account of how the 
 release was finally secured on the following Monday, 
 when the commissioners and the Indians all met at 
 George Sanderson s Inn, instead of the Court House. 
 "When the several chiefs who had not signed the deed 
 of release and renunciation of their claim in lands in 
 Maryland did now cheerfully and without any hesitation 
 execute the same, in the presence of the commissioners 
 and Mr. Weiser; which latter they caused to sign and 
 deliver in behalf of a nation (Mohawk) not present, both 
 with his Indian name of Tarach-a-wa-gon, and that of 
 Weiser. Thus we happily effected the purchase of the 
 lands in Maryland, by the dexterous management of the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 7*9, 720. 
 
HO CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 interpreter. " The Indians seemed perfectly satisfied 
 with what they had received for their Maryland claims. 
 Shikellimy s opposition was based on a determination not 
 to recognize that Maryland had any land claims north of 
 the disputed boundary line. We have no record of Shi 
 kellimy s views; he probably had his own reflections when 
 he witnessed the bestowing of a broad gold-laced hat 
 upon an Iroquois chief who was active in securing the 
 signatures to the deed. 
 
 During the same days that these Maryland negotia 
 tions were pending the Virginia commissioners had their 
 affairs in progress also. The previous difficulties between 
 the Iroquois and Virginia, which Conrad Weiser so for 
 tunately settled, put the commissioners into a genial frame 
 of mind. They met the Indians upon the following 
 grounds. "You wrote us in 1736, through the Governor 
 of Pennsylvania, that you expected some consideration 
 for your lands in Virginia. When we received this letter 
 we examined all our old treaties, and found that the Five 
 Nations had given up all their land claims to the King 
 of England, who had possession here over one hundred 
 years ago, therefore we hold our title under the Great 
 King. 
 
 "Fearing that there might be some mistake about your 
 claim we asked the Governor of New York to look into 
 it. He sent his interpreter to you in 1743, who laid this 
 before you at a council held at Onondago." You replied, 
 "that if you had any demand or pretension on the Gov 
 ernor of Virginia in any way, you would have made it 
 known to the Governor of New York." Now this cor 
 responds to what you said to the Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania in 1742, because then you only laid claim to land 
 
 Marshe s Journal, p. 22. 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. Ill 
 
 in Maryland. We are pleased with your good faith and 
 disposition towards friendship. We have with us a chest 
 full of new goods. The key is in our pockets. You are 
 our brethren, the Great King is our common father, and 
 we will live with you as Christians ought to do in peace 
 and love. Therefore we beg you to tell us upon what 
 foundation you claim land in Virginia, when and what 
 Indians did you ever conquer in Virginia? If it appears 
 that you have any right to these lands we will make you 
 satisfaction. 
 
 The Iroquois made the following reply : We own the 
 land. We claim it by "right of conquest a right too 
 dearly purchased, and which cost us too much blood to 
 give up without any reason at all, as you say we have 
 done at Albany; but we should be obliged to you if you 
 would let us see that letter, and inform us who was the 
 interpreter, and whose names are put to the letter; for 
 as the whole transaction can t be above a year s standing, 
 it must be fresh in everybody s memory, and some of our 
 council would easily remember it ; but we assure you, and 
 we are well able to prove, that neither we, nor any part 
 of us, have ever relinquished our rights, or gave such an 
 answer as you say is mentioned in your letter. Could 
 we so few years ago make a formal demand by James 
 Logan and not be sensible of our right? And hath any 
 thing happened since that time to make us less sensible? 
 No All the world knows we conquered the sev 
 eral nations living on the Susquehanna, Potomac, and on 
 the back of the great mountain (Blue Mountains), in 
 Virginia. . . . We know very well that it has often been 
 said by the Virginian that the Great King of England, 
 and the people of that colony conquered the Indians that 
 lived there, but it is not true. We will allow that they 
 
112 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 have conquered the Sachdagughroonans and drove back 
 the Tuscaroras, and that they have on that a right to some 
 part of Virginia, but as to what lies beyond the moun 
 tains, we conquered the nations residing there, and that 
 land if ever the Virginians get a right to it, it must be 
 by us 
 
 "We are glad to hear that you have brought a big 
 chest of new goods, and that you have the key in your 
 pockets, we will open all our hearts to you that you may 
 
 know everything in them You may remember that 
 
 about twenty years ago you had a treaty with us at 
 Albany, you took a belt of wampum and made a fence 
 with it on the top of a mountain. You said that we were 
 to stay west of that fence and you would remain east 
 of it. That is the mountain we mean, and we desire that 
 treaty may be confirmed. After we left Albany we 
 brought our road a great deal more to the west that we 
 might comply with your proposal, but though it was of 
 your own making, your people never observed it, but 
 came and lived on our side of the hill, which we don t 
 blame you for, as you live at a great distance near the 
 seas, and can t be thought to know what your people do 
 in the back parts, and on their settling contrary to your 
 proposals on our new road, it fell out that our warriors 
 did some hurt to your people s cattle of which a com 
 plaint was made and transmitted to us by our brother 
 Onas. And we at his request altered the road again and 
 brought it to the foot of the great mountain where it now 
 is, and the nature of the country makes it impossible for 
 us to move it any further west. . . . 
 
 "We had not been long in the use of this new road 
 before your people came like flocks of birds and sat down 
 on both sides of it, and yet we never made a complaint 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 113 
 
 to you, though you must have been sensible those things 
 must have been done by your people in manifest breach 
 of your own proposals made at Albany; and therefore 
 as we are now opening our hearts to you, we cannot help 
 complaining. . . . The affair of the road must be looked 
 upon as a preliminary to be settled before the grant of 
 lands, and that either the Virginia people must be obliged 
 to remove more easterly, or if they are permitted (to 
 remain in Shenandoah Valley), to say that our warriors 
 marching that way to the southward shall go shares with 
 them in what they plant."* 
 
 A few days later the Virginia commissioners endeav 
 ored to set the Indians right upon the history of their 
 past treaties. "If the Six Nations have made any con 
 quests over Indians that may at any time have lived on 
 the west side of the- great mountains of Virginia, yet they 
 never possessed any lands there that w r e ever heard. That 
 part was altogether deserted, and free for any people to 
 enter upon, as the people of Virginia have done by order 
 of the Great King, very justly as well as by an ancient 
 right as by its being freed from the possession of any 
 other, and from any claim even of you the Six Nations, 
 our brethren, until within these eight years. Our first 
 treaty was one of friendship made at Albany in 1674. 
 The next one was made at the same place in 1686, when 
 you declared the Five Nations to be subjects of the Great 
 King, our father, and gave up to him all your lands for 
 his protection. You acknowledged this in a treaty with 
 the Governor of New York the following year. These 
 are the very words that you used on that occasion, have 
 you forgotten them? *O brethren you tell us the King 
 of England is a very great King, and why should you not 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 709, 713. 
 
1 14 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 join with us in a very just cause when the French joins 
 with our enemies in an unjust cause. O brethren, we see the 
 reason for this, for the French would fain kill us all, and 
 when that is done they would carry all the beaver trade to 
 Canada, and the great King of England would lose the 
 lands likewise; and, therefore, O great Sachem beyond 
 the great lakes, awake, and suffer not those poor Indians 
 that have given themselves and their lands under your 
 protection to be destroyed by the French without a 
 cause. "* 
 
 This plea on the part of the Iroquois in 1687 was 
 occasioned by the threatenings of the war of the Palati 
 nate (1689-1697). The last treaty you made with us 
 you have not reported correctly. "Your brethren, the 
 white people in Virginia, are in no article of that treaty 
 prohibited to pass and settle to the westward of the great 
 mountains," but the Indians tributary to you are by that 
 treaty forbidden from passing to the eastward of those 
 mountains, or to the southward of the Potomac River. 
 It was further agreed in that treaty that no Indians 
 should pass through the forbidden territory without 
 passes. Therefore, "what right can you have to lands 
 that you have no right to walk upon but upon certain 
 conditions? . . . You have not observed this part of your 
 treaty, and because we have not strictly enforced it some 
 trouble has arisen. We can show you this treaty, and the 
 names of the Indians who signed it. Brethren, this dis 
 pute is not between you and Virginia, you are setting up 
 your right against the Great King, who is our common 
 father and means to do justice to all his children. 
 Brethren, there would have been no trouble about the 
 road you speak of if you had taken our advice and made 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 717. 
 
 OF 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 
 
 peace with the Catawba Indians. Then you could have 
 staid out of Virginia, and there would have been no dis 
 pute between us." Then the Virginia commissioners once 
 more expressed their good will towards the Iroquois and 
 told them of their willingness to settle for those disputed 
 lands. 
 
 From this point in the proceedings the Indians showed 
 no disposition to argue the land question with the Vir 
 ginia commissioners on the basis of old treaties. They 
 knew their power. They knew that the war between 
 France and England had commenced. They knew that 
 the French were bidding high for Iroquois alliance. For 
 these reasons it is highly probable that they were deter 
 mined to force recognition of their land claims, and give 
 the English, in individual colonies, an opportunity in the 
 aggregate to outbid the French. Therefore, the Iroquois 
 took another tack. "The world," they said, was at first 
 "made on the other side of the great water different from 
 what it is on this side, as may be known from the different 
 color of our skin and our flesh, and that which you call 
 justice may not be so amongst us. You have your laws 
 and customs, so have we. The Great King might send 
 you over to conquer the Indians, but it looks to us that 
 God did not approve of it, if He had, He would not have 
 placed the sea where it is, as the limits between us and 
 you. 
 
 "Brother Assaraquoa, though great things are well 
 remembered among us, yet we don t remember that we 
 were ever conquered by the Great King, or that we have 
 been employed by that Great King to conquer others; if 
 it was so it was beyond our memory. You tell us we 
 have not kept our peace with the Catawbas; we tell you 
 that the Catawbas have broken faith with us. They have 
 
Il6 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 called us women. The war must continue between them 
 and us until one or the other of us is destroyed. For this 
 reason the road must be kept open between us and the 
 Catawba country. You have some very ill-natured people 
 living along this road, we desire that you who are in 
 power may know who they are and arrange that our 
 warriors may have a reasonable amount of victuals when 
 they are in want. You know very well when the white 
 people came first here they were very poor ; but now they 
 have got our lands and are by them become rich, and we 
 are now poor. What little we had for the land goes soon 
 away, but the land lasts forever. 
 
 "You told us you had brought with you a chest of 
 goods, and that you have the key in your pockets; but 
 we have never seen the chest nor the goods that are said 
 to be in it. It may be small and the goods few. We 
 want to see them, and are desirous to come to some con 
 clusion. We have been sleeping here these ten days past, 
 and have not done anything to the purpose."* 
 
 This brought the Virginia commissioners to the 
 point, and the Indians were promised that the goods 
 should be seen on Monday. The Indians were told that 
 enough had been said about the titles to the land. The 
 chests were opened and the goods were spread before 
 them. "They cost," said the commissioners, "two hun 
 dred pounds, Pennsylvania money, and were bought by 
 a person recommended to us by the Governor of Penn 
 sylvania, with ready cash. We ordered them to be good 
 in their kinds, and we believe they are so. These goods 
 and two hundred pounds in gold which now lie on the 
 table, we will give you, our brethren of the Six Nations, 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., 720, 721. 
 Probably Conrad Weiser. 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 1 1/ 
 
 upon conditions, that you immediately make a deed, rec 
 ognizing the King s right to all the lands that are or 
 shall be by his Majesty s appointment in the colony of 
 Virginia." The commissioners also guaranteed the 
 Indians an open road to the Catawba country, promising 
 that the people of Virginia should perform their part if 
 the Indians perform theirs. The Iroquois understood this 
 to mean that their war parties should be fed while passing 
 through Virginia, and that their warriors should abstain 
 from shooting the farmers hogs, cattle or chickens. The 
 following day the Virginia commissioners gave the 
 Indians one of the promised hundred pounds in gold, in 
 order, they said, to make the "chain of union and friend 
 ship as bright as the sun, that it may not contract any 
 more rust forever." Another day was consumed in pre 
 senting the other one hundred pounds in gold, and prom 
 ising to recommend the Iroquois to the favor of the King 
 of England. Canassatego was given a camblet coat, and 
 the chiefs were furnished with passes for their warriors 
 who intended going through Virginia. 
 
 When the treaty was over the Indians believed that 
 they had established land claims in Virginia, that the 
 open road was guaranteed, that their warriors were to be 
 fed while passing through the State, and that they had 
 sold land only to the head- waters of the streams feeding 
 the Ohio River. The Virginians, on the other hand, 
 believed that they had extinguished all Iroquois land 
 claims forever within the charter limits of their State. 
 
 In this treaty Pennsylvania, guided by Conrad 
 Weiser, was the mediator and peacemaker. Virginia 
 and Maryland were compelled to make financial provision 
 for the Indians before coming to the treaty. They were 
 induced to lay aside their opposition to Iroquois land 
 
n8 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 claims, and settle in such a manner as would secure the 
 friendship of the Six Nations, thus thwarting the 
 schemes of the French and protecting the frontiers of the 
 English from the Carolinas to New England. 
 
 While Pennsylvania was thus leading the astonished 
 Maryland and Virginia commissioners through the hid 
 den paths of Indian diplomacy, she had troubles of her 
 own to settle with those keen-witted Red Men. Since 
 the purchase of 1736 traders and squatters had been 
 greatly attracted by the lands in Juniata Valley. This 
 region lay beyond the limits of the previous purchases, 
 and whenever settlers took possession of unpurchased 
 land, Indian outrages were sure to occur. 
 
 Some time previous to this treaty John Armstrong, a 
 trader, with two of his men, and their horses loaded with 
 merchandise, were following the Allegheny path towards 
 the Ohio for the purpose of trade. An Indian who 
 claimed to have been wronged by "Jack Armstrong" in 
 a bargain, followed the trader until he was about crossing 
 the Juniata at the Narrows when they murdered Arm 
 strong and his men, and plundered their goods. This 
 matter was placed in the hands of Shikellimy at Shamo- 
 kin, who caused the murderers to be apprehended, and 
 after giving them a hearing, ordered two of them to be 
 sent to jail at Lancaster to await trial at the hands of the 
 white man. 
 
 While Shikellimy s sons were conveying the prison 
 ers to Lancaster the friends of John Mussemeelin, one of 
 the prisoners who was related to some important Dela 
 ware sachems, induced Shikellimy s sons to allow Musse 
 meelin to escape. The other Indian was locked safely 
 in the prison. At the Lancaster Treaty the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania demanded of the Iroquois that they com- 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 
 
 mand their subjects, the Delawares, to surrender Musse- 
 meelin to the authorities of the Province. The Governor 
 invited the Indians to Lancaster to witness the trial. The 
 Iroquois were also given to understand that they must 
 cause search to be made for the stolen goods, and have 
 them or their value restored to the heirs of Jack Arm 
 strong. The Six Nations before they replied to this 
 demand were well aware that a present was awaiting 
 them from Pennsylvania, equal to, if not greater, than 
 the ones given either by Virginia or Maryland. 
 
 The Iroquois reply is characteristic of the Indians 
 idea of justice. "We join with you in your concern for 
 such a vile proceeding; and to testify that we have the 
 same inclinations with you to keep the road clear, free and 
 open we give you this string of wampum. Brother Onas, 
 these things happen frequently and we desire that you 
 will consider them well, and not be too much concerned. 
 Three Indians have been killed at different times at Ohio, 
 and we never mentioned anything of them to you, imag 
 ining it might have been occasioned by some unfortunate 
 quarrels ..... We desire you to consider these things 
 well, and to take the grief from your hearts we give you 
 this string of wampum. 
 
 "We have reproved the Delawares severely for their 
 conduct, and will see that the stolen goods are restored. 
 On our return home we will order the Delawares to send 
 Mussemeelin to you for trial, but not as a prisoner. You 
 have the guilty Indian now in jail. We will expect you 
 to do Mussemeelin justice and return him to his people 
 in safety." 
 
 After mutual congratulations between Pennsylvania 
 and the Six Nations a present of goods to the value of 
 three hundred pounds was given them on conditions that 
 
I2O CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 they stand aloof from the French and keep Pennsylvania 
 thoroughly informed of all the movements of the enemy, 
 and also of the secret designs of the French allies. The 
 Indians were then told of the progress of the war and of 
 the glorious victories of the English over the French. 
 
 When the Indians replied to this little expression of 
 loyal pride in the prowess of English arms they said, 
 "You tell us you beat the French, if so you must have 
 taken a great deal of rum from them, and can the better 
 spare us some of that liquor to make us rejoice with you 
 in the victory. The Governor and commissioners ordered 
 a dram of rum to be given to each in a small glass, call 
 ing it a French glass. " 
 
 The next day Canassatego, turning to the Governor 
 of Pennsylvania, said : "We mentioned to you yesterday 
 the booty you had taken from the French, and asked you 
 for some of the rum which we supposed to be part of it, 
 and you gave us some, but it turned out unfortunately 
 that you gave us it in French glasses, we desire now you 
 will give us some in English glasses." 
 
 The Governor replied, "We are glad to hear that you 
 have such a dislike for what is French. They cheat you 
 in your glasses as well as in everything else. You must 
 consider that we are at a distance from Williamsburg, 
 Annapolis and Philadelphia, where our rum stores are, 
 and that although we brought up a good quantity with 
 us, you have almost drank it out; but notwithstanding 
 this, \ve have enough left to fill our English glasses, and 
 will show you the difference between the narrowness of 
 the French and the generosity of the English towards 
 you." 
 
 To this the Indians gave five "Yo-hahs." The Gov 
 ernor and commissioners called for some rum and some 
 
THE LANCASTER TREATY. 121 
 
 middle-sized wine glasses. They all drank to the health 
 of the King of England and the Six Nations, and so 
 ended the treaty "by three loud huzza s in which all the 
 company joined." 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 
 
 Causes for Six Nations Neutrality Attitude of Col. Johnson and 
 Conrad Weiser French Overtures Position of Six Nations Dif 
 ficulties besetting Neutrality Peter Chartiers divides the Shawan- 
 ese The Shawanese apologize The Shawanese reprimanded by 
 Pennsylvania Renewed Efforts toward a Catawba Peace Weiser 
 again attempts to make Peace between the Northern and Southern 
 Indians Weiser s Letter Weiser befriends Shikcllimy Weiser 
 goes to Onandago Weiser reports his Interview with the Indians 
 Instructions for the Albany Conference, 1745 Pennsylvania 
 objects to a Union of the Colonies Pennsylvania compelled to 
 treats with the Indians after the Conference adjourns The Indians 
 foil the Instructions of the Commissioners Differences between 
 the Governor and the Assembly Governor Thomas resigns The 
 Mohawks join the English -The Friends oppose the use of Indian 
 Allies in War Weiser begins to oppose Neutrality Weiser 
 criticises the White Man s Indian Policy John Kinsey and the 
 Pennsylvania Assembly champion Iroquois Neutrality Reasons 
 given by the Iroquois and the Friends for Neutrality Neutrality 
 increases the Indian Trade in Pennsylvania. 
 
 AFTER the Lancaster treaty the Iroquois journeyed 
 leisurely home entertaining a very good opinion 
 of themselves. They felt that their position, geographic 
 ally, was one of good fortune. The English had paid 
 well for their friendship, now what would the French do? 
 Father Onontio, the Governor of Canada, had invited 
 them to come and see him. They would go. French 
 presents could be received as readily as those of the Eng 
 lish. The Iroquois knew their strength. Had they not 
 been courted by both nations? Let it continue. The 
 Indian had better rest securely in his neutrality, and enjoy 
 the bounty of two rival nations. Thus reasoned the wise 
 men of the Six Nations, and such were the conclusions 
 
IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 123 
 
 reached at the great "Council Fires" held for the Con 
 federation at Onondago. 
 
 At the same time the subtle influence of the French 
 was rapidly gaining headway among the Senecas. The 
 persuasive Col. Johnson of New York was as steadily 
 gaining the Mohawks for allies. Alone stood Conrad 
 Weiser holding the Indian policy of Virginia and Penn 
 sylvania in his hand, and urging neutrality. During four 
 years this struggle went on, often threatening to split 
 the ancient confederacy of the Six Nations to fragments. 
 
 At Lancaster the Iroquois deputies had promised to 
 inform the Governor of Pennsylvania of the movements 
 of the French. This they did faithfully. Scarcely two 
 months after the treaty, word came through Shikellimy 
 and Conrad Weiser that the Governor of Canada had sent 
 an embassy to the Onondagos to condole with them on 
 the recent death of one of their chiefs. This embassy 
 advised the Indians to remain neutral during the war, 
 and the French would soon destroy the English. Onontio 
 would see that the Indians had all the powder and lead 
 they needed, and since the cowardly English traders at 
 Oswego had run away he would take the trading station 
 at that place under his care, and furnish the Indians all 
 the goods they needed at very low prices. 
 
 Shikellimy then informed Weiser that the Council of 
 the Six Nations had decided to send word to the Gov 
 ernor of Canada that the Iroquois did not approve of 
 Onontio s "intention to take the House at Oswego to him 
 self, which could not be done without bloodshed." They 
 declared that the undertaking was fraught with danger, 
 and insinuated that the French were mean and cowardly 
 to attack the English "in their backs." They advised, and 
 the Indian councils loved to give advice, that Onontio 
 
124 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 act "more honorably as becometh a warrior, and go 
 around by sea and face the English." With much pertin 
 ence the Indians asked why this war should be carried on 
 across their territory. Why could not the French and 
 English face each other across the water, why should the 
 Indians be asked to take sides ? It was the Six Nations 
 desire to remain neutral, and why could they not be 
 allowed to do so? In this effort the Indians were aided 
 by Conrad Weiser, and the Province of Pennsylvania. 
 New York and the New England colonists used every 
 effort to induce the Iroquois to take up the hatchet 
 against the French. Virginia and the South clamored 
 for a peace between the Catawbas and the Six Nations. 
 The French then exerted every possible influence to 
 induce the Indians to turn against the English, and wher 
 ever this was not popular among the Indians neutrality 
 was urged. 
 
 This struggle of the Iroquois for neutrality was beset 
 with difficulties. Division was already shaking the Con 
 federacy to its foundations. There was a strong French 
 party predominating among the Senecas and western 
 nations. There Avas also a strong English party predom 
 inating among the Mohawks and their eastern allies, who 
 under the influence of Col. Johnson and the New Eng 
 land agents, were anxious to fight the French. Then the 
 great central nation, the Onondagos, flanked by the Cayu- 
 gas and the Oneidas, listened to the voice of Conrad 
 Weiser and tried to follow a neutral course. Their path 
 was, however, beset with difficulties. 
 
 The neutral nations were held responsible for the acts 
 of the allies of the entire Confederacy. Peter Chartiers, 
 a -half-breed, and a trader among the Shawanese, came 
 under French influence. He persuaded his people to 
 
IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 125 
 
 remove from the Allegheny River and come nearer the 
 French forts on the Mississippi. The Iroquois forbade 
 this. As a result Chartiers caused a division among the 
 Shawanese, and a portion of them joined the French. 
 Then rumors of Indian raids upon the frontiers of Penn 
 sylvania, Maryland and Virginia were in everybody s 
 mouth. Governor Thomas directed Conrad Weiser "to 
 employ some of the Delaware Indians at Shamokin as 
 scouts to watch the enemies motions, and to engage the 
 whole body of Indians there, and to harass them in their 
 march, in case they should attempt anything against us, 
 and afterwards to join our remote inhabitants for their 
 mutual defence,"* 
 
 Beyond injuring a few traders, Chartiers did no mis 
 chief in Pennsylvania. Scaroyady, an Oneida chief, 
 was put in control of the Shawanese affairs by the Onon- 
 dago Council. Before the war was over Chartiers found 
 his party uncomfortably in the minority. Under the 
 subtle influence of Scaroyady a large number of the 
 disaffected Shawanese deserted Chartiers and came back 
 under the Iroquois dominion. 
 
 In less than three years they apologized to Pennsyl 
 vania for their actions, saying : "We have been misled, 
 and have carried on a private correspondence with the 
 French without letting you or our brethren, the English, 
 know of it. We traveled secretly through the bushes to 
 Canada, and the French promised us great things, but we 
 find ourselves deceived. We are sorry that we had any 
 thing to do with them. We now find that we could not 
 see, altho the sun did shine, we earnestly desire that 
 you would intercede with our brethren, the English, for 
 us, who are left in Ohio, that we may be permitted to be 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 6. 
 
126 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 restored to the chain of friendship, and be looked upon as 
 heretofore the same flesh with them." 
 
 Conrad Weiser was consulted as to the sincerity of the 
 Shawanese and their statements. Weiser had always 
 been outspoken in his contempt for these Indians. He 
 had often asserted that they were renowned for their 
 treachery. Governor Thomas, who reflected Weiser s 
 opinions of the Shawanese, expressed himself in his mes 
 sage to the Assembly in no mild terms. Just what 
 Weiser said on this occasion does not appear, but doubt 
 less his views shaped the policy of the commissioners at 
 Lancaster (1748), who severely reprimanded the Shaw 
 anese for their conduct. Then Taming Buck, a Shaw 
 anese chief, in reply to the reprimand said, "we .... 
 are sensible of our ungrateful returns for the many favors 
 we have been all along receiving from our brethren, the 
 English." .... We "came along the road with our 
 eyes looking down to the earth, and have not taken them 
 from thence until this morning, when you were pleased 
 to chastize us and then pardon us. \Ve have been a fool 
 ish people and acted wrong, altho the sun shone bright 
 and showed us very clearly what was our duty. We are 
 sorry for what we have done, and promise better behavior 
 in the future. We produce to you a certificate of the 
 renewal of our friendship in the year 1739, by the Pro 
 prietor and Governor. Be pleased to sign it afresh, that 
 it may appear to the world we are now admitted into your 
 friendship, and all former crimes are buried and entirely 
 forgot."* 
 
 This request of the Shawanese was rejected. The 
 commissioners refused to sign the certificate. The Shaw- 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 311. 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 315, 316. 
 
IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 127 
 
 anese were told that it was sufficient for them to know 
 that they were forgiven, on condition of future good 
 behavior, and when that condition was performed it 
 would be time enough to sign treaties of friendship. 
 Whether Conrad Weiser advised this course or not is 
 uncertain. He could at least have prevented it, and 
 induced Pennsylvania to make a valuable peace with the 
 Shawanese, now when they were so humble. The French 
 would have eagerly seized such an opportunity and made 
 the most of it. With colonial short-sightedness Pennsyl 
 vania looked upon the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle as some 
 thing permanent. Indian concessions were, therefore, no 
 longer a necessity. While other tribes received presents 
 at Lancaster in 1/48 the Shawanese merely had their 
 guns and hatchets mended. The Iroquois had kept their 
 pledges made in 1744, and the haughty Shawanese were 
 brought to their knees before the English. They went 
 away from the treaty in disgrace. And after the man 
 ner of Indians brooded long over such treatment. In 
 this affair Conrad Weiser again permitted seed to be sown 
 which in a few short years led the Shawanese into a 
 French alliance and steeped western Pennsylvania in 
 blood. 
 
 When the news reached Pennsylvania and Virginia 
 in the autumn of 1744 that Peter Chartiers had led a 
 party of the Shawanese to join the French, it was believed 
 that the Catawba Indians were at the bottom of it. 
 Indeed, it was feared that unless the long-projected peace 
 between the Iroquois and the Catawbas could be consum 
 mated, the entire Muskokee confederation would join the 
 French, thus exposing the whole southern frontier to 
 Indian outrages. As a result renewed efforts were made 
 by Virginia and Carolina to bring about the much-desired 
 
128 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Iroquois peace. Although the Six Nations at the Lan 
 caster treaty of 1744 declared that such a treaty was 
 impossible, and although the mountains were alive with 
 their war parties during the autumn of 1744, so great 
 was Governor Gooch s faith in the influence of Conrad 
 Weiser, that he wrote to Governor Thomas in November, 
 1744, enclosing the result of his efforts with the Catawba 
 Indians during the summer. The Catawbas declared that 
 such a peace would be highly desirable. They had faith 
 fully followed the advice of Governor Gooch, and had not 
 permitted one of their men to go to war with the Iro 
 quois, "for these four years last past," they said, "though 
 notwithstanding they, the Six Nations, are constantly 
 upon us, and have killed forty odd lately. We would be 
 willing to send deputies to treat with the Six Nations if 
 w r e knew that they would be kindly received, but we 
 remember that we treacherously killed a party of the Six 
 Nations deputies a few years ago, how then would it be 
 possible for us now to send deputies to the Iroquois in 
 safety? We have already sent our belt and other tokens 
 to the Six Nations by \vay of the Governor of South 
 Carolina, and have never yet received any answer or 
 token from them other than constant war. We desire 
 that a letter may be written to Conrad Weiser, instruct 
 ing him to get a letter from the Six Nations signed by 
 their own hands, with tokens also, as we have already 
 done before, and to recall their warriors that no more 
 hostilities may be committed. We earnestly desire that 
 a peace may be concluded, and that Conrad Weiser may 
 assure the Six Nations, that if they will send their depu 
 ties to us with a messenger, we will receive them with 
 brotherly love in our arms; and we also desire that the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania will take all proper measures 
 
IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. I2Q 
 
 for the concluding of a peace, which we do assure you 
 will be greatly to our satisfaction. We expect to know 
 by the spring of the year the result of this matter, and till 
 then shall rest satisfied. 
 
 "His X mark,. 
 
 "Signed by the King of the Catawbas. 
 "October, 1744." 
 
 Governor Gooch placed this affair entirely in the hands 
 of Governor Thomas, of Pennsylvania, saying, "If you 
 had not the management of this affair" I "should appre 
 hend great difficulty in prevailing with the Six Nations 
 to accept their offer, but when I consider the address of 
 the person it is submitted to, all suspicions" (apprehen 
 sion) "vanish. Whatever expense you are at on this 
 occasion, shall be thankfully repaid by, 
 
 "Sir, 
 "your most obed t & 
 
 "humb. Serv t, 
 "WILL. GOOCH."* 
 
 Governor Thomas recommended to the Assembly that 
 Conrad Weiser be sent to Onondago to see if it were pos 
 sible to bring about a peace. The Assembly favored the 
 suggestion, and offered to defray such necessary expenses 
 as Virginia did not meet. The Governor s letter to Weiser 
 asking him to go to Onondago arrived while Court was 
 in session at Lancaster. To go into the heart of the 
 Iroquois country during the war, when French intrigue 
 was working among the Indians, was a dangerous thing 
 to do. The proposal to bring about a peace at this time 
 
 Conrad Weiser. 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., pp. 663, 664. 
 
13 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 was a proposition that none but Conrad Weiser would for 
 a moment have entertained. He postponed his reply to 
 the Governor s letter until Court adjourned and he could 
 go home and consider it in the quiet. 
 
 On the loth of February, 1745, he sent his reply to 
 Secretary Peters, saying: "I shall never be wanting in 
 your Honour s service whatever may be required of me 
 that tends to the Honour of your Government, and the 
 good of the Public, and am very willing to undertake a 
 journey to Ononclago in the spring, to put the finishing 
 hand in behalf of Onas, to so good a work, and I do not 
 doubt of success, if what is said by the Catawba King be 
 no deceit, which I fear it is. My reasons are thus. The 
 Catawbas are known to be a very proud people, and have, 
 at several treaties they had with the Cherokees, used high 
 expressions and thought themselves stout warriors for 
 having deceived" the leader of the Iroquois deputies. "I 
 should have been better pleased to see the said King s 
 name with some of his countrymen s signed to the letter 
 they sent to Governor Gooch, some of that nation s names 
 are known to the Six Nations, the Interpreter should also 
 heve signed. Most Indian interpreters are traders, and 
 people not to be depended on. However I ought to leave 
 this to Gov. Gooch. The Catawbas are also known to be 
 an irregular people ; they have no counsel ; the richest or 
 greatest among" [them] "calls himself a King with the 
 consent of his brothers, cousins, and proves often the 
 greatest full;" (fool) "acts all what he does as an arbi 
 trator, the rest don t mind him, and after all sends him to 
 the grave with a broken head. This is what those who 
 were prisoners among them all agree. If that one article 
 is true with them, that they will own that they treacher 
 ously murdered Garontowano and some of his men, a 
 
IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 13! 
 
 peace no doubt will be made between those poor wretches. 
 I shall soon go up to Shamokin to see Shickellimy, and 
 shall then have an opportunity to talk a great deal with 
 Shickelimy, and if he seems inclined for peace, I will let 
 him know of Governor Gooch s request to your Honor, 
 otherwise not, and will on my return from Shamokin 
 wait upon your Honor to receive the necessary instruc 
 tions. I should be well pleased if the Six Nations would 
 make Williamsburg the place of Congress, but question 
 very much, whether they will not think of given up too 
 much, or submit so much to the Catawbas, they the Six 
 Nations will refuse at once, and therefore that point must 
 be given up, your Honour said enough about that in the 
 letter; as for a third place, I shall be more able to give 
 my sentiments about that when I return from 
 Shamokin."* Then Weiser soliloquizes about the prob 
 able dangers of a trip to Onondago at that time. "I shall 
 hardly meet any Frenchman" who "can hurt me, and if 
 there are more I think they will have more to fear from 
 me than I from them. The Counsel of the Six Nations 
 have always looked upon me as their friend, and one of 
 their own nation. It will be dangerous for a few French 
 man to meddle with me amongst the Indians, they will 
 soon find their mistakes." Weiser then says that he has 
 much more to fear from a family of white people living 
 in his own valley. He declares that the Heans "are worse 
 than any French and Indians, and I do not know yet 
 whether my wife and children, will be so far out of fear 
 that I can leave them, the Heans has still their friends, as 
 they had this twenty years, othefways not one soul of the 
 family would in this day be in the Province, or if they had 
 had their due, they would have ben out of the world. I 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., pp. 671, 672. 
 
132 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 do not know how to do, the whole neighborhood is afraid 
 of them, and the many felonies they have committed, and 
 hitherto escaped punishment will be sufficient cause for 
 several good families to move to some other place. I did 
 expect at least that they would all be bound to stay in their 
 own houses in time of night, and behave well in all 
 respects, but I find their time is not yet come." The 
 Governor evidently took this matter of the Heans in 
 charge, for Weiser writes thanking the Governor for 
 interesting himself in the misfortunes "that threatened 
 me and my family." The introduction of these things 
 indicate Weiser s reluctance to go to Onondago while the 
 war was in progress. "As for the time to set out," he 
 says, "I think it almost impracticable before the middle of 
 May, because for the creeks, and for food in the woods 
 for horses, and the southern Indians cannot expect an 
 answer in their own towns before the latter end of August 
 next, if everything goes well ; I should have liked it much 
 better, if they had sent two or three old men as deputies, 
 I would have travelled with them to the Mohawk s Coun 
 try by way of Albany, and having got the opinions of the 
 counsels of the Mohawks, I would have acted accordingly 
 without any danger to the Catabaws ; I intend to go round 
 by Albany now if I do go." Since the Mohawks were 
 avowedly in the English interests it was quite clear in 
 Conrad Weiser s mind that Albany would offer the safest 
 route into the Onondago country. 
 
 Weiser fully realized that Shikellimy was the door 
 into the secrets of the Onondago Council, and if com 
 munications were to be l&pt open during the winter some 
 thing must be done for the faithful old Indian. Early 
 in the Winter Weiser had sent his son Sammie to Vir 
 ginia, after one of his honest debtors. On the way he 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 133 
 
 met several Iroquois Indians returning from their raids 
 against the Catawbas, who told him that "Unhappy 
 Jake," one of Shikellimy s sons, had been killed in an 
 engagement with the Catawbas. For this reason Weiser 
 was doubtful about the prospect of a peace between the 
 Northern and Southern Indians. He also felt that it was 
 the duty of the Province to send some tribute or offering 
 to wipe away old Shikellimy s tears. Such a present, 
 Weiser suggested "would not only be satisfactory to Shi- 
 kellimy, but very agreeable and pleasing to the council 
 of said nation; and, consequently, some little service done 
 to ourselves." In a postscript Weiser adds : "It is cus 
 tomary with the Indians that let what will happen, the 
 chiefs or people in trust with them, don t stir to do any 
 service or business to the public, when they are in mourn 
 ing, till they have in a manner, a new commission as 
 before said, in being fetched out of mourning and invested 
 with new courage and dispositions."" 
 
 The Governor evidently sent Weiser instructions to 
 procure a present for Shikellimy, since under date of 
 February n, 1745, Weiser writes to Richard Peters: 
 "I could get no goods in Lancaster fit for anything, .... 
 have therefore sent my son to Philadelphia to purchase 
 from Mr. Shippen, if you wish you may change the 
 order." It would appear that the Governor had changed 
 the order to three pieces of strouds instead of three match 
 coats. Weiser writes, "I think it would be extravagant 
 to give it all to Shikellimy, I intend to set out for 
 Shamokin the 25th of this instant, and shall take but three 
 match coats and one half duzend of silk handkercher, 
 and leave the rest until I receive orders from you what 
 to do with. I think there must be a mistake, hope it is not 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 666. 
 
J 34 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 in my order." Weiser saw to it that every possible 
 attention was paid to Shikellimy. Three years before he 
 recommended the Moravian missionaries to establish a 
 free smithshop at Shamokin, and continually urged the 
 building of a house for Shikellimy. Shortly after the 
 Lancaster treaty of 1744, Shikellimy, doubtless following 
 the suggestion of Conrad Weiser, took from his recently 
 acquired means and employed eight men, Germans, under 
 the direction of Weiser to build a house for him. Conrad 
 says they were seventeen days building "a locke house," 
 which was "49^2 foot long and iy l / 2 wide, and covered 
 with shingles."* 
 
 In the latter part of May, 1745, Conrad Weiser, 
 Andrew Montour, Shikellimy and his son set out for 
 Onondago. At Tioga a messenger was sent ahead to 
 apprise the Red Men of their coming. Indians from all 
 the nations except the Mohawks assembled in great num 
 bers to hear what Conrad Weiser had to say. It appears 
 that there was a general stir among the natives since they 
 were arranging to meet at Oswego and go to Canada to 
 hold a treaty with the French Governor. They would 
 have started the day before Weiser arrived if his mes 
 senger had not appeared. Weiser asked the Indians how 
 such proceedings comported with their promises made at 
 Lancaster the year before. They told him that they knew 
 perfectly well what they were doing. We know, they 
 said, that "the French Governor of Canada will try to 
 gain upon us .... the French are known to be a crafty 
 people . . . but it will be in vain for him, as we have already 
 agreed what to say to him and will not go from it."|| 
 
 Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 673. 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 661. 
 |!Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., p. 778. 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 135 
 
 Weiser delivered the Catawbas message, substitut 
 ing Williamsburg as the place of meeting, instead of 
 a town among the Southern Indians, knowing full well 
 that any such suggestion would be resented by them. 
 He apologized for the past conduct of the Cataw 
 bas as best he could, and urged the Indians to send depu 
 ties for the sake of Assaryquoa and Onas, if for no other 
 reason. The Indians through the Black Prince, their 
 speaker, replied that no council fire had ever been kindled 
 at Williamsburg, but they would be willing to send depu- 
 ties to Philadelphia. And then with characteristic In> 
 quois caution declined to send them this summer, offering 
 many excuses, and promising to send them next summer 
 (1746). The Indians were very much incensed at the 
 reported conduct of Peter Chartiers, and asked why Onas 
 did not declare war against him at once. "After the 
 council was over," says Weiser, "the Black Prince invited 
 all the deputies and the chiefs of Onondago, myself and 
 company, to a dinner; we all went directly to his house; 
 he entertained us plentifully with hominy, dried venison 
 and fish, and after dinner we were served with a dram 
 round."* While at dinner W r eiser learned from their 
 conversation that a large number were in favor of a war 
 with the Shawanese, and peace with the Catawbas. He 
 also learned from an old sachem in confidential con 
 versation that the Six Nations deemed it to their best 
 interests to maintain a strict neutrality between the 
 French and the English, "and therefore would not join 
 with either nation in the war, unless compelled to it for 
 their own preservation. That hitherto from their situa 
 tion and alliances, they had been courted by both, but 
 should either prevail so far as to drive the other out of 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 781, 782. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the country they (the Indians) should be no longer con 
 sidered. Presents would be no longer made to them, and 
 in the end they should be obliged to submit to such laws 
 as the conquerors should think fit to impose on them." 
 
 When Weiser reported this to Governor Thomas, a 
 message was promptly sent to the Pennsylvania Assembly, 
 quoting this part of Weiser s report, and calling attention 
 to the fact that the Iroquois had received a belt of wam 
 pum from the French Governor, upon which was wrought 
 the figure of a hatchet. Since the Indians received this, 
 Governor Thomas looked upon the act with suspicion, 
 "and by no means a good omen to us. There is but one 
 probable means of securing them," continued the Gov 
 ernor, "and that is to persuade them by out-bidding the 
 enemy to an open declaration for us: money, notwith 
 standing their reasoning, having always been the prevail 
 ing argument with them. Should the present opportunity 
 be lost, it is much to be feared that the intrigue of the 
 French in the ensuing winter will seduce, and entirely 
 alienate them from us. But supposing the best of them, 
 that their inclinations are with us, and that they are 
 resolved to preserve a neutrality, if their allies break it 
 and take up the hatchet against us, they" (the Iroquois) 
 "must either join them" (the allies) "or fly to us for pro 
 tection, which can in no way be so effectually secured to 
 them as by an union of all the British northern colonies 
 for that purpose. This is a matter which very nearly 
 concerns the quiet and safety of the people of Pennsyl 
 vania and as such I recommend it to your most serious 
 consideration. " 
 
 The difficulties which beset the Iroquois in their 
 remarkable struggle for neutrality, and the dangers 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 772, 773. 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 137 
 
 threatening the colonies should the Six Nations join the 
 French, led to Governor Thomas suggestion, the execu 
 tion of which was not attempted until the great Albany 
 conference of 1754. The Assembly approved the Gover 
 nor s suggestions, and expressed regrets that his health 
 was such as to prevent him from attending the treaty at 
 Albany. It also approved the choice of commissioners, 
 especially since two out of the three were members of the 
 Assembly. This treaty was to be held in October, 1745, 
 at Albany. The Pennsylvania commissioners were 
 instructed to treat either jointly with New York or sepa 
 rately, "as you shall judge most for the honor and inter 
 est of the Government you represent, taking especial care 
 that you do not suffer the least diminution of either in the 
 course of the treaty. You are, by the Province inter 
 preter, Mr. Weiser, who is ordered to attend you, to 
 inquire by all private ways and means : 
 
 1. Into the truth of the Iroquois conference at Mon 
 treal. 
 
 2. You are to demand satisfaction from the Six 
 Nations for all goods plundered from our traders by the 
 Shawanese under Peter Chartiers. 
 
 3. You are to make the Iroquois aware that such rob 
 bery is a clear breach of former treaties, but you are 
 at the same time to be very careful not to do or say any 
 thing that may impeach the title of the Honorable Pro 
 prietors of this Province to the lands upon Ohio by virtue 
 of the Royal Grant to them made. 
 
 4. You are to expostulate very freely with the Six 
 Nations over their breach of faith made to Conrad 
 Weiser last spring when they promised a cessation of 
 hostilities with the Catawbas until the deputies should 
 meet in Philadelphia next spring, now they have allowed 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 their warriors to go against the Catawbas. This is 
 treachery, and you are to tell them so. 
 
 5. You are to show a disinclination to believe any 
 Iroquois stories about Catawba treachery, and unless the 
 Six Nations are willing to give security for future good 
 behavior you are to threaten a withdrawal of mediation 
 offered by the King s government in America. 
 
 6. If this security is offered as effectually as the cir 
 cumstances of these people will admit. You are to renew 
 the offer of mediation in my behalf at Philadelphia next 
 spring. 
 
 7. You -are to show them that their receiving a belt 
 of wampum from the French is looked upon by us as an 
 act of hostility. 
 
 8. You are to remind them of the long friendship 
 existing between them and the English and recount to 
 them the many favors shown them by the English. 
 
 9. You are to persuade them into a continuance of our 
 former friendship, and if you find them cordially dis 
 posed to it, and can have any dependence upon their sin 
 cerity, you are to present them with the two hundred and 
 fifty pounds voted by the Assembly in such goods as you 
 shall think most acceptable to them. 
 
 10. You would be further instructed, were I at liberty 
 to act upon my own judgment," [and here is the only point 
 in which the Governor s Indian policy differed from that 
 of the Assembly] "to join with the Government of New 
 York in urging the United Nations to an open declaration 
 against the French, and in promising them in that case 
 an aid of men, arms and ammunition for their defence."* 
 
 John Kinsey, Speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 
 and a prominent member of the Society of Friends, was 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. IV., pp. 776, 777. 
 
THE IROQU01S STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 139 
 
 the leading spirit among the commissioners who met at 
 Albany in October, 1745. Here were assembled the Gov 
 ernor of New York, and commissioners from Massa 
 chusetts and Connecticut, and four hundred and sixty 
 Indians representing five of the six united nations. There 
 were none of the Senecas present ; they having sent \vord 
 that it was a time of great sickness and mortality among 
 them. To what extent this report was true is not known, 
 but since the French influence was strongest among the 
 Senecas, it is highly probable that the French restrained 
 them from attending the Albany treaty. The Pennsyl 
 vania deputies with Conrad Weiser rode on horse-back 
 across New Jersey to Elizabethtown, and took a boat 
 there for New York where a sloop carried them to 
 Albany. The Governor of New York received them 
 kindly and took a copy of their instructions. A confer 
 ence was held by the commissioners of the States repre 
 sented to decide whether they should treat jointly or 
 separately with the Indians. New York, Massachusetts 
 and Connecticut favored a joint treaty. It "would show 
 our union, and consequently have greater weight with the 
 Indians." 
 
 Pennsylvania objected to a joint treaty because (i) 
 it would take time to prepare an address which all could 
 endorse; (2) it would necessarily introduce subjects of 
 no concern to Pennsylvania; (3) since the New Eng 
 land colonies insisted that the Six Nations should declare 
 war against the French, Pennsylvania must oppose it 
 until the Legislatures of the colonies could be consulted; 
 (4) an Indian war would be injurious to all the colonies, 
 as it would be the means of drawing open hostilities upon 
 all our borders; (5) the Six Nations wished to remain 
 neutral, the Indians were not disposed to fight each other, 
 
14 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 and should we enlist the Six Nations on the English 
 side, we might expect what occurred during the last war, 
 "when the Indians of the opposite parties passed each 
 other without fighting and only scalped the white people" ; 
 (6) if we induce the Six Nations to declare war with the 
 French we must provide for them. This cannot be done 
 without the consent of our colonial assemblies, and not 
 to do this would be betraying the Indians. How do we 
 know now what our assemblies may do? 
 
 The Pennsylvania objections had but little influence. 
 The other colonies were determined to push the Six 
 Nations into a war with the French. Massachusetts said 
 it was unreasonable that the entire burden of the war 
 should rest on one province while the others remained 
 neutral, and if the neutral colonies were determined 
 not to bear their share of the war expenses, they 
 should not use influences to prevent the Iroquois from 
 becoming allies of the New England Provinces. The 
 attitude of New England tried the patience of long- 
 suffering New York, who, while incensed, stood along 
 with Pennsylvania in her opposition to the course 
 taken by New England. New York insisted that New 
 England had been too precipitate in her declaration 
 of war, and the other governments were not obliged to 
 follow her example. Proper provisions were not yet made 
 for a war. New York had done all she could to prepare 
 for such an event, and New England must remember that 
 provinces with a long unprotected frontier should not be 
 dragged into a war for which they were not prepared. 
 It was finally decided that Pennsylvania should treat 
 separately with the Indians after the business of the other 
 provinces was completed. In this joint conference the 
 Indians were given to understand that unless they 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 14! 
 
 declared war against the French, the English would con 
 sider it an unfriendly act. The Indians replied that they 
 had a great number of allies and it would be necessary to 
 consult them before coming to a decision. "We will, 
 therefore, before we make use of the hatchet against the 
 French or their Indians send four of our people, who are 
 now ready, to Canada, to demand satisfaction for the 
 wrongs they have done our brethren"; (the English) 
 "and if they refuse to make satisfaction, then we will be 
 ready to use the hatchet against them whenever our 
 brother, the Governor of New York, orders us to do it."* 
 The Mohawk influence colored this reply. The Indians 
 gained time, and succeeded in putting off the demands 
 of New England without losing their standing among 
 the English, and as a closing stroke to their negotiations 
 they presented a belt of wampum to New York and the 
 New England provinces with the request that "you, our 
 brethren, should all be united in your councils," and of 
 one mind, "and if anything of importance is to be com 
 municated to us by any of you, this is the place where it 
 should be done." 
 
 After the treaty had concluded and the Governor of 
 New York had returned to New York city, the Pennsyl 
 vania commissioners held their conference with the 
 Indians, pressing the points set forth in their instructions 
 from Governor Thomas. The Indians listened with great 
 deference and made answer as follows : "Our going to 
 Montreal was at the invitation of the Governor of Can 
 ada we told him that formerly we had inconsid 
 erately engaged in wars, but that we looked upon this war 
 between the English and French only, and did not intend 
 to engage on either side ; for that the French and English 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 18. 
 
J 4 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 made war and made peace at pleasure, but when the 
 Indians engaged in wars they knew not when it would 
 end. We also told the French, that they knew, and all 
 the world knew, the countries on which we were settled, 
 and particularly the Lakes were ours; and, therefore, if 
 they would fight our brethren, the English, they ought 
 to fight on the salt water, and that they must not come 
 over our land to disturb them, or to obstruct the trade 
 at Oswego; that they, the French, had two trading 
 houses on those lakes, with which they ought to be con 
 tented. The Governor of Canada promised that he 
 would do this unless the King of France, his master, 
 ordered otherwise. 
 
 "News having arrived that the English had taken 
 Cape Breton, the Canadian Governor called all the Indians 
 around him, his allies as well as the Iroquois deputies, 
 and holding in his hand a large belt of wampum in 
 which the figure of a hatchet was worked, said, Chil 
 dren, you who are my allies must live and die with me, 
 they cannot deny me assistance; as for my children of 
 the Six Nations, I know you love your brethren, the 
 English, and, therefore, I shall not say much to you; 
 perhaps you would not be pleased with it. But, chil 
 dren, said he, should know their duty to their father. 
 Then speaking to us all he desired such who loved him 
 to go with him and assist him in defending Quebec ; and 
 that those who went with him need not take anything 
 with them save their tobacco pouches ; that he would pro 
 vide guns, pistols, swords, ammunition, provisions, and 
 everything, even paint to paint them; and thereupon deliv 
 ered the belt to the interpreter, who threw it at the feet 
 of the Indians present, some of whom inconsiderately, and 
 without any consultation first, had took it up and danced 
 
THE IROQU01S STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 143 
 
 the war dance ; and afterwards divers of the Indians pres 
 ent, chiefly the praying Indians, went with the French 
 Governor to Quebec, where they staid eight or ten days, 
 but no notice was taken of them, nor any arms or neces 
 saries so much as a knife provided for them; nor were 
 they permitted to speak to the Governor, which so exas 
 perated the praying Indians that they left Quebec and are 
 since gone against their common enemies to the south 
 ward." 
 
 This frank report of the Montreal conference weak 
 ened the commissioners determination to press the other 
 provisions in their instructions. The Indians made no 
 satisfactory explanation about the Catawba affair or Peter 
 Chartier s treatment of the Pennsylvania traders other 
 than to say, "Your traders go very far back into the 
 country, which we desire may not be done, because it is 
 the road of the French." 
 
 The probability is that the Pennsylvania traders trav 
 eled as far west as the French route to the Mississippi 
 River via Detroit and the Wabash. At any rate the resti 
 tution of the traders property was not pressed, and the 
 commissioners seemed satisfied with the Iroquois state 
 ment relative to the war raids against the Catawbas since 
 they promised to restrain their warriors. "It is not in our 
 power," they said, "to restrain our warriors, as the Eng 
 lish can do, until peace be finally concluded. This the 
 Catawbas know." 
 
 The Indians were told that the Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania would expect a full answer to these points in the 
 spring. They were then feasted on a pair of oxen and 
 some beer, and were told that "since winter was approach 
 ing they would want clothing to preserve them from the 
 cold, and powder and lead to acquire their livelihood by 
 
144 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 hunting, we therefore provide the goods which now lie 
 before you, to wit: Four half bars of lead, six pieces of 
 strouds, two pieces of striped blankets, one piece of 
 Shrewsbury cotton, eight dozen knives, four pieces of 
 Indian blankets, four pieces of half thicks." It is not 
 clear how this present would cost two hundred and fifty 
 pounds which was appropriated by the Pennsylvania 
 Assembly for that purpose. The Indians, however, knew 
 nothing of this, and received their gift with grateful 
 hearts. They held a short conference among themselves, 
 and returned thanking the commissioners for the present, 
 saying, "We are poor, and have little to return, however, 
 out of what we have we present you with six bundles of 
 skins which you see. These we desire may be accepted 
 as a token of our affection." It would appear that Penn 
 sylvania s influence in this Albany treaty was very slight, 
 yet the fact that Pennsylvania warmly supported the 
 neutrality policy of the Six Nations lent them strength 
 in their hour of greatest need. 
 
 During the winter of 174.5 and 1746 numerous rumors 
 were afloat that the Iroquois were about to revolt and join 
 the French. Governor Thomas feared that the young 
 men of the Six Nations, being of a warlike disposition 
 could not be restrained, and would in the spring join the 
 French, and that the old men would wink at this, until 
 finally the entire Confederacy would be arrayed against 
 the English. Then the whole frontier would be exposed 
 to savage depredations. The Governor used every effort 
 to persuade the Pennsylvania Assembly to join with 
 New York and the New England colonies in a general 
 treaty with the Iroquois to be held in July, 1746. Since 
 the majority in the Assembly was composed of members 
 of the Society of Friends, that body was opposed to the 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 145 
 
 movement. It was feared that the purposes of such a con 
 gress was "to engage the Indians of the Six Nations in the 
 war against the French, and to join in the expedition 
 against Canada. If so," said the Assembly to the Gov 
 ernor, "our uniting with the other governments in the 
 congress proposed will be of little use, since it cannot be 
 doubted but that provision is made to defray the expense 
 which shall arise thereby and that these Indians will pay 
 greater regard to the directions of the Crown than to the 
 joint request of all the colonies. Besides the Governor 
 must be sensible that men of our peaceable principles can 
 not consistently therewith join in persuading the Indians 
 to engage in war. If it be thought there be any real 
 danger of the Indians deserting the British interest and 
 going over to the French, and that to preserve them steady 
 in their friendship further presents are necessary to secure 
 them in their fidelity to the Crown of Great Britain, and 
 amity with the inhabitants of this and the neighboring 
 colonies, and the Governor can think his health and busi 
 ness will permit his negotiating this affair in person, we 
 shall be willing to pay the expense to arise by it. 
 
 "JOHN KINSEY, Speaker. 
 "4th mon., 24th, 1746."* 
 
 While these things were pending Governor Thomas, 
 whose health had been rapidly failing since the Lancaster 
 treaty of 1744, resigned and Anthony Palmer, a memoer 
 of the Council, agreed to serve as President of the Council 
 until Pemrs heirs should select another Governor. In 
 conducting Indian affairs the Assembly and Conrad 
 Weiser each had unlimited confidence in the ability of 
 Governor Thomas, and after his departure they each 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V,, p. 49- 
 
CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 became more assertive and dictatorial when consulted 
 upon these matters. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1747, Colonel Johnson, the 
 Indian agent for the Province of New York, assisted by 
 Mr. John Henry Lydius, induced the young men among 
 the Mohawks and several straggling tribes in that vicinity 
 "to take up the hatchet" against the French. To what 
 extent these two men and the Province of New York 
 equipped these Indians for war is not known, but in their 
 behalf Colonel John Stoddard wrote to Governor Shirley, 
 of Massachusetts, setting forth the necessity of the colo 
 nies furnishing six or seven hundred pounds to fit these 
 Indians for war. "We cannot expect," says Stoddard, 
 "that either Colonel Johnson or Mr. Lydius should pay 
 this. They have taken a great deal of pains to get the 
 Indians into the war, and have effected more than the 
 Government did in a course of years. If we let this plan 
 drop now it would be fatal for our cause. The Indians 
 would despise us and then join the French. For the 
 Indians are of such a humor that if we deal justly and 
 kindly with them, they will put their lives in our hands, 
 but if we deal deceitfully with them, that will soon raise 
 an abhorrence of us. Colonel Johnson and Mr. Lydius 
 are now under a necessity of going forward and fitting 
 out the Indians, so long as they have any substance 
 remaining, and when that is gone the affair will be at an 
 end."* 
 
 Governor Shirley then sent a copy of Stoddard s letter 
 to Pennsylvania urging that a sum of money be raised 
 for that purpose. "The General Court of Massachusetts," 
 he said, "had committed their share of the affair into the 
 hands of Mr. Lydius, and voted four thousand pounds 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., pp. 740, 741. 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY 147 
 
 to Colonel Stoddard to be used to encourage the Six 
 Nations to prosecute the war." 
 
 President Palmer, of Pennsylvania, during the 
 adjournment of the Assembly consulted John Kinsey, the 
 Speaker, and a few members living in or near Philadel 
 phia about the advisability of calling an extra session of 
 the Legislature. Kinsey and his associates told Palmer 
 that they thought it would be very unwise to call the mem 
 bers of the Assembly in from their harvest, that the con 
 vening of the Assembly had better be postponed until 
 autumn. It was pretty well known that the Friends who 
 were in the majority in the Assembly would vigorously 
 oppose any efforts to utilize Indians and their method of 
 warfare against white men, even if they were French. 
 
 Conrad Weiser had been instructed to go to Shamokin 
 and learn what he could of the actions of the Six Nations, 
 and in his report give his own judgment of the affair. 
 Personally Weiser favored using the Iroquois against the 
 French. And he was jealous of Colonel Johnson and his 
 management of the Mohawk Indian affairs. At the same 
 time when Weiser interviews Shikellimy he wavers and 
 appears to favor Iroquois neutrality. "The treaty of Col. 
 Johnson and Mr. Lydius with the Mohawks," he says, 
 "I dislike it. And the Six Nations are offended at the 
 people of Albany, because the Mohawks are paid with 
 goods against the opinion of the chief counsel. If these 
 two gentlemen had as much judgment as they have pride, 
 they would never have persuaded the Mohawks into a 
 war in a private way, for it may turn out that both their 
 scalps may be taken and carried to Canada. In short, I 
 don t think it proper our Government should countenance 
 such doings, and I hope the counsel will not look upon it 
 
148 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 as worthy of their approbation."* .... "I would say 
 if I could without words, that Mr. Lydius cannot be 
 ruined, he has nothing to loose. But Col. Johnson may ; 
 but he has neither wife nor children, and Admiral War 
 ren is his uncle, and the Assembly of New York 
 have supplied their Governor, and their Governor him 
 (Admiral Warren.)" After meeting Shikellimy, Weiser 
 writes: "Col. Johnson and Mr. Lydius did not prevail 
 upon the Council of the Six Nations to declare war 
 against the French, but only upon some straggling poor 
 fellows, to enlist themselves, and take service, by taking 
 the presents and going to war with the Mohawks. I am 
 sorry that Governor Shirley is deceived, but it is like 
 (although he is an honest and capable gentleman) he 
 believes what he wishes to be true, like the rest of our 
 fellow creatures. I never was afraid of the Six Nations 
 engaging against the English, but always doubted 
 whether they would fight the French. When I heard 
 that the Mohawks had actually gone to war against the 
 French, I was sure that the other nations would join 
 them. But when at Shamokin I was assured that nothing 
 would be done until their people, who are scattered, are 
 called in." 
 
 Then Weiser alludes to the projected expedition into 
 Canada, which the colonies had abandoned. It "has done 
 a great deal of hurt," among the Indians. "No man is 
 able to excuse it with the Indians, they call it downright 
 cowardice, that so many hundreds dare not venture to go 
 beyond the inhabited parts of the English settlement, 
 much less to invade Canada. An interpreter must be 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 751. 
 
 At this time Col. Johnson was a widower with three children. 
 See Stone, vol. I., p. 189. 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 149 
 
 ashamed to hear them talk of it among themselves, or in 
 familiarity with him. The Indians undervalue, or rather 
 make nothing of our valor, and think we English will 
 leave them in the lurch. At least a shipload of goods 
 will not engage them into the war, if their own reasons 
 don t, for they say the English have goods enough, let 
 us take the presents, and promise a great deal, and do 
 little, according to the custom of the white people. I 
 have known the Indians above thirty-three years now, I 
 have had some warm friends among them. I am not 
 deceived in my mind and I know also very well how they 
 have been dealt with by the white people, who have fre 
 quently learned them to tell lies in public treaties, and to 
 the Commissioners and Governors that treated with them 
 
 in particular in a neighboring government If 
 
 we send commissioners from all the Northern colonies 
 they can believe Col. Johnson and Mr. John Lydius, their 
 report, that the Six Nations have engaged in war against 
 the French, if they do not engage before such commis 
 sioners meet at New York. I am satisfied that the Six 
 Nations had not declared for war when Col. Stoddard 
 wrote to Governor Shirley. Johnson and Lydius may 
 have known better or have been too credulous, which 
 I am apt to believe for charities sake. They show that 
 their judgment is under age, but if they knew better, and 
 with a design gave a false information, I have nothing 
 to say to them. If the commissioners about to meet at 
 New York will undertake some exploit of military, such 
 as taking Crown Point Ford it will be most instrumental 
 in bringing the Six Nations into open alliance with us, 
 not only by word of mouth as they hitherto have done, 
 but by act and deeds, in the meantime let them be assured 
 
I5O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 that they will be supplied by the English with ammuni 
 tion, etc."* 
 
 It is quite evident that Conrad Weiser favored an 
 Iroquois alliance which would employ the Six Nations in 
 the war against the French. His influence in this 
 instance in directing Indian affairs was weaker than that 
 of the Pennsylvania Assembly. During Palmer s admin 
 istration the Legislature was strong, the Executive weak. 
 John Kinsey, the leader of the Pennsylvania Assembly, 
 favored the Iroquois struggle for neutrality. He 
 thwarted the efforts of New York and New England 
 towards securing a general congress of the colonies 
 which would induce the Iroquois to take sides. He 
 opposed Conrad Weiser s desire that some decisive mili 
 tary blow should be struck as a means to secure the 
 Indians. 
 
 The Iroquois adopted the policy of neutrality (i) 
 because they looked upon the war as the white man s 
 quarrel, not theirs; (2) because as long as they remained 
 neutral they were courted both by the French and the 
 
 English Skins brought a higher price, presents 
 
 were more numerous at public treaties, and rum flowed 
 in a more generous strain. The Quaker Assembly of 
 Pennsylvania favored the Iroquois policy of neutrality 
 ( i ) because their peace principles were opposed to war 
 per sc; (2) because they abhorred the idea of employing 
 the brutal methods of warfare prevalent among savages ; 
 (3) because experience had taught that Indian allies were 
 expensive and treacherous. 
 
 This remarkable struggle for neutrality lasted until 
 the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, and with the exception 
 of a slight English alliance among the Mohawks, and a 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., pp. 761, 762. 
 
THE IROQUOIS STRUGGLE FOR NEUTRALITY. 151 
 
 slight French alliance among the Senecas and Tray ing 
 Indians," the Iroquois won. The most fruitful result of 
 the struggle to Pennsylvania was the winning of the 
 great Western tribes of Indians and enlarging the fur 
 trade of Philadelphia, until it had no equal on the Atlantic 
 seaboard. The circumstances which led to this signal 
 triumph in trade will be treated in the following chapter. 
 
152 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 
 
 Rivals in the Beaver Trade French Monopoly of Trade The 
 Indian Letter Croghan s Letter The Assembly s action upon this 
 letter Weiser declines to forward the French scalp The Indians 
 dissatisfied with the French traders Weiser complains of Frauds 
 practised by the Indian traders Laws difficult to enforce among 
 the traders Weiser demands Justice for the Indians George 
 Croghan s Influence Conrad Weiser favors sending a Present to 
 the Western Indians Weiser begs assistance for Shikellimy 
 Weiser begins to shape the Indian Policy of the West Weiser 
 brings the Ohio Indians to Philadelphia Weiser guides the Indian 
 Policy of the Council A Council Fire opened on the Ohio 
 Assembly and Council differ upon the Methods of raising money 
 to meet the increasing Indian Expenses Shikellimy supports 
 Weiser in his Western Schemes John Kinsey brings the Assembly 
 to aid Weiser s Plans Maryland and Virginia solicited for Aid 
 towards the Treaty A Proclamation issued against the Rum 
 Traffic The Six Nations opposed to the Ohio Treaty Weiser 
 suddenly summoned to Philadelphia Pennsylvania s Appetite for 
 the Western Fur Trade. 
 
 THE French and the English had for many years been 
 rivals in the fur trade. The southern peninsula 
 of Michigan was a rich trapping region, where, previous 
 to King George s war the French enjoyed a monopoly 
 of the beaver trade. After the Lancaster treaty of 1744, 
 under the Iroquois promise of protection, the Pennsyl 
 vania trader grew bolder. The Allegheny River became 
 his half-way place. He built his camp fires on the south 
 ern shores of Lake Erie, and drove his pack-horses over 
 the Scioto. A few of the boldest hunted wild turkey on 
 the Wabash. The Indian soon learned who paid the best 
 prices for beaver. Tt took the French traders some time 
 to realize that there were rivals in the woods out-bidding 
 them. As soon as they became aware of this they 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST 153 
 
 employed Peter Chartiers and his band of disaffected 
 Shawanese Indians to rob the more venturesome traders 
 from Pennsylvania. At the Albany treaty of 1745, when 
 Conrad Weiser was endeavoring to secure indemnity 
 from the Indians for these losses, we have seen that Can- 
 assatego, in behalf of the Iroquois, resented it, saying: 
 "Your traders go very far back into the country, which 
 we desire may not be done, because it is in the road of 
 the French."* 
 
 During the period of Peter Chartiers successful activ 
 ity against the traders on the Mississippi and Wabash, 
 the French enjoyed the advantage of an almost exclusive 
 trade in this rich hunting section. The price of furs 
 went down rapidly. The French told the Indians that it 
 was caused by the war. The Indians, however, enter 
 tained their own opinions. They were growing more and 
 more dissatisfied with the French rule. Finally when the 
 price of skins had so far declined that a French trader, 
 one day, offered an Indian only a charge of powder and 
 one bullet for a beaver skin, the savage buried his hatchet 
 in the trader s head, and walked away with his scalp. 
 During the spring of 174? five French traders were killed 
 on the south side of Lake Erie alone. It is more than 
 probable that the Pennsylvania traders incited the Indians 
 to resent the treatment they received from the French. 
 The Indians around "De Troit" claimed to be of the 
 Six Nations, and in May, 1747, they sent the following 
 letter to Governor Thomas, the spelling and construction 
 of which bear the unmistakable ear-marks of a jealous 
 Pennsylvania trader : 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 24. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 87. 
 
154 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 May Ye i6th, 1747. 
 BROTHER OWASS GIABOGA: 
 
 Last fall when our King of ye Six Nations were Down 
 att Albny you and our Brother of New York, gave them 
 ye hatchett to make use of against ye French, which wee 
 very willingly, and with True harts Tuck houlcl of, and 
 has Naw made use of itt, and killed five of ye. French, 
 hard by this fortt which is call d Detroat, and wee hope 
 in a Little Time to have this fortt in our posesion. We 
 can ashure you Brother, we shall Take all Methods to cutt 
 of all ye French in these parts; we are Likewise Joyn d 
 by ye Misasaga & Toaways, which are all as one with us ; 
 we now take this opertunaty of presenting you by ye 
 berrer, one of those Frenchmen s Sculps, ashuring you 
 itt Shall not be ye Last of them. You shall see more of 
 them as Soon as we have complated a victory over them 
 in all these parts, which we hope will be very soon done ; 
 we hope Brother, you will Consider that wee shall be in 
 need of some powder and Lead, to carry on ye Expedi 
 tion with a vigor ; we hear you have sent an army against 
 Canaday, to reduce itt, which Army wee wish may have 
 as good success as that you sent against Cape Breton, in 
 s.shurance of our Sincear wishes for ye sucksess over all 
 your & our enemies, we present you this string of wam 
 pum, and remains ye everlasting Brothers, 
 
 CONAGARESA. 
 
 SUNATHOAKA 
 
 KlNNERA.* 
 
 Ten days later George Croghan, the prince of Penn 
 sylvania traders, sent a letter to the Governor, with which 
 he forwards the above-mentioned Indian letter and 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., pp. 741, 742. 
 
COL. GEORGE CROGHAN, THE INDIAN TRADER 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 155 
 
 French "sculp." Croghan states that these Indians were 
 always in the French interest until now. "Butt This 
 spring all most all the Ingans in the woods have declared 
 against ye French, and I think this will be a fair oper- 
 tunity, if purshued by some small Presents, to have all 
 ye French cut off in them parts, for the Ingans are very 
 much led by any thing that will Tend to their own self 
 Interest, and will think a great Bail of a Little powder 
 & Lead att this Time, besides it will be a Mains of Drow- 
 ing" (drawing) "them, that has not yett Joyn d 
 Sr. I remain with respect, 
 
 yr. humble Servant to Comm d 
 
 GEORGE CROGHAN. " 
 
 These letters came into the hands of Anthony Palmer, 
 President of the Council. After being read it was decided 
 that they should be laid before the Assembly. More than 
 a month elapsing, and the Assembly having taken no 
 notice thereof, the Governor again sent a message to that 
 body, saying, "The Indians seated on Lake Erie and on 
 Inomoy Creek, that runs into that Lake, being part of, 
 or in alliance with the Six Nations, said by the Indian 
 traders to be numerous, and people of consequence .... 
 are desirous to be taken into friendship, and it may be 
 of great service to encourage such applications, you will 
 enable us to make them proper presents. " >; The Assembly 
 in its reply does not distinguish the Lake Erie Indians 
 from the other Iroquois, but simply says, "It is, never 
 theless, our sentiments, conformable to the practice of 
 this Government since its first establishment, that great 
 care should at all times be taken to preserve the friendship 
 
 Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 74 2 - 
 
 *Penha. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 97, 98- 
 
156 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 and good correspondence which at present subsists 
 between us and the Indians .... we think a present ought 
 to be made to them, and shall, therefore, before our rising 
 make the provision necessary to this end, as we shall like 
 wise do for payment of the interpreter and maintenance 
 of the Indians expected here during our recess. 
 
 Meanwhile the French scalp which had been sent from 
 the Lake Erie Indians to the Governor had gone as far 
 as Thomas McKee s, a trader on the Susquehanna; here 
 it remained several weeks waiting for some one to take 
 it to Philadedphia. Conrad Weiser saw the scalp and 
 met the Indians who brought it down. "He pressed very 
 hard upon me/ says Weiser, "to receive the scalp for the 
 Government of Pennsylvania, in whose favor the scalp 
 was taken, and at the Government of Pennsylvania s 
 request the Indians of Canayiahagon had taken up the 
 hatchet against the French and that I was the fittest man 
 to receive it. I told him that I had been concerned in 
 Indian affairs these many years, but I never knew that 
 the Government of Pennsylvania had given the hatchet, 
 or employed anybody to kill Frenchmen, and that I was 
 sensible the Government had never requested the Indians 
 at Canayiahagon to kill Frenchmen, and, therefore, I 
 could not receive the scalp, and as I was well informed 
 that this scalp had been taken in time of peace I could 
 in no ways receive it; all white people would look upon 
 such actions with contempt, and as my commission for 
 the transaction of Indian affairs did not extend to Ohio 
 or Canayiahagon, but reached only to the Six Nations, 
 I must leave that affair to those that had correspondence 
 that way to inform the Government of it, and receive an 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 102. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 157 
 
 answer, I hoped he would excuse me, and so we parted 
 in friendship."* 
 
 The scalp never got further east than the banks of the 
 Susquehanna. While Pennsylvania was opposed to using 
 these Western Indians for allies, she was more than will 
 ing to enlarge her area of fur trade, and to weaken the 
 strength of the French allies. The Governor had already 
 learned through Conrad Weiser that the Zistagechroanu, 
 a powerful tribe of Indians living to the north of Lake 
 Fountenac (Ontario), who had been in the custom of 
 trading at Oswego, by going directly across the lake, 
 were growing dissatisfied, and even rebellious against the 
 French. When these Indians learned that their Father 
 Onontio was going to take the English trading station 
 at Oswego into his charge, they sent the following peti 
 tion to the Six Nations : 
 
 "Brethren of the United Nations; we have hitherto 
 been kept like prisoners on the other side of the Lake. 
 Onontio, our Father, told us that if we should treat with 
 the English, he would look upon it as a breach of the 
 peace with him ; now we come to let you know that we 
 will no more be stopped from treating with our Brethren, 
 the English; we will join with you to support the House 
 at Oswego, where the goods that the Indians want are 
 so plenty. All the Indians about the lakes will join, and 
 if need take up the hatchet against our foolish Father 
 Onontio, whenever you request it; his goods are very 
 dear, and he is turned malicious because he sees our 
 women and children clothed fine in English clothes, 
 bought at Oswego. We have already let them know that 
 we want none of his advice, as we did formerly when 
 we were young, but we are become now men of age, and 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 138. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 would think for ourselves, let the consequences be what 
 it will." 
 
 This petition from the north of Lake Ontario was an 
 index of the growing discontent among the Indians who 
 had been trading with the French. 
 
 Conrad Weiser was quick to see in this an oppor 
 tunity to enlarge the trade and influence of Penn 
 sylvania. Indeed, it was his sleepless activity that 
 enabled the Indian trade of Pennsylvania to outgrow that 
 of any other Province. If unscrupulous traders imposed 
 upon the Indians, which was a common practice at that 
 time, Weiser was prompt to inform upon them and tire 
 less in securing justice for the Indians. He reported that 
 one trader at the head waters of the Joniady (Juniata) 
 River, stole forty-seven deer skins and three horses from 
 a "sober, quiet and good-natured" Indian. "He w^as 
 down at my house with his complaint a few days before 
 I set out for Shamokin, I sent him back again until I had 
 learned the particulars, being I could not talk with him 
 sufficient to find out the truth of the story; he is now" 
 (July, 1747), "with Shikellimy and renewed his com 
 plaint. James Dunning is gone down Ohio River, 
 and will stay out long; the Indian was content that 
 I should inform the Council of his misfortune; he 
 not only lost his skins and horses, but pursued James 
 Dunning in vain to the place called Canayiahagon, on the 
 south side of Lake Erie, from thence back again to the 
 place where he left the skins, and from thence again to 
 Ohio, but all in vain: for he could not find or come up 
 with James Dunning." The second complaint Weiser 
 said was against one John Powle, with whom the above- 
 mentioned Indian left several bundles of skins while he 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 85. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 159 
 
 was searching for James Dunning. "The Indian," says 
 Weiser, "had sent his brother down Joniady River with 
 the skins that were left after Dunning had rifled his 
 store, and desired his brother to leave his two bundles 
 on the island at a certain Indian s house, which this 
 Indian did, and then fell sick at the house of the said 
 John Powle and died there. Before he was dead John 
 Powle fetched the skins from the island (he says by order 
 of the deceased) and paid himself of what the deceased 
 owed him, who had skins of his own sufficient to answer 
 all his debts and defray his expenses ; and would pay what 
 he wanted, notwithstanding the deceased s skins, and his 
 that is alive are all gone, and a very poor account John 
 Powle gives of the whole. The Indians insist upon it that 
 he stole them. The said John Powle had also taken a very 
 fine gun in pawn from the said two Indians for three 
 gallons of liquor (Brandywine). After the deceased paid 
 him he did not deliver up the gun, but alleged that he 
 lent it out, and endeavored to cheat the Indian out of it 
 entirely. I sent a few lines to him by the Indians to come 
 to Joseph Chambers " (at Paxton) "to meet me and 
 answer to the same complaint. He appeared, but laughed 
 at the Indian ; but upon examination I found he was a liar, 
 if not a thief, and offered his oath to confirm a lie of which 
 he was afterwards convinced by me." I sent for Justice 
 Armstrong, who did nothing more than order Powle to 
 pay the Indian for the gun. "As for the skins I could do 
 nothing. I, for my part, am convinced that he stole them, 
 or at least the most of them. A great deal of other mis 
 chief has been done to some of the Indians. Some 
 horses have been taken on pretence of debt, sometimes 
 skins belonging to a third person, and so on."* 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 87, 88. 
 
l6o CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 The Council reported these things to the Assembly, 
 which recommended that if upon "inquiry the persons 
 against whom the Indians complain appear to he guilty 
 of the crimes laid to their charges, they ought to be 
 prosecuted and punished as the law in such cases directs, 
 besides being obliged to make restitution if they" (the 
 plunderers) "are able, and if not able, that compensation 
 should be made to them" (the Indians) "out of the money 
 we intend, to provide for presents." 
 
 In spite of the favorable attitude of the Assembly, 
 which at that time was not only performing the part of 
 a judiciary with appellate jurisdiction, but also vigor 
 ously absorbing the executive functions, Weiser found it 
 exceedingly difficult to secure the administration of jus 
 tice locally in Indian affairs. Very few magistrates on 
 the frontier would administer law where an Indian was 
 concerned. The class of men holding the commission of 
 Justice on the border was now quite different from what 
 it had been in the early days when the Friends and such 
 Germans as Weiser lived on the frontier and administered 
 the law in the spirit its framers intended. It was entirely 
 useless for the Assembly to insist that the laws should be 
 enforced. The magistrates held commissions from the 
 Governor, and the gulf between the executive and the 
 legislative was growing broader and broader. For these 
 reasons Weiser was demanding from the Council that 
 justice be extended to the Indians who had lost their 
 horses and peltry. In a few weeks he writes again, say 
 ing, "I shall be glad to hear what the President and 
 
 Council purport to do about the Indian s complaint 
 
 Shikellimy is very much concerned about it, and did want 
 an answer, he is afeared that no good will come from it, 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 102. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. l6l 
 
 if the Council don t find a remedy for the Indians lost. 
 I, for my part, am fully satisfied that the Indian s com 
 plaint is just in the main, let the particulars fall out as 
 they will ; when an Indian in his own judgment thinks 
 himself wronged by somebody, more especially by the 
 white people, he will never forgive, and he is apt to 
 revenge himself, and urged to do it by his country people. 
 John Armstrong,* the poor man had warning sufficient 
 to persuade him to do the Indians justice, but covetous- 
 ness prevented him, and at last he paid too dear for his 
 faults. Our people are apt to forget such examples." | 
 
 A week later Weiser writes, "The Indians must have 
 satisfaction for possible injuries. If we will deal with 
 them according to our public treaties and show that we 
 are what we pretend to be, that is to say, their friends, 
 people of honor and honesty, the Council and Assembly 
 will find a remedy. I own it will be a difficult matter to 
 get at the truth in private quarrels between the white and 
 the brown people, for the former will out-swear the very 
 devil, and the latter oath is not good in our laws. If all 
 come to all, rather than the poor Indians should be 
 wronged, the public ought to make satisfaction, if no 
 remedy can be found to prevent it." These things 
 weighed more and more upon Weiser s mind until he 
 declared more than once that he was sick of Indian affairs. 
 The same summer he wrote to the Council again, the 
 Indians having pressed him to explain why the white 
 people had not kept their promise made at the recent 
 treaties about the illicit sale of rum among the Indians. 
 "Scaiohady," he says, "pressed upon me to put the Gov- 
 
 *Killed at Jack s Narrows, on the Juniata. See p. 130. 
 iJPenna. Archives, vol. I., pp. 758, 759. 
 Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 762. 
 
1 62 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 ernment in mind of what he said against the traders in 
 rum, that it might be suppressed, for the Indians (said 
 he) will drink away all they have and not be able to do 
 anything against the enemy for want of ammunition ; and 
 if rightly considered, death, without judge or jury, to any 
 man that carries rum to sell to any Indian Town, is the 
 only remedy to prevent that trade & a just reward to the 
 traders, for nothing else will do. It is an abomination 
 before God and man, to say nothing of the particular con 
 sequences it is altogether hurtful to the public, for what 
 little supplies we can give them to carry on the war is not 
 half sufficient, they must buy the greatest part with their 
 hunting, and if they meet with rum they will buy that be 
 fore anything, and not only drink away their skins but 
 their clothing and everything they may get of us ; in short, 
 the inconveniences occasioned by that trade are numerous 
 at this very time, the English and French party" (among 
 the Indians) "will fall out in their drunkenness and mur 
 der one another, and the English will be charged with the 
 mischief thereof/ * 
 
 The rum traffic among the Indians and the traders 
 disposition to plunder were the hindering things which 
 seriously embarrassed the consummation of those plans 
 leading towards the extension of the Indian trade. Yet in 
 the face of these things, Pennsylvania so extended her 
 fur trade into the West during King George s war that all 
 New France trembled and called for a cessation of hostili 
 ties until they could reclaim what was lost. The summer 
 of 1747 developed the plan which brought the Indians of 
 the Ohio Valley into trade relations with Pennsylvania 
 and turned them away from the French posts. The Coun 
 cil and Assembly hesitated all summer. The traders urged 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 167. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 163 
 
 and importuned that the Lake Erie Indians be furnished 
 with ammunition, and the hatchet placed in their hands 
 against the French. In September, George Croghan 
 writes to a member of the Council telling how the Lake 
 Erie Indians are making war briskly against the French, 
 in the expectation of a present of powder and lead from 
 Pennsylvania. "If they don t get it," says Croghan, "I 
 am of opinion, by the best accounts I can get, that they 
 will turn to the French, who will be very willing to make 
 up with them again. So, if there be no provision made to 
 send them a present by some of the traders directly, send 
 me an account by first opportunity, for if there be nothing 
 sent, I will not send out any goods or men this year for 
 fear of danger."* Croghan touched the two vital spots, 
 the French, and the destruction of Indian trade. Thomas 
 Lawrence laid the letter at once before the Council, which 
 was in favor of sending a present to the value of two hun 
 dred and fifty pounds to the Indians on Ohio and Lake 
 Erie. 
 
 The secretary was instructed to send a copy of this 
 resolution to Conrad Weiser requesting his advice and 
 sentiments about the most advantageous manner of laying 
 out the money. Eight days later Secretary Peters 
 laid before the Council "a copy of his letter to Conrad 
 Weiser, Esq. & likewise the draught of a letter to be sent 
 to the Indians on or near Lake Erie; but as no letter is 
 yet come to hand from Mr. Weiser in answer to the Sec 
 retary s letter, the Council postponed the consideration of 
 Indian affairs to another day.|| It was over a week 
 before Weiser s letter arrived. He agreed with the Coun- 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 770. 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 119, 120. 
 
 |jPenna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 120. 
 
164 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 cil "that a handsome present should be made to the 
 Indians on Ohio and on Lake Erie, who, by their situation 
 were capable of doing this Province abundance of mischief 
 if they should turn to the French." 
 
 The Council then felt at liberty to go into a considera 
 tion of how to send a present to these Indians. It was de 
 cided that two hundred pounds would be sufficient to 
 invest in this project. A number of the members 
 expressed their fears of entrusting that amount of goods 
 to an Indian trader. What assurance would we have that 
 the Indians would ever receive it all, they asked. It was 
 finally decided to employ George Croghan to carry the 
 goods to the Ohio River, and in the presence of some reli 
 able man to accompany him, Croghan was to be entrusted 
 with the distribution of the goods. Considerable delay 
 was occasioned in finding a suitable man to go with Cro 
 ghan to the Ohio. James Logan was opposed to leaving 
 the matter entirely with the traders. In fact, the entire 
 affair was adrift for the want of a man who knew how to 
 push these Western negotiations. Up to this date, Octo 
 ber, 1747, the Western Indian affairs \vere in marked con 
 trast with those of the Northern Indians. In the latter, 
 Conrad Weiser held a commission as Provincial inter 
 preter, and directly or indirectly shaped the Iroquois 
 policy. But with the Lake Erie negotiations the pushing 
 spirit was George Croghan. James Logan and some 
 others in the Council were opposed to trusting him, or 
 being led by him. 
 
 Weiser had been very much occupied all summer with 
 business relative to the Six Nations. He had been to 
 Shamokin several times; once to notify the Iroquois of 
 the death of John Perm and the departure of Governor 
 Thomas to England. On this journey he took several 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 165 
 
 dozen silk handkerchiefs that the Indians might have the 
 wherewithal to wipe away their tears of grief. On re 
 turning from his October trip to Shamokin, Weiser in 
 forms the Council that Shikellimy has become a fit object 
 of charity. "Pie is extremely poor; in his sickness the 
 horses have eaten all his corn ; his cloathes he gave to the 
 Indian doctor to cure him and his family, but all in vain ; 
 he has nobody to hunt for him, and I cannot see how the 
 poor old man can live, he has been a true servant to the 
 government, and may perhaps still be, if he lives to do 
 well again. As the winter is coming on again I think it 
 would not be amiss to send him a few blankets or match- 
 coats, and a little powder and lead; if the government 
 would be pleased to do it, and you could send it up soon 
 I would send my sons with it to Shamokin before the cold 
 wheather comes." The Council immediately ordered that 
 a present to the value of six pounds be sent at once to 
 Shikellimy by Weiser s sons. 
 
 In the same letter Weiser again expresses himself 
 upon the Ohio affair. "It is my humble opinion that the 
 Presents intended for the Indians on the Ohio River 
 should be larger. If that what George Croghan is to take 
 with him is intended for the Indians at Canayiahagon" 
 (on south side of Lake Erie), "the Indians at Ohio, our 
 much nearer neighbors, should not be passed over without 
 something."* In July when the Council appealed to 
 Weiser for his judgment upon the wisdom of making a 
 present to the Indians on Lake Erie, the far-seeing inter 
 preter replied, "that a small present ought to be made to 
 the Indians on Lake Erie to acknowledge the receipt of 
 theirs, it may be sent by some honest trader. I think 
 George Croghan is fit to perform it. I always took him 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 138, 139. 
 
1 66 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 for an honest man, and have as yet no reason to think 
 otherwise of him. ? 
 
 In November, after Weiser had been pondering for 
 some time upon this western problem, ke concludes that 
 the important quarter for Pennsylvania to expend her 
 energies is not in the Lake Erie region, but at the forks 
 of the Ohio. In this conclusion Weiser s keen insight 
 into the future marks him as the only man outside of the 
 French who, up to that time, grasped the fact that the 
 Ohio basin would be the seat of the future struggle 
 between the French and the English. Indeed, it is quite 
 probable that in this Weiser was in advance of the keenest 
 of the French leaders. It was only after Weiser had won 
 this region for Pennsylvania that the French wakened up 
 to its real value, and Virginia became a jealous rival of 
 the Keystone traders. 
 
 A few days after Weiser reported that he considered 
 the Ohio Indians were equally or more worthy of a pres 
 ent than the tribes on Lake Erie, the Provincial Secretary 
 received a letter from George Croghan stating that his 
 wagon was in Philadelphia waiting to carry the goods 
 to the Lake Erie Indians. The Council then decided that 
 since they had not been able to find a suitable man to 
 accompany Croghan, the goods should be taken no further 
 than John Harris Ferry. James Logan was instructed 
 to direct Croghan to hold them there until he received 
 further orders. And Secretary Peters was directed "to 
 dispatch an express forthwith to Mr. Weiser to let him 
 
 know that the goods are sent there And that the 
 
 Council will proceed no further without consulting him, 
 and as the season was far advanced they desired he would 
 not fail to come and attend the board as soon as possi- 
 
 Penna. Archives, vol. I., p. 762. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 167 
 
 ble."* This was virtually placing these Ohio negotia 
 tions entirely in the hands of Conrad Weiser. 
 
 Three days later Secretary Peters informed the Coun 
 cil that he had heard from Weiser, and he would be in 
 Philadelphia in a few days. He sent a letter with the 
 messenger saying that in Lancaster he had met ten of 
 these Ohio Indians, who were on their way to Philadel 
 phia. And Weiser promised that he would arrive as soon 
 as they. On November the I3th, Weiser and these Ohio 
 Indians were called before the Council. Their leader 
 addressed himself not only to the Governor of Pennsyl 
 vania, but also to the Governor of New York. "We who 
 speak to you," he said, "are warriors living at Ohio, and 
 address you on behalf of ourselves and the rest of the 
 warriors of the Six Nations." After explaining the cause 
 of their coming and alluding to the ancient friendship 
 existing between the Six Nations and English, and after 
 reviewing the stand taken by the Iroquois for neutrality, 
 he called attention to the fact that he represented warring 
 and hunting tribes of the Ohio Valley living in alliance 
 with the Six Nations, that the young men could no longer 
 remain neutral. "We, the young Indians, the warriors, 
 and captains, have consulted together and resolved to 
 take up the hatchet against the will of our old people. 
 We will lay aside the counsel of our old people as of no 
 use except in time of peace. We have done this only 
 after repeated applications from our brethren, the Eng 
 lish. And we are now come to tell you that the French 
 have hard heads, and that we have nothing strong enough 
 to break them with. We have only little sticks and hick 
 ories, and such things that will do little or no service 
 against the hard heads of the French." They then asked 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 139. 
 
1 68 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 for better guns, and a supply of powder and lead, saying, 
 "when once we, the young warriors, engaged we put a 
 great deal of fire under our kettle, and the kettle boiled 
 high, and so it does still (meaning that they carried the 
 war on briskly), that the Frenchmen s heads might soon 
 be boiled ; but when we looked about us to see how it was 
 with the English kettle, w r e saw the fire was almost out, 
 and that it had hardly boiled at all, and that no French 
 men s heads were like to be in it. This truly surprises 
 us, and we are come down on purpose to know the reason 
 of it. How came it to pass that the English, who brought 
 us into the war, will not fight themselves? This is not 
 a good appearance, and therefore we give you this string 
 of wampum to hearten and encourage you, to desire that 
 you would put more fire under your kettle. " 
 
 The members of the Council decided that before a 
 reply could be framed to this speech it would be necessary 
 to learn from Conrad Weiser "the particular history of 
 these Indians, their real disposition towards us, and their 
 future designs." Weiser was called before the Council. 
 He told them that the Indians had only told a portion of 
 their mission, and he would see what he could learn from 
 them in conversation. 
 
 The Council also believed that it would be best to 
 find out James Logan s sentiments on this subject. Since 
 Logan had sometime previous retired from the Council, 
 Richard Peters and Conrad Weiser were appointed to 
 wait on him. In two days Weiser came before the Coun 
 cil with a policy. His purposes were clearly defined. He 
 told the Council that, Last summer the Governor of 
 Canada had sent the hatchet to the Indians about the lakes 
 and on branches of the Ohio ; that one nation took it up ; 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 147. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 169 
 
 and that these Indians and the Indians in those quarters, 
 consisting principally of warriors, being afraid others 
 would do the like, to prevent this took up the English 
 hatchet, and proclaimed war against the French, which 
 had a good effect, no more daring after this to meddle 
 with the French hatchet. That these Indians on Ohio 
 had concluded to kindle a Fire* in their town, and had 
 invited all the Indians to a considerable distance around 
 about them to come to their fire in the spring, and that 
 they had consented to it." Weiser also declared that 
 these Ohio Indians numbered five hundred warriors, "and 
 as many allies more numerous than themselves. That it 
 was always the custom in wartime to put the management 
 into the hands of the young people, and that it would be 
 of the most pernicious consequences at this time if the 
 Council did not approve the action of these Indians in 
 taking up the hatchet in the English interests, and encour 
 age them in their work." Weiser went further, and told 
 the Council that "he thought Providence had furnished 
 this Province with a fine opportunity of making all the 
 Indians about the lakes their friends, and warm friends 
 too." The Council then asked Weiser what kind of a 
 present he thought ought to be made to these Indians. 
 He replied, "that the value of one hundred pounds would 
 appear but small, that they should have as much given 
 them at least, and half as much to the Canayiahaga 
 Indians; not that this was by any means sufficient, but 
 would be a good salutation present, and preparatory to a 
 larger, to be sent in the summer. This he judged neces 
 sary to be done, and that they should be told of the future 
 present. And tho he had never been in those parts, yet 
 he judged the attaching these Indians and their friends to 
 
 *A council. 
 
I7O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the English cause to be so necessary that he would, if 
 the Council pleased, and his health should permit, go with 
 the present himself, and see with his own eyes, what num 
 ber of Indians were there, and in what disposition." 
 Weiser also reported that in consultation with James 
 Logan they had outlined a reply to be made to the Indians. 
 The Council caused this to be read, and after a few unim 
 portant changes it was considered suitable to be presented 
 to the Indians. The reply complimented them for listen 
 ing to the English and for the ready concurrence of their 
 allies. "You live," said the speaker, "in small tribes at 
 a distance from one another. Separate you \vill be easily 
 overcome; united, it will be difficult, if not impossible to 
 hurt you. Like .the strings on which you put your 
 wampum, a single thread is soon snapped, but if you 
 weave them into a belt and fasten them tight together, 
 it must be a strong hand that can break it. We are 
 pleased to hear that the pressing instances of the Governor 
 of New York and New England you have taken up the 
 hatchet against the French, who you know, not with 
 standing their fair speeches, have been from the begin 
 ning your inveterate enemies. And in confirmation that 
 we approve of what you have done, we give you this 
 belt. In reference to the English kettle not boiling, you 
 gave your wampum string to all the Governors, therefore 
 we must send it to the other Provinces before we can 
 reply. But to lessen your concern on this account, we 
 are to apprize you that the French were sending large 
 forces in big ships, well armed with great cannon over 
 the seas to Canada, that the English pursued them, 
 attacked them, took their men-of-war, killed a number 
 of their men and carried the rest prisoners to England. 
 This victory put a stop for the present to the expedition 
 
a 
 
 THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 
 
 intended against Canada. You are therefore not to judge 
 by the appearance things make now that the English Fire 
 is going out, but that this is only accidental, and it will 
 soon blaze again."* The Indians were then told of the 
 warm friendship "the sons of Onas" had for them, and 
 a present worth over one hundred and forty-eight pounds 
 was waiting for the Ohio Indians at John Harris Ferry. 
 Also a present worth over forty-six pounds was there for 
 the Lake Erie Indians. The Indians were highly delighted 
 with their treatment and danced the war dance as an 
 evidence of their approbation. The Lake Erie Indians 
 never knew that Conrad VVeiser divided the two hundred 
 pounds voted as a present to them, giving the Ohio 
 Indians three parts and leaving one part to them. By 
 this movement Conrad Weiser set on foot negotiations 
 which gave Pennsylvania a monopoly of the fur trade as 
 far west as the Mississippi River. He went with these 
 Indians to John Harris Ferry and distributed the goods. 
 At the same time the Council promptly began arranging 
 for the expedition in the spring. 
 
 The President and Council sent a message to the 
 Assembly, saying: 
 
 "GENTLEMEN : You will see by the papers which are 
 ordered to be laid before you that we have had a treaty 
 with some Indian warriors from Ohio, who came to town 
 for that purpose. By them we are given to understand 
 that this tribe of Indians, being a mixture of the Six 
 Nations, to whom these warriors belong, have actually 
 resolved to adhere to their brethren, the English, against 
 the French, and propose to kindle a great Fire at Ohio 
 in the spring, to which they have invited the Indians 
 
 *Peima. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 149, 150. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 living around about them to join with them in these reso 
 lutions. This is an extraordinary event in our favor, 
 which ought to be improved to the greatest advantage. 
 .From the situation of these people, being mostly within 
 the limits of this Government, they are capable of doing 
 or preventing the greatest mischiefs; and from what 
 passed at conversation between them and the interpreter, 
 there is reason to apprehend that without encouragement 
 from this Province they may be seduced by the French 
 to go over to their side, whereby the lives of the back 
 inhabitants will be in the utmost clanger. These consid 
 erations have induced us to give them the goods men 
 tioned in the account delivered you herewith, and to prom 
 ise to send the interpreter with a larger present to their 
 Fire at Ohio in the spring. You will therefore take care 
 at this session to come to such resolves as will enable us 
 to make good our engagements."* 
 
 Several weeks elapsed before the Assembly came to 
 any conclusion upon this matter. A majority of the 
 members were vigorously opposed to using bribes to per 
 suade the Indians into war against the French. More 
 over there was a growing difference between the Council 
 and the Assembly in reference to raising money to carry 
 on the war. The Assembly was willing to add to the 
 five thousand pounds already voted for the King s use, 
 any necessary sum provided it could be raised by issuing 
 bills of credit. The President of the Council refused to 
 sanction any such measure, saying that his instructions 
 forbade him from signing any acts providing for the issue 
 of bills of credit. This difficulty very much embarrassed 
 the Assembly in providing funds for encouraging the 
 Ohio Indians in their warlike schemes against the French. 
 
 *Pcnna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 156, 157. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 173 
 
 While the Assembly was vainly trying to frame a 
 measure that would provide for these Indians, Conrad 
 Weiser sent a letter to the Council telling how well 
 pleased Shikellimy was with the present that had been 
 sent to him. Shikellimy, it appears, heartily approved 
 of Weiser s schemes with the Western Indians. He told 
 of the Twightwees, the Janontady Hayas (Juniata Ohios) 
 and other tribes who had actually made war with the 
 French, having "seized all the French goods they could 
 meet with," and having killed several French traders they 
 sent others stripped and naked to their father Onontio to 
 acquaint him "that his children the Indians were 
 angry with him." Weiser also reported that two strong 
 nations of French Indians, living west of the Great Lakes, 
 were on their way during the past summer to attack the 
 frontier inhabitants, but were turned back by the Twigh 
 twees, who told them that such an attack would be equiv 
 alent to declaring war with the Six Nations and their 
 allies. It was well known to Weiser that all such informa 
 tion was valuable in securing the appropriation bill from 
 the Assembly. On November 28th, 1747, Weiser reported 
 that he had accompanied the Ohio Indians on their home 
 ward journey as far as "Paxton," where the goods that 
 had been sent on were divided among them. "This day," 
 says Weiser, "I delivered the goods to them, and they 
 were well pleased, for my adding two half barrels of 
 powder to the four which they were to have. George 
 Croghan was present, and he undertook to find men and 
 horses to carry the powder and lead, with two casks of 
 liquor for them to Ohio. I was obliged to allow them the 
 liquor because they all followed my advice and did not 
 get drunk, neither in town nor by the way." 
 
 The Assembly adjourned and took no action upon the 
 
!/4 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Ohio Indian appropriation. Finally during the next ses 
 sion of the House, John Kinsey, the Speaker, sent a mes 
 sage to the Council saying, the importance of our alliance 
 with the Western Indians, we observe from the treaty, 
 depends very much upon their own report of themselves. 
 "However, as they are a part of the Six Nations, who 
 very probably in these calamitous times are often in want 
 of necessaries to acquire their livelihood, we approve of 
 the present you have thought fit to make them, and also 
 of the account you have sent the Six Nations of a larger 
 present intended for them in the spring; and we shall take 
 the care which is necessary to enable you to fulfill that- 
 engagement. Permit us, however, to add that we think 
 it will be necessary to press their union among them 
 selves, and that they will do well to have due regard to 
 the opinions of their old and experienced men ; whose 
 advice from the account they give seems to have been laid 
 aside ; most of us, you are sensible, are men of peaceable 
 principles, and the presents we give (and those formerly 
 given on behalf of this Government, so far as we under 
 stand), were to supply them with necessaries toward 
 acquiring a livelihood and to cultivate friendship between 
 us, and not to encourage their entering into war. This 
 we think most for the King s interest, and the peace and 
 safety of his colonies in America; it being well known 
 that wars once begun amongst them are not to be ended 
 without great difficulty, and are attended with so much 
 bloodshed and cruelty as usually excite revenge and like 
 inhumanity from the Indians in the French interest 
 against those in amity with us, and against others, the 
 King s subjects. We observe from Conrad Weiser s let 
 ter, which you were pleased to order to be laid before us, 
 the Indians continue their complaints of the injuries they 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 175 
 
 have received by the carrying of rum amongst them, and 
 we therefore hope you will endeavor to prevent this for 
 the future by directing the laws provided against this 
 abuse, duly put in execution."* 
 
 The Council was now at liberty to go on with its plan. 
 President Palmer wrote at once to the Governors of Vir 
 ginia and Maryland, telling them how important an alli 
 ance with the Western Indians was, and urging the neces 
 sity of these colonies making a considerable addition to 
 the present which was to be sent to Ohio in the spring. 
 And to see that this present was delivered, Palmer invited 
 each colony to send commissioners with Conrad Weiser 
 to Logstown. Maryland gave no attention to the appeal, 
 it having been reported that she had no more money to 
 spend upon Indian affairs. Governor Gooch, of Virginia, 
 was in hearty sympathy with the suggestion, and urged 
 his Legislature to make an appropriation for the same. 
 The Council was exceedingly anxious to send a large 
 present worth at least a thousand pounds into Ohio as 
 early in the spring as possible. Promptness was urged in 
 order to anticipate the French. The Virginia Legislature 
 already contained members who were entertaining a 
 growing jealousy of the Pennsylvania fur trade, and they 
 feared that Virginia might lose a portion of her Western 
 claims if she assisted Pennsylvania in holding a treaty 
 with Ohio Indians, consequently they declined to appoint 
 commissioners. Governor Gooch, however, sent word 
 that he would furnish whatever sum Pennsylvania 
 thought necessary. 
 
 The President and Council, influenced by Conrad 
 Weiser and the Assembly, concluded to issue a proclama- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 184, 185. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 222. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 tion against the Indian rum traffic, and have Conrad 
 Weiser take it with him to Ohio, and thus see if the sale 
 of rum to the Indians could not be confined to the licensed 
 traders. This proclamation provided that any unlicensed 
 person found carrying more than one gallon of rum 
 among the Indians should forfeit said liquor, and even 
 Indians were empowered to stave the casks and destroy 
 the rum when they found it. 
 
 By the middle of February, Conrad Weiser was called 
 before the Council to assist in selecting goods to be sent to 
 Ohio. It was decided to furnish one ton of lead, eighteen 
 barrels of powder, forty guns, and the other usual mer 
 chandise to the value of eight hundred and twenty-eight 
 pounds, eight shillings, and one-half pence. Over twenty- 
 two more pounds were considered necessary to pay the 
 cost of transportation, in which list of expenses a trunk 
 and a hammock were set apart for the use of Conrad 
 Weiser. All arrangements now appeared to be made for 
 the expedition, which only awaited the opening of the 
 spring season. But during the winter unforeseen difficul 
 ties had been brewing. Doubtless they started among 
 the Iroquois who would most naturally feel jealous of 
 the Ohio Indians treating directly with Pennsylvania. It 
 was the policy of the Six Nations that all tributary nations 
 should effect their negotiations through them. Before 
 spring Shikellimy developed a determined opposition to 
 Conrad Weiser s Western journey. He came down to 
 see him early in March, and arranged things to delay the 
 interpreter s departure for Ohio. He soon convinced 
 Weiser that nothing material would come from the Ohio 
 mission. Since Shikellimy had always been the source 
 of all Weiser s information about Indian affairs, it is easy 
 to understand why this change of attitude would strongly 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 177 
 
 influence Weiser. Shikeilimy insisted that these Western 
 Indians had not gone to war against the French, that they 
 could not do this without permission of the Six Nations, 
 since they were subjects of the Confederacy. Therefore, 
 he saw no reason for the expedition and declined Weiser s 
 invitation to accompany him. Shikeilimy went still 
 further and said that at the Great Council Fire of the Six 
 Nations it was decided to send deputies to Philadelphia 
 early in the spring to fix upon a chief for the Delawares 
 and other important business which would make it neces 
 sary for Weiser to attend, since he was the official inter 
 preter for the Six Nations as well as for Pennsylvania. 
 Weiser hurried his son off to Philadelphia with this news 
 and desired an immediate reply. "If the journey should 
 be delayed or given over," he asked, "what must be said 
 to the Indians by George Croghan? His own cargo is 
 already gone, and he must follow in a few days. I will 
 undertake to ride to George Croghan s, let things go as 
 they will, before he goes to the woods. I reckon he will 
 be greatly disappointed, he having kept about twenty 
 horses in readiness to carry the goods. I am ready to do 
 whatever the President and Council will be pleased to 
 signifie to me."* 
 
 The Council immediately called for Weiser s former 
 letters, and since "there appeared to be an inconsistency 
 between them and this present letter," it was decided to 
 summon Conrad Weiser and Shikeilimy before the Coun 
 cil with all possible dispatch, the Council not being able 
 to come to any decision among themselves. The Secre 
 tary in his letter says : "It is expected that neither of you 
 will make any excuses nor the least delay, since not to 
 come, or not to come forthwith, as the matters under 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 212, 213. 
 
1/8 CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 consideration affect this Province, and, indeed, all Indian 
 nations in a very sensible manner, would be equally dan 
 gerous. ^ 
 
 With this summons Richard Peters sent a letter to 
 George Croghan, asking Conrad Weiser, by postscript, to 
 add anything he thought necessary, for I am sensible," 
 writes Peters, that "more maybe said to him, and it will 
 come better from you." In Croghan s letter he is told 
 that the expedition must be delayed, "but he will be gen 
 erously remunerated for any extra expense which it may 
 occasion." When Shikellimy with his son and Conrad 
 W r eiser arrived in Philadelphia, in April, 1748, the old 
 Indian repeated the same story he told Weiser in the 
 winter, insisting that Conrad must remain and act as 
 interpreter, when the Iroquois should come down. The 
 Council therefore decided to postpone the Ohio expedition 
 until after the Six Nation deputies had accomplished their 
 business at Philadelphia. This decision was the more 
 easily reached since it was not yet known what Maryland 
 and Virginia intended to do toward aiding in the expenses 
 of the treaty. 
 
 Pennsylvania had now learned from Conrad Weiser 
 that the Ohio Valley was a vast fur trading section capa 
 ble of drawing rich tributary currents from the region 
 around the Great Lakes. These reasons, more than any 
 hope of allies, influenced Pennsylvania to secure the 
 friendship of the Ohio Indians. If Maryland and Vir 
 ginia should furnish no help, Pennsylvania could do it 
 alone. If the Six Nations, through Shikellimy, should 
 endeavor to persuade Conrad Weiser from the mission, 
 Pennsylvania could go on with the treaty. Conrad Weiser 
 was shrewd enough to see this, and to a man who loved 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 213. 
 
THE FIRST WINNING OF THE WEST. 179 
 
 a dollar as devotedly as he, this opportunity should not 
 be lost, nor his share of provincial patronage put in jeop 
 ardy. At that time Weiser and Secretary Peters were 
 both buying land with the money received from public 
 service. These circumstances may explain why Weiser 
 was not wholly a convert to the views of the Six Nations. 
 He had in the previous autumn defined the policy of the 
 Province, and created the appetite for the Western trade. 
 He now held himself neutral. If the expedition fail, or is 
 intrusted to George Croghan, Weiser will have served the 
 Six Nations with fidelity. If the Council insists upon 
 delaying the mission and having Weiser conduct it he 
 will have served his State to his own honor and profit. 
 Whatever were his motives the interpreter kept his lips 
 closed, and permitted events to take their course. Six 
 months earlier his policy was in the active voice, now it 
 was in the passive. 
 
I SO CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE OHIO MISSION. 
 
 Croghan goes to Ohio The Indians appreciate the Proclamation 
 against the Selling^of Rum The Twightwees or Miami Indians are 
 won over to the English Weiser introduces Andrew Montotir to 
 the Council -The Twightwees at Lancaster The Twightwees make 
 a Speech The Twightwees describe their Country Flattering 
 Prospects of increased Trade Weiser starts for Ohio Weiser 
 received at Logstovyn The Wyandot Indians won over to the 
 English Cause Weiser restores to Carolina her lost Prisoners 
 Weiser destroys the Traders Rum Stores The Indians at 
 Logstown receive their Presents Results of the Logstown Treaty 
 Organization of the Ohio Company Results of this Or 
 ganization. 
 
 THE Council of Pennsylvania decided to send George 
 Croghan to the Ohio country early in the spring 
 of 1748 with presents to the value of two hundred pounds, 
 which was to be an earnest of a more valuable present to 
 be sent later in the summer by Conrad Weiser. Croghan 
 went out in April. He told the Indians assembled in 
 Council, that he was sent by the President and Council 
 at Philadelphia "to return .... thanks for the French 
 sculp you sent down last spring." He then told them of 
 the great present which Mr. Weiser would bring them in 
 the summer. After distributing the goods, he read the 
 proclamation against the selling of rum among them. The 
 Indians expressed their thanks for the presents, and in 
 an especial manner rejoiced over the coming of Conrad 
 Weiser, saying that he could not come in a more oppor 
 tune time, since a number of their tribes would be in from 
 the hunt and very destitute of ammunition. 
 
 "You tell us," they said, "that you have put a stop to 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. % l8l 
 
 the traders carrying out strong liquors, which we approve 
 of very well, for we have suffered considerable from such 
 abuses, for there is many people who bring nothing else 
 but liquor, and so cheats us of our skins, and many of 
 our people have lost their lives. But brothers we have 
 one thing to acquaint you with, and that is there is a great 
 nations of Indians cqme from the French to be your 
 brothers as well as ours, who say they never tasted Eng 
 lish rum yet, but would be very glad to taste it now, as 
 they are come to live with the English, so we hope you 
 will order some of your traders to bring them some, for 
 which request we send you this string of wampum."* 
 
 These Indians who were said never to have tasted 
 English rurn were the Twightwees, whose hunting and 
 trapping grounds extended to the Mississippi River. 
 They had been allies of the French, but when they heard 
 of Conrad Weiser and the big Pennsylvania present they 
 became interested in the English. The Twightwees real 
 ized by experience that the French fur market, in sections 
 where there was no rivalry, was very poor. They had 
 heard of the Six Nations and their profitable conferences 
 held in Pennsylvania. Accordingly with characteristic 
 Indian business enterprise they sent word that their depu 
 ties were coming eastward with the hope of kindling a 
 Council Fire at Lancaster. Conrad Weiser urged that a 
 delegation be sent at once to meet these Indians and con 
 duct them to Lancaster. 
 
 Weiser then presented Andrew Montour to the Coun 
 cil, and recommended him as a "person who might be of 
 service to the Province in quality of Indian interpreter 
 and messenger. . . ." Andrew Montour was the son of 
 the celebrated French woman, Madame Montour, who 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 289. 
 
182 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 married an Iroquois chief. Andrew was a prominent man 
 among the Delawares, and sufficiently familiar with the 
 English language to serve well as an interpreter. 
 
 For some years there had been jealousy and bad feel 
 ing between Weiser and Montour, growing out of 
 Andrew s efforts to secure the position of interpreter for 
 Virginia in her negotiations with the Six Nations. Now, 
 however, when Weiser realized the necessity of having a 
 man like Montour in order to secure the alliance of the 
 Indians in the Ohio Valley, all past differences were 
 healed. He was invited to Weiser s house and hand 
 somely entertained. Weiser ceased writing letters to 
 Secretary Peters complaining of him and his crafty 
 methods. In introducing Montour to the Council, 
 Weiser said that he had frequently employed him in 
 numerous affairs of importance, and had "found him 
 faithful, knowing and prudent." During the previous 
 winter Weiser had sent Montour to Ohio and Lake Erie, 
 desiring him "to observe what passed among the Indians," 
 and gather what they said when the deputies returned 
 from Pennsylvania. This was Weiser s method of pre 
 paring himself for a mission into strange lands. He then 
 recommended the Council to remunerate Andrew for his 
 journey. This was promptly and cheerfully done. 
 
 Montour was directed to go to the woods and meet 
 the Twightwees deputies, and if possible persuade them to 
 come to Philadelphia. He was not to press this last point, 
 should the Indians be found unfavorable. And in no 
 case was Andrew to fail to send word to Conrad Weiser 
 telling of the number of Indians, their purpose, etc. 
 When Andrew met the Ohio Indians he found it impossi 
 ble to persuade them to come to Philadelphia. They were 
 sure that the city was "sickly," and were determined to 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 
 
 hold their conference at Lancaster. The Council dis 
 cussed this for a long time, but finally it was decided to 
 appoint four commissioners to meet the Indians. 
 Andrew Montour was interpreter for the Western 
 Indians, and Conrad Weiser for the Six Nations. 
 Scaroyady, an Oneida chief, living on the Ohio, and 
 exercising for the Six Nations jurisdiction over the West 
 ern tribes similar to that held by Shikellimy in Pennsyl 
 vania, was to have been their speaker on this occasion, 
 but was disabled by a fall. Andrew Montour then became 
 speaker for the Western Indians. 
 
 They said that they came from the banks of the "Oue- 
 bach" (Wabash), "a great river running into the Ohio; 
 .... last fall." Pennsylvania sent "a message addressed 
 to all the tribes of Indians at Ohio and elsewhere in amity 
 with the English, which the Six Nations hunting tribes 
 delivered to the Shawanese, and by them, given to us. 
 Since you have opened the door for us we are glad to 
 come to you and grasp firmly the chain of friendship, 
 praying that it may never grow dull, and that the road 
 between us and you may never grow over with briers. 
 We have not come to this conclusion hastily. We thought 
 many nights and days of this affair. We weighed every 
 thing well before we took the resolution of seeking your 
 friendship. We repeat it, our request does not come from 
 the mouth only; no, if comes from the heart."* This is 
 what we said "last winter to the Ohio Indians, we say it 
 now to you, and in confirmation thereof we now present 
 you these thirty beaver skins." A calumet pipe with a 
 "long stem curiously wrought and wrapped round with 
 
 Benjamin Shoemaker, Joseph Turner, Thomas Hopkinson, Wil 
 liam Logan. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 309- 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 wampum of several colors" was then filled with tobacco 
 and smoked by the Indians and commissioners. A treaty 
 of peace was drawn up with the Twightwees on condition 
 that they would have no more communication with the 
 French. An exchange of presents then took place. Penn 
 sylvania gave the Indians goods to the value of one hun 
 dred and eighty-nine pounds, and eight pence. The In 
 dians gave to the commissioners : "White wampum worth 
 i pound, 45. od. ; fifty-five pounds of beaver skins worth 
 22 pounds, os. op. ; seven and one-half pounds of ordinary 
 beaver, worth 2 pounds, 53. od. ; forty-one deer skins, 
 worth 7 pounds, 175. Sd. ; fifteen dressed leather skins, 
 worth 5 pounds, i6s. od." This was deducted from the 
 cost of the treaty, making the net expense amount to 149 
 pounds, 1 8s. od. 
 
 The Twightwee chief then took a piece of chalk and 
 drew on the Court House floor the courses of the Ohio and 
 Mississippi Rivers, marking the Ouebach (Wabash). 
 They represented this river as rising in a little lake "at a 
 small distance from the west end of Lake Erie, from 
 which it runs southwesterly four or five hundred miles, 
 and falls into the Ohio about three hundred miles from 
 the Mississippi." On this river and another called the 
 Hatchet, the Twightwees located twenty Indian towns in 
 which they claimed they had one thousand fighting men. 
 The Twightwees also located two French forts on the 
 Mississippi River "whereby it is manifest," write the 
 commissioners, "that if these Indians and their allies 
 prove faithful to the English, the French will be deprived 
 of the most convenient and nearest communication with 
 their forts on the Mississippi, the ready road lying 
 through their nations, and that there, will be nothing to 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 185 
 
 interrupt an intercourse between this Province and that 
 great river."* 
 
 At the close of the treaty the Twightwees said that they 
 had brought along a few skins with which to begin trade. 
 They requested the commissioners to order the traders 
 to put less stones in their scales, in order that the skins 
 might weigh more. They promised that if the prices paid 
 for furs were good, it would encourage them and other 
 tribes to trade more generally with the Pennsylvania 
 traders, The Council in writing to the Proprietary in 
 England of this treaty said, "we hope it will be produc 
 tive of considerable advantages to the people of this Pro 
 vince, by enlarging our Indian trade, and extending our 
 friendship to Indians hitherto unknown to us." 
 
 Before the Twightwees departed from Lancaster they 
 were told by the Commissioners that there was a prospect 
 of peace between England and France. To this important 
 statement the Indians made no answer. The value 
 of this new relation with the Twightwees was pretty gen 
 erally appreciated. The Governor wrote to the Assembly 
 that such an alliance would not only enlarge the Indian 
 trade, but would seriously interrupt the communications 
 of the French, in Quebec, with their settlements on the 
 Mississippi River ; since the Twightwees town lies on the 
 route followed by the French in going from the lake 
 country to New Orleans. 
 
 On the nth of August, 1748, Conrad Weiser started 
 on his journey to the Ohio. His route lay from Tulpe- 
 hocken to James Galbreath s and George Croghan s, at 
 which places he found lodgings. After the third day 
 out Weiser camped at nights in the woods and slept in 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 315. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 322. 
 
lS6 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the hammock which he had provided. The Province had 
 made this purchase for the especial purpose of protecting 
 Weiser, in his declining years, from cold and exposure 
 incident to lying on the ground at night. The Tusca- 
 rora Path/ and the "Black Log Sleeping Place" marked 
 the trail which guided Weiser s party to the Juniata River, 
 where they camped two miles below "Standing Stone" 
 (Huntingdon), called by the Indians "Onojutta Haga," 
 meaning standing stone people. At Frankstown they 
 overtook Croghan and his train of pack horses laden with 
 the Indian presents. Leaving Frankstown, where Weiser 
 remarked that he saw neither a house nor a cabin, they 
 crossed the mountains to "Clearfields." After traveling 
 one hundred and eight miles from Frankstown, they 
 crossed the Kiskiminitas Creek and came to what was 
 then called the Ohio River, now known as the Allegheny. 
 Here they hired a canoe for 1000 of black wampum, and 
 leaving their horses, paddled down the river. At the dif 
 ferent Indian villages they were received with unfeigned 
 joy. Guns were fired and feasts were spread. They 
 reached Logstown on the evening of August the 27th, 
 and were greeted by the firing of one hundred guns. This 
 Indian village with its corn fields on the opposite side of 
 the river, was between eighteen and nineteen miles from 
 the forks of the Ohio. It stood on the land now the 
 property of the Harmony Society, at Economy, a short 
 distance below the town, on the north bank of the river. 
 That evening all the old and wise men among the 
 Indians met and shook hands with Weiser. Arrange 
 ments were also made to send boats to "Chartier s old 
 Town," where the horses were left and get the goods. 
 While waiting for the present to arrive, Weiser visited 
 some of the neighboring Indian towns and gathered the 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 
 
 current news of the clay. The Indians of Coscosky 
 wanted the Council held there instead of Logstown. 
 Weiser told them that last spring when they feared that 
 their corn crop was going to he small they desired that 
 the Council might be held at Logstown, hut now since the 
 crop was large they wanted to change the location of the 
 Council. Weiser insisted that they must stand by their 
 word, especially since the notice had been given out at 
 Lancaster, and the other tribes would be offended if the 
 seat of the Council was changed. The secret of Weiser s 
 success with the Indians was due to a desire to furnish 
 them with a reason for the things he wanted, as 
 well as what he denied them. Now that we find him a 
 stranger among strange Indians we can the better examine 
 the fertility of his resources. Not being a trader the 
 Indians realized that he had no mercenary motives and 
 imposed large confidence in his words. Weiser thoroughly 
 knew the things which pleased the heart of an Indian. 
 On the day when the deputies from the distant nations 
 were expected, he caused the English flag to be raised 
 upon a long pole, and the King s health to be drunk by all 
 the Indians and white men present. Towards evening 
 while the deputies in a long delegation were arriving, a 
 constant firing of salutes was kept up by all the Indians 
 and traders in the town. To what extent these festivities 
 were the cause of Weiser s having a severe attack of colic 
 that night is not known. For several days he was con 
 fined to his couch, and was visited by the leading chiefs, 
 who were very solicitous for his recovery. 
 
 Various rumors of an Indian war with the French 
 were afloat. When Weiser sent his secret agent, Andrew 
 Montour, to inquire into the truth of this report, he found 
 that it was without foundation. The Wyandots, a power- 
 
1 88 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 ful group of Indian tribes, at one time in the French 
 interest, and recently avowed friends of the English, were 
 reported to Weiser as weakening in their new resolution 
 and inclined to go back to the French. These Wyandots, 
 says Weiser, were called lonontady Hagas, and were an 
 exceedingly influential body of Indians. He at once 
 called a council of their chiefs and asked them why they 
 had left the French. They replied that it arose from 
 their hard usage. The French had treated their young 
 men in the wars as they would slaves. And for some 
 years French goods had been so dear that the Indians 
 could not buy them. They further said that all the Wyan- 
 clot tribes were dissatisfied with the neutral action of the 
 Six Nations and desired that they would take a decided 
 stand against the French. They reported a treaty having 
 been made over fifty years previous with the Governor 
 of New York, showing in confirmation thereof a large 
 belt of wampum, which they believed had been sent to 
 them by "the Great King across the water"; Weiser 
 describes this belt as follows: It "was 25 grains wide 
 and 265 long, very curiously wrought; there were seven 
 images of men holding one another by the hand, the first 
 signifying the Governor of New York (or rather as they 
 said the King of Great Britain) ; the second, the 
 Mohawks; the third, the Oneidas; the fourth, the Cayu- 
 gas; the fifth, the Onondagos; the sixth, the Senecas; the 
 seventh, the Owandaets, "[Wyandots]" and two rows of 
 black wampum under their feet thro the whole length of 
 the belt to signify the road from Albany thro the Five 
 Nations to the Owendaets." Weiser gave these Indians 
 some tobacco and whiskey, and made them the warm 
 friends of the English. 
 
 A few days after Weiser had left Berks County upon 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 189 
 
 this mission the Governor of Pennsylvania received word 
 from Governor Gooch, of Virginia, that he had been 
 informed by Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, that 
 some time in July a party of Northern Indians had been 
 on a war excursion against the Catawbas, and had car 
 ried off a white man, Mr. Haig, and his servant. Haig, 
 it appears, was a captain of the militia and a justice of the 
 peace, a much valued man among the German inhabitants. 
 When this news reached Governor Thomas, a dispatch 
 was at once sent to overtake Conrad Weiser, and place 
 the solution of the affair in his hands. 
 
 While Weiser was firing salutes and treating the 
 Indians at Logstown, his secret agents were not idle, 
 and they learned that the Seneca Indians were respon 
 sible for this crime. Weiser immediately held a 
 council with the Seneca chiefs on the Ohio, and after 
 charging them with the deed demanded the return 
 of Mr. Haig. The Senecas took three days for con 
 sideration. Weiser was well aware that of all the 
 nations of the United Confederacy the Senecas were 
 closest to the French interests and their cause, and to call 
 these proud warriors to an account for their misdeeds was 
 a dangerous thing to do. During these three days the 
 emissaries of the Pennsylvania interpreter were vigilant. 
 How they accomplished their work is not known. But 
 Weiser secured the Seneca influence on the Ohio for the 
 English cause. After three days the chiefs told him that 
 the woods were full of evil spirits, and they gave him a 
 belt of wampum "to clear his eyes and mind, and remove 
 all bitterness of spirit." 
 
 Their speaker then reviewed the ancient friend 
 ship of the Six Nations for the English, and finally 
 brought his discourse to the capture of Mr. Haig. 
 
19 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 "We are very sorry," he said, "that at your coming here 
 we are obliged to talk of the accident that lately befel 
 yon in Carolina, where some of our warriors, by the 
 instigation of the Evil Spirit, struck their hatchet into our 
 own body like, for our brethren, the English and we are 
 of one body, and what was done we utterly abhor as a 
 thing done by the Evil Spirit himself. We never expected 
 any of our people would ever do so to our brethren. We 
 therefore remove our hatchet, which by the influence of 
 the Evil Spirit was struck into your body, and we desire 
 that our brethren, the Governor of New York and Onas, 
 may use their utmost endeavors that the thing may be 
 buried in the bottomless pit that it may never be seen 
 again, that the chain of friendship which is of so long 
 standing may be preserved bright and unhurt." The 
 Indians then gave Weiser a belt of wampum, and taking 
 up another which was almost black, said, "Brethren, as 
 we have removed our hatchet out of your body, or prop 
 erly out of our own, we now desire that the air may be 
 cleared up again, and the wound given may be healed, 
 and everything put in good understanding, as it was 
 before, and we desire that you will assist us in making 
 up everything with the Governor of Carolina. The. man 
 that has been brought as a prisoner we now deliver up to 
 you, he is yours." The speaker then laid down his wam 
 pum and taking the prisoner by the hand delivered him 
 to Conrad Weiser. Sometime afterwards it was discov 
 ered that the prisoner w r as one Brown, the servant to Mr. 
 Haig, and that the master had been murdered by the 
 Indians. Nothing further was done since Weiser was 
 informed that there were certain English traders among 
 the Catawba Indians who not infrequently betrayed the 
 position of the Iroquois to the Catawbas, and for this 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. IQI 
 
 * 
 
 reason the Iroquois warriors were prone to take revenge. 
 
 During the delay occasioned hy the tardy arrival of 
 the goods Weiser was very much annoyed by a Mary 
 land trader who appeared with thirty gallons of whiskey, 
 and opened a profitable business. Weiser tried to 
 persuade him to desist and hide the liquor in the woods. 
 The trader was not to be put off in that manner, but 
 pushed his trade briskly. Of course this was an injury 
 to Croghan, who felt that he was the only trader who 
 should be allowed to sell at that time. Furthermore, 
 Croghan was a licensed trader, while Nolan was a 
 "detested Marylander." Accordingly, Weiser and 
 Croghan availed themselves of the laws of Pennsylvania 
 and staved Nolan s store of liquor.. 
 
 After two weeks of embarrassing delay the presents 
 finally arrived. Weiser called a full council and repeated 
 all that had transpired at the recent treaty at Lancaster. 
 The goods were laid out before the eyes of the Indians 
 in five piles. One pile Weiser told them was sent by the 
 Governor of Virginia. These goods, he continued, have 
 been sent you that the chain of friendship may be made 
 bright. "A French peace is a very uncertain one, they 
 keep it no longer than their interests permit. . . . The 
 French King s people have been almost starved in old 
 France for want of provisions, which has made them wish 
 and seek for peace; but our wise people are of opinion 
 that after their bellies are full they will quarrel again and 
 raise another war. All nations in Europe know that 
 their friendship is mixed with poison, and many who 
 trusted too much on their friendship have been ruined." 
 The goods were then uncovered and the Indians given to 
 understand that they were all for them. Weiser then 
 complimented these Western Indians on their location and 
 
IQ2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 avocation, saying, you came here for the sake of hunting. 
 Our traders followed you at your invitation. Since then 
 some of your young men have robbed our traders. You, 
 no doubt, have lived here long enough to have some wise 
 men among you, who will control your conduct in the 
 future, that you may be more upright than in the past 
 when only a few hunters lived here. You have recently 
 made loud complaints about the traders wlio carry rum 
 among you. You ask that it may be stopped. I will read 
 you the law r s made by the Governor and wise men of 
 Pennsylvania, but it seems to me that it is not in your 
 white brethren s* power to stop this trade entirely. "You 
 send down your skins by the traders to buy rum for you. 
 You go yourselves and fetch horseloacls of strong liquor." 
 Only "the other day an Indian came to this town out of 
 Maryland with three horseloads of liquor, so it appears 
 you love it so well that you cannot be without it. You 
 know very well that the country near the Endless Moun 
 tains (Blue Mountains) affords strong liquor, and the 
 moment the traders buy it they are gone out of the inhab 
 itants and are traveling to this place without being dis 
 covered ; besides this you never agree about it one will 
 have it, the other won t (tho very few 7 ), a third says he 
 will have it cheaper ; this last we believe is spoken from 
 your hearts (here they laughed). Your brethren, there 
 fore, have ordered that every - - of whiskey shall 
 be sold to you for five bucks in your town, and if a trader 
 offers to sell whiskey to you, and will not let you have 
 it at that price, you may take it from him and drink it 
 for nothing."* 
 
 Before distributing the goods Weiser called up a 
 trader saying, here is a sober, honest man whom you have 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 357- 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 
 
 "robbed of the value of three hundred bucks, and you all 
 know by whom. Let, therefore satisfaction be made to 
 the trader." The five piles of goods were distributed as 
 follows, one pile to the Seneca nation, which was very 
 powerful in that region, the second pile to the remaining 
 nations of the Iroquois Confederacy, not including the 
 Tuscaroras. The third pile was given to the Delaware 
 Indians. A fourth pile to the Shawanese tribes, and the 
 fifth and sixth piles to the Wyandots, and other extremely 
 Western tribes. The Indians seemed very thankful for 
 these presents, saying through their speaker, "Our 
 brethren (the white men) have indeed tied our hearts to 
 theirs. We at present can but return thanks with an 
 empty hand till another opportunity serves to do it suffi 
 ciently. We must call a great council and do everything 
 regularly, in the meantime look upon us as your true 
 brothers." After giving a few individual presents Weiser 
 hurried home. 
 
 This treaty left Pennsylvania in possession of the 
 Indian trade from Logstown to the Mississippi River, 
 and from the Ohio to the Michigan region. The unor 
 ganized condition of the English fur trade, put the colo 
 nists at a great disadvantage compared with the French. 
 The success of Weiser s Ohio negotiations opened up new 
 and exceedingly profitable lines of trade. 
 
 Although Maryland refused to furnish any aid toward 
 the expense of the Logstown treaty, her traders were now 
 eager to avail themselves of the profits resulting from the 
 recently developed opportunities. Accordingly a number 
 of Maryland traders pushed into Logstown and the Ohio 
 country. Virginia on the other hand had paid for one- 
 fifth of the presents, and when she fully realized that trade 
 on the Ohio was safe, that Conrad Weiser and Pennsyl- 
 
194 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 vania enterprise had unlocked a mine of wealth, she 
 became aware of new values belonging to these Ohio 
 lands. 
 
 The Logstown treaty aroused Virginia s jealousy of 
 the professed boundaries of Pennsylvania. It was claimed 
 that the Ohio Valley was a part of Virginia by virtue of 
 the King s charter, and certain explorations made in the 
 Shenandoah Valley by Governor Spottswood in 1723. 
 Moreover this region had been bought from the Iroquois 
 Indians at the Lancaster Treaty in 1744. Did not the 
 deed say, "extending west to the setting sun"? Did not 
 Pennsylvania hear this and enter no protest? therefore, 
 reasoned Virginia, these lands are ours. About the time 
 that Virginia paid one-fifth of the expense of this treaty, 
 and her Council read the report of Conrad Weiser, 
 Thomas Lee, a member of the King s Council in Virginia, 
 conceived the idea of organizing a land company to be 
 known as the Ohio Company. It was represented to the 
 English Board of Trade that there were no English resi 
 dents in those regions. "A few traders," wrote Lee, 
 wander "from tribe to tribe, and dwell among the Indians, 
 but they neither cultivate nor occupy the land." 
 Thomas Lee then proposed organizing for the purpose of 
 settlement. He accordingly associated himself with 
 twelve other persons in Virginia and Maryland, of whom 
 Lawrence and Augustine Washington were two. With 
 the aid of Mr. Mamburg, a London merchant, the Ohio 
 Company was put in operation. The King of England 
 approved their petition and granted them 500,000 acres 
 of land on the south side of the Ohio River, between the 
 mouth of the Monongahela and the Kanawha Rivers. 
 The company, however, held the privilege of occupying 
 lands north of the Ohio River if found desirable. Two 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 195 
 
 hundred thousand acres were to be selected at once, and 
 held for ten years free from quit rents or any tax to the 
 King, on condition that the company should, at its own 
 expense, seat one hundred families on the land within 
 seven years, and build a fort, and maintain a garrison 
 sufficient to protect the settlement. Arrangements were 
 immediately made with Mr. Hamburg to send over goods 
 to the value of four thousand pounds for Indian trade. 
 The first cargo was to arrive in November, 1749, and the 
 second in March, 1/50. 
 
 As a result of this movement a vigorous and bitter 
 rivalry sprang up among the English traders. All man 
 ner of stories were told to the Indians by the traders of 
 Pennsylvania to prejudice them against the traders of 
 Virginia and Maryland. The lack of organization was 
 the weak spot in English trade. Local contention and 
 jealousy was beginning to destroy the fruit of what 
 Conrad Weiser gained at Logstown in the summer of 
 
 1748. The French, on the other hand, used the peace of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle to their own advantage. With their 
 system of trade thoroughly organized and controlled, they 
 began a careful method of regaining the lost friendship 
 of the Western Indians. No horde of rum traders and 
 Indian debauchees were permitted to follow the regular 
 French traders. George Croghan writes from Ohio, July, 
 
 1749, recounting the rumors of the French intention to 
 prevent English settlements on the Ohio. He tells of two 
 Maryland traders who brought word to the Allegheny 
 country that the Virginians were going to settle the fol 
 lowing spring along the Youghiogheny, and that their 
 traders would furnish the Indians their goods cheaper 
 than the Pennsylvania traders could. He informs that 
 the Western Indians are averse to having any white 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 people, and especially the Virginians, settle west of the 
 Allegheny Mountains. He realizes the distracted and 
 divided state of Indian trade among the colonists, and 
 since the French had by Conrad Weiser s treaty lost the 
 T wight wee or Miami trade, Croghan insists that the 
 French will spare no trouble and expense in their efforts 
 to regain what had been lost during the war. "No 
 people," he writes, "carries on ye Indian trade in so reg 
 ular a manner as the French. I wish with all my heart ye 
 Government of this Province would take some method 
 to regulate ye Indian trade, and to prevent many disorders 
 which arise from ye carrying of Spirits in ye Indian Cun- 
 trys." Croghan had sent Andrew Montour to Lake Erie 
 as a spy to learn if there were any French in that region, 
 and what were their intentions. "I make no doubt butt 
 the French will make use of unfair methods to bring over 
 all the Indians they can to their interests." Croghan 
 believed that the Indians were so well "grafted in ye Eng 
 lish interests that they will not be easy deceived by the 
 French." He offered to remain on the Ohio with Andrew 
 Montour and keep the Indians true to the interest of Penn 
 sylvania, if such action should be found necessary. Crog- 
 han s postscript describes a drunken spree among the 
 Indians which occurred near his Carlisle farm at a still 
 house, where one of the Indians was killed. "I cannot 
 find out," he writes, "whether he was killed by one of the 
 Indians or by a white man. But I shall secure all the 
 white men that was at the place till I find out ye truth of 
 ye affair, and I will let you know more fully ye truth of 
 ye matter. Butt I think all stillers and tavernkeepers 
 should be fined for making ye Indians drunk, and espec- 
 cially warriors."* 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II., pp. 32, 33. 
 
THE OHIO MISSION. 197 
 
 Thus rumors of Indian outrages were increasing, and 
 the temper of the frontier people was growing more sensi 
 tive. Adam Furney, of Conewago, west of the Susque- 
 hanna River, was shot hy an intoxicated Indian. The 
 Redskin had been importuning Furney for more rum, 
 and the trader persistently refused, until the infuriated 
 savage shot him. This deed occurred very near the dis 
 puted boundary line. It was uncertain which Province 
 should apprehend the Indian. It was finally decided that 
 Cumberland County, Pennsylvania, should administer jus 
 tice. The "Indian was captured and lodged in jail to await 
 his trial, when contrary to all expectations Furney recov 
 ered. It was then thought best to release the Indian. This 
 act added to the excitement and prejudice of the frontier 
 people. 
 
 The peace of Aix-la-Chapelle filled the forests of 
 western Pennsylvania with unlicensed traders who 
 were eager to avail themselves of the protection offered 
 by the Logstown treaty and reap profit from the uncon 
 trolled appetite of the Indian. As a result numberless 
 outbreaks occurred, especially among those traders who 
 drank with the Indians. These things made it difficult 
 for the wise men among the Indians to restrain their 
 young men. In addition to these troubles the Provinces 
 which had borne the brunt and expense of the recent war 
 were now anxious to reduce all Indian expenses to a 
 minimum. Indeed, they were desirous of hearing no more 
 of the Indians for some time. While the colonists were 
 resting in this indifferent attitude the French were making 
 renewed and well planned schemes to regain all that had 
 been lost during the war. 
 
198 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 "TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF. ; 
 
 Trouble with the Juniata Squatters Trouble on the Southern Bor 
 der The Iroquois intercede for the Delaware Hunting Grounds 
 Weiser asks damages for Indian Depredations Indian Insolence 
 The Death of Shikellimy Weiser explains why the Squatters 
 came Weiser claims that the Indians defy the Laws of the 
 Province The Senecas complain to Governor Hamilton The 
 Governor promises to drive off the Squatters A Proclamation 
 issued Weiser told to keep back the Indians A second bloodless 
 Invasion Canassatego offers to sell Land Hamilton keeps his 
 promise with the Indians The Indians give Advice Weiser and 
 the Magistrates sent to drive off the Squatters Their Cabins 
 burned Weiser abandons the Undertaking Why did Weiser 
 withdraw from the Project? Invading the Path Valley, the Big 
 and Little Coves The Cumberland County Magistrates Abandon 
 the Enterprise. 
 
 THE white squatters west of the Susquehanna River 
 had been causing trouble for thirty years. As 
 early as 1721 the Governor ordered the magistrates of 
 Lancaster County to burn and destroy the cabins of the 
 squatters west of the Susquehanna. After the purchase of 
 1736, when all the land southeast of the Blue Mountains 
 had been bought from the Indians, the squatters soon 
 appeared beyond those mountains. About 1740 or 1741, 
 Frederick Star and two or three more Germans settled 
 on the Juniata about twenty-five miles from its mouth. 
 Probably these were the first settlers in the valley. The 
 Delaware Indians reported this action of Star and his 
 companions to the Six Nations representative at Shamo- 
 kin, and at the treaty of 1742 the Iroquois chiefs 
 demanded that these settlers be "thrown over the Big 
 Mountain," Governor Thomas promised to have them 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF." 199 
 
 removed, and immediately issued a proclamation to that 
 effect. The following year, 1743, the Governor s secre 
 tary was commissioned to remove these Juniata settlers, 
 which was done. 
 
 While it was comparatively easy to drive a few 
 German families out of the Juniata Valley, it was not so 
 easy to dislodge the squatters whose rude cabins soon 
 appeared in both the "Big and Little Cove," and in the 
 "Big and Little Conolloways," all of which places were 
 on or near the temporary and disputed boundary line 
 between Maryland and Pennsylvania. Since the two 
 Governments were not then on good terms the Governor 
 of Pennsylvania, in opposition to the strict orders of the 
 Proprietaries, who were then in England, deemed it more 
 prudent not to molest the squatters. The Iroquois Indians 
 then threatened to make war upon Maryland unless these 
 intruders were removed. To avoid an open irruption 
 here Conrad Weiser planned the Lancaster Treaty, at 
 which Maryland bought out the Iroquois claims within 
 Lord Baltimore s jurisdiction. This transferred the 
 responsibility for the squatters in the Coves and the Con 
 olloways from Maryland to Pennsylvania. Since the 
 boundary line was in dispute the Six Nations agreed to 
 suspend their action about these people until it could be 
 determined in which Province they were located. The 
 war immediately followed, and during these years the 
 squatters increased rapidly by reason of the confusion in 
 the executive matters of the Province. Not only in the 
 Coves and the Conolloways, but on the Juniata and Sher 
 man s Creek numerous settlers appeared. Their cabins 
 and patches of stump land spotted the trail to Allegheny. 
 During this time the nearest magistrates issued notices 
 warning them of the danger, and advising them to remove 
 
CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 or the laws of the Province would be enforced. These 
 things had no effect whatever. 
 
 After the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle the Delaware 
 Indians complained loudly to the Six Nations, who at 
 once detemined to demand justice. On July ist, 1749, 
 deputies from the Senecas and Onondago nations, with 
 Indians from the tributary tribes, arrived in Philadelphia, 
 and requested an audience with the Governor. These 
 Indians said that at the Big Council Fire at Onondago in 
 the spring, it was decided by all the nations to send depu 
 ties to Philadelphia to return an answer concerning the 
 peace between the Catawba and the Iroquois Indians, and 
 also to shake hands with the new Governor (Governor 
 Hamilton), whom they had heard had arrived from Eng 
 land. It was agreed at the Council that the deputies 
 should meet at Wyoming in May. These Indians said 
 that they had been at the place of rendezvous over a 
 month waiting for the others, and when they could hear 
 nothing from them, they were undecided whether to 
 return, or proceed to Philadelphia. Finally it was decided 
 for reasons to be explained during the conference to come 
 and meet the Governor. These Indians did not tell Gov 
 ernor Hamilton how they loitered along the way; how 
 they stopped at Conrad Weiser s and a number of the 
 Tortuloes injured and destroyed a large amount of his 
 property; they did not mention how Conrad Weiser 
 expostulated and tried to influence them until he finally 
 secured aid from the Senecas and drove them off.* 
 
 Governor Hamilton writing to the Assembly of this 
 affair said, that Conrad Weiser had spent sixty pounds 
 defraying the expenses of these Indians to and from Phil- 
 
 *See manuscript letters of Conrad Weiser, in the collections of 
 the Pennsylvania Historical Society, July 16, 1749. 
 
2OI 
 
 adelphia. "He must by this time have laid out a consid 
 erable sum more, which you will be pleased to order pay 
 ment of ; And tho from your long knowledge of his merit, 
 it might be unnecessary for me to say anything in his 
 favor, yet as the last set of Indians did damage to his 
 plantation, and he had abundance of trouble with them, & 
 is likely to meet with much more on this occasion, I can 
 not excuse myself from most heartily recommending it to 
 you to make him an handsome reward for his services." 
 
 The Indians were more indifferent after the war, and 
 more fully realized their importance, now that the Eng 
 lish and French were vying with each other for Indian 
 alliances and Indian trade. Another cause of their inso 
 lence was, without doubt, the death of Shikellimy, which 
 had but recently occurred. Weiser s solicitude for this 
 Indian is indeed pathetic. As Shikellimy grew old 
 and feeble Conrad kept starvation from his door. Five 
 years before his death, with eight young German carpen 
 ters, Weiser went up to Shamokin and built a house for 
 Shikellimy. During the autumn of 1747, he went 
 to Shamokin and found the old chief very sick with a 
 fever. "He was hardly able," writes Weiser, "to stretch 
 forth his hand to bid me welcome. In the same condition 
 was his wife; his three sons not quite so bad, but very 
 poorly. Also one of his daughters and t\vo or three of 
 his grandchildren, all had the fever. There were three 
 buried out of the family a few days before, viz., Cajadis, 
 Shikellimy s son-in-law, that had been married to his 
 daughter above fifteen years, and reckoned the best hunter 
 among all the Indians; also his eldest son s wife, and 
 grandchild. Next morning I administered the medicines 
 to Shikellimy and one of his son s, under the direction 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 396. 
 
202 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 of Dr. Groeme, which had a very good effect upon both. 
 Next morning I gave the same medicines to two more 
 (who would not venture at first), it had the same effect, 
 and the four persons thought themselves as good as recov 
 ered. But above all Shikellimy was able to walk about 
 with me, with a stick in his hand before I left Shamokin." 
 
 During the winter of 1748-49 the scarcity of food in 
 Shamokin overcame Shikellimy and he died. Weiser went 
 up early in the spring to condole with his sons which he 
 did to the extent of fifteen pounds worth of presents, 
 which was charged to the account of the Province. The 
 death of this old Indian was a material loss to the country. 
 Weiser s power over the Indians declined from that hour. 
 Although he gave presents to Shikellimy s eldest son and 
 urged him to take the place of his father, the younger 
 Shikellimy never did for Weiser what his father did. 
 
 Conrad sent a messenger to Onondago apprising the 
 Council of what he had done for Shikellimy s sons. 
 There was a necessity for my so doing," he says. "The 
 Indians were very uneasy about the white people settling 
 beyond the Endless Mountains on Juniata, on Sherman s 
 Creek and elsewhere. They tell me that above thirty 
 families are settled upon the Indians land this spring, and 
 daily more go to settling thereon. Some have settled 
 almost to the head of Juniata River, along the path that 
 leads to Ohio. The Indian says (and that with truth) 
 that that country is only hunting ground for deers, 
 because further to the north there was nothing but spruce 
 woods and ground covered with palm bushes. Not a 
 single deer could be found or killed there. They asked 
 me very seriously whether their brother Onas had given 
 the people leave to settle there. I informed them of the 
 contrary, and told them that I believe some of the Indians 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF." 203 
 
 from Ohio, that were down last summer, had given lib 
 erty (with what right I could not tell) to settle. I told 
 them of what passed on the Tuscarora path last summer 
 when the sheriff and three magistrates were sent to turn 
 off the people there settled, and that I then perceived that 
 the people were favored by some of the Indians above 
 mentioned, by which means the orders of the Governor 
 came to no effect." 
 
 This reply of Conrad Weiser s satisfied the Indians 
 at Shamokin for the present. They said they would let 
 the matter rest until the chiefs of the Six Nations came 
 down, when they would hold a Council. It must be 
 remembered that when Conrad Weiser went to Ohio dur 
 ing the previous summer he had been instructed to "turn 
 off the squatters," which he found in the Juniata Valley. 
 Writing from the "Tuscarora Path," August isth, 1748, 
 to Secretary Peters, he says, "The proclamation has this 
 minute been read to the people, who for the most part (I 
 believe every one) , are willing to go off next spring, if not 
 a more favorable order comes from the Government. The 
 Indians have desired me not to join to turn the people off 
 until I come (return) from .Ohio. I promised them I 
 would not. . . . When the Indians here had been 
 informed that the squatters were to be turned off by 
 the Government, and I suppose the people used the 
 Indians well on their coming by, and informed them of 
 
 the design The Indians asked me about them, and 
 
 desired that at least two families, to wit, Abraham Shlechl 
 and another might stay ; that they, the Indians had given 
 them liberty, and that they thought it was in their power 
 to give liberty to such as they liked." Weiser represented 
 the Juniata Indians as being partial to certain settlers, 
 and declares that it was not the fault of the magistrates 
 
20 4 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 or sheriff that the Governor s orders had not been literally 
 obeyed. While on his Logstown journey Weiser was 
 visibly influenced by the Juniata Indians, and with the 
 above excuse, did not fulfill his instructions from Gov 
 ernor Hamilton in reference to the squatters. 
 
 Such was the condition of affairs in the summer of 
 1749, when a portion of the Six Nation deputies opened 
 their conference at Philadelphia. With considerable skill 
 a Seneca chief asked Governor Hamilton by what right 
 the white people were building cabins on the Juniata, 
 "The Governor will be pleased to tell us," he said, 
 "whether he brought any orders from the King or the 
 Proprietors for those people to settle on our lands, and if 
 not we earnestly pray that they may be made to remove 
 instantly with all their effects. To prevent the sad conse 
 quences which will otherwise ensue; and to enforce this 
 request we present you this belt of wampum."* They 
 then congratulated the Province upon the arrival of Gov 
 ernor Hamilton, and with the usual apologies presented 
 him with a small bundle of skins "to make him a pair of 
 shoes." Then with genuine Seneca sincerity they advised 
 Governor Hamilton "to walk in the footsteps" of his pre 
 decessors, who were "good and kind to the Indians." 
 "Do Brother," they said, "make it your study to consult: 
 the interests of our nations; as you have so large an 
 authority you can do us much good or harm ; we would 
 therefore, engage your influence and affection for us." 
 
 When the Indians withdrew, the Council consulted 
 with John Kinsey, the Speaker of the Assembly, and 
 agreed that a present of not less than one hundred pounds 
 value should be given to the Indians. After two days 
 consultation the Governor s reply was agreed upon. He 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 389. 
 
GOVERNOR JAMES HAMILTON 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF/ 205 
 
 told the Indians that Pennsylvania stood bound by a 
 treaty not to suffer any people to settle on the unpurchased 
 lands. The Proprietors have endeavored to faithfully 
 observe this promise. Proclamations with the severest 
 penalties have been sent to these people, and whenever 
 any have been so audacious as to disobey these orders, 
 "they have been forcibly removed, and their plantations 
 broken up and destroyed." Governor Hamilton emphat 
 ically denied that he had ever received any directions from 
 the King or Proprietors to settle men on land beyond the 
 Blue Mountains. He also promised to do all in his power 
 to protect the interests of the Indians on the Juniata. 
 After expressing his sincere friendship for the Indians, 
 the presents were distributed, and their guns ordered to 
 be mended. The Indians and their thieving retinue 
 started home well pleased with their visit. The Assemby 
 quietly paid the settlers for all damages sustained by 
 these pilfering visitors. 
 
 The Governor promptly issued a broadside and had 
 it posted on the trees and public places along the frontier 
 and the banks of the Juniata, warning all squatters to 
 remove before November ist, under penalty of the law. 
 Hamilton went a step further and issued another procla 
 mation against the unlicensed sale of rum to the Indians, 
 under penalty of twenty pounds fine to be paid to the 
 informers. 
 
 About a month after this Conrad Weiser sent word 
 to the Governor that the deputies of the remaining tribes 
 of the Iroquois were at Shamokin on their way to Phila 
 delphia. Hamilton immediately sent an express to Conrad 
 Weiser with directions to exert every possible means to 
 divert these Indians from their purpose. The Council 
 and Assembly were by no means desirous of having 
 
2O6 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 another peaceful Indian invasion this summer. Weiser, 
 we are told, did all he could to dissuade the Indians from 
 their proposed visit, but this was resented with so much 
 spirit that the patient and weary interpreter was obliged 
 to turn his protests into invitations and make the best of 
 circumstances. The Indians were not slow to remember 
 the day when the authorities of Pennsylvania would have 
 been only too willing to receive them. Indeed, they 
 recalled the time when they had been bribed to come. 
 Therefore, on they came, "not only these deputies, but the 
 Seneca delegates, and with them Mohicons, Tortuloes, 
 Delawares and Nanticokes, amounting in number to two 
 hundred and eighty."* 
 
 Canassatego was speaker for this delegation. He had 
 been spokesman at many treaties and was among the last 
 of that group of Iroquois chiefs who entertained a per 
 sonal friendship for Conrad Weiser. He was the last of 
 the great Iroquois diplomats, who yielded not to the 
 allurements of the white man s strong drink, who knew 
 his people and could hold the conflicting interests of the 
 Six Nations in hand. Canassatego explained that his 
 deputies came to pay a friendly visit, to brighten the 
 chain of friendship, and to clean the brush out of the 
 path. He would have the Governor remember that dur 
 ing all of the late war the Iroquois lived on. the frontier 
 country between him and his enemy, the French. During 
 that time <: we were your guard, and things were so well 
 managed that the war was kept from your door. And 
 tho we have been exposed to many calamities, and blood 
 has been shed among us," we have not troubled you with 
 any mention of our hardships. Then desiring to speak 
 only to the Governor and his Council, Canassatego refer- 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 399. 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF/ 207 
 
 red once more to the squatters on the Juniata. He told 
 the Governor that while the Indians appreciated the efforts 
 which had been made to remove those settlers, they well 
 knew that it was all to no effect. "We see," he said, "that 
 white people are no more obedient to you, than our young 
 Indians are to us." 
 
 To relieve the Governor of the embarrassment which 
 must follow an unsuccessful effort to keep a treaty, Canas- 
 satego, in behalf of his people offered to sell a strip of land 
 east of the Susquehanna River, and parallel with the Blue 
 Mountains. This, he thought, would furnish a place for 
 the Juniata squatters, because, said the astute Indian, if 
 these men are not effectually removed there will be 
 serious trouble. The valley of the Juniata is our hunting 
 ground, and we must not be deprived of it. "Indeed, this 
 will be an hurt to you, for all we kill goes to you, and 
 you have the profit of all the skins. For these lands 
 which we have offered, we are willing to leave it entirely 
 to the honor of the Governor and Council as to remunera 
 tion. People tell us that the Proprietors receive immense 
 sums for the lands we have sold to them, and that lands 
 are now worth a great deal of money. You know this 
 better than us and we trust you will have a regard to this 
 when you fix the price to be paid for them." 
 
 Again, the Governor appealed to the Assembly in ref 
 erence to the size of the present which would be proper to 
 make to the Indians and it was decided that goods to the 
 value of five hundred pounds be given them. The Governor 
 then spoke to them in the usual congratulatory style and 
 presented the goods. After this generous present had 
 been made, the Governor replied to their last offer. He 
 told them that all the land which they proposed to sell, 
 
 *Penna. ColoniaK Records, vol. V., p. 401. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 "is mountainous, poor and broken, you must know that it 
 is not worth our acceptance. If you will extend your 
 offer up the Susquehanna as far as Shamokin, and permit 
 that tract to carry its breadth to the Delaware River, 
 so that we could in any manner justify ourselves to the 
 Proprietor, we will close and give you a just consideration 
 for the lands." The Indians held a Council and agreed 
 to a compromise between their offer, and Governor Ham 
 ilton s demands. They concluded to sell all the land lying 
 between the Susquehanna and Delaware Rivers, north 
 west of the Blue Mountains, back to a straight line run 
 ning from where the Mahony Mountains touch the Sus 
 quehanna River to the north side of the mouth of Lacka- 
 waxen Creek, where it enters the Delaware River. For 
 this large tract the Governor in behalf of the Proprietors 
 paid the Indians five hundred pounds, and agreed to turn 
 the people off from the Juniata and send them to this 
 region. The Indians were told plainly that they must 
 not permit any of their people to do as they did last sum 
 mer, when they interfered with Conrad Weiser, and pre 
 vented him from removing the squatters. The Governor 
 promised that the Juniata settlers would be removed to 
 the new purchases east of the Susquehanna. The Indians 
 were repremanded for their rude behavior in coming to 
 the treaty, and it was agreed that Pennsylvania should 
 intercede between the Catawba and Iroquois Indians, and 
 determine upon a time and place for a peace conference. 
 Several quarrels between traders and Indians, where, in 
 most cases some lives were lost, were adjusted. Then 
 Conrad Weiser conducted the deputies and their asso 
 ciates out of the city. 
 
 Governor Hamilton was a man prompt to act. He 
 immediately consulted with Conrad Weiser upon the 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF/ 209 
 
 advisability of removing the settlers on the Juniata. 
 Weiser insisted that unless this were done, and effectively 
 done, there would be an Indian war. More proclamations 
 were sent west of the Susquehanna River, and directed to 
 be posted by the magistrates. The squatters gave them 
 no attention. The spring of 1750 opened with an 
 increased population. The Governor sent Richard Peters 
 and Conrad Weiser to Cumberland County, empowered 
 to summon the magistrates and the sheriff, and remove 
 every squatter. 
 
 At George Croghan s farm they all met and held a 
 preliminary meeting with the Indians. "We have thought 
 a great deal," said an old chief, "of what you imparted 
 to us, that you were come to turn the people off who were 
 settled over the hills. We are pleased to see you on this 
 occasion, and as the Council of Onondago has this affair 
 exceedingly at heart, and it was particularly recommended 
 to us by the deputies of the Six Nations when they parted 
 from us last summer, we desire to accompany you, but 
 we are afraid, notwithstanding the care of the Governor, 
 that this may prove like many former attempts. The 
 people will be put off now, and come next year again, and 
 if so the Six Nations will no longer bear it, but do them 
 selves justice. To prevent this, therefore, when you shall 
 have turned the people oft, we recommend it to the Gov 
 ernor to place two or three faithful persons over the moun 
 tains who may be agreeable to him and us, with commis 
 sion empowering them immediately to remove every one 
 who shall presume after this to settle there. " >! 
 
 The Indians were given every assurance that the work 
 of removal would be effective. On May 22(1, the party 
 arrived on the Juniata, at a place not far west of the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 436. 
 
2IO CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 present site of Thompsontown. Here they found four log 
 cabins in the possession of William White, George 
 Cohoon, George and William Galloway, and Andrew 
 Lycon. A fifth cabin owned by David Hiddleston was in 
 the process of construction. The Cumberland County 
 magistrates, Matthew Dill, George Croghan, Benjamin 
 Chambers, Thomas Wilson, John Finley and James Gal- 
 breath, called these settlers out of their cabins, and asked 
 them by what authority they took possession of these 
 lands and built their cabins. They replied by no right or 
 authority. They recognized the land as belonging to 
 Penn s heirs. The magistrates then asked them if they 
 were not aware that they were acting contrary to the laws 
 of the Province, and in contempt of the Governor s fre 
 quent proclamations. They replied that they had only 
 seen one such proclamation, and begged that the officers 
 would have mercy upon them. The magistrates then 
 declared that these men were convicted of unlawful tres 
 pass, and ordered the deputy sheriff of Cumberland 
 County, who was present, to take them into custody. The 
 sheriff got possession of White, Hiddleston and Cohoon, 
 but the Galloway brothers resisted, and after escaping to 
 some distance they stopped and called to the officers, say 
 ing, "you may take our land and houses and do what you 
 please with them, we deliver them to you with all our 
 hearts, but you shall not carry us to jail." 
 
 The following morning the officers and their prisoners 
 went to the cabin of Andrew Lycon. They found no one 
 at home except the children, who said that their father 
 and mother would return soon. The magistrates exper 
 ienced some embarrassment about the proper course to 
 pursue, when the prisoners offered to go security for 
 Lycon s prompt appearance at court. Accordingly a 
 
TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF/ 
 
 bond calling for five hundred pounds bail was then and 
 there executed. The officers went to the house of the Gal 
 loway brothers, who had made good their escape the even 
 ing before. All their goods and belongings were taken 
 out and piled upon the ground, and the empty cabin was 
 given into possession of Richard Peters, the agent of the 
 Proprietors. The officers then held a council in order to 
 decide what disposition should be made of the cabin. They 
 appealed to Conrad Weiser for his judgment. Without 
 any hesitation, Weiser replied that it was his firm opinion, 
 that if all the cabins were left standing, the Indians would 
 have such contempt for the Government that they would 
 come themselves during the winter and murder the people 
 and set the houses on fire. On the basis of this opinion 
 the magistrates gave the order and the deputy sheriff 
 burnt the Galloway cabin. After this the company went 
 to the unfinished house of Hiddleston, who voluntarily 
 took out all his things and, without a murmur saw his 
 house burned. The next day the sheriff with Conrad 
 Weiser and James Galbreath called at Lycon s house for 
 the purpose of telling him that his neighbors had gone 
 his bail to appear at court, and to caution him not to 
 bring trouble upon himself by a refusal. But Lycon evi 
 dently felt that his rights as a free citizen were being 
 infringed upon. He met them at his door with a loaded 
 rifle and swore that he would shoot the first man who 
 came toward him. After a short struggle he was 
 disarmed and made a prisoner. A party of Indians were 
 camped near and saw the capture. They came 
 up at once and the sons of Shikellimy demanded that 
 Lycon s cabin be burned, saying that if the white men 
 did not destroy it they would. The attitude of the 
 Indians cooled Lycon s anger considerably. He assisted 
 
212 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the sheriff in carrying out the goods. The house was 
 burned and he was sent to jail. In the meantime George 
 Croghan and Benjamin Chambers had gone over on Sher 
 man s Creek, then called Little Juniata, and found eleven 
 families, James Parker, Thomas Parker, Owen McKeib, 
 John McClare, Richard Kirkpatrick, James Murray, John 
 Scott, Henry Gass, John Cowan, Simon Gerty, and John 
 Kilaugh. Simon Gerty s reputation as the white man s 
 enemy and an Indian abettor was not yet earned. All 
 these people were bound over to appear at court to be 
 held at Shippensburg. Their personal property was 
 pledged as security for prompt removal, and then a num 
 ber, but not all of their cabins were burned. 
 
 The party then repaired to Shippensburg, where an 
 additional number of magistrates were pressed into the 
 service preparatory to removing the squatters from the 
 Tuscarora path, and from Big and Little Cove and Augh- 
 wick. At this point Conrad Weiser, for reasons which 
 are not clear, "earnestly pressed that he might be excused 
 from any further attendance, having abundance of neces 
 sary business to do at his home."* The other magistrates 
 consented to this with very great reluctance, but finally 
 Weiser left the party and returned to Tulpehocken. Since 
 Weiser had been the leading and guiding spirit of this 
 singular expedition, it is exceedingly difficult to account 
 for his sudden determination to abandon the project. 
 Richard Peters in sending a report of these proceedings 
 to Governor Hamilton speaks of Weiser as the one in 
 whom the Governor had placed the same confidence that 
 he did in the Provincial Secretary. The "one whom I 
 principally consulted about executing your commands." 
 And again when Peters attempts to justify their actions 
 
 *Penna. Colonial RecorcL, vol. V., p. 443. 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF." 213 
 
 in burning the cabins, he says, "I leave it to Mr. Weiser, 
 as he was joined with me by your Honor, to make his 
 own report, and shall only observe that in all our consul 
 tations he, who is Indian interpreter for Virginia and 
 Maryland, as well as this Province, and must be supposed 
 to know the minds of the Indians best, proceeded on this 
 as a certain truth, that if we did not in this journey, 
 entirely remove these people it would not be in the power 
 of the Government to prevent an Indian war ; and as the 
 neighboring Provinces were as much concerned in this 
 event as ourselves, he recommended it to the magistrates 
 either not to go or to act with the utmost spirit, and his 
 arguments were so convincing that all the magistrates 
 determined to go in a body." 
 
 At the very moment when Weiser succeeded in get 
 ting all the magistrates of Cumberland County enlisted 
 into this service, he astonished them all by a sudden 
 determination to go home. He may have realized that 
 his official position as Indian interpreter for Maryland 
 might be jeopardized should he take an active part in 
 removing the squatters from Big and Little Cove, terri 
 tory which was claimed by Maryland as well as Pennsyl 
 vania. While he earnestly advised he seems to have 
 arranged that others should be the apparent agents of 
 removal. The Governor appointed Richard Peters and 
 Conrad Weiser, empowering them in an equal manner 
 to do this work. Weiser devised the means and aroused 
 the local magistrates, but Peters remained to finish the 
 work and report to the Governor. 
 
 To what extent Weiser realized that a too zealous 
 participation in this work might be resented by the native 
 Indians is not clear. He well knew the changeableness 
 of the Indian heart and recognized that if a squatter was 
 
214 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 harshly used, there were Indians to sympathize with him 
 and hold with him a semi-smothered sense of revenge 
 
 o 
 
 toward the perpetrator. Among the squatters removed 
 from Sherman s Creek was Simon Gerty, who from this 
 experience imbibed his first lesson of unrelenting hatred 
 toward the white men and all government. To what 
 extent Conrad Weiser was cognizant of these things and 
 deemed it the more prudent course to keep his own hand 
 away from direct contact with this work, is uncertain. 
 But when Big and Little Cove became the immediate dis 
 tricts of invasion the shrewd and diplomatic interpreter for 
 three Provinces seems to have concluded that his pres 
 ence would in some way injure his future and withdrew. 
 The excuse he offered of having urgent business at home 
 would have no convincing force with one who was 
 familiar with his habits of life. A man who was so accus 
 tomed to be from home would have all things so arranged 
 that he could leave without loss or inconvenience. 
 
 After Weiser s departure the party proceeded to Path 
 Valley. They summoned into one place the eighteen* 
 scattered settlers in that valley and convicted them upon 
 their own confessions. These people promised to remove 
 all their goods and drive away their cattle and other stock. 
 They assisted the officers in carrying out the rude furni 
 ture. Eleven of these houses were burned. At Augh- 
 wick four settlers were found and two of their cabins 
 
 ^Abraham Slack, James Blair, Moses Moore, Arthur Dunlap, 
 Alexander McCartie, David Lewis, Adam McCartie, Felix Doyle, 
 Andrew Dunlap, Robert Wilson, Jacob Pyatt, Jacob Pyatt, Jr., Wil 
 liam Ramage, Reynolds Alexander, Samuel Patterson, Robert Baker, 
 John Armstrong and John Potts. 
 
 Peter Falconer, Nicholas DeLong, Samuel Perry and John 
 Carleton. 
 
"TURNING THE PEOPLE OFF/ 215 
 
 burned. At Big Cove, twenty families* were removed. 
 Here only three houses were destroyed. Secretary Peters 
 reports them as waste cabins and says they were fired by 
 their occupants. 
 
 The -only places now remaining to be visited were 
 the Little Cove and Big and Little Conolloways. Since 
 these places were on or near the disputed boundary line 
 with Maryland, the Cumberland County magistrates 
 refused to go and returned home. The next day Peters 
 and the sheriff received a petition from the people in the 
 Little Cove, and Big and Little Conolloways, in which 
 they acknowledged being within the limits of Pennsyl 
 vania, but claimed that they were west of the temporary 
 line, and then asked that they might be allowed to remain 
 until that line had been extended further west. Since 
 this petition was signed by only a few of the settlers, 
 Richard Peters returned it with the explanation that his 
 sole purpose was to prevent an Indian war and this con 
 cerned Maryland as well as Pennsylvania. Peters did 
 all in his power to conciliate the settlers, and even offered 
 them of his own land east of the Susquehanna. Pennsyl 
 vania was becoming uncomfortably aware of the fact that 
 the frontier was swarming with a hardy, independent and 
 more or less lawless crowd of people, whose roaming and 
 unstable habits more and more embarrassed the Indian 
 policy of the Province. 
 
 *Andrew Donaldson, John MacClelland, Charles Stuart, James 
 Downy, John MacMean, Robert Kendall, Samuel Brown, William 
 Shepperd, Roger Murphy, Robert Smith, William Dickey, William 
 Millican William MacConnell, Alexander MacConnell, James Camp 
 bell William Carrell, John Martin, John Jamison, Hans Potter, John 
 MacCollin, Adam MacCollin, James Wilson and John Wilson. 
 
21 6 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 "RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS." 
 
 Curtailing Indian Expenses Quarrel between Assembly and Pro 
 prietaries Jealousy of the Pennsylvania Traders Beginnings of 
 the Pennsylvania and Virginia Boundary Dispute Pennsylvania 
 orders a Map to be secretly made Pennsylvania s Struggle for the 
 .bur irade Weiser declines to act as a Spy Cumberland County 
 wants a new County Seat The progress of the Ohio Company 
 retarded Did Virginia buy the Ohio Country at Lancaster in 1744? 
 A Desire for the Union of the Colonies The Maryland Traders 
 bid for Patronage Weiser s Advice Weiser s Opinion of Colonel 
 Johnson Weiser had no personal interest in the Fur Trade. 
 
 DURING King George s war, little or no complaint 
 was made about the expense of conducting 
 Indian affairs, although the outlay had been rapidly 
 increasing. After peace had been declared, the treaties 
 and conferences of 1749 added very materially to the 
 Provincial expenses which every one hoped would be cur 
 tailed. Immediately, loud and persistent complaints were 
 made, especially was this the case in the Assembly. The 
 Governor writing to the Legislature in July, 1749, just 
 after the departure of the Indians, says : "The committee 
 of Assembly appointed to take care of the Indians, con 
 ceiving that they had no authority to make any further 
 provisions for them than during their stay in the city, the 
 interpreter, at my request, defrayed the expenses in their 
 return, which you will please order to be defrayed to 
 him." 1 John Kinsey, Speaker of the Assembly, replied 
 to the request as follows: "We shall take the necessary 
 care to discharge the remainder of the money due for the 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 413. 
 
RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS. 21 7 
 
 maintenance of the Indians in their return homewards. 
 We observe their frequent visits put the Province to con 
 siderable charge, whereas part of their business often is 
 either for the sale of land to the Proprietor or other mat 
 ters relative thereto. We therefore hope the Governor 
 will take an opportunity of recommending it to the Pro 
 prietaries that they may bear a share of the expense, who 
 receive so great a part of the benefit by the coming of the 
 Indians." 
 
 This was the beginning of a growing controversy 
 between the Assembly and the Proprietors about an equit 
 able division of Indian expenses. The Proprietors 
 claimed that if they paid for the land purchased, they did 
 enough, and the Province should bear all expenses inci 
 dent to conferences, presents and Indian entertainments. 
 This increasing division of purpose within the very coun 
 cils of the then most important Province connected with 
 Indian affairs, very materially embarrassed its future 
 policy. The weakening influence of a divided purpose 
 grew more and more manifest as the circumstances lead 
 ing to the French and Indian war deepened. The second 
 division in Indian affairs arose between the rival trade 
 interests of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 
 
 The formation of the Ohio Company aroused the 
 jealousy of the Pennsylvania traders. These men, who 
 were in a large measure outside of the pale of law, resorted 
 to every possible means to prevent the agents of the Ohio 
 Company from securing a foothold in the Ohio Valley. 
 The Pennsylvania traders told the Indians, who brought 
 peltries to Logstown, that the Virginians wanted the 
 Indians land, and that under the guise of trade they were 
 coming with the intent of driving them out in a few years. 
 As a result, the first Virginia traders on the Ohio were 
 
218 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 roughly handled, so much so, that Thomas Lee, Governor 
 of Virginia, writing to James Hamilton as early as No 
 vember, 1749, says: "His Majesty has been graciously 
 pleased to grant to some gentlemen and merchants of 
 London, and some of both sorts of inhabitants of this 
 colony, a large quantity of land west of the mountains, 
 the design of this grant and one condition of it is to erect 
 and garrison a fort to protect our trade from the French, 
 and that of any of the neighboring colonies, and by fair, 
 open trade to engage the Indians in affection to his 
 Majesty s subjects, to supply them with what they want, 
 so they will be under no necessity to apply to the French, 
 and to make a very strong settlement on the frontier of 
 the colony, all which his Majesty has approved and 
 directed the Governor here to assist the said company in 
 carrying their laudable design into execution; but your 
 traders have prevailed with the Indians on the Ohio to 
 believe that the fort is to be a bridle for them, and that 
 the roads which the company are to make is to let in the 
 Catawbas upon them to destroy them, and the Indians, 
 naturally jealous, are so possessed with the truth of the 
 insinuations that they threaten our agents, if they survey 
 or make these roads that they had given them leave to 
 make, and by this, the carrying the King s grant into 
 execution, is at present impracticable. Yet these lands 
 are purchased of the Six Nations by the treaty of Lan 
 caster. I need not say anything more to prevail with you 
 to take the necessary means to put a stop to these mis 
 chievous practices of those traders. We are informed 
 that there is measures designed by the Court of France 
 that will be mischievous to these colonies which will in 
 prudence oblige us to unite and not divide the interests 
 
RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS. 219 
 
 of the King s subjects on the Continent. I am with 
 esteem and respect, sir, 
 
 "Your obedient, humble servant, 
 
 "THOMAS LEE." 
 
 James Hamilton disavows for Pennsylvania any 
 responsibility for the acts of her traders, and promises to 
 examine and punish any one found guilty of such charges 
 
 Hamilton then suggests the advisability of applying 
 to the Crown for commissioners to run the boundary 
 between Pennsylvania and Virginia. It was generally 
 believed in Maryland that the King s grant of five degrees 
 of length for the Province of Pennsylvania would not 
 extend further west than the extreme western limits of 
 Maryland. The Governor of that Province writes, if 
 your boundary should go further west than the head of 
 the Potomac we will be out of the affair, "and you and 
 Virginia will have the point to settle between you." As 
 to the five degrees of longitude, Governor Ogle writes : 
 "I apprehend that the gentlemen of Virginia have very 
 different sentiments upon the subject." 
 
 In order that the Government of Pennsylvania might 
 the more thoroughly comprehend the boundary problem, 
 and understand the trade conditions on the Ohio, Lewis 
 Evans was instructed to travel through that country and 
 collect material for the construction of a map. He was 
 directed "to carefully examine the southern and western 
 bounds of Pennsylvania, where they were not then settled, 
 to ascertain if the temporary boundary line would in any 
 way touch the Potomac River, to examine the limits of 
 the Lord Fairfax grant in Virginia, and look carefully 
 into the designs of the Ohio Company, rioting definitely 
 what advantages and disadvantages it might labor under 
 
CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 in prosecuting trade compared with Pennsylvania." 
 Evans was expected to describe all the rivers, "noting 
 the soil and prospect of minerals, and marking probable 
 quarries of limestone, grindstones, and mill stones." If 
 he could not reach the Ohio by the branches of the Poto 
 mac and Monongahela, he was to choose his own route. 
 Lake Erie was to be "closely examined in order to locate 
 the site for a future trading station"; all of which he was 
 instructed "to do in such a manner as to prevent any 
 suspicion that he was employed by the Government of 
 Pennsylvania." He was, therefore, directed to travel in 
 the disguise of a trader, and to employ traders for any 
 purpose he deemed necessary. For personal protection 
 Evans had a contract drawn up with the Province, in 
 which he was promised one hundred guineas for his ser 
 vices, including all traveling and incidental expenses. 
 In case of death his heirs were to receive the above sum, 
 and in case of being captured and sent a prisoner to 
 Canada, Louisiana or France, the Proprietors were to use 
 all reasonable efforts to secure his release, and were to 
 bear all expenses, and pay damages for time lost.* 
 
 The purpose of the Province is manifest in these 
 instructions. The extension of the Indian trade beyond 
 either Virginia or New York was the design. Since 
 Pennsylvania had already been for two years enjoying a 
 lucrative fur trade, gathered from the larger part of what 
 was subsequently known as "The Old Northwest," she 
 did not intend to stand calmly by and see either Virginia 
 or New France deprive her of it. 
 
 The fruit of Conrad Weiser s treaty at Logstown 
 must be defended. Yet since there was immediate pros 
 pect of a favorable boundary settlement from the Crown, 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. IT., pp. 47, 49. 
 
RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS. 221 
 
 Pennsylvania was not desirous of openly antagonizing 
 other Provinces. It was deemed wise to have the Mary 
 land dispute settled before opening the Virginia one. 
 
 It is more than probable that it was the primary inten 
 tion of the Governor to send Conrad Weiser on this secret 
 mission, of half spy and half surveyor. In a letter of Mr. 
 Parson s, of Lancaster, to Richard Peters, dated more 
 than a year previous to Evan s instructions, he says: 
 "Upon my opening to Mr. Weiser the affair you gave me 
 in charge, it affected him pretty much, as he looked upon 
 it as a matter of great importance, but did not hesitate 
 obedience. He is entirely of opinion that it will be best 
 to proceed from south to north, and that it will be imprac 
 ticable to prosecute the business till some time in August 
 next, as well upon account of subsistance, which will not 
 be met with in those parts before that time, as upon 
 account of gnats, mosquitoes, flies and other vermin, 
 which are intolerable in the summer season, and especially 
 to horses. It will be necessary, he thinks, to have at least 
 two Indians, Shikellimy s sons, with us. And these may 
 be necessary even in extending the temporary lines. The 
 number of persons necessary cannot yet be determined, 
 because, if we go at a time when provision is not to be 
 had in the desert woods, a greater number will be wanting 
 then, as it must all be carried with us."* Just how Conrad 
 Weiser managed not to go on this mission does not appear. 
 It would seem that the matter was taken out of Parson s 
 hands and given a year later to Lewis Evans. Weiser, 
 no doubt, hesitated about going. He was now fifty-four 
 years old, and growing more and more reluctant to under 
 take any Ohio journeys. The difficulties and clangers of 
 such a journey grew large in his mind with increasing 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 41. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 years. Mosquitoes and famine, with the possible disap 
 proval of Maryland and Virginia, are not attractive to 
 him. Even in 1748, when on his way to Logstown, 
 Conrad Weiser, writing to Richard Peters, says : "It is 
 possible I may be obliged to pay the debt of human nature 
 before I get home."* 
 
 The degree of jealousy entertained by the Council 
 toward Virginia as a rival in the Indian trade does not 
 seem to have so deeply impressed the frontier magistrates 
 who were thoroughly familiar with the currents of the 
 fur trade. Thomas Cookson, who was commissioned in 
 1749 to locate a site for a county town for Cumberland 
 County, opposed the arguments advanced by the settlers 
 on Conococheague Creek. These settlers wanted the 
 county seat along or near this stream, because, if Lord 
 Fairfax, of Virginia, was going to establish a trading 
 station on the Potomac River this new county seat of 
 Cumberland County would be able to draw aside that 
 trade. Cookson insisted that it would be a great disad 
 vantage to the merchants of Philadelphia to have another 
 trading station so near to the Virginia post. "It would 
 only give the people concerned," he writes, "the choice of 
 two markets, and in which we cannot possibly be any 
 gainers, having already the bulk of the trade in our hands, 
 but may risk the losing some part of it." 
 
 The attitude of the Pennsylvania traders toward those 
 from Virginia as they met on the Ohio materially retarded 
 the progress of the Ohio Company. After the goods 
 which the company had ordered from Europe arrived, in 
 November, 1749, and in March, 1750, it was found impos 
 sible to use them with profit until the roads were opened 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 15. 
 
 Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 43. 
 
RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS. 223 
 
 to the Ohio, and friendly relations established with the 
 Indians. Accordingly, while work was progressing upon 
 a road, Christopher Gist was sent out to explore the 
 country. He spent nearly two years examining both sides 
 of the Ohio Valley as far south as the mouth of the Kan- 
 nawha. In the meantime Virginia arranged for a gen 
 eral conference of the Indians to be held at Logstown. 
 But through the influence of the French, and more espec 
 ially of the Pennsylvania traders the Indians did not 
 assemble. For this reason the Virginia treaty was delayed 
 until June, 1752. 
 
 When Virginia claimed all the Ohio lands by virtue 
 of the purchase made at Lancaster in 1744, in which it 
 was stated that the western limit of the Iroquois sale was 
 the setting sun, Conrad Weiser told the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania that the Six Nations never contemplated 
 such a sale. To the setting sun was understood to be the 
 water divide between Mississippi and the Atlantic drain 
 age. At the Logstown treaty of 1752, an Iroquois chief 
 told the Virginia commissioners that they were mistaken 
 in their claim, "You acquainted us yesterday with the 
 King s right to all the lands in Virginia, as far as it is 
 settled, and back from thence to the sunsetting, whenever 
 he shall think fit to extend his settlements. You produced 
 also a copy of his deed from the Onondago Council at the 
 treaty of Lancaster, 1744, and desired that your brethren 
 of the Ohio might likewise confirm the deed. We are 
 well aware that our chief council at the treaty of Lan 
 caster confirmed a deed to you for a quantity of land in 
 Virginia which you have a right to ; but we never under 
 stood before you told us yesterday, that the lands then 
 sold were to extend further to the sunsetting, than the 
 
224 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 hill on the other side of the Alleghany Hill, so that we 
 can give you no further answer." 
 
 These things retarded the Ohio Company s move 
 ments. In 1750, Virginia, urged by Governor Glenn, of 
 Carolina, arranged for a conference of Catawba and Iro 
 quois deputies to be held at Williamsburg. The purpose 
 of this conference was to arrange for the long deferred 
 peace between these two Indian confederacies. Weiser 
 went again to Onondago in Virginia s behalf, but accom 
 plished very little. Governor Glenn wrote to Thomas Lee, 
 of Virginia : "The French are united in all their councils, 
 which gives them advantages that they could not have 
 if the King s Governors on the Continent were to act on 
 the same principle. 
 
 Richard Peters, in replying on behalf of Pennsylvania 
 to Governor Glenn s letter, says : The larger the trade 
 is & ye more of the colonies who reap the benefit of it, 
 the more it strengthens the general interest, and at the 
 same time there is more than ever required a union of 
 hearts as well as purses to defeat ye indefatigable indus 
 try of the French."* 
 
 At the Indian conference held at George Croghan s, 
 in June, 1/50, three chiefs from Ohio, Seneca George, 
 Broken Kettle, and The Stone, asked Conrad Weiser and 
 Richard Peters for advice. They reported that Colonel 
 Cresap, a Maryland trader, had invited them to come and 
 trade with him. He had a large quantity of goods, "and 
 from the true love he bore the Indians he would sell to 
 them much cheaper than the Pennsylvania traders did. 
 The people of Pennsylvania, said Cresap, call you 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 59. 
 
 Col. Thomas Cresap, who was formerly at a ferry on the 
 Susquehanna, now Wrightsville. 
 
RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS. 225 
 
 brethren, and pretend to have great affection for you, but 
 this is all from the mouth and not from the heart. These 
 men constantly cheat you in all their dealings." Cresap 
 claimed that he and Parker, another Maryland trader, 
 touched with pity for the much abused Indian would sell 
 below cost, and quoted the following rates: "A match 
 coat for a Buck, a stroud for a Buck and a Doe. A pair 
 of stockings for two Racoons. Twelve bars of lead for 
 a Buck." 
 
 Weiser and Peters replied to these Indians as follows : 
 "Trade is of a private nature. The Indians ought to buy 
 their goods where they can be best served. The people 
 of Virginia and Maryland, who deal in this trade may 
 serve you as well as any others from Pennsylvania or 
 elsewhere, and I advise you by all means to go to Captain 
 Cresap s, and to cultivate a good understanding with 
 everybody who can supply you with goods, for it is equal 
 to this Government from whence the Indians are supplied 
 so that there be good harmony kept up between them and 
 all the King s subjects. It is no part of my business to 
 give you advice, but I cannot help repeating to you my 
 sentiments, that you do well to trade with the good people 
 of Virginia and Maryland, as well as with those of Penn 
 sylvania, and to give the preference if you find they treat 
 you better than our people ; and as I am now at the house 
 of an Indian trader, I charge you, Mr. Montour, to tell 
 them truly what I say, and that it will be agreeable to the 
 Proprietors and this Government that the Indians trade 
 wherever they can be best supplied." 1 
 
 There was a vast difference, however, between the 
 attitude of the Colonial Governments and their officers, 
 and the actions of their respective traders who were 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 439, 44. 
 
226 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 removed from the arm of the law by many months of 
 travel. Conrad Weiser, himself in his more confidential 
 correspondence rarely fails to express his contempt for 
 Colonel Johnson, and the management of Indian affairs 
 in New York. In a letter to Governor Hamilton, Weiser 
 writes : "I positively believe that Warraghiyage squan 
 ders a great deal of money in a year, which the public 
 must pay, and I am satisfied he has not wit enough to 
 know the Indians thoroughly, but I hope he does not fall 
 short of honesty/ * 
 
 Doubtless Johnson had a very poor opinion of Weiser, 
 since some years later, when it became necessary for the 
 Crown to centralize Indian affairs in the Colonies, and 
 Johnson, who was placed at the head, needed a deputy in 
 Pennsylvania, he did not choose Weiser, who was by far 
 the best fitted, but took George Croghan. Like Johnson, 
 Croghan had an eye to his own personal profit, and is not 
 clear of the implication that he worked secretly against 
 Weiser. Andrew Montour had remarkable influence with 
 the Ohio Indians, and through these conferences came 
 into prominence in the Province. He was subsequently 
 given a large plantation in the Juniata Valley, and com 
 missioned to keep the squatters away from that district. 
 Viewed from the standards of that day Andrew was a 
 man of immense wealth. He too in his public acts found 
 ways to add to his fortune that would not bear investiga 
 tion. Weiser stood alone. He was no Indian trader. 
 Colonel Johnson, Croghan, Montour, the Ohio Company, 
 and a host of little traders were all bent on their personal 
 gain, and consequently jealous of each other. Weiser 
 was then, during the later years of his life crowded aside. 
 
 Indian name for Col. Johnson. 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II. r p. 45. 
 
RIVAL ENGLISH TRADERS. 22/ 
 
 English centralization in Indian affairs was a name not 
 a fact. The Colonies were totally unable to control the 
 fur trade. They became the dupes of an army of mercen 
 ary traders. And in proportion as the Colonial interests 
 were divided, the French, by centralization, won. In 
 1750 the English controlled the trade on the Ohio, the 
 Scioto, and the Wabash, and shared it with the French 
 in the lake region. By 1755 this trade was all lost, and 
 the Delaware Indians of Pennsylvania had taken up the 
 hatchet against the "sons of Onas." 
 
228 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 THE FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 
 
 New York gratified over the increased Western Trade Rumors of 
 the French Soldiers on the Ohio River Celeron s Letter Montour 
 reports Indian Outrages on the Ohio The Laws of Pennsylvania 
 are too weak to operate on the Ohio The Miami Indians resent 
 the French Overtures The Miami Indians remain true to Penn 
 sylvania The Governor urges the Miamis to protest to the 
 Pennsylvania Traders The Miamis seek English Protection- 
 New York neglects the Indians Hamilton hegs Aid from the 
 other Colonies The Colonies Reply Pennsylvania left alone 
 Weiser goes once more to Onandago Weiser calls on Sir William 
 Johnson The Councils of the Onandagos changed The old 
 Sachem s Song of Lamentation The Unanswered Wampum buried 
 with Canassatego Iroquois Corruption The French capture two 
 Pennsylvania Traders The Pennsylvania Assembly favors a 
 union of the Ohio Indians Weiser declines to go to Ohio 
 Joncaire endeavors to locate a Fort on the Allegheny The 
 Leaden Plates are discovered Joncaire s Speech Croghan and the 
 Proprietaries want a Fort at Logstown The Pennsylvania 
 Assembly opposed to a Fort at Logstown The Indians reply to 
 Celeron s Request of 1749 Croghan s doubtful Construction 
 thereof. 
 
 AS HAS been seen King George s war made it pos 
 sible for Conrad Weiser at the Logstown treaty 
 of 1748 to deprive the French of their cherished trade in 
 the Ohio Valley and around the lakes. Governor Clinton, 
 in writing to the Governor of Pennsylvania, in May, 1749, 
 says: "We have gained a considerable influence over 
 these nations to the westward, and who before knew but 
 little of the English, while the French have at the same 
 time lost theirs. We ought, I think, not to be negligent 
 in using all the means in our power to preserve these 
 advantages, which we have got. I shall be well pleased 
 with every information and advice which your honor shall 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 229 
 
 think proper to give for this purpose. And as your 
 traders go among the Indian traders to the westward, I 
 do not doubt that you will take care to employ the means 
 you may have thereby of promoting the British interest 
 among them, and of defeating the designs of the 
 French."* 
 
 Clinton said further that he had sent his interpreter 
 to Oswego with presents to confirm former friendships. 
 Scarcely three weeks later Clinton sent Hamilton a 
 report, brought to Albany by Captain Marshall, saying 
 that a thousand French soldiers were already on their way 
 to Belle River (Ohio) for the purpose of preventing the 
 English from settling there. 
 
 Governor Hamilton immediately apprised the Penn 
 sylvania traders that they might be on their guard. These 
 rumors were not entirely without foundation, since in 
 August of the same year, 1749, the traders on the Ohio 
 and the Wabash met a French officer, Celoron, with three 
 hundred soldiers, and some Indian allies. Celoron told 
 the traders that he had been sent out by the Governor 
 of Canada "to reprove the Indians" for forming an alli 
 ance and opening trade with the English. Captain Celo 
 ron gave these traders three copies of the following letter 
 to Governor Hamilton, dated August the 6th, 1749. 
 
 "From our camp on Belle River, at an ancient village 
 of the Chonanous, 6th of August, 1749- 
 
 "SiR : Having been sent with a detachment into these 
 quarters by Monsieur the Marquis de La Galissoniere, 
 commandant general of New France, to reconcile among 
 themselves certain savage nations, who are ever at vari- 
 ence on account of the war just terminated, I have been 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 29. 
 June 23, 1749. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 much surprised to find some traders of your Government 
 in a country to which England never had any pretensions. 
 It even appears that the same opinion is entertained in 
 New England, since in many of the villages I passed 
 through, the English who were trading there have mostly 
 taken flight. Those whom I first fell in with, and by 
 whom I write you, I have treated with all mildness pos 
 sible, although I would have been justified in treating 
 them as interlopers, and men without design, their enter 
 prise being contrary to the preliminaries of peace signed 
 five months ago. I hope, sir, you will carefully prohibit 
 for the future this trade, which is contrary to treaties and 
 give notice to your traders that they will expose them 
 selves to great risks in returning to these countries, and 
 that they must impute only to themselves the misfortunes 
 they may meet with. I know that our commandant gen 
 eral would be very sorry to have resource to violence, but 
 he has orders not to permit foreign traders in his Govern 
 ment. 
 
 "I have the honor to be with great respect, sir, your 
 humble and obedient servant, 
 
 CELORON." 
 
 Governor Hamilton reported to the Council that these 
 letters were of an extraordinary nature. One was sent to 
 the Proprietaries in London, and the other to the Gov 
 ernor of New York. Celeron s surprise in finding Penn 
 sylvania traders on the Ohio, was carefully feigned diplo 
 macy. The French were thoroughly aware of the Logs- 
 town treaty, and the blow it was to their trade. Celoron 
 was sent out to repair these losses. He had not been in 
 the Ohio country long before Andrew Montour sent word 
 to Governor Hamilton that two or three traders had been 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 23! 
 
 killed by the Indians, that nothing had been done to appre 
 hend and punish the murderers. No complaints having 
 been made by the other traders, Montour was uncertain 
 whether this crime had been committed on Virginia or 
 Pennsylvania soil, but of one thing he was sure, and that 
 was, unless the instigators were promptly brought to pun 
 ishment it would cause the loss of much innocent blood, 
 and lead to fatal consequences. 
 
 Governor Hamilton immediately sent a proclamation 
 to the Shawanese, Delaware, and Six Nation Indians 
 living on the Ohio, calling upon them to look promptly 
 and vigorously into the nature and cause of the offence. 
 The Indians were informed that they must not expect the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania to treat with them on friendly 
 terms until the murderers were brought to justice, 
 have been informed," he writes, "that some of you said 
 one of the persons killed was a Virginian, and this would 
 not draw on you the anger of the Government of Penn 
 sylvania, but I must tell you, that to hurt or kill any of 
 the inhabitants of that Province will give us equal con 
 cern, equal offence, as if it was one who lived in my Gov 
 ernment, we are all one people; there is no difference 
 between us, and if any one is hurt all ought to resent it, 
 and will do it, you may depend upon it." :i 
 
 It is doubtful if the Indians ever did anything more 
 than listen to the reading of this proclamation. The laws 
 of Pennsylvania, which had been so successfully enforced 
 in the Delaware and Susquehanna region were too weak 
 now under the rapidly changing Indian conditions, to be 
 enforced on the Ohio and Wabash. There is no evidence 
 that these murderers were ever brought to trial. 
 
 There were influences at work in those distant forests, 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 450. 
 
232 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 which made it impossible for Pennsylvania to extend the 
 arm of the law beyond the Alleghanies. Hugh Crawford, 
 one of Pennsylvania s bold traders on the Wabash, 
 reported that as early as July, 1749, scarcely four months 
 after the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, and before Celeron s 
 letter was written to Governor Hamilton, a party of 
 two hundred French soldiers, and thirty-five Indian allies, 
 came to a Twightwee, or Miami town for the purpose of 
 persuading these Indians away from their English affilia 
 tions. Crawford reports that the French were determined 
 to use force if fair means did not succeed. These Indians 
 were upbraided for joining the English, who, the French 
 said, had never shown the Miamis any affection or given 
 them any presents. 
 
 When the French attempted to use force they found 
 that the Miamis were very numerous and were deter 
 mined to resist. Then the French became quite friendly 
 again, and offered the Indians a present of four half- 
 barrels of powder, four bags of bullets, and four bags of 
 paint, with a few needles and some thread. This present 
 the Miamis indignantly refused. The French became 
 frightened, and hurried away leaving their goods scattered 
 about on the ground. These same Indians, in their mes 
 sage to Governor Hamilton, insisted that their friendship 
 for the English was constant and enduring, and they 
 hoped it would last while "the sun and the moon ran 
 round the world." 
 
 The Governor sent a message to these Indians by 
 Hugh Crawford, expressing his appreciation of their 
 friendship and alliance, which he hoped would be s trong 
 as the strongest mountain and endure while the sun shines 
 and the rivers run. "I have proposed it," he writes, "to 
 some of our best traders to carry on commerce with you, 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 233 
 
 and to sell you their goods at as easy a price as they can 
 afford, and by all means to cultivate a good understanding 
 with you, and they seem willing to do it; but as your 
 towns are at a great distance from the Six Nations, and 
 that several of your tribes seem to be firmly attached to 
 the French, the traders cannot help expressing their appre 
 hensions of the great danger there is in being intercepted 
 either in their passage to or return from your country; 
 and unless some measures be concerted to preserve the 
 road safe and commodious for their persons and effects 
 it will not be possible to extend their trade into countries 
 so remote to any great degree. I mention this with the 
 more earnestness, as I have lately received information 
 that two of our traders going from Logstown to the 
 Twightwees, about three hundred miles from the first 
 place, were either killed or taken by the French or 
 Indians, and that a party of French Indians have killed 
 fourteen of our people belonging to Carolina. I say our 
 people, for the inhabitants of Carolina, Virginia, Mary 
 land, and this Province, and New York, are all one people, 
 all of us are equally affected, and must resent it alike. 
 Some other stories are likewise told us, which, if true, 
 make it evident that the road is by no means safe to 
 travel."* 
 
 The Governor also assured these Indians of the hearty 
 friendship of all the Colonial Governors, whom he 
 expected to join in sending a handsome present to the 
 Twightwees this season, if not, they could depend upon its 
 arrival next spring. 
 
 The summer of 1750 opened with numerous rumors 
 from Colonel Johnson, of New York, and from the Penn 
 sylvania traders, that the French were coming out from 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 45> 45 1 - 
 
2 34 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Canada with a strong force to take possession of the Ohio 
 Valley, and to alienate the Indians from the English 
 cause. 
 
 At the Indian conference held at George Croghan s 
 m May, 1750, previous to turning the squatters off from 
 the Juniata lands, the Miami deputies from the Wabash, 
 brightened the chain of friendship, and told Conrad 
 Weiser that they wanted the road to the Wabash made 
 clear and safe, so that the Pennsylvania trader might go 
 among them. "Onontio, the Governor of Canada, has kept 
 us poor and blind, they said, "now we are under the care 
 of the Six Nations and the English, and declare by this 
 string of wampum, that the Twightwees have entirely 
 laid Onontio aside, and will no more be governed by his 
 advice, nor any longer hearken to what he shall say.* 
 
 The Six Nations have taken all the Ohio and Wabash 
 Indians by the hand and placed it in the hand of the Eng 
 lish Governors. During the late war we were persuaded 
 by Corlear (Governor of New York), to strike the 
 French. When peace was made we expected that we were 
 included in that peace, but we don t find it so. The French 
 are always threatening us and put us in much fear, by 
 their menaces, that we dare not suffer our people to go 
 into the hunting places, at a distance from us, lest we 
 should meet a party of French. This was the case all last 
 summer, and we have received intelligence from the Six 
 Nations that the French of Canada are now making mili 
 tary preparations, and intend to attack us this summer. 
 
 "Brethren, you ought to have included us in your 
 peace, but since you did not, we now request that the 
 English Governors would jointly apply to have us 
 included in the peace, that we may not be subject to the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 432, 433. 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 235 
 
 insinuations and resentment of the French, but be in quiet 
 as well as you." 1 
 
 About this time Conrad Weiser learned through some 
 of his former Mohawk acquaintances, that since peace 
 had been established, the Governor of New York never 
 spoke to the Indians, nor offered them any presents, that 
 the Mohawks had received no thanks for the blood they 
 lost in the late war. Their warriors had been badly 
 treated by the English, and when some of their stoutest 
 Indians had the misfortune to be taken prisoners by the 
 French, no effort was made to have them exchanged until 
 June, 1750. During the absence of these prisoners nobody 
 cared for their wives and children. In addition to these 
 complaints an old chief asked Weiser why the Governor 
 and Assembly in New York could not agree. Weiser 
 very prudently replied that he did not know. 
 
 Being cognizant of these things, Governor Hamilton 
 wrote to Clinton, of New York, telling him that at the 
 suggestion of the Pennsylvania Assembly he had just 
 sent a present to the Miami Indians, as a reward for their 
 attachment to the English cause. He calls Clinton s atten 
 tion to the importance of retaining the friendship of these 
 Wabash Indians, and to the fact that a large number of 
 Six Nation Indians have recently gone out of New York 
 into the Ohio country, and are more numerous there than 
 they are in the home district. This westward migration 
 of the Iroquois, Hamilton insists, will "give a remarkable 
 turn to Indian affairs, and must draw the attention of 
 his Majesty s Governors into those more remote parts. If 
 my information be true and I have it from persons of 
 undoubted credit," chief among whom was Conrad 
 Weiser, "these refugees of the Six Nations, if I may use 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 534. 
 
236 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the term, the Shawanese and Delawares, with their new 
 allies, the Wyandots and the Miamis, make a body of 
 fifteen hundred, if not two thousand men, and, in my 
 opinion these different nations are now upon the balance. 
 If a prudent management and seasonable liberality be 
 exercised they may be retained in our interest. But if 
 no notice be taken of them, nor suitable presents made to 
 them, the French may justly reproach the Twightwees 
 for their defection, and they will cast these reproaches 
 upon our Indians who persuaded them into our alliance, 
 and thereupon they may not only leave us themselves, but 
 draw off our Indians with them, and if we fall into these 
 unhappy circumstances tis not probable we will retain 
 the Six Nations at Onondago long, for when these are 
 stripped of their allies and of those westward Indians, 
 they will be despised, or to avoid contempt, will go over 
 to the French with the other Indians."* 
 
 Hamilton then called attention to the expense which 
 Pennsylvania had always cheerfully borne, but now has 
 become too great for any single Colony. He accordingly 
 asks Clinton to share this expense, saying that he will 
 urge Maryland and Virginia to do likewise. 
 
 The Maryland Assembly in answer to this request, 
 declines to have anything to do with Indian affairs. Vir 
 ginia, in the interests of the Ohio Company, evades a 
 direct reply and attempts to manage Indian affairs alone. 
 Governor Clinton is fully aware of the prophetic truth 
 in Governor Hamilton s words, and lays the matter forci 
 bly before the New York Assembly, saying: "I must 
 .... earnestly recommend to you to take this matter into 
 your serious deliberation, that the mischiefs which 
 threaten all the colonies in North America may be pre- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 463. 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN TILE OHIO VALLEY. 237 
 
 vented before it is too late." The New York Assembly 
 declined to furnish any money "on the plea of poverty," 
 claiming that during the late war "New York, without 
 any aid from other colonies, was at great expense in 
 defending her borders, and by so doing protected Penn 
 sylvania. The Assembly claimed that it was nothing 
 more than just and reasonable now, since peace existed, 
 that Pennsylvania should bear the expense of retaining 
 the fidelity of the Indians." 
 
 This falling away of the sister colonies left Pennsyl 
 vania too weak to cope single-handed with the centralized 
 French schemes, which aimed to draw away the Indian 
 alliances which had been so skillfully won by Conrad 
 Weiser. The old interpreter was beginning to realize that 
 Indian affairs had outgrown him, that unless all the colo 
 nies could agree upon a united policy, the French must 
 eventually win. And yet confident of his former influence 
 at the councils of the Iroquois, Weiser once more con 
 sented to go among them and carry a message from the 
 Governor of Virginia, who was extremely desirous of 
 making peace between the Iroquois and the Catawbas. 
 Weiser s chief purpose, however, was to try and prevent 
 French disaffection. 
 
 He left Reading about the middle of August, 1750, 
 and went to Albany by way of the Delaware and Hudson 
 Rivers. He was extremely social with all the Indians he 
 met. His first interview was with two old Mohawks, who 
 had just returned from the French prisons. "I spent the 
 evening with them in a public house," he writes, "and 
 treated them with several bottles of wine. At another 
 place I bought a quart of rum here for me and my com- 
 
2 3 8 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 panions to drink, at six shillings, but the company being 
 too great I was obliged to buy two other quarts." 
 
 Weiser called on Sir William Johnson, who was the 
 sole commissioner of Indian affairs in New York. "I 
 staid twenty-four hours with him," writes Weiser, "and 
 was kindly received and hospitably entertained." John 
 son told Weiser that the Governor of South Carolina had 
 written him to arrange for a treaty with the Catawbas, 
 and that his negotiations were already well under way 
 "We both agreed," he writes, "that it was best for me 
 lot to say anythings about the Catawbas, because he had 
 made, it is hoped, a good beginning."* 
 
 Just why Weiser gave up his commission in behalf of 
 Virginia without a more vigorous protest is not clear. 
 The sturdy old German was doubtless growing discour 
 aged. He found great changes taking place among the 
 Iroquois. Henry, a Mohawk chief, who had well learned 
 the arts of political craft, told Weiser in strict confidence 
 that he did not believe that Colonel Johnson could bring 
 about a peace with the Catawbas, but if the Governor of 
 Carolina would make him a handsome present, or pay 
 him well for his trouble, he could bring about the much 
 desired peace. Henry divined that Weiser had the thing 
 in commission, and hinted that he would be willing to 
 avail himself of aid in a practical way. Weiser, however, 
 seems to have given up the Virginia part of the mission 
 with very little remonstrance. 
 
 ^ Canassatego, Weiser s warmest Indian friend next to 
 Shikellimy was dead, and Canassatego had been the leader 
 in the Iroquois Confederacy. For thirty years he was 
 the chief speaker at all the great treaties. Weiser writes 
 to Secretary Peters, "Our friend, Canassatego, was buried 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 472. 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 239 
 
 to-day before I came to Onondago, and Solconwanaghly, 
 our other good friend, died some time before. He that is 
 at the head of affairs now is a professed Roman Catholic, 
 and altogether devoted to the French. The French priests 
 have made a hundred converts of the Onondagos, that is 
 to say, men, women and children, and they are all clothed, 
 and walk in the finest clothes, dressed with silver and gold, 
 and I believe that the English interests among the Six 
 Nations can be of no consideration any more. The 
 Indians speak with contempt of the New Yorkers and the 
 Albany people, and much the same of the rest of the Eng 
 lish Colonies."* These things seem to have broken the 
 spirit of Weiser in intercolonial affairs. From this point 
 the sturdy interpreter, who once fashioned the course of 
 Indian affairs from a national standpoint, gradually sinks 
 back until his influence is bounded only by his own Pro 
 vince. 
 
 While Weiser was on his way to a village, at one time 
 celebrated among the Onondagos for the wise men who 
 lived there, an old Indian, a member of the Council, 
 joined him and began singing a song of lamentation, 
 which signified in an allegorical sense that the town 
 toward which they were journeying was not inhabited by 
 such good friends as formerly. And now especially since 
 the "word" died "the evil spirits would reign and bring 
 forth thorns and briers out of the earth." At the resting 
 place, Weiser treated the old sachem with "a dram of 
 good rum, and told him that nothing was certain in the 
 world, and that the Great Being, who had created the 
 world knew how to govern it, .... and would order every- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 467. 
 
 "Word" in place of Canassatego. Indians decline to mention 
 a man s name after his death. 
 
24O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 thing well," to which the old Indian in his way said, 
 amen.* 
 
 Weiser s apparent optimism had a heavy burden to 
 bear during this visit. On good authority he had learned 
 that all the belts of wampum, which remained unanswered 
 in Canassatego s hands at the time of his death, wampum 
 which had been given him by various English Governors, 
 and which stood for all the unfulfilled Iroquois negotia 
 tions with the English, were by Canassatego s orders 
 buried with him. Indian gossip said that Canassatego s 
 family had stolen the wampum, thereby corrupting them 
 selves by putting public treasure to private uses. Others 
 said that Canassatego s will made him a thief after his 
 death, but Weiser in his own heart knew that all future 
 negotiations between the Iroquois and the English were 
 jeopardized with-the loss of those wampum belts. This 
 fact, combined with the evidence of a change of heart 
 among the Iroquois, discouraged him. 
 
 He learned that the French had built a fort further up 
 the St. Lawrence River, not far from Lake Fountanac. 
 Here Piquet, a French missionary was located. He 
 instructed the Indian children in the Catholic religion, 
 cleared land and built houses for them at the French 
 King s expense. At the time Weiser was at Onondago, 
 Piquet was reported to have had over one hundred con 
 verts. These were handsomely clad in garments laced 
 with silver and gold, and sent down to see the French 
 Governor at Montreal. Here they were most hospitably 
 entertained and given many presents. Weiser, whose 
 hatred for anything French or Roman Catholic was deep- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 475- 
 
 This and the fort at Detroit were all that the French had at 
 that time that were considered encroachments on the English claims. 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 24! 
 
 seated, reported that many of these converts came "back- 
 to Onondago and drank away their fine cloths. They 
 reported that the missionary s words were not true, and 
 that he was seeking to enslave the Indians. They were 
 sure of this since they were asked to renounce their own 
 form of government and come under control of a guar 
 dian appointed by the French King, who always professed 
 to protect the Indians against their enemies. Many of 
 these Indians, in mockery, derided the more susceptible 
 ones, saying, Go and get baptized again by your father, 
 and bring home fine clothes that we may get some drink. 
 
 " No, said another, still joking, lie will be hanged 
 now if he goes again for fine clothes ; his father is angry 
 because his holy water is of no force with the Indians. 
 So many such discourses I have heard, by which I saw 
 plain that they do not pay any respect to any religion, let 
 it come from where it will if they do not get by it." 
 
 Weiser having put out the council fire at Onondago, 
 as was the custom, came home, disheartened and dis 
 couraged. The future looked dark and threatening to 
 him. He had not yet read the depositions of Morris 
 Turner and Ralph Kilgore, two men belonging to John 
 Fraser, a Lancaster County trader. Some time in May, 
 1750, these two men, who had bought more skins from 
 Miami Indians than their horses could carry, were return 
 ing from Logstown for a second load when seven Indians 
 came into their camp one evening a little before sunset. 
 They asked for victuals, and when meat was given them 
 they dressed and ate it in a friendly manner. After their 
 appetites were satisfied they commenced examining the 
 traders guns, apparently from curiosity ; one picked up a 
 tomahawk, and others asked for knives to cut their tobac- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 476. 
 
242 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 co. Immediately the two traders were seized and securely 
 tied. The Indians then hurried their prisoners off towards 
 Detroit, which at that time contained about one hundred 
 and fifty houses, securely stockaded. The prisoners were 
 delivered to the commander, and the Indians received a 
 ten-gallon keg of brandy and one hundred pounds of to 
 bacco as a reward. The commander placed these two trad 
 ers with a farmer living about a mile from the town. Here 
 they were compelled to hoe corn and reap wheat. The 
 Indians frequently came to see them, and acted in a very 
 insolent manner, taunting them and calling them dogs, 
 and declaring that they were going down to the Wabash 
 after more traders. The prisoners were detained three 
 months at this farmer s house, when the commander at the 
 fort was changed and they were sent to Canada. At 
 Niagara they met the chief French interpreter, Joncaire. 
 He was taking a large present to the Indians in Ohio. 
 The prisoners saw the goods spread out on the river bank, 
 and estimated them to be worth fifteen hundred pounds. 
 They also heard that in the spring (1751) a French army 
 of five hundred men was going to invade the Ohio coun 
 try, and drive out the Shawariese and the Wyandots, who 
 they believed were contaminating the resident Indians, 
 and persuading them over to the English. If these 
 Indians would not go east the French were going to kill 
 them. The prisoners also learned that a reward of one 
 thousand pounds had been offered for the scalps of George 
 Croghan and James Lowery, whom they considered the 
 most influential and injurious among the Pennsylvania 
 traders. While following the shores of Lake Ontario the 
 prisoners made their escape. 
 
 The evidence of these two traders, and the report of 
 Conrad Weiser s Onondajjo visit alarmed Governor Ham- 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 243 
 
 ilton. He immediately laid the subject before the Assem 
 bly at its opening session in October, 1750. Hamilton 
 went on to say that as soon as he heard of the unaccount 
 able actions of the French he desired George Croghan 
 and Andrew Montour to go to Ohio with the small pres 
 ent provided by the Assembly during its last session. He 
 had hoped that his envoys would arrive among the Miami 
 Indians in time to frustrate the schemes of the French, 
 but unfortunately, Croghan and Montour were both 
 unable to go at that time on account of sickness. The 
 Governor then asked the Assembly for advice. This body 
 promptly replied with the statement that they had decided 
 to add to the present already made up, and to include 
 within their generosity, not only the Miami Indians, but 
 the Wyandots, Shawanese, Delawares and such other 
 nations as were in that region, with the suggestion that 
 all these Indian nations be urged to form a union like the 
 Six Nations. The Assembly again beseeched the Gov 
 ernor to petition the Proprietaries to share with the people 
 the burden of Indian expenses. Shortly after the Legis 
 lature had made this unusually liberal appropriation for 
 Indian presents, the Governor reports that it will cost two 
 hundred and fifty pounds alone for the transportation of 
 this present ; while he considers this an extravagant sum, 
 he cannot find any one to do it for less. The Assembly, 
 therefore, with economic purposes directed Conrad 
 Weiser to go across the Susquehanna and arrange for 
 their transportation. All autumn, winter and spring go 
 by before the goods can be forwarded. Croghan writes 
 from Logstown, in December, 1750, urging all possible 
 haste. He insisted that unless a large present arrived 
 promtly it would be impossible to hold the Indians to the 
 British interest. He then told of the staunch friendship 
 
244 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 of the Ohio Indians, and outlined his plans for future 
 negotiations. The Council and Assembly became dis 
 trustful of Croghan s sincerity, and expressed suspicions 
 that he might be secretly in league with the French, and 
 complained that he was an exceedingly expensive agent 
 in Indian affairs. Accordingly, the Governor, Secretary, 
 Council and Assembly were unanimous in urging Wei set- 
 to go to Logstown and superintend the distribution of 
 this present. 
 
 Weiser replied to this request, saying: "You ask me 
 to distribute this present on the fifteenth of May, at Logs- 
 town, and expect me to be back in time to attend the 
 Indian conference at Albany (1751). With submission 
 I would say that it is now (22nd of April, 1751) impos 
 sible Time will show that what I here say is true; 
 
 and besides this the Indians cannot be sent for until the 
 goods are on the spot, because this is a hungry time with 
 the Indians, and the few that live in Logstown cannot 
 provide for the rest that come from other towns. Should 
 the goods be delayed, no explanations will satisfy the 
 gnawing appetite of the Indians. I have experienced 
 something of this in the year 1748, when the goods could 
 not come to Logstown according to the time appointed." 
 Weiser insisted that this present could not arrive in time, 
 and urged the Governor to commission Croghan and 
 Montour to distribute it. "They must act according to 
 your instructions. If Mr. Croghan s integrity is ques 
 tioned, some of the traders at Ohio might be required to 
 be present and see that the goods are delivered article for 
 article. I am satisfied that there are some men in Ohio 
 who will not spare or favor him, as for my own part I 
 believe he will do all in his power to act according to your 
 Honor s commands. Moreover, all these Ohio Indians 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 245 
 
 are subservient to the Six Nations whom we will treat 
 with at Albany." I 7 or these reasons Weiser asked to be 
 excused from the Ohio journey. 
 
 The Governor, Council and Assembly acquiesced, and 
 minute instructions were drawn up for Croghan and Mon- 
 tour. The importance of these instructions can only be 
 appreciated by recalling the events of the autumn and 
 winter (1750 and 1751). In December, Joncaire, a 
 French commander and interpreter, was seen by some 
 Iroquois chiefs examining the upper waters of the Alle- 
 ghany River, searching for a site for a fort. He had five 
 canoes loaded with goods and was very generous with his 
 presents. He was reported to have said that if he could 
 get the permission of the Ohio Indians, the fort would be 
 built at once. It is quite probable that Joncaire was in the 
 vicinity of Venango. Croghan reported that the French 
 had attacked recently a Shawanese town, which was a 
 about three hundred miles from Logstown, and killed a 
 man, and took a woman and two children prisoners. The 
 Shawanese pursued them, taking five French men and 
 some Indians prisoners. The Miami Indians also sent 
 word to the French that if they found any of them in the 
 Miami country they would make them prisoners. From 
 these reasons Croghan said "I expect nothing less than 
 an Indian war in the spring." 
 
 In January, 1751, Governor Clinton sent Governor 
 Hamilton a copy of an inscription found on a lead plate* 
 
 ^Translation of the inscription found on the leaden plate. "In 
 the year 1749, during the reign of Louis XV., King of France, W. E. 
 Celoron, commander of a detachment sent by the Marquis de La 
 Gallissoniere, commander-in-chief of New France, to restore tran- 
 quility in some savage villages of these districts, have buried these 
 plates at the confluence of the Ohio ("Alleghany"), and Tch-a-da- 
 koin, this 29th of July, near the River Ohio, alias Beautiful River. 
 as a monument of our having retaken possession of the said river, 
 and of those that fall into the same, and of all the lands on both 
 
246 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 stolen from Joncaire some months previous in the Seneca 
 country. A number of these lead plates had been buried 
 at various points along the Ohio River by Celeron, the 
 summer previous. The Six Nation chiefs were curious to 
 know what was on them, and they induced some of the 
 young Senecas to steal one and bring it to the Council. 
 When they learned the contents of this plate from Col 
 onel Johnson, like faithful allies they reported Joncaire s 
 speech made to them that summer. 
 
 "Children, " he said, "your Father (Governor of Can 
 ada) having, out of a tender regard for you, considered 
 the great difficulty you labor under by carrying your 
 goods, canoes, etc., over the great carrying place of 
 Niagara, has desired me to acquaint you that in order to 
 ease you all of so much trouble for the future he has 
 resolved to build a house at the other end of the said 
 carrying place, which he will furnish with all necessaries 
 for your use." Joncaire also told these Indians that he 
 was sent to remain in this Ohio country for three years, 
 and intended to build a house at the carrying place 
 between Lake Erie and the Alleghany River, where the 
 Western Indians could secure all the goods they needed 
 without the trouble of going to Oswego. Joncaire then 
 asked the Indians their opinion of this, and their permis 
 sion to build the two forts, one at Niagara, and the other 
 on Lake Erie, or the Alleghany River. The Seneca 
 Indians asked advice of Colonel Johnson. He told them 
 that the French, by fine speeches were seeking to rob the 
 Indians of their land, and to cut them off from their Eng 
 lish brethren in New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia. 
 
 sides as far as the source of the said rivers, as well as of those of 
 which the preceding kings of France have enjoyed possession, partly 
 by force of arms, partly by treaties, especially by those of Ryswick, 
 Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle." 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 247 
 
 This effort made by Joncaire to secure the Indians 
 permission to build two forts, alarmed George Croghan, 
 who as early as December, 1750, urged the authorities of 
 Pennsylvania to build a fort at Logstown. Croghan s 
 plea for a fort purported to be the desire of the Indians 
 in that region, who insisted that the English trade would 
 not be secure, and the roads safe for travel until there was 
 an English fort on the river. When the Proprietary of 
 Pennsylvania read Croghan s letter, he immediately sent 
 a message to the Governor, saying : "Your report alarms 
 me. I have sent your report to the Duke of Bedford and 
 Lord Halifax, and I think something should be done 
 immediately, if it can, by consent of the Indians, to take 
 possession. This, I think, you should advise with the 
 Council and Assembly about, as it is of great import to 
 the trade of the Province to have a settlement there, and 
 a house a little more secure than an Indian cabin. I make 
 no doubt that the Indians would readily consent to such a 
 settlement; and if there is stone and lime in the neighbor 
 hood, I think an house with thick walls of stone, with 
 small bastions might be built at no very great expense, 
 as it is little matter how rough it is within side; or a 
 wall of that sort perhaps fifty feet square, with a small 
 log house in the middle of it, might, perhaps be better. 
 The command of this might be given to the principal 
 [ndian trader, and he be obliged to keep four or six men 
 at it who might serve him in it; and the house be his 
 magazine for goods. If something of this kind can be 
 done we shall be willing to be at the expense of four 
 hundred pounds currency for the building of it, and of 
 one hundred pounds a year for keeping some men with 
 a few arms and some powder, this, with what the Assem 
 bly might be willing to give will in some measure protect 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the trade, and be a mark of possession. However few the 
 men are they should wear an uniform dress, that tho 
 very small it may look fort like."* 
 
 During the winter and spring of 1750, the Governor 
 again and again consulted the speaker and the leading 
 members of the House upon the proposals made by the 
 Proprietaries. For nearly two years the Assembly had 
 been urging that the Proprietaries bear a share of the 
 Indian expenses. And now when they offer four hundred 
 pounds towards building a fort at Logstown, and one 
 hundred pounds a year towards its maintenance, the 
 Assembly refuses to vote one dollar for any such purpose. 
 For seventy years Indian affairs in Pennsylvania had, 
 through the influence of William Penn and the Friends, 
 been conducted in peaceable channels, and now when the 
 sons of Penn are the first to advocate the establishment 
 of a fort garrisoned by an armed force, and are arranging 
 tilings so that the major part of the expense shall be 
 borne by the people of Pennsylvania, the peace loving 
 element among the Friends and Germans say "No, this 
 will be warfare. It will not only offend the Indians, but 
 it will embroil England in a border war with France." 
 The Assembly was perfectly willing to furnish presents, 
 more presents than any other Colony had given, 
 in order to hold the Indian in the English interests, and 
 retain the fur trade, but to take the initial step which must 
 necessarily lead to a long and bitter war, Pennsylvania 
 refused, even after Penn s sons had arranged it in a 
 tempting form. Furthermore, the Assembly was not 
 sure, at that time, that Logstown was a part of Penn 
 sylvania. If a fort was built there it would foment a 
 quarrel with Virginia, and since arrangements were then 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 515, 
 
FRENCH TRADERS IN THE OHIO VALLEY. 2/J9 
 
 being made for a peaceful settlement of the disputed 
 boundary between Virginia and Pennsylvania, the Assem 
 bly positively refused to support the Proprietaries Indian 
 Policy. The Assemblymen were well aware of the effect 
 of the "Walking Purchase" upon the Indians on the 
 Delaware. Numerous murders had occurred above the 
 mouth of the Lehigh, and just recently (1751), Scull, 
 the Provincial surveyor had been prevented, by the Dela 
 ware Indians, from running the line in the purchase of 
 1749. These Indians insisted that the Iroquois had no 
 right to sell any land on the Delaware River; that Wil 
 liam Penn never recognized any Iroquois claims to land 
 in this basin, and that the new policy of his sons since the 
 Walking Purchase had brought about all these changes. 
 The Assembly was of the same opinion, and had never 
 agreed with -the Governor and Conrad Weiser in allowing 
 the Iroquois to spread a pretended claim into the Valley 
 of the Delaware. For these reasons Governor Hamilton, 
 in his private instructions to George Croghan, forbade 
 his saying anything about a fort. He was to do nothing 
 more than to sound the Indians in a private manner and 
 learn their opinions. 
 
 On the 1 8th of May, 1751, Croghan and Montour 
 arrived at Logstown with the long delayed Pennsylvania 
 present. Three days later Joncaire held a council with the 
 Indians at the same place. He asked them for a reply 
 to Celeron s request made in 1749, which was that all 
 the Indians turn away from the English traders and for 
 bid them from ever coming to trade any more on the 
 Ohio. The Indians replied to this in Croghan s presence. 
 "Fathers ; I mean you that call yourselves fathers, hear 
 what I am going to say to you. You desire that we may 
 turn our brothers, the English away, and not suffer therft 
 
2 5 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 to come and trade with us again ; I now tell you from our 
 hearts we will not, for we ourselves brought them here 
 to trade with us, and they shall live among us as long 
 as there is one of us alive. You are always threatening 
 our brothers what you will do to them, and in particular 
 to that man," (pointing to me [George Croghan] ) ; "now 
 if you have anything to say to our brothers tell.it to him, 
 if you be a man, as you French men always say you are, 
 and the head of all the nations. Our brothers are the 
 people we will trade with and not you. Go and tell your 
 Governor and ask the Onondago Council if I don t speak 
 the minds of all the Six Nations."* 
 
 There is not the least doubt about the thorough loy- 
 ality of the Ohio Indians to the Pennsylvania Govern 
 ment at that time, and their reply to Joncaire may have 
 been as reported, but Croghan, like Colonel Johnson, was 
 bent on his own interests, and has evidently exaggerated 
 his translation, since the Onondago Councils had not at 
 that time determined to trade only with the English. 
 These Councils had for many years endeavored to play 
 an even game with the French and English. But since 
 the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle and the death of the old 
 Iroquois leaders, the Onondago Councils, as Weiser s 
 visit there in 1750 revealed, were sadly divided. Croghan 
 may have been misinformed, but he did not grasp Indian 
 affairs with anything like the clearness that Weiser did. 
 Croghan s friends on the Ohio were loyal, his enemies 
 bitter. The Assembly of Pennsylvania was loath to trust 
 him, especially since they believed that his advocacy of the 
 fort on the Ohio was to enhance his own profits. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 531. 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 25! 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 
 
 Who shall Strike first ?-Croghan treats with the Ohio Indians-The 
 Indians Reply The Ohio Indians ask for an English Fort 1 
 PemTsylvan a opposed to a Fort-A Desire for a Union of the 
 Cynics upon Indian Affairs-The Pennsylvania opposed to a 
 Union-Weiser at Albany-French Activity-Clinton s Letter to 
 Jne Governor of Canada-The French Commander s Reply- 
 
 The Indians turn from Pennsylvania to Virgmia-T he Penn syl- 
 
 fM-irp he rrencn at i^e JDUCUI waim-vi "* . , -T- \ 
 
 French Reply-The Indians declare War against the French- 
 Wefser favors a general Present-The Indians Statement at Car- 
 lisle-The Indians insist that Rum is the Cause of 1 he * R- 
 Weiser s Power limited by jealous Influences-Virginia t 
 Initiative. 
 
 THE treaties of 1751 on the Ohio and at Albany re 
 vealed the unanswered question, who should first 
 take possession of the Ohio Valley. It was well under 
 stood that whoever did, whether New France, New York 
 Pennsylvania or Virginia, it would be necessary to defend 
 the land that it would not be given up by the rival claim 
 ants without a struggle. The English Colonies therefore 
 realized the necessity of union in Indian affairs, but could 
 not agree upon the disposition of the Ohio country should 
 they succeed in driving off the French. These disagree 
 ments retarded the prompt action of the English Pro 
 vinces and allowed France to gain foothold. 
 
 Croghan busied himself on the Ohio, while the 
 
2 5 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 goods were arriving, in visiting Indians of note, making 
 presents and gaining friendships. To one old Indian, a 
 Shawanese chief, he gave a full suit of clothes. When 
 the treaty opened, Croghan told the Shawanese that their 
 troubles and scattered condition as a people was occa 
 sioned by the French. The Indians were then assured 
 that all former treachery of theirs was forgiven by the 
 English. To the Wyandots he said : "I understand that 
 the French, whom you call your father, won t let you 
 rest m your towns in peace, but constantly threaten to 
 cut you off. How comes this? Are you not a free and 
 independent people? Have you not a right to live where 
 you please on your own land, and trade with whom you 
 please? Your brethren, the English, always considered 
 you a free nation, and I think the French, who attempt 
 to infringe on your liberties should be opposed by one 
 and all the Indians." To the Twightwees or Miamis he 
 urged that all their tribes ally themselves with the Eng 
 lish and abandon the French. To the Six Nations on the 
 Ohio he showed the necessity of a strong Western con 
 federacy of Indians. To all the Indians he said, "you do 
 wrong to allow the French among you, to permit them to 
 build houses on your land. It makes it dangerous for 
 English traders and will in time force you to pay more 
 for your goods." 
 
 When the Indians replied they first spoke to Joncaire 
 m open council, saying, "How comes it that you have 
 broke the general peace? Is it not three years since you 
 as well as our brothers, the English, told us that there 
 was a peace between the English and French, and how 
 comes it that you have taken our brothers as prisoners 
 on our lands ? Is it not our land [stamping on the ground 
 and putting his finger to Joncaire s nose] ? What right 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 253 
 
 has Onontlo to our lands ? I desire that you may go home 
 directly off our lands and tell Onontio to send us word 
 immediately what was his reason for using our brothers 
 so, or what he means by such proceedings, that we may 
 know what to do, for I can assure Onontio that we, the 
 Six Nations, will not take such usage. You hear what I 
 say, and that is the sentiment of all our nations; tell it to 
 Onontio that that is what the Six Nations said to you." 1 
 The Indians all appeared duly thankful for their pres 
 ent, but declined the Virginia invitation sent by Christo 
 pher Gist to go and receive the King s present offered by 
 that Colony. According to George Croghan s report all 
 the Indians on the Ohio united with the Six Nations of 
 the West in making the following reply to Croghan s 
 complaint about the treatment of English traders. 
 
 "Brother ; as to what you mention of the traders being 
 taken by the French, we your brethren of the Six Nations 
 have a true sense of the ill usage you have received from 
 the French, and wq can assure you we will take a method 
 to oblige the French to make satisfaction. Brother, we 
 have discharged the French from amongst us, and told 
 them that they should not build upon our land. Now, 
 brothers, we have been considering what the French mean 
 by their behavior, and believe they want to cheat us out of 
 our country, but we will stop them, and brother, you 
 must help us. We expect that you, our brother, will 
 build a strong house on the River Ohio, that if we should 
 be obliged to engage in a war that we should have a place 
 to secure our wives and children, likewise to secure our 
 brothers who come to trade with us, for without our 
 brothers supply us with goods we cannot live." The 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 53^ 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 538. 
 
254 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Indians said they would take two months to select a site 
 for a fort and then they would expect the Governor of 
 Pennsylvania to order such a house to be built. 
 
 When Governor Hamilton laid this matter before the 
 Assembly, that body consulted Conrad Weiser and 
 Andrew Montour, and were informed that George Cro- 
 ghan either misunderstood or misinformed the Governor.* 
 The Assembly advised Hamilton of this and said further, 
 "We have seriously considered the offer made by our Pro 
 prietors of contributing toward building such a house, 
 [meaning the fort,] but as we have always found that 
 sincere, upright dealing with the Indians, a friendly 
 treatment of them on all occasions, and particularly in 
 relieving their necessities at proper times by suitable pres 
 ents have been the best means of securing their friendship, 
 w r e could wish our Proprietaries had rather seen fit to join 
 with us in the expense of these presents, the effects of 
 which have at all times so manifestly advanced their inter 
 est with the security of our frontier settlements. " This 
 became the policy of the Pennsylvania Assembly, so far 
 as taking the initiative in possessing the Ohio Valley was 
 concerned. The Governor complained loudly to the 
 other Provinces and the Proprietaries, but to no purpose. 
 From this time on it becomes more and more evident 
 that either New York or Virginia will have to come to 
 the front if the French are to be excluded from the dis 
 puted territory. Farly in 1750 the Governors of Vir 
 ginia, Pennsylvania and New York suggested a union 
 of Colonies so far as Indian affairs were concerned. Noth 
 ing came of these suggestions save a general polite agree 
 ment on the part of all the Governors that such a union 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 547. 
 Pcnna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 574. 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 255 
 
 would be desirable, but no one seemed inclined to make 
 the first move. The necessities of such a union pressed 
 hardest upon New York. Governor Clinton wrote to 
 Governor Hamilton, in December, 1750, and emphasized 
 the impossibility of any one Colony being able, financially, 
 to cope with the French, by keeping the Indians in the 
 English interests. A union of Colonies, he said, would 
 inspire the Indians, and remove their fear of the French, 
 who were threatening them from all sides, Clinton then 
 invited all the English Governors to attend an Indian con 
 ference to be held at Albany in 1751. Here he suggested 
 that they might agree upon a report to be sent to the 
 Crown upon Indian affairs. Clinton then called attention 
 to the terrible suffering which must ensue on the border 
 if the Indians were won over by the French. Many of 
 the Colonies paid no attention whatever to Clinton s invi 
 tation. Governor Hamilton entered into the plan with 
 his usual vigor, and arrangements were made to send 
 Conrad Weiser to Albany, in 1751. It was the general 
 opinion that this would be an exceedingly important con 
 ference, Weiser himself must have thought so when he 
 declined going to Logstown, lest he might not be able to 
 return in time to go to Albany. 
 
 The Pennsylvania Assembly distinctly recalled the 
 experiences during King George s war, and looked with 
 suspicion upon all efforts toward union, especially those 
 emanating in New York and New England. The Assem 
 bly sent word to Governor Hamilton that they did not 
 consider it necessary for them to take part in the. intended 
 treaty at Albany. But advised him to send Conrad 
 Weiser with a small present, and a message of condolence 
 for the death of Canassatego, and if Conrad Weiser 
 should learn that anything more was necessary the Assem- 
 
256 CONRAD WETSER. 
 
 bly would "cheerfully concur in doing what may be most 
 conductive to the peace and tranquility of the Province."* 
 As a result the importance of the Albany Conference was 
 materially diminished. Weiser alone must represent his 
 Province, and the conference upon a union of Colonies 
 was deferred. New York rapidly absorbed the manage 
 ment of the Six Nation Indian affairs, which fact Weiser 
 fully realized when he reached Albany, June 27th, 1751. 
 
 During the first eight days after his arrival the Indians 
 came and went almost constantly from his headquarters. 
 Weiser then called on Governor Clinton to deliver his 
 message. "I had not the honor to see his Excellency/ 
 writes Weiser, "but one Mr. Askew, carried my request 
 to him, who brought back answer, to wit, that his Excel 
 lency must have it in writing in order to lay it before 
 the Council. " 
 
 This was the first time that the Governor of New York 
 had ever interferred with Pennsylvania Indian affairs 
 since Weiser had been conducting them. Whether the 
 
 o 
 
 cause was due to some unwise conduct on Weiser s part 
 during his eight days of Indian receptions, or to the bud 
 ding boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and New 
 York, or to secret jealousy of Col. Johnson is not clear. 
 W 7 eiser informed Governor Clinton that he could not 
 deviate from his instructions, which he immediately fur 
 nished. These were read in Council, where it was deter 
 mined that Weiser should not confer with the Indians 
 until after Governor Clinton had interviewed them. 
 Weiser replied that he had been instructed not to treat 
 with the Indians without Governor Clinton s permission. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 526. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 541. 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 257 
 
 "As for the Indians coming to see me," he said, "I could 
 not lock up my door upon them."" 1 
 
 The year previous Sir William Johnson had thwarted 
 Weiser s Virginia negotiations, and it is quite probable 
 that Governor Clinton s attitude toward Weiser was due 
 to Johnson s subtile influence. One thing, however, is 
 quite certain, New York was beginning to impose limita 
 tions upon Pennsylvania s conferences with the Iroquois. 
 Weiser accomplished little on this mission save to put a 
 few Indian leaders in a temporary good humor, and to 
 arrange for his son "Sammie" to remain and study the 
 Maqua dialects. 
 
 The autumn of 1752 was full of rumors of French 
 invasion. Sir William Johnson reported twelve hundred 
 French soldiers and two hundred Indian allies going to 
 the Ohio to attack the Indians who were in the British 
 interests, "and to stop the Philadelphians building at or 
 near Ohio, or anywhere else." It was also rumored that 
 the French were building a three-masted vessel on one 
 of the Great Lakes, and carrying cannon toward the 
 Indian country. A trader writes that the French were 
 going to make an attack upon the big stone trading house 
 which was in the principal Miami village, where Croghan 
 traded. It is not improbable that Croghan had built this 
 fort on the Wabash at his own expense, and concealed the 
 fact from the authorities of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The French ordered the English to desist from finish 
 ing this stone house, and to leave the country in a peaceful 
 manner. If they refused force was to be used. These things 
 led Governor Clinton to write to the Governor-General of 
 Canada, June I2th, 1751, asking him if the fort which the 
 French had recently erected at Niagara was by his own 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 541. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 order. "Surely, if the treaties of Utrecht and Aix-la- 
 Chapelle be not broken, the existence of this fort must be 
 unknown to you. This was the first message of an Eng 
 lish Governor questioning the right of the French to 
 build forts on the disputed boundary lines. Clinton also 
 apprised the French commander of the fact that the Six 
 English traders (Pennsylvanians) had been captured 
 while trading in a peaceful manner on the Wabash, and 
 carried off as prisoners. These Governor Clinton 
 demanded to be returned, and the damages paid. 
 
 The French general in his reply said : "You claim this 
 land because it is owned by the Iroquois, whom you call 
 your subjects. If this is true, then your claim is good. 
 But it is very well known that the Six Nations are sub 
 ject to no white man. If they sought allegiance any 
 where they would, from natural inclination, prefer the 
 French to the English. Since we were the first people 
 here the Indians call us father. The traders which you 
 claim, we arrested because they were found to be traitors 
 to France. They were found on French soil stirring up 
 the Indians against us, and we could do no more than 
 arrest them. They had been warned to leave the country, 
 but chose to remain and face the consequences." 
 
 The rising power and influence of Andrew Montour 
 at this time reaches such proportions as to seriously 
 embarrass Pennsylvania s management of Indian affairs. 
 During the early part of Conrad Weiser s public life, he 
 and Andrew Montour were the best of friends. Andrew 
 was interpreter for the Delawares, and Conrad for the 
 Iroquois. After the Lancaster treaty of 1744, Andrew- 
 attempts to poison the mind of the Governor of Virginia 
 against Weiser, in order to secure the management of 
 Virginia s Indian affairs. At this time, 1746-48, he 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 
 
 extolls George Croghan and execrates Conrad Weiser. 
 In a letter to Richard Peters, 1747 or 1748, Weiser 
 writes, "I am glad that the Governor of Virginia has seen 
 fit to send Andrew Montour to Onondago. I could have 
 wished that Andrew had come by my house, hut I know 
 very well that his guilty conscience won t admit him. 
 His signing a paper for the Pennsylvania Assembly in 
 favor of George Croghan, and against me, his friend, 
 that is what troubles him. And, perhaps, he wishes me 
 dead, to have the management of Indian affairs all to 
 himself without contradiction. But I am sure his great 
 pride will soon render him odious to the Onondago 
 Council, without he has mended of late. I know he aims 
 of having a piece of ground over the hills, and a good 
 number of settlers on it to pay contributions to him, but 
 how he will bring it about is a mystery to me. Though 
 he may give us some trouble, I think it is best to give 
 him some rope till matters come to a crisis. I don t think 
 it safe to meddle with him until he has run his length."* 
 That which was a mystery to Conrad Weiser was no 
 mystery to Andrew Montour. There was enough white 
 blood in his veins to aid his schemes. He soon won back 
 Weiser s friendship, and secured the Governor s confi 
 dence. He .made himself indispensible to both Pennsyl 
 vania and Virginia in the affairs of the Delaware Indians. 
 He knew how to save and how to invest. Just before the 
 Logstown treaty of 1748, Weiser and Montour had 
 another disagreement. In a letter from Weiser to Peters, 
 elated August 4th, and written from Lancaster, we learn 
 that "Andrew Montour has pitched upon a place in the 
 Proprietor s Manor, at Canataqueany. He expects that 
 
 *Manuscript letters of Conrad Weiser, 1746 or 1747, vol. I. 
 Collections of the Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
260 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the Government shall build him a house there and furnish 
 his family with necessaries. In short I am at a loss what 
 to say to him. I am very much concerned about him. 
 He seems very hard to please. I should think myself 
 happy if I had nothing to do in public affairs and could 
 turn farmer entirely." 
 
 At this time a number of capitalists of Philadelphia 
 and the East were eager to invest in Western land across 
 the Susquehanna River. Weiser and Peters themselves 
 were making extensive purchases there, and when Mon- 
 tour secures the influence of the Assembly and picks out 
 the best piece of land west of the river, Weiser is aston 
 ished. Montour s plantation was in Cumberland County, 
 about ten miles north of Carlisle. In 1752 the Council of 
 Pennsylvania records that Andrew Montour having 
 earnestly and repeatedly applied for permission to live in 
 some plantation over the Blue Hills, in Cumberland 
 County, the Governor declined giving him leave till he 
 should have conferred with Mr. Weiser and Mr. Peters on 
 the subject. In fact ever since the squatters had been 
 driven out of the Juniata Valley, in 1/49, Andrew Mon 
 tour had been petitioning both Governor and Assembly for 
 a commission to live there and keep out all invaders. 
 Weiser s influence upon Secretary Peters had been the 
 restraining force which prevented Montour from accom 
 plishing his purpose. But Andrew bided his time; and 
 became especially active in Ohio negotiations, and in pro 
 portion as the Province recognized his merit and trusted 
 him and Croghan with the distribution of public presents, 
 Andrew became the better able to secure the surrender of 
 Weiser and the commission to guard the Juniata lands. 
 
 The much coveted commission was dated April i8th, 
 1752, and authorized Montour "to go and reside in such 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Of 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 26l 
 
 place over the Kittochtinny Hills, as you shall judge most 
 central and convenient, in order that you may by your 
 personal care and vigilance preserve the lands from being 
 settled as well as warn off all who have presumed to go 
 there, and do whatever is in your power to discourage 
 others from attempting it, letting all know what an offence 
 it is against this Government, and how injurious to the 
 Six Nations." Montour was further required to report 
 all the names of squatters in order that they might be 
 punished.* From this time Andrew grew in wealth, and 
 when he traveled to Philadelphia it was with a retinue 
 of servants clad in regal splendor. 
 
 But back of an Indian s love of display was the keen 
 man of business. Montour soon advised Governor Ham 
 ilton of the great treaty Virginia proposed to hold that 
 summer (1752), at Logstown, with the Ohio Indians, and 
 asked the Governor s advice should Virginia invite him 
 to act as interpreter. 
 
 Hamilton replied without committing himself, but 
 took this occasion to urge all the Ohio Indians to come 
 to Logstown and receive the King s present thankfully, 
 even if it was dispensed by the Virginia people. Hamilton 
 went further and urged the Indians to treat the men of 
 Virginia kindly, if they wished to please Pennsylvania. 
 /\s soon, however, as M ontour and Croghan found that 
 the King s bounty could flow more freely through Vir 
 ginia than Pennsylvania, their zeal was changed from the 
 Keystone to the old Dominion. Weiser s influence on 
 the Ohio was discounted and Pennsylvania came ere long 
 to realize that her Southern rival for Indian trade and 
 land claims was stronger than her Northern one [New 
 York]. For some time Croghan and Montour were suc- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 567. 
 
262 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 cessful in drawing sustenance from both States, but the 
 dawn of Virginia supremacy dates with Montours com 
 mission to reign monarch of the Juniata. 
 
 The application of the Shawanese for help after the 
 French had killed thirty of the Miamis warriors started 
 another train of events which tied the hands of Pennsyl 
 vania and placed Virginia more prominently in the front. 
 The Shawanese in behalf of their injured brethren the 
 Miamis sent by Conrad Weiser, the following message to 
 Governor Hamilton. "It is a great while since you and we, 
 your brothers, were made by one God, that made all 
 things. You gave us books and told us to pray, and we 
 thought we would do so, but in a short time we got into 
 debt, and the traders told us we must pay them, so we 
 quitted praying and fell to hunting, and the God that 
 made us, gave us all the beasts of the field for our food, 
 and water for our drink, and wood for our fire, and threw 
 down fire from Heaven to kindle our wood. Our white 
 brothers setting on the sea-side has obliged us to move 
 back here in search of game. And now we are in fear 
 always. The French are behind us. They are directed 
 by the evil spirit, and not God. They trouble us much. 
 They cheat us with advice. They have killed thirty of 
 our brothers, the Twightwees. We must fight. Will our 
 English brothers help us? We need help." 
 
 Hamilton wrote Croghan that he could do nothing, 
 since the Assembly, which held the purse strings, was 
 averse to any war-like measures. To the Shawanese he 
 professed the warmest kind of friendship and referred 
 them to Virginia for a direct answer to their request. 
 This action of Hamilton s, resulting from his embarrass 
 ment, turned the attention of the Western Indians to Vir 
 ginia as a source of succor. If the Great King beyond 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 263 
 
 the Ocean spoke through Virginia, now, instead of Penn 
 sylvania, they would apply to Virginia first. In writing 
 to Governor Clinton, Hamilton says, "It is a great mortifi 
 cation to me to find myself so embarrassed in that respect 
 by the religious scruples of one branch of our Legislature, 
 that I fear it would not be in my power [whatever neces 
 sity there might be for it] to afford our Indian allies that 
 assistance and protection my own inclination leads me 
 to."* 
 
 The injured Miami Indians retaliated and killed fif 
 teen Frenchmen. This act brought down on their tribe 
 the anger of the French General at Montreal. A large 
 force was at once sent out against these rebellious Indians. 
 The Miamis immediately sent messengers to Virginia 
 and Pennsylvania, begging for aid. The deputy who 
 came to Philadelphia carried a French scalp and five belts 
 of wampum as credentials. He declared that his people 
 were more grieved for the loss of some English traders 
 than for their own men. "We are still loyal to the English 
 interests," he said, "and are willing to die for them, and 
 will never give up to this treatment, although we saw 
 our Great Piankaskaw King taken, killed, and eaten 
 within a hundred yards of the fort before our faces. We 
 now look upon ourselves as lost people, fearing that our 
 brothers will leave us, but before we will be subject to 
 the French, or call them our fathers, we will perish here." 
 
 This appeal supplemented by Andrew Montour s 
 report when he returned from Onondago, set the Assem 
 bly to thinking. Montour had been to Onondago to urge 
 the Six Nations to come to Winchester and hold a treaty 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 575. 
 
 Known to the English traders as "Old Britain," to the French 
 traders as the "Demoiselle." 
 
264 CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 with Virginia. The Iroquois declined the invitation on 
 the plea, the times were too full of danger to permit them 
 to leave their houses. But Montour did learn that the 
 French were raising a large army which was to go -and 
 punish the Miamis and drive all the English traders out 
 of the Ohio Valley. Although the Six Nations had sent 
 a message to Canada sternly forbidding the French from 
 invading their Ohio lands, Montour reported that the 
 Iroquois were thoroughly frightened, and that the strong 
 French party in their midst had sadly divided their coun 
 cils. When the Governor laid these reports before the 
 Assembly, he called attention to the evil results of having 
 French forts within our Province, and an hostile army 
 among the Indians. The Governor of New York had 
 ordered the French from the Niagara River, but his 
 Assembly did little, if anything, for him. That body was 
 bent on securing the expense of Indian affairs from the 
 Crown, and determined that in the future no other Pro 
 vinces should treat with the Six Nations, except at 
 Albany, in the presence of a representative of New York. 
 The Governor of Virginia, on the other hand was deter 
 mined that all Indian negotiations in the future should 
 be held at Winchester, and with the aid of the Ohio Com 
 pany, he had the promise of material assistance from the 
 Crown. 
 
 About the latter part of May, 1753, news came from 
 the Ohio by John Fraser, a trader, that since March, a 
 party of one hundred and fifty French and Indians had 
 been near Lake Erie, building canoes, and making prep 
 arations to receive a large party of French soldiers in the 
 summer, who were expected to bring eight brass cannon 
 and a large quantity of provisions and ammunition. 
 Forts were to be built at the carrying places, and two 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 265 
 
 strong ones were to be located on the Ohio River. All 
 the English traders were to be removed, and if they did 
 not go peaceably they were to be driven off by force. 
 This news excited the Ohio Company in an especial man 
 ner; it appealed at once to Virginia and Pennsylvania 
 for aid and support. It would order the French out of 
 its country, and defend its land with its last drop of 
 blood, if it could count upon aid and support from Vir 
 ginia and Pennsylvania. Virginia backed by the Ohio 
 Company, or most probably the Ohio Company acting 
 through Virginia, promptly sent the Indians word that if 
 the French attempted to settle on the Ohio lands or build 
 any forts, Virginia would supply the Indians with arms 
 and ammunition. 
 
 Governor Hamilton immediately laid these reports 
 before the Pennsylvania Assembly. This much maligned 
 body which had during the past seventy years given to 
 the Indians more gold and presents than any other 
 Colony, and had never spent a dollar in Indian warfare 
 within its borders, now when real danger threatens and an 
 enemy is about to invade the borders of the Province, 
 promptly voted eight hundred pounds to Governor Ham- 
 iton, to be laid out by him and distributed in such man 
 ner as he shall think most suitable to their (the Indians ) 
 present exigencies."* 
 
 This appropriation was voted May 3ist, 1753. For 
 two months Governor Hamilton held the money, and then 
 writing to Governor Dinwiddie, explains his tardy actions 
 as caused by an Assembly which will do nothing towards 
 defending the Province. He acknowledged the reception 
 of the eight hundred pounds, but says: "I cannot allow 
 myself to dispose of it till some application be first made 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 617. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 by the Indians for assistance, and I am well assured of 
 their real friendship and hearty good-will to the Eng 
 lish." 5 A month later the Governor apologizes to the 
 convening Assembly for not having sent a portion of this 
 money as a present of condolence to the Miamis, as the 
 Legislature directed in May. He said there was danger 
 of the present being stolen by the French while being 
 transported. 
 
 This delay of Hamilton s, which has more than once 
 been laid upon the shoulders of a long suffering Assembly, 
 was a source of disappointment to the Indians. Since no 
 reply came from Philadelphia they turned to Virginia 
 who had promised them arms and ammunition. A con 
 vention of Indian deputies was sent to Winchester to 
 arrange for aid and supplies. While there they heard, 
 doubtless through Governor Dinwiddie, that the Penn 
 sylvania Assembly had voted eight hundred pounds to 
 their support. Thereupon these dusky warriors deter 
 mined, although no invitation had been received, to send 
 a portion of their deputies to Carlisle to ascertain if these 
 rumors were true. To meet these Indians, Governor 
 Hamilton sent to Carlisle, Conrad Weiser, Richard Peters, 
 Isaac Norn s, and Benjamin Franklin. 
 
 Before starting, this commission read a letter from 
 John Fraser, a Lancaster County trader, who for some 
 years had maintained a gun shop at Venango. Fraser 
 reported that scarcely any furs had been bought that year 
 because the Indians had not been hunting, but had been 
 living upon French bounty. Fraser s man escaped from 
 the French who attacked this gun shop, and with great 
 difficulty reached home. His associate, John Trotter, was 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 633. 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 267 
 
 captured and carried to a fort which had recently been 
 built on French Creek, soon to be called kk Le Boeuf." 
 
 When the Commissioners reached Carlisle they imme 
 diately applied to George Croghan and Andrew Montour 
 to explain why the Indians had been to Virginia. Mon 
 tour said that the Western Indians had gone to Virginia 
 for the purpose of holding a treaty of peace, and he had 
 urged them to come to Pennsylvania, insisting that the 
 Governor was anxious to see them. 
 
 When the Indians arrived it became necessary to con 
 dole them with presents, since a number of their people 
 had been killed during the summer by the French. No 
 public business could be done with the Indians until their 
 tears were wiped away by a generous gift. The Com 
 missioners had gone to Carlisle without presents. They 
 had Conrad Weiser interview an old Oneida chief and ask 
 him if it were not possible to go through the forms of 
 condolence on the promise to pay when the goods arrived. 
 The chief replied frankly that his people would not pro 
 ceed with any public business while the blood of their 
 tribe remained upon their garments, and nothing would 
 wash it out unless the presents, intended to cover the 
 graves of the departed, were actually spread on the ground 
 before them. 
 
 While all concerned were waiting for the goods to 
 arrive Conrad W r eiser learned from the Indians, that when 
 the message from Pennsylvania arrived in the spring 
 advising them of the threatened invasion of the French, 
 the Indians sent a warning to the invaders who were then 
 at Niagara, forbidding them to come any further west; 
 this notice did not deter the French in the least. The 
 Indians then held a conference at Logstown and sent a 
 second notice to the French, who had recently left Lake 
 
2 CONRAD WETSER. 
 
 Erie and were approaching the head waters of French 
 Creek. In this message the Western Indians said, "Your 
 children on Ohio are alarmed to hear of your coming so 
 far this way. We at first heard that you came to destroy 
 us. Our women left off planting, and our warriors pre 
 pared for war. We have since heard that you came to 
 visit us as friends without design to hurt us, but then we 
 wondered, you came with so strong a body. If you have 
 had any cause of complaint you might have spoken to 
 Onas or Corlear (meaning the Governors of Pennsylvania 
 and New York), and not come to disturb us here. We 
 have a Fire at Logstown, where are the Delawares and 
 Shawanese and Brother Onas ; you might have sent depu 
 ties there and said openly what you came about, if you 
 had thought amiss of the English being there, and we 
 invite you to do it now before you proceed any further." 
 To this notice the French replied as follows: "I find 
 you come to give me an invitation to your Council Fire 
 with a design, as I suppose, to call me to account for com 
 ing here. I must let you know that my heart is good to 
 you ; I mean no hurt to you. I am come by the Great 
 King s command to do you, my children, good. You 
 seem to think I carry my hatchet under my coat; I always 
 carry it openly, not to strike you, but those that oppose 
 me. I cannot come to your Council Fire, nor can I 
 return or stay here. I am so heavy a body that the stream 
 will carry me down, and down I shall go unless you pull 
 off my arm. But this I will tell you, I am commanded to 
 build four strong houses, viz., at Weningo (Venango), 
 Mohongialo Forks (present site of Pittsburg), Logs- 
 town and Beaver Creek, and this Twill do. As to 
 what concerns Onas and Assaragoa (meaning the Gov 
 ernors of Pennsylvania and Virginia), I have spoken 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 269 
 
 to them and let them know they must go off the land, and 
 I shall speak to them again. If they will not hear me it 
 is their own fault. I will take them by the arm and 
 throw them over the hills. All the lands and waters 
 on this side Allegheny Hills are mine, on the other side 
 theirs. This is agreed on between the two Crowns over 
 the waters. I do not like your selling your land to the 
 English, they shall draw you into no more foolish bar 
 gains. I will take care of your lands for you. The Eng 
 lish give you no goods but for land. We give you our 
 goods for nothing." This peculiar form of metaphor so 
 common with the French pioneers had a certain fascina 
 tion for the Red man, who admired a people who knew 
 their own minds, and could speak quickly without con 
 sulting assemblies, or disagreeing among themselves. 
 
 This reply of the French softened the hearts of many 
 of the younger Indians in the conference. The old men, 
 however, saw clearly their course and replied as follows : 
 "You say you cannot come to our Council Fire at Logs- 
 town, we therefore now come to you to know what is your 
 heart. When you tired of Queen Anne s war you plead 
 for peace. You begged to talk with us. You said, We 
 must all eat with one spoon out of this silver bowl, and 
 all drink out of this silver cup. Let us exchange hatchets. 
 Let us bury our hatchets in this bottomless pit hole/ Then 
 \ve consented to make peace, and you made a solemn dec 
 laration, saying, Whoever shall hereafter transgress this 
 peace, let the transgressor be chastised with a rod, even 
 tho it be I, your father. " . . . . "Now, Father," con 
 tinued the Indians, "notwithstanding this solemn declara 
 tion of yours. You have whipped several of your chil 
 dren. You know best why. Of late you have chastised 
 the Twightwees very severely without telling us the 
 
2 7 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 reason, and now you are come with a strong band on our 
 land, and have contrary to your engagement taken up the 
 hatchet without any previous parley. These things are a 
 breach of the peace, they are contrary to your own declara 
 tions. Therefore now I come to forbid you. I will strike 
 over all this land with my rod, let it hurt who it will. I 
 tell you in plain words you must go off this land. You 
 say you have a strong body, a strong neck, and a strong 
 voice, that when you speak all the Indians must hear you. 
 It is true you are a strong body and ours is but weak, yet 
 we are not afraid of you. We forbid you to come any 
 further, turn back to the place from whence you came."* 
 These three warnings were equivalent to a declaration 
 of war. The Indians had sent deputies to Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania to learn what assistance they might expect. 
 Virginia agreed to furnish a suitable quantity of ammu 
 nition, which was to be distributed by Christopher Gist, 
 Andrew Montour and William Trent. The Pennsylvania 
 Commissioners at Carlisle were at a loss what to do. 
 Conrad Weiser was consulted. He took time to gather 
 all possible information from the Indians, and then urged 
 that the entire appropriation recently made by the Assem 
 bly be expended at once. "Only by a generous donation 
 could we expect to hold the friendship of those Indians," 
 he said. Goods were accordingly bought, the forms of 
 the condolence observed and the conference commenced. 
 The Commissioners expressed their friendship for these 
 Indians in the warmest possible terms, and told them of 
 the generous supplies awaiting them. 
 
 The Indians were profuse in their thanks, and 
 expressed their deep affection for the English, and then 
 made the following statement : "The Governor of Vir- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., pp. 667, 668. 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 2/1 
 
 ginia desired leave to build a strong house on the Ohio, 
 which came to the ears of the Governor of Canada, and 
 we suppose this caused him to invade our country. We 
 do not know his intent because he speaks with two 
 tongues. So soon as we know his heart we shall be able 
 to know what to do, and shall speak accordingly to him. 
 We desire that Pennsylvania and Virginia would at pres 
 ent forbear settling on our lands over the Allegheny Hills. 
 We advise you rather to call your people back on this side 
 the Hills lest damage should be done, and you think ill 
 of us." 
 
 In order to keep trade and friendship open with Penn 
 sylvania they advised placing George Croghan and some 
 one else to be chosen by the Governor at Aughwick, to 
 guide and control Indian affairs. They demanded that all 
 traders be withdrawn from the Ohio, because the French 
 looked upon them with envy, and it would be a constant 
 source of trouble. The Indians requested that all trade be 
 restricted to three centres only, the mouth of the Monon- 
 gahela, Logstown, and the mouth of the Kanawha. Here 
 goods could be brought in a public manner, and traders 
 would not then be allowed to go among the Indians in 
 their villages. 
 
 Bitter complaint was made about the unregulated 
 trade in rum. The rum ruins us," they said, "We never 
 understood the trade was to be for whiskey and flour. We 
 desire it may be forbidden and none more sold in the 
 Indian country, but that if the Indians will have any they 
 may go among the inhabitants and deal with them for it. 
 When the whiskey traders come they bring thirty or forty 
 kegs and put them down before us and make us drink, 
 and get all the skins that should go to pay the debts we 
 have contracted for goods bought of the fair traders, and 
 
2/2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 by this means we not only ruin ourselves, but them too. 
 These wicked whiskey sellers when they have once got 
 the Indians in liquor make them sell the very clothes from 
 their backs." 
 
 For all these requests and complaints the Commis 
 sioners expressed profound sympathy, and promised to 
 lay them before the Governor. The Indians went home 
 pleased with their presents and promises. But the traders 
 were not recalled, the rum traffic was not stopped, and the 
 squatters multiplied in the Juniata Valley. 
 
 Governor Dinwiddie in a letter to Hamilton, Septem 
 ber 3rd, 1753, sends his compliments to Conrad Weiser, 
 saying, "I am very sensible of his capacity, and do not 
 doubt of his inclination in serving this Government, or 
 more properly, the English interests." Weiser, who felt 
 that Croghan and Montour were absorbing his Virginia 
 business had asked Governor Hamilton to recom 
 mend him to Governor Dinwiddie. Some time before the 
 Carlisle treaty Weiser was sent to Onondago on important 
 business for both Virginia and Pennsylvania. Governor 
 Dinwiddie was especially anxious to learn the attitude of 
 the Six Nations toward a peace with the southern tribes. 
 When Weiser arrived in Albany he found it necessary to 
 lay a copy of his instructions before Governor Clinton 
 that the Council might consider them. Weiser consulted 
 with several Indians privately at his headquarters before 
 Clinton gave him permission to go on to Onondago. For 
 some reason, most probably the persuasions of Sir Wil 
 liam Johnson, Clinton declared that Weiser had acted in a 
 disrespectful manner, and should not be allowed to go any 
 further among the Indians or in any way deal with them 
 in behalf of either Virginia or Pennsylvania. Weiser 
 called upon the Governor, and begged his pardon, and 
 
ill " 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, THE MESSENGER 
 
WHO SHALL TAKE THE INITIATIVE? 273 
 
 then returned home without accomplishing the purpose 
 for which he had been sent. This action of Clinton s was 
 resented by both Governors Hamilton and Dinwiddie. It 
 weakened the English cause with the Indians, and took 
 out of Conrad Weiser s hand his strongest instrument in 
 Indian affairs, the influence of the Six Nations. 
 
 The Western Indians were largely left to their own 
 resources. They were not as skillful in public affairs as 
 their better trained brothers in New York, and were more 
 easily changed in their minds than the Iroquois. When 
 Conrad Weiser s hands were tied, the colonies lost a coun- 
 cellor and a guide at the most critical moment. Penn 
 sylvania was not, owing to the waning influence of the 
 Proprietors with the Crown, in a position to take as prom 
 inent a part in Indian affairs as either Virginia or New 
 York. The Crown attempted to work through Virginia, 
 and in a measure use New York, instructing them to 
 commit no act of hostility but to hold the Crown s land. 
 Aid was offered Virginia, and she immediately did by 
 messenger what New York had done by letter a year or 
 more before, warn the French to depart from the Ohio 
 lands. The messenger sent was George Washington, a 
 brother of two of the leading members in the Ohio Com 
 pany. Although the Pennsylvania donations made to the 
 Indians at Carlisle included a large quantity of powder 
 and lead, and as much encouragement toward resistance 
 had been given to the Indians as Virginia had furnished, 
 yet the King s action enabled Dinwiddie to take the initia 
 tive and Virginia became what she had for some years 
 hoped to be, the leading English colony in Indian affairs. 
 
274 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 THE OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 
 
 The French fail in their Plans, 1754 The Councils of the Iroquois 
 are divided The Delawares cease to be Women and become Men 
 -Disputes over the Lancaster Land Sales of 1744 The Proprie 
 tors want Land from the Indians, 1754 Commissioners to the 
 Albany Treaty Weiser objects to being Chief Interpreter at 
 
 Albany Weiser complimented on his skill in the Maqua Tongue 
 
 The Indians charge the English with Cowardice The Commis 
 sioners deny these Allegations Weiser defends the Action of 
 Virginia and Pennsylvania Weiser tells of the first Engagement 
 at Fort DuQuesne Conclusions of the Albany Commissioners 
 Preparing the Indians to sell Southwestern Pennsylvania 
 Connecticut Men trying to buy Land in the Wyoming "Valley 
 Weiser employs an Agent to aid him The Governor of New 
 York refuses to have Pennsylvania Land Purchases placed on the 
 Minutes The Indians will sell Land if they will be allowed to 
 remain there The Connecticut Agents make Trouble Weiser 
 forces a Purchase Indians opposed to selling Wyoming Lands 
 Weiser employed to obstruct the Connecticut Purchase The Half- 
 King complains of Washington Weiser wins back the Half-King s 
 good-will The Indians at Aughwick want to hear about the 
 Albany Purchase John Shikellimy resents the Occupation of 
 Wyoming Valley by the Men from Connecticut Hendricks com 
 plains of bad Treatment from New York The Indians prevent 
 Weiser from running the Purchase Line The Effects of the 
 Albany Purchase The Death of the Half-KingReluctance of 
 the Western Indians to make War upon Pennsylvania Ill- 
 treatment of the Indians. 
 
 IHE loss of the Indian alliance, and the savage cruelty 
 which fell upon Pennsylvania, was caused hy a 
 number of circumstances which grew out of jealousies 
 between the Colonies, and difficulties between the Assem 
 blies and their Governors. During the autumn of 1753, 
 the greater part of the French army returned to Canada, 
 complaining that their schemes had all been defeated by 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 2/5 
 
 reason of the Indians remaining true to the English 
 interests.* 
 
 The French spent the winter preparing with renewed 
 vigor to secure an Indian alliance in 1754. During this 
 year Pennsylvania and New York changed governors, a 
 fact which very considerably crippled the management of 
 Indian affairs in those two important colonies. Sir Wil 
 liam Johnson, who was at the head of Indians affairs in 
 New York, was not trusted even by his own governor. 
 Conrad Weiser realized that it was Johnson s jealousy 
 which closed to him the Onondago Council. The French 
 were quick to avail themselves of Johnson s inability and 
 hastened to divide the Councils of the Iroquois. Johnson, 
 in self defence, used the Governor of New York to debar 
 all the English colonies from any intercourse with the Six 
 Nations save through him. Governor Shirley, writing to 
 Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania, says : "I am per 
 suaded that we shall never intrust the care of any of our 
 interests with the commission of Indian affairs at 
 Albany." 
 
 The new Governor in New York wrote to Pennsyl 
 vania just previous to the great treaty of Albany, 1754, 
 saying: "Where I shall find an able interpreter in this 
 country I do not know, nor have I been able to learn ; the 
 one we have is very unequal to the service. I must there 
 fore beg the favor of you to let Mr. Weiser accompany 
 your Commissioners to Albany, that we may have his 
 assistance or else we may be at some difficulty to under 
 stand the Indians or they us."| | 
 
 This opinion of Colonel Johnson was similar to that 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 716. 
 Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 181. 
 ||Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 15. 
 
-76 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 entertained by Conrad Weiser. It was not so well under 
 stood, however, that Colonel Johnson by his inability was 
 the cause of the division among the Six Nations, thus 
 forcing them to lose control over the Western Indians. 
 
 Already the Dela wares were petitioning the Iroquois 
 "that their petticoats might be removed." Since 1742 
 the Six Nations had proclaimed the Delawares to be 
 women, but now with the danger of impending war on all 
 sides, the Delawares insist that they may be made men 
 and allowed to fight like men. The growing disorganiza 
 tion among the Six Nations, and more important the 
 absence of Conrad Weiser from their Council Fires con 
 spired to weaken the Iroquois influence upon the Dela 
 wares. And before the summer of 1755 was over they 
 had declared themselves no longer subjects of the Six 
 Nations, no longer women, but men. When they were 
 women Pennsylvania lived in peace with the Indian, when 
 they became men the tomahawk and scalping knife stained 
 with blood the peaceful soil of the Province. 
 
 The Albany treaty of 1754, by reason of two very 
 singular land purchases made at that time, had a marked 
 influence upon the alienation of the Western Indians. 
 When the Ohio tribes learned that the Six Nations at the 
 Lancaster treaty of 1744 deeded to Virginia land bounded 
 by the setting sun, they remonstrated with their masters 
 for vising such metaphors in fixing a boundary line. The 
 wise men of the Six Nations replied that the setting sun 
 only meant the hills of the Allegheny behind which the 
 sun was lost. Conrad Weiser was appealed to, and this 
 undisputed authority insisted that no land was sold to 
 Virginia in 1744 beyond the summits of the Alleghanies. 
 Nevertheless Virginia pushed her claims out beyond and 
 along the Ohio River. The Delawares protested, and late 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 277 
 
 in 1753, their Shawanese allies, doubtless feeling that 
 their own title to land southeast of the Ohio River was 
 precarious, sent a paper to the Governor of Pennsylvania 
 in which they offered to resign all their right to land east 
 of the Ohio River in liquidation of their debts to the 
 traders. This offer \vas considered by many to be but a 
 mere fabrication of the traders themselves. LewisMon- 
 tour, Andrew s brother, brought this paper and was 
 reported to be a spy in the French interest. The Gov 
 ernor evaded a direct answer to these Indians, but their 
 offer stimulated the appetites of the Proprietors to buy 
 land, and thereby deprive Virginia of any foundation to 
 her claim along the Ohio River. 
 
 The Six Nations had always insisted that these West 
 ern Indians had no right to sell land, that they were 
 merely hunting Indians, living in that region by permis 
 sion. The Proprietors determined then to attend the 
 Albany treaty and see if southwestern Pennsylvania could 
 not be bought. They had two reasons for this : ( i ) To 
 settle the difficulty about the squatters on the Juniata; 
 (2) to hold an Indian deed for land which Virginia might 
 soon claim. Governor Hamilton appointed John Penn, 
 Richard Peters, Isaac Norris and Benjamin Franklin, 
 Commissioners from Pennsylvania to attend the Albany 
 treaty. John Penn and Richard Peters were to represent 
 the Proprietaries in the land purchase, and all four w 7 ere 
 to represent the Province in the treaty, Norris and Frank 
 lin representing the Assembly. 
 
 Conrad Weiser accompanied them as interpreter on 
 condition that he should not be used as the principal inter 
 preter, because from lack of practice he was losing his 
 former fluency, "and/ writes Governor Hamilton, "find 
 ing himself at a loss for proper terms to express himself 
 
278 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 is frequently obliged to make use of circumlocution, which 
 would pique his pride in view of so considerable an aud 
 ience. He says he understands the language perfectly 
 when he hears it spoken, and will at all times attend and 
 use his endeavor that whatever is said by the Indians be 
 truly interpreted to the gentlemen ; and in this respect I 
 really think you may securely rely on his good sense and 
 integrity."* 
 
 That Conrad Weiser should have withdrawn from the 
 position as chief interpreter is a significant fact. To what 
 extent he was losing his fluency in the Maqua tongue is 
 uncertain. It had scarcely been a year since he had been 
 in Albany negotiating with the Mayor of that city and the 
 New York Indian Commissioners for the return of some 
 Pennsylvania traders held as prisoners among the French. 
 While there, in disguise, he served the New York Com 
 missioners as interpreter. "It was thought fit," he writes, 
 "that my name should not be mentioned for fear that the 
 expectations of the Indians would rise too high." The 
 leading Indian in this affair was a woman. "A very intel 
 ligent and noted woman," says Weiser, "the w r ife of a 
 chief." After Weiser had finished his interpreting she 
 "asked me," writes Weiser, "where I lived, because I 
 could talk their language so well. She wondered that I 
 was never heard of. I told her that I lived at Shohary 
 (Schoharie) and traveled up and down among the 
 Indians." It is highly improbable that Weiser s tongue 
 had lost its cunning by July, 1754. Inded, it is more prob 
 able that Weiser was still ruminating over the insults he 
 had received at Albany the previous year, when not only 
 the Governor, but Colonel Johnson desired him not to 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 49. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 644. 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 2/9 
 
 have any dealings with the Indians, and made it impossi 
 ble for him to proceed to Ononclago as directed/ 1 
 Weiser s desire to withdraw from the responsibility was 
 not granted at Albany. 
 
 The Indians at the treaty frequently made charges 
 which the Commissioners could not answer, then Conrad 
 Weiser was called to make the explanation. At one place 
 the Indians were pressed for a reason why they allowed 
 their Councils to be divided, they retorted as follows: 
 "You," [meaning New York,] "have neglected us for 
 these three years past. [Then taking a stick and throwing 
 it behind his back.] You have thus thrown us behind your 
 backs and disregarded us, whereas the French are a sub 
 tile and vigilent people, ever using their utmost endeavors 
 to seduce and bring our people over to them. You ask 
 us if the French have built their forts and invaded our 
 land with our permission. I tell you, no. The Gov 
 ernor of Virginia and the Governor of Canada are both 
 quarreling about lands which belong to us, and such a 
 quarrel as this may end in our destruction. They fight 
 who shall have the land. The Governors of Virginia and 
 Pennsylvania have made paths through our country to 
 trade, and built houses without acquainting us with it. 
 They should first have asked our consent to build there 
 as was done when Oswego was built. For three years 
 past your Council Fires have not burned for us. You 
 have invited us to no treaties at Albany. You have not 
 strengthened your cause by conquest. We would have 
 gone and taken Crown Point, but you hindered us. We 
 had concluded to go and take it, but we were told that it 
 was too late, and that the ice would not bear us. Instead 
 of this you burnt your own fort at Saraghtoga and ran 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. V., p. 646. 
 
280 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 away from it, which was a shame and a scandal to you. 
 Look about your country and see, you have no fortifica 
 tions about you; no, not even this city Look at the 
 
 French, they are men, they are fortifying everywhere. 
 But we are ashamed to say it, you are all like women, 
 bare and open without any fortifications."* 
 
 The Commissioners from the New England States 
 and from New York and Pennsylvania had some diffi 
 culty in agreeing upon a suitable reply to these charges, 
 which were made by Hendricks, the Mohawk, who was 
 a warm friend of Colonel Johnson. It was finally agreed 
 that these allegations should be denied, and then it was 
 to be left to Conrad Weiser to explain these things in his 
 own way. "What you say is a great surprise to us," said 
 the Commissioners, "we know that for five years past, in 
 the face of all the Six Nations, in open daylight the 
 French have been marching troops into that country, 
 which we ever did and do still acknowledge to belong to 
 you, tho within your Father, the King of Great Britain s 
 Dominions, and under his protection. The French pub 
 lished their plans. They drove away the English traders 
 that they did not capture and imprison. Last year they 
 built two forts in that country, and notwithstanding this 
 act we have never heard that either Virginia or Pennsyl 
 vania sent one soldier or built one house for their and 
 your protection till this present year." 
 
 "It is fortunate that Mr. Weiser, who transacts the 
 public business of Virginia and Pennsylvania with your 
 nation, and is one of your Council, and knows this matter 
 well, is now present. Hear the account he gives and that 
 will set this matter in a true light." Weiser spoke as 
 follows : 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 80, 81. 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 28l 
 
 The road to Ohio is no new road, it is an old and 
 frequented road ; the Shawanese and Delawares removed 
 thither above thirty years ago from Pennsylvania, ever 
 since which, that road has been traveled by our traders at 
 their invitation, and always with safety, until within these 
 few years that the French with their usual faithlessness 
 sent armies there, threatened the Indians, and obstructed 
 our trade with them. The Governor of Virginia observ 
 ing these hostilities in time of full peace, sent his Majesty 
 an account of them. The King directed the Governor 
 to hold a conference with the Six Nations at some point 
 near where the troubles were, and also sent a present to 
 the Six Nations. Accordingly, in 1750, I was sent to 
 Onondago by the Governor of Virginia to invite you to 
 come to Fredericksburg to receive the King s present, but 
 you would not come. Thereupon the present was sent 
 the following year to the Ohio Indians, and when the 
 Governor proposed building a fort near the mouth of the 
 Monongahela, the Indians in that region appeared to be 
 well pleased. They sent a belt of wampum to the Onon 
 dago Council for advice, but nothing was ever heard from 
 the belt. Last year the French invaded that country, and 
 the Indians there, your flesh and blood, sent repeated 
 messages to the Governor of Virginia to send his young 
 men to their assistance. The Governor of Virginia being 
 a man of great forethought and prudence hesitated and 
 sent two messages by Andrew Montour to Onondago for 
 your advice how to act. It happened that no Council 
 could be called at either time. The chiefs at Onondago 
 desired Mr. Montour to tell their brother, the Governor 
 of Virginia, to act cautiously, and let the French strike 
 the first blow. The French continued to come nearer, 
 when the Half King in behalf of the Delawares and Sha- 
 
282 CONRAD WEISF.R. 
 
 wanese and of the United Nations at Ohio, was sent to 
 warn them off. In the meantime the chiefs of these 
 nations came to Virginia and Pennsylvania asking us to 
 call back our people and keep them east of the Alleghanies, 
 in order to prevent bloodshed between the French and the 
 English. But when these Indians returned and found 
 that the French had disregarded their warning, had 
 refused to withdraw their people, and had positively 
 declared that they would hold that region even if they 
 were forced to fight the Indians; then these chiefs sent 
 a hurried message to Virginia and Pennsylvania, saying 
 that nothing would be left of them but the ashes of their 
 houses and bones, unless their white brethren immediately 
 sent soldiers to aid them and built a strong house to pro 
 tect them. 
 
 "Moved by this request, the Governor of Virginia sent 
 people to build a house at the mouth of the Monongahela, 
 but before they had finished it the French came down 
 the river with a thousand men pnd eighteen cannon, and 
 told the people who were building it, and were but forty- 
 four in number, that they must either fight or give up 
 possession, which last they were obliged to do on account 
 of the superior force of the French. Brethren, this is 
 the truth which we have thought proper to relate so par 
 ticularly that the prudent and cautious conduct of Vir 
 ginia might be known to the Six Nations. As to Penn 
 sylvania, they have never sent a warrior or built a fort 
 at Ohio."* 
 
 The Six Nation deputies did not see fit to answer 
 Conrad Weiser. They found other things of which to 
 complain. They found themselves between the upper and 
 nether millstones of the French and English, and the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 84, 85. 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH, 283 
 
 grinding commenced when the Six Nations discovered 
 that they were unable to control the Western Indians, 
 who were now throwing off their allegiance to the Iro- 
 quois, and beginning to fight for themselves. The united 
 opinion of the Commissioners at Albany relative to Indian 
 affairs was ( I ) that the French were determined to absorb 
 all the fur trade of North America; (2) that the Colonies 
 being in a divided and disunited state were unable to 
 defeat the measures of the French; (3) that the affairs 
 of the Six Nations, their friendship and alliance, had been 
 sadly neglected, and great injury done by private enter 
 prise seeking to absorb trade and acquire land; (4) that 
 the unrestrained traffic in rum had caused a great amount 
 of trouble. As a remedy the Commissioners recom 
 mended that in the future no private purchases of land be 
 legal, that all trade be regulated, that forts be built, and 
 war vessels provided for the lakes. Before the cumber 
 some machinery of excessive localism in government 
 affairs could get these suggestions into operation, the 
 Indians were with the French and actual war was in pro 
 gress. 
 
 During the latter part of the sessions at Albany efforts 
 were made to secure a tract of land in Pennsylvania from 
 the Six Nations. Since the Shawanese offer of 1753, 
 the Proprietors realized that such a purchase might be 
 possible. The increase of squatters on the Juniata, and 
 the inability of the Governor to remove them, made it 
 imperative that something be done. The entire Juniata 
 difficulty grew out of a reluctant and parsimonious Pro 
 prietary policy, which in marked contrast to William 
 Penn s method, bought land only from the Indians under 
 strong pressure and after it had actually been settled. 
 Now the portentious threats of war brought the Proprie- 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 tors into a condition of willingness to buy land. Early 
 in the spring of 1754, Governor Hamilton, by the advice 
 of Conrad Weiser, sent John Shikellimy to the Councils 
 of the Six Nations to put them into the humor of selling 
 their claim upon southwestern Pennsylvania. How suc 
 cessful John Shikellimy was we are not told, but when 
 the Commissioners reached Albany they found the Indians 
 exceedingly adverse to selling any land in Pennsylvania. 
 The process of preparing the Six Nation chiefs for such 
 a transaction was put into Conrad Weiser s hands. The 
 old interpreter found a surprisingly complicated condi 
 tion. The affairs of the conference were largely under 
 the direction of the Mohawks, and during all the previous 
 purchases made by Pennsylvania these Indians received 
 no share of the purchase money. Although it was gen 
 erally understood that the Mohawks had no conquest 
 rights to the Susquehanna lands, they were, nevertheless, 
 jealous of what the other nations had received. 
 
 Conrad Weiser further learned, to his dismay, that 
 there were a number of men in Albany, from Connecticut, 
 and they were secretly negotiating with the Mohawks for 
 a large tract of land in Pennsylvania. This was for the 
 Susquehanna Company, and was to include the Wyoming 
 Valley and the east branch of the Susquehanna. It 
 appears that the sober judgment of the Six Nations was 
 emphatically against selling any more land on the Sus 
 quehanna. The Connecticut agents, however, had a 
 strong influence with the Mohawks, and while they could 
 not buy the Wyoming lands they could prevent Weiser 
 from accomplishing his purpose. 
 
 About this time John Shikellimy arrived in Albany 
 and brought with him Gagradoda, a Cayuga chief, who 
 had aided in persuading the Cayugas and Oneidas into a 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 285 
 
 willingness to sell. Weiser took Gagradoda to his lodg 
 ings, where, for a liberal reward, he engaged him to serve 
 as a private councellor and to direct what measures should 
 be taken to secure the cooperation of the Indians. This 
 kind of lobbying had grown to be quite common among 
 the Six Nations. After a few days spent in sounding the 
 opinions of the most influential Indians, Gagradoda 
 reported to Weiser that all the nations except the Oneidas 
 were quite favorable to selling all southwestern Penn 
 sylvania. The objecting nation insisted that the affair 
 should be. deferred until the arrival of the Mohawks. 
 This movement put the control of the affair into the hands 
 of Hendricks, who persuaded the Indians not to sell 
 further west than the sources of the streams which 
 emptied into the west branch of the Susquehanna. One 
 day during the public treaty Hendricks held up two belts 
 of wampum, saying that they had been sent by the Pro 
 prietaries of Pennsylvania for the purchase of a large 
 tract in southwestern Pennsylvania. 
 
 The Governor of New York immediately wished to 
 know how far north this purchase was intended to 
 extend. He was told that it would include all the west 
 branch of the Susquehanna, none of which was further 
 north than forty-one degrees and thirty minutes. Gov 
 ernor DeLancy then replied that since this matter con 
 cerned only Pennsylvania it might be transacted in private 
 and no record thereof should appear upon the minutes 
 of the conference. The Pennsylvania commission insisted 
 that all their land purchases had ever been conducted in 
 the most public manner, and they desired that this one 
 might be recorded. In this they were overruled by the 
 joint Commission, and it was decided that the clerk should 
 take w- notice on the minutes of what Hendricks had said. 
 
286 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 This ruling of the joint Commission threw all land nego 
 tiations out of the general conference and made them 
 private, thus aiding the plans of the Connecticut agents 
 and sowing the seeds of distrust and suspicion among the 
 Indians. 
 
 The next day in private conference the Pennsylvania 
 commission offered four hundred pounds for all south 
 western Pennsylvania. The Indians withdrew and 
 formed a circle in one end of the room where they spent 
 more than an hour in private consultation. They grew 
 "very warm and earnest in their debates, and seemed to 
 differ much in opinion. Hendricks spoke a great deal and 
 turning around observed Mr, Weiser near them and 
 desired him to withdraw, which he did, and after some 
 little time they sent for him and took him into their coun 
 cils, and asked his opinion on divers matters." The 
 Indians then returned to their seats, when Hendricks 
 spoke as follows: "We have several times desired the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania to remove his people from our 
 lands, and we understand that he has done his utmost- 
 endeavors for that purpose except using force, which we 
 do not desire he should. We are now, "therefore, willing 
 to part with them, and expect to be paid for them. Brother 
 Onas, what we are now going to say is a matter of great 
 moment, which we desire you to remember as long as the 
 sun and moon lasts. We are willing to sell you this large 
 tract of land for your people to live upon, but we desire 
 that it may be considered as a part of our agreement that 
 when we are all dead and gone your grandchildren may 
 not say to our grandchildren that your forefathers sold 
 the land to our forefathers, and therefore begone off of 
 them. This is wrong. Let us be all as brothers as well 
 after as before of giving you deeds for land. After we 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 287 
 
 have sold our land, we in a little time have nothing to 
 show for it, but it is not so with you, your grandchildren 
 will get something for it as long as the world stands. Our 
 grandchildren will have no advantage from it. They will 
 say, we are fools for selling so much land for so small a 
 matter, and curse us. Therefore, let it he a part of the 
 present agreement that we shall treat one another as 
 brethren to the latest generation, even after we shall not 
 have left a foot of land."* 
 
 This was an effort on the part of the Indians to get a 
 reservation in the deed similar to the one the Delawares 
 had in the Walking Purchase, to the effect that owning 
 the land would not be sufficient reason for driving the 
 Indians away. And it was therefore thoroughly under 
 stood by all the Indians that while the Albany purchase 
 gave the white man permission to settle on those lands 
 it in no manner was understood to mean the removal of 
 the Indians so long as they desired to remain. 
 
 During the afternoon of the same day on which Hen- 
 dricks made the above proposals, Conrad Weiser reported 
 that the Indians were having a heated discussion among 
 themselves. Their sentiments were poisoned, and he 
 believed it was clone by Mr. Woodbridge and Mr. Lydius, 
 the men who were negotiating the purchase for the Sus- 
 quehanna Company. Weiser was ordered by the Com 
 mission not to yield, but to leave the Indians to them 
 selves. In the evening the Indians offered to sell all the 
 land east of the Alleghanies and south of the west branch 
 of the Susquehanna River, and no more. 
 
 Weiser told them that this was a plain confirmation 
 of the rumor that the Six Nations were secretly in league 
 with the French, and intended to sell them the land west 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 115, 116. 
 
288 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 of the mountains. Weiser knew thoroughly well that 
 Hendricks and the Mohawks had no conquest rights to 
 western Pennsylvania. He knew that the proposed pur 
 chase was Cayuga and Oneida land. Therefore he told 
 Hendricks that the Pennsylvania Commissioners were 
 highly incensed at this last offer, and would have nothing 
 whatever to do with the land, especially since it was very 
 evident that the Indians were entertaining some dark and 
 hidden projects injurious to Pennsylvania. When Hen 
 dricks, who it is supposed was anxious to negotiate the 
 Connecticut sale, realized that he could not limit the 
 Oneidas to the Alleghanies, he went before the Indians 
 and in "a pathetic speech" recounted the ancient friend 
 ship of the sons of Onas and their constant generosity to 
 the Red man. This removed the frowns from the Indian 
 faces. Weiser was called in and the boundaries were 
 fixed. A line was to be run westward from the mouth of 
 Kayarondinagh Creek, now Perm s Creek, which was four 
 or five miles south of the mouth of the west branch of the 
 Susquehanna River. The Indians were desirous of sell 
 ing all the land drained by the Juniata, but none drained 
 by the west branch of the Susquehanna. With Lewis 
 Evans map spread before them the Indians were shown 
 the possibility of the Juniata being at some points further 
 north than the mouth of Perm s Creek. Hence the Indians 
 consented to have the line run to the northwest, so as to 
 clear all the Juniata lands even if they extended to the 
 Lake Erie. For this tract the Proprietors paid 
 four hundred pounds in coin. The Indians then spoke to 
 the Pennsylvania Commissioners, saying : "The north 
 line shall go to the north of w r est as far as your Province 
 extends, let it reach beyond the Ohio and to Lake Erie, 
 wherever it will. This will convince the world and you 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 289 
 
 that we have no connection with Onontio [Governor of 
 Canada], since these lands from this time will belong by 
 our title to King George and to Onas. Make out your 
 deed and do not be long about it. 
 
 "As to Wyoming and Shamokin and the land contig 
 uous thereto on Susquehanna, we reserve them for our 
 hunting ground, and for the residence of such, as at this 
 time of war shall remove from among the French and 
 choose to live there, and we have appointed John Shikel- 
 limy to take care of them. He is our representative and 
 agent there, and has our orders not to suffer either Onas 
 people nor the New Engenders to settle any of those 
 lands, and if any shall presume to do it, we have directed 
 him to complain to Onas, whether it shall be his own 
 people or from other Provinces, and to insist on their 
 being turned off, and if he shall fail in this application 
 we will come ourselves and turn them off. Nobody shall 
 have this land. Get your deed ready as fast as you can. " 
 Upon the basis of these opinions the Pennsylvania 
 Proprietaries employed Conrad Weiser to use every effort 
 to prevent the Mohawk Indians from selling Susquehanna 
 land to the Connecticut agents. Weiser then went to 
 Mr. Woodbridge, the schoolmaster of Stockbridge, and 
 showed him the Indian deeds and titles held for land by 
 the Proprietors. Woodbridge said that he was perfectly 
 satisfied, and would, in behalf of Connecticut, cause no 
 further trouble. Lyclius, however, made no such prom 
 ises, and before the Indians had all returned home from 
 this treaty, the Connecticut agents held Mohawk deeds 
 for the eastern part of the Wyoming Valley and the east 
 branch of the Susquehanna River. 
 
 In the meantime events were transpiring on the Ohio, 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 119. 
 
2 9 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 which caused the Albany land purchases to seriously 
 embarrass the Governor s policy towards the Western 
 Indians. In May, 1754, the Half King, still faithful to 
 the English, sent word to Washington of the location of 
 Jumonville, the French captain, who was supposed to be 
 coming from Fort DuQuesne to attack Washington. 
 During the previous winter the Half King s loyalty was 
 severely strained by the treatment he received while acting 
 as guide for Washington and Gist to Venango. This, 
 however, the old Indian overlooked. But when the attack 
 upon Jumonville was planned, one Davison, who was 
 present says, "Washington and the Half King differed 
 much in judgment, and on the Colonel s refusing to take 
 his advice the English and the Indians separated. After 
 which the Indians discovered the French in an hollow and 
 hid themselves, lying on their bellies behind a hill ; after 
 wards they discovered Colonel Washington on the oppo 
 site side of the hollow in the gray of the morning, and 
 when the English fired, which they did in great confusion, 
 the Indians came out of their cover and closed with the 
 French and killed them with their tomahawks, on which 
 the French surrendered."* 
 
 Virginia speaking of this action said that Washington 
 fired the first gun. The French called it a massacre, 
 declaring that Jumonville was sent out from Fort 
 DuQuesne with a message. The Indians insisted that 
 Jumonville was killed and scalped by one of their number. 
 Whatever the facts were in the case it is at least certain 
 that the Indians secured a number of French scalps, which 
 they sent with some belts of black wampum to the more 
 Western Indians who were wavering and uncertain where 
 to throw their alliance. Previous to the attack upon Fort 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 195. 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE TRENCH. 29! 
 
 Necessity the Indians of that section were all loyal to the 
 English. The growing coolness between Washington 
 and the Half King, caused the latter just previous to the 
 fight at Fort Necessity to withhold his assistance, and 
 allow Washington to manage it in his own way. The 
 defeat so stung the Virginians that they charged the 
 friendly Indians with treachery, saying that they had in 
 secret aided the French. These charges angered the Half 
 King anil his men. In August the old chief came to 
 John Harris Ferry to meet Conrad Weiser and accom 
 pany him to Aughwick. On the way the Half King 
 "complained very much," writes Weiser, "of the behavior 
 of Colonel Washington, (tho in a very moderate way, 
 saying the Colonel was a good-natured man, but had no 
 experience), that he took upon him to command the 
 Indians as his slaves, and would have them every day 
 upon the Out Scout and attack the Enemy by themselves, 
 and that he would by no means take advice from the 
 Indians, that he lay at one place from one full moon to 
 another and made no fortifications at all, but that little 
 thing upon the meadow, where he thought the French 
 would come up to him in open field ; that had he taken 
 the Half King s advice and made such fortifications as the 
 Half King advised him to make, he would certainly have 
 beat the French off; that the French had acted as great 
 cowards and the English as fools in that engagement; 
 that he (the Half King) had carried off his wife and chil 
 dren, so did other Indians before the battle begun, because 
 Colonel Washington would never listen to them, but was 
 always driving them on to fight by his directions."* 
 
 This alienation of the Indians was only temporary. 
 At heart the Half King was in sympathy with the Eng- 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 151, IS 2 - 
 
2Q 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 lish, and at the Aughwick Conference, held in August 
 and September, 1754, Conrad Weiser, with the assistance 
 of the Pennsylvania presents won the old warrior and his 
 people back to the English cause. Beaver, a Delaware 
 chief, in speaking to the deputies of the Six Nations at 
 Aughwick, said : "Uncle I still remember the time when 
 you first conquered us, and made women of us, and told 
 us that you took us under your protection, and that we 
 must not meddle with wars, but stay in the house and 
 mind council affairs. We have hitherto followed your 
 directions and lived very easy under your protection, and 
 no high wind did blow to make us uneasy ; but now things 
 seem to take another turn, and a high wind is rising. We 
 desire you, therefore, Uncle, to have your eyes open and 
 be watchful over us, your cousins, as you have always 
 been heretofore." 
 
 Then turning to Conrad Weiser, Beaver said: 
 "Brother, .... by your speech just now made to us, you 
 comforted our hearts and removed all doubts and jeal 
 ousy. It is what you said to us, like the morning sun. 
 We see how clear your kindness and good will to us and 
 our allies. We will make it known to all. . . . Brother, 
 when William Penn first appeared we looked into his face 
 and judged him to be our brother. ... we then erected 
 an everlasting friendship with William Penn and his 
 people, which we on our side, as well as you, have 
 observed as much as possible to this day. We always 
 looked upon you to be one flesh and blood with us. We 
 desire you will look upon us in the same light, and let that 
 treaty of friendship made by our forefathers on both sides 
 subsist and be in force from generation to generation; 
 both our lives, our wives and children s lives, and those 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 293 
 
 as yet unborn, depend upon it. Pray, brother, consider 
 well what we say and let it be so."* 
 
 At this conference Weiser learned that the Shawanese 
 and Delaware tribes had formed an alliance, and that 
 the French had offered them presents to join them or 
 remain neutral. The Indians made no reply, but immedi 
 ately sent their deputies to Aughwick, for the purpose, 
 as Weiser thought, of learning the attitude of the English 
 and renewing their bond of friendship. In this confer 
 ence Weiser succeeded in thoroughly securing the good 
 will and alliance of those Western Indians. At the close 
 of the treaty the Indians pressed him to tell what hap 
 pened at Albany. He accordingly told them all about 
 the purchase. "They seemed not to be very well pleased," 
 writes Weiser, "because the Six Nations had sold such a 
 large tract." When, however, Weiser explained that it 
 was done to frustrate the land schemes of the Connecticut 
 men on the Susquehanna and the French on the Ohio, 
 they appeared satisfied. The Indians did not then know 
 that the purchase included the most of the west branch 
 of the Susquehanna. For the time being they were con 
 tent. With a child-like simplicity they were pleased that 
 the new Governor, Robert Hunter Morris, should have 
 come to Aughwick to see them. They were pleased with 
 his speech, which Conrad Weiser had carefully pre 
 pared^ They went back to Ohio, into danger and 
 temptation to learn from the lips of the French that their 
 cherished hunting grounds on the west branch of the Sus 
 quehanna had all been sold. 
 
 In the meantime John Shikellimy reported that the 
 Connecticut men were settling on the east branch of the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 155, 156. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 158. 
 
2 94 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Susquehanna. Weiser declared that the Indians would 
 go to war if these men were not removed. He suggested 
 that Hendricks, the Mohawk chief, be invited to Phila 
 delphia, and measures be taken to invalidate the Connec 
 ticut deed. "If Hendricks should not come, then," said 
 Weiser, "that would be evidence that he was a party to 
 this secret business." But Hendricks did come in January, 
 1755. He acknowledged that the deed had been obtained 
 by fraud. Indians are always slow to censure their own 
 people. Yet Hendricks acknowledged that Lydius was 
 the agent, who, in a secret manner, by getting the Indians 
 intoxicated, obtained the deed from persons acting in a 
 private and not in a public capacity. Hendricks was 
 inclined to say very little on the subject. It would be 
 wrong to destroy the deed, he said, but if the Governor, 
 of Pennsylvania would kindle a Council Fire at Albany, 
 and invite there two deputies from each of the Six 
 Nations, then it might be possible to oblige the Govern 
 ment of Connecticut to give up the deed. It is not within 
 the province of this work to examine the voluminous dis 
 cussion between Pennsylvania and Connecticut upon the 
 merits of this claim. It is only necessary here to show 
 that the Connecticut purchase on the Susquehanna, and 
 the determination to settle there against the will of the 
 Indians brought down on Pennsylvania the ruthless ven 
 geance of the Red man, and exposed the northeastern part 
 of the Province to their unrestrained fury. 
 
 On other matters Hendricks became very confiding 
 during his visit to Philadelphia. Weiser finally declined to 
 interpret any further, "because," he said, "Hendricks was 
 complaining so vigorously of a sister Colony, that it might 
 be construed as treason to interpret it." Governor Morris 
 authorized the Council to be made public and the com- 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 295 
 
 plaints of Hendricks put upon record. The Mohawk said, 
 "I will hide nothing from you. The Six Nations are 
 divided. The French party is larger than the English 
 party. Onontio, [Governor of Canada,] has found a way 
 to divide our people. He gives large rewards. He 
 builds strong houses wherever the situation is advantage 
 ous, and it can serve either to curb us or to intercept you 
 
 in your commerce with us He gives fine clothes. 
 
 He employs artful men who live as Indians ; whereas you 
 are weak. You build no strong houses. You send per 
 sons only to trade amongst us, who consult their own 
 interest and often impose on us. ... We are Mohawks 
 and boast that we are on the English side, and therefore 
 have a right to speak things, tho they may be disagree 
 able to you. We mean it well, however, and now shall 
 take the freedom to tell you an affair that will always do 
 hurt to the English till it be remedied The Govern 
 ment of New York does not use us well, unless they can 
 be brought to make us satisfaction we can never be as 
 good friends as we were formerly. They have taken our 
 lands from us. They carry on a clandestine trade with 
 French Indians. This is disgusting to us and corrupting 
 to our young men."* 
 
 The Governor of Pennsylvania following Weiser s 
 advice condoled with these Indians and promised to lay 
 the matter before the King. But the Indians liked prompt 
 reparation, and when they had been home for some 
 months and heard nothing in reference to a redress of 
 their wrongs, they lost zeal for the English cause, and 
 the French party grew larger among the Iroquois. This 
 division among the Six Nations weakened their control 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 280, 284. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 over their tributary tribes on the Ohio and in the Wyom 
 ing Valley. 
 
 To add to the embarrassments which were continually 
 gathering around the English, the Pennsylvania Proprie 
 tors employed Conrad Weiser in October, 1754, to run 
 the northwest line of the Albany purchase. As soon as 
 the Indians realized that this line must necessarily cross 
 the west branch of the Susquehanna, and that the Six 
 Nations had sold that river basin, they compelled Weiser 
 to stop. "They said, 1 writes Weiser, "that a northwest line 
 was not according to the agreement. They insisted that 
 it had been expressly stipulated by the chiefs of the Six 
 Nations and the Commissioners of Pennsylvania that the 
 line should stand, provided it did not touch the lands on 
 Zinachsa River, (west branch of the Susquehanna), or 
 come near the Big Island, otherways the purchase must 
 only include the land then settled by the white people" 
 (meaning the Juniata and Buffalo Creek settlers). 
 Weiser then stoutly supported the cause of the Indians, 
 saying to Peters, "You know, sir, that the Indians act 
 ually said so, and we took L. Evans map before us 
 and we assured the Indians that that line would never 
 touch the river Zinachsa below the Big Island/ and so 
 the Indians consented, but I saw plain that that course 
 would cross Zinachsa River about Canasorgu. I should 
 be very sorry if their Honors, the Proprietors, should 
 insist upon that line to be run against the Indians mind, 
 but would rather advise to make a line in presence of the 
 Indians or some of them, to take all the settlers aforesaid 
 and give no offence to the Indians. \Ve would find advan 
 tage in the next purchase and save a deal of trouble now." 
 The Indians told Weiser that if this line was run, or if 
 the white people attempted to settle on this land, they 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 2Q7 
 
 would kill their cattle first, and if they persisted, then the 
 white people themselves should he killed.* 
 
 This Albany purchase was a powerful factor in alien 
 ating the Indians. Half of the four hundred pounds 
 purchase money was paid at the time of the contract, the 
 remainder was not to be paid until the settlers had actually 
 crossed the Allegheny Mountains. In 1755 the Indians 
 declared that they would not receive the second instal 
 ment. Hendricks persuaded them to stand by the deed. 
 This was in July, 1755. With Braddock s defeat this 
 entire body of dissatisfied Indians arose to seek vengeance 
 on Pennsylvania soil. Three years of bloodshed and out 
 rage induced the Proprietaries, persuaded by Conrad 
 Weiser, to deed back to the Indians all of the Albany 
 purchase which lay west of the Allegheny Mountains. 
 This was accomplished by Conrad Weiser and Richard 
 Peters in the year 1758. 
 
 After the surrender at Fort Necessity, the Juniata and 
 Ohio Indians were greatly excited. Swarms of them 
 came to Aughwick, and clamored for food. George Cro- 
 ghan petitioned the Governor and the Assembly for an 
 order to feed them. The bills which Croghan had been 
 sending to Philadelphia had grown into uncomfortable 
 dimensions. Suspicion had been afloat that George Cro 
 ghan was not reliable, the Assembly accordingly cut down 
 his bills. Finally when it was hinted that Croghan was 
 secretly in league with the French this prince of traders 
 became disgusted and decided to leave Aughwick. 
 
 The Assembly then approved his accounts and recom 
 mended that the Indians be invited further east where 
 they could be supplied at less expense. While these things 
 
 *Manuscript letters of Conrad Weiser, in collections of the 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society, 
 
298 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 were in a state of uncertainty the Half King who was still 
 loyal to the English, and the only man who could hold 
 together the Ohio Indians, carne with his family to John 
 Harris Ferry, on the Susquehanna. Why he should have 
 been induced to travel so far east when his Councils were 
 so necessary on the Ohio is something of a mystery. On 
 the night of October 4th, he died. John Harris asked the 
 party of about twenty Indians who accompanied him, how 
 they wished the Half King buried. The Indians replied 
 that they looked upon their chief as one of the white 
 people, and that John Harris might bury him, they would 
 not. 
 
 Harris managed the funeral with considerable pomp 
 and display, which seemed to please the Indians very 
 much. The Half King s family remained at Harris for 
 nearly a month at the expense of the Province, Governor 
 Dinwiddie, writing of this circumstance, remarked : "I 
 am very sorry for the death of the Half King." George 
 Croghan said, The Half King s death has been much 
 lamented by all the Indians." Conrad Weiser wrote, "the 
 Half King died about a week ago at Paxton, I suppose 
 by his hard drinking, most* everybody treated him. He 
 brought the sickness upon him that carried him off."* 
 
 Governor Morris, in a letter to the Governor of New 
 York, observed : "I have accounts from Paxton of ye 
 death of ye Half King, a chief of ye Indians, his friends, 
 it seems, attribute his death to French witchcraft, and 
 threaten revenge, but this being only the opinion of an 
 Indian trader is not to be depended on." The Indian 
 trader was John Harris himself, who wrote, "Those 
 
 *Manuscript letters of October 12, 1754, in the collections of the 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
 Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 179. 
 
, OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 2Q9 
 
 Indians that were here blame the French for his death, by 
 bewitching him, as they had a conjurer to inquire into the 
 cause a few days before he died, and it is his opinion, 
 together with his relations, that the French have been the 
 cause of their great man s death, by reason of his striking 
 them lately, for which they seem to threaten immediate 
 revenge, and desired me to let it be known. All Indians 
 that are here are in great trouble, especially his relations. 
 I have sent an account to Conrad Weiser at Shamokin this 
 clay, who, I expect will be down upon notice. I humbly 
 presume that his death is a very great loss, especially at 
 this critical time."" The mystery which hung around 
 the death of the Half King only aggravated the bitterness 
 of the Indians sorrow and resentment. His loss severed 
 the last tie which bound these people to the Government 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 The Indians from that time until Braddock s defeat 
 either remained neutral or secretly went over to the 
 French. When Pennsylvania refused any longer to trust 
 Croghan to distribute supplies among the Indians, Conrad 
 Weiser was sent to do it. Weiser s letter from Augh- 
 wick, September I3th, reveals the beginning of the last 
 influence which alienated the Delawares from the Prov 
 ince. The Indians were very reluctant to take up the 
 hatchet against the white men of Pennsylvania. The 
 traditions of William Penn and his people lay close to 
 their hearts, but starvation and ill treatment drove them 
 to it. "Mr. Croghan must either be trusted," writes 
 Weiser, "to buy and distribute provisions, or the Govern 
 ment must keep a man there Lewis Montour, 
 
 Andrew s brother disturbs them often by bringing strong 
 
 Attack upon Jumonville. 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. II., p. 178. 
 
300 CONRAD WETSER. 
 
 liquor to them. They cannot help buying and drinking 
 it, when it is so near, and Lewis] | sells it very dear to 
 them and pretends that his wife, who is an ugly Indian 
 squaw, does it. He sends to the inhabitants to fetch it 
 for him, and Mr. Croghan can by no means prevent it, 
 because they keep it in the woods about or within a mile 
 from his house, and there the Indians will go (after hav 
 ing notice) and drink away their clothing, and so come 
 back to George Croghan s drunk and naked." 
 
 Weiser was the first man who ever dared to inform 
 the Provincial Government of the treatment the Indians 
 received from the early settlers of Cumberland County. 
 "It is a surprising thing," he writes, "that no means can 
 be found to prevent the inhabitants in Cumberland County 
 from selling strong liquor to the Indians. I am credit 
 ably informed that some of the magistrates of that county 
 sell the most." Weiser told one of these justices that 
 the best thing for the Indians would be for the Governor 
 to discharge him and all others of his kind, and "put 
 in commission those who were not whiskey traders, men 
 who would exercise their authority."* 
 
 While things were in this troubled condition the Gov 
 ernor of Pennsylvania sent Weiser to distribute supplies 
 among the Indians. During the early part of July he 
 distributed two hundred bushels of cornmeal at John 
 Harris Ferry. The Indians were very grateful and beg 
 ged Weiser to lead them to Wills Creek, where they could 
 do scouting for Braddock. At Aughwick Weiser found 
 only women and children, who insisted that if their hus 
 bands and young men were to fight for the English they 
 must be fed. Weiser gave them five hundred weight of 
 
 IJLewis Montour was thought to be a secret agent of the French. 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 149. 
 
OHIO INDIANS GO OVER TO THE FRENCH. 30! 
 
 flour, and appointed two of the Shikellimys to preside 
 there until the pleasure of the Government was learned. 
 Weiser complained again of the white men in that county. 
 "Our people," he says, "are very malicious against the 
 Indians. They curse and damn them to their faces and 
 say, must we feed you, and your husbands fight in the 
 meantime for the French/ "* 
 
 At the time of the writing of this letter Weiser and 
 the people in and around Aughwick were ignorant of 
 Braddock s defeat near Fort DuQuesne. The Indian dis 
 affection had spread over all western Pennsylvania. 
 Weiser met only the families of the Indians who yet 
 remained loyal to the Engish. The unfortunate land pur 
 chases at Albany, the unrestrained traffic in rum, and the 
 neglect and ill treatment shown to the Indians gave the 
 French every advantage. Their dark skinned allies 
 increased every day. The daring blow given by a few 
 French and Indians against Braddock, the destruction 
 of an English army by so few men filled the Indians with 
 amazement and admiration. The hesitating remnant of 
 the Delawares were alienated, and the dogs of war, turned 
 loose upon defenceless Pennsylvania. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 495. 
 
3- CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 WEISER, AND THE PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR 
 
 DEFENSE. 
 
 Dunbar s Retreat disgusts the Indians A Money Bill framed The 
 Governor hesitates and will not sign The Assembly s Position 
 The Governor s Position The Assembly opposes any Amend 
 ments The Germans fear Catholic Treachery The friendly 
 Indians cannot be held The Indians Opinion of General Brad- 
 dock Weiser s Advice The Indian Outbreak The Governor 
 suppresses the News Weiser not drawn into the first political 
 quarrel Thomas Penn s Letter to Weiser Weiser opposed to 
 Quaker Assemblymen The Indians attack John Harris Weiser 
 alarms the Country Weiser organizes the Germans for defence 
 Local Jealousies The Governor approves Weiser s Actions 
 Weiser surrounded with Difficulties Mobs threaten to go to 
 Philadelphia The Proprietors make a Donation The Assembly 
 distrusts the Governor Berks County Politics The Anti- Weiser 
 Faction in Berks County Weiser denies all charges against him 
 Weiser s Accounts difficult to settle The Attack upon the 
 Moravians The Indians plan to attack Conrad Weiser James 
 Hamilton s Suggestions Plans for Defense The Governor com 
 plains of the People War declared against the Delaware Indians 
 James Logan opposed to the Declaration Weiser s Opposition 
 to the Scalp Act Colonel Johnson opposed to the Declaration of 
 War The Friendly Indians turn away from Pennsylvania. 
 
 DURING Braddock s slow and painful march 
 towards Fort DuOuesne, the Western Indians 
 remained in a state of suspense and expectation. When, 
 however, a handful of French and Indians sallied out and 
 defeated the advanced portion of Braddock s army, the 
 Indians were astonished. They became loud in their criti 
 cisms of English inability. When General Dunbar began 
 his inglorious retreat towards Philadelphia, destroying 
 his magazine and his supplies, ignoring the protests of the 
 governors of Pennsylvania, Virginia, New York and 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 303 
 
 Massachusetts, the friendly Indians lost all confidence 
 and there was a general stampede to the French. 
 
 Immediately upon the receipt of this disastrous news 
 in Philadelphia, Governor Morris convened his Council, 
 and the Assembly sent for *onracl Weiser. Unfortu 
 nately the old interpreter was confined to his house with 
 illness, and the Assembly was deprived of his counsels; 
 though he sent his son "Sammie," the Province experi 
 enced a loss. 
 
 The Assembly was, Jiowever, in no uncertain frame 
 of mind. Benjamin Franklin had become a leading figure, 
 one in whom the Friends and the Germans reposed a 
 large measure of confidence. The Assembly promptly 
 framed a money bill and, August ist, 1755, presented it 
 to the Governor for approval. No colony among the 
 thirteen was more prompt and generous in voting money 
 for the King s use than Pennsylvania. This money bill 
 provided that a tax of fifty thousand pounds be laid on all 
 personal property and real estate. 
 
 Before the Governor had decided upon his plan for 
 defence, or solicited any funds from the Assembly this 
 bill was laid before him for his signature. Ever since 
 the death of William Penn there had been a growing 
 desire among the people to have the Proprietary estates 
 taxed the same as any other real estate. The "Walking 
 Purchase" from the Delawares, and the "Albany Pur 
 chase" from the Iroquois had aroused a popular suspicion 
 about the sincerity of the Proprietors in Indian affairs. 
 
 The Assembly had for a number of years insisted that 
 Penn s heirs should share the expense of Indian treaties. 
 Their petitions to this effect received no recognition. Now 
 when it was evident to every one that an Indian war was 
 about to burst upon the Province, the Assembly was deter- 
 
V 
 
 3O4 COXRAD WEISER. 
 
 mined to force the Proprietary estates to bear their share 
 of the expense. 
 
 The Governor on the other hand had explicit instruc 
 tions from the Proprietors to permit no legislation which 
 would in any way jeopardize the Proprietary estates. To 
 permit the local assessors to place values upon the manors 
 and the unseated lands would, wrote Governor Morris 
 to Thomas Penn, be used "without mercy. One very good 
 argument against your being taxed at all is the great 
 expense you are at in administering the Government, espe 
 cially since the Assembly have refused the Governor s 
 salary, which you will be obliged to pay. Since Mr. 
 Franklin has put himself at the head of the Assembly, 
 they have gone greater lengths than ever and have not 
 only discovered" (revealed) "the warmth of their resent 
 ment against your family, but are using every means in 
 their power, even while their country is invaded, to wrest 
 the Government out of your hands, and to take the whole 
 
 power of it into their own The Quakers, indeed, do 
 
 not wish you to part with the Government, because they 
 will have much less power under the Crown, but would 
 willinglythrowasmuch weight as possible into the Assem 
 bly. Franklin has views that they know nothing of, and 
 tho they submit to him in the Assembly, the more sensible 
 part of them are not heartily satisfied with his attachment 
 to them. The truth, I believe, is that he is courting them 
 in order to distress you, and at the same time leading 
 them into measures that will in the end deprive them of 
 any share in the administration."* 
 
 The Governor amended this money bill by excluding 
 the Proprietary estates from taxation. The Assembly 
 very promptly denied the right of any executive to amend 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 739, 740. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 305 
 
 a supply bill ; they insisted that he should either accept or 
 reject it. "The Proprietary instructions/ they said, "are 
 secrets to us, and we may spend much time and much of 
 the public money in preparing and framing bills for sup 
 ply, which after all must from these instructions prove 
 abortive. If we are thus to be driven from bill to bill 
 without one solid reason afforded us, and can raise no 
 money for the King s service, and relief and security of 
 our country till we fortunately hit on the only bill the 
 Governor is allowed to pass, or till we consent to make 
 such as the Governor or Proprietaries direct us to make, 
 we see little use of Assemblies in this particular, and think 
 we might as well leave it to the Governor or Proprietaries 
 to make for us what supply laws they please, and save 
 ourselves and the country the expense and trouble. We 
 are left in the dark to grope around for the right bill. 
 All debates and all reasonings are vain, where Proprie 
 tary instructions, just or unjust, right or wrong, must 
 inviolably be observed. 
 
 "Every citizen is astonished at this conduct of the Pro 
 prietors, who refuse to bear any share of the -increasing 
 expense of Indian affairs, tho they reap such immense 
 advantages by their friendship; but they now, by their 
 lieutenant," (the Governor) "refuse to contribute any 
 part toward resisting an invasion of the King s Colony 
 committed to their care, or to submit their claim of exemp 
 tion to the decision of their sovereign. In fine, we have 
 the most sensible concern for the poor, distressed inhabit 
 ants of the frontiers. We have taken every step in our 
 pow r er consistent with the just rights of the Freemen of 
 Pennsylvania for their relief, and we have reason to 
 believe that in the midst of their distresses they them 
 selves do not wish us to go further. Those zvho would 
 
306 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 give np essential liberty to purchase a little temporary 
 safety deserve neither liberty nor safety."* 
 
 In the midst of this heated discussion between the 
 Governor and the Assembly, an Indian war had broken 
 out all along the frontier. The news of Braddock s defeat 
 and Dunbar s ignominious retreat towards Philadelphia 
 filled the Pennsylvania pioneers with consternation and 
 fear. The woods were full of rumors and the wildest 
 stories. The Germans of Tulpehocken, led by Conrad 
 Weiser and other magistrates, petition the Governor, beg 
 ging that all arms and ammunition be taken away from 
 the Catholics who were settled in that vicinity. The peti 
 tioners were positive that the Catholics were in secret 
 league with the French, and were plotting against the 
 lives of the Germans. The Assembly replied to these 
 petitioners, saying: The House has, this afternoon 
 examined Conrad Weiser and some other gentlemen 
 from Berks County, and we apprehend there is very 
 little foundation for the report." || Indeed, it must be 
 said in this connection that the cool deliberation of the 
 Assembly prevented, more than once, the outbreak of civil 
 religious quarrels which were fomented to the highest 
 pitch during these exciting times. 
 
 By the middle of August the Indians who had fought 
 under Braddock came to Philadelphia, bringing Conrad 
 Weiser with them. They were kindly received and suit 
 able rewards were given them for their fidelity. While 
 these Indians were in Philadelphia, Conrad Weiser used 
 every effort to retain their friendship for the English. 
 Scaroyady, their chief, came to Weiser several times, 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 693, 695. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 503. 
 [[Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 534- 
 
/ , 
 
 sr 
 
 / 
 
 M 
 
 ( 
 
 
 THE INDIANS WHO FOUGHT UNDER BRADDOCK BROUGHT TO 
 PHILADELPHIA BY CONRAD WEISER 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 307 
 
 saying that if the Governor neglected this opportunity to 
 engage these Indians as allies for the English they would 
 all go over to the French. It was impossible, he said, to 
 remain neutral and live in the woods. He claimed to rep 
 resent an extensive influence among the Delawares on the 
 Susquehanna and among the Wyandots in Ohio. The 
 Governor was at a loss to know what to do. Weiser 
 insisted that these Indians should be made allies and given 
 the hatchet against the French and their Indians. Gov 
 ernor Morris wavered and finally sent Weiser and Scar- 
 oyady to the Speaker of the Assembly for a decision in 
 the matter. This action of the Governor s seemed to pro 
 voke the Assembly, which replied that it had no knowl 
 edge of these Indians having been invited to Philadel 
 phia. "It is some surprise to us," wrjte s-; the Speaker, 
 "to find the Indians should have reason to importune him" 
 (the Governor), "or that he should be at any loss to 
 know what he has to impart to them on this- occasion. 
 Our conduct towards the Indians in our alliance has 
 always been candid and free from any subterfuge what 
 ever, so that we do not understand what the Governor 
 would mean by telling us that the matter cannot be now 
 minced, neither with them nor the other nations. And 
 we are likewise at a loss to conceive why they should 
 expect great presents from us who are wholly ignorant of 
 the intention of their coming. The Governor has been 
 pleased to refuse his assent to our bills which had pro 
 vided for Indian and other expenses ; and as our treasury 
 is exhausted by the very heavy charges for the King s 
 service, these Indians are coming among us at a very 
 unfortunate time when it is not in our power to supply 
 them in the manner we are inclined to do; however, we 
 will do all that can reasonably be expected from us, and 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 must leave the rest to be supplied by the Proprietors, 
 whose interest is at least, as much concerned as ours in 
 engaging the affection of the Indians at this time."* 
 
 The Governor was highly incensed at this reply, and 
 declared that both the Proprietors and himself had been 
 treated in a very unbecoming manner. The Indians were 
 given presents to the value of fifty-seven pounds and 
 urged to remain in friendship with the English. The 
 Governor not feeling sure of the support of the Assembly 
 declined to put the hatchet in the hands of these Indians. 
 A feeling of disappointment w^as felt among the Redskins. 
 They expressed their thanks for the presents, saying : "It 
 is now well-known to you how unhappily we have been 
 defeated by the French, near Minongelo," (Braddock s 
 Defeat) "we must let you know that it was the pride and 
 ignorance of that great general that came from England. 
 He is now dead; but he was a bad man when he was 
 alive ; he looked upon us as dogs, and would never hear 
 anything what was said to him. We often endeavored 
 to advise him, and to tell him of the danger he was in 
 with his soldiers; but he never appeared pleased with us, 
 and that was the reason that a great many of our war 
 riors left him and would not be under his command. 
 Brethren, we would advise you not to give up the point, 
 though we have in a manner been chastised from above; 
 but let us unite our strength. You are very numerous, 
 and all the English Governors along the seashore can 
 raise men enough; don t let those that come from over 
 the great seas be concerned any more; they are unfit to 
 fight in the woods. Let us go ourselves, we that came 
 out of the ground, we may be assured to conquer the 
 French. The Delawares and the Nanticokes have told 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 536, 537. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 309 
 
 me that the French never asked them to go on the late 
 expedition against Braddock, one word of yours will 
 bring the Delawares to join you." 
 
 The Governor was at a loss to know how to reply. 
 He could not afford to take the Delawares into an alliance. 
 The King of England not having declared war he did not 
 feel at liberty to give them the hatchet. As usual when 
 seriously embarrassed the Governor consulted Conrad 
 Weiser. For over forty years the old interpreter had been 
 a man of action. Right or wrong he was always ready 
 with a clear cut purpose. He advised the Governor to 
 give a general answer, to thank the Indians for their 
 advice, to solicit their lasting friendship, and to beg them 
 to wait until the decision of the Six Nations could be 
 learned. 
 
 The Indians then returned to their people, and Conrad 
 Weiser was sent to Harris Ferry, where in the early part 
 of September, 1755, he distributed a wagon load of flour 
 and many other necessaries among the Indians. Scar- 
 oyady s wife, one of the recipients of this generosity, 
 told Weiser how she had aroused her brothers to go to 
 Ohio and bring her a number of French scalps in revenge 
 for Braddock s death. When "The Belt," a chief of con 
 siderable importance, realized that Weiser was displeased 
 with this act of Indian loyalty to the English, he said, "I 
 must let you know that the Six Nations have told the 
 Delawares to lay aside their pettycoats, to take up the 
 hatchet against the French and become men." To what 
 extent "The Belt s" information was correct is not known. 
 The Six Nations were divided. The majority were with 
 the French. Weiser had scarcely returned from his expe 
 dition of distributing supplies until the wild war-whoop 
 of the Indians was heard along the Blue Ridge from 
 
3 T CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Maryland to Easton. The first attack was on Patterson s 
 Creek, in Maryland, where forty white people were 
 reported to have been killed. The Indians destroy all 
 before them," wrote Trent, the trader. -Firing houses, 
 barns, stackyards and everything that will burn/ Cro- 
 ghan reported one hundred and sixty Indians in the passes 
 of the Alleghanies. A friendly Indian had advised 
 Croghan to fly because the French had a large reward 
 on his scalp. Croghan writes to Charles Swain, at Ship- 
 pensburg. "I feared it would come to this, for I see all 
 our great Directors of Indian affairs are very short 
 sighted, and glad I am that I have no hand in Indian 
 affairs at this critical time, when no fault can be thrown 
 on my shoulders. 
 
 The first attack within the present limits of Pennsyl 
 vania occurred on Pcmrs Creek on the west side of the 
 Susquehanna River on territory which the Indians claimed 
 had been fraudulently purchased at Albany a year before. 
 The report of these outrages, which was promptly dis 
 patched to the Governor, was by that official suppressed. 
 The Governor evidently desired explicit instructions from 
 the Proprietors before he acted, and hesitated to advise 
 the Assembly of the actual state of affairs on the frontier. 
 By this means he forfeited the confidence of the people. 
 Even his private secretary, in a letter to Conrad Weiser, 
 says (October 18, 1755): This is a private letter to 
 tell you that we all blame the Governor very much for 
 not laying before the Assembly all the Indian news. Your 
 letter of the 4th of October, and Croghan s information 
 to Charles Swaine. But as he is determined not to say 
 anything more to the Assembly till he hears from the 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 640, 642. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 3! I 
 
 King s ,* I am put under intolerable difficulties. 
 
 By advice of Mr. Allen I showed the Speaker, in confi 
 dence, George Croghan s letter to Charles Swaine, and 
 likewise your letter of the 4th of October, tis last I did 
 as I told him, to be informed of what - -* and - 
 was come to respecting the Indians, but - -* said I 
 had no orders from the Governor to show to him. This 
 is certainly (?) disagreeable work, but I could not rest 
 until (the) contents of your letter and Swaine s was 
 somehow made known to them, that they may take 
 
 * measures - * out of the Governor - 
 
 for the lives of people are not to be played with, not 
 thrown away because the two parts of the Legislature 
 differ, at least I am determined not to be accessorary to 
 such a step. I moved" (?) [leave it?] "to you whether 
 in this unhappy difference you should not write to the 
 Speaker as well as to the Governor, a least all your news. 
 Pity me dear Conrad and take off from my mind all that 
 you can. Give full accounts, give clear and full advice, 
 say everything you shall judge proper and notwithstand 
 ing public differences make known to both sides all the 
 particulars that are absolutely necessary. 
 
 I am your ft. 
 This is private." R- PETERS. 
 
 During all this heated controversy between the Assem 
 bly, led by Benjamin Franklin, and the Proprietors led 
 by the Governor, Conrad Weiser appears to be the only 
 man holding a public position who did not warmly advo 
 cate one side or the other. He retained not only the con 
 fidence of the Governor and the Assembly, but also of 
 
 *Obliterated- 
 
 In the MS. collections of Conrad Weiser s correspondence. 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 the Proprietors in England. He wrote plainly and witli 
 force to all of them, and was probably an important factor 
 in bringing the Proprietors to something like temporary 
 terms. 
 
 It would be interesting to know what Weiser wrote 
 to Thomas Penn. A fragment of the reply has been 
 found. "It gives me great concern," writes Penn to 
 Conrad Weiser, "that the situation of our country should 
 oblige you to write in the manner you have done to me. 
 The accounts I have received made very deep impressions 
 on me, and tho I and my family have been treated with 
 so much injustice by the Representatives (of) the people, 
 I would willingly undertake any hazards to .... peace 
 and good order among the people in general, but in the 
 
 have given the strictest orders to the Governors 
 
 to treat them" (Indians) "as our own flesh. I have also 
 represented them to every one here as people not only 
 useful, but unless" [except?] "this debauched crew of 
 Shawanoes and Delawares, faithful to their engage 
 ments." Weiser had doubtless written asking that a law 
 be issued forbidding Quakers from holding seats in the 
 Assembly. Thomas Penn replies to this, "It was not 
 thought wright here to exclude Quakers by law from the 
 Assembly, yet as they have been told they will be excluded 
 in case they do not withdraw at the next session." 
 
 Weiser shared with the Governor s party a widespread 
 belief that the Quakers were responsible for the attitude 
 of the Assembly, that they urged the taxation of the Pro 
 prietary estates as a clog to the passing of a supply bill. 
 As the Indian outrages increased the indignation of the 
 people grew warmer. These Delawares were once the 
 
 Fragment in MS. collection of Conrad Wdser s correspondence 
 111 Pennsylvania Historical collections. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 313 
 
 petted friends of the Quakers. Now the land is steeped 
 in blood, and these same Quakers must in some way be 
 the cause of it all. Others placed all censure upon the 
 Proprietors and the Governor; if they would yield the 
 point about taxing the Proprietary estates the frontier 
 could be defended. The people and the Assembly were 
 ready and willing to furnish the money. The Governor 
 alone blocked the way. From certain quarters threats 
 of vengeance went out against the Governor. The 
 Assembly passed another bill November 8, providing 
 for an issue of sixty thousand pounds in "Bills of Credit." 
 A fund to sink the same was to be raised by a tax of six 
 pence to the pound on all real estate, and eighty shillings 
 per head annually for four years. This the Governor 
 amended by making an exception of all Proprietary 
 estates. Then the war between the Legislature and the 
 Executive was renewed with greater vigor. 
 
 In the meantime the Indians were burning and scalp 
 ing on the frontier. The settlements in the "Big and 
 Little Coves" were entirely destroyed. All settlers north 
 and west of the Blue Ridge became targets for Indian 
 wrath. John Harris, while returning from Shamokin, 
 where he went to deliver a message, was attacked by a 
 party of Indians in ambush, and lost over half of his 
 men. The old trader came home and cut loop holes in 
 his house, thus producing the first attempt toward a fort 
 ever made in Eastern Pennsylvania. He immediately 
 wrote to the Governor, urging that a bounty be offered 
 for Indian scalps. When Conrad Weiser heard of this 
 attack, he sent his servants in the night to alarm the neigh 
 borhood. At day-break the people were gathered around 
 his house, a mass of sturdy Germans armed with guns, 
 old swords, pitchforks and axes. Weiser told them of 
 
314 CONRAD WETSER. 
 
 the Indian outrages along the Susquehanna. With one 
 voice the men declared that they would stand by each 
 other if Weiser would be their leader. At two o clock 
 that afternoon, two hundred men, representing two town 
 ships, assembled, each carrying provisions for three days. 
 Weiser volunteered to join them as a private soldier. The 
 men elected him their commander-in-chief. 
 
 Weiser divided them into companies of thirty men 
 each, and allowed them to elect their captains, with three 
 subordinate officers, each of whom was to have charge 
 of ten men. In the meantime he had secretly sent a mes 
 senger some miles or more, after a Lutheran minister, 
 who preached a sermon and offered prayer to this hastily 
 improvised and democratically organized little army. 
 Fifty men were at once detailed to hold the "Swartaro 
 Pass," and W r eiser with the remainder, set out for the 
 Susquehanna River. After marching ten miles that even 
 ing, he found, when he went into camp that his citizens 
 army had received over one hundred recruits. A hurried 
 inspection showed that his men were all well armed except 
 about twenty, who were supplied with axes and pitch 
 forks. With characteristic instinct and practiced fore 
 thought Weiser had, early that morning, ordered from 
 Reading, a supply of powder and lead. This arrived 
 while the inspection was progressing. In writing to Gov 
 ernor Morris, he says, we all "unanimously agreed to die 
 together, and to engage the enemy wherever we should 
 meet with them, never to inquire the number, but fight 
 them, and so obstruct their progress further into the 
 inhabited parts, till others of our brethren should come 
 up and so do the same, and so save the lives of our wives 
 and children."* 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 657. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 315 
 
 Weiser led his men over into Hanover township, Lan 
 caster County, where a consultation was held with Adam 
 Read, Esq. This gentleman reported the attack on John 
 Harris party, which went up the river to bury the dead 
 at Penn s Creek. Just what occurred at this consultation 
 we are not told. It is evident that local jealousies were 
 strong. Weiser merely says : "We had a consultation, and 
 as we did not come up to serve as guards to Paxton 
 people, but to fight the enemy if they were come so far 
 as we first heard, we thought best to return and take care 
 of our own townships." Weiser therefore preserved the 
 organization, but disbanded his men who numbered nearly 
 five hundred. It was his opinion that the friendly Indians 
 had all gone over to the French, and that the enemy were 
 determined to build a fort on the Susquehanna River, 
 probably at Shamokin. He declared that the people in 
 that vicinity were willing to fight. "I had two or three 
 long beards in my command, one a Menonist, who 
 declared he would live and die with his neighbors; he 
 had a gun with him." 
 
 Governor Morris was well pleased with this prompt 
 action of Weiser s, and immediately sent him a colonel s 
 commission, saying, "I have not time to give you any 
 
 instructions, but leave it to your judgment and 
 
 discretion, which I know are great, to do what is most 
 for the safety of the people and service of the Crown. . . . 
 You may, on behalf of this Government, make such offers 
 of rewards to the Indians or others that you employ in 
 this service as you shall judge best, and I will remit you 
 the money or other things you shall agree for as soon as 
 you please."* 
 
 Germans who opposed war. 
 
 *Pennsylvania Colonial Records, voL VI., p. 660. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 This carte blanche of the Governor s led Weiser into 
 interminable difficulties. The trust and responsibility 
 imposed, the continued and ruthless assaults of the 
 Indians, the disorganized condition of the defense, the 
 paralysis of industries caused by such numbers of people 
 being driven from the frontiers, all these things made it 
 imperative that some one should act, and in this Conrad 
 Weiser was prompt and emphatic. He did things in his 
 own way. Supplies were purchased with his own or his 
 son s money, and the items charged to the Province. As 
 long as the war whoop was heard in the mountains there 
 were no complaints. Weiser had at first general control 
 of the forts and defenses between the Susquehanna and 
 Delaware Rivers. He was held responsible for all dis 
 aster. When the Indians stole around the forts and fell 
 upon the inhabitants, Weiser received the censure. When 
 there was a lull in the butcheries, the soldiers, who were 
 not well disciplined, not infrequently committed outrages 
 upon the settlers. Indeed, in some communities the 
 soldiers were as much feared as the Indians. For all these 
 things Conrad Weiser was held accountable. A strong 
 local hatred grew toward him. 
 
 While this was waxing stronger the Assembly had 
 succeeded in bringing down upon the Governor and the 
 Proprietors such a storm of indignation that mobs from 
 Lancaster and Berks counties were only prevented from 
 going to Philadelphia by the earnest appeals of the magis 
 trates. The Governor became thoroughly frightened, and 
 wrote to England for help. He insinuated that if these 
 mobs should come to Philadelphia the Assembly would 
 find some means to poison their minds, and then they 
 would make the Governor the victim of their anger. 
 
 This desperate condition of things brought the Pro- 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 317 
 
 prietors to their senses, and they directed their land agent 
 to donate five thousand pounds from uncollected quit- 
 rents and fees to go towards the expenses of the war. 
 This donation induced the Assembly to yield their long- 
 contested point about taxing proprietary estates. A bill 
 for sixty thousand pounds in bills of credit was then pre 
 sented, and the tax to sink the same was not to apply to 
 the Proprietary estates. While this matter was pending 
 a committee of the Assembly had been distributing mili 
 tary supplies on the frontier without the knowledge or 
 permission of the Governor. 
 
 Now when the sixty thousand pounds was placed at 
 the King s service the Assembly was unwilling to place 
 the disposition of it entirely in the Governor s hands. 
 Accordingly, a Commission was appointed which largely 
 gained control of the finances. Before these Commission 
 ers, complaints were laid against Conrad Weiser s expen 
 ditures, and his conduct as commander-in-chief. There 
 is nothing surprising about this action of some of the 
 Berks County people. Conrad Weiser had never been 
 without bitter enemies, and all they had wanted for many 
 years was a place to strike. 
 
 Next to the Indian war, the Berks County election of 
 1755 was the most exciting thing in that locality. It had 
 been customary for the Freemen to elect two men for 
 sheriff", and leave it to the Governor to select and com 
 mission one of them. Conrad Weiser joined the Gover 
 nor s party and supported Jonas Seely for sheriff. The 
 Assembly s party was strong in Berks County, and Seely 
 they declared was a Governor s man. He belonged to the 
 ring in Reading. He was a war man, and if elected 
 would force a musket into the hands of those whose relig 
 ious convictions were against war. Our foolish people 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 believed all these thing s, writes Weiser to Richard Peters, 
 "and elected William Boone and John Hughes." Weiser 
 was very much incensed at this "foolish action of the 
 Germans," and wrote to R. Peters to persuade the Gov 
 ernor to appoint John Hughes, "in order to bring that 
 spiteful fellow W. B. to some disappointment."* 
 
 Such and similar actions led to the appearance of an 
 anti-Weiser faction, not only in Berks County, but also 
 in Philadelphia. Complaint was sent to the Governor in 
 1757. that Weiser frequently ordered his soldiers to be 
 quartered at farm houses, and there was no security from 
 their outrages; that he enlisted more men than were 
 needed, and refused to discharge men when their time 
 was expired; that he was a "lover of money," trying to 
 rob the Province. The last complaint insisted that 
 Weiser s own company was the worst disciplined of them 
 all. 
 
 Weiser flatly denied all charges and called the people 
 who instigated them liars. "If my own company was so 
 worthless, he retorts, why did they want it in Cumberland 
 County, in Shamokin, and on Susquehanna." Then with 
 characteristic energy he declares that he will resign rather 
 than rest under such charges. 
 
 W^eiser s greatest difficulty, however, was to get his 
 accounts against the Province settled. The commissioners 
 representing the Assembly considered his bills excessive, 
 and hesitated about paying them. Weiser wrote to 
 Richard Peters, saying, "I hope by this time my accounts 
 against the gentlemen, the Provincial Commissioners, are 
 settled, some w r ay or other, and I don t expect much good 
 or favor, nay, even doubt their doing me justice, which 
 
 *Manuscript letters of Conrad Weiser, in the collection of the 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 319 
 
 they have refused me before; now, I don t intend to wait 
 their pleasure any longer if I can help it. I have his 
 honor, the Governor s order for my late service done, 
 and his promise to see me- paid for the balance of my 
 accounts, which you will be so good as to send to me by 
 my son Peter, the bearer thereof, before it grows an old 
 debt. I have found by experience that new debts are suf 
 fered to grow old ones, and old ones are never paid, which 
 is but poor encouragement for faithful servants to the 
 Government. I have served the Government of pensil- 
 vania as provincial interpreter since the year 1731 to the 
 satisfaction of the Governors and Assemblies as much as 
 I know. I never heard nothing to the contrary till three 
 yers ago" (1755), "when a certain set of gentlemen got 
 the Administration, or the purse into their hands, then I 
 could no more please, having ben a little too free, when 
 the blood of the back inhabitants was spilled like water, 
 and they" (Assembly s Commissioners), "in a manner 
 unconcerned, did let me suffer prodigeously and showed 
 
 their spite openly to me for what reason well-known 
 
 to them, to you, and to me, but I won t give up the point, 
 truth will prevail at last. If even I should not live so 
 long. I perhaps went a little too far, but what signifies 
 writing, if not one s mind." Richard Peters promised 
 Weiser that his accounts should be settled. When General 
 Forbes was lying at the point of death, Weiser was again 
 summoned to Philadelphia for council. The old man 
 hesitated, and again pressed the Governor for a settlement 
 of his accounts. A short time after this we find \Veiser 
 in Philadelphia as of yore, giving advice freely, and from 
 that we suppose that his bills were paid. 
 
 Weiser s prompt and decided actions during the 
 autumn of 1755 stayed for a time the Indian invasion. 
 
32O CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Other localities, however, were attacked. All the settle 
 ments in the Big and Little Coves were destroyed and a 
 portion of the people only escaped with their lives. The 
 Moravian missionary stations were destroyed and these 
 godly people were slaughtered in great numbers. 
 
 The Delaware Indians from Ohio ~net their Eastern 
 brethren on the Big Island in the west branch of the Sus- 
 quehanna River and endeavored to arouse them against 
 the English. These Western Indians danced the war 
 dance and then addressed themselves to the Delawares 
 on the Susquehanna. "When Washington was defeated, 
 we, the Delawares, were blamed without a cause. We 
 make up three parties of Delawares. One party will go 
 against Carlisle, one down the Susquehanna, and I myself 
 with another party will go against Tulpehocken to Conrad 
 Weiser. And we shall be followed by a thousand French 
 and Indians."* 
 
 This plan to attack Conrad Weiser was, no doubt, 
 inspired by the French. Furthermore, the Delawares on 
 the Ohio were not without cause of complaint against 
 the great champion of the Six Nations. In some way 
 they secured the impression that Conrad Weiser had been 
 the means of persuading the Iroquois to sell the west 
 branch of the Susquehanna. Weiser soon found that it 
 was impossible to protect the Tulpehocken people. When 
 John Harris returned home from the massacre on Penn s 
 Creek, he wrote to Edward Shippen, insisting that scalp 
 ing parties should be sent into the woods, or the Indians 
 would soon overrun the settlements. 
 
 Not only John Harris, the trader, but James Hamil 
 ton, the lawyer, favored a scalp act. The latter, writing 
 to the Governor from Easton, says, "I heartily wish you 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 683. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 321 
 
 were at liberty to declare war against them, and offer 
 large reward for scalps, which appears the only way to 
 clear our frontier of those savages, and will, I am per 
 suaded, be infinitely cheaper in the end. For I clearly 
 foresee the expense of defending ourselves in the way 
 we are in, will ruin the Province and be far from effectual 
 at last, principally for want of a good militia law by which 
 men might be subjected to discipline, for at present they 
 enter themselves and then leave their captains at their 
 own humor, without a person in the officers to punish 
 them for that or any other misbehavior." 
 
 The general opinion along the frontier was that a 
 chain of forts and block houses along the Blue Moun 
 tains from Easton to Maryland would be the only effect 
 ual means of defense. John Potter, sheriff of Cumber 
 land County, declared that the only way to prevent 
 slaughter and destruction on the frontier was to send a 
 strong force into the centre of the Indians strongholds, 
 rather than supply a chain of forts. Governor Morris 
 and the Council, however, considered a system of forts 
 the best possible means of defense ; Hamilton on the Dela 
 ware, Franklin on the Lehigh, Weiser on the Schuylkill 
 and Susquehanna, and Potter in Cumberland County, 
 directed and controlled the erection and maintenance of 
 these forts. The Governor, in person, during December, 
 1755, and January, 1756, directed this movement. 
 
 Writing from Reading, in January, he says, "The 
 Commissioners have done every thing that was proper in 
 the County of Northampton, but the people are not satis 
 fied, nor by what I can learn from the Commissioners 
 would they be, unless every man s house was protected 
 by a fort and a company of soldiers, and themselves paid 
 for staying at home and doing nothing. There are in that 
 
O- 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 county at this time three hundred men in pay of the Gov 
 ernment, and yet from the disposition of the inhabitants, 
 the want of conduct in the officers, and of courage and dis 
 cipline in the men, I am fearful that whole country will 
 fall into the enemy s hands/ * The Governor s fears were 
 not without foundation since the Indians for two years 
 laid waste the frontier and scalped the settlers under the 
 very shadow of the forts. 
 
 After the quarrel between the Governor and the Leg 
 islature over the supply bill, the Assembly lost confidence 
 in the Executive and a secret committee was appointed 
 to distribute arms and ammunition among the settlers. 
 This movement led to the appointment of a board of Com 
 missioners which assumed executive control of the Pro 
 vincial defenses, and paid out all the moneys. During the 
 winter of 1755-1756, the Commissioners urged the Gov 
 ernor to declare war with the Delaware Indians. Scar- 
 oyacly, the leader of the friendly Indians, favored such 
 a course, and ventured the opinion that the Six Nations 
 would approve such action. Accordingly, the Governor 
 declared war against the Delaware Indians in April, 
 1756, and offered one hundred and thirty Spanish dollars 
 for every male Indian scalp over twelve years of age. 
 For every female Indian scalp fifty Spanish dolfers were 
 to be paid. Indian prisoners were valued at one hundred 
 and fifty dollars for men and one hundred and thirty dol 
 lars for women. 
 
 James Logan, who was a member of the Council, 
 vigorously opposed this declaration of war. It will be 
 remembered that James Logan was a prominent member 
 of "The Society of Friends," but a stout advocate of 
 defensive warfare. Yet this declaration of war he 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VI., pp. 771, 772. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 323 
 
 declared to be fraught with evil and ruin for the Prov 
 ince. He further showed that it was issued just at a 
 time when Conrad Weiser, Colonel Johnson and the Six 
 Nations were endeavoring to unite the councils of the 
 Delawares and win back the alienated friendship of the 
 Western tribes. James Logan then insisted upon a full 
 Council and urged that the Assembly be consulted before 
 the declaration was issued. The Governor and Council 
 decided that they would declare war first and consult the 
 Assembly afterwards. Doubtless this attitude of the 
 Executive grew out of some very poignant criticisms 
 made during the winter by the Assembly, in which it was 
 hinted that the alienation of the Shawanese Indians was 
 due to the refusal of the Proprietors to pay them for cer 
 tain land claims in Cumberland County, and the surveying 
 of certain Proprietary Manors on land which the Shawa 
 nese Indians claimed. This was, of course, denied by the 
 Governor, who insisted in behalf of the Proprietors that 
 the Shawanese were squatters, and never had any land 
 claims in Pennsylvania. 
 
 At the time of this declaration of war, Conrad Weiser 
 was summoned to Philadelphia. He came with reluc 
 tance. Weiser was loath to speak his mind. He said that 
 he was in favor of a declaration of war, but opposed to 
 offering a reward for scalps. The Government, he said, 
 might offer rewards for Indian prisoners, but a bounty 
 on scalps would only aggravate existing evils. Since any 
 one could bring in these scalps there were no means of 
 distinguishing between the scalps of an enemy and a 
 friendly Indian. Indeed, this was the core of the whole 
 difficulty. Scalps of friendly Indians were taken and the 
 peace negotiations with the Eastern Indians frustrated. 
 The members of the "Society of Friends," and many 
 
3 2 4 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 others in Philadelphia united in a petition to the Gover 
 nor against the declaration of war and the bounty on 
 scalps. They urged that such action was hasty and 
 premature; that full time had not been allowed "for those 
 Indians who still remain well affected towards us, to use 
 and report the effect of their endeavors to reconcile our 
 enemies." They claimed that by such conduct even our 
 allies might become alienated and urged that a fuller 
 opportunity be given to make peace with these Indians.* 
 Col. Johnson, in writing to Governor Shirley, April 
 2 4> I756;- says: "I am surprised that Mr. Morris, 
 whose Province was so much interested in the results of 
 the Six Nations Embassy, who was a principal in it, and 
 to whom I sent a copy of my late proceedings, would not 
 want to bear the effects of this embassy before he entered 
 into this consequental measure. What will the Delawares 
 and Shawonese think of such opposition and contradic 
 tion in our conduct ? How shall I behave at the approach 
 ing meeting at Onondago, not only to those Indians but to 
 the Six Nations; these hostile measures which Mr. Morris 
 has entered into is throwing all our Schemes into confu 
 sion, and must naturally give the Six Nations such im 
 pressions, and the French such advantage to work against 
 us that I tremble for the consequences. I think without 
 consulting your Excellency, without the concurrence of 
 the other neighboring Provinces, without my receiving 
 previous notice of it, this is a very unadvised and unac 
 countable proceeding of Governor Morris, I cannot but be 
 of opinion, if terms of good accommodation can be 
 brought about, that in the present critical situation of 
 affairs it will be far more eligible than to enter into hostil- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., pp. 85, 86. 
 
PENNSYLVANIA EFFORTS FOR DEFENSE. 325 
 
 ities against these Indians, especially as a few days will 
 determine what part we have to choose."* 
 
 The friendly Indians in Pennsylvania were numerous, 
 and could easily have been increased until their number 
 would have been a far more effectual barrier against the 
 French and their allies than any chain of forts. The old 
 "Belt," a friendly chief on the Susquehanna near Harris 
 Ferry, was very much disappointed, and his affection for 
 the English cooled by the action of the "Paxton people." 
 Early in this struggle, Weiser, in a letter to the Governor 
 of Pennsylvania, said : "Your Honor will have heard by 
 this time that Paxton people took an enemy Indian on the 
 other side of the Narrows above Samuel Hunters and 
 brought him down to Carson s house, where they exam 
 ined him. The Indian begged his life and promised to 
 tell all what he knew to-morrow morning, but (shocking 
 to me) they shot him in the midst of them, scalped him, 
 and threw his body into the river. The old Belt told me 
 that as a child of Onontio he deserved to be killed, but he 
 would have been very glad if they had delivered him up to 
 the Governor in order to be examined stricter and 
 better." 
 
 The "old Belt" was disappointed that his white broth 
 ers should resort to lynching. He felt that no mob of citi 
 zens had a right to take even an enemy s life. It was such 
 actions as these which cooled the ardor of the friendly 
 Indians, and seriously embarrassed peace negotiations. 
 The plan of defense by a line of forts, the expenditure of 
 ^ver 50,000 pounds, the arming of over one thousand 
 men, the bounty on Indian scalps, all these things were of 
 no avail in protecting the frontier. The stealthy savage 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 117. 
 Penna, Colonial Records, vol. VI., p. 763, 
 
326 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 in the dead hours of the night, or at high noon, fell upon 
 the inhabitants in the least suspected quarter. Pennsyl 
 vania was saturated in blood. Whole settlements were 
 destroyed. Fire and plunder, death and murder flourished 
 in the teeth of all opposition. For over seventy-five years 
 Pennsylvania had lived in peace with the Indians. Now 
 when war rages along her border it was not so much her 
 defenses as her peace negotiations which won protection 
 for her people. Weiser with one hand maintained resist 
 ance, but with the other he negotiated for peace. The 
 Wyoming Indians and most of the Eastern Indians, dur 
 ing the darkest periods of the war, i/56- 57 ancl ? 5 8 , 
 refrained from joining the French, and the Ohio Indians. 
 The greatest victories which Pennsylvania ever won in 
 this French and Indian war were victories of peace. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 3 2 
 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 RECONCILIATION. 
 
 The Society of Friends endeavors to make Peace with the Indians- 
 Conrad Weiser and Israel Pemberton have an Interview with the 
 Indians The Governor consults his Council Weiser now sup 
 ports the Declaration of War against the Delawares 
 favor the Delawares The Wrongs of the Delawares The Peace 
 Message Col. Johnson s Peace Conference Teedyuscung buries 
 the Hatchet The First Easton Conference Teedyuscung s Speech 
 "The Bi^ Peace Halloo" "The Peace Belts" Teedyuscung: loses 
 his Temper The Governor issues the Peace Message The Cause 
 of Peace in Danger Pennsylvania forbidden from making further 
 Peace Negotiations The Indians suspicious of Conrad Weiser 
 The second Easton Treaty Governor Denny refuses to go to 
 Easton The Conferences opened at Easton Teedyuscung claims 
 to have been defrauded of his Lands Weiser defends the Walking 
 Purchase An Investigating Committee appointed Conditions o 
 Peace suggested Weiser conducts Teedyuscung away from Easton 
 The Anti- Proprietary Party take up the Cause of Teedyuscung- 
 Weiser defends the Proprietary Faction The Lancaster Conter- 
 ence The Coming of Teedyuscung Teedyuscung demands a 
 Private Secretary Weiser suspects Israel Pemberton 
 nor angry with the Commissioners-Richard Peters offended- 
 Teedyuscung secures Charles Thomson as ClerkCharles 
 Thomson charges Weiser with getting Teedyuscung mtoxicated- 
 Teedyuscung s Fear of the Six Nations Efforts to secure a 
 Retraction of Teedyuscung s Charges of Fraud 1 he old Deeds tc 
 be shown to Teedyuscung An Indian Peace secured. 
 
 THE declaration of war made by Governor Morris 
 against the Delaware Indians, and the scalp bounty 
 offered, aroused the active members of "The Society of 
 Friends." They felt that the entire Indian policy of Penn 
 sylvania was reversed, that the Indians would not have 
 fallen upon the frontier without a grievance, and that 
 adequate efforts had not been made towards reconcilia 
 tion. Accordingly in April, 1756, while some friendly 
 Indians were in Philadelphia, Israel Pemberton waited 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 upon the Governor in behalf of numerous Friends, and 
 asked permission to invite the chiefs to dine with a com 
 mittee of Quakers, in order that the Indian grievances 
 might be learned, and efforts made to bring about a peace. 
 The Friends offered to bear all the expenses and con 
 duct the negotiations as a private affair, and do nothing 
 without the Governor s approbation. The Provincial fi 
 nances were, at that time, in such an embarrassed condi 
 tion, that the Governor seemed entirely willing to place 
 the peace negotiations in the hands of the Friends, on con 
 ditions that Conrad Weiser should be advised of every 
 thing said to the Indians, as well as all information 
 received from them. Weiser entered into this affair with 
 hearty zeal. When Israel Pemberton set forth at dinner 
 the peace principles of the Friends the Indians were 
 greatly pleased, and Scaroyady, their speaker, was 
 delighted. He declared that the Six Nations would 
 eagerly join in such a project. The Governor told Israel 
 Pemberton that when these negotiations were sufficiently 
 ripened he would lay the affair before the Council. 
 
 That afternoon Conrad Weiser and Israel Pemberton 
 had a long conference with Scaroyady, in which it was 
 deemed wise to send messengers to the Councils of the Six 
 Nations, "setting forth their conference with the Quakers, 
 their religious Professions and their Characters, and the 
 influence they had as well with the Government as the 
 people, their desiring to bring about a peace, and their 
 offer to become mediators between them and the Govern 
 ment; that he (Scaroyady) and the other Six Nations 
 had heard what they said with pleasure and desired that 
 they would hearken to it, cease their hostilities and accept 
 this mediation, and least they" (the Indians) "might be 
 afraid that they had done, too much mischief and taken too 
 
RECONCILIATION. 32Q 
 
 many lives, even more than could possibly be forgiven, he 
 assured them these peaceable People would, notwithstand 
 ing this, obtain their pardon if they would immediately 
 desist, send the English prisoners to some place, there 
 deliver them up to the Governor, and request peace of him 
 and forgiveness for what was past/ 
 
 When Israel Pemberton and Conrad Weiser laid this 
 report before the Governor he called his Council together 
 and asked ( I ) if it were proper to permit Friends to act 
 as mediators; (2) should a peace be proposed on condi 
 tions of forgiveness and return of prisoners; (3) would 
 such a message in any way obstruct establishing a fort at 
 Shamokin; (4) would it not be better to invite the 
 friendly Indians such as Paxinosa to come near the settle 
 ments and thus be out of danger.* 
 
 The Council was a long time deliberating, and they 
 finally advised the Governor to leave it entirely with the 
 Quakers. They were opposed to the Government s 
 assuming any responsibility. Scaroyady, Newcastle and 
 several friendly Indians agreed to carry this peace mes 
 sage among the hostile Dela wares and even into the 
 haunts of the Six Nations, where the deputies were in 
 structed to solicit Sir William Johnson s influence in per 
 suading Pennsylvania to recall her declaration of war and 
 "scalp bounty act/ 
 
 Conrad Weiser, however, advised the Governor to 
 leave the war declaration stand. It would, he thought, 
 influence the hostile Delawares to sue for peace. The 
 Council not being able to decide what message to send to 
 the Indians, Conrad Weiser was called in to assist. He 
 urged that the Declaration was absolutely necessary to 
 bring the Delawares to their senses, and that it would be 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., pp. 103, 104, 
 
33 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 agreeable to the Six Nations. Then Weiser quoted from 
 former interviews with their chiefs, who insisted that the 
 English were cowards sitting with their head between 
 their knees while the Delawares struck, and begging the 
 Six Nations to chastise their subjects for breaking the 
 peace. Weiser went further and insisted that Scaroyady, 
 as the representative of the Six Nations, was not offended 
 at the bounty offered for scalps. In these matters Weiser 
 revealed his inbred admiration for the Iroquois, and un 
 dying contempt for the Delawares. 
 
 The Friends on the other hand were in sympathy 
 with the Delawares and their wrongs. They believed that 
 the Six Nations had been oppressive in their policy. 
 Scarcely anyone at that time knew to what extent the 
 Delawares had thrown off the yoke of the Iroquois. It 
 was only after long years of bloody warfare, after the en 
 tire frontier of the State had been plundered and burned, 
 and settlers had been scalped and butchered again and 
 again, under the very shadows of the forts, that the 
 authorities of Pennsylvania awoke to the fact that the 
 Delawares were an independent people, and able to man 
 age their own affairs. 
 
 Had the Indian policy of Pennsylvania, since the com 
 ing of Conrad Weiser, recognized the rights of the Dela 
 ware Indians to land on the Delaware River, and confined 
 the Six Nations to their land claims on the Susquehanna, 
 as William Penn himself did, this dark chapter in colonial 
 history might have read differently to-day. It will be 
 remembered in Chapter II, page 28, that in 1736, when 
 the Iroquois gave a deed for all their Susquehanna lands 
 south of the Blue Mountains, a second deed was pro 
 cured for the Delaware lands. This was done at the sug 
 gestion of the Provincial authorities, and revealed to the 
 
RECONCILIATION. 331 
 
 Delaware Indians in 1742 that they had not only lost the 
 rights of their fathers on that river, but that they had 
 become outcasts in the wilderness, without a hunting 
 ground. They swallowed their insult from the Six 
 Nations and removed to Wyoming, with the wrongs of 
 the "Walking Purchase" still rankling in their bosoms. 
 Indians have long memories. They brooded over these 
 things, and finally, when the French promised to aid them 
 in getting back their lost lands, a number of their young 
 men, and most of the Ohio tribes, put on the war paint. 
 Although the Indians had long memories, they had faith 
 ful hearts, and many of the old men remembered William 
 Penn and the kind treatment of former years. Old Paxi- 
 nosa, the Shawanese chief at Wyoming, poured forth his 
 eloquence for peace. Newcastle declared that he would 
 die for the sons of Onas. Hundreds of brave warriors 
 were undecided, until they heard of the Declaration of 
 War and the Scalp Act, "then a mighty shout arose which 
 shook the very mountains, and all the Dela wares and 
 Shawanese, except a few old sachems, danced the war 
 dance." Those who felt it wrong to use the war paint 
 were heart-broken. Paxinosa took his family and moved 
 up towards Tioga away from the scenes of war. He sat 
 for days at a time meditating over the waywardness of his 
 people. The sons of Teedyuscung, the "King of the Del- 
 awares," dragged Paxinosa for a brief time into their war 
 parties. Such was the condition of affairs when the 
 Friends offered to act as peacemakers. 
 
 The Delaware chiefs, Newcastle, Jonathan and 
 Andrew Montour, grasped at these overtures as drowning 
 men would at a straw. They would risk their lives carry 
 ing messages of peace for the Governor. So strong, how 
 ever, was the hatred of these Delawares for their former 
 
33 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 masters the Iroquois, that they declared they would do 
 nothing for Scaroyady and the Six Nations.* 
 
 The Governor was about to issue passes for these 
 Indian messengers, when he suddenly changed his mind 
 and determined to have no official connection with the 
 affair. The next day a message arrived from New York 
 containing Sir William Johnson s criticisms of Governor 
 Morris declaration of war, and his scalp bounty. The 
 Governor immediately changed his mind again, and 
 decided to send forth the messengers of peace in his own 
 name. 
 
 While these messengers were penetrating the moun 
 tain paths leading to Wyoming, with their lives in con 
 tinual jeopardy, Sir William Johnson was holding a peace 
 conference with the chiefs of the Six Nations at Otsa- 
 ningo, where it was decided that the Delaware Indians 
 were acting like drunken men, and deputies were sent to 
 order them to get sober, and leave off striking their 
 friends the English. Since this conference was composed 
 of only a portion of the Iroquois, the Delawares replied in 
 a very haughty manner, saying, we are no longer women, 
 we are men. "We are determined to cut off all the Eng 
 lish except those that make their escape from us in ships." 
 While Newcastle was spreading the "Quaker peace doc 
 trine" among the Indians at Diago (Tioga) another mes 
 sage was sent to Sir William Johnson, in which the Dela 
 wares promised to make peace with their white brothers 
 in Pennsylvania, and to obey their uncles the Iroquois. In 
 July, 1756, Newcastle was again in Philadelphia. 
 
 Teedyttscung, the great war chief of the united Dela 
 ware Nations, had been persuaded by Newcastle to bury 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 105. 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 522, 
 
TEKDYUSCUNG. CHIEF OF THE DELAWARE INDIANS 
 
RECONCILIATION.. 333 
 
 the hatchet. This was a remarkable victory. The back 
 bone of the Indian outrages was broken. Newcastle plead 
 with Governor Denny to be prompt or all would be lost. 
 The Indians could not give up their prisoners, he said, 
 until a peace was completed. For this reason Newcastle 
 urged that the Governor refrain from pushing this 
 demand until a firm peace was established. With much 
 reluctance the Governor yielded to this faithful and intel 
 ligent Indian. 
 
 Arrangements were made for a conference at Easton. 
 Conrad Weiser was ordered to concentrate his soldiers in 
 that vicinity, and furnish a guard for the Governor, who 
 with his Council reached Easton July 24, 1756. But noth 
 ing of importance could be done until the 27th, because 
 Conrad Weiser had not arrived. Teedyuscung insisted 
 upon having his own interpreter. After some hesitation 
 this was allowed. Weiser after a long conference with the 
 Council determined the course to be pursued. The treaty 
 was then formally opened on the 28th. 
 
 The Governor welcomed Teedyuscung, who replied : 
 "The first messages you sent me came in the spring, they 
 touched my heart, they gave me abundance of joy. You 
 have kindled a council fire at Easton. I have been here 
 several days smoking my pipe in patience, waiting to 
 hear your good words. Abundant confusion has of late 
 years been rife among the Indians, because of their loose 
 ways of doing business. False leaders have deceived the 
 people. It has bred quarrels and heart-burnings among 
 my people. The Delaware is no longer the slave of the 
 Six Nations. I, Teedyuscung, have been appointed King 
 over the Five United Nations and representative of the 
 five Iroquois Nations. What I do here will be approved 
 by all. This is a good day; whoever will make peace let 
 
334 CONRAD WETSER. 
 
 him lay hold of this belt, and the nations around shall see 
 and know it. I desire to conduct myself according to your 
 >, which I will perform to the utmost of my power I 
 wish the same good that possessed the good old man Wil 
 liam Penn, who was a friend to the Indian, may inspire 
 the people of this Province at this time."* 
 
 The Governor responded warmly to Teedyuscung s 
 tures, and the preliminaries of a peace were arranged, 
 bmce only a few Indians had accompanied Teedyuscung 
 to Easton, it was argued that "the King and Newcastle 
 lould go hack among the Indians and give the "Big 
 Peace Halloo," and gather their people together for an 
 other larger peace conference. The Governor then gave 
 Teedyuscung a small present, saying: "I think it .... 
 necessary to inform you that a part of this present was 
 given by the people called Quakers (who are descendants 
 of those who first came over to this country with your old 
 friend William Penn) as a particular testimony of their 
 regard and affection for the Indians, and their earnest 
 desire to promote the good work of peace in which we are 
 now engaged."! I 
 
 Teedyuscung and his followers were given a grand 
 entertainment. The old chief was highly pleased with 
 such hospitality, declaring again and again that he would 
 go forth and do all in his power for peace. After dinner, 
 when the Philadelphia Friends came to bid him "fare 
 well, he parted with them in a very affectionate manner." 
 He plead for peace and insisted that he and his people 
 were not responsible for the actions of the Ohio Indians. 
 He repeatedly urged that the white people hold fast to that 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 213. 
 
 Teedyuscung. 
 
 [|Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VTI.. p. 214. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 335 
 
 peace belt until he could persuade his people to bury the 
 hatchet. 
 
 This peace belt contained a "square in the middle, 
 meaning the lands of the Indians, and at one end the fig 
 ure of a man, indicating the English and at the other end 
 another" man "meaning the French." "Our uncles, the 
 Iroquois," said Teedyuscung, "told us that both these cov 
 eted our lands," and invited us to join them in defending 
 our lands against both the English and the French, prom 
 ising that we should share the land with them.* This 
 explanation excited the Governor s suspicion. He called 
 together his Council secretly, and invited Conrad Weiser, 
 asking him if it would be wise or proper for the Governor 
 to keep that belt. Weiser replied that he had entertained 
 some doubts upon that subject himself, and therefore 
 sought advice from Newcastle. This faithful Indian dis 
 ciple of Quakerism told him that the Six Nations had sent 
 the belt to the Delawares, who in turn had sent it to the 
 Governor of Pennsylvania. This of itself was an act in 
 troductory of peace. It was a belt of much consequence 
 and should be preserved among the council wampum, and 
 another bigger belt nearly a fathom long should be given 
 to the Indians at the Council to-morrow. Newcastle 
 further advised that Teedyuscung be liberally supplied with 
 wampum if the cause of peace was expected to prosper. 
 Conrad Weiser immediately emphasized Newcastle s 
 advice and observed that the French gave quantities of 
 wampum to their Indians, and if we hoped to draw the 
 Indians away from the French we must outbid them in 
 the length of our wampum belts. These arguments were 
 convincing to the Council. A messenger was immediately 
 sent to Bethlehem to bring the material, and the Indian 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 213. 
 
33^ CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 women were called in and set to work making belts. One 
 for Teedyuscung was to be a fathom long and sixteen beads 
 wide. In the centre was to be the figure of a man, typify 
 ing the Governor of Pennsylvania, and on each side five 
 other figures, emblematic of the ten nations which Tee 
 dyuscung professed to represent. 
 
 While this work was going on, Teedyuscung, suspicious 
 and fearful of treachery, grew angry because, as he sup 
 posed, the Governor had invited Indian women into his 
 councils. He rushed into the room unannounced, and in 
 a loud voice said: "Why do you council in the dark? 
 Why do you consult with women ? Why do you not talk 
 in the light?" The Governor replied: "My councils are 
 set on a hill, I have no secrets. The Governor never sits 
 in swamps, but speaks his mind openly. The squaws are 
 here making belts, not holding a council." This explana 
 tion, which was doubtless the words of Weiser in the 
 mouth of the Governor, appeased the anger of Teedyus 
 cung, and he withdrew. 
 
 The next day the Governor "taking two belts" of 
 wampum "joined together in his hands, and addressing 
 Newcastle and Teedyuscung, declared" them to be mes 
 sengers of peace for the Province of Pennsylvania, to go 
 abroad among the hostile tribes persuading them by elo 
 quence and reason to bury the hatchet, to desert the 
 French and unite again with the English. The Governor 
 gave each of the messengers an armload of wampum and 
 bid them God-speed. This was no slight mission which 
 was undertaken by these two Indians. The savage heart 
 was moved not so much by bribes as by plausible argu 
 ments and by fervid eloquence. The secret embassies of 
 the French were everywhere, using every conceivable 
 device to thwart the designs of the peace-makers. French 
 
RECONCILIATION. 337 
 
 rewards were upon the scalps of these faithful Indians and 
 danger surrounded them on every side. 
 
 But the greatest danger to the cause of peace lay with 
 some of the soldiers sent to defend the frontiers. After 
 the Easton Conference, Teedyuscung lingered at Fort 
 Allen. The captain was in Philadelphia and Lieutenant 
 Miller was in charge. Teedyuscung had sixteen deer skins 
 which he said he was going to present to "the Governor to 
 make him a pair of gloves." Miller probably well knew 
 that this was the figurative language of the Indian to 
 express his appreciation of the Governor s kind treatment, 
 yet he insisted that one skin was enough to make the Gov 
 ernor a pair of gloves, and after a liberal use of rum 
 secured the entire sixteen deer skins for three pounds. 
 Teedyuscung could not, like the Iroquois counsellors of a 
 generation earlier, withstand the temptation of strong 
 drink. While intoxicated he sold the deer skins, and then 
 tarried at the Fort demanding rum, which Miller freely 
 gave, since it belonged to the Provincial supply. New 
 castle went off in disgust. The authorities at Philadel 
 phia were apprehensive that Teedyuscung was not sincere 
 in his peace professions. Indians on the border insinuated 
 that the Easton Conference was but a ruse to gain time, 
 and that Teedyuscung was a traitor, working in the 
 French interest. Finally when William Parson s letter to 
 the Governor was received (August 14, 1756) setting 
 forth the true cause of Teedyuscung s detention at Fort 
 Allen, Conrad Weiser was ordered to look into the affair 
 and to punish the offending lieutenant. 
 
 This was promptly done, but the mischief which 
 Miller caused came near destroying all that had been done 
 for peace. Miller was discharged and Teedyuscung went 
 to Wyoming, and up the North Branch of the Susque- 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 hanna, persuading the Indians to bury the hatchet and to 
 send deputies to a second conference at Easton to be held 
 in October. In the meantime the Governor when he be 
 came suspicious of Teedyusctmg s delay at Fort Allen, 
 sent Newcastle secretly to New York to learn from the 
 Six Nations if they had ever deputized Teedyuscung to 
 represent them in public treaties. Newcastle returned 
 with the report that the Six Nations denied the authority 
 of Teedyuscung. 
 
 The prospects of peace were growing more and more 
 embarrassing. England, now that war was declared with 
 France. (April, 1756) sent Lord London to America to 
 take charge. Indian affairs were placed under the control 
 of two men, Sir William Johnson for the Northern, and 
 Mr. Atkins for the Southern colonies. London s policy 
 was to secure as many Indians as possible for allies, and 
 with them strike the French. To this end Mr. Atkins 
 secured the alliance of the Cherokee and other Southern 
 tribes. These were immediately added to the armies of 
 Virginia and Western Pennsylvania. This act stirred the 
 Northern Indians. The Iroquois and the Delawares 
 declared that they could never fight on the same side with 
 the despised Cherokees. This Southern alliance meant 
 Northern revolt, and threatened to crush the peace negoti 
 ations at Easton. At this critical juncture, Lord London, 
 whose ignorance of the problem before him was equalled 
 only by his contempt for provincialism, ordered the Gov 
 ernor of Pennsylvania to have nothing whatever to do 
 with Indian affairs. Sir William Johnson, only, should 
 control these things. Moreover, all efforts towards peace 
 were advantages given to the enemy. Johnson, however, 
 was inclined towards peace, but he seriously complicated 
 affairs in Pennsylvania by appointing George Croghan 
 
RECONCILIATION. 339 
 
 his sole deputy in the Province. Croghan and Weiser 
 had quite different views upon Indian affairs. The In 
 dians were quick to notice these changes. Jonathan, an 
 old Mohawk chief, in conversation with Conrad Weiser 
 said : "Is it true that you are become a fallen tree, that 
 you must no more engage in Indian affairs, neither as 
 counsellor nor interpreter? What is the reason?" Weiser 
 replied, "It is all too true. The King of Great Britain has 
 appointed Warruychyockon (Col. William Johnson) to 
 be manager of all Indian affairs that concern treaties of 
 friendship, war, etc. And that accordingly the Great 
 General ( Lord London ) that came over the Great Waters, 
 had in the name of the King ordered the Government of 
 Pennsylvania to desist from holding treaties with the 
 Indians, and the Government of Pennsylvania will obey 
 the King s command, and consequently I, as the Govern 
 ment s servant, have nothing more to do with Indian af 
 fairs." Jonathan and his companion replied in concert, 
 "Ha! Ha!" meaning "Oh, sad." The two Indians then 
 w r hispered together a few minutes, during which Weiser 
 politely withdrew into another room. When he returned 
 Jonathan said, "Comrade, I hear you have engaged on 
 another bottom. You are made a captain of warriors and 
 laid aside council affairs and turned soldier." To this 
 Weiser replied with some spirit, setting forth his reasons 
 for self-defense, the bloody outrages of the Indians, the 
 reception of the first peace messengers. "You know," 
 said Weiser, that "their lives were threatened. You know 
 the insolent answer which came back that caused us to 
 declare war. I was at Easton working for peace. I love 
 peace more than war. I am a man for peace and if I had 
 my wish there would be no war at all. . . So, comrade, 
 do not charge me with such a thing as that." The Indians 
 
340 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 thanked Weiser for the explanation and went away satis 
 fied. But at the same time Weiser was shorn of his power 
 among the Indians. Making- him commander of the Pro 
 vincial forces robbed Pennsylvania of her most powerful 
 -dvocate at the Council Fires of the Indians. 
 
 Negotiations for peace were still further encumbered 
 by a change of Governors in Pennsylvania. Morris was 
 recalled and Denny sent out in his stead. In the latter 
 October, 1756, Teedyuscung returns to Eastern 
 He had over one hundred Indians with him, all for peace 
 He left one hundred beyond Fort Allen and came to 
 Easton with thirty, his purpose being to see what his 
 reception would be before bringing the others in. 
 
 Denny read Lord London s instructions and declared 
 that he would not go to Easton. If Teedyuscung would 
 come to Philadelphia the Governor was willing to act for 
 Sir William Johnson. The friends of peace compared 
 London s orders with the Charter granted Pennsylvania 
 by the King, in which sole control of Indian affairs was 
 placed in the hands of the Proprietary. Accordingly they 
 reasoned that by no subsequent act could the King or the 
 King s servants deprive the Proprietary of that privilege. 
 Denny sent an invitation to Teedyuscung to come to Phil 
 adelphia. The chief replied, "Brother, you remember very 
 well that in time of darkness and danger I came in here 
 at your invitation. At Easton we kindled a small coun 
 cil fire. ... If you should put out this little fire, our ene 
 mies will call it only a Jack Lantern, kindled on purpose 
 to deceive those who approach it. Brother, I think it by 
 no means advisable to put out this little fire, but rather to 
 put more sticks upon it, and I desire that you will come to 
 it as soon as possible, bringing your old and wise men 
 
RECONCILIATION. 34 1 
 
 along with you and shall be very glad to see you here." 
 The Governor was highly incensed over Teedyuscung s 
 attitude and declared to his Council that it was ridiculous 
 to humor the Indians, and that no treaty should be held 
 outside of Philadelphia. Weiser s confidential letters 
 about this time were in no way complimentary to the 
 Governor. The Friends sent a memorial to Denny beg 
 ging him to finish the peace which Governor Morris had 
 commenced, and offering to furnish a liberal present and 
 asking permission to attend the treaty. The Governor, on 
 condition that a heavy guard attend him and be constantly 
 around him at Easton, concluded to go. He accepted the 
 Indian present from the Friends and granted them per 
 mission to attend the treaty. Just before the Governor 
 reached Easton it was rumored that the Indians which 
 Teedyuscung left near Fort Allen were bent on some 
 treachery. Israel Pemberton, the leader of the Quaker 
 delegation at Easton, went out immediately to investigate 
 the report and allay the Governor s fears. Weiser 
 informed the Governor that this was a false rumor. When 
 this news reached Governor Denny he proceeded on his 
 journey. When he arrived Teedyuscung and the two Iro- 
 quois chiefs met him, Weiser and some other Indians 
 having missed him by going out another road. When the 
 treaty opened, at three o clock in the afternoon, "the 
 Governor marched from his lodging to the place of con 
 ference guarded by a party of Royal Americans in the 
 front and on the flanks and a detachment of Colonel 
 Weiser s Provincials in sub-divisions in the rear, with 
 colors flying, drums beating and music playing, which 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 3 IQ - 
 
34 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 order was always observed in going to the place of con 
 ference."* 
 
 Teedynscung opened the conference with the custom 
 ary ceremonies, telling the Governor to take no cogni 
 zance of the numerous Indian massacres taking place 
 around them. These things, he said, were instigated by 
 the French and should not mar the negotiations for peace. 
 These idle reports should "no more be regarded than the 
 chirping of birds in the woods. I remember well the 
 leagues and covenants of our forefathers. We are but 
 children in comparison to them. What William Penn said 
 to the Indians is fresh in our minds and memory, and I 
 believe it is in yours. The Indians and Governor Penn 
 agreed well together; this we all remember, and it is not a 
 small matter that would then have separated us, and now 
 you fill the same station he did in this Province, it is in 
 your power to act the same part. I am sorry for what our 
 foolish people have done. I have gone among my people 
 pleading for peace. If it cost me my life I would do it. 
 The Governor asked Teedyuscung why his people 
 went to war with their brothers, the English. In the 
 chief s lengthy reply he hinted that injustice had been done 
 the Indians in land affairs. The Governor and Commis 
 sioners immediately pressed him for an explanation. 
 Teedyuscung replied with great reluctance and only after 
 he had been repeatedly urged to it. The Delaware Indians 
 still feared the Iroquois. They remembered the chastise 
 ment given them in 1742. Teedyuscung knew that if he 
 mentioned land it would offend the Six Nations. There 
 fore he hesitated. His counsellors had evidently urged 
 him to make peace without mentioning land. But after he 
 was urged to it he stamped upon the earth, saying : "This 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 314. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 343 
 
 very ground was my land and inheritance and is taken 
 from me by fraud." The Governor then asked Teedyus-- 
 cung what he meant by fraud. The chief replied, after 
 William Perm s death his "children forge a deed like the 
 true one with the same Indians names to it and thereby 
 take lands from the Indians they never sold. This is 
 fraud." Also when "the Proprietaries greedy to purchase 
 lands buy of one King (Indian Confederation) what 
 belongs to the other, this is fraud."* When the Governor 
 asked him if he had ever been treated in this manner he 
 replied that he had. The young Proprietaries by the 
 Walking Purchase, had by the use of a compass taken 
 more than double the quantity of land intended to be 
 sold. "I did not intend to speak this," he said, "but I 
 have done it at your request; not that I desire now that 
 you should purchase these lands, but that you should look 
 into your own hearts, and consider what is right, and that 
 do." 
 
 The next day the Governor asked Conrad Weiser if 
 there was any foundation for Teedyuscung s complaint 
 about the Walking Purchase, and the Six Nations right 
 to sell land on the Delaware River. Weiser was never 
 in sympathy with the Delaware Indians. His reply was 
 worthy of an Iroquois Sachem. He said that none of the 
 Delawares present could remember when they had held 
 original claims to land. If any injustice was done the 
 Indians were either dead or gone to the Ohio country. 
 That the land mentioned was first bought by William 
 Penn (1686). His sons John and Thomas renewed this 
 agreement and adjusted the limits, "and a line" (Walking 
 Purchase) "was soon after run by Indians and survey 
 ors." The Indians complained in 1742 and the deeds 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 324, 325. 
 
344 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 were then examined by the chiefs of the Six Nations who 
 old the Delawares that no injustice had been clone them. 
 Both Weiser and Peters insisted that if this matter was 
 loroughly investigated it would be found that the Pro 
 prietaries had done no wrong. 
 
 The Governor then told the Indians that the matter 
 would be thoroughly investigated. Some days later the 
 Governor denied that any injustice had been done, but 
 offered the Indians a handsome present to make satisfac 
 tion for their injuries. This Teedyuscung refused to re 
 ceive. The matter was then placed in charge of an inves 
 tigating committee. 
 
 It was decided that a general peace should be pro 
 claimed, provided that the Indians deliver all their pris 
 oners and that the Governor s declaration of war and 
 scalp act should not apply to the Indians who would 
 promise to bury the hatchet. Presents were then delivered 
 to the value of four hundred pounds, the Governor 
 announcing that the larger part of this present was fur 
 nished "by the people called Quakers as a particular 
 
 testimony of their regard and affection for the Indians 
 and their earnest desire to promote this good work of 
 peace." Teedyuscung, in reply, desired that every one 
 apply himself to the good cause of peace. The corn that 
 is planted," he said, "must be tended or it will come to 
 nothing. Though we have done well in the cause of peace, 
 we must be prudent or our success will not meet our 
 expectations. God that is above hath furnished us both 
 with powers and abilities. I am aware that I have not 
 done my part. I must confess to my shame. But let us 
 all do our part. Let us complete this good work for the 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 332. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 345 
 
 sake of our children. It is our duty to act for their 
 good."* 
 
 Weiser accompanied Teedyuscung and the Indians to 
 Fort Allen. It was determined that the disgrace and loss 
 which followed the first conference should not be repeated. 
 "We reached Bethlehem after dark," writes Weiser, "and 
 after the soldiers and Indians were quartered at the Pub 
 lic Inn this side of the creek, I gave Deedjoskon (Tee 
 dyuscung) the slip in the dark, and he went along with the 
 rest to the said Inn." The next morning Teedyuscung 
 could not get his \vife away from Bethlehem, where she 
 had been staying in care of the Moravian brethren. She 
 declared that she would not live with him because of his 
 debauched habits. The chief then took all the children 
 from her but one, whereupon the Moravian Brothers 
 induced Conrad Weiser 10 use his influence in persuading 
 the \voman to live with her husband. Weiser succeeded 
 and started for Fort Allen by ten o clock. At Hesse s 
 Inn the Indians dined on cider and beef, which cost the 
 Province fifteen shillings. A ten-gallon keg of rum had 
 been sent along for the Indians to drink after they were 
 quite beyond Fort Allen. When the party came near the 
 Fort a number of Indians came to meet Teedyuscung and 
 receive their share of the presents. They were constantly 
 importuning Teedyuscung to be treated with rum. In 
 spite of Weiser s vigilance five gallons were consumed be 
 fore they reached the Fort. Then Teedyuscung demanded 
 the remainder that he might have a frolic with the Indians. 
 Weiser finally surrendered the keg on condition that all 
 the Indians stay away from the Fort, or suffer the conse 
 quences. Teedyuscung agreed to the terms, and Weiser 
 writes, "I ordered a soldier to carry it" (the rum) "down 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 332, 333. 
 
346 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 to the fire; about midnight he came back and desired to 
 be let in, and it was found that he was alone, orders were 
 given to let him in, because his wife and children were 
 in the Fort; he behaved well. After awhile we were 
 alarmed by one of the drunken Indians, that offered to 
 climb over the stoccadoes. I got on the platform and 
 looked out of the porthole, and saw the Indian, and told 
 him to be gone, else the sentry should fire upon him; he 
 ran off as fast as he could, and cried, Damn you all, I 
 value you not/ but he got out of sight immediately, and 
 we heard no more of it."* After the rum was all gone 
 and Weiser had furnished a sick Indian with a horse, and 
 settled the case of a stolen gun, Teedyuscung, who was 
 quite sober, parted from Weiser with tears in his eyes. 
 He desired me, .says Weiser, "to stand a friend to the 
 Indians, and give good advice, till everything that was 
 desired was brought about. Though he is a drunkard 
 and a very irregular man, yet he is a man that can think 
 well, and I believe him to be sincere in what he said." 
 
 Teedyuscung went out among his people to hunt up 
 the prisoners, and to arouse a more widespread peace sen 
 timent. Newcastle, the warm friend of the English, had 
 died of small-pox at Philadelphia. The great peace 
 apostle among the Indians was dead. Teedyuscung alone 
 remained. The charge of fraud made by the great chief, 
 was the tocsin for civil strife. The anti-Proprietary party 
 took up the issue. Dark suspicions had hung over the 
 "Walking Purchase." Now the Governor had promised 
 that all would be investigated. The Assembly and the 
 Quakers were determined that the committee of inves 
 tigation should investigate. About this time Sir William 
 Johnson selected George Croghan as his deputy, and gave 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. III., p. 67. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 347 
 
 him entire control of Indian affairs in Pennsylvania. 
 Croghan desired that the coming treaty, which was to 
 include a large number of Susquehanna Indians, should 
 be held at Lancaster. During May, 1757, a great con 
 course of Indians gathered there. But Teedyuscung was 
 still among the Iroquois pleading for peace. Sir William 
 Johnson and Croghan desired that all friendly Indians 
 take up the hatchet in the English cause. Teedyuscung 
 opposed this and advocated the Quaker view of peace and 
 neutrality for the Indians. While the chiefs were waiting 
 near Lancaster for Teedyuscung, the Governor received 
 imperative orders again from Lord London to keep clear 
 from all Indian treaties, and to forbid the Quakers from 
 either attending those treaties or in any manner contribut 
 ing thereto. For these reasons Governor Denny declined 
 to go to Lancaster. Letters and petitions now poured in 
 upon the Governor. William Masters and Joseph Gallo 
 way, of Lancaster, voiced the sentiment of that vicinity 
 in a letter urging the Governor to come to Lancaster 
 immediately, and use every possible means to ascertain 
 the truth or falsity of Teedyuscung s charges. "The 
 Indians now present have plainly intimated that they are 
 acquainted with the true cause of our Indian war. : The 
 Friendly Society for the Promotion of Peace among the 
 . Indians asked permission of the Governor to examine the 
 minutes of the Provincial Council, and the Proprietary 
 deeds in order to "assist the Proprietary in proving their 
 innocence of Teedyuscung s charges." The Governor 
 positively refused to show them any papers. The Com 
 missioners in charge of Indian affairs were also refused 
 the same request. The Governor then lost his temper and 
 charged the Quakers of Pennsylvania with meddling in 
 affairs which did not concern them. The Assembly then 
 
34^ CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 sent a message to the Governor, denying that the people of 
 the Province ever interfered with his Majesties preroga 
 tive of making peace and war Their known duty and 
 
 loyalty to his Majesty, notwithstanding the pains taken 
 to misrepresent their actions, forbid such an attempt. 
 It is now clear by the inquiries made by your Honor, 
 that the cause of the present Indian inscursions on this 
 Province, and the dreadful calamities many of the inhab 
 itants have suffered, have arisen in a great measure from 
 the exorbitant and unreasonable purchases made or sup 
 posed to be made of the Indians, that the natives complain 
 they have not a country left to hunt or subsist in."* 
 
 This view which was entertained by the people as 
 well as the Assembly was contradicted by Conrad Weiser, 
 who was requested by the Proprietors to furnish them 
 something in writing. "I can never agree," he says, "that 
 the Indians came to complain about their land, or some of 
 it being fraudulently got from them, but they were pressed 
 for reasons why they struck us, and gave that as one of 
 their reasons, but I am satisfied that it was put into their 
 mouth some time before. Witness Sailer s News after 
 the treaty in July, in Easton, upon that head we want no 
 treaty, without they, the Indians, require it. We want no 
 mediator between the Proprietors and the Indians about 
 land affairs. " 
 
 The pressure of the people compelled Governor Denny 
 to go to the Lancaster Conference. Croghan was desir 
 ous that the consultation be held at Lancaster and that the 
 Western Indians be drawn into a treaty there. Croghan 
 and Weiser could not agree upon the policy to be em 
 ployed. Finally, Weiser yielded to his superior in office. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 577- 
 C. Z. Weiser s Life of Conrad Weiser, p. 386. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 349 
 
 The Cherokee Indians who were serving in the army near 
 Fort London and Fort Cumberland were stoutly opposed 
 to any peace with the Delaware Indians. As a conse 
 quence while the conference was in progress at Lancaster, 
 a number of Indian outrages took place within a few miles 
 of that town. This exasperated the people to such an 
 extent that in one instance they brought the mutilated 
 body of a woman whom the Indians had scalped, and left 
 it on the Court House steps, a silent witness as they said 
 of the fruits of an Indian peace. These things with the 
 absence of Teedyuscung made it impossible to accomplish 
 anything at Lancaster. Presents were given, and the 
 principles of peace expounded among the Indians. This 
 was done by the Friends who attended in large num 
 bers. The Governor, writing to the Proprietaries, said : 
 "In case the Quakers should again apply for liberty to 
 give presents and attend the treaty, I have prepared an 
 answer agreeable to the Proprietor s letter of the I2th of 
 March, in which I shall give them in writing, considering 
 how fully and openly I had censured their numbers and 
 behavior at Fasten. I did not expect such a body of 
 Friends would have attended at Lancaster, where the 
 Secretary counted above one hundred in the Court House 
 at one of the conferences, and some told me there were 
 one hundred and forty; all as I am creditably informed 
 deputed by the several meetings for that purpose. Four 
 members of the Quaker meeting applied to me before I 
 went to Lancaster for leave to join their.presents as usual 
 to the Provincial presents. I consented it should be done 
 exactly as it was agreed on by Governor Morris. On this 
 answer, they have given out that I consented to their 
 going, which I did no otherwise than as I have related. ^ 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. TIL, pp. 196, 197- 
 
35 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 To what extent the interference of the Friends embar 
 rassed the Governor s conferences is not clear. His cor 
 respondence with the Proprietaries would indicate that he 
 was under instructions to exclude them from public trea 
 ties if possible. Yet the Governor seems to have been 
 unwilling to refuse their offers of Indian presents, and 
 m winking at their presence, an influence potent for peace 
 was permitted to circulate among the Indians. The ques 
 tion of a peace with the Ohio Indians was, therefore, post 
 poned until Teedyuscung should arrive. 
 
 In June, 1757, a message came from the "King," as 
 he was called, asking that "four or five horse loads of 
 provisions" be sent to Wyoming, "not by white people, 
 
 but by Indians I desire you would be careful," 
 
 said Teedyuscung, "I have heard and have reason to think 
 it will grieve both you and me to the heart. There are 
 many nations belonging to the French who go around me ; 
 and as I have heard, and have reason to believe they know 
 and have understood that I have taken hold of your hand, 
 and their aim is to break us a peace, and to separate us. 
 When I visited the Indians over the Great Swamp and 
 told them my message of peace they said it was a bait, 
 and that the English would kill us all ; but, however,- when 
 they saw me come back safe the first time, they dropt 
 their tomahawks, and said, Mf the English are true to you 
 they will be true to us. "* When the third Easton Con 
 ference opened in July, 1757, Teedyuscung was very much 
 incensed at Conrad Weiser. The chief wanted to go out 
 and meet Governor Denny, which he claimed was the 
 Indian custom of complimenting a great man. Weiser 
 had promised to give Teedyuscung notice of the Gover 
 nor s arrival The chief now complains that Weiser 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 590. 
 
RECONCILIATION. 351 
 
 deceived him, and if he would do it in one instance he 
 would do it again. The old Indian never knew that the 
 Governor had no desire to be a recipient of the Indian s 
 compliments, shown in this manner, and that Weiser was 
 under instructions to keep the Indians from coming to 
 meet him. 
 
 Teedyuscung went further and declared that he would 
 do no business until he could have a clerk of his own. He 
 considered that it was proper that he should have a copy 
 of the proceedings which should be kept among the 
 Indians wampum. The Governor consulted his Council 
 and had a lengthy interview with Conrad Weiser, when 
 it was decided that it was not necessary for Teedyuscung 
 to have a clerk. That evening a meeting was held and the 
 Governor explained why it was not necessary for Tee 
 dyuscung to have a private secretary. The chief seemed 
 satisfied. The next morning "the Governor and Council 
 were surprised at Teedyuscung s applying again with so 
 much warmth for a clerk after he had expressed himself 
 so well satisfied the evening before with the speech made 
 them by the Governor, assigning reasons why he could 
 not comply with his request, and suspected that the 
 Indians had been tampered with on this occasion by some 
 evil disposed persons and put on renewing this demand."* 
 Croghan insisted that Teedyuscung had no such intention 
 when he came to Wyoming a few weeks previous, but on 
 the contrary expressed his entire approval of the clerk 
 which Croghan had selected. 
 
 Weiser was positive that Israel Pemberton, the leader 
 of the "Friends Peace Association" had seduced Tee 
 dyuscung into such a demand. "I was sitting alone in my 
 room at the tavern," he said, "when Israel Pemberton 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., p. 657. 
 
35 2 CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 suddenly opened my door, but noticing that I was alone, 
 he asked my pardon and withdrew. Sometime later I 
 joined Captains Orndt and Busse, who were sitting to 
 gether in another room, in a few minutes Teedyuscung 
 and Pumpshire, his interpreter, joined the company. The 
 chief in an abrupt and rough manner complained that the 
 Governor had not used him well in reference to the clerk. 
 As the King of Ten Nations he had a right to a clerk. 
 He would have one. He would no longer be led by the 
 nose, and the Governor might be told so. I told him he 
 could tell the Governor himself. After the Indian with 
 drew, Captain Orndt said that Teedyuscung had been in 
 his room before that evening, but a Quaker gentleman, 
 known to be Israel Pemberton, had taken him out scarcely 
 a half hour before." From this Weiser and Orndt con 
 cluded that Pemberton was the cause of Teedyuscung s 
 unusual demand. The Governor was very much dis 
 turbed by this request. With the advice of all the council 
 except James Logan it was thought best to leave it all 
 with George Croghan. The old trader endeavored to 
 persuade the "King" away from such "an infatuation, but 
 to no purpose." The crafty chief broke off the conver 
 sation abruptly, and pulling out a belt of wampum gave 
 it to Croghan declaring that he would either have a clerk 
 or break up the treaty and leave the town. Croghan 
 thereupon, recommended the Governor to grant Teedyus 
 cung s request. 
 
 The Governor then grew angry with the Assembly s 
 Indian Commissioners and charged them with bringing 
 all this trouble upon him, saying : "Your presumption on 
 this occasion either as commissioners or private subjects, 
 to receive any complaint or application from the Indians, 
 and taking upon you to remonstrate in their behalf to me, 
 
RECONCILIATION. 353 
 
 is illegal, unconstitutional, introductive of the greatest 
 confusion and mischiefs, and the highest invasion of the 
 
 just rights of the Crown By what means Teedyus- 
 
 cung came to demand a clerk, I am at a loss to deter 
 mine; nor is it less surprising to me that you should 
 undertake to give him your opinion of the matter (as you 
 acknowledged you did), and pronounce his demand so 
 very reasonable and just, before he had advised with me 
 upon it."* 
 
 Denny s vigorous defense of the Proprietary privilege 
 to keep all the records was finally overruled. The next 
 day the Governor in open treaty said to Teedyuscung, "No 
 Indian chief before you, ever demanded to have a clerk, 
 and none has ever been appointed for Indians in former 
 treaties, nay I have not even nominated one on the part 
 of the Province, therefore, I cannot help declaring it 
 against my judgment. I am afraid by your showing so 
 little confidence in me and the King s deputy agent, that 
 you have hearkened to idle stories or the singing of birds, 
 tho you advised me against it; however, to give you 
 fresh proof of my friendship and regard, if you insist 
 upon having a clerk, I shall no longer oppose it." Tee 
 dyuscung thanked the Governor and apologized for any 
 rudeness he may have shown, desiring that the past might 
 be forgotten, and with cheerfulness, he said, "Let us pro 
 ceed with all our power in the great work of peace." 
 
 Richard Peters was very much incensed over the atti 
 tude taken by the Assembly, the Friends and the Com 
 missioners, in urging that Teedyuscung s demands were 
 right and proper. He took it as a reflection upon the 
 honesty and sincerity of his own actions as clerk. He 
 accordingly declared that he would have nothing whatever 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., pp. 661, 662. 
 
354 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 to do with the records. In a private letter to Conrad 
 Weiser he says : "I enclose you the Indian Conference 
 (treaties of 1756), published without the Governor s 
 leave or knowledge by the Assembly. You will observe 
 the reports tagged to the Conference, it is one other speci 
 men of Mr. Franklin s disingenuity and baseness. You 
 observe justly that it is not a time to provoke the Dela- 
 wares, and therefore it will be difficult how to act, but 
 nevertheless, the Proprietors and other folks must lie 
 under their infamous misrepresentations. ^ Peters, in 
 behalf of the Proprietors held the council records. He 
 even refused to allow the Indian Commissioners appointed 
 by the Assembly to examine them. 
 
 When the treaty opened Mr. Trent, a former trader, 
 took Mr. Peters place as clerk for the Province. He 
 records the following opening minute : "As soon as the 
 Governor and Council and Indians had taken their seats, 
 Teedyuscung by his interpreter, John Pumpshire, called 
 for Charles Thomson, master of the Quaker school in the 
 city of Philadelphia; placed him by Mr. Trent at the 
 table, and said he had chosen him for his clerk ; whereupon 
 he sat down and began taking minutes, without asking 
 permission of the Governor, who took no further notice 
 of it."* 
 
 Charles Thomson in writing of this affair to his friend 
 Samuel Rhodes, says : "I need not mention the importance 
 of the business we are come about. The welfare of the 
 Province and the lives of thousands depend upon it. That 
 an affair of such weight should be transacted with sober 
 ness, all will allow ; how, then, must it shock you to hear 
 
 Manuscript letters of Conrad Weiser, in the collection of the 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII, p. 665. 
 
CHARLES THOMSON 
 
RECONCILIATION. 355 
 
 that pains seem to have been taken to make the King* 
 drunk every night since the business began. The first two 
 or three days were spent in deliberating whether the King 
 should be allowed the privilege of a clerk. When he was 
 resolute in asserting his right and would enter into no 
 business without having a secretary of his own, they at 
 last gave it up, and seem to have fallen on another scheme 
 which is to unfit him to say anything worthy of being 
 inscribed (?) by his secretary. On Saturday, under pre 
 tence of rejoicing for the victory gained by the King of 
 Prussia and the arrival of the fleet, a bonfire was ordered 
 to be made and liquor given to the Indians to induce them 
 to dance. For fear they should get sober on Sunday and 
 be fit next day to enter on business under pretence that 
 the Mohawks had requested it, another bonfire was or 
 dered to be made and more liquor given them. On Mon 
 day night the King was made drunk by Conrad- Weiser, 
 on Tuesday by G. Croghan ; last night he was very drunk 
 at Vernon s, and Vernon lays the blame on Comin and 
 G. Croghan. He did not go to sleep last night. This 
 morning he lay down under a shed about the break of day 
 and slept a few hours. He is to speak this afternoon. He 
 is to be sure in a fine capacity to do business. But thus 
 we go on. I leave you to make reflections. I for my part 
 wish myself at home." 
 
 That Teedyuscung with his inordinate appetite for 
 rum should have succeeded in guiding his public affairs 
 between the two conflicting parties is a subject of some 
 moment. The old chief had a clear mind and was un 
 swerving in his purpose. He placed large confidence 
 in Charles Thomson, and doubtless accepted his guidance 
 
 *Teedyuscung. 
 
 From Pennsylvania Magazine, vol. XX., p. 422. 
 
35" CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 in many things. The Governor and his party were quick 
 to charge Charles Thomson with all of Teedyuscung s 
 whims and obstinate rulings, especially his attitude on 
 the old land dispute. Weiser and Croghan each declared 
 that Teedyuscung himself was ready to drop all land con 
 troversies, and would have done so had it not been for 
 Thomson and his crowd. But in this Croghan and Weiser 
 were either mistaken or their advice was rendered merely 
 to please the ear of the Governor and their employers, the 
 Proprietors. The real reason why Teedyuscung and his 
 Indians were reticent about the fraud perpetrated by the 
 "Walking Purchase" was from fear of the Six Nations. 
 This was a transition period with the Delaware Indians. 
 They were asserting their independence from the Six 
 Nations, and were content with accomplishing that, feel 
 ing that they could afford to wait until after peace was 
 fully established, before they asserted their ancient rights 
 to the lands drained by the Delaware River. Teedyus 
 cung s advisers urged him not to push the land dispute. 
 
 The Governor, however, in behalf of the Proprietors, 
 was determined to make Teedyuscung deny that any 
 fraud had been used in land purchases. His object in this 
 was to exonerate the Proprietors from any suspicions. The 
 Assembly s party, which was in league with the Friends, 
 knowing that the "Walking Purchase" was a flagrant 
 fraud, was determined to use this opportunity to have all 
 the proceedings of that purchase thoroughly examined. 
 When pressed for the cause of the Indian alienation, Tee 
 dyuscung declared that it was the land. "The complaint 
 I made last fall I yet continue. I think some lands have 
 been bought by the Proprietors or his agents from Indians 
 
 who had not a right to sell I think, also, when 
 
 some lands have been sold to the Proprietors by Indians 
 
RECONCILIATION. 357 
 
 who had a right to sell to a certain place, whether that 
 purchase was to be measured by miles or hours walk, that 
 the Proprietors have contrary to agreement or bargain, 
 taken in more lands than they ought to have done; and 
 lands that belonged to others. I therefore now desire 
 that you will produce the writings and deeds by which 
 you hold the land, and let them be read in public, and 
 examined, that it may be fully known from what Indians 
 you have bought the lands you hold; and how far your 
 purchases extend ; that copies of the whole may be laid 
 before King George, and published to all the Provinces 
 under his Government. What is fairly bought and paid 
 for I make no further demands about. But if any lands 
 have been bought of Indians to whom these lands did not 
 belong, and who had no right to sell them, I expect a 
 satisfaction for those lands; and if the Proprietors have 
 taken in more lands than they bought of true owners, I 
 expect likewise to be paid for that."* Teedyuscung then 
 asked that the territory of Wyoming be reserved to the 
 Indians forever. That it might be surveyed and a deed 
 given to the Indians, that they might have something to 
 show when it became necessary to drive the white men 
 away. After these charges were again made the Governor 
 called Croghan and Weiser together to know what was 
 the best thing to do. Each of these men with his large 
 share of experience in Indian affairs agreed in the opinion 
 that some outside influence had induced Teedyuscung to 
 revive these charges. They also united in the opinion that 
 the Indians merely wanted a glimpse of the old deeds, 
 
 The water shed between the Delaware and the east branch of 
 the Susquehanna Rivers. 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII. , p. 681. 
 
358 CONRAD VVEISER. 
 
 and would be satisfied with a cursory examination of the 
 signatures. 
 
 Upon these assertions the Governor and Council were 
 induced to grant Teedyuscung s request and to show him 
 the deeds of 1686 and 1737 from the Dela wares, and of 
 1749 from the Iroquois. When the Governor applied to 
 Mr. Peters for the papers and deeds they were again 
 refused. Peters declared that he held them as a sacred 
 trust from the Proprietors and would neither surrender 
 them nor permit himself to be placed under oath and give 
 testimony. These two things could only be done, he 
 insisted, in the presence of Sir William Johnson, before 
 whom as a final arbitrator, the Proprietors desired that 
 these charges should be laid. James Logan immediately 
 opposed Richard Peters. He insisted that all deeds relat 
 ing to lands which the Indians claimed were fraudulently 
 purchased, should be shown. To refuse this would be 
 unjust to the Indians and dangerous to the cause of peace. 
 Logan explained that the Proprietary instructions should 
 not be too literally construed and obeyed. The Indians 
 Avere opposed to having their case settled before Sir Wil 
 liam Johnson. After an animated discussion in Council 
 it was reluctantly agreed that the deeds should be shown. 
 The Council only consented to this after Conrad Weiser 
 had assured them that Teedyuscung did not insist upon 
 seeing all the deeds, but only those pertaining to the back 
 lands. R. Peters again protested, but was overruled. The 
 deeds were laid on the table August 3, 17=57. 
 
 Charles Thomson, at Teedyuscung s request, copied 
 these deeds. The chief said he would have preferred to 
 have seen the deeds of confirmation given to Governor 
 Keith in 1718, but the great work of peace was superior 
 to the land dispute, and if the Proprietors would make 
 
RECONCILIATION. 359 
 
 satisfaction for the lands which had been fraudulently 
 secured he would return the English prisoners held cap 
 tive among the Indians. The peace belt was then grasped 
 by the Governor and Teedyuscung, and the two years 
 struggle for peace was crowned with victory. After 
 much feasting and dancing, drinking and burning of bon 
 fires the treaty closed. 
 
 Teedyuscung promised to fight for the English on con 
 dition that his men should not be commanded by white 
 captains. The Governor and his party returned to Phila 
 delphia, deeply worried over the publicity of the Indian 
 charges of fraud which had occurred at the Easton Con 
 ference. Peace to the Proprietors was dearly purchased, 
 if the people of the Province were confirmed in their belief 
 that the Indian outrages had been caused by fraud in land 
 purchases. Two things, therefore, must be done, peace 
 must be extended to the Western Indians, and the charges 
 of Teedyuscung must be revoked. 
 
\6o 
 
 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 PEACE. 
 
 Peace desired with the Western Indians Post s Journey Weiser s 
 waning Power Weiser s Loyalty to the Six Nations Weiser s 
 Advice about the Wyoming Fort Houses built for the Indians at 
 Wyoming Teedyuscung and his Rand want to share the White 
 Mans Bounty on Scalps Teedyuscung in Philadelphia The In 
 fluence of the Friendly Association for the Promotion of Peace 
 I he Quakers closely watched The Cherokee Allies cause Disaf 
 fectionFrederick Christian Post s first Mission Post wins a 
 V ictory Post s Ohio Mission Preparing for the Great Conference 
 I he fourth Easton Conference Southwestern Pennsylvania 
 deeded back to the Indians The Munsey Land Claim in New 
 The Mohawks try to break down Teedyuscung s Influence 
 Governors ^ Bernard and Denny apologize for Teedyuscung 
 Teedyuscung s Defense Thomas King temporarily settles the 
 Difficulty Teedyuscung s Charge of Fraud The Governor loath 
 to investigate For four hundred pounds sterling Teedyuscung 
 withdraws his Charges of Fraud in the Walking Purchase. 
 
 THE work of peace would not be complete until the 
 Western Indians were secured and the approbation 
 and approval of the Six Nations obtained. To this end 
 the Friendly Association and the Indian Commissioners 
 strained every effort. The removal of Lord London and 
 the accession of William Pitt favored the Pennsylvania 
 projects. While the Forbes Expedition was forming and 
 slowly chopping its way into Western Pennsylvania; 
 while Montgomery was planning to subdue Quebec, the 
 peace element in Pennsylvania robbed the French of their 
 Indian allies on the Ohio. Pennsylvania accomplished 
 this by means of two influences. First, the embargo laid 
 on breadstuff s by the greatest exporting centre among the 
 Colonies, seriously embarrassed the French, who were no 
 longer able to feed their allies. Second, the peace send- 
 
PEACE. 361 
 
 ment of the Friendly Association working through Tee- 
 dyuscung, and finally through Frederick Christian Post, 
 the great Moravian peace maker. 
 
 Post journeyed several times to the Ohio country -antf" 
 succeeded in persuading the Shawanese and the Delawares 
 to bury the hatchet and desert the French, xfle did this 
 with a heavy reward upon his scalp, while^his every foot 
 step was surrounded with danger. Post worked with an 
 unshaken faith in the cause of peace and its final triumph. 
 
 The Easton Conference of 1758 completed the work 
 among the Indians in the Delaware and Susquehanna. It 
 secured the friendship of the Six Nations, and consum 
 mated the efforts of Christian Post among the Western 
 Indians. Conrad Weiser saw his former influence shorn 
 of its power. Colonel Johnson was now Sir William 
 Johnson, and by the King s authority had exclusive con 
 trol of Iroquois affairs. Croghan, his deputy, managed 
 Western Indian matters. The Delawares had thrown off 
 their allegiance to the Six Nations, and declared them 
 selves independent and able to treat for themselves. 
 
 Charles Thomson now became the chosen adviser 
 of the Indians on the Delaware. Teedyuscung and his fol 
 lowers were not admirers of Conrad Weiser. The Mora 
 vians found their champion in Frederick Christian Post, 
 and through his zeal and warm friendship for the Dela 
 wares they turned away from Weiser, whose love for a 
 Delaware was not remarkable. The old interpreter who 
 had once been the leader in the Indian policy of Six Pro 
 vinces now found himself despised by the Delawares, 
 because he took up arms against them, suspected by the 
 Iroquois who had opened their ears to Sir William John 
 son. Nor was Weiser s standing better among his white 
 brethren. The Germans distrusted him, and all the 
 
32 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Quakers turned from him because of his adherence to the 
 cause of the Proprietors. Weiser s enemies declared that, 
 money was the sole motive for all his actions, and that he 
 engaged in Indian affairs for profit. 
 
 It is true that Conrad Weiser was a staunch supporter 
 of the Proprietors and their interests, but back of this he 
 had a deep sense of justice for the Indians. Whenever the 
 policy of the Province threatened to injure the red man, 
 Weiser was quick to rally to his aid. This is especially 
 noticeable with the Iroquois Indians. For them Weiser 
 had a genuine friendship. When some of the Six Nation 
 deputies were in Philadelphia, in June, 1758, the Governor 
 not receiving them in person as promptly as Weiser con 
 sidered best, he therefore wrote the following letter to 
 Richard Peters: 
 
 "SiR : If the Governor wont meet the Indians this 
 Evening only to shake hands with them, and signify his 
 satisfaction to see them in Town, and leave business to 
 other days when they are recovered from their fatigue, 
 I will say that he does not act the part of a well wisher 
 to his Majesties people and interest, at this critical times. 
 You may let him know so, here is my hand to my saying 
 so. I am, Sir, a loyal subject and a well wisher to my 
 Country. 
 
 "CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 "Philadelphia, July the 6th, at half an 
 
 "hour after five."* 
 
 No one but Conrad Weiser would have dared to have 
 spoken in that manner to the Governor. But the old 
 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. III., p. 439. 
 
PEACE. 363 
 
 interpreter had imbibed of the fearless Indian spirit, which 
 brooked no overawing aristocracy when the truth must be 
 spoken. 
 
 After the Conference of 1757, the Pennsylvania As 
 sembly offered to enact a law which would settle the 
 Wyoming lands upon Teedyuscung and his people forever. 
 This was in accordance with the chief s wishes expressed 
 at Easton. The Governor was prompt and eager in his 
 desire to secure such legislation, but insisted that the Six 
 Nations had never given the Proprietors a deed for that 
 region. For this reason he advised delay, until the Six 
 Nations and the Proprietors would sanction and provide 
 for such a disposition. Teedyuscung and his warriors 
 were unable to understand any reason for this delay. 
 They insisted that the houses and a fort should be built 
 for them at Wyoming. The Governor and Council im 
 mediately consulted Weiser upon the advisability of doing 
 this, and desired that he undertake the affair. He replied : 
 "I am in a very low state of health, and cannot without 
 great hazard, undertake any journey; besides if the Six 
 Nations should not be pleased with the building of a fort at 
 Wyoming, they would blame me more than any body else, 
 because they would have it to say that I knew their rights, 
 etc., tho I believe if the building a fort at Wyoming is 
 cautiously carried on, merely for the use of the Indians, 
 and left to them when finished, all will be well. A trading 
 house at Fort Augusta (Shamokin) should immediately 
 be erected, else our Indian Interests, what little we may 
 yet have, will be entirely lost. If the government cannot 
 agree about the condition, some well disposed men should 
 be appointed to keep stores at Fort Augusta, and furnish 
 the Indians with what they want; clothing: especially, as 
 they must be, for the most part, naked at this time. This 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 article requires all Possible care and speed. Rum should 
 not be allowed to be sold or given by any licensed trader. 
 A little, or just a Dram, might be given by the command 
 ing officer of Fort Augusta, and he to deny obstinately and 
 absolutely a second, and the Indians will like it better 
 when they judge of the thing coolly, and by themselves."* 
 
 This unsolicited prohibitive advice offered by Weiser 
 reflects his genuine sentiments. The man who staved the 
 rum casks at Logstown at the risk of his life, knew full 
 well that this was a never failing cause of Indian dissatis 
 faction. The charges made by Charles Thomson while 
 at Easton in 1757 were doubtless obtained from Teedyus- 
 cung himself, and the old chief never lost an opportunity 
 to injure Weiser, whom he despised. That .the Proprietary 
 interests at Easton in 1757 used quantities of liquor to 
 confuse Teedyuscung is only too true, that Weiser was a 
 party to it is extremely doubtful. 
 
 After Weiser refused to go to Wyoming to build the 
 houses, the Council reluctantly appointed one of their 
 own number, who, during the following spring, with a 
 force of fifty to sixty carpenters and masons, built at the 
 Provincial expense ten wooden houses at Wyoming. These 
 houses were on stone foundations and were sixteen by 
 twenty-four feet. During the process of erection one of 
 the masons was scalped by a party of French and Indians, 
 who with jealous eye, were lurking in the vicinity. 
 
 After the peace of 1757, Teedyuscung could not re 
 main neutral, he desired to send his young men against the 
 French. He accordingly petitioned the Governor for a 
 reward on scalps. If the white men of the Province could 
 enjoy the profits of such a bounty, Teedyuscung saw no 
 reason why the recently acquired Indian allies might not 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VII., pp. 735, 736. 
 
PEACE. 
 
 come in for their share. The Governor was seriously 
 embarrassed over this demand. To thwart the desire of 
 this self-willed chief was a matter of great danger to the 
 Province. The Assembly promptly opposed such a meas 
 ure. Then in proportion to the Assembly s opposition the 
 Governor favored the project. Since no conclusion could 
 in this manner be reached, Conrad Weiser was again 
 summoned and his advice solicited. "It is my humble 
 opinion," he said, "that no encouragement should be given 
 to the Indians for scalps for fear we must pay for our own 
 scalps, and those of our fellow-subjects, as will certainly 
 be the case. Allow as much for prisoners as you please, 
 rather more than was intended." This advice settled the 
 dispute and the Indians were not allowed any bounty for 
 French and French Indian scalps. 
 
 Early in the spring of 1758, Teedyuscung came to 
 Philadelphia and demanded a private conference with the 
 Governor and his Council, with permission to bring his 
 clerk, Charles Thomson, with him. The Governor and 
 Council refused to have the clerk meet with them, and in 
 this matter overruled Teedyuscung, but promised him that 
 he could have his clerk at all future public conferences. 
 After the chief had gotten over his anger he renewed his 
 request for a settlement at Wyoming, asking for school 
 masters, counsellors and two ministers, saying: "You 
 must consider that I have a soul as well as another."* 
 After smoking the calumet pipe of peace sent from the 
 Western Indians, he asked that his peace belts be sent to 
 the Ohio country, saying: "I have received encourage 
 ment from the Indian Nations. Now Brothers, press on 
 with all your might in promoting the good work we are 
 engaged in ; let us beg the God that made us to bless our 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 47. 
 
366 CONRAD YVEISER. 
 
 endeavor, and I am sure that if you exert yourselves, the 
 God will grant a blessing, we shall live." 
 
 This appeal for peace with the Western Indians, com 
 ing from the lips of Teedyuscung was the initial move 
 towards Christian Post s daring mission into the heart of 
 the French territory. It is quite probable, however, that 
 Teedyuscung s plea for peace was inspired by the members 
 of "the Friendly Association for the Promotion of -Peace." 
 For two years the Friends had treated Teedyuscung and 
 his people in the most considerate manner. At one 
 time his savage nature would appear on the surface and 
 demand a bounty on scalps for his young men, at another 
 time the instincts of peace .reinforced by numerous 
 Quaker sermons would be in the ascendency, and Tee 
 dyuscung would plead for a general peace with all the sub 
 dued fervor so characteristic of this remarkable Indian. 
 The influence of the Society of Friends upon these 
 Indians, and through them upon the peace negotiations 
 on the Ohio is probably not overdrawn by the enemies of 
 the Friends. 
 
 It was generally believed by the Proprietary party that 
 the Friends were bent upon injuring the reputation of the 
 Proprietors, since they had spread the report among the 
 people that the Indians had been defrauded of their lands. 
 The Governor s party could not comprehend why the 
 Friends spent so much money upon the Indians, and at 
 tended treaties in such numbers, unless it was to harm the 
 Governor s authority, and blacken the character of the 
 Proprietors. That they could do such a thing purely from 
 a love of peace was at that time incomprehensible. The 
 Governor s party at the Easton Treaty of 1757, therefore, 
 had William Peters and Jacob Duche appointed to watch 
 
 Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 34. 
 
PEACE. 
 
 the Quakers carefully, and if possible, discover what pur 
 pose they had in attending the treaty in such large num 
 bers, especially after the Governor had told them plainly 
 that such actions would be distasteful to him. These two 
 gentlemen, acting as spies and full of suspicion reported 
 that "the Quakers distributed a number of presents pri 
 vately among the Indians, greatly to the injury of the 
 Governor s influence, so much so that when we met any of 
 the Indians on the streets or in our evening walks after 
 business, they would generally accost us with this question 
 in their broken English, Are you a Quaker, a Quaker ? - 
 and if we answered no, they would frown and look very 
 stern and ill-natured upon us, and say we were bad man- 
 bad man, Governor s man ; but if we answer in the affirm 
 ative (as we did sometimes to try them) that we were 
 Quakers, they would smile and caress us, and call us 
 brothers, and say we were good men Quaker good men 
 Governor s men bad men good for nothing." One 
 afternoon the Governor decided not to confer with the 
 Indians. In the journals of the Conference he assigns 
 as a reason that Teedyuscung was drunk. Charles Thom 
 son in his report says Teedyuscung was not drunk. This 
 action of the Governor inflamed the Indians until they 
 put on the war paint, and loaded the guns. This revolt 
 among the Indians, Peters and Duche report as alarming 
 the white people of Easton. "Many of them went to the 
 riotous Indians and endeavored to quiet and disarm them, 
 but they would suffer nobody to do it, till the Quakers 
 came, and to them they immediately submitted, and de 
 livered up their arms as readily and submissively as com 
 mon soldiers would to their officers." At another time 
 when the detectives were taking an evening walk they 
 met an Indian dressed in a remarkably plain manner, 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 with a broad flat hat, like a Quaker. We asked him if he 
 was a Quaker, and he smiling, answered, "Yes, yes, I a 
 Quaker now but when I go away I Indian again."* 
 From this it would appear that Teedyuscung was sup 
 ported, if not moved to peace by the Friends. He per 
 sisted in asking the Governor to send his peace belts to 
 Ohio. The Province acting slowly in this matter. Tee 
 dyuscung himself decided to send two brave and trust 
 worthy Indians to Ohio with the peace belts. 
 
 While these efforts were progressing, numerous out 
 rages were occurring along the border. The French 
 Indians again fell upon the inhabitants in Berks County 
 and alarmed the citizens of Reading. Teedyuscung s two 
 messengers were still at Fort Allen. One of them having 
 a bad dream they immediately decided not to go. Reports 
 came in that old Paxinosa, the faithful Shawanese chief, 
 who had been true to the English since the war began, 
 had turned against the men of Pennsylvania. A general 
 uprising seemed to be among the Indians. The French 
 appeared to be gaining ground. General Forbes was 
 quick to see this, and he urged Governor Denny to ^accede 
 to all of Teedyuscung s demands. At this critical juncture, 
 those intimate with the secrets of the Delaware Indians 
 discovered that the cause of this sudden disaffection was 
 due to the presence of the Cherokee Indians in the Pro 
 vince. The men of Cumberland County, joining with 
 Virginia, and Mr. Atkin, the Southern Superintendent 
 of Indian affairs for the Crown, secured the alliance of the 
 Cherokee and Southern Indians. Their presence at Car 
 lisle and Cumberland excited the Six Nations and the 
 Delaw r ares. If their old enemies were friends to the Fn:- 
 
 o 
 
 lish, they, the Northern Indians, would go over to the 
 *Penna. Archives, vol. III., pp. 275, 276. 
 
PEACE. 369 
 
 French. Old Paxinosa arose and said I will take my 
 people and go to Ohio. 
 
 Governor Denny and General Forbes at once sent 
 Christian Post and Charles Thomson to Wyoming, to 
 persuade the Indians from their purpose, and, if possible, 
 to call all the friendly Indians east of the mountains while 
 Forbes should complete his expedition towards Fort Du- 
 Quesne. Thomson and Post met Teedyuscung on the 
 mountains some fourteen or fifteen miles from the Wyo 
 ming Valley. When they told him their mission, he said, 
 "Go back, I will not answer for your lives if you go on." 
 They then reminded him that the road to Wyoming had 
 been opened by a belt of wampum and that it was his busi 
 ness to keep it open from Fort Allen to his town, just as 
 the Governor kept it open for the Indians from Fort Allen 
 to Fasten. Post said that it was the custom of all nations 
 to allow peace messengers to go to and fro. Teedyuscung 
 replied that this was true, that it was the Six Nations, 
 not Teedyuscung, who had blocked the road. That the 
 woods was full of their war parties, they would not listen 
 to his plea for peace, but declared that the Cherokee alli 
 ance and the murder of Seneca Indians in Virginia stirred 
 them to war. It was impossible for Post and Thomson 
 to go further against Teedyuscung s advice. The cause of 
 peace was growing dark. The messengers returned with 
 their ears full of complaints. 
 
 In this dark hour Frederick Christian Post gathered 
 the Cherokee messages and offers of peace with the Dela 
 ware Indians and took them to Teedyuscung. He con 
 vinced the chief and his people that there was nothing to 
 fear from the Cherokees and the Southern Indians. 
 
 At the moment Teedyuscung realized this fact he at 
 once renewed his efforts to send his peace belts to the Ohio. 
 
37 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Since no Indians could be found who were willing to take 
 their lives in their hands and carry these messages, Chris 
 tian Post agreed to go on behalf of both Teedyuscung and 
 Governor Denny. Several Indians now offered to accom 
 pany Post. He accepted their offer, but applied to the 
 Council for a white man also as companion. The Council 
 approved this request. Post then said that since Charles 
 Thomson had offered to go with him he would ask to have 
 him appointed. The Governor objected to this and told 
 Post "he might take any other person."* As a result Post 
 went to Ohio with a few Indians, one of whom proved a 
 traitor to the cause. His first journey prepared the Sha- 
 wanese and Delaware Indians for peace. His second 
 mission robbed the French of their entire Indian alliance 
 on the Ohio, enabling General Forbes to occupy Fort Du- 
 Quesne without opposition. 
 
 While Post was performing this remarkable work on 
 the Ohio, Teedyuscung was stirring the Six Nations to 
 send their deputies to a great peace conference at Easton. 
 By this means the old chief hoped to draw all the Indians 
 into an English alliance and secure a general peace. As 
 a preliminary to this movement Teedyuscung induced the 
 Minisink Indians and some Seneca chiefs to go to Phila 
 delphia, in August, 1758. Teedyuscung s son and a Seneca 
 chief preceded these Indians and \vaited upon the Gov 
 ernor, saying that they had a matter of great moment to 
 present and desired that Conrad Weiser be sent for at 
 once. The Governor replied that Conrad Weiser was not 
 at home and could not come to Philadelphia in time. The 
 Indians said they did not choose to deliver their messages 
 without his assistance. Some time was lost in waiting for 
 the arrival of the other Indians. A Council was held to 
 
 *Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 147. 
 
PEACE. 371 
 
 determine what to do. "The Indians seemed in great 
 confusion and desired to be alone. They were an hour in 
 consultation keeping the Governor and Council waiting. 
 At length they came into Council and John Hudson 
 acquainted the Governor that he was much disappointed 
 in Conrad Weiser s not coming, but believed his message 
 could be interpreted by Moses Tetemy and Sam, and 
 therefore he inclined to give it; and as all he should say 
 was very good and related to all his brethren, he desired 
 the Governor would sit in the State House and that the 
 people might hear his good news."* This reluctance 
 among the Indians to have their most valued messages 
 translated by some one who used poor English or failed 
 to grasp their full meaning reveals the unlimited confi 
 dence they had in the ability and honesty of Conrad 
 Weiser. 
 
 The fourth Easton treaty convened October 8, 1758, 
 The Six Nations, the Minisinks, the Delawares were 
 there and before the treaty \vas over Christian Post came 
 to speak for the Ohio Indians. The Friends were there 
 with their presents, and Charles Thomson as clerk for 
 Teedyuscung. So great was the assemblage that all the 
 ancient rites and ceremonies of the Indian nations must be 
 performed with scrupulous care. Conrad Weiser apolo 
 gized, saying that his memory did not serve him. There 
 fore he requested that Nichas, the Mohawk chief, perform 
 these ceremonies for him. After the usual preliminaries, 
 and considerable delay discussing the return of prisoners, 
 the principal business of the treaty was entered upon. 
 There were three old land disputes. The Iroquois sale at 
 Albany in 1754 had been the source of trouble, if not of 
 war. The Walking Purchase complained of so often by 
 
 *Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 150. 
 
37 2 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Teedyuscung, and the Minisink or Munsey Indians com 
 plained that their lands in Jersey had never been bought. 
 And now as the price of peace these three disputes were 
 to be settled, let it cost what it would. The Assemblies 
 of New Jersey and Pennsylvania had decreed it so. The 
 people had asserted their prerogative in Government and 
 Governors and Proprietors were forced to submit. 
 
 Conrad Weiser had since 1754 insisted that the 
 Albany purchase was not just, that the Indians were 
 deceived and the running of the lines had been misrepre 
 sented. Weiser s zeal, however, in this cause seems to 
 have been weakened by the fact that the Proprietors gave 
 him two thousand (?) acres of land in Cumberland 
 County. The Six Nations complained to Sir William 
 Johnson in 1755 and told him they would never consent 
 to this sale. That the west branch of the Susquehanna 
 was held in trust as a hunting ground for their cousins, 
 the Delawares. Sir William immediately took measures 
 to compel the Proprietors to cede back the land west of the 
 Alleghanies. Three years were consumed in accomplish 
 ing this. The delay was a costly one to the people on the 
 Pennsylvania frontier. The Delawares, who had lost 
 their hunting grounds, joined the French and sought 
 revenge in scalps and fire. At the Easton treaty of 1758, 
 the Governor on behalf of the Proprietors, told the Six 
 Nation Indians that Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters 
 would deed back to them all of the Albany Purchase west 
 of the summits of the Alleghany Mountains. "The Pro 
 prietors," said the Governor, "have on all occasions mani 
 fested their particular regard for you. They prefer your 
 friendship and the public good to their own private inter 
 est. Their former conduct gives you no room to doubt 
 
PEACE. 373 
 
 the truth of this."* The Indians were always too consid 
 erate to call in question such statements. The facts of the 
 case were that John and Thomas Penn paid the Six Na 
 tions one thousand dollars for that part of the Albany 
 Purchase which lay east of the Alleghanies. The remain 
 der of the purchase money was to be paid after the settlers 
 commenced to occupy the western section. This money 
 the Six Nations declared they would never receive, but 
 would go to war first. In the face of these threats it was 
 three years before the Proprietors ceded back the land. 
 Before this deed was made out, Christian Post had suc 
 ceeded in drawing the Shawanese and Delaware tribes on 
 the Ohio away from the French. Post s enterprise was 
 one of remarkable difficulty in itself. That it was done 
 before this land was deeded back by Weiser and Peters 
 adds materially to Post s achievements. 
 
 The second land dispute at Easton was the Munseys 
 complaint that their lands in Jersey had never been pur 
 chased. Governor Bernard was at Easton ready and will 
 ing, now that war was heavy upon the Colonies, to pur 
 chase. The question in dispute, however, was the right or 
 jurisdiction of the Six Nations to the land. If the Iro- 
 quois treaty of 1736 gave the Six Nations a claim on the 
 Delaware River lands; if they could chastise the Dela 
 ware Indians in 1742 for selling land, then the Six 
 Nations were clearly owners of land east of the Delaware 
 River. This the Munseys stoutly denied, and the Iroquois 
 for reasons best known to them and Sir William Johnson, 
 concluded not to press such a claim. However, when the 
 Munseys asked Governor Bernard to state the sum he 
 would pay for the Jersey lands, and he had offered them 
 eight hundred dollars, saying it was a most extraordinary 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 204. 
 
374 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 price, the Munseys turned to the Iroquois, saying they 
 would be glad for the opinion of their uncles. The Six 
 Nations, who excelled all the Indians of America in diplo 
 macy, replied "that it was a fair and honorable offer, and 
 if it were their own case they would cheerfully accept it; 
 but as there were a great many persons to share in the 
 purchase money, they recommended it to his Excellency 
 to add two hundred dollars more; and if that was com 
 plied with the report of it would be carried to all the na 
 tions and would be a proof of the affection and generosity 
 of their brethren, the English."* Governor Bernard 
 found there was nothing else he could do. The great num 
 ber of the Munseys reported by the Iroquois was sufficient 
 reason for an increase in the price. 
 
 The third subject of land dispute was the old com 
 plaints made by Teedyuscung, i. c., ( i ) Was the Walking 
 Purchase just? (2) Had the Six Nations any right to 
 sell land on the Delaware? Since 1742 the Delawares and 
 the Six Nations had not met in a public land treaty with 
 Pennsylvania. The question now brewing was whether 
 the Delaware Indians were women or men. Were they 
 subjects of the Iroquois, or were they independent? Tee 
 dyuscung was much more humble at Easton in 58 than he 
 had been in 56 and 5?- This was due to the presence of 
 the Iroquois. The Mohawks were his enemy. The Six 
 Nations concluded that the first thing for them to do was 
 to break down the influence and standing of Teedyuscung. 
 One day, when the Governor was about to close that ses 
 sion of the Conference, Nichas, a Mohawk, arose and 
 pointing to Teedyuscung spoke with great warmth and 
 vigor. Weiser was ordered to interpret it, but declined 
 and desired that Mr. Montour should do it. Then after a 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 209. 
 
PEACE. 375 
 
 pause the old man s fertile brain saw how the approaching 
 storm might be averted. He advised that this matter be 
 interpreted at a private conference. The Governor asked 
 Weiser to consult the Indians. Nothing daunted the old 
 man did so, asking if they chose to have this matter inter 
 preted now or at a private conference. "Now," the Indians 
 replied. Then finally, since Conrad Weiser requested it, 
 they consented to come to a private conference in the 
 morning. The next day, October 14, there was no con 
 ference. Doubtless Weiser took means to prevent a con 
 ference until the anger of the Iroquois had somewhat 
 abated. On the morning of the I5th, in private confer 
 ence, Nichas, the Mohawk, arose saying, "Who made 
 Teedyuscung the chief of the Nations? If he be such a 
 great man we desire to know who made him so. Perhaps 
 you have, and if this be the case tell us so. It may be the 
 French have made him so. We want to inquire and know 
 whence his greatness arose." Then Tagashata, in behalf 
 of the Senecas spoke : "We do not know who made 
 Teedyuscung this great man over Ten Nations and I want 
 to know who made him so." Then Assarandonquas, on 
 behalf of the Onondagos, said: "I never heard before 
 now that Teedyuscung was such a great man and much 
 less can I tell who made him so. No such thing was ever 
 said in our towns." Then spoke Thomas King in behalf of 
 the Oneidas, Cayugas, Tuscaroras, Nanticokes and 
 Conoys, saying : "I now tell you we none of us know who 
 has made Teedyuscung such a great man. Perhaps the 
 French have or perhaps you have, or some among you, as 
 you have different governments and are different people. 
 We for our parts entirely disown that he has any authority 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 over us, and we desire to know from whence he derives 
 his authority."* 
 
 The next day Governor Denny acknowledged Tee- 
 dyuscung s claims at previous treaties, but denied making 
 him a great Chief. "At our former public treaties," said 
 Denny, "Teedyuscung never assumed any such power ; but 
 on many occasions when he spoke of you called you his 
 uncles and superiors. I never shall attempt to nominate 
 or impose a chief on any Indian tribe or nation, but on all 
 occasions will pay due regard to those who are chosen by 
 their countrymen. ... I shall be greatly concerned that 
 any uneasiness should arise among you, and hope you will 
 guard against it, and preserve this harmony which ought 
 to subsist between friends and relations." Governor Ber 
 nard also denied making Teedyuscung a King, and with 
 great skill apologized for the Chief s actions, saying : "In 
 the Pennsylvania treaties which I have read since our last 
 meeting ( October 15)! have observed that Teedyuscung 
 says he was a woman till you made him a man by putting 
 a tomahawk in his hand, and through all these treaties, 
 especially at the last one held in this town, he calls you 
 his uncles, and professes that he is dependent on you, and 
 I know not that anything has since happened to alter his 
 relation to you. I therefore consider him to be still your 
 nephew. " 
 
 Thus under the skillful guidance of Conrad Weiser, 
 who delayed this outburst of Iroquois anger and put 
 words into the mouths of the Governors present, things 
 were smoothed over, and the cause of peace was not hin 
 dered. It was not until after Weiser s death that the Mo- 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., pp. 190, 191. 
 Colonial Records, vol. VIII., pp. 193, 194. 
 
PEACE. 377 
 
 hawks in secret destroyed the life of Teedyuscung and 
 thus crippled forever the rising power of the Dela\vares. 
 
 The Governors apologies brought Teedyuscung to his 
 feet upon his land claim and his losses. "I do not pre 
 tend," he said, "to mention any of my uncle s lands. I 
 only mention what we, the Delawares, own, as far as the 
 heads of the Delaware. All the lands lying on the waters 
 that fall into the Susquehanna belong to our uncles." 
 Teedyuscung then took up another belt and turned to speak 
 to the Iroquois, but the proud chiefs of that confederacy 
 had, during his speech to Governors Denny and Bernard, 
 noiselessly, one by one, left the room. Teedyuscung then 
 declined to speak further, and the following day was spent 
 by the Indians in private conferences. The next day after 
 Governor Denny had had a private interview with the Six 
 Nations, Teedyuscung came to the Governor s headquar 
 ters to say that the Delawares did not claim land high up 
 on the Delaware River; those belonged to their uncles. 
 The land which Teedyuscung did complain about was in 
 cluded in the Walking Purchase and included the larger 
 part of the present Monroe and Pike counties, part of Car 
 bon and nearly all of Northampton. With the exception 
 of the latter county, this same land \vas purchased from 
 the Six Nations in the deed of 1749. 
 
 The Delawares felt that they were wronged in 1736 
 when the Iroquois gave a separate deed for land on the 
 Delaware south of the Blue Mountains. Their wrongs 
 grew to an insult when Canassatego called them women 
 in 1742 and ordered them to Wyoming. When the war 
 broke out this turned the Eastern Delawares against the 
 English. One of the conditions of peace made by Tee 
 dyuscung was that Wyoming be settled upon the Dela 
 wares, and that a deed be held for the same. Governor 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Denny declined to give such a paper, saying he had no 
 right, since this land had never been bought by the Pro- 
 prietors from the Six Nations. Now in public conference 
 Teedyuscung charges the Six Nations with selling this 
 land to the Connecticut Commissioners. "Uncles," he 
 said, "you may remember that you placed us at Wyoming 
 and Shamokin, places where Indians have lived before. 
 Now I hear since that you have sold that land to our 
 brethren, the English. Let the matter now be cleared up 
 in the presence of our brethren, the English. I sit here 
 as a bird on a bough. I look about and do not know 
 where to go. Let me therefore come down upon the 
 ground, and make that my own by a good deed, and I 
 shall then have a home forever; for if you, my uncles, or 
 I die, our brethren, the English, will say they bought it 
 from you, and so wrong my posterity out of it." 
 
 Thomas King, one day during Teedyuscung s absence, 
 replied that the Six Nation Deputies now assembled at 
 Easton, had "no power to convey lands to anyone. Ent 
 we will take your request to the great Council Fire for 
 their sentiments, as we never convey or sell lands before 
 it be agreed in the great Council of the United Nations. 
 Tn the meantime you may make use of those lands in con 
 junction with our people."* 
 
 The remaining important feature in the treaty of 1758 
 was the charge of fraud made by Teedyuscung, which was 
 not yet settled. "I did let you know formally what my 
 grievance was," said Teedyuscung. "I told you that from 
 Tohiccon (Lehigh?) as far as the Delawares owned, the 
 Proprietaries had wronged me. Then you and I agreed 
 that it should be laid before the King of England, and 
 likewise you told me you would let me know as soon as 
 
 *Colonial Records, vol. VTIL, p. 221. 
 
PEACE. 379 
 
 ever he saw fit. You would lay the matter before the 
 King, for you said he was our Father, that he might see 
 what was our differences, for as you and I could not 
 decide it, let him do it. Now let us not alter what you and 
 I have agreed. Now let me know if King George has 
 decided the matter between you and me." 
 
 The Governor defers a direct reply to this until he can 
 lay the dispute before the Six Nation Deputies. He tells 
 them that they have sold land to the Proprietaries which 
 their nephews the Delawares claim. "This is the case," 
 he said, "with regard to some part of the lands lying be 
 tween Tohiccon Creek and the head of the River Dela 
 ware, which Teedyuscung in your hearing . . . said the 
 Proprietaries had defrauded him of. The Proprietaries 
 are desirous to do strict justice to all Indians; but it can 
 not be supposed they can know in which of you the right 
 was vested. It is a matter which must be settled among 
 yourselves. Till this is done there will probably remain 
 some jealousy and discontent among you that may inter 
 rupt both your and our future quiet, which we should 
 guard against by all means in our power." 
 
 The Six Nations replied that they did not exactly 
 understand the Governor; he "had left matters in the 
 dark. They did not know what lands he meant. If he 
 meant the lands on the other side of the Mountains (Blue 
 Mountains) he knew the Proprietaries had their deeds 
 (Deed of 1749) for them, which ought to be produced 
 and shown to them. Their deeds had their marks, and 
 when they should see them they would know their marks 
 again." Conrad Weiser was sent for the deed. The 
 
 *Penna. Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 201. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Indians examined it and said, The land was ours and 
 we will justify it."* 
 
 Teedyuscung said no more. The treaty adjourned with 
 apparent good feeling. Peace was secured and the Ohio 
 Indians had been drawn away from the French. The 
 Meeting for Sufferings for the Philadelphia Yearly Meet 
 ing of Friends now demanded an investigation into Tee- 
 dyuscung s charges in order to clear themselves of certain 
 aspersions. The Governor was quick to exonerate the 
 Friends from any dishonor in the affair but slow to push 
 an investigation. It is true a committee of the Council 
 had been laboring for two years to prove that the Walking 
 Purchase was strictly an honest proceeding. This report 
 was not approved by James Logan and Benjamin Shoe 
 maker, two members of the Council. 
 
 In 1759 Croghan concluded a treaty of peace at Pitts- 
 burg with the Western Indians, gathering the fruit and 
 the glory of Christian Post s efforts. 
 
 In 1761 Teedyuseung proposed to leave Wyoming, 
 since he could get_ no title to that country for his people. 
 The Governor, however, persuaded him not to do such a 
 rash thing. The case to be arbitrated before Sir William 
 Johnson was deferred and postponed, until, in May, 1762, 
 Teedyuscung came to Philadelphia, when he was told that 
 if he would withdraw his charges against the Proprietors, 
 of fraud in the Walking Purchase, there was four hun 
 dred pounds in it for him. Teedyuscung then came into 
 conference, saying what he had been saying for five years, 
 that he did not want Sir William Johnson to arbitrate the 
 dispute. Teedyuscung further said that he had never 
 charged "the Proprietaries with fraud, but had only said 
 
 *Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 205. 
 See Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 246. 
 
PEACE. 381 
 
 that the French had informed them that the English had 
 cheated them of their lands, and his young men desired 
 him to mention it at the treaty of Easton, and that he did 
 it to please them, and was sorry it had reached their 
 hearts."* The Governor told him if he would acknowl 
 edge this in public, he w r ould make him a present, not on 
 account of the lands which had been bought and paid for, 
 but on account of his needy circumstances. Therefore, 
 when Teedyuscung made his public acknowledgment, the 
 Governor made him a present of four hundred pounds. 
 Isaac Still, the interpreter, said this was a great dispute 
 indeed to be all about four hundred pounds. The Gover 
 nor then, to quiet their dissatisfaction with the smallness 
 of the bribe, said that the dispute should go before Sir 
 William Johnson, when if it were found that the Proprie 
 taries had not cheated the Indians at the Walking Pur 
 chase, the Governor would not be under obligations to pay 
 Teedyuscung one farthing. The old Peacemaker then 
 begged the Governor not to take the case before Johnson. 
 The Governor refused. In June, Sir William Johnson 
 was at Easton, and Teedyuscung acknowledged his error 
 in the charge of forgery. This was reported to the West 
 ern Indians in a conference at Lancaster in August, when 
 they also repudiated any claim they may ever have had to 
 lands on the Delaware. Liberal presents were then given 
 to all. Teedyuscung again received a present. This time 
 it was two hundred Spanish dollars and the value of two 
 hundred pounds in goods. 
 
 With these transactions the charges of Proprietary 
 fraud were thought to be buried forever. Before this 
 was accomplished, Conrad Weiser was no more. 
 
 *Colonial Records, vol. VIII., p. 708. 
 Colonial Records, vol. VIII., pp. 739, 740. 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 THE career of Conrad Weiser in Pennsylvania marks 
 an epoch in the Indian policy of the Province. The 
 struggle between the two rival European nations for pos 
 session of the Ohio Valley was retarded by the attitude 
 of the Six Nations, and Conrad Weiser proved himself to 
 be a powerful factor in preserving this neutrality during 
 a period of over thirty years. 
 
 This attitude of the Six Nations enabled the English 
 colonies to grow strong and self-reliant, producing their 
 own bread-stuffs, and making their own powder. And 
 when the final struggle came they were not, like the 
 French, compelled to rely upon Europe for supplies, nor 
 were they forced to purchase these stores with peltry 
 obtained from the Indians in trade. When hostilities 
 prevented hunting and trapping, the French found them 
 selves without the means of purchasing even the munitions 
 of war. They were no longer able to lavish presents upon 
 their Indian allies. 
 
 The Society of Friends in Pennsylvania, through their 
 peace association, took advantage of the needy circum 
 stances of the French, and, utilizing the skill of a devoted 
 Moravian missionary, Frederick Christian Post, drew the 
 Indians of Ohio away from the French into the English 
 interests. In the wake of the peace victories, the French 
 strongholds from DuQuesne to Quebec commenced to fall. 
 It was Conrad Weiser who aided the Iroquois in their 
 struggle for neutrality, and many times prevented open 
 disruption with the English. 
 
 The appearance of Weiser in Pennsylvania a few 
 
CONCLUSION. 383 
 
 years after the death of Perm, marks that transition period 
 when the Delaware Indians began to lose, and the Iroquois 
 to gain, in influence and power, w r ith the authorities of the 
 Province. 
 
 The treaty of 1736 could not have operated as it did 
 without the guiding force of Conrad Weiser s presence. 
 He persuaded the Province to recognize the supremacy of 
 the Six Nations, and to buy out their claims to all Susque- 
 hanna lands southeast of the Blue Mountains. Then, as 
 an afterthought, Weiser urged the Governor and Pro 
 prietors to offer a present and secure a deed from these 
 same Indians for all Iroquois claims on the Delaware 
 River southeast of the before-mentioned Blue Mountains. 
 The Governor and Proprietors may have thought that by 
 this deed they were strengthening their titles to the land. 
 Weiser may have believed that he was doing his friends 
 the Iroquois a good turn, but the chiefs of the Six Nations 
 well knew that they had gained a right to claim Delaware 
 land and that henceforth Pennsylvania would be obliged 
 to support them in this claim. This was the beginning of 
 the movement which robbed the Delaware Indians of all 
 pow r er to sell land. 
 
 It became the policy of Conrad Weiser, with one foot 
 on the Delawares, to caress the Iroquois and condemn the 
 French. In a short time the Province of Pennsylvania, 
 through its Governor, pursued the same policy. After the 
 Delawares were insulted in Philadelphia in 1742, and 
 called women, and ordered to quit the lands of their fath 
 ers and remove to Wyoming, after the Iroquois sold their 
 hunting grounds on the Susquehanna to Penn s heirs in 
 1754, and their Wyoming asylum to the Connecticut 
 agents, the Delawares arose and struck the English. 
 Their revenge wreaked itself upon the Pennsylvania bor- 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 der. The policy which held the Six Nations aloof from 
 the French for twenty-live years, and made an English 
 Republic possible on American shores, cost Pennsylvania 
 the friendship of the Delawares and the best lives on the 
 frontiers. 
 
 Weiser s Iroquois alliances, his skill in preventing 
 Virginia and Maryland from becoming involved in an 
 Indian war, his ability in securing the friendship of the 
 Six Nation allies on the Maumee and Wabash, stimulated 
 the fur trade in Pennsylvania. The exports of peltries 
 from Philadelphia at this time excelled those of New 
 York and Baltimore. The protection offered by Weiser s 
 Logstown treaty of 1748, revealed to Virginia the wealth 
 of trade in territory which she had always claimed. The 
 Ohio Land Company was formed and the Virginia traders 
 pushed rapidly into this Eldorado. Bitter jealousies 
 sprang up between the trade interests of Pennsylvania and 
 Virginia. The keen perceptions of the French were quick 
 to detect this condition, and their centralized system of 
 government enabled them to take prompt advantage of 
 this state of affairs in order to regain their losses in trade 
 and territory. 
 
 Virginia and New York vied with each other in a 
 desire to secure through the King of England entire con 
 trol of Indian affairs. The Crown compromised the mat 
 ter and gave Sir William Johnson control in the northern 
 and middle, and Mr. Atkins in the southern colonies. 
 This led to a decline of Weiser s influence. Croghan 
 became Johnson s deputy in Pennsylvania, and Weiser 
 sank in importance to that of an ordinary interpreter. As 
 years advanced, disappointments thickened around this 
 iron-willed man. From his youth Weiser had been deeply 
 moved by his strong likes and dislikes. Yet in his heart 
 
CONCLUSION. 385 
 
 there was a vigorous disposition to forgive. He became 
 reconciled to the community at Ephrata, he forgave Mon- 
 tour and befriended him when he knew Andrew was false. 
 Weiser could love his enemies and forgive those who 
 despite fully used him. A strong sense of justice actuated 
 all his dealings with the Indians. Even the Delawares 
 and Shawanese, whom he despised, were again and again 
 befriended and protected. Weiser s strong will made him 
 a positive character. His unflinching administration of 
 justice as a magistrate embarrassed him with many ene 
 mies. When they saw his acres increasing, many were 
 the charges of corruption and fraud which were flung at 
 him. They said that he was no better than other Indian 
 agents and traders. 
 
 In reference to his possession of the Isle of Que, where 
 a part of Selinsgrove now stands, his enemies floated the 
 rumor that Shikellimy once went to Weiser, saying, "I 
 had a dream. I dreamed that Tarachawagon (Weiser) 
 had promised me with a rifle." Conrad, we are told, 
 handed over the gun. Some days later Weiser had his 
 dream. He took it to the old chief, saying, "I dreamed 
 that Shikellimy presented me with the large and beautiful 
 island nestled in the Susquehanna River." The chief, we 
 are told, deeded over the land, and then said, "Conrad, let 
 us never dream again." 
 
 The confidential correspondence between Weiser and 
 Richard Peters would indicate that Weiser purchased not 
 only the Tulpehocken plantation but his lands on the Sus 
 quehanna from the Proprietors. The services he rendered 
 John and Thomas Penn were in more cases than one paid 
 for in land. At the Albany treaty Weiser and Richard 
 Peters represented the Proprietors, and received for their 
 labor in persuading the Iroquois to sell southwestern 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 Pennsylvania, a large tract of land west of the Susque- 
 hanna River. The possession of this tract became a 
 thorn in the flesh during his declining years. The squat 
 ters had possession and refused to permit anyone to sur 
 vey them, and with some emphasis they declared that they 
 would fight before they would be driven off. In a letter 
 dated 4112-1755, Weiser says, "I will give up my claim 
 west of the Susquehanna rather than cause bloodshed." 
 Four years later the land commissioners for the Proprie 
 tors asked Weiser to "fix the date of settlement" on his 
 "western tract, that the date of quitrents might be fixed." 
 
 The events of the French and Indian war prevented 
 Weiser from taking possession of the land. He 
 bequeathed it with its accumulated rents and disputes, to 
 his five sons and two daughters. In less than eight months 
 after this will was made, Weiser, who had been declining 
 in health for several years, started out from his home in 
 Reading to visit his farm in Womelsdorf, where he died 
 the next day, July 13, 1760, from what was then called a 
 violent attack of the colic. His remains still rest in the 
 little private burying-ground near the present town of 
 Womelsdorf, and are marked by a very modest stone. 
 
 Secretary Peters, writing from Philadelphia the fol 
 lowing winter, says, "Poor Mr. Weiser is no more; he 
 died suddenly in the summer and has not left anyone to fill 
 his place as Provincial Interpreter. His son Samuel has 
 almost forgotten what little he knew." 
 
 At the Indian Treaty held at Easton, August 3, 1761, 
 Seneca George arose saying, "Brother Onas : We, the 
 Seven Nations, and our cousins, are at a great loss and sit 
 in darkness, as well as you, by the death of Conrad Wei 
 ser, as since his death we cannot so well understand one 
 another. By this belt we cover his body with bark." 
 
CONCLUSION. 387 
 
 While the Proprietors and Governors all bore testi 
 mony to Weiser s ability, his declining years were sad 
 dened by a growing distrust on all sides. His determina 
 tion to see justice done to the Indians brought upon him 
 the censure of the frontier people and especially the men 
 of Paxtang and the Susquehanna country. These people 
 were determined to have the scalp bounty, and during the 
 autumn previous to the passage of that bill they insisted 
 that Weiser could pay them the scalp bounty if he would. 
 
 From a damaged MSS. letter of Weiser s in which he 
 mentions going into that region to protect some friendly 
 Indians, he recounts the difficulties of the situation. "I 
 went with them" (the Indians). "When we came near 
 B. lys, I saw about 400 or 500 men, and a loud noise. 
 I rode before, and in riding along the road and armed men 
 on both sides of the road, I heard some say, Why must 
 we be killed by the Indians and we not kill them, why are 
 our hands so tied? I got the Indians to the house with 
 much adieu." The people then gathered around clamor 
 ing for a scalp bounty. W r eiser told them that he" had no 
 power from the Governor nor Assembly to do this. "They 
 began to curse the Governor and the Assembly, called me 
 a traitor of country, who held with the Indians, and must 
 have known of the murder . . . beforehand. I sat in the 
 house by a low window. Some of my friends came to pull 
 me away from it, telling me some of the people threatened 
 to shoot me. I offered to go out to the people and either 
 pacify them or make the King s proclamation, but those 
 in the house with me would not let me go out. The cry 
 was, the land is betrayed and sold . . . the common peo 
 ple from Lancaster County were the worst. ... I was in 
 danger of being shot to death. ... In the meantime a 
 great smoke arose under Tulpehocken mountain." The 
 
CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 people all hastened toward that, and Weiser, relieved from 
 the press of the mob, says, "I took my horse and went 
 home, where I intend to stay and defend my own house 
 as long as I can."* 
 
 Shikellimy s son John in recounting the difficulties he 
 experienced in his efforts to remain loyal to the English, 
 says : "I was cursed by some of the people of Pennsyl 
 vania to my face and threatened to be killed, and in order 
 to save my life I was obliged to make my escape, and 
 almost perished in the woods for want of food, having 
 above two hundred miles to travel before I could reach 
 the Indian town, and had nothing to eat but what I could 
 pick up in the woods, having no gun with me. I thought 
 it very hard that there was nobody that spoke in my favor 
 among the people on the Susquehanna, tho they all knew 
 I was a constant friend to the people of Pennsylvania. I 
 desired them to give me a safe guard to convey me to my 
 uncle, C. Weiser, but they would not do it, but said that 
 C. W. was as great a rogue as myself. " This contempt 
 for Conrad Weiser was shared by Teedyuscung and the 
 Delawares who followed him into peace with the English. 
 The Moravians looked with suspicion and distrust upon 
 the old interpreter. His former friends among the 
 Indians turned away from him when he accepted the Gov 
 ernor s commission as commander of the colonial forces 
 and defenses between the Susquehanna and the Delaware. 
 The French, during the war, had a reward on the old 
 man s scalp, and the woods were full of his enemies. 
 During his prosperous as well as during his declining 
 hours, Weiser never shirked a revealed duty, or swerved 
 
 *Manuscript letter of Conrad Weiser, in the collection of the 
 Pennsylvania Historical Society. 
 
 Penna. Archives, vol. II., pp. 777, 778. 
 
CONCLUSION. 389 
 
 from his conception of justice. The training of his youth 
 as well as the experiences of his public life, combined to 
 strengthen his loyalty to those in authority. 
 
 He was of the Governor s party and served the inter 
 ests of the Proprietors. Yet under no circumstances did 
 he ever swerve from the right as it appeared to him. The 
 Governor as well as the Proprietors took advice from him 
 with what grace they could, knowing full well that this 
 blunt-spoken interpreter meant it all for the best. 
 
 After the death of Weiser, Pennsylvania figured no 
 longer in Indian affairs. Sir William Johnson and 
 George Croghan, in behalf of the English Crown, man 
 aged all Indian affairs, and conducted all treaties. In 
 1768, Johnson held a conference with the Six Nations at 
 Fort Shawnee, where a line was drawn forever separating 
 the possessions of the Indians from those of the white 
 man. This division line started in New York, not far 
 from the eastern end of Lake Oneida, from which it fol 
 lowed the shortest route to the Chenango River, and along 
 that stream to the Susquehanna, which it followed to 
 Shamokin, and ascended the west branch of that river 
 through the present Clearfield County to "Canoe Place" 
 or "Cherry Tree," where a straight line was drawn to 
 Kittanning, on the Alleghany River. The line then fol 
 lowed this stream and the Ohio River. It was agreed that 
 all land north and west of this division line should for 
 ever belong to the Indians, and under no circumstances 
 should it be sold to the white man. All land south and 
 east of this line, which belonged to the Indians, was open 
 for sale. The Pennsylvania Proprietors immediately pur 
 chased all the Indian claims south and east of the division 
 line. It included all that part of Western Pennsylvania 
 west of the Alleghany Mountains, and south of the divi- 
 
39 CONRAD WEISER. 
 
 sion line. It was a part of that vast region which Weiser 
 and Peters ceded hack to the Indians in 1758. The Pro 
 prietors also purchased all the land in northeastern Penn 
 sylvania south and east of the Susqnehanna River and 
 north of all former purchases. 
 
 Later in the same year the Proprietors agents per 
 suaded the Indians to make an exception in the case of 
 Pennsylvania and sell all that region north of the division 
 line lying in the forks of the Susqnehanna, and 
 bounded on the north and west by Towanda and Pine 
 creeks. This was the last Indian purchase made by the 
 Proprietors. The Province became a Commonwealth in 
 1776. The Iroquois and more warlike Delawares, influ 
 enced by Sir William Johnson, joined the British during 
 the Revolutionary war. The Moravian converts and a 
 few other Delawares remained true to the colonists. After 
 the treaty with England in 1783, the Commonwealth of 
 Pennsylvania dictated her own terms to the Indians still 
 claiming land in Pennsylvania, and in 1 784 and 85 all the 
 remaining northwestern portion of the State was bought. 
 With the birth of our Federal Government the State of 
 Pennsylvania secured from Congress that part of the 
 present Erie County which lies north of the present south 
 ern boundary of New York, and with these purchases 
 Pennsylvania disappears forever from the arena of Indian 
 affairs. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Adams County, purchased from Indians, 1736 63 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, misconstrued 127 
 
 effects of peace 197 
 
 Albany, Governor Keith s visit to 10 
 
 treaties at 16 
 
 suggested as place of treaty 42 
 
 spoken of by Canassatego 103 
 
 agreement at, renounced by Indians in 
 
 treaty at 112 
 
 treaty at, 1674 113 
 
 on Weiser s route to the Mohawks 132 
 
 treaty at, 1745 , 137, 139 
 
 Indians offended at 147 
 
 Weiser at 237 
 
 treaty of, 1754 276 
 
 Indian speech at 279 
 
 Commissioners at 283 
 
 land purchase at . 290 
 
 purchase, 1754 287 
 
 purchase, influence of , . 297 
 
 purchase, half deeded back to Indians 297 
 
 purchase, cause of popular suspicion 303 
 
 purchase, complaint of 37 1 
 
 purchase, part of, deeded back 372 
 
 purchase, eastern part 373 
 
 Alleghany River, half-way place for traders 152 
 
 Allummappees, chief of the Delawares 10, n 
 
 Delaware chief, at Philadelphia 57 
 
 Annapolis, dispute at 94 
 
 Commissioners at 95 
 
 stores at 1 20 
 
 Armstrong, John, murder of 1 18 
 
 Jack, heirs of 119 
 
 John 161 
 
 Justice 159 
 
 Assembly, Pennsylvania, urges amicable relations with Six Na 
 tions Indians -. : . . 17 
 
 dissatisfied with Governor s Indian policy 70 
 
 message to 136 
 
 gives presents to the Indians 144 
 
 takes part in Indian affairs 155 
 
 attitude on Indian affairs 160 
 
 message to 171 
 
39 2 INDEX. 
 
 Assembly, Pennsylvania, votes money for King s use . 172 
 
 controversy of 2 j 7 
 
 takes part in Indian affairs 24^ 
 
 attitude of ... . . . . . . " 248 
 
 opposed to forts on Ohio . . . . 248 
 
 advises Hamilton about fort on Ohio 2^4 
 
 opposed to union of colonies 255 
 
 votes eight hundred pounds to the Governor s use ! ] 26s 
 
 frames money bill 
 
 sends for Conrad Weiser 
 
 303 
 303 
 
 quarrels with the Governor " ^ 04 
 
 exonerates the Catholics . 306 
 
 provoked 
 
 Aughwick 
 
 loses confidence in Governor 
 
 cabins burned at 
 
 307 
 
 2 i 
 
 seat of Indian control ...................... 271 
 
 conference at ....................... ........ 201 
 
 deputies sent to ................ ...................... 293 
 
 abandoned by George Croghan .......... 207 
 
 Weiser at ....................................... "" 3 oo 
 
 Baltimore, Lord, land gained for ....... Io g 
 
 Baptists, Seventh Day, at Ephrata ......... ........... 44 
 
 Beaver, a Delaware chief ; speech at Aughwick ____ 202 
 
 Beissel, Conrad, leader of Seventh Day Baptists . . . . "44 45 
 
 quarrels with Conrad Weiser " ..... 40 qo 
 
 Berks County, politics in ...................... -\n 
 
 Bernard, Governor of New Jersey .............. . ........... . 373 
 
 denies Teedvuscung s power . ? 7 6 
 
 Bethlehem, Indians from ...................... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335 
 
 Severely, Col. William, Virginia commissioner at Lancaster 07 
 
 77 
 
 .......................................... 212 
 
 referred to ...................................... 2I4> 2I5 
 
 Big and Little Coves, Indian outrages in .................... . 313 
 
 Indian massacres in . -,?n 
 
 ;Bigg Island" ........................ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 
 
 "Big Peace Halloo," to be given by the Indians . , 
 Bills of credit ........... ...... . 
 
 issued by Assembly ......... ...... . I .....].... ....... 313 
 
 issue of, sixty thousand pounds ...................... 317 
 
 "Black Log Sleeping Place" ...................... jgg 
 
 Black Prince, speech of ...................... .............. 135 
 
 Black. William, Virginia s Secretary at Lancaster . . .... . 97 
 
 Boone. William, elected sheriff in Berks County ............... 318 
 
 Boundary, dispute between Maryland and Pennsylvania . 108 
 
 Braddock s defeat, influence of ................................ ^207 
 
 General, defeat of .............................. .... . 362 
 
 march of ....................................... ..... 302 
 
 Indians who fought with ............................ 306 
 
 Indians opinion of .................................. 308 
 
 Braddock s death, to be avenged ....... , ...................... 309 
 
 Busse, Captain ......................... ,,,,,,, ............... 352 
 
INDEX. 393 
 
 Cabins on Juniata burned 211 
 
 Canada, Governor of 22, 234 
 
 Governor of, invites the Indians to visit him 122 
 
 Governor of, promise of 142 
 
 Expedition to 148 
 
 French army return to 274 
 
 Indians to go to 134 
 
 Canassatego, speech of 66 
 
 chastises Delawares 67 
 
 entertains the Nanticokes 90 
 
 marches Indians through Lancaster 96 
 
 description of 100 
 
 reply to Maryland commissioners 101 
 
 presides at banquet 105 
 
 signs deed of 1744 107 
 
 receives presents from Virginia 117 
 
 asks for liquor in English glasses 120 
 
 opposes traders going west 153 
 
 speaker for Indians 206 
 
 death of 238 
 
 will of 240 
 
 Canataquany, Indian town near Harris Ferry 86 
 
 Canoe Place 389 
 
 Cape Breton, captured by English 142 
 
 Carlisle, Commissioners at 267 
 
 Indian conference at 266, 267 
 
 threatened by Indians 320 
 
 Indians at 368 
 
 Carolina, appeals to Pennsylvania 42 
 
 prisoner from 79 
 
 murder in 290 
 
 Catawba Indians 12 
 
 deputies sent to 4 2 
 
 hold two children prisoners 59 
 
 attack on , . . . 76 
 
 referred to 115 
 
 a proud people 130 
 
 an irregular people 130 
 
 war with, favored by Iroquois 135 
 
 fear of 218 
 
 charged with broken faith 115 
 
 message of 134 
 
 traders among 190 
 
 Catawba country, road open to 116, 117 
 
 Catawba peace, why desired 127 
 
 Catholics opposed by Germans 306 
 
 Cayuga Indians, war with Minquas 99 
 
 Celoron, letter of , . . , 229 
 
 Indians reply to 249 
 
 Chambers, Benjamin, Magistrate in Cumberland County 210 
 
 Chambers, Joseph, Indians to meet 159 
 
 Chartiers, Peter, report of , 21 
 
 under French influence . . . . , 124 
 
394 INDEX. 
 
 Chartiers, Peter, did little or no mischief in Pennsylvania 125 
 
 causes a division among Shawanese Indians 125 
 
 Indians incensed at , jot- 
 robs traders 
 
 "dial-tier s Old Town" ....I"! ..".! ..".! . 186 
 
 Cherokee Indians, deputies sent to ] 42 
 
 alliance of . 338 
 
 in Pennsylvania 349 
 
 in Province . 368 
 
 Cherokee rumors, exploded by F. C. Post . ....... 369 
 
 Cherry Tree 389 
 
 Chesapeake Bay, claimed by Indians 99 
 
 Chiniotta, trader at 79 
 
 Chonanous, Indian village on the Ohio 229 
 
 Clearfield County 389 
 
 Clinton, Governor, letter of 228 
 
 rumors from 229 
 
 attitude of 236 
 
 sends copy of lead plate to Pennsylvania 245 
 
 urges a union of Colonies 255 
 
 receives Conrad Weiser 256 
 
 orders the French to remove fort at Niagara 257 
 
 asks the French to return the stolen Pennsylvania traders 258 
 
 dissatisfied with Weiser 272 
 
 Cohoon, George, settler on Juniata 210 
 
 Conestoga chiefs reveal coldness of Six Nation Indians 25 
 
 Conestoga Indians, pledged for behavior of Shawanese 57 
 
 confirm Dongan s deed 99 
 
 rights of 104 
 
 Conference of 1742, Philadelphia 63 
 
 Connecticut, commissioners to Albany, 1745 139 
 
 wish to buy land on the Susquehanna 284 
 
 agents from , 289 
 
 settlers in Wyoming Valley 293 
 
 commissioners, charges against 378 
 
 Conococheague Creek 222 
 
 Conolloways, Big and Little 199, 215 
 
 Cookson, Thomas, prothonotary of Lancaster County 105 
 
 Thomas 222 
 
 Corlear, Governor of New York, Indians threaten war on 22 
 
 Goscosky, Indians at 187 
 
 Court House, Lancaster, built 1739 96 
 
 Cove, Big and Little 199 
 
 Crawford, Hugh, report of 232 
 
 Cresap, Thomas, trading station 108 
 
 Colonel, Maryland trader 224 
 
 price on furs given by 225 
 
 Croghan, a licensed trader 191 
 
 opinion of French trade 196 
 
 George 185 
 
 sends letter to Governor 154, 155 
 
 writes to Council 163 
 
 to carry present to Ohio Indians , , , . , 164 
 
INDEX. 395 
 
 Croghan, George, recommended by Weiser 165 
 
 letter from IQ o 
 
 will carry goods to Ohio *73 
 
 alluded to J 77 
 
 letter from Peters 17 
 
 to go to Ohio l8 
 
 letter of : 95 
 
 meeting at farm of 2O 9 
 
 magistrate in Cumberland County 210 
 
 conference at 22 4 
 
 reward for the scalp of 242 
 
 letter of 2 43 
 
 ordered to Ohio ...-. 2 43 
 
 integrity of, questioned 2 44 
 
 desires fort on Ohio 2 47 
 
 instructions of 2 49 
 
 at Logstown 2 49 
 
 self-interest of .- 2 5O 
 
 busy on the Ohio 2 5 r 
 
 treats with the Shawanese Indians 252 
 
 report of 2 53 
 
 builds trading house on Wabash 257 
 
 turns from Pennsylvania to Virginia 261 
 
 advice solicited 267 
 
 recommended to control Indian affairs 271 
 
 petition of 2 97 
 
 opinion of Half King 298 
 
 Indian outrage reported 3* 
 
 reward on his scalp 3 IQ 
 
 made Johnson s deputy 33$ 
 
 desires treaty at Lancaster 347 
 
 differs with Weiser 34 
 
 grants clerk for Teedyuscung 352 
 
 charged with making Teedyuscung drunk 355 
 
 Indian treaty at Pittsburg made by 380 
 
 Crown Point ". 149 
 
 Cumberland County purchased from Indians, 1736 63 
 
 Cumberland County T 97 
 
 magistrates of 210, 215 
 
 county town of 222 
 
 settlers and magistrates 3 
 
 sheriff of 3 2 i 
 
 attitude of 368 
 
 Dances, Indian, described 97> 9& 
 
 Deeds, of 1686 and 1737, shown to Teedyuscung 35$ 
 
 De Lancey, Governor, forbids Pennsylvania from putting land 
 
 purchases on minutes 285 
 
 Delaware chiefs reveal coldness of the Six Nation Indians 25 
 
 Delaware Indians, complain of rum traffic 17 
 
 not favored by Conrad Weiser 56 
 
 jealous of Western Indians 59 
 
 no land rights 60 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Delaware Indians, forbidden to reply .............. 66 
 
 rebuked by Iroqtiois ......................... 67 
 
 ordered out of treaty ................. ............ 69 
 
 rumors of conspiracy ....................... J Q 
 
 reproved by Iroquois ......................... j jg 
 
 reproved for their conduct .......... ..... ......... . i ig 
 
 demand justice ............................ 200 
 
 on the Ohio, offenses of ..................... ..... * 231 
 
 desire independence ........................ .......... 276 
 
 secure a Shawanese alliance ................ 203 
 
 attitude of ............................. ......... 307 
 
 anger of ............................... ....... .. . 320 
 
 war declared with ........................... . ^ 22 
 
 independence of ........................ ...... 330 
 
 wrongs of ............................ . ......... .331 377 
 
 Delaware lands, bought from Iroquois, 1736 ............... . . . 2 8 
 
 Denny, Governor, yields to Newcastle .................. ....... 33 ^ 
 
 of Pennsylvania ............................ ....... . 340 
 
 declines to go to Easton ..................... ........ 340 
 
 demands a guard ......................... ........... 341 
 
 declines to go to Lancaster ........................ 047 
 
 apologizes for Quakers at Lancaster treaty ...... 340 
 
 angry with assembly ........................... ...... 3^2 
 
 speaks to Teedyuscung ............... 
 
 advised by Gen. Forbes ..................... .... !. !. .368 
 
 forbids Thomson from accompanying Post ............ 370 
 
 denies Teedyuscung s power .................... .... .. 376 
 
 reply to the Indians 
 
 Detroit, traders at 
 
 379 
 
 Indians near " ] j-^ 
 
 Dill, Matthew, magistrate in Cumberland County 210 
 
 Dinner, given by Black Prince ....!...... 135 
 
 Dinwiddie, Governor, receives letter from Pennsylvania . ! 265 
 
 compliments to Weiser 272 
 
 resents action of New York 273 
 
 opinion of Half King 2q8 
 
 Division line, between Indians and Colonies . 380 
 
 Dongan deed . . . . . . . . 27 
 
 for Susquehanna lands oq 
 
 Duche, Jacob, duties as spy 366 
 
 Dunbar, General, retreat of . 302 
 
 Dunning, James, dishonest trader . . 158* I SO 
 
 DuQuesne, Fort . . . 302 
 
 Easton - , 310 
 
 conference at -,,-* 
 
 second conference at 340 
 
 fourth treaty at . 371 
 
 land dispute at -373 
 
 treaty at . 386 
 
 conference, 1758 . 361 
 
 conference, peace at 3^0 
 
 Economy," site of Logstown .186 
 
INDEX. 397 
 
 Embargo in Pennsylvania 360 
 
 England, King of, grants land J 94 
 
 English party among the Iroquois Indians I2 4 
 
 Ephrata, Seventh Day Baptists at 44 
 
 visited by Gov. Thomas 9 
 
 Erie County, purchased from Congress 39 
 
 Erie Lake, station for traders T 5 2 
 
 Indians of J 3 
 
 French and Indians on 2 4 
 
 limit of Albany purchase 2 *& 
 
 Evans, Lewis, to construct map in secret 2I 9 
 
 instructions of 22 
 
 influence of 22 * 
 
 Evans s map 
 
 Fairfax, Lord, grant of 2I 9 
 
 trading station of 222 
 
 Finley, John, magistrate in Cumberland County 210 
 
 Five Nations, become Six Nations I2 
 
 Forbes, General, poor health of 3J 
 
 insight of 3 
 
 Forbes expedition 3c 
 
 Fort Allen, Indians at 337 
 
 Teedyuscung and Weiser at 345 
 
 road to 369 
 
 Fort Augusta, stores at 3^ 
 
 Fort Cumberland, Indians at 349 
 
 Fort London, Indians at 349 
 
 Fort Necessity 2 9 r 
 
 Forts on frontier 3 2 J 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, sent to Carlisle 2 t 
 
 at Albany treaty 2 77 
 
 leader in assembly 3O3, 304, 3" 
 
 control of forts on the Lehigh 3 21 
 
 criticised by Peters 354 
 
 Franklin County, purchased from Indians 03 
 
 Frankstown J k 
 
 Fraser, John, traders belonging to 2 4i 
 
 reports French invasion 2 4 
 
 driven from Venango 2 66 
 
 French, schemes of, thwarted T l8 
 
 charged with fraud I2 
 
 order English to remove fort from Wabash 257 
 
 French, Governor of, replies to Clinton 258 
 
 reply to the Indians 2 68 
 
 French, invading the French Creek region 267, 268 
 
 reward on Weiser s scalp 3 
 
 allies, designs of I2 
 
 invasion, rumors of 257 
 
 party, among the Iroquois Indians 124 
 
 traders, killed 153 
 
 Friends, Society of, oppose liquor traffic with Indians 17 
 
 opposed to Scalp Act 3 2 3 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Friends, Society of, aroused e -^ 
 
 offers to pay Indian expenses ^g 
 
 sympathy for Delawares 
 
 influence of . . . . . . 38 ? 
 
 Friends, Indians petition to live near 
 
 opposed to Indian warfare . . Y. Y Y Y Y Y Y Y . 147 
 
 send memorial to Governor Denny Y Y Y Y ! 341 
 
 ^at Lancaster treaty ". . 349 
 
 Friends Meeting House, Indian conference in 58 
 
 Friendly Society for the Promotion of Peace among the Indians 347 
 
 Furney, Adam, shot by an Indian 1^7 
 
 Gagradoda, aids Weiser in land purchase . 284 28" 
 
 Galbreath, James Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y 185 
 
 magistrate in Cumberland County " 2 io 
 
 Galloway, George, settler on Juniata , . 2 io 
 
 Joseph, urges Governor to come to Lancaster .... ! 347 
 
 William, settler on Juniata [ 2 io 
 
 Girty, Simon, hatred of white men . 214 
 
 squatter on Sherman s Creek Y Y Y. Y . 262 
 
 Gist, Christopher, sent to explore Y Y Y Y Y Y Y 223 
 
 invitation declined by the Indians YY Y 253 
 
 distributes ammunition among the Indians .... . 270 
 
 Glenn, Governor of South Carolina Y Y Y 189 
 
 conference of Catawbas with ! .... Y 224 
 
 Gooch, Governor of Virginia, desires peace between Northern 
 
 and Southern Indians -34 
 
 writes to Pennsylvania Y Y YY 81 
 
 consents to Weiser s mediation Y Y 85 
 
 applies for Weiser s aid Y YY Y 88 
 
 commissioners report to Y YY Y Y 95 
 
 referred to by Conrad Weiser Y . Y Y Y 130 
 
 confidence in Governor Thomas of Pennsylvania .. .128, 129 
 
 faith in Conrad Weiser . . . , . j 2 8 
 
 favors Logstown treaty 175 
 
 Goods distributed among Indians 191 
 
 Gordon, Gov. Patrick, on Tulpehocken land dispute u 
 
 urged by assembly to control rum traffic with Indians.. 17 
 asks assembly for legislation on rum traffic among 
 
 Indians jg 
 
 Governor s party, attitude of 366 
 
 "Great Huminy," chief of the Shawanese 84 
 
 Groeme, Dr , 202 
 
 Haig, Mr., prisoner among Indians 189 
 
 Half King, sent to warn off the French 281 
 
 faithful to Washington 290 
 
 differences with Washington 291 
 
 complains of Washington 291 
 
 death of 298 
 
 Hamilton, Governor, not informed by Indians 200 
 
 advised by the Indians . . 204 
 
 issues a proclamation 205 
 
INDEX. 
 
 399 
 
 Hamilton, Gov., orders squatters out of the Juniata lands . .208, 209 
 
 reports to the council 230 
 
 proclamation of 231 
 
 letter of 235 
 
 alarmed 242, 243 
 
 consults the assembly about a fort on the Ohio 254 
 
 urges a union of colonies 255 
 
 replies to Montour 261 
 
 unable to help Croghan 262 
 
 complains of Pennsylvania Assembly 263 
 
 reports to Pennsylvania Assembly 265 
 
 withholds appropriation 265 
 
 resents action of New York 273 
 
 Hamilton, James, disavows acts of traders 219 
 
 favors Scalp Act 320 
 
 Hanover Township, Weiser s army in 315 
 
 Harmony Society 186 
 
 Harris Ferry, proposed treaty at 73 
 
 Indians at 77 
 
 Goods at 166 
 
 presents at 171 
 
 Half King at 291 
 
 Half King dies at 298 
 
 Indian supplies distributed at 300 
 
 Weiser at 309 
 
 Harris, John, turns his trading post into a fort 313 
 
 favors Scalp Act 320 
 
 Heans, enemies of Conrad Weiser 131 
 
 Governor s attitude on 132 
 
 Hendricks, charges made by 280 
 
 speeches of 285, 295 
 
 control of land sale 285 
 
 invited to Philadelphia 294 
 
 Henry, the Mohawk, influence of 238 
 
 Hiddleston, David, settler on Juniata 210 
 
 Hopkinson, Thomas (n.) 183 
 
 Hughes, John, elected sheriff in Berks County 318 
 
 Huntingdon 186 
 
 Huron, Lake, tribe of Indians on 72 
 
 Indians, not welcome in Philadelphia 29, 30 
 
 conception of land tenure 32 
 
 receive their liquor in French glasses 120 
 
 tire of French rule 153 
 
 on Lake Erie, present to 165 
 
 sell land, 1749 208 
 
 Western, warn the French from the Ohio country 268 
 
 Ohio, order the French from their country 269, 270 
 
 Ohio, solicit aid from Virginia and Pennsylvania 270 
 
 Western, loaded with presents and promises 272 
 
 at Albany treaty 279 
 
 charged with treachery 291 
 
 turning away from the English 299 
 
4 INDEX. 
 
 Indians opinion of General Braddock 308 
 
 admiration for Friends 367 
 
 opinion of Weiser 386 
 
 turn against Weiser 388 
 
 Indian affairs, expense of 216 
 
 controlled by New York 256 
 
 control of 384 
 
 petition, to Six Nations 157 
 
 policy of Pennsylvania, reversed 327 
 
 policy of Pennsylvania 330 
 
 song of lamentation 239 
 
 trade, extension of 220 
 
 treaties, expense of 303 
 
 Iroquois discover value of Pennsylvania land 16 
 
 effort to bring Shawanese east again 23 
 
 in Philadelphia, 1736 26 
 
 cannot manage the Shawanese 31 
 
 sell conquest lands 1736 100 
 
 threats of deputies 100 
 
 difficulties with Virginia no 
 
 reply to Virginia s claim in 
 
 referred to 115 
 
 opposition to, laid aside 117 
 
 understanding of the Lancaster Treaty 117 
 
 reply to Governor of Pennsylvania 119 
 
 inform Pennsylvania of the French movements 123 
 
 struggle for neutrality 124 
 
 receive belt of wampum from French 136 
 
 revolt of, rumored _ 144 
 
 neutrality of 1 50 
 
 demands of 198 
 
 westward migration of 235 
 
 declined to hold treaty at Winchester 264 
 
 attitude during the Revolutionary War 390 
 
 alliance vyith French, danger of 115 
 
 Isle of Que, traditions of 385 
 
 Jennings, Hon. Edmund, Maryland Commissioner at Lancaster. 97 
 
 John, Captain, petition from 73, 74 
 
 Johnson, Col. William, influence limited to Mohawks 13 
 
 instance of poor interpreting 26 
 
 opposed to the French 62 
 
 holds Mohawks in English interest 62 
 
 influence of 123, 124 
 
 secures some of the Mohawks as allies 146 
 
 criticised by Weiser 147, 148 
 
 Weiser s opinion of 226 
 
 rumors from 233 
 
 jealousy of 256 
 
 desires Weiser to desist from Indian affairs 278 
 
 opposed to Pennsylvania s declaration of war 324 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, call from Weiser 238 
 
 thwarts Weiser s plans 257 
 
INDEX. 461 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, dissatisfied with Weiser 272 
 
 not trusted by Governor of New York 275 
 
 holds a peace conference 332 
 
 in control of Indian affairs 338 
 
 to arbitrate Teedyuscung s dispute 358 
 
 to arbitrate walking purchase dispute 380 
 
 Joncaire, seen at the sources of the Ohio River 245 
 
 lead plates stolen from 246 
 
 speech of 246 
 
 solicits Indians for permission to build forts 247 
 
 Indians reply to 252 
 
 Jounhaty, Indian captain, gives a feast 89, 90 
 
 Jtimonville, capture of 290 
 
 Juniata, Narrows of 118 
 
 settlers on 198 
 
 squatters to be removed 199 
 
 squatters on 207 
 
 difficulty with squatters on 283 
 
 Indians, influence of 204 
 
 River 186 
 
 River, settlements on 202 
 
 Valley, squatters on 64, 65, 1 18 
 
 Valley, Andrew Montour located in 226 
 
 Valley, governed by Montour 262 
 
 Valley, squatters multiply in 272 
 
 Kanawha 194 
 
 trading station at 271 
 
 Keith, Governor, at Albany 10 
 
 promise to Germans 10 
 
 deceives Palatinates 1 1 
 
 deeds given to 358 
 
 Kilgore, Ralph, deposition of 241 
 
 King, Thomas, charges against Teedyuscung 375 
 
 speech of 378 
 
 Kinsey, John, at Albany, 1745 138, 139 
 
 message to the Governor 145 
 
 consulted 147 
 
 leader of Assembly 150 
 
 sends message to Council 174 
 
 consulted by Council 204 
 
 on Indian expenses 216 
 
 Kiskiminitas Creek 186 
 
 Kittanning 389 
 
 Lake Erie Indians, present for 171 
 
 Lancaster, Treaty at 93 
 
 citizens of, visit Indians 96 
 
 description of, 1744 95, 96 
 
 Indians at 100 
 
 citizens of, invited to an Indian banquet 105 
 
 trial of Armstrong in no 
 
 Commissioners at, 1748 126 
 
4O2 INDEX. 
 
 Lancaster, court in 128, 129 
 
 no Indian goods at , 133 
 
 treaty at 185 
 
 Indians at 347 
 
 treaty at, 1756 349 
 
 treaty at, misunderstood 194 
 
 treaty at, 1744, disputed 276 
 
 treaty at, misunderstood 223 
 
 Lancaster County, magistrates of 64, 198 
 
 Indian trade in 77 
 
 traders 241 
 
 Land deeds, shown to the Indians 379 
 
 Lapapeton, at Shamokin 84 
 
 Lawrence, Thomas, lays letter before Council 163 
 
 Lead plates, translation of 245 
 
 LeBceuf, fort on French Creek 267 
 
 Lee, Col. Thomas, Virginia Commissioner at Lancaster Treaty. . 97 
 
 member of King s Council 194 
 
 letter to James Hamilton 218 
 
 Little Cove 212 
 
 referred to 214, 215 
 
 Lock Haven 77 
 
 Logan, James, explains settlement of Tulpehocken lands 1 1 
 
 on rum traffic among the Indians 18, 19 
 
 Gov. James, refers to Weiser 42 
 
 James, writes to Maryland 69 
 
 offers to advance money for Indian expenses 71 
 
 at Lancaster 97 
 
 referred to by Iroquois in 
 
 opposed to Croghan 164 
 
 interviewed 168 
 
 assists Weiser 170 
 
 opposes declaration of war 322 
 
 disagrees with Council 352 
 
 disapproves report 380 
 
 William, at Indian banquet 105 
 
 William (n.) 183 
 
 Logstown, location 61 
 
 commissioners to 175 
 
 site of 186 
 
 Weiser received at 187 
 
 Indians at 189 
 
 treaty at 193, 194 
 
 results of treaty at 220 
 
 Virginia Conference at 223 
 
 thought to be in Virginia , 248 
 
 conference at, 1751 249 
 
 Indians at 267 
 
 trading station at 271 
 
 treaty, influence of 384 
 
 London, Lord, policy of 338 
 
 removal of 360 
 
 Louisiana, map of, 1721 19 
 
INDEX. 43 
 
 Lcwery, James, reward for the scalp of 2 4 2 
 
 Loyal sock Creek, home of Madame Montour 35 
 
 haunted by the Otkon & 
 
 Lutherans in Tulpehocken Valley 44 
 
 Lutheran catechism burned 4& 
 
 Lycon, Andrew, settler on Juniata 21C 
 
 Lydius, John Henry, assists in securing Mohawk allies 140 
 
 Mr., criticised by Weiser 147, I4 
 
 John 2 ^7 
 
 attitude of 2 9 
 
 Lynching, Indians opposed to 3 2 5 
 
 Mamburg, Mr., member of the Ohio Company IQ4 
 
 Ohio Company s goods for . , J 95 
 
 Maryland, unsettled Indian claims 3* 
 
 owns Iroquois land 
 
 Governor of, alarmed 7 
 
 Governor of, receives Weiser s suggestions 73 
 
 frontier of, exposed to Indian raids 93 
 
 dispute between Governor and Assembly 94 
 
 commissioners of l 
 
 opinion of Indian land claim . . . IQ 
 
 Governor of, christened by the Indians 105 
 
 Governor of, called by Indians Tocaryhogon IOO 
 
 disputed boundary of . IQ 8> 2I 5 
 
 lands purchased from Indians IO 9 
 
 traders of IQL 193 
 
 views on Virginia boundary 2I 9 
 
 boundary dispute of, to precede Virginia s 221 
 
 declines Indian expense 2 3 
 
 Indian attack in : 31 
 
 Commissioners, give presents to Indians ^ 103 
 
 Commissioners, opposed to visitors at Lancaster Treaty. 105 
 
 Commissioners, astonishment of ll & 
 
 Maqua Indians consent to armistice at William sburg 4 2 
 
 Marshe, Witham, Maryland s secretary at Lancaster 97 
 
 Mr., produces Maryland deed IO 
 
 Massachusetts, Commissioners at Albany, 1/45 139 
 
 General Court of MO 
 
 Governor of, protests 33 
 
 Masters, William, urges Governor to come to Lancaster 347 
 
 McKee, Thomas, Indian trader 77 
 
 in danger 7% 
 
 escapes from the Indians 79 
 
 accompanies Weiser to Shamokin 83 
 
 trader on Susquehanna ISO 
 
 Miami, see Twightwee 2 3 2 
 
 Miami Indians, strength of 2 3 
 
 treachery of 241 
 
 attitude of 2 45 
 
 message of 262 
 
 retaliation of 2 63 
 
 send French scalp to Philadelphia 263 
 
44 INDEX. 
 
 Miami trade ............................ IQ g 
 
 Michigan, rich trapping region ........................... I52 
 
 Miller, Peter, called to teach ......................... . . . 44> 45 
 
 burns Lutheran catechism ............ .......... ... . . 46 
 
 hermit at Tulpehocken ............... !!!.!.!.... 46 
 
 Miller, Lieutenant, corrupts Teedyuscung ....... ....... . . ! . . . ] . 337 
 
 discharged from Fort Allen ..................... 
 
 Minisink, Indians of ................................. [ ^ o 
 
 Minisink lands ........... ................... ................ 59 
 
 possession of, refused .............................. j 65 
 
 Indians not to be removed from ............ .......... 66 
 
 Indians on ........................................... 66 
 
 Minqnas Indians, claims of .......................... ........ 99 
 
 Mobs, danger of, in Philadelphia ........... ................. ! 316 
 
 Mohawks, no part in Pennsylvania land sales .................. 16 
 
 sell Wyoming lands to Connecticut .................... 16 
 
 Mohawk nation, influence of ....................... 16 
 
 Mohawks, Weiser s plans to visit ............................. 132 
 
 Influence of, 1745 .............. . ..................... I4I 
 
 bribed ...... ..................................... . .. . I47 
 
 become English allies ................................ I 4 8 
 
 controlled conference at Albany, 1754 ................. 284 
 
 Mohawk Indians, charges against Teedyuscung ............... 374 
 
 oppose Teedyuscung ................................. 374 
 
 Money Bill, framed by Assembly .............................. 303 
 
 Monongahela, trading station at ............................... 271 
 
 fort near the mouth of ............................. ; . 281 
 
 Montour, Andrew, at Shamokin .............................. 84 
 
 starts for Onondago ................................. 134 
 
 presented to the Council ............................ 181 
 
 jealousy toward Weiser ............................. 182 
 
 interpreter for Western Indians ...................... 183 
 
 speaker of Western tribes ............................ 183 
 
 as a spy ............................................ 196 
 
 influence of ......................................... 226 
 
 spy for Conrad Weiser ............................... 230 
 
 ordered to Ohio ............... .. .................... 243 
 
 at Logstown ................... . . . . . ................ 249 
 
 rising power of ..................... . .... ............ 258 
 
 demands of ...................................... 259, 260 
 
 receives plantation in Cumberland County ............. 260 
 
 asks Hamilton s advice ............................... 261 
 
 reports the fear of the Iroquois ...................... 264 
 
 advice solicited ..................................... 267 
 
 distributes ammunition among the Indians ........... 270 
 
 favors peace ........................................ 331 
 
 Montour, Lewis, suspected as a spy .......................... 277 
 
 complained of ...................................... 299 
 
 Montour, Madame, entertains Conrad Weiser ............... 35, 36 
 
 meets Zinzendorf .................................... 53 
 
 Madame ........... r ................................. 181 
 
 Montreal Conference, report of .............................. 143 
 
 Moravians, associated with Weiser ............................ 52 
 
INDEX. 45 
 
 Moravians, suspected by Governors of Pennsylvania 54, 55 
 
 distrust Conrad Weiser 55 
 
 Moravian missionaries, advised by Weiser 134 
 
 Moravians, turn against Weiser 388 
 
 Morris, Robert Hunter 293 
 
 Governor, opinion of Half King 298 
 
 convenes Council 33 
 
 letter to Thomas Penn 34 
 
 hesitation of 37 
 
 suppresses news of Indian outrages 3 IQ 
 
 commissions Weiser, Colonel 3 T 5 
 
 favors a system of forts 3 21 
 
 criticised by Colonel Johnson 324 
 
 changes .his mind 33 2 
 
 Munsey Indians, complaint of 373 
 
 Muskokee Indians _ 
 
 confederation I2 7 
 
 Mussemeelin, John, charged with murder of Armstrong 118 
 
 sent in for trial I IQ 
 
 Nanticoke Indians at Onondago 90 
 
 New England desires an Iroquois alliance * 
 
 wishes Iroquois to be allies of I 4 
 
 Commissioners from 2 
 
 Newcastle favors peace 329 
 
 urges peace 33 1 
 
 pleads for promptness 333 
 
 advice of 335 
 
 messenger of peace 33<-> 
 
 leaves Fort Allen in disgust 337 
 
 New York, frontier of, exposed to Indian raids 93 
 
 Governor of, objects to Penn s purchase 103 
 
 sends interpreter to Onondago l 
 
 desires an Iroquois alliance I2 4 
 
 receives Commissioners to Albany, 1745 139 
 
 opposes Indian policy of New England 140 
 
 tired of Indian affairs : 2 35 
 
 assumes control of Indian affairs 250 
 
 orders the French from the Niagara River 264 
 
 changes Governor 2 75 
 
 Governor of, asks for Weiser at Albany conference .... 275 
 
 protests 302 
 
 New York Assembly, declines to share Indian expenses 237 
 
 Nichas, charges against Teedyuscung 375 
 
 Norris, Isaac, sent to Carlisle 2oQ 
 
 at Albany Treaty 2 77 
 
 Northampton County 3 2 i 
 
 Ogle, Governor of Maryland, letter from 73 
 
 on boundary disputes 2l(: - 
 
 Ohio I2 5 
 
 river described by Conrad Weiser, 1741 2 
 
 Indians killed at I 
 
 Shawanese Indians in I2 4 
 
406 INDEX. 
 
 Ohio, title to the lands on 137 
 
 fort on 218 
 
 trade on 227 
 
 Ohio Company, members of 194 
 
 organization of 194 
 
 formation of 217 
 
 designs of 219 
 
 progress retarded 222 
 
 offers aid to the Ohio Indians 265 
 
 excited 265 
 
 influence of 384 
 
 Ohio Indians, present sent to 163 
 
 speech of . 167 
 
 plans for 168, 169, 170 
 
 will not come to Philadelphia 182 
 
 loyalty of 250 
 
 Ohio lands, new values to 194 
 
 Ohio River, land sold lo 117 
 
 French soldiers on 229 
 
 Ohio V alley, Indians of 162 
 
 a fur trading region 178 
 
 traders in 217 
 
 explored by Gist 223 
 
 who should take possession first 251 
 
 Oneidas not favorable to selling land 285 
 
 Onondago, chiefs, conclusion about white man s appetite for rum 30 
 
 Weiser to be sent to 88, 89 
 
 deputies witness confirmation of Dongan s Deed 99 
 
 Council Fires of 123 
 
 danger of a journey to 131 
 
 Weiser reluctant to go to . 132 
 
 journey to 134 
 
 Council Fire at 200 
 
 Council of 209 
 
 Weiser at , . . . 272 
 
 Indians going over to the French 239 
 
 Onontio, Governor of Canada, Indians report of 22 
 
 invites the Indians to visit him 122 
 
 endeavors to seduce the Indians 123 
 
 deception of 234 
 
 Governor of Canada 280 
 
 Ontario, Lake, petition from Indians of 158 
 
 Orndt, Captain 352 
 
 Oswego, traders at 123 
 
 Indian meeting to be at - 134 
 
 Indian trade at 142 
 
 threatened by the French 157 
 
 Otkon, on Loyalsock Creek 36 
 
 Otsaningo, peace conference at 332 
 
 Palmer. Anthony, elected President of the Executive Council. .. 145 
 
 receives letters 155 
 
 President, consults John Kinsey 147 
 
INDEX. 47 
 
 Palmer, President, writes to Virginia and Maryland i?5 
 
 Palatinates, German, sufferings of 10 
 
 change land values i l 
 
 Parsons, Mr., letter of 221 
 
 Path Valley, squatters removed from < 214 
 
 Patterson s" Creek, Indian attack on 3 IQ 
 
 Paxinosa, at Wyoming 33 1 
 
 loses faith in the white men 368, 369 
 
 "Paxton," Indians to meet at 159 
 
 "Paxton People," attitude toward Indians 3 2 5 
 
 Peace, made by Teedyuscung 359 
 
 with Indians favored 3 2 9 
 
 belt at Easton 335 
 
 Pemberton, Israel, petitions the Governor 327 
 
 conference with Conrad Weiser 328 
 
 reports to Governor 3 2 9 
 
 leader of the Friends at Easton 34* 
 
 suspected by Weiser 35 1 
 
 Penn s Creek : 288 
 
 Indian massacre on 31 
 
 Penn, John, death of 164 
 
 John and Thomas, relation to Walking Purchase 66 
 
 John, at Albany Treaty 277 
 
 Thomas, condoles with Iroquois 24 
 
 letter to 304 
 
 letter to Weiser 3 12 
 
 William, care for Delaware Indians 10, n 
 
 an example in Indian relations 17 
 
 refused to recognize Iroquois claims on the Delaware. . 28 
 gives Shawanese Indians permission to live in Province. 57 
 
 influence of 248 
 
 change since the death of 303 
 
 remembered by Indians at Easton 342 
 
 Pennsylvania, laws for Indians 14 
 
 wishes an Indian treaty 25 
 
 becomes sponsor for Iroquois land claims on the Dela 
 ware River 28 
 
 in danger from Indians 82 
 
 frontier of, exposed to Indian raids 93 
 
 conquest lands purchased 99 
 
 Governor of, called by Indians Onas IOO 
 
 disputed boundary of 108 
 
 northern limits of Maryland s Indian purchase 109 
 
 a peace maker 1 17 
 
 trouble with squatters 118 
 
 Governor of, advises Indians 120 
 
 favors neutrality . I2 4 
 
 receives apologies from Shawanese Indians 125 
 
 objects to joint treaty 139 
 
 ordered to treat separately with Indians 140 
 
 favors Iroquois neutrality 144 
 
 wins the Western Indians 151 
 
 fur trade extended 162 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Pennsylvania, secures monopoly of fur trade 171 
 
 can go on with Logstown Treaty 178 
 
 Indian trade of ] ^ 
 
 bound by Indian treaty 2 oq 
 
 new people on the border of 21 s 
 
 trade interests of ] 2 ij 
 
 fur trade of ....... . 220 
 
 weakness in laws of 231 
 
 unable to meet Indian expenses 236, 237 
 
 Proprietaries of, favor forts on Ohio .".".. . 247 
 
 suggests union of colonies. 1750 2^4 
 
 appealed to by Ohio Company .. !... 265 
 
 changes Governor 275 
 
 protests at Albany 285 
 
 western, purchased from the Indians .............. 288 
 
 Governor of, protests \ 302 
 
 Governor of, censured by R. Peters . 310 
 
 Indian policy of " 327 
 
 western, purchased from the Indians 389 
 
 no longer prominent in Indian affairs 389 
 
 disappears from Indian affairs 390 
 
 Commissioners; instructions of 137 
 
 Commissioners, separate treaty at Albany, 1745 141 
 
 Peters, Richard, letter to " I 33 
 
 to wait on James Logan X 68 
 
 letter to Croghan ^3 
 
 ordered to remove the squatters 209 
 
 returns petition \\ 2 i$ 
 
 reply to Glenn s letter 224 
 
 sent to Carlisle \\\\ 2 66 
 
 at Albany treaty " 277 
 
 private letter from 31 ! 
 
 angry with the Friends and the Assembly 3153 
 
 protests of 3^8 
 
 deeds back Western Pennsylvania to the Indians 372 
 
 Peters, Secretary, reply sent to 130 
 
 buying land west of Susquehanna 179 
 
 opinion of Weiser 386 
 
 Peters, William, at Lancaster 97 
 
 duties as spy 366 
 
 Philadelphia, Shawanese Indians at (1739) 58 
 
 stores at % 120 
 
 deputies to be sent to 135 
 
 fur trade of 151 
 
 Indian con ference at 204 
 
 capitalists of 260 
 
 mobs threaten 316 
 
 Piankaskaw, King of the Miamis, murdered 263 
 
 Pine Creek 390 
 
 Piquet, French missionary 240 
 
 Pitt, William 360 
 
 Pittsburg, treaty at 380 
 
 Potomac lands, conquered by the Iroquois Indians m 
 
INDEX. 409 
 
 Potomac River, limit of Indian claims 114 
 
 to be examined 219 
 
 trading station on 222 
 
 Post, Frederick Christian, learns Mohawk language 54 
 
 his work for peace 361 
 
 mission of 366 
 
 sent to Wyoming 369 
 
 explodes Cherokee rumors 369 
 
 asks for Thomson 370 
 
 influence of, among the Indians 370 
 
 robs the French of their Indian allies 373 
 
 Potter, John, opposed to forts on frontier 321 
 
 Powle, John, dishonest trader 158, 159 
 
 Presents distributed 192, 193 
 
 Proprietary estates to be taxed 304 
 
 no tax on 317 
 
 Proprietors, Pennsylvania, donate 5000 for defense 317 
 
 Proprietary fraud, charges buried 381 
 
 Proprietors, Pennsylvania, controversy of 217 
 
 Pumpshire, interpreter for Teedyuscung 352 
 
 Quakers, shall they hold office ? 312 
 
 give presents to the Indians 334> 344, 3^7 
 
 Quebec, Indians asked to defend 142 
 
 Indians at 143 
 
 Read, Adam, consulted by Weiser 315 
 
 Reading, Pa 237 
 
 politics in 317 
 
 home of Weiser 386 
 
 letter from 321 
 
 Rigbie, Colonel, at Indian banquet 105 
 
 Rum, among Indians 175 
 
 unknown to Miami Indians 181 
 
 trade in, complained of 271 
 
 Rum traffic, proclamation against 19 
 
 with Shawanese Indians 58 
 
 injury to Indians 162 
 
 Rum, traffic in, not restrained 272 
 
 cause of trouble 283 
 
 Rum traffic, laws on 364 
 
 Sachsidowa, at Shamokin 84 
 
 receives a present 88 
 
 Sanderson s, George, Inn 109 
 
 Scalp Act, proposed 3 2 
 
 nature of 322 
 
 opposed by Weiser 365 
 
 Scaroyady, given control of Shawanese Indians 124 
 
 in control of Shawanese 125 
 
 Scaroyady 183 
 
 threatens to go to the French 306 
 
 wife of 3O9 
 
 favors declaration of war 322 
 
410 INDEX. 
 
 Scaroyady, favors peace ^ 2 g 
 
 representative of the Six Nations , ,, [ 330 
 
 quarrels with the Delawares 
 
 Schlechl, Abraham ".."I!!!!!! 203 
 
 Schoharie Valley, German exodus to jo 
 
 Schoharie exodus , 16 
 
 Scioto, station for traders 152 
 
 trade on 227 
 
 Seely, Jonas, candidate for Sheriff in Bucks County 317 
 
 Selinsgrove 385 
 
 Seneca, George, asks Weiser s advice 224 
 
 Seneca Indians, war with Minquas 99 
 
 Senecas, French influence among 123 
 
 not at Albany, 1745 139 
 
 influence of 189 
 
 Seventh Day Baptists 97 
 
 Shamokin, home of Shikelliniy 16 
 
 Zinzendorf at 5^ 
 
 Weiser sent to 80, 81, 83 
 
 Weiser proposes to visit 131 
 
 Weiser will go to 133 
 
 free smith shop at 134 
 
 Weiser going to , 147 
 
 Weiser goes to 164 
 
 representatives at 198 
 
 visited by Weiser 201 
 
 in Indian purchase 208 
 
 reserved by the Indians 289 
 
 Shawanese Indians under Shikellimy s oversight 16 
 
 complain of rum traffic 17 
 
 urged by Iroquois to return East 23 
 
 quarrel with Iroquois 23 
 
 dissatisfied with Iroquois treaty 1736 31 
 
 message to Philadelphia 31, 32 
 
 cause of alienation from English 32 
 
 Indians not favored by Conrad Weiser 56 
 
 treaty 57 
 
 remove to Ohio ^7 
 
 chiefs in Philadelphia, 1739 =58 
 
 rumors of conspiracy 70 
 
 angry at Thomas McKee 78 
 
 cause of discontent 83 
 
 Indians forced to return stolen property 85 
 
 in disgrace ." 126 
 
 request of, rejected 126 
 
 war with, favored by Iroquois 135 
 
 on the Ohio, offenses of 231 
 
 opposed by the French 242 
 
 treaty with 252 
 
 apply for help 262 
 
 referred to Virginia by Governor Hamilton 262 
 
 send a paper to Governor of Pennsylvania 277 
 
 allied to Delaware Indians 293 
 
INDEX. 411 
 
 Shawanese Indians, claims of 323 
 
 Shenandoah Valley, an Indian trail in 33 
 
 claimed by Indians 113 
 
 Shenandoah Valley IQ4 
 
 Sherman s Creek, settlers on I99> 202, 212 
 
 Shikellimy, deputy governor of Sha\\anese and Delaware Indians 
 
 in Pennsylvania 16 
 
 demands restriction of rum traffic 17 
 
 an embassy to the Six Nations 19 
 
 brings Weiser to Philadelphia 20 
 
 instruction for 20 
 
 report. 1731 20 
 
 to bring about treaty of 1736 25 
 
 brought about purchase of 1736 29 
 
 pledged to secure justice 59 
 
 grandson of, reports trouble in Virginia 80 
 
 causes Shawanese to return stolen property 85 
 
 demands tribute 87 
 
 receives presents from Governor 88 
 
 rewarded by Governor of Pennsylvania 88 
 
 accompanies Weiser to Onondago 89 
 
 refuses to sign deed, 1744 ... 107, 108 
 
 reason for not signing deed 109 
 
 opposition to Maryland no 
 
 holds prisoners 1 18 
 
 reports Canadian rumors 123 
 
 Weiser proposes to visit 131 
 
 the key to the Onondago councils 132 
 
 son of, killed 133 
 
 Weiser sends present to 133 
 
 starts for Onondago 134 
 
 house built for 134 
 
 and the Indians complaint 160 
 
 an object of charity 165 
 
 pleased with his present 173 
 
 opposes Weiser s Ohio journey 176, 177 
 
 summoned before the Council 177 
 
 in Philadelphia 178 
 
 influence of . 201 
 
 Weiser s solicitude for 201 
 
 death of 202 
 
 sons of 21 T 
 
 tradition of 385 
 
 Shikellimy, John, sent to the Six Nations 284 
 
 in control of the Wyoming lands 289 
 
 difficulties of ". 4 388 
 
 Shippen, Mr., Indian presents purchased from 133 
 
 Shippen, Edward, letter to 320 
 
 Shippensburg, meeting at 212 
 
 letter from 310 
 
 Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts, opinion of Colonel Johnson 275 
 
 Shoemaker, Benjamin . (n.) 183 
 
 Shoemaker, Benjamin 380 
 
4 12 INDEX. 
 
 Six Nations, deputies in Philadelphia, 1732 21 
 
 urged to send deputies to Philadelphia ....Y...Y 21 
 
 danger of an alliance with the French 12 
 
 alienated from Pennsylvania 24 
 
 band of, attack Cherokees 
 
 chiefs charged with violation of trust ........... 59 
 
 Indians hold balance of power 6> 
 
 conduct eulogi/ed 67 
 
 land claim in Maryland denied no 
 
 right to claim land 100 
 
 sign release for Maryland lands . 108 
 
 deputies, presents received by ] IIO 
 
 expecting present from Pennsylvania ;..... 119 
 
 to inform Pennsylvania of the French ! no 
 
 reasoning of I2 ? 
 
 confederacy, danger of .......... [123 
 
 council of I2 ., 
 
 courted by the South .127, 128 
 
 treachery of I27 I2 g 
 
 wish neutrality I24 
 
 favor neutralitv . T-JC nn 
 
 offended ..... . . ... .Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y.Y. . 147 
 
 . to receive money 147 
 
 policy of 176 
 
 deputies at Philadelphia, 1749 204 
 
 will not tolerate the squatters 209 
 
 purchase of 218 
 
 on the Ohio, offenses of 231 
 
 allies of 253 
 
 order French from Ohio land 264 
 
 division among 276 
 
 deny right of Western Indians to sell land . 277 
 
 charged with befriending the French 280 
 
 decline to answer Conrad Weiser 282 
 
 unable to control Western Indians 283 
 
 influenced by Conrad Weiser ^87 
 
 policy of . ." ."..". .Y . . . . .Y 330 
 
 refugees of 23^ 
 
 deny the authority of Teedyuscung 338 
 
 speech of ^Q 
 
 allies of ["" 3 g 4 
 
 Society of Friends, opposed to an Iroquois alliance 144, 1415 
 
 John Kinsey, a member of i ^8 
 
 South Carolina, wampum sent to 128 
 
 Spangenberg, applies to Weiser 52 
 
 Squatters, in Juniata Valley ! T 8 
 
 west of Susquehanna River 198 
 
 Standing Stone" X 85 
 
 Star, Frederick, action reported 198 
 
 Stenton, Indians at 26 
 
 Stoddard, Col. John, letter to Governor Shirley of Mass. . . . . . . . 146 
 
 money voted to I47 
 
 Sugar Creek, Weiser on 37 
 
INDEX. 413 
 
 Supply Bill, argument for 305 
 
 Susquehanna Company 284 
 
 Susquehanna Indians, claims of 99 
 
 at Lancaster 347 
 
 Susquehanna lands . . . . , 103 
 
 bought from Iroquois, 1736 27 
 
 conquered by Iroquois Indians in 
 
 purchased from the Indians 390 
 
 Susquehanna River, Indians offer to sell land on 207 
 
 Swain, Charles, Indian outrages reported 310 
 
 Swatara Creek, route of Palatinates to Tulpehocken 10 
 
 Taming Buck, replies to Governor Thomas 126 
 
 Tarach-a-wa-gon, Indian name for Conrad Weiser 109 
 
 Teedynscung, cannot be neutral 364 
 
 demands private conference 365 
 
 influenced by Friends 368 
 
 orders Post and Thomson back 369 
 
 sends peace belt to Ohio 369 
 
 influence with Six Nations 37 
 
 opposed by the Mohawks 37 1 
 
 power of, denied 376 
 
 insulted by the Iroquois 377 
 
 speech of 3/8 
 
 unsettled charges of 3/8 
 
 threatens to leave Wyoming 380 
 
 takes bribe 381 
 
 withdraws his charges of fraud 380, 381 
 
 dislikes Weiser 388 
 
 buries his hatchet 332 
 
 demands interpreter 333 
 
 speech of 333 
 
 entertainment given to , 334 
 
 wampum for 336 
 
 anger of 336 
 
 messenger of peace 336 
 
 becomes intoxicated 337 
 
 goes to Wyoming 337 
 
 authority of, denied 338 
 
 declines to come to Philadelphia 340 
 
 returns to Easton 340 
 
 opens conference at Easton 342 
 
 charges the Proprietors with fraud 342, 343 
 
 declines bribe 344 
 
 speaks for peace 344 
 
 champion of peace 346 
 
 supports the Friends policy of peace 347 
 
 asks for supplies 350 
 
 angry at Conrad Weiser 350 
 
 demands a clerk 351 
 
 confidence in Charles Thomson 355 
 
 fears the Six Nations 356 
 
 renews charges of fraud 356 
 
4 X 4 INDEX. 
 
 Teedyuscung, asks for Wyoming ^-7 
 
 makes peace ^-q 
 
 The Belt, speech of . . . , .... . . . . . . . . 309 
 
 opinion of lynching ^25 
 
 Thomas, Governor, opposed to Weiser s joining Brethren at 
 
 pPkrata .-. 46, 47 
 
 asks Weiser s opinion 73 
 
 embarrassed with Weiser s plans 94 
 
 visits Ephrata 97 
 
 at Lancaster treaty, 17/14 97 
 
 directs Conrad Weiser to secure scouts 125 
 
 reprimands the Shawanese Indians 126 
 
 recommends Weiser to Assembly 129 
 
 sends message to Assembly 136 
 
 favors a general conference with Indians 144 
 
 confidence in his ability 145 
 
 resigns 145 
 
 letter to 153 
 
 goes to England 164 
 
 promise of 198 
 
 Thomas, Hon. Philip, Maryland Commissioner at Lancaster . . 97 
 
 Thompsontown 210 
 
 Thomson, Charles, chosen clerk for Teedyuscung 354 
 
 letter to Samuel Rhodes 354 
 
 charged with Teedyuscung s whims 356 
 
 adviser of the Indians 361 
 
 denies private conference 365 
 
 sent to Wyoming 369 
 
 forbidden to accompany Post 370 
 
 clerk to Teedyuscung 371 
 
 Titami, petition from 73, 74 
 
 Tocanontie, the "Black Prince" 89, 91 
 
 Towanda, famine at 38, 39 
 
 Creek 390 
 
 Traders, on Alleghany, report of 21 
 
 requested not to go so far west 143 
 
 opposition to westward movement 153 
 
 Traders 191, 192 
 
 French 195 
 
 English, jealousy of 195 
 
 Virginia, on the Ohio 217 
 
 Pennsylvania, trade interests of , 217 
 
 Pennsylvania, rumors from 233 
 
 English, to be driven out of the Ohio Valley 264 
 
 debts of 277 
 
 Treaty of 1744, ended 120 
 
 Trent, William, distributes ammunition among the Indians .... 270 
 
 Tulpehocken 185 
 
 settled by Palatinates from Schoharie 10, 1 1 
 
 dispute about purchase of 1 1 
 
 settled by Conrad W eiser 1 5 
 
 land purchase 16 
 
 people largely Lutheran 44 
 
INDEX. 415 
 
 Tulpehocken, Indians entertained at 7 2 
 
 threatened by Indians 3 2 
 
 Turner, Joseph (n.) 183 
 
 Morris, deposition of 241 
 
 "Tuscarora Path" 186, 203 
 
 Tuscaroras, referred to by Iroquois 112 
 
 Tuscarora Indians, conspiracy of n 
 
 Twightwees, hunting grounds of 181 
 
 attitude of 234 
 
 treaty with : 252 
 
 murdered by the French 262 
 
 chastised by the French 269 
 
 deputies 182 
 
 treaty with J 84 
 
 Twightwee Indians, message to 232 
 
 "Unhappy Jake," killed by Catawbas 133 
 
 Venango, Joncaire at 245 
 
 traders driven from 266 
 
 Virginia, unsettled Indian claims 31 
 
 laws on strange Indians 33> 34 
 
 ranger law _. J 3> J 4 
 
 saved from Iroquois invasion 4 2 
 
 appeals to Pennsylvania 4 2 
 
 owns Iroquois land 69 
 
 ignores Iroquois land claims 7 
 
 hostile Indians in , 77> 80 
 
 aided by Weiser 82 
 
 represented at Onondago by Weiser 9 
 
 frontier of, exposed to Indian attacks 93 
 
 Commissioners of 94> 95 
 
 Commissioners opposed to visitors at Lancaster Treaty. 105 
 
 Governor of, called by Indians Assaraquoa 106 
 
 saved from an Indian war no 
 
 contention against Indian claims 112 
 
 people to remain east of Shenandoah Valley 113 
 
 attitude toward Six Nation Indians 115 
 
 passes through 1 17 
 
 desires peace with Catawba Indians 124 
 
 a rival of Pennsylvania traders 166 
 
 declines to appoint Commissioners 175 
 
 at Logstown Treaty 193 
 
 trade interests of 217 
 
 boundary dispute with 219 
 
 boundary dispute of, when opened 221 
 
 rival in fur trade 222 
 
 arranged for Indian conference 223 
 
 land claims of 223 
 
 jealous of New York 264 
 
 appealed to by Ohio Company 265 
 
 to have control of Indian affairs 273 
 
 Governor of, sends messages to Onondago 281 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Virginia, builds a fort at mouth of the Monongahela . . 2$? 
 
 Governor of, protests ........................ -^ o ~, 
 
 Commissioners, claims of .............. ........ . no 
 
 Commissioners review past treaties .............. . . i T 3 
 
 Commissioners, induced to act ................. ..... no 
 
 Commissioners, decline to argue land claims .......... 115 
 
 Commissioners give Indians ,100 in gold ............ 117 
 
 Commissioners, astonishment of .................. \ m \\ ug 
 
 Wabash, traders on ...... TAT ico 
 
 [Ouebach] Indians of ....... ..... . V.V.V. 
 
 course of .................................. ^\ 
 
 trade on ....................... ........... . 227 
 
 Walking Purchase ............... , ........ ............ Ii 
 
 deed of, produced ......................... !."!."! 59 
 
 possession of, disputed ............... ............. 65 
 
 deeds of ................................... 55 
 
 influence of .............................. ........... 249 
 
 cause of popular suspicion ............................ 303 
 
 referred to by Teedyuscung ................. 343 
 
 mystery of ....... . .......................... . . . . [ 345 
 
 fraud of ............................................. 3 5 5 
 
 complaint of ................................. 37J 
 
 justice of .................................. [] [ 374 
 
 extent of ........................................... 377 
 
 report on ...................................... .. ... 380 
 
 Wampum buried with Canassatego .............. ..... ....... 240 
 
 Warren, Admiral, uncle of Col. Johnson ...................... 148 
 
 War with Indians, declaration of ............................ 322 
 
 Washington, Augustine ........................... ........... 194 
 
 George, Virginia s messenger to the French ........ .... 273 
 
 m western Pennsylvania ............................. 290 
 
 complained of ...................................... 291 
 
 Lawrence ........................................... I9 4 
 
 .Weiser, Conrad, father of ................................... IO 
 
 enters service of the Province ...................... 9, 14 
 
 confidence of Indians ................................ 12 
 
 youth and education .............................. 14, i 5 
 
 married ............................................. I ^ 
 
 settles in Tulpehocken ............................... 15 
 
 first appearance in Philadelphia as Indian interpreter. 20 
 source of James Logan s information ................. 20 
 
 interviews Six Nation deputies in Philadelphia, 1732.21, 22 
 commended and rewarded for his services ........... 23 
 
 to bring about treaty of 1736 ......................... 25 
 
 Indians appreciate his care ........................... 26 
 
 suggests a reduction in Governor s present to Indians. . 29 
 removes Indians from Philadelphia .................. 30 
 
 no respect for the Shawanese ........................ 32 
 
 selected to go to Onondago on a mission of peace for 
 Virginia ........................................ 34, 3^ 
 
 quarrels with his guide ............................. 37 
 
 starving at Towanda ................................ 38 
 
INDEX. 417 
 
 Weiser, calls a conference of old men 39 
 
 meets an Indian sage 39 
 
 makes no report 42 
 
 receives the Seventh Day Baptists 44 
 
 leaves the Lutheran church 45 
 
 baptized by Conrad Beissel , 46 
 
 burns Lutheran catechism 46 
 
 quarrels with the Brethren at Ephrata 48, 50 
 
 guides Zinzendorf to Shamokin 53 
 
 saves life of Zinzendorf 54 
 
 suspected by the Moravians 55 
 
 zeal for Iroquois 56 
 
 opposes Friends in politics 60, 61 
 
 warns against the French 61 
 
 a member of the Onondago Council Fire 62 
 
 knows the geography of the Province 62 
 
 turns the direction of Indian affairs 63 
 
 estimates cost of sending Indians home 70, 71 
 
 bill . of expenses 72 
 
 reports Indian strength 72 
 
 to accompany Maryland messengers 73 
 
 sent to Shamokin 80, 81, 83 
 
 gets Virginia out of trouble 82 
 
 in danger 83 
 
 holds a hearing at Shamokin 84 
 
 appointed to arrange an Iroquois treaty 85 
 
 sent to Onondago 88, 89 
 
 speaks in behalf of Virginia 90 
 
 prevents an Indian war in Virginia 92 
 
 influence of 93 
 
 plans for Lancaster Treaty 94 
 
 suspected by Maryland Commissioners 94 
 
 influence of , 95, 107, 127, 128, 382 
 
 receives Iroquois at Lancaster 96 
 
 accompanies Governor Thomas to Ephrata 97 
 
 explains demands of Maryland Commissioners 105 
 
 advises the Indians 104 
 
 interprets ceremonies at Lancaster 106 
 
 serves Indians at banquet 105 
 
 Indian name of 109 
 
 a peace maker 117 
 
 alone in Indian policy 123 
 
 reports Canadian rumors 123 
 
 influence of . 124 
 
 favors neutrality 124 
 
 consulted about the Shawanese 126 
 
 permitted mischief to be sown 127 
 
 builds house for Shikellimy ,. 134 
 
 starts for Onondago 134 
 
 at Albany, 1745 139 
 
 to go to Shamokin 147 
 
 criticises Col. Johnson 147 
 
 refuses to take the French scalp 156 
 
418 INDEX. 
 
 Weiser, furnishes information of Western Indians 157 
 
 sees future trade in the West 158 
 
 advice asked 163 
 
 called before Council 167, 168 
 
 Policy of 168, 169, 170, 383 
 
 selects goods for Indians at Logstown 176 
 
 summoned before the Council 177, 178 
 
 takes present to Ohio Indians 180 
 
 starts to Ohio 185 
 
 expostulation of 200 
 
 asked to go to Onondago 128, 129 
 
 reply 129 
 
 buying land beyond the Susquehanna 129 
 
 thanks Governor for protection 132 
 
 reluctant to go to Onondago 132 
 
 letter to R. Peters 133 
 
 delivers Catawba message 135 
 
 ordered to attend Albany Conference, 1745 137 
 
 opinion of expedition to Canada 148 
 
 favors an Iroquois alliance 149, 150 
 
 opposed by John Kinsey , 150 
 
 informs on dishonest traders 158 
 
 demands justice for the Indians 160, 161 
 
 goes to Shamokin 164, 165 
 
 would send present to Shikellimy 165 
 
 points out Pennsylvania s course with Ohio Indians .... 166 
 
 reports to Assembly 173 
 
 opposed by Shikellimy 176, 177 
 
 jealousy toward Montour 182 
 
 at Logstown 186 
 
 secret agents of 189 
 
 compliments Indians 191 
 
 solicitude for Shikellimy 201 
 
 decline of power 202 
 
 letter to Secretary Peters 203 
 
 reports approach of Iroquois deputies 205 
 
 i friendship for Canassatego 206 
 
 conducts Indians out of Philadelphia 208 
 
 | ordered to remove the squatters 209 
 
 recommends burning squatters cabins 211 
 
 declines to remove squatters 212 
 
 secret mission of 221 
 
 fears of 222 
 
 opposes Virginia s claims 223 
 
 opinion of Maryland traders 225 
 
 opinion of Colonel Johnson 226 
 
 report of 235 
 
 waning influence of 237, 273 
 
 calls on Sir William Johnson 238 
 
 report of 240 
 
 arranges for transportation of Indian goods 243 
 
 declines to go to Logstown 244 
 
INDEX. 4IQ 
 
 Weiser, sent with message of condolence for death of Canas- 
 
 satego 255 
 
 represents his Province at Albany 256 
 
 forbidden to confer with the Indians 256 
 
 complains of Montour 259 
 
 waning influence on the Ohio 261 
 
 sent to Carlisle 266 
 
 secures information from the Indians 267 
 
 advice at the Carlisle conference 270 
 
 complimented by Governor Dinwiddie 272 
 
 appealed to 276 
 
 at Albany Treaty 277 
 
 declines to act as interpreter 278 
 
 replies to the Mohawks 280, 281 
 
 called into the Mohawk Councils 285 
 
 influences the Six Nations 287 
 
 opposes Connecticut agents 289 
 
 reports to Indians Albany purchase 293 
 
 attempts to survey Albany purchase 296 
 
 objects to Albany purchase 296 
 
 letter from Aughwich 299 
 
 informs on whiskey traders 30 
 
 distributes supplies to Indians , 30 
 
 complains of injustice to Indians 301 
 
 sent for 33 
 
 leads opposition to Catholics 36 
 
 advice of 37 
 
 consulted by the Governor 39 
 
 independence of 3 1 1 
 
 alarms the neighborhood 3^3 
 
 chosen military leader 3 J 4 
 
 organizes an army for defence 314 
 
 abandons the "Paxton" people 3 r 5 
 
 commissioned Colonel by Governor Morris 315 
 
 troubles of 316 
 
 bills of 318 
 
 complaints of 318 
 
 threatened by Indians 320 
 
 opposed to Scalp Act 323 
 
 favors peace 326, 328 
 
 reports to Governor 329 
 
 contempt for the Delawares 330 
 
 consulted as to peace belt 335 
 
 ordered to punish Lieutenant Miller 337 
 
 reprimanded by the Mohawks 339 
 
 soldiers at Easton 34* 
 
 supports the Proprietors 344 
 
 letter from Fort Allen 345. 346 
 
 contradicts Teedyuscung s charges 348 
 
 charged with making Teedyuscung drunk 355 
 
 despised by the Delawares 361 
 
 dictates to the Governor 362 
 
 justice of 362 
 
4 2 INDEX. 
 
 Weiser, attitude on rum traffic 364 
 
 opposed to the Scalp Act ] * 365 
 
 cannot act as interpreter 370 , 37! 
 
 declines to perform Indian rites 371 
 
 opposes Walking Purchase . . 37! 
 
 deeds back Western Pennsylvania to the Indians 372 
 
 declines to interpret Mohawk charges 374 
 
 s n of :. 376 
 
 character of 384 
 
 tradition of 385 
 
 estates of 385, 386 
 
 death of 386 
 
 sadness of declining years .386, 387 
 
 bravery of 387 
 
 French reward on scalp of 388 
 
 character of 388, 389 
 
 Weiser. bammie, goes to Virginia 132 
 
 White, William, settler on Juniata 210 
 
 Williamsburg, Virginia, suggested for Indian conference 42 
 
 stores at 120 
 
 place of meeting 131 
 
 suggested for Indian conference 135 
 
 proposed conference at 224 
 
 Wilson, Thomas, magistrate in Cumberland County 210 
 
 Winchester, Virginia, treaty proposed at 263 
 
 Womelsdorf 386 
 
 Woodbridge, Mr 287 
 
 denies partnership in Susquehanna Company 289 
 
 Woolie, Zilla, Indian chief, makes a speech 91 
 
 Wyandots 187, 188 
 
 treaty with 252 
 
 Wyandot Indians, strength of 236 
 
 opposed by the French 242 
 
 attitude of 307 
 
 Wyoming, deputies at 200 
 
 houses at 364 
 
 deserted by Teedyuscung 380 
 
 Wyoming lands 284 
 
 reserved by the Indians 289 
 
 settlement of 363 
 
 Wyoming Valley, Zinzendorf at 53 
 
 deeds for 289 
 
 Yearly Meeting, Philadelphia 380 
 
 York County, purchased of Indians, 1736 63 
 
 Youghiogheny, first settler on 195 
 
 Zeisberger, applies to Weiser 52 
 
 learns Mohawk language 54 
 
 Zinzendorf, applies to Weiser 52 
 
 life saved by Weiser , 54 
 
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